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Political morality in the Mezzogiorno Hancey, James Orlo 1972

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P O L I T I C A L M O R A L I T Y I N T-H E M E Z Z 0 G I O R N 0 by JAMES ORLO HANCEY B.A. , Oregon State U n i v e r s i t y , ( P o l i . Sc.), 1970 B.A. , Oregon State U n i v e r s i t y , ( H i s t o r y ) , 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS . • i n the Department of POLITICAL SCIENCE We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1 a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada DateSeptember 18, 1972 ABSTRACT The p o l i t i c s of the Mezzogiorno represent an i n t e r e s t i n g point i n the p o l i t i c s of modernization. E x i s t i n g as e s s e n t i a l l y an enclave of 'backwardness' within a western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d country, the people of the Mezzogiorno continue to carry out p o l i t i c a l functions w i t h i n a network of arrangements which are generally viewed as ' a p o l i t i c a l ' i n nature by many observers. Edward Banfield's a s s e r t i o n ( i n h i s book, The Moral Basis of a Backward Society) that the s o c i e t y i s 'amoral f a m i l i s t ' i n nature i s dealt with i n t h i s study, and an attempt i s made to formulate a 'moral code' of the Mezzogiorno, portraying p o l i t i c a l m o rality as seen through the eyes of the people i n that c u l t u r e . The nature of t h i s 'moral code' i s based upon the experience of ' s t a t e l e s s -ness' i n the Mezzogiorno, and the outcome i s that the tenets of the moral code are d e b i l i t a t i n g to change i n the sense of moving toward a western democratic form of government. The rules of p o l i t i c a l m orality i n the Mezzogiorno d i c t a t e that the i n d i v i d u a l view the government with d i s -t r u s t and attempt to fend for himself. In contrast to B a n f i e l d who claims that " p o l i t i c a l i n c a p a c i t y " i s due to "amoral familism", I argue that i t i s due to the code of p o l i t i c a l morality at work i n the Mezzogiorno. I l l TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I Introduction .. .. .. .. 1 II Poverty . . . ... .. • • 20 I I I Patron-Client Relationships .. 45 IV The Church .. • ..' 71 V The Family .. .. .. .. 88 •VI Conclusion 109 Bibliography .. . . . .' . . • •' 117 i v AUTHOR'S NOTE Being i n the process of reading L u i g i B a r z i n i ' s most recent book, From Caesar to the Mafia, at the time of t h i s w r i t i n g , I have come across the following passage i n which B a r z i n i evaluates Mangione's study of S i c i l y , i n which Mangione has made numerous s p e l l i n g mistakes i n dealing with the I t a l i a n language: "One i s led to suspect (when one stumbles on one misspelled word a f t e r another) that facts are treated as g l i b l y , . . . " . In my own study, care has been taken to assure that the same e r r o r i s not committed. To those who have studied only the I t a l i a n of the u n i v e r s i t y , however, i t w i l l appear that there do e x i s t numerous errors i n the s p e l l i n g of I t a l i a n words. The reason f o r t h i s i s that many of the responses presented here were o r i g i n i n a l l y recorded i n the manner i n which they were given; i . e . , i n d i a l e c t . The d i a l e c t s of the South d i f f e r considerably from the high I t a l i a n used i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s , to the point that they are often incomprehensible to those who have not studied a p a r t i c u l a r d i a l e c t or l i v e d i n the region i n which i t i s spoken. The following assurance i s therefore of f e r e d : what may appear to be s p e l l i n g errors i n the I t a l i a n language are, i n f a c t , due to d i a l e c t a l responses which were recorded i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. The duty of the people i s to tend to t h e i r own a f f a i r s . The duty of governments i s to help them do i t . This i s the pasta of p o l i t i c s . The i n s p i r e d leader, the true prince, no matter how great, can only be sauce upon the pasta. From The Discourses of I t a l o Bombolini CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The area of concern i n t h i s thesis i s the c o - c a l l e d "agro-towns" of the South of I t a l y — the Mezzogiorno, and the people who carry on t h e i r economic and s o c i a l l i v e s within the c u l t u r a l context of these agro-towns. The agro-towns are generally small, but may reach populations of tens of thousands, the bulk of which are peasant farmers, contadini, who walk to t h e i r scattered f i e l d s each day to eke out a l i v i n g from the harsh environment. The towns are located e i t h e r i n the lower p l a i n s or on h i l l t o p s , and represent a nucleated settlement pat-tern. These two basic settlement patterns most probably r e f l e c t the conditions which pr e v a i l e d at the time of o r i g i n a l settlement. The most dominant of these two forms i s that of the compact h i l l t o p town, perched high, presumably for s e c u r i t y , as manifest at E b o l i . The other, less prevalent form i s that of a neat q u a d r i l a t e r a l arrangement set out i n the lower p l a i n s , and r e f l e c t s times of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and econo-mic expansion. Examples of t h i s l a t t e r type can be seen i n A l i f e , or the now ruined Paestum. More important than the o r i g i n a l settlement pattern i t s e l f i s the fact that these towns seem to p r e v a i l i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. The h i l l t o p town retains much of i t s medieval f l a v o r , much to the delight of the t o u r i s t s , although somewhat perplexing to would-be modernizers. A v a r i e t y of other explanations e x i s t f o r the nucleated settlement pattern of the Mezzogiorno — s c a r c i t y of drinking water, prevalence of malaria, i n s e c u r i t y , and land tenure conditions — 2 some combination of which was undoubtedly instrumental i n the o r i g i n a l settlement pattern. The persistence of the agro-town appears to be coupled with an added phenomenon — that of a c u l t u r a l preference f o r an urban way of l i f e . Given the nucleated settlement pattern which p r e v a i l s , most farmers do not l i v e on the land, and hence the d a i l y marches to and from the f i e l d s which may take as much as 3 or 4 hours , 1 per one way t r i p . Approximately h a l f of the Mezzogiorno's 20 m i l l i o n people l i v e i n these smaller agro-towns, with 7 m i l l i o n people l i v i n g i n towns of les s than 10,000 inhabitants. L i f e within the agro-towns i s , by and large, viewed as being s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , with l i t t l e connection between the larger c i t i e s of Palermo, Naples, and B a r i on the one hand, and the smaller towns on the other. The h i l l t o p agro-towns of the Mezzo-giorno are generally surrounded by poor s o i l s and i r r i g a t i o n i s rare. Further, because of the r e l a t i v e l y " small s i z e of the f i e l d s under c u l t i v a t i o n , the peasant farmer i s forced to use i n e f f i c i e n t units of production. The t y p i c a l crops are mostly wheat grown i n the f i e l d s , supplemented by corn, beans, and potatoes; and o l i v e s and vines planted on the slopes. The a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise i s supplemented by the r a i s i n g of a goat or p i g (which most often shares the family's one or two room house) for the family's consumption during the winter months. In some of the higher regions pastoralism i s the dominant form of 1 See Anton Blok, "South I t a l i a n Agro-Towns" f o r a discussion of t h i s settlement pattern i n Comparative Studies i n Society and H i s t o r y , Vol. 11, No. 1 ( A p r i l 1969); also Donald Pitkin's'Mediterranean Europe" i n Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 36, 1963. 3 a c t i v i t y , but t h i s enterprise, too, i s characterized by i n e f f i c i e n t units of production, the herds being uneconomically small. The out-^ come of the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise i s generally the same no matter how the peasant t r i e s to supplement h i s income and production: chronic insolvency. Food from the previous harvest l a s t s u n t i l the early spring — months before the new crop w i l l be ready to harvest. Generally, the family supply of meat has been exhausted i n the winter months, and the family continues to l i v e on pasta, beans, and peppers. The insolvency of the family means that the head of the family must go to the l o c a l shopkeepers to seek c r e d i t , to the landlord to ask f o r some of provisions (to be paid back with the new harvest), or to a wealthy i n -d i v i d u a l or a bank to seek a loan. A l l of t h i s i s degrading to the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s family, f o r i t i s an overt admission on h i s part that he i s incapable of f u l f i l l i n g h i s r o l e as sole breadwinner f o r h i s family. In a society where the concept of mascolinita i s highly respected, the admission of economic incapacity i s no mean thing. The agro-towns further exhibit a c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n which i s , at l e a s t s u p e r f i c i a l l y , d e b i l i t a t i n g to e f f o r t s directed at the elimina-t i o n of poverty through the production of standard goods and serv i c e s . The p r e - i n d u s t r i a l urbanism c u l t u r a l patterns of the agro-towns are characterized by an ethos of humanism — a synthesis of c l a s s i c a l and 2 medieval c u l t u r a l patterns forged during the Renaissance. Donald P i t k i n i d e n t i f i e s ten c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c i t y which P i t k i n , op. c i t . 4 he finds prevalent i n the agro-towns of the Mezzogiorno. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c i t y which seem to manifest them-selves i n the agro-towns of the Mezzogiorno are: 1) the c i t y i s a centre f o r p o l i t i c a l , administrative, m i l i t a r y , and n o n - i n d u s t r i a l economic functions; 2) the c i t y i s s p a t i a l l y compact, with the c e n t r a l place dominated by r e l i g i o u s or governmental structures; 3) the r i c h l i v e i n the centre of the c i t y , while the poor l i v e on the periphery; 4) ; a r i g i d class structure e x i s t s with l i t t l e chance | f o r mobility; 5) d a i l y l i f e i s c a r r i e d out within the context of familism; 6) there e x i s t s no standardization of product or p r i c e ; 7) manual labor i s depreciated; 8) recruitment i s c a r r i e d on through k i n and personal t i e s ; 9) decision-making i s p e r s o n a l i s t i c and power systems assume c l i e n t e l e form; 10) the i n t e l l e c t u a l tenet of the " l i t e r a t i " i s humanism. F u l l y seven out of the above ten (numbers 4 through 10) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l urbanism can be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the poverty of the Mezzogiorno, ei t h e r as contributing factors to, manifestations of, or products of t h i s poverty. The l a r g e r c i t i e s of the area such as Naples, B a r i , Palermo, or Catania, are viewed as something distant and often h o s t i l e to the peasant of the smaller agro-town. The perception i s not e n t i r e l y without basis i n f a c t . The larger c i t i e s are often the home of the absentee landlord who "milks" the peasant i n the form of rents which remain stable — or worse, r i s e regardless of the q u a l i t y and quantity of the harvest. I b i d . , p. 126-127. See also Gideon Sjoberg's "The P r e i n d u s t r i a l C i t y " i n The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LX, No. 5, March 1955. 5 The l a r g e r c i t i e s are also the seats for much of the administrative bureaucracy with which the peasant must contend, and to which he most often loses. Contact with the outside world has generally meant trouble to the peasano — i n the form of conscription, taxes, rents, and r i d i c u l e and d e r i s i o n at the hands of I t a l i a n s from more " c i v i l i z e d " places. The task of contending with "outside" forces i s exacerbated i n that the peasant with h i s parochial d i a l e c t i s often unable to understand the language of those with whom he most contend. Although the peasant of the Mezzogiorno may not f u l l y comprehend the language of those from Naples or Rome, he does understand one thing — i n t r a l l a z z a , i n t r i g u e f o r personal gain, which those i n power, p a r t i c u l a r l y the government, exercise at h i s expense. The perception i s that the government has never given the southerner h i s " f a i r share", and operates p r i n c i p a l l y f o r the o f f i c e -holder and h i s f r i e n d s . The a t t i t u d e toward the government i s best summed up i n the epithet used for a l l types of calamities and misery — governo ladro (thieving government) — the implication being that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r problem, l i k e most others, was brought about by the government. The peasant's view of the government, however, i s not e n t i r e l y i n accordance with the f a c t s . Currently the problem of regional d i s p a r i t y between North and South has assumed the p o s i t i o n of top p r i o r i t y i n the government's economic plans. The founding of the Cassa per i l Mezzo-giorno (Fund for the South) i n 1950 represents an attempt to do more than pay l i p service to the problem of regional d i s p a r i t y between North and South. Since the founding of the Cassa i n 1950, i t s budget has 6 s t e a d i l y increased i n an attempt to develop the necessary i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s for economic development and to a t t r a c t industry. In the f i r s t twenty years of i t s existence, income per head i n the South rose from $320 to $800 per year, and the number of people employed on the land has been cut i n h a l f . Despite these sanguine s t a t i s t i c s though, the southerner may have good reason for h i s pessimism and f a t a l i s m , f o r the p o s i t i o n of the southerner with regard to his northern counterpart has not i n -4 creased, and despite over $12 b i l l i o n poured i n t o the South by the Cassa, the t o t a l number of jobs i n the South has a c t u a l l y decreased. What economic r e l i e f has come i s more probably due to the emigration of some 5 m i l l i o n people from the South over the l a s t twenty years, thereby lessening the demand on the resources of the area."* To the peasant of the agro-town, a l l of the e f f o r t s of the government, both through the Cassa and investment by state holding companies do not mean much. Generally investment i s directed toward those areas which he considers h o s t i l e , such as Naples, or Palermo; and he seldom f e e l s the e f f e c t s of any benefits of these grand governmental machinations. He feels that he has always been, and always w i l l be, cheated by those i n power. For years he has f e l t the s t i n g of r e l a t i v e deprivation by comparing himself with h i s northern counterpart, and h i s northern For example, during the period of 1951-53 income per capita i n the North was 122% of the natio n a l average while i n the South the income per c a p i t a was only 63% of the natio n a l average. The figures f or the period of 1967-69 were e s s e n t i a l l y the same, being 120.8% and 63% respectively. Thus the southerner has been co n t i n u a l l y l i v i n g with approximately h a l f the l e v e l of income that h i s northern counterpart enjoys (Source: OECD economic survey of I t a l y , 1971). ^ See The Economist, 15-21 A p r i l 1972, f o r a recent economic survey of I t a l y . 7 counterpart has been a l l too quick to remind him of h i s degraded status. U n t i l the peasant of the Mezzogiorno feels that he i s getting "his f a i r share" from the government, he w i l l continue to regard the government as i n e f f e c t i v e , i l l e g i t i m a t e , and as a t h i e f , operating f o r the benefit of others at h i s expense. It i s the purpose of t h i s thesis to explore the peasant view of p o l i t i c s and authority further, attempting some i n s i d e view of the way i n the peasant of the Mezzogiorno perceives p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y . It represents an attempt to formulate a general set of r u l e s , or a code which can be used to explain h i s o r i e n t a t i o n toward p o l i t i c a l authority and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and further to account for what Edward C. Ban f i e l d 6 c a l l s the " p o l i t i c a l incapacity" which characterizes the agro-towns throughout the Mezzogiorno. In presenting t h i s "inside-view" I w i l l contrast my own i n t e r -pretation, of the various phemonena with that presented by B a n f i e l d . Further, I w i l l show that much of the evidence given by B a n f i e l d i n support of h i s own hypothesis can be seen as supportive of a contrasting i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In accounting f o r the p o l i t i c a l incapacity of the v i l l a g e of Montegrano which Ba n f i e l d says appears to be f a i r l y t y p i c a l of the South, he gives the i n a b i l i t y of the southerners to create and maintain organizations of a voluntary nature as one of the primary impediments. ^ Edward C. Ban f i e l d , The Moral Basis of a Backward Society (New York: Free Press, 1958), p. 32. Here Banfield refers to the r e l a t i v e l y weak p o s i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , e r r a t i c voting behavior, the i n e f f i c a c y of p o l i t i c a l leaders, the absence of any " p o l i t i c a l machines," and the weak and unstable nature of party organization. 8 For my own purposes, t h i s assertion appears to be l o g i c a l as w e l l as u s e f u l , and indeed there does e x i s t widespread agreement throughout the l i t e r a t u r e on the subject, that the i n a b i l i t y to cooperate i s of prime importance i n the culture of the Mezzogiorno. Regarding Monte-grano, Banfield states that the extreme poverty and backwardness are to "...be explained l a r g e l y (but not e n t i r e l y ) by the i n a b i l i t y of the v i l l a g e r s to act together for t h e i r common good or, indeed, for any end transcending the immediate, material i n t e r e s t of the nuclear family. Banfield goes on to state that t h i s i n a b i l i t y to concert a c t i v i t y beyond the nuclear family derives from the ethos of "amoral familism", which i s characterized by a population who behave as i f they were f o l -lowing the r u l e : "Maximize the m a t e r i a l , short-run advantage of the nuclear family; assume that a l l others w i l l do l i k e w i s e . " From t h i s hypothesis B a n f i e l d derives a set of " l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s " by which one can predict the p o l i t i c a l behavior and attitudes of those l i v i n g i n a society of "amoral f a m i l i s t s " . The ethos of "amoral familism" derives p r i n c i p a l l y from the two phenomena of "poverty" and "class 8 antagonisms". The ethos i s l a b e l l e d as "amoral" by B a n f i e l d i n that i t contains no concept of moral "goodness" or "badness" to those out-9 side of the immediate nuclear family. The "amorality" i s inculcated 7- B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , pp. 9-10. ^ I b i d . , p. 42. Here i t appears that Banfield's assertion i s c y c l i c a l ; i . e . , poverty i s to be explained l a r g e l y by the i n a b i l i t y of concert ac-t i v i t y beyond the nuclear family (pp. 9-10), the i n a b i l i t y of concert a c t i v i t y i s l a r g e l y due to the ethos of "amoral familism" (p. 10), and "amoral familism" derives at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y from poverty (p. 42). 9 I b i d . , p. 83. 9 i n t o the i n d i v i d u a l throughout the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process where one learns that g r a t i f i c a t i o n and deprivation depend upon the caprice of one who has power, and are unrelated to any p r i n c i p l e s of "good" or "bad". No abstract p r i n c i p l e s are i n t e r n a l i z e d as "conscience" and one learns to c a l c u l a t e a l t e r n a t i v e courses of action s o l e l y i n terms of advantage."^ Contrary to B a n f i e l d ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and explanation of the i n -a b i l i t y to concert a c t i v i t y beyond the l e v e l s of the nuclear family, I w i l l attempt to show that t h i s incapacity i s due to a world-view and moral code which Ba n f i e l d f a i l s to note. Rather than c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the Southern I t a l i a n peasantry as "amoral", I w i l l argue that the society i s highly m o r a l i s t i c , adhering to a moral code whose values are incongruous with the values demanded i n a western-style democracy. That the "moral code" of the Mezzogiorno should p o s i t values and behavioral norms incongruous with the norms desired for the e f f i c i e n t functioning of a western-style democratic state i s not s u r p r i s i n g . For centuries the state has been i n e f f e c t i v e i n much of t h i s area, and i s generally viewed as an "outsider" at best. Jane Schneider alludes to the develop-ment of t h i s "moral code": In the absence of the s t a t e , p a s t o r a l communities and a g r i c u l t u r a l communities i n t h e i r midst, developed t h e i r own means of s o c i a l c o n t r o l — the codes of honor and shame — which were adapted to the intense c o n f l i c t that external pressures had created within them and between them.^ 1 0 I b i d . , p. 152 ^ Jane Schneider, "Of V i g i l a n c e and V i r g i n s : Honor, Shame and Access to Resources i n Mediterranean S o c i e t i e s " i n Ethnology, Vol. X : l , January 1971, p. 3. 10 The absence of the state and the attendant governmental apparatus, does not mean that p o l i t i c a l functions are not c a r r i e d out within the given society. As Schneider sta t e s , a l t e r n a t i v e methods of performing p o l i t i c a l functions have developed. While the i n s t i t u t i o n s and personal arrangements which f u l f i l l these various p o l i t i c a l functions may be foreign to those of us who l i v e i n a society where the prevalence of the state i s pronounced, we must be able to look behind the facade of seeming ineffectiveness to see how these rather "strange" customs do, i n f a c t , function i n t h e i r own environment. The "statelessness" of the Mezzo-giorno has meant that p o l i t i c a l functions must be c a r r i e d out through an a l t e r n a t i v e framework to that of the l e g a l l y constituted government, and the basis of t h i s framework can, I b e l i e v e , be found i n the "moral code" of the Mezzogiorno. Further, I b e l i e v e that i t i s inaccurate to place the l a b e l " "amoral" on the familism that Banfield found i n Montegrano i n that the 12 nuclear family forms what B a i l y c a l l s the "moral community" wherein there e x i s t s a shared set of values, o b l i g a t i o n s , and rules of conduct which are observed not for the sake of expediency, but rather because they-are seen as honorable and good, i n and of themselves. The nuclear family i s the basis and embodiment of t h i s moral conduct, and i s viewed as a moral e n t i t y . Because of the rest of the c u l t u r a l m i l i e u of the Mezzogiorno, an "amoral" act i s nearly impossible. Most actions are 1 Z F. G. Bailey, "The peasant View of the Bad L i f e " i n "Peasants  and Peasant S o c i e t i e s , edited by Teodor Shanin (Harmondsworth, Middle-sex: Penguin, 1971). 11 judged by the e f f e c t that they w i l l produce upon the moral community (i n t h i s case, the nuclear family) and are therefore judged as "moral" or "immoral", depending upon whether they enhance or degrade the family's p o s i t i o n ; but actions can seldom be judged as "amoral"1.0 I d e a l l y the l i m i t s of the moral community are s a i d to extend to the v i l l a g e l e v e l , with the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n being made between paesani and f o r e s t i e r e . "Within the moral community the peasant understands the range of possible action; within l i m i t s , he knows what his opponent 13 w i l l do, because he and h i s opponent share c e r t a i n basic valuesf..." In p r a c t i c e , however, the l e v e l of the moral community most often extends only as f a r as the family, and actions are judged as "moral" or "immoral" as they a f f e c t the family. Speaking of S i c i l i a n society Boissevain says: The c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n of S i c i l i a n society i s the nuclear family. The rights and obligations which derive from membership i n i t provide the i n d i v i d u a l with h i s basic moral code. It i s t h i s "moral code" which I s h a l l attempt to formulate and discuss. This "moral code" i s more than a mere set of expedient rules f o r s u r v i v a l i n the Mezzogiorno. I t i s a set of rules geared to the aim of honoring and maintaining the moral community of the family. Insofar as action i s under-taken i n accordance with these rules to the end of maintaining the s a n c t i t y and i n t e g r i t y of the family, the action may be s a i d to be moral i n inte n t . Certainly action i n accordance with the following moral code can be taken I b i d . , p. 307. ^ Jeremy Boissevain,;. "Patronage i n S i c i l y " i n Man, Vol. 1:1, March 1966, p. 19. 12 without a view to maintaining the s a n c t i t y and i n t e g r i t y of the family — i n t h i s case the action cannot be viewed as being s t r i c t l y moral i n nature. Knowledge of the purpose to which behavior i s directed i s a necessary component i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the morality of that behavior. The moral code formulates a code of conduct beyond that of mere expe-diency, i n that behavior i n accordance with the moral code i s most often undertaken with the view of enhancing what i s c u l t u r a l l y defined as a moral good, i . e . , the family. The f a i l u r e of many western observers to f u l l y comprehend the behavior of the peasantry of the Mezzogiorno i s , i n part, due to t h e i r f a i l u r e to recognize the family as a moral good which i s beyond the mundane considerations of what i t can provide f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . The morality of"the goal, the innate and inherent moral-i t y of the family, i s what gives behavior i n accordance with the code, a "moral" q u a l i t y . The formulation of the "moral code" i s a recognition of the inherent morality of the family, and therefore, the morality of behavior directed toward the end of enhancing that moral community. Imp l i c i t i n t h i s approach i s a r e j e c t i o n of Banfield's argument: Standards are obligatory when they are i n some way associated with what i s sacred. Because they are sacred, t h e i r v i o l a t i o n i s f e l t as g u i l t . For most of the people of Montegrano, nothing i s sacred. This being so, they f e e l neither o b l i g a t i o n nor g u i l t . 1 5 •° Banfield, op. c i t . , p. 135. Yet B a n f i e l d reports that i n TAT #4, the c h i l d does not appreciate the s a c r i f i c e s made by h i s family, but then he grows up and "...becomes aware of the e v i l he had done and wishes to make amends...." (p. 176). 13 On the contrary, the family, the most prevalent phenomenon i n Banfield's study i s considered sacred and moral, i n and of i t s e l f . The r i g h t s , duties, and obligations connected with the family are, by f a r , the most important elements of the moral code. The "moral community" of the Mezzogiorno, though, i s not s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d to the family. Outsiders do at times become part of the moral community of the family, as, say, i n the t r a d i t i o n of godparenthood. God and the saints (at least some of them) are also considered part of each family's "moral community", and are perhaps the only i n d i v i d u a l s who can be accepted i n t o the community of so many i n d i v i d u a l , often antagonistic, family units. Indeed, the heavenly personages may often be considered the most important adjunct to the community of the 'family. The favor of God and the saints would place one's family i n what i s by fa r the most h o n o r i f i c p o s i t i o n i n the community. Like other members of the family though, God and the saints share i n the a f f i l i a t i o n of the family independent of t h e i r "good works". They are seen as part of the moral community, and as such, respect and esteem i s given to them. Through my exposition of the "moral code" I hope to demonstrate that the hypothesis generated by Banfield's study of Montegrano i s i n -correct i n that i t a t t r i b u t e s behavior to a mistaken set of goals and values. Further, I hope to demonstrate that the values a r t i c u l a t e d i n a moral code of the Mezzogiorno are the most s a l i e n t phenomena governing conduct within that p o l i t i c a l culture. My own formulation of a moral code for the native of the Mezzogiorno i s , i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , incomplete; but I believe that i t goes further i n explaining the conceptual framework 14 with which the peasant of the Mezzogiorno views the p o l i t i c a l world around him than does the Ban f i e l d hypothesis. This moral code I take to be the f o l l o w i n g : ^ I. The family i s a moral end, i n and of i t s e l f . The family gives you a place of honour i n a a h o s t i l e world; honor your family, and pro-tect i t s honor. I I . Don't overstep your place. There are those above you and below you. Don't intermeddle in t o the a f f a i r s of those who are over you, don't c r i t i c i z e others, and don't gossip about others. I I I . Make no enemies; one must have friends i n the world to whom he can turn. Commitments alienate people, do not commit yours e l f need-l e s s l y . Return favors to those who help you. IV. Honor God and the s a i n t s . In order to understand t h i s "moral code", a c l e a r understanding of the values which i t represents and which colour the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given to these rules by the people of the Mezzogiorno, i s c r u c i a l . With-out the c u l t u r a l t r a n s i t i o n represented by viewing the moral code through the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given i t by the people of the Mezzogiorno, the code can only represent an u n i n t e l l i g i b l e and often contradictory set of rules which are, at times, dysfunctional to the well-being of the family. One must understand the goal of the'well-being of the family" as the 16 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that B a n f i e l d asked respondents to give t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s of a "good" man or woman. One t y p i c a l response ran as follows: "A man or woman i s good who demonstrates good w i l l and i s courteous toward others, i s ch a r i t a b l e when someone asks f o r some-thing but, e s p e c i a l l y , minds his own business and doesn't c r i t i c i z e anyone or gossip" (Banfield, op. c i t . , p. 128). 15 people i n the Mezzogiorno view that goal. The goal of maintaining and enhancing the family cannot be viewed as that;, same goal i s viewed i n much of western Europe and North America. The point i s that "the well-being of the family" i s defined d i f f e r e n t l y i n the Mezzogiorno than i t i s elsewhere. Of key importance i n the culture of the Mezzogiorno i s the seeking a f t e r prestige and respect. The best way that one can honor, one's family i s by bringing respect and prestige to the family i n the eyes of others. The flow of prestige i s e s s e n t i a l l y a b i - d i r e c t i o n a l phenomenon; i . e . , prestige accrues to the i n d i v i d u a l through h i s connection with the family, and prestige accrues to the family v i a the positions of the i n d i v i d u a l members of the family i n the community. The routes ,to prestige and respect are many, but so, correspondingly, are the p i t f a l l s along these routes. Equally important i s the formulation and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the "moral code" of the Mezzogiorno i s the world-view of the man of the Mezzogiorno. His world i s a h o s t i l e one, and his l i f e i s characterized by a war of each against a l l . The forces of nature and e v i l are p i t t e d against each i n d i v i d u a l , who must attempt to make his way i n the world and provide for himself and h i s family. Consequently, the man of the Mezzogiorno i s shrewd, c a l c u l a t i n g h i s number of a l t e r n a t i v e s and attempting to hedge h i s bets against the future. Possibly the best example of t h i s i s the tendency to prefer a land tenure system which separates one's f i e l d s . A sudden hailstorm may s t r i k e one side of the mountain, destroying a l l the crops, and yet leave the other side untouched. The man who works f i e l d s i n d i f f e r e n t areas has "insured" himself against t h i s type of d i s a s t e r . One must keep a l l of the possible options open, 16 and never needlessly alienate anyone (mortal or saint) who might some day be i n a p o s i t i o n to help him i n h i s time of need. P o l i t i c a l af-f i l i a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y precarious to the i n d i v i d u a l , i n that he w i l l generally alienate a l l those who hold opposing opinions. Banfield interviewed a teacher i n Montegrano who was a "member of a leading family": I have always kept myself aloof from p u b l i c ques-tions , e s p e c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l ones. I think that a l l p a r t i e s are i d e n t i c a l and those who belong to them -- whether Communist, C h r i s t i a n Democrat, or other, — are men who seek t h e i r own welfare and well-being. And then too, i f you want to belong to one party, you are c e r t a i n to be on the outs with the people of the other p a r t y . ^ Besides being alienative,,and therefore p o t e n t i a l l y harmful to the i n d i -v i d u a l and h i s family, p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n i s viewed as i n e f f e c t i v e i n providing the necessary functions to the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s family, un-less i t i s c a r r i e d on within the t r a d i t i o n a l manners of friendship. Interest groups are of no value i n the peasant's struggle f o r s u r v i v a l . The government i s l a r g e l y i n e f f e c t i v e i n ' i t s l e g a l l y constituted forms of action, and the war of every man against every man i s e f f e c t i v e l y c a r r i e d on within a " s t a t e l e s s society". Given the i n e f f i c a c y of these "modern" p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and arrangements i n the Mezzogiorno, i t i s incumbent to seek out those methods of p o l i t i c a l c ontrol which are, i n f a c t , e f f i c a c i o u s i n the Mezzogiorno. Not only must one note those i n s t i t u t i o n s which carry out Banfield, op-r c i t . , p. 84. 17 e s s e n t i a l l y " p o l i t i c a l " functions, but one must attempt to understand the dynamics which influence and define the r o l e of these i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements i n a " s t a t e l e s s society". Given t h i s "moral code" and the two preliminary observations of the high p o s i t i o n of prestige, and the h o s t i l e world which the peasant faces, the remainder of t h i s thesis w i l l be directed toward a more thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l culture of the Mezzogiorno i n an attempt to see the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s "moral code" and the dominant features of the p o l i t i c a l environment. This r e l a t i o n s h i p between a "moral code" and the values which i t represents on the one hand, and the p o l i t i c a l environment on the other, I take to be a two-way mutually r e - i n f o r c i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . That t r a d i t i o n s dysfunctional to the p o l i t i c a l organization necessary for a modern democratic society have pe r s i s t e d over so long a span of time would seem to i n d i c a t e that these t r a d i t i o n s do have a great deal of v i a b i l i t y i n the c u l t u r a l environ-ment. I t i s , I b e l i e v e , exceedingly presumptuous and ethnocentric to dismiss these t r a d i t i o n s as useless or "amoral" and attempt to prescribe c u l t u r a l patterns f o r community organization and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Further, i t i s missing the point to dismiss these t r a d i t i o n s pre-maturely. One cannot be content to view these t r a d i t i o n s through h i s own eyes, but rather he must attempt to view them through the eyes of those who l i v e these t r a d i t i o n s , and see what functions they f u l f i l l within the context of that environment. The dynamics of another culture are d i f f i c u l t to perceive at best, but one cannot be content to dismiss them due to his own lack of understanding. This i s the case with much of the 18 t r a d i t i o n i n the Mezzogiorno. A c l o s e r look i s needed i n order to see what functions or needs the current t r a d i t i o n s f u l f i l l and why they p e r s i s t . The dominant features of the c u l t u r a l environment x^hich impinge upon the p o l i t i c a l system I take to be; 1) the poverty of the area, and i t s t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o an outlook on l i f e ; 2) patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; 3) the Church; and 4) the family. These four phenomena appear to be of importance i n that they do exhibit aspects of a moral code and the values rela t e d to that moral code; and they impinge upon the p o l i t i c a l system, r e l a t i n g that moral code to the p o l i t i c a l system, as i t were. Behavior rela t e d to these four phenomena i n the Mezzogiorno i s l a r g e l y colored by the moral code of the Mezzogiorno, and when that behavior i s adequately related to the moral code, a c l e a r e r p i c t u r e of both the goals and ac-ceptable rules of conduct i n the pursuit of "the good" can be drawn. These four phenomena also impinge upon the p o l i t i c a l processes of the Mezzogiorno, i n that behavior with regard to the four topics often consists of e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l functions which are de jure the prerogatives of the state. Because behavior rel a t e d to the four topics i s often p o l i t i c a l i n nature, the moral code (which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Mezzogiorno but not the l e g a l l y constituted authority system) can be seen to impinge upon the p o l i t i c s of the Mezzogiorno. Sources for t h i s study are both primary and secondary i n nature. Data from the Almond and Verba f i v e - n a t i o n study w i l l be used where a p l -p l i c a b l e . These data were made av a i l a b l e by the Inter-University Con-sortium f or P o l i t i c a l Research. Neither the o r i g i n a l source of the data, 19 nor the Consortium bear shy r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for my analysis of that data. Banfield's study i s * I b e l i e v e , a proper s t a r t i n g point, i n that he points to the proper d i r e c t i o n that a study of t h i s type should take — that of looking at the culture to account f o r what appears as " p o l i t i c a l incapacity". He has, however, f a i l e d to get deep enough into that c u l t u r a l m i l i e u that i s the Mezzogiorno to see the values and behavior of the people through t h e i r own eyes. This study w i l l attempt that somewhat s c h i z o i d task. 20 CHAPTER I I Poverty Those who must concentrate only on s u r v i v a l usually do not r e v o l t ; they are too hungry. J i C. Davles Yet while man does not l i v e by bread alone, without bread he does not l i v e at a l l . R. C. Cook The Mezzogiorno i s poor. I t has always been poor. The f e r t i l e s o i l s found i n the Po Valley are missing from the Mezzogiorno with i t s . h i l l y and rocky t e r r a i n complemented by marsh lands. The Mezzogiorno lacks the navigable r i v e r s which a id transport i n the North. The Mezzogiorno enjoys no equivalent of the Po system with i t s t r i b u t a r i e s , and canals dug i n the Po p l a i n to extend the system. Important minerals, too, seem to have been l i m i t e d to the North. Iron ore i s found around Lago d i Como, Val d'Aosta, and i n Umbria. The South, however, has been l i m i t e d to deposits of sulphur, lead, and zin c . The North has enjoyed the advantage of inexpensive h y d r o e l e c t r i c power from Alpine streams, while rates f o r e l e c t r i c i t y i n the South are much higher due to the great distances of transmission, or the less e f f i c i e n t use of coal f o r genera-t i n g the e l e c t r i c i t y . Besides the natural poverty of the Mezzogiorno, the area was retarded i n i t s economic development by other factors during the periods of great i n d u s t r i a l expansion. The close proximity of Northern centers to other European markets gave them a d i s t i n c t advantage over points further South. This proximity to the rest of Europe also undoubtedly had i t s e f f e c t s upon these Northern centers which f e l t the impact of 21 i d e o l o g i c a l changes i n Europe. The i d e a l of progress was i n s t i l l e d through the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the achievements of such c i t i e s as Venice, Milan, Florence, and Genoa during the Renaissance. The South, on the other hand,was characterized by landlords who clung tenaciously to t h e i r landed status, channelling wealth into the conspicuous consumption of p a l a t i a l v i l l a s , and leading the l i f e of the great seigneurs. Further, the r e l a t i v e absence of railways at, say, the time of u n i f i c a t i o n (1861) was an i n i t i a l impediment to economic development of the region. The South, with 41% of the land area, had, i n 1861, only "one f i f t h as much railway and one t h i r d as much roadway mileage per c a p i t a , and one seventh as much railway and one t h i r d as much roadway mileage per square kilometer of t e r r i t o r y as the rest of the country." 1 A l l of the above disadvantages and r e l a t i v e disadvantages of the South were undoubtedly s i g n i f i c a n t during the early stages of economic modernization, but even more important have been the m u l t i p l i e r and ac-c e l e r a t o r e f f e c t s governing the l o c a t i o n of a second firm or industry. I n d u s t r i a l growth has tended to s e t t l e i n those areas (Turin, Milan, and Genoa) where there e x i s t other i n d u s t r i e s to provide the necessary back-ward and forward goods and services to complement t h e i r own. The r e s u l t of t h i s pattern of economic growth i s that the Mezzogiorno has been l e f t i n poverty while the rest of the country has moved into an age of r e l a t i v e prosperity. Many of the people of the Mezzogiorno l i v e i n one or two Shepherd Clough, and Carlo L i v i . "Economic Growth i n I t a l y : An Analysis of Uneven Development of North and South" i n The Experience of  Economic Growth, edited by Barry E. Supple (New York: Random House, 1963), p. 357. 22 room hovels which they share with t h e i r animals. Nearly a l l of those engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s are unemployed for a great part of the time. The more industrious spend t h e i r time gathering and s e l l i n g 3 charcoal, herbs, or s n a i l s . Most, however, wait around the piazza, hoping to be picked for work by one of the landlords who i s r e p a i r i n g hi s barn, or some other odd job. Many go to the Camera de l Lavoro, a service run by the Communist Party which i s often mistaken for the govern-ment employment o f f i c e , i n order to seek a couple of days work on the road 4 gangs, or other part-time employment. The poverty of the Mezzogiorno, however, i s more than the lack of work, i n s u f f i c i e n t amounts of food, and generally unsatisfactory material l i v i n g conditions. The poverty of the Mezzogiorno has been turned i n t o a philosophic outlook which defines that poverty and gives i t s i g n i f i c a n c e . It i s the outlook of l a miseria — pessimism, f a t a l i s m , d i s t r u s t , struggle, a l i e n a t i o n , and s o c i a l degradation. "The peasants' economic poverty i s translated into s o c i a l i n s i g n i f i c a n c e , subordination, comtemptibility. Given the emphasis placed upon prestige and respect i n the culture of the Mezzogiorno, the peasant of the Mezzogiorno s u f f e r s both from h i s material deprivation and h i s s o c i a l deprivation measured i n terms of r e l a t i v i t y . For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the housing s i t u a t i o n of the Mezzogiorno, see Ann Cornelisen's Torregreca (New York: Delta Books, 1969), Chapter VI; also Carlo Levi's Christ Stopped at E b o l i , Chapter 13. 3 See Danilo Dolci's To Feed the Hungry, tra n s l a t e d by P. D. Cummins (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1959). 4 The Camera de l Lavoro has no authority to hand out jobs as such, but merely attempts to keep a l i s t i n g of a v a i l a b l e vacancies. 5 Joseph Lopreato, "How Would You Like to be a Peasant?" i n Peasant  Society, edited by Jack M. Potter, et a l . (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1967), p. 427. 23 Banfield notes t h i s s o c i a l element i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of l a miseria: " . . . l a miseria i s as much or more the r e s u l t of humiliation as of hunger, fatigue, and anxiety." There are many routes to prestige and respect i n the Mezzogiorno — most .of which are closed to the peasant. The a b i l i t y to forego manual labor — p a r t i c u l a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l labor — affords the i n d i v i d u a l one of the most prestigious p o s i t i o n s . Labor i s negatively valued,^ and one of the most envied p o s i t i o n s i s that of the non-laboring landowner who can l i v e on the rents from his lands, and indulge i n conspicuous con-sumption, e i t h e r i n the l o c a l town or i n the l a r g e r urban centers with t h e i r c u l t u r a l amenities. The landowner maintains his v i l l a g e t i e s through ownership of the land and a few of h i s r e l a t i v e s who are not quite so fortunate, but considers himself (and i s considered by others) to be above the petty problems involved i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise. To the peasant, however, t h i s route to prestige and respect for himself and h i s family i s closed. He must continue to work i n the d i r t (and often not his own d i r t ) , and i s referred to by others as pedi ' n c r i t a t i B a n f i e l d , o p . , c i t . , p. 160. "In the world of l a miseria, possession i n i t s e l f i s an i n s u f f i c i e n t sign of d i s t i n c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f we keep i n mind that the use of wealth, the idea of investment by the i n d i v i d u a l , i s l a r g e l y unknown i n southern I t a l y ; exemption from labor then becomes the only true c r i t e r i o n of d i s -t i n c t i o n : he who i s at the loxrest l e v e l of the economic and s o c i a l scale has to work with hi s hands; he who belongs to the 'better classes' gives proof of i t by disdaining manual labor" (F. G. Friedmann, "The World of La M i s e r i a " , i n Potter, et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 329). 24 (muddy f e e t ) . The peasant i s often forced to expose himself further to d i s g r a z i a by allowing the women of h i s family to work. Besides an overt admission of h i s incapacity to f i l l the c u l t u r a l l y defined r o l e of economic bread-winner, the man runs the r i s k of exposing the women of h i s family to sexual temptations which may rui n the family's reputation f o r generations to come. To avoid these r i s k s of d i s g r a z i a , the small landowner or renter may h i r e b r a c c i a n t i (day laborers) to work f o r him. The h i r i n g of others also enhances one's prestige, i n that he can himself escape the labor necessary to keep up h i s f i e l d s . Most often, though, t h i s i s not economi-c a l l y f e a s i b l e , and the peasant i s forced to work the land himself, and forego the h o n o r i f i c a c t i v i t i e s associated with l e i s u r e time i n the l o c a l piazza. The peasant of the Mezzogiorno i s further barred from prestige and respect due to the status given to his p o s i t i o n by the la r g e r "com-munity" of I t a l y . Northern I t a l i a n s have always considered the Souther-ners as slow, lazy, and untrustworthy. They have always treated the South-erner with contempt — and the Southerners are s t i l l r e f erred to by t h e i r Northern counterparts as t e r r o n i (earth-grubbers). With the advan-cement of mass media, the Southerner — p a r t i c u l a r l y the peasant — has become more acutely aware of h i s r e l a t i v e deprivation. He cannot afford the luxury items advertized on t e l e v i s i o n , or automobiles displayed i n f u l l - c o l o r ads i n his weekly magazines. Yet his i n a b i l i t y to indulge i n these things does not curb his appetite. Rather, he f e e l s more cheated, more acutely aware of h i s humiliation. He cannot meet the standards of 25 the l a r g e r society, yet he i s judged by them. And, as B a n f i e l d points out:' "By the standards of the l a r g e r s o c i e t y , the peasant's work, food, 8 and cl o t h i n g a l l symbolize h i s degradation." Our own suggestion i s that over and above whatever other differences may e x i s t between South I t a l i a n peasants and many other peasants elsewhere, one i s of the utmost importance, and i t concerns the rapid economic development and s o c i a l transformations recently experienced by I t a l i a n society. The peasant's own share of the new benefits has lagged f a r behind the nationa l average, but j u s t the same he has been jerked out of h i s quasi-feudal state of acquiescence. He now has a greater awareness of h i s hardship and s u f f e r s from a deep sense of r e l a t i v e deprivation. (emphasis h i s ) 9 The poverty of the Mezzogiorno, and i t s p h i l o s o p h i c a l manifesta-t i o n i n the concept of l a miseria, contain a large element of d i s t r u s t — both of one's neighbors or fellow townsmen (paesani) and of outsiders ( f o r e s t i e r i ) . I d e a l l y , the forces of campanilismo (parochialism) should hold the paesani together, giving grounds f o r mutual t r u s t . In p r a c t i c e , though, t h i s i s not the case — as Maria Prato found out when she bought a defective sewing machine from a paesano who c a r e f u l l y concealed the defect while demonstrating the machine."^ Much of t h i s d i s t r u s t i s due to s u p e r s t i t i o n and myth. There i s the s u p e r s t i t i o n that the envy of neighbors w i l l bring the e v i l eye (mal 'occhio) upon one. One must, therefore, not be too conspicuous i n h i s good fortune, l e s t i t i n c i t e ^ the envy of h i s neighbors and bring him to misfortune. "^ The a f f a i r s B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 65. Lopeato, "How Would you Like to be a Peasant?" op. c i t . , p. 436. See B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 117. See A.L. Maraspini The Study of an I t a l i a n V i l l a g e ( P a r i s : Mouton and Co., 1969) Chapter IX. 27 of one's family must be kept secret to guard against t h i s p o t e n t i a l danger. Another reason for d i s t r u s t of one's fellow man i s the high degree of importance placed upon conformance with approved sexual norms by the female, and the myth of the v i r i l e , hot-blooded L a t i n male with h i s sense of supermasculinity. The accepted b e l i e f i s that, given a chance, the male w i l l attempt to seduce and conquer; while the woman, given her f r a i l c o n s t i t u t i o n , w i l l be overcome by passion, and give i n to the amorous advances of the male. The avoid these e v i l s (but more p a r t i c u l a r l y , the shame which re s u l t s i f the community finds out about i t ) , the family must guard i t s womenfolk against encounters with males outside the family. The women generally go unescorted only to Church — at a l l other times t h e i r contact with members of the opposite sex i s escorted and c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d . Not only f o r e s t i e r e males, but also paesani males are not to be trusted with the women of one's family. Women are part of the family's patrimony, and the weakest l i n k i n the chain of family honor. Perhaps more important i n the element of d i s t r u s t , though, i s 12 what George M. Foster c a l l s the "image of the l i m i t e d good", whereby resources are seen to exi s t i n a f i n i t e quantity with no means d i r e c t l y a v a i l a b l e to the peasant to increase the o v e r a l l t o t a l a v a i l a b l e . Resources, then, become the stakes i n a zero-sum "game" — or more apt l y , a "war of each against a l l and d e v i l take the hindmost". Whatever accrues to one family i n the way of land, wealth, honor, s e c u r i t y , or status must nec e s s a r i l y be through the deprivation of others. Since the t o t a l quan-t i t y of "goods" a v a i l a b l e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t , one must do whatever necessary -1-2 George M. Foster, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good." i n Peasant Society, edited by Potter, et a l . , op. c i t . , pp. 300-324. 28 to assure h i s family of a s u i t a b l e standard of l i v i n g ; and the outcome i s the preoccupazione that B a n f i e l d found i n Montegrano: In the Montegrano mind, any advantage that may be given to another i s n e c e s s a r i l y at the deprivation of one's own family ....The world being what i t i s , a l l those who stand outside the small c i r c l e of the family are at least p o t e n t i a l competitors and there-fore also p o t e n t i a l enemies. The atmosphere of a culture with the image of the l i m i t e d good i s conducive to a sense of struggle, d i s t r u s t , and an attempt at "one-upmanship". The idea becomes that of getting ahead of one's fellow, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of prestige and respect. The game of "one-up-manship" can be won i n two ways: e i t h e r by increasing one's supply of the "goods", or by decreasing the stock of "goods" of the other man; the moment of v i c t o r y coming, say, when one s t r o l l s across the piazza with the other's g i r l f r i e n d on h i s arm. The i d e a l of getting ahead of one's fellow i s not conducive to cooperation, but rather to competition. The people of the Mezzogiorno play t h i s "game" with one another, and they are wary of one another: 78% of Almond and Verba's respondents i n the Mezzogiorno agreed that " I f you don't watch y o u r s e l f , people w i l l take advantage of you", while only 13% disagreed with the statement. This attitude extends to a l l l e v e l s of so c i e t y : "The landowner, the p o l i c e , the tax c o l l e c t o r and even the p r i e s t have come to symbolize those who are out to milk the peasant.""^ Indeed, Banfield's r u l e number 13 speaks of t h i s very phenomenon: 1 3 Banfield, op. c i t . , pp. 110-111. ^ Leonard W. Moss and Stephen Cappannari. "Patterns of Kinship, Gomparaggio and Community i n a South I t a l i a n V i l l a g e " , i n Anthropological  Quarterly, Vol..33, January 1960, p. 25. 29 The amoral f a m i l i s t w i l l value gains accruing to the community only i n s o f a r as he and h i s are l i k e l y to share them. In f a c t , he w i l l vote against measures which w i l l help the community without helping him because, even though h i s p o s i t i o n i s unchanged i n absolute terms, he considers himself worse o f f i f h i s neighbors' p o s i t i o n changes for the better. Thus i t may happen that mea-sures which are of decided general benefit w i l l provoke a protest vote from those who f e e l that they have ijgt shared i n them or not shared i n them s u f f i c i e n t l y . The culture of the Mezzogiorno contains, therefore, an element of what might be c a l l e d " a l i e n a t i v e fellow" to complement Almond and Verba's " a l i e n a t i v e subject", and " a l i e n a t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t " elements."^ The element of a l i e n a t i v e fellow may be seen i n the d i s t r u s t of those outside the family, and the emphasis upon keeping secret the a f f a i r s of the family. The less outsiders know of the family's a f f a i r s , the less l i k e l y that they w i l l be able to use t h i s knowledge against them i n some manner.^7 Banfield notes t h i s d i s t r u s t of those outside the family i n Montegrano: As the Montegranesi see i t , friends and neighbors are not only p o t e n t i a l l y c o s t l y but p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous as w e l l . No family, they think, can stand to see another prosper without f e e l i n g envy and wishing the other harm. Friends and neighbors are, of course, p e c u l i a r l y l i a b l e to envy, both because they know more about one's business than do others and because they f e e l themselves to be more d i r e c t l y i n competition. The data from the Almond and Verba study seem to bear out t h i s concept Ba n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 98. 16 See Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba's The C i v i c Culture (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1965), p. 38. 1 7 See footnote i n B a n f i e l d (op. c i t . ) on p. 120, where Dr. Gino teaches his sons to keep the a f f a i r s of the family secret. I t i s also i n t e r e s t i n g to note that 49% of the people interviewed by Almond and Verba i n the Mezzogiorno refused to t e l l the interviewer how much t h e i r annual income was. Ba n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 115. 30 of what I have c a l l e d " a l i e n a t i v e fellow". Out of the 360 respondents from the Mezzogiorno, 235 (65%) agreed with the statement "No one i s going to care much about you," while only 91 (25%) disagreed with the statement. The a l i e n a t i o n was even more profound when the question was asked whether people were i n c l i n e d to help others, or merely themselves. In responses to t h i s question 88% of the respondents f e l t that people were more i n c l i n e d to help themselves, while only 6% f e l t that people were i n c l i n e d to help others. " I t a l i a n peasants... are strongly s o c i a l i z e d i n the b e l i e f that i t i s safer to keep one's a f f a i r s and p o l i t i c a l views 19 s t r i c t l y to oneself." Again, regarding the question "How many people would you avoid discussing p o l i t i c s with?", 58% of the Almond and Verba sample stated that one could " t a l k to no one", or that there are "many you can't t a l k t o ." The general l e v e l of d i s t r u s t i s portrayed i n Corne-l i s e n ' s account of l i f e i n Torregreca: "Nothing was so suspicious as the obvious. Only a f o o l accepted i t . The simplest event, to be understood, must be analyzed and reconstructed u n t i l i t was a lacework of deception 20 and i n t r i g u e . " There i s a S i c i l i a n proverb which says: t u t t a a s c i a r r a e pa cutra — l i t e r a l l y ; "the whole struggle i s f o r the blanket." The meaning i s that each man f i g h t s to cover himself with the "blanket" which, by d e f i n i t i o n , i s an object of l i m i t e d s i z e . In order to cover himself he LaPalombara, Joseph. " I t a l y : Fragmentation, I s o l a t i o n and A l i e n a t i o n " i n P o l i t i c a l Culture and P o l i t i c a l Development, edited by Pye and S. Verba (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 290. Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 206. 31 must attempt to take some of the blanket away from others. Although the proverb Is a natural outgrowth of a society where, say, four small children share one bed and must attempt to keep warm by " s t e a l i n g " some of the blanket, the proverb may be s l i g h t l y misleading i n that the blanket i s , again by d e f i n i t i o n , a material object. The struggle, how-ever, i s not completely concerned with the material object per se, but rather the material object and the honor, prestige and respect that are connected with those material objects. The concept of the l i m i t e d good applies to more than material advantage — something that Banfield's hypothesis seemingly overlooks. Speaking of the possessive a t t i t u d e of the peasants of the Mezzogiorno, Friedmamstates: "This possessive at-titude cannot be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y explained i n terms of economic need 21 alone even i n the f i e l d of material goods." Possession of wealth i s important, but i t s importance seems to derive l a r g e l y from i t s connec-t i o n with (either as a means to, or as a sign of) power and honor. The connection between material advantage and f a m i l i a l honor i s mostly c l e a r l y seen i n the conception of the patrimony — that stake which a l l members of the family share i n , and which i s passed on from generation F. G. Friedmann, "The World of La M i s e r i a " op. c i t . , p. 327. 22 Calogero, a S i c i l i a n interviewed by Danilo D o l c i , made the f o l -lowing statement: " I f man has a good name, a good reputation i n the c i r c l e s he moves i n , then there's a chance that that man w i l l not perish. A good reputation brings t r u s t , power, money." It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the causal chain drawn by Calogero (a good reputation brings money), i n that i t i s often assumed that a l l peasants see i t the other way around, i . e . , money brings a good reputation, power, etc. Calogero's statements can be found i n Dolci's The Man Who Plays Alone, translated by Antonia Cowan (New York: Pantheon Books, 1968), p. 28. 32 to generation. A threat to the material assets which comprise part of the patrimony i s seen not so much as a mere economic threat, as much as a threat to the honor of the family through jeopardizing i t s patrimony. Once the family ceases to be a v i a b l e economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t , much of i t s patrimony i s destroyed and the family i s dishonored. Jane Schneider deals with t h i s concept i n her excellent a r t i c l e , "Of V i g i l a n c e and V i r g i n s " : Mediterranean people have qu a r r e l l e d over encroach-ments on boundaries; usurpation of water r i g h t s , abusive pasturing, animal t h e f t , the destruction of crops, adul-tery, and murder. They consider such v i o l a t i o n s as challenges to the property holding group. Thus, honor can be thought of as the ideology of a property holding group which struggles to define, enlarge, and protect i t s patrimony i n a competitive arena. Status, when viewed through the image of the l i m i t e d good, y i e l d s the e x i s t i n g r i g i d hierarchy which forms an i n t e g r a l part of l a miseria. It i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper to say d e f i n i t i v e l y whether or not the r i g i d hierarchy came about through viewing status through the image of the l i m i t e d good, but i t does appear that the status hierarchy ex-h i b i t s the same aspects of the image of the l i m i t e d good that do, say, land or wealth. While there i s a d e f i n i t e status hierarchy, i t i s important to r e a l i z e that the recognition of one's proper place i n the hierarchy i s not s t r i c t l y connected with submissiveness on the part of the poor to the r i c h . Each p o s i t i o n or function i s regarded as having value within the p r i o r i t y of things. Status i s not s o l e l y d e r i v a t i v e of wealth, Jane Schneider, "Of V i g i l a n c e and V i r g i n s : Honor, Shame and Ac-cess to Resources i n Mediterranean S o c i e t i e s " , in^Ethnology, Vol. X : l , January 1971, p. 2. 33 although I t may be p a r t i a l l y based upon wealth. Ann Cornelisen describes Luca Montefalcone as a "nomad doctor famous a l l over I t a l y as the man who understands the South." As a native of Torregreca, "...He i s respected and...envied by every man i n Torregreca f o r h i s wealth, h i s outstanding career as an epidemiologist, h i s b e a u t i f u l wife and h i s powerful f r i e n d s . " Chapman's study of Milocca, a S i c i l i a n v i l l a g e ^ revealed that "High s o c i a l standing i s dependent either on education or property i n land, but i t i s assured only i n f a m i l i e s which possess 25 both." Indeed, even Banfield notes the non-economic element of status and wealth: "Being a landed proprietor i s more a matter of s o c i a l than 26 of economic status." One of the most important aspects of the r i g i d hierarchy i s that c e r t a i n functions are viewed as being outside the realm of a p a r t i c u l a r status grouping. As Friedmann points out: The d e l i c a t e sense of the hierarchy of things, natural and human, i s w e l l expressed i n the remark of a land-less peasant who, i n attempting to describe h i s d a i l y routine had started by saying: 'We hoe the earth' — then had interrupted himself with an apology to me (the gentleman) — ' i f you w i l l forgive the expression, l i k e beasts.' Someone who wants to explain a d i f f i c u l t question to a v i s i t o r often s t a r t s by saying: 'I am only a peasant' or 'I am only a carpenter — but t h i s i s what I think about i t ' Given t h i s a t t i t u d e , the peasant r e a l i z e s that i t i s not h i s prerogative 24 Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 41. 25 C. G. Chapman, Milocca A S i c i l i a n V i l l a g e (London: Schenkman, 1970), p. 12. 26 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 49. 27 Friedmann, op. c i t . , p. 326. 34 to govern,, and l i m i t s h i s community p a r t i c i p a t i o n to voting and the op-p o s i t i o n of those i n d i v i d u a l s or groups immediately above him which he perceives as a threat to his claim on the a v a i l a b l e resources. This at-ti t u d e also manifested i t s e l f i n Almond and Verba's f i v e nation study, where 54% of the respondents from the Mezzogiorno agreed with the s t a t e -ment " P o l i t i c s i s too complicated to understand", while only 24% d i s -agreed with the statement. C l e a r l y h a l f of the people f e l t that the realm of p o l i t i c s was beyond t h e i r comprehension. When questioned as to the l i k e l i n e s s of t h e i r success i f they attempted to change what they considered to be a harmful regulation, 53% answered that success was "somewhat u n l i k e l y " or "impossible". The same question was asked regarding what they considered to be harmful l e g i s l a t i o n — the respec-t i v e categories went up to 68%. The peasant's a t t i t u d e toward h i s s t a t i o n i n l i f e may be seen i n Ignazio Silone's Fontamara. The peasant r e p l i e d to a question about the status hierarchy as follows: God i s at the head of everything, commanding the heaven Everybody knows t h i s . Then comes Prince T o r l o n i a , r u l e r of the earth. Then comes the guard of the prince. Then comes the prince's guard's dogs. Then nothing. Then more nothing. Then s t i l l more nothings Then come the peasants. One can say that i s a l l . 28 Quoted i n N.S. Peabody, "Toward an Understanding of Backward-ness and Change: A C r i t i q u e of the Banfield Hypothesis", i n Journal of  the Developing Areas, A p r i l 1970 (his t r a n s l a t i o n ) . 35 One r e a l i z e s that t h i s i s the way things are arranged i n the world, and i t does not do to "make waves". The terms b r a c c i a r i t i , a r t i g i a n i , pro- p r i e t a r i , s i g n o r i , professore, and studenti a l l connote r e l a t i v e degrees of respect and prestige i n r e l a t i o n to one another. One must not overstep the prerogatives of one's stratum. Indeed, respondents i n the Almond and Verba sample were asked to choose a personal q u a l i t y they thought most admirable from a l i s t of nine possible choices. The two categories "keeps to him-s e l f " and " r e s p e c t f u l — doesn't overstep his place" were/rated* at; the. top by 18% and 14% of the respondents re s p e c t i v e l y . The t r a i t "does hi s job w e l l " was rated as most admirable by 26% of the respondents. From these preferences f o r the most admirable t r a i t s , i t i s po s s i b l e to draw a compo-s i t e p i c t u r e of an i n d i v i d u a l who "does hi s job w e l l , keeps to himself and doesn't overstep h i s place" which would, presumably be rated as most 29 admirable by a r e l a t i v e l y large segment of the population. Aside from the fact that the r i g i d i t y of the s o c i a l hierarchy i s c u l t u r a l l y sanctioned i n terms of the norm "don't overstep your place or intermeddle into the a f f a i r s of others", the r i g i d i t y i s furthered strength-ened by a sense of f a t a l i s m which runs through the culture of the Mezzo-giorno. The sense of f a t a l i s m i s to be expected i n that the lack of fatalism implies the a b i l i t y to control one's environment to a great ex-tent. The peasant has always been unable to c o n t r o l those factors which govern his environment and l o t i n l i f e — the weather, natural catastrophes, disease, the government, and the landowners. Further the p o s s i b i l i t y of / y As a point of contrast, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the t r a i t " active i n s o c i a l and p u b l i c l i f e " was deemed most admirable by only 5% of the respondents. 36 control of these factors does not e x i s t — "Peasants see themselves 30 as subject to the working of h i s t o r y but scarcely as makers of i t . " The f a t a l i s m o f v l a miseria can be p a r t i a l l y mitigated by the i n d i v i d u a l through his personal contacts, which often e x h i b i t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an "insurance" arrangement — much l i k e the desire of the peasant to work separate p l o t s of land. The c u l t i v a t i o n of friendship with those who do have the power to intercede on one's behalf i s the most prevalent form of human i n i t i a t i v e taken toward the end of overcoming the fury of the Fates. A personal f r i e n d i n the government can speed loan applications on t h e i r way, the p r i e s t can be i n f l u e n t i a l on behalf of the i n d i v i d u a l i n any number of ways, the shopkeeper can grant c r e d i t and inumerable ex-tensions of that c r e d i t , or the landowner can see to i t that one's family does not go hungry while waiting for the new harvest — and a l l of t h i s because the i n d i v i d u a l has kept his friendship up. Beyond t h i s patron-client arrangement though, there i s l i t t l e i n the world of l a miseria that the i n d i v i d u a l can do to assure h i s own success, as w e l l as that of h i s c h i l d r e n . Success i s seen as the product of luck or divine intervention, 3^- and personal i n i t i a t i v e i s deemed as not only useless, but also p o t e n t i a l l y harmful. I t a l i a n s from a l l areas love the l o t t e r y , which has become a natio n a l pastime. In the Mezzogiorno J U Friedmann, op. c i t . , p. 324. 31 It must be noted that even the concept of divine intervention i s not free from the patron-client syndrome. Indeed, divine intervention i s the i n t e r c e s s i o n of a patron s a i n t , who i s the more powerful figure i n a dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p . The intervention of the saint has been "earned" v i a h i s continued p r o p i t i a t i o n by the i n d i v i d u a l . 37 the l o t t e r y i s viewed as one of those avenues which o f f e r the pheno-menal stroke of luck which w i l l remove the peasant from h i s fate. B anfield found t h i s f a t a l i s m i n Montegrano: "In the Montegrano view, action i s the r e s u l t more of forces playing upon the i n d i v i d u a l than of 32 motivations a r i s i n g within him."' The f a t a l i s m of la_miseria, then, provides a further sanction against p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government and com-munity a f f a i r s . Besides being beyond the scope of the ordinary peasant, government and i t s improvement are more due to luck and other outside forces. Moss and Cappannari also found the element of f a t a l i s m as i t relates to the s o c i a l hierarchy i n t h e i r study of Cortina d'Aglio (a pseudonym f o r a Molisan v i l l a g e meaning "the g a r l i c c u r t a i n " ) . They state: Upward s o c i a l mobility i s possible but d i f f i c u l t . I f the son of a peasant were to become a physician ( u n l i k e l y but within the realm of p o s s i b i l i t y ) , he would not be admitted to membership i n the upper cl a s s . He s t i l l remains the son of a contadino (peasant). While he i s considered as above his class of o r i g i n , he i s not a member of the class to. which he aspires. A l l of our informants shook t h e i r heads over t h i s hypothetical case and indicated that he would be neither one nor the other, and, furthermore, such a case of mobility was termed u n l i k e l y . The peasant, then, does not view his chances f o r improvement of h i s l o t i n l i f e as being very great. He has resigned himself to that which he has always known, and that which was known to h i s forefathers before him. 32 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 131. 33 Leonard W. Moss and Stephen Cappannari, "Estate and Class i n a South I t a l i a n H i l l V i l l a g e " i n American Anthropologist, Vol. 64, No. 2, April,.1962, p. 293. 38 The poverty of the area, and i t s t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o the philosophic outlook of l a miseria, i s at least p a r t i a l l y derived from the land tenure system of the Mezzogiorno. Unlike c e n t r a l I t a l y , which i s characterized by a predominance of the mezzadria contract where the landowner and the peasant share expenses and product equally, the a g r i c u l t u r a l lands of the South are worked under a patchwork of d i f f e r e n t arrangements. There i s often a reluctance on the part of the landowner to become involved i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise because of the negative value placed on t h i s type of work — consequently he most often rents h i s lands to the peasants. The rents are not proportionate to the harvest; they may be advantageous one year and disadvantageous the next. Furthermore, because pl o t s are unintegrated — a product of b i l a t e r a l kinship patterns and a l e g a l t r a -d i t i o n of p a r t i b l e inheritance — a peasant may rent from more than one landlord at a time, or he may be a renter, sharecropper, owner, and wage-laborer concurrently. The t r a d i t i o n of d i v i d i n g i n h e r i t e d lands equally among o f f s p r i n g has resulted i n progressively smaller p l o t s with concomi-tant i n c r e a s i n g l y small y i e l d s . The peasant's r e l a t i o n s h i p to both the land and landowner are t y p i c a l l y unstable over time. Lacking any long term commitments or leases, the peasant has learned to e x p l o i t his p l o t s of land rather than care f o r them on.a long term b a s i s . In the Mezzo-giorno, there i s no t r a d i t i o n of the happy peasant c l o s e l y t i e d to h i s land, working i t s s o i l with a f f e c t i v e t i e s to "his land". The c u l t i v a t o r of the South i s n e c e s s a r i l y , more s e l f - r e l i a n t than his counterpart i n the North or Central I t a l y . Under the terms of tenancy, the c u l t i v a t o r must assume a l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r success or 39 f a i l u r e of the harvest. He must take the entrepreneurial decisions as w e l l as provide the necessary manual labor. He must seek c r e d i t , make decisions regarding investment, and h i r e extra labor when necessary. Continually l i v i n g on the brink of economic r u i n , and i n perennial need of loans, c r e d i t , and food supplies to t i d e the family over u n t i l the next harvest, leaves the peasant i n constant need of friends who can perform these functions and provide Mm and h i s family with sustenance. He i s continually at least a p o t e n t i a l c l i e n t i n a pat r o n - c l i e n t r e l a -t i onship, who i s generally w i l l i n g to give h i s respect and vote to whom-ever w i l l provide for h i s and his family's needs and make sure that they won't perish i n troubled times. There i s one way out of the poverty and l a miseria of the Mezzo-giorno which has been used quite extensively i n the past twenty years — emigration. Over 5 m i l l i o n people — mostly young men — have emigrated from the Mezzogiorno over the l a s t twenty years, mostly to America or the northern i n d u s t r i a l centres of Milan and Turin. Some have gone to Germany and Switzerland to work, returning to spend t h e i r two weeks holiday with t h e i r families l e f t behind. Emigration i s viewed as a v i a b l e escape from l a miseria of poverty because i t involved usually occupational, as wel l as l o c a t i o n a l change. Given the preference f o r an urban way of l i f e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of most p r e i n d u s t r i a l towns, " c i v i l i z e d " becomes equated with "urbanized". The mere prevalence of a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y i n the Mezzogiorno does not necessitate a r u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n . Lopreato J See Sydel Silverman's " A g r i c u l t u r a l Organization, S o c i a l Structure and Values i n I t a l y : Amoral Familism Reconsidered" i n American Anthropolo- g i s t , Vol. 70, February 1968. 40 sums up emigration as follows: In his case, t h i s basic wish can only mean a cessation of a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . Emigration i s patently suited to achieve t h i s goal; b a r r i n g few exceptions i t involves also occupational m o b i l i t y and s o c i a l betterment. In short, the peasants are leaving the land they have worked on for many reasons, but foremost among them seems to be a desire to regain, or to earn, t h e i r s e l f -esteem, t h e i r d i g n i t y , and t h e i r personal i n t e g r i t y . The difference between r u r a l and urban cultures i s profound i n the eyes of the people of the Mezzogiorno. Giuseppe Z., one of Dolci's informants, speaks of himself and other peasants: They're not quick-witted l i k e c i t y f o l k s ; i f you're i n a c i t y you're more a l i v e , you learn how to use your head, but when you see nothing but mountains and sky day i n , day out, you're j u s t l i k e the sheep, and when there are wolves about.... 3 ^ Emigration i s not the s o l u t i o n that i t seems though. Almond and Verba's study showed that 67% of the people interviewed d e f i n i t e l y planned on staying i n t h e i r town of residence, while only 6% d e f i n i t e l y planned on moving from the town. Furthermore, 83% of those interviewed had l i v e d i n t h e i r towns of residence for "20 years or more — ' a l l my l i f e ' . " Many of the emigrants return to the South to enjoy t h e i r hard-earned wealth, which seems to l a s t a l i t t l e longer i n the Mezzogiorno. Here Quoted i n Danilo D o l c i ' s To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 247. Banfield also notes the same at t i t u d e i n Montegrano: "Importance i s (emphasis his) attached to the difference between town and country manners. The country-dwelling peasant, although he i s generally much better o f f than the town dwelling peasant, i s often regarded as a 'rube' (cafone). His speech, dress, and country ways are r i d i c u l e d by those who themselves have no land or l i v e s t o c k and sometimes not even a mouthful of bread"(Banfield, op. c i t . , p. 71). 41 they set examples with t h e i r acquired urban ways and s t y l e s , and t e l l i n f l a t e d s t o r i e s of the opportunities awaiting those who decide to follow t h e i r example. Besides r e l i e v i n g population pressure on the land, (which i s a r e l a t i v e l y recent phenomenon i n the Mezzogiorno), emigration contributes to the welfare of those who stay behind, i n the form of g i f t s and money sent back to help r e l a t i v e s . The continued r e l i a n c e upon the good w i l l and g i f t s sent from emigrants though, condemns the peasantry of the Mezzogiorno to continually l i v i n g i n r e l a t i v e , i f not absolute, poverty. There are, however, other adverse e f f e c t s of emigration which serve to perpetuate the poverty and l a miseria of the region. A great bulk of emigrants from the Mezzogiorno are the more ambitious young men who seek something be t t e r than the l i f e of t h e i r fathers. The cost of r a i s i n g these people f a l l s upon the Mezzogiorno, but the f r u i t s of t h e i r pro-37 d u c t i v i t y are drained o f f e i t h e r to the government, or to northern i n d u s t r i a l regions where they work, rent an apartment, buy t h e i r clothes, and r a i s e t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Emigration can also be detrimental to the development of the South, i n that the very i n d i v i d u a l s who emigrate are the more ambitious and mobile, and therefore, probably the most capable to e f f e c t i n g change within the region. The s t a b i l i t y of the status quo i s enhanced by draining o f f these ' d i s s a t i s f i e d ' elements, who are f a t a l i s t i c with regard to t h e i r chances f o r a better l i f e i n the One of the more popular occupations for young male emigrants i s that of the c a r a b i n i e r i or p o l i c e , a p o s i t i o n which i s , for some reason (possibly the power involved) very pr e s t i g i o u s i n the eyes of young men i n the South. 42 Mezzogiorno, yet are able to muster enough i n i t i a t i v e to break many of t h e i r o ld t i e s to the region of t h e i r b i r t h and move to the l a r g e r i n d u s t r i a l centres i n the hope of new found wealth and ease. Chapman's study of Milocca, although made for t y years ago, d i s -plays e s s e n t i a l l y the same at t i t u d e which p r e v a i l s today, except that the northern c i t i e s of I t a l y have become more a t t r a c t i v e to the would-be emigrant. She says: L i f e and i t s i n t e r e s t s center i n Milocca, and i n those f a r away outposts of Milocca i n Pennsylvania and Alabama from which come l e t t e r s t e l l i n g of the b i r t h of grandchildren, the i l l n e s s of a brother, or the marriage of a nephew to a f i n e g i r l , though a Turk (the term applied to a l l non-Catholics regardless of n a t i o n a l i t y or creed). The lure of America i s strong, e s p e c i a l l y to the younger pea-sants who dream of riches gained by labor l i g h t e r than that which they know, riches with which they could return, buy land, and s e t t l e down as respected proprietors....But, f a i l i n g America, they f e e l no urge to go to other parts of t h e i r country.... The unfortunates, those who do not emigrate, are condemned to l i v e the l i f e of poverty and l a miseria. They are the ones who must keep a close watch on t h e i r neighbors, t r y to formulate i n t r i c a t e net-works of fr i e n d s h i p , and stand alone against the forces of nature and e v i l ; and throughout a l l t h i s , t r y to maintain t h e i r s e l f - r e s p e c t as w e l l as the respect of the community. Two of Dolci's informants speak for these people: They (the regional a u t h o r i t i e s ) issue me an E.C.A. card every month, and I draw 1,000 l i r e r e l i e f money, I want work — what do they think I can do with the Chapman, op. c i t . , pp. 19-20. 43 miserable l i t t l e b i t s they dole me out? I'm looking for a job. Every time I take 50 l i r e from my son to buy a crust of bread with, I f e e l s i c k with shame. The moment he's gone I begin to blubber.... I can't bring myself to ask the passers-by f o r c h a r i t y . I've been a worker a l l my l i f e , and I'm only f i f t y years o l d . I'm beginning to go queer i n the head. I used to t r y and puzzle out how I'd come to such a pass. But I've stopped thinking — I can't think anymore. Work, work, work, — how can I f i n d work — that's a l l that's l e f t i n my mind.-*9 ...my wife f e l l i l l , and had to go to the h o s p i t a l . I couldn't f i n d a job, and things went from bad to worse for me; often and often, I went hungry to bed. But what I minded most was having to go empty-handed to the h o s p i t a l to v i s i t my wife. I t made be b i t t e r l y ashamed of myself — I f e l t I wasn't a r e a l man, a proper husband. What a r e d - l e t t e r day i t was f o r me when I was able to take her an orange. An orange — what's an orange, y o u ' l l say. To me i t was everything. The component of poverty and l a miseria f e l t most deeply by the peasant of the Mezzogiorno i s not the lack of food or cl o t h i n g — i t i s the d i s g r a z i a which poverty so often brings i n i t s wake. Ban f i e l d notes t h i s , yet f a i l s to take i t into account i n the formulation of h i s hypothesis. He (the peasant of the Mezzogiorno) l i v e s i n a culture i n which i t i s very important to be admired, and he sees that by i t s standards he cannot be admired i n the l e a s t ; by these standards he and everything about him are contemptible and r i d i c u l o u s . Knowing t h i s , he i s f i l l e d with loathing f or h i s l o t and with anger f o r the fates which assigned him to i t . . . . La M i s e r i a , i t seems safe to conclude, a r i s e s as much * D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 103. } Ibid. , p. 37. 44 or more from s o c i a l as from b i o l o g i c a l deprivations. This being the case, there i s ho reason to expect that a moderate increase i n income would make the atmosphere of the v i l l a g e any l e s s heavy with melancholy. ^ Banfield's a s s e r t i o n that the peasant acts as i f he were following the r u l e "Maximize the material short-run advantage of the nuclear family...", then, rests upon the assumption of i r r a t i o n a l i t y on the part of the peasant, i n that the peasant i s pursuing something of only secondary importance, i . e . , material advantage. The a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s that Banfield has noted behavioral patterns but ascribed i t to the wrong set of incentives. I f , as t h i s chapter has argued (and Banfield has noted), the d i s g r a z i a and r e l a t i v e deprivation are among the most deeply f e l t components of l a  miseria, i t appears i n c o r r e c t to argue that the peasant i s acting i n a manner s o l e l y to increase h i s short-run material advantage. I t would appear more l o g i c a l to assume that he pursues those " s o c i a l goods" upon which he, himself places a high value. We cannot argue that the peasant places a high value upon honor and prestige and that he acts s o l e l y for short-run material advantage i f we understand that 1) the peasant i s r a t i o n a l ; and 2) the route to "honor and prestige" i s d i f f e r e n t than "short-run material advantage". This question w i l l be further pursued l a t e r . The peasant sees two basic ways out of l a miseria, e i t h e r through luck or d i v i n e intervention on the one hand, or emigration on the other. Barring these a l t e r n a t i v e s , the most expedient thing to do i s to f i n d a " f r i e n d " . B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , pp. 64-65. 45 CHAPTER III Patron-Client Relationships It i s the nature of men to be as much bound by the b e n e f i t s that they confer as by those they receive. M a c h i a v e l l i Patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s form an i n t e g r a l part of the p o l -i t i c a l culture throughout I t a l y , but our i n t e r e s t here i s the manner i n which the concept of pa t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s the manifestation of the moral code of the Mezzogiorno peasant, and the e f f e c t that these patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s have upon the peasant's moral outlook. The patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p i s a dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p between two part i e s of unequal status, wealth, and influence, who bind themselves together on the basis of r e c i p r o c i t y i n the exchange of non-comparable goods and s e r v i c e s , and a f f e c t i v e t i e s . For a number of reasons, the r e l a t i o n s h i p usually rests heavily on face-to-face contact. The patron — that member of dyad with the greater status, wealth, and influence — has, by d e f i n i t i o n , the greater bargaining power. His needs are generally minimal, while those of the c l i e n t are generally c r i t i c a l . While the friendship e x i s t i n g between the two p a r t i e s may be said to be instrumental i n that each member of the dyad acts as a p o t e n t i a l connecting l i n k to other persons outside the dyad, the r e l a t i o n s h i p must, nevertheless, contain at least a minimal amount of a f f e c t . I f t h i s a f f e c t i v e t i e i s not present, i t must be feigned or the r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l cease. Powell notes that, i n the Mezzogiorno, these p a t r o n r c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s tend 46 to be enduring over time; extensive with regard to the number and type of needs covered by the r e l a t i o n s h i p ; and intensive with regard to the a f f e c t i v e f e e l i n g s involved i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Patron-client t i e s , unlike those of kinship t i e s , are not as-cribed, but rather achieved; and one must "keep h i s friendships up", so to speak. The r e l a t i o n s h i p may be broken.in the event of non-ful-f i l l m e n t of the informal, unwritten, and often unspoken "contract". In return f o r the services of the patron — which may include such things as l e t t e r s of recommendation f or a job, entrance to school, or the receiving of government se r v i c e s ; a loan i n the form of cash or food to l a s t u n t i l the new harvest; outright g i f t s of money to provide f o r a needed dowry, schooling or some other f i n a n c i a l outlay which the c l i e n t i s incapable of meeting; or any other services he might render — the c l i e n t generally gives esteem ( i n the form of demonstrating that esteem before others); l o y a l t y ; promises f o r p o l i t i c a l support; small o f f e r i n g s such as eggs, cheeses and other small g i f t s ; and information on the move-ments and a c t i v i t i e s of others. (This l a s t i s also i n d i r e c t l y advanta-geous to the c l i e n t , i n that since various patrons are seen to be competing with one another at every l e v e l , i t i s advantageous to the c l i e n t to have a powerful patron.) Most people i n a patronage system occupy patron and c l i e n t roles simultaneously. In t h i s sense, the patron - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s are not See John D. Powell's"Peasant Society and C l i e n t e l i s t P o l i t i c s " i n American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, Vol. LXIV (June 1970) for a d i s -cussion of the patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p . 47 s t r i c t l y dyadic, but rather great systems of patronage are formed. These patronage systems are not simply patronage "chains" or a s e r i e s of dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; rather, a more apt depiction would be that of a number of pyramidal structures, not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d . Occupation of the patron r o l e i s p r e s t i g i o u s , i n that s o c i a l prestige i s often measured i n terms of the resources a person can command to protect and advance the p o s i t i o n of h i s family and f r i e n d s . The patron i s often addressed as "Don" — a general recognition of h i s status and power. In t h i s sense the patron, and those connected with him, enjoy the freedom from anonymity and the benefits of personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n providing the 2 i n d i v i d u a l with a meaningful place i n society. The e f f i c a c y of the patro n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i s enhanced by the i n e f f i c i e n c y and in e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d bureau-cracy and c i v i l s e r vice. The government i s often viewed as the peasant's worst enemy i n that i t has, f o r centuries, l e g i t i m i z e d h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n . In the words of the poet-priest Vincenzo Padula, the peasant "has been educated to consider the government as h i s worst enemy while expecting 3 that i t do everything f o r him" The state bureaucracy tends to be pre-i n d u s t r i a l i n nature. "Each ministry resembles a feudal hierarchy, The very concept of freedom from anonymity and the enjoyment of a sense of self-worth as an i n d i v i d u a l may be one of the prime factors i n perpetuating the patronage system. For a discussion of t h i s sense of "community", see Sheldon Wolin's P o l i t i c s and V i s i o n , Chapter 10, where he i d e n t i f i e s the search f o r a sense of self-worth as an i n d i v i d u a l within the community as one of the prime agents i n the development of Fascism. Quoted i n Friedmann, op. c i t . , p. 330. 48 jealous of i t s own prerogatives." The general i l l e g i t i m a c y of the government and the c i v i l service i s further exacerbated i n that, to the southern I t a l i a n , " j u s t i c e " and the "rule of law" are often two d i f f e r e n t and contradictory concepts. The ancient laws handed down through the generations are often f a r removed from the l e g i s l a t i o n passed at Montecitorio i n Rome. Those who fi g h t against the govern-ment on the basis of a more autochthonous system of laws are often considered heroes, not only by the poor of the Mezzogiorno, but often by people throughout I t a l y . Witness the popularity of the S i c i l i a n bandit Salvatore Giuliano, who played the r o l e of a modern day Robin Hood, and con s i s t e n t l y out-maneuvered the c a r a b i n i e r i u n t i l h i s death. A Palermitan street-sweeper talked to Danilo D o l c i of Giuliano: Giuliano had the whole of S i c i l y intimated. He (emphasis his) could have put everything r i g h t . He should have been king of S i c i l y and put every-thing i n order. But they k i l l e d him: here any-one who wants to do something for the poor i s k i l l e d . 5 In a h o s t i l e world one needs fr i e n d s , and i t pays to "keep the fences of fr i e n d s h i p " mended. The granting of a favor must be met with r e c i p r o c i t y i n order that one's friendship can be c a l l e d upon i n times of adversity. The peasant of the Mezzogiorno needs protection from h i s neighbors, who are t r y i n g to outdo him i n one way or another; he needs H.S. Kartadjoemena, "Economic Development i n Southern I t a l y : The Problems of P o l i c y and the Search for Instruments" i n Canadian  Pub l i c Administration, Vol; XII:2, -Summer 1969. p. 292. D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 108. 49 protection from what i s often viewed as an a l i e n l e g a l system; and, i n some parts of the Mezzogiorno, he needs protection from the violence and exp l o i t a t i o n by the various mafiosi, which i s part of the everyday l i f e . There are natural calamities also, which he must protect himself against through the use of friendship — a bad harvest, drought, hailstorms, and rock s l i d e s which may suddenly carry away h i s house or f i e l d s . Boissevain sums up the problem and i t s r e s o l u t i o n as c a r r i e d out i n S i c i l y , a pattern which seems applicable to the rest of the Mezzogiorno: Thus the basic problem the S i c i l i a n faces i n dealing with the world of non-kin i s how to protect himself from his enemies, both known and unknown; and how to influence the remote, impersonal, i f not h o s t i l e , a u t h o r i t i e s who make the decisions which co n t r o l h i s well-being and that of his family, with whom h i s honor and standing i n the community i s so intimately bound. Most resolve these problems by seeking out s t r a t e g i c a l l y placed protectors and fr i e n d s , who together with Kinsmen, make up the personal network of contacts through whom the average S i c i l i a n at-tempts to protect and advance the fortunes of h i s family. The well-placed patron can be of immeasurable b e n e f i t , p a r t i c u l a r -l y i f he i s connected with the greatest of a l l spoilage systems — the government. Southerners are inc r e a s i n g l y taking over the reins of the government bureaucracy, and have used t h e i r new found resources to pay t h e i r debts of friendship through the rewarding of jobs, l i c e n s e s , con-t r a c t s , and grants. 7 The I t a l i a n p u b l i c administration system being Boissevain, op. c i t . , p. 21. 7 See Dolci's The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . ; also f f 8 and 9 (th i s chapter) l o c . c i t . 50 what i t i s , i t lends i t s e l f to the implementation of patron - c l i e n t patterns. Bureaucratic red-tape affords the opportunity to some enter-p r i s i n g i n d i v i d u a l to speed up an a p p l i c a t i o n i n return f o r the proper payment. The semi-autonomous agencies and o f f i c e s are l e f t without supervision, and again i n d i v i d u a l s use t h e i r resources i n a p r o f i t a b l e game . The game i s Sottogoverno. I t b a s i c a l l y consists of the manipulation of patronage on a vast scale to provide money, jobs and votes for p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and t h e i r a l l i e s . P a r t i e s and p o l i t i c i a n s need money....Political leaders, to r e t a i n the allegiance of t h e i r best men, need access to a 'Stanza b e i Bottoni,' a room where you can push the r i g h t buttons...•The best players are the C h r i s t i a n Democrats.... Things have not improved much with regard to the e f f i c i e n c y of the govern-ment. Five years e a r l i e r The Economist reported e s s e n t i a l l y the same thing: Administrators operate an overcentralized system which i s not s u f f i c i e n t l y i n touch with l o c a l needs. The i n e f f i c i e n c y of such a system, operating i n i t s own la b y r i n t h of red-tape tends to favor the strong and alienate the weak without imposing c e n t r a l d i r e c t i o n on a f f a i r s . The r e s u l t i s the innumerable autonomous centers of power which l i v e t h e i r p a r t l y separate l i v e s , from governmental agencies that have gone into o r b i t , to large i n d u s t r i e s , landowners, g u i l d s , professions or even, i n S i c i l y , the Mafia.^ It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the pi c t u r e of the bureaucracy g The Economist, " I t a l y : The incomplete miracle" (Vol. 243: 6712), 15-21 A p r i l , 1972. 9 The Economist, "The Emerging State" (Vol. 222: 6447), 18-21 March, 1967. 51 portrayed by The Economist f i t s very nearly p e r f e c t l y with the i d e a l system of patronage portrayed at the beginning of t h i s chapter; i . e . , a number of pyramidal structures not d i r e c t l y connected. The p u b l i c administration system, with i t s semi-autonomous centres of power leaves the o f f i c e holder free to use h i s o f f i c e as a personal sinecure, and to b u i l d h i s own pyramidal structure from above. He i s able to use the funds at h i s dis p o s a l , and more importantly, h i s influence, i n taking care of those who have demonstrated t h e i r l o y a l t y i n an attempt to gain the l o y a l t y of others f o r future confrontation with those who would r e l i e v e him of h i s o f f i c e . Moss and Cappannari note t h i s a t t i t u d e on the part of o f f i c e holders i n Cortina d'Aglio where those who held legitimate power positions r e t a i n feudal attitudes of authority with respect to the prerogatives of t h e i r o f f i c e . The feudal outlook of these o f f i c e holders, they note, i s supported by the r i g i d i t y of the governmental bureaucracy and i t s o r i e n t a t i o n toward maintenance of the status quo.^ The degree to which p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e has come to be viewed as a personal sinecure f or the improvement of i n d i v i d u a l p o s i t i o n s i s stated f l a t l y by Kartadjoemena. Speaking of the p u b l i c administration system i n I t a l y , he says: "More than an instrument for governmental i n -tervention and actio n , i t i s a system of p a t r o n a g e . P o l i t i c a l power has come to be used for the b u i l d i n g of personal patronage systems, and ^ See Moss and Cappannari, "Estate and Class i n a South I t a l i a n H i l l V i l l a g e " op. c i t . , p. 299. ^ Kartadjoemena, op. c i t . , p. 291. 52 i s most often used to control funds i n a manner b e n e f i c i a l to the i n d i -v i d ual o f f i c e holder and h i s associates. The e f f e c t s of the i n e f f i c i e n t government bureaucracy upon the peasantry are manifest i n t h e i r own words. Peppino, one of Dolci's informants: " I t ' s the ones on top who hold the s t r i n g s ; you can't get anywhere without a f r i e n d at court. 0 l ' a m i c i z i a o l a soru bedda, as the saying goes." (You must e i t h e r have an i n f l u e n t i a l f r i e n d or a 12 b e a u t i f u l s i s t e r . ) Another informant, Giuseppe Z., speaks of the p o l i t i c i a n s : You ought to see the Honorables who come here and t a l k to us j u s t before the e l e c t i o n s . 'Work on the State schemes w i l l begin i n June, and y o u ' l l a l l get jobs,' they t e l l us. Believe me, i f God himself came down from Heaven and sa i d the very same thing, we wouldn't believe i t ! Maybe by the time I'm o l d , there w i l l be regular jobs f o r everybody, but i t ' l l be too l a t e , then — I shan't c a r e . . . . ^ I t i s generally recognized i n the Mezzogiorno that " c i vuole raccomandazione per poter v i v e r e " (one needs ' p u l l ' i n order to be able to l i v e ) , and the raccomandazione i s the only way i n which the peasant has of gaining a part of the goods and services of the system that should be h i s . Friendship can a l t e r the course of an i m p a r t i a l bureaucracy, and does. Since the bureaucracy operates on the basis of raccomandazione, the ' l i t t l e man' cannot expect the e f f i c i e n t flow of Ib i d . , p. 248. This grievance i s reported i n much of the l i t -erature on the Mezzogiorno. The bags of pasta and other food, and the f a l s e promises of work seem to be the most common electioneering gimmicks. Unfortunately, the food runs out quickly and the jobs never m a t e r i a l i z e — but then i f t h i s didnn't happen, there would be no means of campaigning at the next round of el e c t i o n s . The at t i t u d e i s r e f l e c t e d i n Almond and Verba's study where 80% of the sample sa i d " A l l candidates sound good i n speeches, but..." 12 13 53 goods and services which would normally r e s u l t i n at l e a s t minimal incremental improvement of h i s l o t . Since the bureaucracy operates on the basis of raccomandazione, he must play by the rules of that game and seek out the favor of various well-placed i n d i v i d u a l s . The c y c l e , then, i s self-perpetuating; the peasant must play the game of sotto- governo, dealing i n raccomandazione i n order to get h i s f a i r share (or at l e a s t a part of i t ) , and because he involves himself i n t h i s elaborate barter system, the positions of the various patrons are enhanced and others must p a r t i c i p a t e i n the same method of obtaining goods and s e r v i c e s . There i s created, therefore, a v i c i o u s c i r c l e i n which the continued employment of the patronage system enhances the p o s i t i o n of those involved i n i t , and forces others to play the same humiliating game i f they are to receive anything at the hands of government o f f i c i a l s . Besides the government, there i s another i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d system of patronage i n the Mezzogiorno -r— p a r t i c u l a r l y i n S i c i l y ; t h i s i s the mafia. Although the mafia i s d i f f e r e n t from the government, i t i s not altogether separate from i t . As more and more southerners have moved i n to f i l l the vacancies within the state bureaucracy, the b e t t e r p o s i t i o n s have gone to those southerners with the greatest raccomandazione, and many of these have been m a f i o s i . As a p o l i c e o f f i c e r i n P a r t i n i c o put i t i n describing how h i s job was much easier nowadays: "The strongest members of the Mafia are now i n Rome serving the Government.""^ The Jerre Mangione, A Passion for S i c i l i a n s (New York: Morrow and Co., 1968), p. 268. See also Dolci's The Man Who Pays Alone for d i s -cussion of mafiosi i n government. 54 statement i s not s u r p r i s i n g or shocking i n any way; i t i s a b i t discomforting. The patronage system of the mafia i s based upon a dual appeal to the peasantry, combining the forces of "love" and " f e a r " . ^ 5 Guercio portrays an example of the e f f i c a c y of the mafia i n the "good o l d bad days": Suppose a peasant i s the v i c t i m of a c a t t l e t h e f t . I f he goes to the p o l i c e to report the t h e f t , s t a t i s t i c s show that he has a 10% chance of regaining the t o t a l amount of the t h e f t . Besides h i s low chances of recovery, the investigations and red-tape take months to complete. Also there i s the danger of r e p r i s a l s from e i t h e r the t h i e f or h i s family. On the other hand, i f he goes to the l o c a l capo-mafia, he i s almost c e r t a i n (95% chance) to regain part of h i s property. For the various investigations and coercion that the capo-mafia must under-take, he charges the v i c t i m about one-third of the t o t a l l o s s . There-fore a 95% chance of regaining 70% of one's losses i s weighed against a 10% chance of regaining the t o t a l loss (with the delays and dangers of 16 r e p r i s a l s thrown into the bargain). The prudent man w i l l always opt One cannot help but be impressed with the s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between many of the behavioral patterns associated with the mafia and the norms set out by M a c h i a v e l l i i n The Prince. In chapter XVII, Machi-a v e l l i discusses the optimal balance between r e s t i n g on love and/or fear. " S t i l l a prince should make himself feared i n such a way that i f he does not gain love, he at any rate avoids hatred; for fear and the absence of hatred may w e l l go together, and w i l l be always attained by one who abstains from i n t e r f e r r i n g with the property of h i s c i t i z e n s and sub-j e c t s or with t h e i r women." Francis M. Guercio, S i c i l y (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1968), pp. 73-74. 55 for the personal patron pattern of recovery of h i s losses. One expects that the nature of "goods and s e r v i c e s " d i s t r i b u t e d by the mafia to be s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t as more and more mafiosi come into the government, but one suspects that the pattern i s much the same. Besides the e f f i c i e n c y of the mafia i n dealing with the problems brought to various mafiosi by the " l i t t l e man", there i s much i n an "operational code" of the mafia which appeals to the peasantry. The mafia, unlike the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d l e g a l system, recognizes j u s t i c e as many of the peasants know i t . Calogero Volpe, a S i c i l i a n who occupied the p o s i t i o n of Under-Secretary of State to the M i n i s t r y of Health i n 1968, an ex-Under-Secretary to the M i n i s t r y of Transport, and referred to by the press as "Deputy f o r the Rural Mafia", has stated that "The mafia, i n the sense of development of the human per s o n a l i t y , i s an ex-pression of the S i c i l i a n mentality.""'' 7 The codes of morality and honor are also very much intermeshed with those of the larger peasant culture from which i t was born. uQmerta was the prime s o c i a l duty of a mafiusu, but h i s private r e l a t i o n s were governed r i s p i e t t u , a keeping of hands o f f I Q one another's property, family, f r i e n d s , etc." The behavioral norms evident i n the mafia are not merely for the purposes of expediency. The behavioral norms of the mafia are much more than the behavioral norms established i n modern day m i l i t a r y machines for e f f i c i e n c y . They 1 7 D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 93. 18 Guercio, op. c i t . , p. 70. See f f . 14, to compare with M a c h i a v e l l i ' exhortation to the Prince to follow e s s e n t i a l l y the same pattern of r i s p i e t t u . 56 represent a code of e t h i c s , morals, and honor. Guercio sums up t h i s p o s i t i o n : "...the ethics of omerta and r i s p i e t t u i s or has been a p r i m i t i v e , perverted c h i v a l r y , a t t a i n i n g i n many i n d i v i d u a l cases to heroism. There i s another element i n the "appeal" of the mafia as a patron. Ma f i o s i r e t a i n t h e i r positions l a r g e l y out of fear on the part of the 20 common people. The prudent man fears r e p r i s a l s against himself and his family, should he decide to s t a r t denouncing various mafiosi p u b l i c l y . An u n i d e n t i f i e d voice i n Dolci's meeting of January 16, 1966, i n Castel-lamare portrayed the s i t u a t i o n g r a p h i c a l l y : "The question i s t h i s : us poor folks are slaves a l l over S i c i l y -- we're asses, because we don't speak up. And since no one e l s e speaks up, the mafioso i s cock of the 21 whole d u n g h i l l . " Of course the people don't r e a l l y respect them, not a b i t . Their respect i s j u s t submission. They are stronger. The mafia was here before the law. For them, i t ' s t h e i r own law that counts. A r e a l mafioso never moves alone. A r e a l mafia crime i s always decided by a l l of them: they meet, discuss, and decide.... And so? Best mind your own business. 'The man who plays alone never loses.' You must be on your best behavior with other people: speak w e l l , speak clean; because as the saying goes, 'una parola mal detta, ne  viene una vendetta' — a careless word, and a vendetta w i l l follow. We have to be on our guard against our tongues. For me, blessed i s the man who minds h i s own business. The man who doesn't i s asking for trouble. 1 9 I b i d . , p. 70. 2 ^ See the proceeding of the p u b l i c meetings held by D o l c i on January 12, 13, 14, and 16, 1966, i n Castellamare, i n The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . (p. 250-295). 2 1 I b i d . 2 2 I b i d . , p. 69. 57 Although there i s a denial of "respect" to the mafia, the fact i s that the mafia operates with many of the same behavioral patterns which characterize the Mezzogiorno. L'omerta and r i s p e t t o are un i v e r s a l i n the culture of the Mezzogiorno. Cornelisen recounts that the fondest memories of the Torres! are those of the time that they locked a l l of the c i v i l servants i n the post o f f i c e . A f t e r authority had been reasserted by the state, 1'omerta set i n . In front of the p o l i c e , no one knew any-thing. The whole town sat back to enjoy the spectacle of the state of-f i c i a l s running around, completely f r u s t r a t e d i n t h e i r attempt to esta-23 b l i s h " j u s t i c e " . The mafia appears, then, to share the same set of c u l t u r a l norms and behavioral patterns which characterize the larger society. They are, as i t were, a microcosm wit h i n the c u l t u r a l m i l i e u of the Mezzogiorno, which can be seen as an e l i t e i n terms of f u l f i l l -ment of many of those behavioral norms. The mafia appears to be the example, par excellence, of behavioral patterns which characterize most of southern I t a l y . The use of 'friendship'.nand 'raccomandazione 1 are the most e f f i c a c i o u s manner i n which to influence the impersonal.!working of a bureaucratic administration; and t h i s procedure i s used throughout the Mezzogiorno,by bothithe mafia and the common man, much to the detrimentfof the e f f i c i e n c y of the bureaucracy i t s e l f . The mafia, however, i s much better at the procedure than i s the common man. Incthis way, the mafia i s the epitome of the wider behavioral patterns characterizing the Mezzogiorno. 23 Cornelisen, op. c i t . , Chapter VI. See also Friedmann, o p . c i t . , and E r i c J . Hobsbawm's P r i m i t i v e Rebels (Boston: Norton, 1965), Chapters I aid I I . 58 Before leaving the t o p i c of the mafia,as a patron, i t would be well to note the d i r e c t i o n which the mafia, with i t s abundance of power, generally takes with regard to s i t u a t i o n s of some p o l i t i c a l import. While the boundaries of the mafia, the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party, and the Catholic Church are by no means co-terminus, they do overlap with regard to membership and ideology; and they form what one might c a l l the "Triumvirate of Stagnation", being the three major i n s t i t i o n a l i z e d impediments to economic, and p o l i t i c a l growth. Speaking of the mafia, Guercio sums up the p o s i t i o n : The higher, more imponderable mafia had always been concerned with the protection of property, . . . ' with the buttressing of the established order. I t had been i n s u l a r , conservative, and a n t i -revolutionary; and the end of F a s c i s t rule i n July 1943 brought danger to propertysand established i n t e r e s t s of lawlessness, on the one hand, and of communism on the other. Thus the revived power of the mafia f i t t e d admirably with the p o l i t i c a l trends which the A l l i e d au-t h o r i t i e s were bound to f i n d most congenial to t h e i r own duties and i n t e r e s t s . The mafiusu, of course played t h e i r part i n promoting or impeding e l e c t o r a l campaigns, and t h e i r influence was f i r s t p ro-separatist, then monarchist, and f i n a l l y C h r i s t i a n Democratic., They always opposed Left-wing platforms. Guercio's description of the biases of the mafia would also f i t the clergy of the South and the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party quite aptly. The mafia can control quite extensive numbers of people i n that, while what one might c a l l " a f f i l i a t e d members" of the organization are a small minority, the number of persons who have occasional recourse to the mafia Guercio, op. c i t . , p. 85. 59 i n S i c i l y f o r some grievance, e t c . , may represent as much as h a l f the 25 population of the i s l a n d . These people are, of course, expected to return the favor, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of p o l i t i c a l support f o r the mafia's chosen candidate. The mafia, then,has considerable weight* to influence e l e c t o r a l outcomes toward i t s chosen conservative path. Attaining a p o s i t i o n i n the state bureaucracy affords one the opportunity of becoming a patron. Even those who have no land,and manage by some means or other to gain a p o s i t i o n i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e , a t t a i n a "resource" of goods and services which may be put to work i n a patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p . A c i v i l servant can influence bureaucratic procedures to the benefit of himself and/or h i s f r i e n d s . He i s a man with power, influence, raccomandazione. Given h i s p o s i t i o n , he i s e n t i t l e d to respect and prestige within the community — he i s a pezzo da novanta, capable of p u l l i n g the appropriate s t r i n g s to manipulate the a f f a i r s of government to the benefit of h i s f r i e n d s . In a culture which places so much emphasis on prestige and respect,a p o s i t i o n i n the state bureaucra-26 cy i s highly sought a f t e r . The use of p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e to provide for oneself and one's friends i s not at a l l incongruous with the moral code of the Mezzogiorno. Personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s are seensas more e f f i c a c i o u s thantthe impersonal rule of law, and the l e g a l - r a t i o n a l i s t t r a d i t i o n . The d i s t r u s t prevalent — I b i d . , p. 72. 26 There are, of course, other reasons to account f o r the high degree of preference f o r a job i n the state bureaucracy. In the South, there i s a conspicuous lack of a l t e r n a t i v e job opportunities; a p o s i t i o n i n the state bureaucracy provides s e c u r i t y of employment; and c i v i l s e r v i c e af-fords one the opportunity to forego manual labor. 60 i n the Mezzogiorno can be directed at persons who occupy positions of power, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to d i r e c t that d i s t r u s t , and d e c i s i v e l y place i t when one i s faced with a maze of bureaucratic procedures and red-tape. The d i s t r u s t i s perhaps greater i n the l a t t e r case, but the point of f a u l t i s often quite d i f f i c u l t to f i n d . Baron d i Longo,a landed proprietor i n Banfield's study, discusses t h i s preference f o r personal-type r o l e : J A monarchy i s the best form of government because the king i s then the owner of the country. Like the owner of a house, when i±ie wiring i s wrong, he f i x e s i t . He looks a f t e r his people l i k e a father ....In a re p u b l i c , the country i s l i k e a house that i s rented. I f the l i g h t s go out, w e l l , that's a l l r i g h t . . . i t ' s not h i s house. I f the wa l l chips, w e l l , i t ' s not h i s house. The renter does not f i x i t . So with the men who govern a republic. They are not intereste d i n f i x i n g things. I f something i s not quite r i g h t and i f they are turned out for i t . w e l l , meanwhile they have f i l l e d t h e i r pocketbooks. This preference f o r p e r s o n a l i s t i c type rule greatly reinforces a pattern of patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p s . While the men of the republic are " f i l l i n g t h e i r pocketbooks" behind the great machinations of the state bureaucracy, the peasant does w e l l to f i n d a " f r i e n d " who willsmake sure that he and his family survive and enjoy at l e a s t a modicum of the benefits to be derived from the patron's p o s i t i o n . Lorenzo Geraci, a trade unionist i n the province of Palermo who i s a f f i l i a t e d with CISNAL (Confederazione I t a l i a n a S i n d i c a t i Nazionale L i b e r i , an extreme right-wing, neo f a s c i s t organization headed by the Movimento Sociale Italiano,the n e o - f a s c i s t party) states the ro l e of personalism with regard to h i s p o s i t i o n : 27 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 25 61 But people who joinaare my personal f r i e n d s . They follow me because they t r u s t me. I f I go to the d e v i l , t h e y ' l l come too; i f I go with the Communists, t h e y ' l l come with the Communists; i f I go with the Ch r i s t i a n Democrats t h e y ' l l come with the C h r i s t i a n Democrats. When I got a hundred membership cards Commandante Gullo wrote my praises i n the newspaper. Whichever way I go, the people follow me personally. Although one gets the d i s t i n c t impression that Geraci may be over-stating his own position,the passage does point to the r e l a t i v e l y strong element of personalism i n the p o l i t i c s of the Mezzogiorno,and the concomitantly weak p o s i t i o n of ideology i n a patron-client system where b e n e f i t s , performance, and allegiance are t i e d up i n the face-to-face contacts 29 between patron and c l i e n t . Dr. Gino, i n Banfield's study, states the problem from the other s i d e : There i s a l o t of f a l s i t y i n p o l i t i c s . You must make more friends than you want and you must act l i k e a f r i e n d to many people you don't want to be f r i e n d l y with. This i s so because you must always be thinking of how to b u i l d up the party and win friends f o r i t . 3 0 Gino's statement echoes part of the moral code set out at the beginning of t h i s paper. One must r e l y on h i s f r i e n d s , and therefore i t i s necessary to maintain those friendships as best one can. The e f f i c a c y of the patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p to the peasant i s enhanced by the h o s t i l e world which he faces. The peasant i s powerless 28 D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 44. 29 The concept of " i d e o l o g i c a l erosion" i s discussed i n John D. Powell's "Peasant Societies and C l i e n t e l i s t P o l i t i c s " i n American P o l i t i c a l  Science Review, Vol. 64, June 1970, p. 424. 30 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 25. 62 i n the face of many threats, both n a t u r a l (disease, death, drought, accident, e t c . ) , and human (violence, i n j u s t i c e , and e x p l o i t a t i o n ) . The patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p acts as an anxiety-reduction mechanism for the peasant. His worries are mitigated, i n that, provided he has kept up hi s 'friendship', the patron w i l l see to i t that h i s family does not go 31 hungry or unaided i n t h e i r time of need. Given the view of the " l i m i t e d good" and the view that r e s u l t s are obtained rather than achieved, i t i s n a t u r a l to seek out those i n f l u e n t i a l people who are, or have access to, the pezzi da novanta who p u l l the righ t s t r i n g s . One follows the maxim " c i vuole l a raccomandazione per poter v i v e r e . " The peasant knows what i t takes to get the desired action i n h i s community,and he has learned to l i v e with i t . Unfortunately, he i s often unable to provide the necessary "costs" involved. The following conversation among a group of workers was recorded by Mangione: The only time a worker has anything to say around here i s at e l e c t i o n time,...But what happens? Some mafioso comes along with a few l i r e and buys his vote. I t happens i n P a r t i n i c o every e l e c t i o n . . . . So what i s wrong with that? There's nothing wrong with that,...We who want to  get our jobs back have our s p e c i a l techniques f o r  t r y i n g to get what we want.(emphasis mine) Senator Messeri has h i s own techniques. What i f he does have friends who are w i l l i n g to pay money for votes? I t costs money to get anything you want. This s t r i k e would have ended long ago i f we had been able to pour some money into the righ t pockets.... "The emergencies which occur i n the l i f e of the v i l l a g e r are normally of such a nature as to be remedied by the personal intervention of immediate superiors, friends or r e l a t i v e s . Rarely i s the intervention of an outsider indispensable. In a d d i t i o n , the a t t i t u d e of the outsider i s r a r e l y as sympathetic as that of someone with whom one has had long and frequent contact" (Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 130). 63 Everyone should^mind h i s own business. (emphasis mine) Or, again i n Palermo: I f you have to go to the Council for anything you want done, you won't get anywhere unless you grease endless palms — y o u ' l l get blocked a l l the way unless you s h e l l o u t . 3 3 One way of getting around t h i s constant " s h e l l i n g out" i s through " f r i e n d s h i p " . Friendship can often accomplish more more, f a r le s s ex-pensively, than the "normal" procedure of b r i b i n g state o f f i c i a l s . While i t may, indeed, be true that every man has h i s p r i c e , i n the Mezzogiorno i t i s not always necessary to have the cash equivalent of t h i s p r i c e . One of the best ways to a t t a i n the 'friendship' needed i s through the t r a d i t i o n of comparaggio» or godparenthood. The contract thus established between patron and c l i e n t i s formalized i n pu b l i c and solemnized before God. I t cannot be broken with impunity. Besides the secu r i t y which t h i s sort of r e l a t i o n s h i p o f f e r s to the c l i e n t , there i s another b e n e f i t — the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s made d i f f u s e and multiplex; i . e . , not 'role s p e c i f i c ' . I t i s a method of bringing the patron into the 'moral community' of the family. In the choice of a godparent there are many factors to be considered. I d e a l l y , the person should bring prestige and honor to the family, and the person should be i n a f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n to provide f i n a n c i a l assistance to the godchild for educationoor la dowry. The element of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i s never l o s t s i g h t of i n the choice Mangione, op. c i t . , p. 271. D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 67. 64 of a godparent, i n that parents are anxious to assure t h e i r children of a good s t a r t i n l i f e . The element of s e l f - i n t e r e s t appears only n a t u r a l i n a land where d i r e poverty i s so prevalent. Speaking of t h i s element of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n the comparaggio r e l a t i o n s h i p , Maroaspini explains: The marked element of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i s due to the p r e v a i l i n g poverty, and i s merely an extension of the o b l i g a t i o n kinsmen have to one another. E s s e n t i a l l y , i t i s an accidental a c c r e t i o n , not a ba s i c element of the r e l a t i o n s h i p . The benefits of the comparaggio r e l a t i o n s h i p are not a l l one-sided. By asking one to stand as godparent at the baptism of the c h i l d (an honor only very r a r e l y r e f u s e d , i f ever), the supplicant i s making a pu b l i c testimony to the patron's status, p r e s t i g e , and p o s i t i o n . Accepting the role of godparent can hardly be sa i d to follow the B a n f i e l d hypothesis, but then the same i s true of many behavioral patterns i n the Mezzogiorno. Indeed, the acceptance of the role of godparent i s , most probably, detrimental to the "short-run" material advantage of the nuclear family. There are other b e n e f i t s , though,which account f o r the prominence of th i s p o s i t i o n : Hence, to be a godfather i s an honor, and i t confers prestige. Honor, esteem, prestige, status, are scarcely material q u a l i t i e s but t h e i r importance i n the society i s great; t h e i r value i s h i g h . ^ 5 Given the pattern of personalism i n the p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of the inhabitants of the Mezzogiorno portrayed thus f a r i n the chapter, i t 3 A The I t a l i a n Godparenthood Complex" i n Southwestern Journal of  Anthropology, Vol. 13, 1957. 35 Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 201. 65 w i l l be w e l l to attempt to r e l a t e t h i s preference which derives outciof the moral code of the Mezzogiorno to the p o l i t i c s of the area. Any system of patronage i s a system l i n k i n g the governing to the governed. It can aptly be viewed as an a l t e r n a t i v e channel of communication through which needs are a r t i c u l a t e d and f u l f i l l e d . Where an i n s t i t u t i o n a l order i s ' f a r flung' (as i n the I t a l i a n bureaucracy which i s , i t seems, at times impossible to escape) the r o l e of the patron should take on the p o s i t i o n of a "connector" or 'broker" between the state and i n d i v i d u a l . In t h i s manner, legitimacy should accrue to the s t a t e , and the p o s i t i o n of the 36 patron cum broker should be correspondingly weakened. This i s not the pattern of patronage i n the Mezzogiorno. For one thing, while the I t a l i a n state bureaucracy i s " f a r flung", i t i s (and i s viewed as) generally i n -e f f e c t i v e . State agencies become bogged down i n a majority of t h e i r under-takings. There i s l i t t l e penetration of e f f e c t i v e state bureaucracy i n the Mezzogiorno. Another reason that the patron of the Mezzogiorno does not come to be viewed as a broker i s that there e x i s t s the preconceived notion of governo ladro. Whatever benefits accrue to the c l i e n t come i n s p i t e of, not from, the government. The legitimacy which would accrue to the government i n a brokerage system accrues to the patron himself i n the form of prestige. He has demonstrated h i s a b i l i t y to get the r i g h t s t r i n g s p u l l e d to obtain r e s u l t s . Boissevain evaluates the e f f e c t s of patronage: "...patronage weakens government. I t leads to nepotism, corruption, i n -37 fluence-peddling, and above a l l i t weakens the rule of law, but i t See Powell's "Peasant Society and C l i e n t e l i s t P o l i t i c s " , op. c i t . Boissevain, op. c i t . , p. 30. 66 appears that he has neglected one of the most important detrimental e f f e c t s of a patronage system — the fact that legitimacy accrues to the i n d i v i d u a l i n the form of p r e s t i g e , at the expense of the state. This l a s t observation creates the vicious c i r c l e of patronage whereby the patronage system becomes more and more entrenched, and i s viewed more and more as the most e f f i c a c i o u s manner i n proceeding to obtain r e s u l t s . The implications of t h i s pattern of obtaining r e s u l t s f o r the prospect of the formation of i n t e r e s t groups i s not encouraging. Interest groups are viewed as i n e f f e c t i v e ( f i f t y people without money can grease no more palms than one person a l verde); as well as p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous, i n that they al i e n a t e those who hold power. Tarrow sums up the outlook of those who l i v e and work i n the Mezzogiorno: ...one reaches the apex of authority not by merging one's demands i n a h o r i z o n t a l membership group, but by l i n k i n g up to a h i e r a r c h i c a l chain of personal acquaintance which may begin i n the network of neighborly r e l a t i o n s and reaches up to the state^g bureaucracy with l i t t l e adjustment i n structure. The peasants ofthe Mezzogiorno seem to be aware of the fact that the absence of an i n t e r e s t group o r i e n t a t i o n i s detrimental toi.their own i n t e r e s t s (even short-run!), yet there i s s t i l l a conspicuous lack of Tarrow, Sydney G. " P o l i t i c a l Dualism and I t a l i a n Communism" i n American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, Vol. LXI No. 1, March 1967, p. 44. For the foreigner, newly a r r i v e d and without the elaborate network of kin and f r i e n d s , the method of dealing with a u t h o r i t i e s varies from the normal pattern. Luca Montefalcone advised Cornelisen on her a r r i v a l i n Torregreca: "Everything i s p r i v i l e g e and b l u f f here. The more supe r c i l i o u s you are, the more important you must be. I t ' s the only way to deal with a u t h o r i t i e s " (Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 103). °7 such organizations. D o l c i recounts one example of t h i s i n the province of Palermo, where the l o c a l mezzadri (sharecroppers) were tr y i n g to get t h e i r l e g a l 60% of the crop, but the landowners i n s i s t e d on taking the t r a d i t i o n a l 50% despite the new law. One peasant spoke to D o l c i i n h i s attempts to get the others to stand up for t h e i r l e g a l r i g h t s : " I t i s n ' t that they're unaware of what's being done to help them. I f you t a l k to 39 one of them, h e ' l l say: 'The trouble i s there's no u n i t y . " 1 The preference f o r p e r s o n a l i s t i c p o l i t i c s apparently contains elements which override the considerations of material advantage. Part of t h i s preference i s surely that i t i s the t r a d i t i o n a l way the; peasant has gone about so l v i n g his problems. The r e l a t i v e absence of i n t e r e s t groups i s not merely due to the lack of i n i t i a t i v e on the part of those who would lead such groups. History has taught the peasant how to proceed, and has given him h i s own " s p e c i a l techniques". Vincenzo Tusa, an archaeologist discussing the hi s t o r y of Palermo and S i c i l y : Since there has never been a cen t r a l power for the protection of the i n d i v i d u a l , the i n d i v i d u a l — whether i n t e l l e c t u a l or starving poor — has always had to t r y and solve h i s problems by d i r e c t recourse to those i n power: t h i s i s the o r i g i n of the p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n of the exercise of power through personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Further, those people i n positions of power have helped to maintain them-selves by discouraging greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public a f f a i r s of the D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 231. D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 103. 68 common man. Dr. Neri of Torregreca t o l d Cornelisen: As doctors we could do a l o t to change t h e i r (the peasant's) f a i t h i n ' c u r s e s and s p i r i t s , but I wonder i f we w i l l . They're too convenient... they cover up a l l the things we don't understand. I f your patient believes i n the e v i l eye, you f e e l s a f e r . Maybe I don't make myself c l e a r . A l l of us i n the South, not ju s t doctors, but a l l the educated c l a s s , have encouraged^Jgnorance i n the peasants f o r our own protection. The pattern of p e r s o n a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l orientations i s also responsible, at l e a s t i n part, f o r the great e l e c t o r a l f l uctuations which are char-a c t e r i s t i c of I t a l i a n p o l i t i c s . P o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n i s not i d e o l o g i -c a l l y based, but rather i s formed on the bases of personal a l l e g i a n c e , and what one might c a l l a "mutual friend-mutual enemy" dichotomy. Much of the allegiance to the Communist Party i s based on the concept of the mutual enemy — the status quo state. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , much of the a l l e -giance to the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party i s based upon i t s sanction by the Church. The ideologies of each party are only vaguely understood by the supporters of each. They vote DC because the p r i e s t t e l l s them to, or they vote PCI because they know vaguely that i t i s against the state. While these generalizations do not apply u n i v e r s a l l y , i t i s evident that i n many cases, i n the North as w e l l as the South, p o l i t i c a l a llegiance to one party or another i s based upon no more than these 42 seemingly shallow considerations. LaPalombara evaluates e l e c t o r a l f l u c t u a t i o n s as follows: ^ Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 251. 42 Seemingly the non-ideological basis of party a f f i l i a t i o n i s greater i n the South than in-North. See Dolci's The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . 69 ...the voters were motivated by s t r i c t l y l o c a l and personal issues,...ideology and n a t i o n a l issues played l i t t l e part i n determining t h e i r voting behavior, and...many s h i f t s were simply the r e s u l t of c l i e n t e l i s m o , voters following a personal leader from one party to another.^ 3 General d i s t r u s t , an image of the " l i m i t e d good", t r a d i t i o n , s e l f -i n t e r e s t on the part of those i n power — a l l are elements of the culture of the Mezzogiorno which tend to r e i n f o r c e and perpetuate the prevalence of the patron-client type of association. Added to t h i s i s the fact that t h i s type of r e l a t i o n s h i p i s generally " much more e f f i c i e n t than the legitimate channels of the state bureaucracy. There i s , also much within the C a t h o l i c t r a d i t i o n i t s e l f to l e g i t i m i z e t h i s type of associa-t i o n . The concept of "patron s a i n t s " gives an i d e o l o g i c a l bias toward a p o l i t i c a l system of patronage. (After a l l , people don't band together and go on s t r i k e to assure salvation!) The concept implies that the "good l i f e " i s beyond the reach of the i n d i v i d u a l . He must seek the help of intermediaries who w i l l go to God on his behalf. Analogously, the i n d i v i d u a l i s seen to need the help of intermediaries who can go to Joseph LaPalombara. Interest Groups i n I t a l i a n P o l i t i c s (Prince-ton: PrincetonUUniversity Press, 1964), p. 65. I t must be noted though, that t h i s i s not taken too s e r i o u s l y at the l o c a l l e v e l , because the elected o f f i c i a l s at the municipal l e v e l (the mayor and h i s giunta) are l i m i t e d i n t h e i r exercise of power by t h e i r l i m i t e d funds. Most of the administrative bureaucracy i s appointed by the state,and i t i s the secretary of the town council,together with the Prefecture o f f i c i a l s who make the more important decisions governing the l o c a l commune. The mayor and giunta, then are mere figureheads to be blamed when things are bad — which i s most often. The mayor and giunta are generally turned out i n the next e l e c t i o n — hence the great f l u c t u a t i o n s . See a l s o , Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 23. 70 the men who occupy those "stanze dei b o t t o n i " who, i n turn, can push the right buttons. The r o l e of the patron, thereby, receives constant v a l i d a t i o n from the r e l i g i o u s biases of the culture. A concluding paragraph from Dolci's work i s apropos. He speaks of the m a f i a - c l i e n t s h i p form of a s s o c i a t i o n , a cross between the secret violence of the mafia, and the system of c l i e n t s h i p which t r i e s to d i s -guise i t s e l f under the cloak of representative democracy: As long as the normal form of c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s the m a f i a - c l i e n t s h i p type, and as long as people lack any sound and p o s i t i v e experience of other forms, i t i s quite understandable that the group should generally seem to them r i s k y and impossible, and that they should keep repeating, 'The man who plays alone never loses. D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone,op. c i t . , p. 246. 71 CHAPTER IV The Church A p r i e s t i n Torregreca: "This c i v i l i z a t i o n f f l o u r i s h e d a thousand years before C h r i s t , our Savior. Our ways are rooted i n the past and you, who come froms-a new world, may f i n d some of them strange. You cannot have known the g l o r i e s of the Kingdom of the Two S i c i l i e s as we have. You cannot be expected to yearn for the riches and fame of those centuries, but accept my. word.:-, f o r i t — t h i s i s a glorious people engaged i n a death struggle with the forces of e v i l . We s h a l l win, we s h a l l , I say! We s h a l l .return to the days of san i t y , order and C h r i s t i a n i t y . We s h a l l I " 1 Children i n the Capo d i s t r i c t of Palermo to p r i e s t s who came to teach Catechism, but then l e f t because of the d i r t and stench: "You give us a pain i n the b a l l s , you s h i t s ! Stinkers. You only come here when there's an e l e c t i o n ! Bugger o f f ! " 2 I f the Catholic Church were a "u n i v e r s a l " ; that i s , i f i t were anywhere and everywhere, the same i n outlook, ideology,and p r a c t i c e , there would be no need f o r t h i s chapter. I t i s p r e c i s e l y because the Church as an i n s t i t u t i o n , a n d the people who f i l l i t s various organiza-t i o n a l roles are d i f f e r e n t that a further discussion of i t s impact on the Mezzogiorno i s needed here. A proper frame of reference i s provided 3 by Robert Redfield's conception of the "great and l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n s . " Quoted i n Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 94. 2 Quoted i n D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 94. 3 Robert Redfield. Peasant Society and Peasant Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Chapter I I I . 72 B a s i c a l l y stated, h i s conception i s that the peasant societ y i s the " l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n " which i s part of the "great t r a d i t i o n " c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the l a r g e r society. The " l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n " i s never i d e n t i c a l with the "great t r a d i t i o n " of the la r g e r society — seemingly due to lower l e v e l s of educational opportunities,lower l e v e l s of access to foreign influence, and lower l e v e l s of communication between.cthe sectors of soc i e t y . Hence one often gets the vestiges of the modernization c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the "great t r a d i t i o n " r e s t i n g uponJthe t r a d i t i o n a l ways and values of the " l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n " . In the case of the Mezzogiorno, the peasant culture of the area can be properly viewed as a " l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n " , of an I t a l i a n culture. Analogously,the Church of the Mezzogiorno can" best be viewed as a " l i t t l e t r a d i t i o n " which i s part of, but not equivalent to, the "great t r a d i t i o n " of Roman Catholicism. The b e l i e f s and practices held by Catholics i n the South vary quite widely from the o f f i c i a l Church dogma. Religion i n the South i s a curious mixture of Catholi •mysticism, paganism and magic. Much has been held over from the ancient practices and b e l i e f s of e a r l i e r i n -habitants of the Mezzogiorno,and has been d e l i c a t e l y blended with the practices of Catholicism — much l i k e the blending of f i n e wines. Various saints are considered dominant, according to l o c a l e , the function desired on the.part of the supplicant, or the p a r t i c u l a r f e s t a being celebrated. Besides the r e l a t i v e importance of a plethora of saints (some of which have never been canonized, and others de-canonized), there i s a tenacious c l i n g i n g to t r a d i t i o n a l magic i n the hope for bette r crops and harvests. To improve the o l i v e harvest i n S i c i l y , 73 various objects are hung from the branches of trees to drive away e v i l s p i r i t s . The " c u l t of the o l i v e " varies from d i s t r i c t to d i s t r i c t and hence, so do the objects hung from the trees — sacred cords (passed on from generation to generation), dead snakes, animal horns, horseshoes, etc. Certainly these p r a c t i c e s , and the attitudes and b e l i e f s behind them,are not part of the dominant mainstream t r a d i t i o n s of Catholicism. The mal' occhio discussed e a r l i e r , as w e l l as the various amulets a v a i l a b l e to ward o f f the " e v i l eye" are also not part of main-stream Catholicism. The Catholic element of the r e l i g i o n of the Mezzogiorni i s weak, although the influence of the Church organization i s strong. "Church sources report that less than 30 per cent of the people attend church as often as twice a month. By and large, church-going i s defined as 4 woman's work." What i s even more important, though, than t h i s r e l a -t i v e l y low l e v e l of Church attendance i n a Catholic country, i s the fact that the Church i s viewed (with respect to i t s connection with r e l i g i o n ) much as an extension of the t r a d i t i o n a l ways of magic and mysticism. The a t t i t u d e of the peasant toward the r e l i g i o u s aspect appears much l i k e that of Agrippa i n h i s decision to b u i l d the Pantheon i n Rome: The supernatural powers that threaten or protect are as earnestly believed i n and placated or sup-p l i c a t e d as i n the past, but t h e i r names and t h e i r nature have been subtly a l t e r e d so as to make them Leonard W. Moss and Walter Thompson, "The South I t a l i a n Family: L i t e r a t u r e and Observation" i n Human Organization, Vol. 18.1, 1959, p. 226. 74 f i t i nto the pattern of Catholic C h r i s t i a n i t y . The saints have replaced the f a m i l i a r demons and country s p i r i t s of the past; the paraphernalia of magic has been replaced by candles, holy water, c r u c i f i x e s and medals; and as f a r as possible the age-old super-s t i t i o n s have been given a veneer of C h r i s t i a n i t y . Luca Montefalcone o f f e r s an explanation f o r thefpersistence of ancient r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s : " i t ' s e a s i e r to believe i n s p i r i t s here, you know, than i n anysother part of the world. We need them to share our misery."^ Whatever the reason, the fact remains that the r e l i g i o u s element of the Church i s shallow,and ancient b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e p e r s i s t . Church dogma i s e f f e c t i v e l y a l t e r e d or circumvented to allow f o r t r a d i -t i o n a l p ractices and personal i n t e r e s t . S i s t e r Clemente, the nun who met Cornelisen at the bus s t a t i o n with her jeep (stolen from the A l l i e d forces during World War II by some e n t e r p r i s i n g peasant and then hidden for 20 years because he considered i t "hot"), i s perhaps the most b e a u t i f u l ex-ample of s e l f - i n t e r e s t winding i t s way into s ervice to the Church. She explains her "choice" of a vocation, and then her i n t r i g u e with the jeep: By the time I was courting age he'd (my father) decided. He s a i d the land went to my brothers and they'd have to take care of Mamma. There was enough for two of us three g i r l s to have dowries. In other words, someone had to go! The three of us had to work out which would be a nun. Let's face i t — the other two were pretty. I knew more about farming but that didn't count.' Well, the Mother Superior's pretty peeved about the jeep Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 226. Quoted i n Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 84. Cornelisen, op. c i t . , p. 49. 75 but I figure Divine Providence brought i t , so we have to accept....She's already mad at me. I f a i l e d my d r i v i n g test l a s t week for the t h i r d time, and she says Divine Providence or no Divine Providence, God didn't mean me to drive. He may not,but the highway p o l i c e do. We've made a deal. They turn around and pretend not to see me and a l l I have to do i s stay i n second gear — dangerous to drive f a s t e r than that anyway. I f I do, I wobble a l l over the place. The h i l l s get up on t h e i r hind legs and walk r i g h t out of my way. Now don't get scared. You don't have to hang on l i k e that. A l l of the examples of s e l f - i n t e r e s t and t r a d i t i o n i n the realm of r e l i g i o n and the Church are by no means so humorous as that of S i s t e r Clemente of Torregrecca. In a culture of d i s t r u s t and competition, the C h r i s t i a n i d e a l of love for one's fellow man i s an anomaly. I t i s absurd to i n s i s t that one love h i s neighbor when he sees himself caught up i n a l i f e and death struggle with that very neighbor for a claim on the l i m i t e d resources which constitute the good l i f e . Duty to family comes before any nebular r u l e which goes against the s a n c t i t y and i n t e g r i t y of that family. Friedmann sums i t up w e l l i n one l i n e : "The fact i s that i n these regions the Church i s no more than a superstructure upon 9 an e s s e n t i a l l y pagan c i v i l i z a t i o n . " Although the Church has l i t t l e r e l i g i o u s e f f e c t upon the l i v e s and outlook of the people i n the Mezzogiorno, i t i s extremely powerful i n modifying t h e i r outlooksiand behavior^in the temporal realm. The Church i s important to the i n d i v i d u a l with regard to performing the necessary I b i d . , p. 46-47. Friedmann, op. c i t . , p. 332. 76 sacraments for s a l v a t i o n ( p a r t i c u l a r l y at b i r t h , marriage, and death), and because of the various non-religious functions of the p r i e s t . While the government can impose only temporal sanctions, the Church wields the weapon of excommunication, i n addition to the temporal sanctions which often equal those of the government. The government may incarcerate an i n d i v i d u a l , the worst part of the sentence being that the family may starve without i t s breadwinner; but the Church can make people starve i n order to gain compliance also — and the evidence seems to point to the fact that t h i s t a c t i c has, indeed, been used. Witness a shepherd's account: Father Giacomo i s r i c h and earns a l o t , because for saying a Mass he wants 700 l i r e , and then every month he gets help from America — clothes, pasta, . f l o u r , tinned milk, and he divides i t among the poor. To us he gives a k i l o : o f f l o u r and some milk — but to the Communists he gives nothing because although they're r e a l l y poor he says they have another God! 1^ This power of the Church in;the region i s , i n part, due to an abrogation of i n t e g r i t y on the part of the Church hierarchy. The deviations from Catholic dogma and p r a c t i c e are tolerated and encouraged by the hierarchy because i t places the l o c a l p r i e s t i n a pre-eminent p o s i t i o n . He i s the representative of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l hierarchy,the performer of necessary sacred r i t e s , the sole dispenser of much of the, paraphernalia needed to Quoted i n Gavin Maxwell's The Ten Pains of Death (London: Long-man's, 1959), p. 52. Again, t h i s i s an oft-repeated complaint. Another witness: "The high-ups keep us l i k e this — they l i k e the pleasure of seeing the people s u f f e r . Now there's going to be elections — t h e y ' l l open the work centres and the p r i e s t s and big-shots say t h e y ' l l give us work and help the poor — they give us pasta, and want us to promise our votes. That l a s t s two months and then i t ' s f i n i s h e d " (p. 58). 77 perform other sacred rites (holy water, sacred candles, etc.), and he is the intercessor between the supplicant and the saints.^". His prestige i s enhanced by being so powerful in his own domain (as performer and dispenser) , and by his connection with the greater pox^ers of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the saints, and God himself. Maraspini evaluates the positionfof the priest: What is more, behind the power of the Church is hidden the almighty hand of God, of whom the Church is only the instrument. The individual peasant may or may not lik e the priests; he may or may not respect the Church i t s e l f as a social institution; indeed, he may feel l i t t l e respect towards priests as individuals. But his belief in God is unshakeable, and he accepts absolutely the claim of the priest to be God's representative in the village. Consequently, the priest's status is extremely high, and is correlated with the tremendous.power he is believed to have as God's deputy.I 2 ...the prestige of the priest, and his generally recognized superior education, give great weight to his work. Consequently, to query the priest's statements, or to disobey his commands, is fel t to verge on sacrilege. For a l l these reasons, the priest is definitely the most powerful person in the v i l l a g e . ^ 3 Although the priest occupies this position of pre-eminence in the culture of the areaj many people have come to recognize the power that the priest wields, as well as the direction in which that power is used, and strong sentiments of anti-clericalism exist within the See Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 227. Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 127 Ibid., p. 229. 78 Mezzogiorno. Like the mafia, however, the Church has developed that Machiavellian c a p a b i l i t y of making i t s e l f feared, but not hated. The peasant cannot a f f o r d to hate e i t h e r p r i e s t s or mafiosi, they are too powerful. One cannot a f f o r d to alienate those pezzi da novanta who are capable of manipulating e i t h e r the s t r i n g s of l i f e and death, or salv a t i o n and excommunication. P r i e s t s can be feared, but not hated, with impunity. Part of the a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m of the Mezzogiorno i s due to s u p e r s t i t i o n . The p r i e s t occupies an anomalous sexual p o s i t i o n because of his vows of celibacy. Masculinity tends to be equated with v i r i l i t y i n the Mezzogiorno, and the p r i e s t has mutatis mutandis denied his masculinity. (The p r i e s t , f i g u r a t i v e l y speaking, i s the only neuter object i n I t a l i a n . ) Superstitions e x i s t that define the seeing of a p r i e s t unexpectedly as an omen of bad luck to come,and that p r i e s t s are generally unlucky to have around. The a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m of the Mezzogiorno i s not a l l s u p e r s t i t i o n , though. A great share of a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m appears to be reaction to various actions of the p r i e s t s , and t h e i r connection with the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party when the actions of the party go against the i n t e r e s t s of the people of the Mezzogiorno. The C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party i s viewed as being synonymous with the 'party of the p r i e s t s ' . Through t h e i r association with the party, the p r i e s t s are often,viewed as merely being another "big-shot" representing another p o l i t i c a l party. The p r i e s t s are active p o l i t i c a l agents f o r the DC, and are able to use t h e i r influence and p o s i t i o n very e f f e c t i v e l y . They are able to combine the "powerc;of the p u l p i t " with the " s a n c t i t y of the b a l l o t box" to the 79 b e n e f i t of t h e i r party. The curious intermingling of r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s has been accomplished i n a most e f f i c i e n t manner. V i r t u a l l y only one party has been i n power i n I t a l y since the war; The C h r i s t i a n Democrats. This party, wholly l i n k e d to the Vatican, adopted the cross as i t s party s i g n , and there are many western S i c i l i a n peasants who w i l l cross themselves when they see i t ; at e l e c t i o n time, they w i l l auto-m a t i c a l l y vote f o r i t both because i t i s variously known as the Party of God, the Party of the Madonna, and the Party of the Cross, and because the p r i e s t s are, by i n s t r u c t i o n and conviction, active p o l i t i c a l agents. The two crosses of Chr i s t and Government are by now i n e x t r i c a b l y mixed. A peasant who does not belong to t h i s party i s treated as a moral leper by a l l i n authority. A slogan that I have seen c a r r i e d at e l e c t i o n time 'Vote C h r i s t i a n Democrat or starve' seemed not so much a prophecy as a threat a l l too often put into a c t i o n . I 5 The p i c t u r e portrayed to the peasant i s summed up by one of Dolci's informants; "Most people vote CD., because i f they vote CD. they're voting for Our Lord.... " ^ A f f i l i a t i o n with the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party, i n and of i t -s e l f , i s not enough to account for the a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m of the Mezzo-giorno — other l i n k s are needed. The C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party i s known to be the party of the government. Given the general i l l e g i t i -macy of the government portrayed by the concept of governo l a d r o , there i s a c e r t a i n amount of " g u i l t by a s s o c i a t i o n " which accrues to A common anecdote i n I t a l y concerns the reply givenbby the p r i e s t s to those who come to ask advice concerning the question of who to vote f o r . The reply given by the p r i e s t i s "I can't t e l l you who to vote f o r ; a l l I can do i s advise you to vote for someone who i s a C h r i s t i a n and a democrat." Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 5. Banfield also notes the connection of the DC and the "party of the p r i e s t s " i n h i s study of Montegrano (p. 26). 1 6 D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 143. 80 the p r i e s t s through the party. Also, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n S i c i l y , the DC i s known to be supported by the mafiosi, and here too a c e r t a i n amount of " g u i l t by a s s o c i a t i o n " rubs o f f onto the c l o t h . There are yet more tangible factors to i n d i c t the clergy as part of a vast patronage system which i s involved i n s t e a l i n g from the peasant h i s i n t e g r i t y arid l e g a l r i g h t s , and denying him the opportunity to j o i n i n associations of common i n t e r e s t . The peasant's experience with i n t e r e s t groups i s l i m i t e d to those groups sanctioned by the Church, mainly the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party and Catholic Action. Ignazio P., a junk dealer whose family had been i n the junk business for 110 years i n the poorest section of Palermo: Religion? there i s no such thing here. I put myself down as a C h r i s t i a n Democrat, not because I wanted to vote D.C., but so as I'd be allowed to carry on my trade. At e l e c t i o n times, a few p r i e s t s and some l a d i e s and some gents come along . and hand us packets of pasta to make us vote for them...Most people vote as they're t o l d to vote; they're scared blue at the thought of what would happen to them i f i t came out that they'd voted against the party."17 / Or, again, a nun at a convent which operated an orphanage: We take i n orphans at the convent—there's f o r t y of them with us and they come from a l l sorts of towns. We adopt them a f t e r making the necessary enquiries, because we never take i n c h i l d r e n of Communists, for example, as they're, excommunicated.18 The Catholic Church, then, aided by high l e v e l s of i l l i t e r a c y , poverty 17 I b i d . , p. 93. 18 Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 176. 81 and attitudes of f a t a l i s m , has served to close o f f any a l t e r n a t i v e forms of association which do not s t r i c t l y serve the i n t e r e s t of the Church. Not only i s the family unit viewed as a highly moral type of a s s o c i a t i o n , but most forms of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l association are viewed as highly immoral — sanctions reaching as high as s t a r v a t i o n and ex-communication. The Church, l i k e the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party, i s further aided i n i t s : attempt to discourage p o l i t i c a l association outside of t h e i r own confines, by the c a r a b i n i e r i or p o l i c e . Although i t i s out-side of the written rules concerning the duties of the c a r a b i n i e r i they often, at l e a s t i n the South, function as p o l i t i c a l s pies. Ledgers are meticulously kept i n which the names of those men^ .x^ hose ideas are not C h r i s t i a n Democrat are recorded. These evaluations as to DC or non-DC are made by ordinary c a r a b i n i e r i who are, i n f a c t , lay spies. A f l i p p a n t remark made over coffee at the l o c a l bar may serve to brand 19 one for l i f e . The prudent man must keep his p o l i t i c a l views and af-f a i r s to himself, l e s t he unwittingly close o f f some of h i s options by a l i e n a t i n g the powerful of the community. The words of one p r i e s t r i n g a l l too true; "Fascism i s f i n i s h e d , but i t s wisdom remains — whoever has Demochristian paper works, and whoever hasn't...well i t s up to him, 20 or h e ' l l be poor!" One might expand the statement given by the p r i e s t to include more than the "wisdom" of fascism. See testimony of carabiniere i n Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 226. Quoted i n Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 176. 82 The Church views i t s e l f as besieged by heresy. Society i s viewed as l y i n g i n a state of damnation,owing to the denia l of C h r i s t . L i b e r a l i s m , Socialism, and Communism are di r e c t emanations from the greatest of a l l heresies — P r o t e s t a n t i s m . The Church has, therefore, attempted to protect i t s e l f from the encroaching e v i l s of human nature. The Church opposed the creation of the u n i f i e d I t a l y , and promulgated the famous Non Expedit when temporal power was taken away from the Vatican. The Non Expedit proved dysfunctional to the i n t e r e s t s of the Church, and the Church has found i t more expedient to pursue i t s t r a d i -21 tion-bound p o l i c i e s through the system. LaPalombara gives the following example of one way i n which the Church has used i t s connection with the government to f o s t e r the values which i t deems most worthy. I t a l y ' s school system i s highly c e n t r a l i z e d under the Ministry of Education and n22 "serves to i n s t i l l values c l o s e l y attuned to conservative Catholicism. The following passages are from textbooks o f f i c i a l l y chosen f o r use throughout I t a l y : The fourth commandment — honor thy father and mother — orders us to respect and love our parents and a l l who have authority over us, that i s , our superiors: the Pope, the bishops, the p r i e s t s , the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s , and our teachers.... There i s much s o c i a l change because parents often f a l l prey to stupid ambitions for t h e i r c h i l d r e n . The shoemaker wants his son to become an accountant; the sausage vendor wants his son to become a physi-cian. Just imagine such f o o l i s h n e s s . 2 2-*- See LaPalombara, " I t a l y : Fragmentation, I s o l a t i o n and Aliena- t i o n " op. cit... ; 2 2 Ibid ., p. 320. 2 3 D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 248. 83 At minimum,this so r t of t r a i n i n g encourages a so r t of f a t a l i s m regarding one's chances f o r self-improvement given his family background. In i t s crusade against the h e r e t i c a l e v i l s of the modern world, the Church has a l l i e d i t s e l f with other forces of conservatism. D o l c i sums up h i s finding regarding the Church and i t s o r i e n t a t i o n : Religious organizations here, apart from some rare exceptions tend towards closedness and conservatism rather than openess and innovation: i n many cases m a f i o s i arid p o l i t i c i a n s are regarded by 'men of r e l i g i o n ' simply as open-minded crusaders e f f e c t i v e l y opposing change. LaPalombara found the same o r i e n t a t i o n of the clergy with respect to p o l i t i c s and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . The clergy, he says, serves 25 "primarily to i n t e n s i f y i s o l a t i v e , negative, and a l i e n a t i v e views. Besides the " i s o l a t i v e , negative, and a l i e n a t i v e views", however, there i s another aspect of Catholicism which tends to f o s t e r conservatism and stagnation with regard to the improvement of the material standards of l i f e . The "other-wordly" o r i e n t a t i o n of the Church and their Roman Catholic mentality tends to mitigate the emphasis placed on improvement of the temporal sphere of l i f e , and, hence, gives strong support to the maintenance of the status quo. Many of the a t t r i b u t e s of the Church discussed above which can be viewed as impediments to change and support f o r the status quo, are also c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Church i n other parts of I t a l y . The d i f f e r -ence, I b e l i e v e , i s due to the p e c u l i a r way i n which a l l of t h i s i s 24 D o l c i , The Man Who Plays Alone, op. c i t . , p. 248. 25 LaPalombara, " I t a l y : Fragmentation, I s o l a t i o n and A l i e n a t i o n " op. c i t . , p. 322. 84 received i n the South by the native of the area ( p a r t i a l l y from h i s moral code), and the poverty of the region which closes o f f many of the a l t e r n a t i v e s which would otherwise be open to the i n d i v i d u a l . A carabiniere s t a t e s : Where I come from i n the north the p r i e s t s aren't a l l that important; they're i n command at the moment even over there, but they haven't a f r a c t i o n of the power they show here i n S i c i l y . In a S i c i l i a n town the p r i e s t s are everything.... I t ' s them, too, that are responsible for a l l the misery down here. A f t e r a l l these centuries they haven't known how to d i r e c t the S i c i l i a n people into a new, f u l l e r , more modern l i f e f o r the common good. But people keep a b l i n d veneration for the c l e r i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , even while r e a l i s i n g that they s u f f e r from them constant outrage and betrayal in every f i e l d . But that's the ^ S i c i l i a n way — to hate and to love at the same time. Whatever the reasons, i t i s c l e a r that the Church and i t s representatives i n the South are riot the same as the Church and clergy i n the North. P r i e s t s are more powerful i n the Mezzogiorno for a number of reasons — the r e l a t i v e l y high degree of importance given to status and prestige i n that culture; h i s a b i l i t y to control what may be r e l a t i v e l y small amounts of funds and food, but which may be the margin between starva-t i o n and sustenance for many f a m i l i e s ; and the general lack of a l t e r -native associations open to the i n d i v i d u a l . In the words of one p r i e s t : "...what a wonderful s a t i s f a c t i o n L i t i s when one i s a p r i e s t — one i s no longer a man l i k e a l l others, one has become an authority, re-•'27 s p e c t e d — a n d feared. The other side of the c o i n , though not Quoted i n Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 228. Quoted i n Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 183. 85 ne c e s s a r i l y contradictory, i s portrayed by a fisherman from C a s t e l l a -mare, who discussed the statement that one man i n three i n C a s t e l l a -mare had committed a murder: "One i n three....Perhaps i t i s true. I f i t i s then i t i s s t i l l the work of the Church, because the Church i s behind a l l the unjust laws that govern us and drive us to 2 8 desperation." Given the p o r t r a i t of the Church portrayed thus f a r , i t may be h e l p f u l to go back and review the manner i n which i t r e l a t e s to the moral code of the Mezzogiorno set f o r t h i n the introduction t o t t h i s paper. F i r s t of a l l , the Church enhances the morality and s a n c t i t y of the family unit. The t r a d i t i o n of a tight nuclear family, seemingly born out of the exigencies of e a r l i e r p a s t o r a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l com-munities without the b e n e f i t of ce n t r a l authority, i s enhanced with a moral q u a l i t y deriving from r e l i g i o n . The t r a d i t i o n of the pre-eminence of the f a m i l i a l type of association i s also maintained through sanctions inveighed against other types of association which are not connected with the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l realm. The t r a d i t i o n of a r i g i d hierarchy i s also exacerbated by the Church — witness the quotations from school textbooks c i t e d on page 82. The e c c l e s i a s t i c a l hierarchy has seemingly become a pattern which i s transferred to a l l of so c i e t y . The p r i e s t , because of his p o s i t i o n i n I b i d . , p. 16. Buonaventura's statement i s q u a l i f i e d l a t e r i n the book, though he does not decrease the amount of "blame" l a i d on the Church: "There i s a diffe r e n c e between murder and k i l l i n g , Gavin. Most men that are k i l l e d h e r e . — not a l l , but most — are k i l l e d because they deserve to d i e . Men k i l l here when i t i s 'justftp do so" (p. 67). 86 t h i s hierarchy, i s the c o n t r o l l e r or "gatekeeper" of many functions which are viewed as necessary to the i n d i v i d u a l . He i s the necessary intermediary between the peasant and the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l hierarchy, both saints and mortals. Indeed, even when the supplicant goes around the p r i e s t , Catholic dogma dictates that he again l i n k up to an h i e r a r c h i -c a l arrangement of authority through the realm of various s a i n t s . The h i e r a r c h i c a l arrangement, n e c e s s i t a t i n g that the peasant t i e himself, at l e a s t s u p e r f i c i a l l y , to the p r i e s t i s also c a r r i e d over into the temporal realm, where the Church, through i t s connection with the Ch r i s t i a n Democratic Party (and hence the Government), i s able to control patronage on a vast s c a l e , dealing i n jobs, contracts, and food supplies. By p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the vast patronage system of the government bureaucracy, the Church has reinforced the e f f i c a c y of the patronage system. Because a p e r s o n a l i s t i c t i e to the pezzi da novanta i s rewarded, the pattern i s increased as others come to view t h i s as the most e f f i c a -cious way of providing themselves and t h e i r f amilies with t h e i r share of the "good l i f e " . Thus, the Church has reinforced the patterns of p e r s o n a l i s t i c power p o l i t i c s and the notion that " f r i e n d s h i p " i s the one fence which stands between the peasant and h i s a n n i h i l a t i o n by the forces of e v i l and nature. The Church has, to a l i m i t e d extent, nurtured the element of d i s t r u s t and secretiveness i n the Mezzogiorno. Because of the sanctions inveighed against c e r t a i n actions, the Church has fostered the element of "closedness". One does not openly proclaim agreement with, say, the 87 Communist Party unless one i s w i l l i n g to have his family starve,as w e l l as be excommunicated into the bargain. The Church also has aided the maintenance of a prestige system based on the values of conspicuous l e i s u r e and the denigration of manual labor — t h i s f o r two reasons. F i r s t , because of i t s complicity i n the vast patronage system c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the area, the Church can be i d e n t i f i e d as "co-conspirator" (a popular term these days) i n maintaining the view that personal i n i t i a t i v e and industry are not rewarding. I t i s true i n the Mezzogiorno — one does not "achieve", rather one "obtains" from h i s powerful frien d s . Secondly, because of the honor and prestige given to the priesthood, a c l a s s i c a l education i s considered more h o n o r i f i c than^a t e c h n i c a l career. F i n a l l y , through i t s "other-wordly" orientation,and the denigra-t i o n of personal achievement, the Church has helped to maintain the 'at-titudes of f a t a l i s m and s e l f - r e s i g n a t i o n . A l l of t h i s i s not to i d e n t i f y the Church as the chief c u l p r i t of the Mezzogiorno with i t s tradition-bound ways which r e s u l t i n poverty and l a miseria. Many elements have combined to form the culture of the Mezzogiorno, and i t would be r e d u c t i o n i s t i c to c r e d i t too much of that culture to any si n g l e i n s t i t u t i o n or set of fact o r s . I t i s obvious, though,that much of the moral code of the Mezzogiorno i s influenced by the Church and i t s pr a c t i c e s — both r e l i g i o u s and secular. 88 CHAPTER V The Family The c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n of S i c i l i a n s ociety i s the nuclear family. The rights and obligations which derive from membership i n i t provide the i n d i v i d u a l with his' basic moral code. J. Boissevain Perhaps no other phenomenon i n I t a l i a n culture i s as widely noted, described, and interpreted as the notion of "family" — from the small nuclear family through the cohsanguineal family, even to the notorious conception of the " f a m i l i e s " of the mafia. Much of the discussion of the concept of family i s e i t h e r s u p e r f i c i a l , or w i l d conjecture written with the proper dose of sensationalism to insure a writer's success and large r o y a l t i e s . Given the recent success of The Godfather (a good book but a poor movie), the theme of the mafia has become popu-l a r i z e d , thereby adding to the amount of l e s s than s a t i s f a c t o r y l i t e r a -ture on the subject of the mafia and the p e r s o n a l i s t i c , f a m i l y - l i k e t i e s which hold the "organization" together. This chapter w i l l attempt a closer look at the familism of the Mezzogiorno, i n seeking to explain and further explore the moral code set out at the beginning of t h i s paper. There are, i n the Mezzogiorno, two conceptions of family which are held simultaneously without the perception of contradiction. The con-ception i s one of a continuum of allegiance beginning at the l e v e l of the nuclear family,and stretching out to include the consanguineal 89 family. As r e l a t i o n s become more d i s t a n t , the rights and obligations connected with these r e l a t i o n s become les s pronounced. Evidence does e x i s t which would seem to i n d i c a t e that the t i e to the consanguineal family has s t e a d i l y decreased over the years, and allegiance to the nuclear family more often supersedes the i n t e r e s t s of the consanguineal family than was evident i n the past.''" Corporate kinship organizations tend to occur where groups have a patrimony to defend. They become less important as land and labor become "free commodities", i . e . , as land and labor enter the market economy. As land and labor become subject to a market economy, the i n d i v i d u a l i s freed to fend for himself by s e l l i n g h i s labor or buying land. To an extent t h i s i s the case i n the Mezzogiorno, due to overpopulation. Labor has recently become sub-j e c t to the market economy as young people seek a l t e r n a t i v e employment. Many enter the market system as laborers because they want a l i f e b e t t e r than that which they have known; many others enter the f l o a t i n g labor force because the family lands w i l l not support a l l of the sons. Land i s not a "free commodity"; there i s a s c a r c i t y of good a g r i c u l t u r a l lands i n the Mezzogiorno, and the norm i s to pass these lands on to o f f s p r i n g i n the hope of giving them a good s t a r t i n l i f e . The entrance of labor into the market economy has tended to mitigate the economic importance of the consanguineal family, but the r e l a t i v e s c a r c i t y of land has tended ^ See Samuel Huntington, P o l i t i c a l Order i n Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 37. See also Donald P i t k i n ' s "Land Tenure and Family Organization i n an I t a l i a n V i l l a g e " i n Human Organization, Vol. 18.4, 1959-60, for a discussion of the decline of the extended family system i n the Mezzogiorno. 90 to enhance that importance. Economically, the consanguineal family i s of marginal importance, but does provide a valuable supply of labor which can be c a l l e d upon at harvest time, and aid i n troubled times. As the economic importance of the consanguineal family has de-creased, the r e l a t i v e importance of the nuclear family as an economic and p o l i t i c a l unit has increased. The nuclear family becomes a m u l t i -purpose organization which can unite a v a r i e t y of functions to meet f a m i l i a l demands. The demands of the family are varied and small-s c a l e , and tend to come i n quick succession. The family as an organi-zation i s "maximally adaptive"; i t can s h i f t "production" or "output" to meet these varied demands. Given the prevalence of d i s t r u s t i n l a 2 miseria of the Mezzogiorno, the importance of the nuclear family i s enhanced since i t represents a s o c i a l unit which can be trusted as an economic and p o l i t i c a l a ssociation. "Deeply rooted t r a d i t i o n s plus a pattern of economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y help sustain the monolithic 3 structure of the family." The nuclear family thus operates as an anxiety-reduction mechanism providing s e c u r i t y for the i n d i v i d u a l . The economic aspects of family s t r u c t u r e , though, appear to be overshadowed by l e s s tangible considerations of honor and status. 2 Almond and Verba asked the people of the Mezzogiorno "Can most people be trusted? Responses were as follows: "Most people can be trusted" 4% " I t depends" 7% "You can't be too c a r e f u l " 86% 3 Moss and Cappanari, "Patterns of Kinship, Comparaggio and Com-munity i n a South I t a l i a n V i l l a g e " , op. c i t . 91 Schneider points out that "Mediterranean s o c i e t i e s are i d e o l o g i c a l 4 ' about the family." Seemingly, t h i s " i d e o l o g i c a l " o r i e n t a t i o n to the family i s de r i v a t i v e from many sources—economic considerations, the concepts of power, honour, and prestige, and f i n a l l y manpower considera-tion s . I s h a l l f i r s t explore t h i s " i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n " as i t rel a t e s to the nuclear family i n conjunction with the consanguineal family and l a t t e r l y the nuclear family as a s o c i a l unit i n the Mezzogiorno which d i f f e r s from'the nuclear family of much of the modern world i n terms of values, o r i e n t a t i o n , and outlook. The i n d i v i d u a l of the Mezzogiorno i s a member of both a nuclear family and a consanguineal family. The consanguineal family serves as a unit of o r i e n t a t i o n for the i n d i v i d u a l , but h i s primary focus i s h i s own nuclear family. The i n t e r e s t s of one group seldom c o n f l i c t with those of the other. As members of the consanguineal group share much of the patrimony, there i s a common i n t e r e s t i n maintaining and enhancing that patrimony. One of the most prominent elements of that patrimony i s the honour of the family (onore d i famiglia) which each member must help to protect. The protection of the patrimony then, i s of mutual i n t e r e s t to a l l members of the consanguineal family. Moss and Thompson note the relevance of honour and i t s importance: . 4 Schneider, op. c i t . , p. 10. 92 I f there can be said to be a basic value which underlies the southern family, i t i s probably the value of onore d i fa m i g l i a . Shame r e f l e c t e d on the family exposes every member to r i d i c u l e . 5 V i o l a t i o n s to the honour of the family can come i n many f o r m s — i l l e g i -timacy, adultery, murder of a family member, s t e r i l i t y , impotence, t h e f t , or e x p l o i t a t i o n . Often such v i o l a t i o n s to the honour of the family necessitate concerted action on the part of members of the affronted family to revenge that v i o l a t i o n . The r e p r i s a l often provokes another r e t a l i a t i o n , and so on u n t i l the vendetta i s a miniature war with outcomes j u s t as.deadly as the f u l l - s c a l e model. 7 5 Moss and Thompson, bp. c i t . , p. 39. 6 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a l l of these v i o l a t i o n s to the honour of a family seemingly have t h e i r roots i n actions or conditions which mitigate the economic and p o l i t i c a l v i a b i l i t y of the family i n a stat e l e s s society. In a society where sons are important as both producers (economic) and protectors or s o l d i e r s ( p o l i t i c a l ) , those conditions which impair procrea-t i o n ( s t e r i l i t y and impotence) are noted as v i o l a t i o n s of honour.; S i m i l a r l y deviant sexual behaviour on the part of the women cast doubt on the masculinity of the male, i n that he cannot properly run his family. Murder takes away usually a son, thereby impairing the p o l i t i c a l v i a b i l i t y of the group; and theft removes some of the resources of the group. 7 If one views breaches o f . f a m i l i a l honour i n terms of threats to the economic and p o l i t i c a l v i a b i l i t y of the family (and there-fore threats to the patrimony), and i f one views these a f f r o n t s through the image of the l i m i t e d good, the vendetta can be seen as the maintenance of an energy budget. For.;example, i f two fam i l i e s l i v e i n an area and view resources as the stakes i n a "zero-sum game", the elimination (through murder) of one of the members of one family, w i l l give the second family a decided advantage. The maintenance of equilibrium i n access to Contd... 93 The concept of honour as i t r e l a t e s to the consanguineal family i s a means whereby the i n d i v i d u a l i s offered a place i n a h o s t i l e world, and o f f e r s a set of k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s from which he can draw a i d . Further, the concept of onore ,di f a m i g l i a makes the family into more than the sum of i t s i n d i v i d u a l parts. I t provides an outlook on l i f e , and a set of s o c i a l o rientations. I t places the i n d i v i d u a l within the s o c i a l hierarchy of the Mezzogiorno and gives him a sense of p o s i t i o n , whether i t be of high p o s i t i o n or low. Schneider sums up the concept: Honor as ideology helps shore up the i d e n t i t y of a group (a family or lineage) and commit to i t the l o y a l t i e s of otherwise doubtful members. Honor defines the s o c i a l boundaries, contributing to i t s defense against the claims of equivalent competing groups.8 Because the family (both nuclear and consanguineal) i s viewed as a moral good and honourable e n t i t y , a premium i s placed, on large f a m i l i e s — a g a i n possibly d e r i v a t i v e of maintaining the family as a v i a b l e economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t . The preference for large f a m i l i e s places a great deal of focus on the women of the family. Although the family i s e s s e n t i a l l y a u t h o r i t a r i a n i n n a t u r e — f o l l o w i n g a somewhat" resources can only be maintained i f one of the members of the other family i s eliminated. The vendetta, then, becomes a means of maintaining equilibrium of access to a l i m i t e d amount of "goods". Schneider, op. c i t . , p. 17. modified version of the old pater f a m i l i a s of Roman t i m e s — t h e family said to be mother centred. The mother sees to i t that the household operates on a budget, blesses the e f f o r t s attd undertakings of her sons and i n s t r u c t s her daughters i n the e v i l s of which she must beware. Th attention given to women, however, i s not l i m i t e d s o l e l y to the mother Women, whatever t h e i r r o l e , are considered part of the patrimony, and hence a f o c a l point of common i n t e r e s t among a l l memb ers of the family The family reputation i s t i e d to i t s p o t e n t i a l l y weakest l i n k , the sexual behavior of i t s women. The r e p o s i t o r y of family and lineage honour, the focus of common i n t e r e s t among men of the family or lineage i s i t s women. A woman's status defines the status of a l l the men who are re l a t e d to her i n determinate ways. These men share the consequences of what happens to her, and share therefore the commitment to protect her v i r t u e . She i s part of t h e i r patrimony. 9 Concern with v i r g i n i t y and the f i d e l i t y of females i s supreme. While t h i s j o i n t concern of the fathers and sons, i n the bearing of the daughters may tend to reduce c o n f l i c t which might otherwise a r i s e over a n t i c i p a t o r y inheritance, i t appears to be detrimental to a healthy psychological and s o c i a l development of the female. The d i s t r u s t of males outside the family leads to an unhealthy separation of the sexes G i r l s are kept at home where they can be c l o s e l y watched, and go out only under escort. Even church-going, which i s defined as "women's 9 Schneider, op. c i t . , p. 18. 95 work", i s often escorted l e s t the g i r l meet some male at Church or along the way, and become involved i n an amorous a f f a i r . The g i r l s , then, are prevented from leading an ac t i v e community s o c i a l l i f e , due to the anxiety surrounding, her p o t e n t i a l sexual behaviour. The concern with v i r g i n i t y i s also detrimental to the parents, i n that i t i s a source of constant anxiety. The family's honour may be completely l o s t f or generations to come i f they are not v i g i l a n t . The r e s u l t i s that a g i r l i s l i a b l e to be considered a problem by her family to a f a r greater extent than her brother: unless she i s a paragon, as soon as she , 1 reaches the age of twelve or t h i r t e e n , she becomes a source of worry and anxiety to her parents. I f she i s p l a i n or f r i g i d , they are anxious over her probable f a i l u r e to f i n d a husband; on the contrary, should she be a t t r a c t i v e or f l i r t a t i o u s , the p o s s i b i l i t y that she w i l l be seduced becomes a t e r r i f y i n g night-mare. .. Indeed so s t r i c t i s t h i s moral code that.the appearance of f a u l t i s as bad as the f a u l t i t s e l f . . . The concern with honour li n k e d to female sexual behaviour i s not l i m i t e d to the v i r g i n i t y of daughters, but also includes the f i d e l i t y of the wife. The wife generally goes nowhere unescorted, except possibly to Church. At other times ?she j o i n s with neighbours or friends to do her shopping, laundry, or other household errands which necessitate her venturing into society at large. The p r a c t i c e of avoiding unescorted forays into society i s not so much to maintain 10 Maraspini, op. c i t . , p. 179-80. 96 f a m i l i a l f i d e l i t y as i t i s to avoid the appearence of i n f i d e l i t y . In a society where gossip i s "the only show i n town", i t i s more important to avoid the appearance of e v i l than e v i l i t s e l f . The l o s s of honour comes about when a transgression of mores or values^") i s made p u b l i c — not through commission of the act i t s e l f . Contact between the sexes outside the family i s , therefore, l i m i t e d , and community p a r t i c i p a t i o n must conform to the sexual mores set out i n the cul t u r e . Banfield notes the preoccupazione with other than material advantage: "Aside from the need to protect h i s family from envy and from claims on i t s resources, the Montegranese has a strong reason to avoid close attachments. He i s a f r a i d that h i s women may.be seduced."^ Again, Banfield has noted an element of c r u c i a l i n t e r e s t to the Montegranesi, but has f a i l e d to allow for t h i s element i n the formulation of h i s hypothesis. Honour, l i k e other resources which go into making the family a v i a b l e economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t , i s viewed through the.image of 12 the l i m i t e d good. One gains honour i n r e l a t i o n to other i n d i v i d u a l s and groups—much l i k e the game of "one-upmanship". The competitiveness 11 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 117. 12 That t h i s i s so, tends to r e i n f o r c e my suspicion that the r i g i d s o c i a l hierarchy has come about through viewing status, p r e s t i g e , and power through the image of the l i m i t e d good. 97 i n the seeking of honour i s noted by E r i c Wolf: The concept of honor, i n i t s h o r i z o n t a l aspect implies a f i x e d amount of reputation for each contestant i n the game of honor, an amount which can be lessened or increased i n competitive i n t e r -action with others. Such i n t e r a c t i o n establishes one's s o c i a l c r e d i t rating...Moreover; past f a m i l i a l behavior has important bearing on present and future evaluation.13 Thus f a r discussion has been dire c t e d at both the consanguineal and the nuclear family i n the Mezzorgiorno. This i s , I b e l i e v e , appropriate, i n that the nuclear family derives much of i t s importance and s i g n i f i c a n c e through i t s connection of the consanguineal family; and i t appears that much of the emphasis upon the nuclear family has come about through the i n a b i l i t y of the region to sustain the t r a d i -t i o n a l consanguineal t i e s . Much of the t r a d i t i o n a l importance of the consanguineal family has been mitigated as labour has become a "free commodity", and as land has become divided and subdivided through many generations of inheritance. The consanguineal family i s no longer a sine qua non for the family to operate as a v i a b l e economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t . Indeed, the consanguineal family i s now an impediment to t h i s operation. There simply i s not enough land l e f t i n the patrimony to support the consanguineal u n i t . The consanguineal family, 13 Wolf, E r i c . "Kinship, Friendship, and Patron-Client Relations i n Complex S o c i e t i e s " i n The S o c i a l Anthropology of Complex S o c i e t i e s , edited by Michael Banton (London: Tavistock, 1966), p. 8-9. 98 of necessity has tended to break up as o f f s p r i n g are forced to seek 14 t h e i r l i v i n g elsewhere. It may be expedient to pursue the concept of the nuclear family of the Mezzogiorno further at t h i s point, though, to see i n what manner i t i s unique as a family pattern i n the western world. The following discussion cannot be e n t i r e l y free from considera-t i o n of the consanguineal family though, i n that connection i s one of the elements which give the nuclear family of the Mezzogiorno i t s uniqueness. The nuclear family i n the Mezzogiorno, s t r i c t l y speaking, i s composed of the same ro l e s or members as the nuclear family i n other areas of the world, i . e . , man, wife, and t h e i r c h i l d r e n . What i s d i f f e r e n t , and therefore s a l i e n t i n the nuclear family of Mezzogiorno i s i t s primacy i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l o r i e n t a t i o n . I t i s by f a r the most important group to which an i n d i v i d u a l belongs, and therefore commends h i s constant attention to assure i t s continued existence and enhancement. The over-riding concern f o r the welfare and enhancement of t h i s group ( i n terms of the prevalent s o c i a l values) demands that involvement and a c t i v i t y outside of the nuclear family be severely r e s t r i c t e d . The nuclear family i s not viewed i n contemporary western 14 See Donald E i t k i n ' s study, "Land Tenure and Family Organi-zation i n an I t a l i a n V i l l a g e " , op. c i t . , where he discusses the r e i n s t i t u t i o n of the extended family i n those areas affected by the 1932 land reforms. In those areas where enough land was gained to support the extended family, the family has, .in f a c t , tended to extend i t s e l f . 99 terms of a mere "home-base" so to.speak, from which the o f f s p r i n g get t h e i r s t a r t on t h e i r way into the world. Rather the nuclear family i n the Mezzogiorno i s viewed as an end i n i t s e l f , a moral good to be maintained, reverenced, and honoured. It can be viewed as a "product" or "end", rather than a " t o o l " or "means" as i n much of the western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world. It i s moral i n and of i t s e l f (as w e l l as through i t s connection with the consanguineal f a m i l y ) , and t h i s not merely because i t may be able to provide o f f s p r i n g with the necessary education and resources to make t h e i r way into the world and gain independence. I f the nuclear family of the Mezzogiorno i s able to provide these l a t t e r functions, i t i s indeed considered fortunate; but more important i s the fac t that the .importance of the nuclear family to the i n d i v i d u a l i s paramount whether or not the family i s able to provide them. Family t i e s remain paramount throughout the l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l — a phenomenon absent i n more i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s where f a m i l i a l a l l e g i a n c e must compete with al l e g i a n c e to other groups, organizations, and associations. The nuclear family i n the Mezzogiorno, then, r e f e r s to more than the mere conjugal--unit of man, wife, and t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Accompanying t h i s group i s a set of atti t u d e s about them-selves which makes the "sum" more than the mere t o t a l of the parts. The nuclear family i s characterized by a sense of i n t e r n a l cohesion c l o s e l y t i e d to a sense of honour, reverence, and morality. Maraspini sums up t h i s f e e l i n g f o r the family as a "united whole" which i s more 100 than the sum of i t s parts: • The uninhibited embraces and kisses on the railway platforms and at bus stops are not j u s t instances of L a t i n exuberance, but expressions of .deep and genuine emotional involvement, which merely express i n an obvious phy s i c a l gesture the strong attachment which l i n k s i n a unite whole the various members of a f a m i l y . 1 5 Banfield maintains that the interesse of the nuclear family i s i t ' s short-run material advantage."*"^ This i s , I b e l i e v e , s u p e r f i c i a l . We have already noted the element of anxiety with sexual honour i n the preoccupazione of the peasant of the Mezzogiorno. There i s yet another element of the preoccupazione which i s only p a r t i a l l y m aterial. This i s the anxiety over the p r o b a b i l i t y that the family w i l l f a l l i n status, wealth and honour. There i s , i n the Mezzogiorno, a preoccupation with setting one's c h i l d r e n on the " r i g h t road" i n l i f e . There i s a desire to give them both the material assets to assure them a good l i f e and, p o s s i b l y more important, the r i g h t s p i r i t u a l and s o c i a l upbringing to allow them to carry t h e i r heads high i n society. G i r l s , e s p e c i a l l y , are sources of anxiety. The young women must be taught the proper behavioural norms that she w i l l not bring disgrace to her family and her future husband. Sons must be brought up to desire the type of g i r l who w i l l run her household properly. Since honour and prestige are 15 Marspini, op. c i t . , p. 196. 16 B a n f i e l d , op. c i t . , p. 110. 101 parceled out on the basis of many things other than material wealth; and given the r e l a t i v e importance of prestige and honour; i t i s only natural that much of the preoccupazione and interesse of the nuclear . family i s concerned with q u a l i t i e s other than material wealth. Gino 0., another of Dolci's informants, was denied by h i s own s i s t e r because he was i l l e g i t i m a t e (strangely enough by her own two parents). He evaluates the s i t u a t i o n : "...people are so anxious to keep up appear-ances, to be thought 'respectable' that t h e y ' l l hide t h e i r n atural f e e l i n g s , deny t h e i r own f l e s h and blood, as we l l I know."'''7 I t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r any given family to maintain i t s status over several generations, and the f a i l i n g of the family i s a cause of constant anxiety. The anxiety over the possible l o s s of family status i n the future also manifests i t s e l f i n the d i f f e r e n t i a l preference generally accorded to male c h i l d r e n over female c h i l d r e n . A female c h i l d i s often viewed as a d e f i c i t i n that she necessitates constant v i g i l a n c e because of her precarious sexual p o s i t i o n ; she must be provided with a dowry; and she represents a loss of the family name. Male c h i l d r e n , on the other hand, assure continuance of the family name, and provide manpower 17 . . D o l c i , To Feed the Hungry, op. c i t . , p. 110. While i t may be asserted that t h i s instance r e f l e c t s a r e l a t i v e l y weak kinship bond, t h i s does not appear to be the case. Whereas the g i r l s parents were married to other partners at the time of the boys b i r t h , the boy could not be properly c a l l e d "family". What i s important i s that the g i r l would admit to one one that the boy was i n f a c t , her brother. His i l l e -gitimacy would have r e f l e c t e d shame onto her and her future husband. 102 for both economic and p o l i t i c a l purposes. Without male-^children, one cannot r e t a l i a t e f o r v i o l a t i o n s to property and person i n order to 18 maintain family honour. Further, sons act as guardians to t h e i r s i s t e r s ' honour. The d i f f e r e n t i a l value placed on male and female i s , of course, mitigated at the time of marriage. The woman then becomes a valuable resource i n her capacity to bear c h i l d r e n — a g a i n , preferably sons. As a mother she shares an almost e t h e r a l c o n n e c t i o n with the V i r g i n Mary. Besides the inherent morality of the nuclear family, there are other elements i n the culture which enhance i t s importance as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n . Other forms of association are often denied to the peasant of the Mezzorgiorno.or are seen as useless by him, to the extent that he neither j o i n s nor supports them. An example of t h i s l a t t e r instance would be that of i n t e r e s t groups. Because the government i s viewed as corrupt and often a l i e n , the peasant i s aware of the importance of raccomandazione and sees t h i s as the most e f f e c t i v e way to pursue 18 Generally the sole male of a family w i l l not become involved i n a vendetta, i n that should he be', k i l l e d , h i s family would be l e f t without a breadwinner. S i m i l a r l y , the l a s t male son i s often refused permission to marry u n t i l a l l of h i s s i s t e r s have been married. The reason for t h i s i s that i n the event of some v i o l a t i o n i s done to the g i r l ' s honour, he must be free from obligations to a wife and c h i l d r e n , so that he can r e t a l i a t e for that v i o l a t i o n . For example, i f a l l sons were married, the honour of an unmarried s i s t e r were v i o l a t e d , and one of the brothers r e t a l i a t e d f or the dishonour; the chances are that his nuclear family would, i n the end, be without a man to provide for them. 103 h i s i n t e r e s t s . Interest groups are seen as useless, since the government operates on the basis- of ra'ccbmandaziohe. Indeed, i n t e r e s t group association i s often viewed as p o t e n t i a l l y harmful in-that i t i s sure to alienate some power holders. Joining a peasant farmers' association to push for larger.shares of the.crop or guaranteed leases, may a l i e n a t e the landlord of one or another of the peasants, and he may be forced o f f the land. Other orientations and associations are often denied to the peasant by those who hold a prestigious p o s i t i o n and wish to remain "above the crowd". The educational system, and the Catholic Church through i t s influence on the educational system, tend to re-^inforce the r i g i d hierarchy of society and the element of authoritarianism which i s implanted through the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process i n the family. The I t a l i a n student i s not integrated into an academic system to the extent that p r e v a i l s i n North America. An unbridgeable gap i s often maintained between student and teacher. During the most formative years of s o c i a l i -z a t i o n , the student i s constantly reminded that he has no legitimate claim to entrance within t h i s new i n s t i t u t i o n a l community. Rather, 19 e f f e c t i v e t i e s are s t i l l l i m i t e d to his family and a few f r i e n d s . . The a u t h o r i t a r i t a r i a n , and e s s e n t i a l l y u n i - d i r e c t i o n a l , dimension of the classroom widens at the secondary and u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l s . Class 19 See LaPalombara's " I t a l y " Fragmentation, I s o l a t i o n and A l i e n a t i o n " , o p . • c i t . , for a discussion of the influence of education i n maintaining the "closed" aspect of society i n I t a l y . 104 discussion and contact between students and teachers are minimal or non-existent. Assignments, and often l e c t u r e s , are delivered by secretaries or a s s i s t a n t s . The student, being denied an active and legitimate place i n t h i s hierarchy, i s forced to r e l y upon the family as a basis of focus. The family represents the only s o c i a l unit which gives him respect as an i n d i v i d u a l i n that u n i t . I t o f f e r s him a sense of s e c u r i t y and self-worth. The a g r i c u l t u r a l organization of the Mezzogiorno also acts as an external v a r i a b l e which serves to enhance the importance and c e n t r a l i t y of the nuclear family i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l o r i e n t a t i o n . Given the fact that labour connected with the land i s negatively valued, there i s a r e l a t i v e absence of the mezzadria contract. Also, there i s no t r a d i t i o n of noblesse oblige on the part of the landowner toward "his peasants". These factors a l l combine to produce a conspicious lack of involvement on the part of the landowner i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise. The nuclear family, therefore, must operate as a v i a b l e economic unit i f i t i s to survive with d i g n i t y . The family generally must make a l l decisions r e l a t i n g to the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise as well as provider the manual labour. It must be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . The lack of co-operation and involvement on the part of the landowner rei n f o r c e s the need for large f a m i l i e s and t i e s of kinship and-.friendship which can be used i n time of need. The peasant i s l e f t to fend for himself i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise; and i n a h o s t i l e world he n a t u r a l l y enough turns to h i s family for support. I t i s the one form of 105 as s o c i a t i o n which can be trusted. Further, the small unintegrated p l o t s of land which have res u l t e d from d i v i d i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l lands among o f f s p r i n g f o r generations, make the nuclear family the most e f f i c i e n t unit of production. The lands are most often too small to support.any form of extended family or co-operative farming. (Besides the small si z e of a g r i c u l t u r a l p l o t s , the whole idea of "co-operative farming" would be an anomaly within the Mezzogiorno. I f one's neighbour i s t r y i n g to beat.one i n the race f o r a l i m i t e d supply of resources, i t i s to one's disadvantage to help the neighbour i n any way.) The nuclear family also represents a unit of production which can accommodate the high degree.of c i r c u l a t i o n of ownership of r e a l property. The t r a d i t i o n a l neo-local r u l e of residence accommodates . these s h i f t s because the: change i n residence generally comes at.the same time as the change i n property ownership—a r e s u l t of a l e g a l t r a d i t i o n 20 of p a r t i b l e inheritance. There i s another element i n the culture of the Mezzogiorno which 20 For a discussion of a g r i c u l t u r a l organization as i t r e l a t e s to family organization and o r i e n t a t i o n , see Sydel Silverman's " A g r i c u l t u r a l Organization, S o c i a l Structure and Values i n I t a l y : Amoral Familism Reconsidered", op. c i t . , and Donald P i t k i n ' s "Land Tenure and Family Organization i n an I t a l i a n V i l l a g e " , op. c i t . 106 serves to enhance the ''family" as a s o c i a l unit at the expense of other forms of s o c i a l unit at the expense of other forms of s o c i a l and human i n t e r a c t i o n . I t ^ i s not e n t i r e l y an external element to the family as, say, the educational system or the land tenure system; but neither i s i t an inherent element of the conception of "family". This i s the element of f i c t i v e kinship t i e s , i n t h i s case the t r a d i t i o n of godparent-hood (comparaggio). The t r a d i t i o n stems from the Roman Catholic p r a c t i c e whereby the godparent undertakes to guarantee the welfare and proper r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of the c h i l d i n the event of the death of the natural parents. The t r a d i t i o n of comparaggio i n the Mezzogiorno has been enlarged somewhat to cover functions other than those s p e c i f i e d i n Catholic dogma. The godparent i s expected to be a " f r i e n d " to the c h i l d — o n e to whom the c h i l d can always turn for a " f r i e n d l y ear" and other assistance i n times of need. The bonds of friendship established between the godparent and c h i l d are more than mere fr i e n d s h i p , and more c l o s e l y resemble f i l l i a l bonds. Because the honour of each party i s connected with that of the other, each i s constantly concerned with maintaining the honour of the other. The godparent, therefore, can be expected to l i s t e n to the problems of the godchild and provide whatever assistance possible without spreading the unfortunate circumstances throughout the community, and thereby causing a loss of honour and prestige. The r e l a t i o n s h i p i s much l i k e a f a m i l i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , and one can be confident of the d i s c r e t i o n exercised by the godparent. 107 In such a s o c i a l s e t t i n g there i s no need for such community services as "counseling centres" or "youth centres" to which young people experiencing family problems may-go. The function i s handled by the godparent, and the troubles are l e s s l i k e l y to be known to the p u b l i c . Besides the " f r i e n d l y ear" function, the godparent i s also expected to contribute f i n a n c i a l assistance for education,a dowry, or other p u r p o s e s — e i t h e r i n the form of loans or an outright g i f t . Again, there i s no need for the i n d i v i d u a l to transcend the "family" and a v a i l himself of the public services of banks, e t c . — p r o v i d e d of course that the godparent i s f i n a n c i a l l y able to provide the assistance. The f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n of the prospective godparent i s an -important c r i t e r i o n i n choosing a godparent, and most often someone i s chosen who can provide the necessary f i n a n c i a l assistance as well as a proper moral example fo r the youngster. Many of the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l which would necessitate going beyond the nuclear family, then, are f i l l e d by the r o l e of the godparent. Those needs to go beyond the nuclear family carry with them a p o t e n t i a l for wider p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the community, but t h i s p o t e n t i a l i s truncated when the i n d i v i d u a l goes to the godparent. The t r a d i t i o n of comparaggio, then, sets l i m i t a t i o n s . t o s o c i a l and community p a r t i -c i p a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l . There i s no need for groups of i n d i v i d u a l young people to band together on the basis of a shared problem. Each goes to h i s i n d i v i d u a l godparent who normally does a l l within h i s power 108 to a l l e v i a t e the problem without exposing the problem to the community through gossip. In conclusion, i n order to properly understand the moral code of the Mezzogiorno and int e r p r e t much of the behavior r e l a t e d to that moral code, the family must be viewed a s . i t i s viewed i n the eye of the people of the Mezzogiorno, i . e . , as a moral good i n and of i t s e l f , as an "end" rather than a "means", and as an honourable i n s t i t u t i o n . The importance of the bearing of the family i n the community as i t rela t e s to honour must be understood, and l a s t l y , the importance of the family to the i n d i v i d u a l must be understood. Besides the inherent moral and honourable q u a l i t i e s connected with the family as a s o c i a l u n i t , the importance of the family i s en-hanced by external elements—some of which derive from the peasants perception of h i s external worldiCand. ;some of which derive from attitudes and structures of i n s t i t u t i o n s and customs beyond h i s c o n t r o l . Given the world of l a miseria with i t s d i s t r u s t , competition and struggle, the family i s an ark of se c u r i t y to weather the storm of s o c i a l a c t i o n which i s often perceived of very much l i k e the fury of the Harpies. The peasant sees much of the society drawn up i n b a t t l e against him and h i s family. The family represents that which one must protect, as well as h i s a l l i e s i n that b a t t l e . These are the people whom he does not have to i n t r i g u e against and who can always be counted on f o r support as the b a t t l e begins. 109 CHAPTER VI Conclusions It i s of paramount importance i n dealing with the p o l i t i c a l c u lture of the Mezzogiorno, to attempt to overcome one's own view of the "way things should be" and the concomitant colouring that these preconceived at t i t u d e s w i l l - n e c e s s a r i l y impart to one's observations and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the behaviour and attitudes of the people of that culture. Like any research done from afar and by those of a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e , t h i s one undoubtedly f a l l s f a r short of the i d e a l mark i n overcoming ethnocentrism and e f f e c t i n g . a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l t r a n s i t i o n . • It does, however, provide a,meaningful background, against which the behaviour of the people can be seen.to be not only l o g i c a l , but also both r a t i o n a l and moral, given >the conditions which e x i s t i n the Mezzogiorno and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given to those conditions by the people who l i v e there. This i s , I b e l i e v e , a sign that one has at l e a s t made a beginning i n overcoming the ethnocentrism which tends to "sneak up" on one and catch him unaware. Banfield's hypothesis of "amoral familism" i s , I b e l i e v e , i n -adequate both i n terms of explaining or i n t e r p r e t i n g behaviour, and i n terms of p r e d i c t i n g behaviour. Further the l a b e l "amoral" i s p a r t i c u l a r l y inaccurate. The l a b e l "amoral" derives from Banfield's assertion that there i s no sense of moral "goodness" or "badness" which 110 r e l a t e s to those outside the family. Standards,.he maintains r e l a t e to those within the family u n i t , and those which a f f e c t the family u n i t . Given the concept of the " l i m i t e d good" which characterizes the peasant culture of the Mezzogiorno, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to conceive of but a few actions which could be classed as "amoral" by these i n d i v i d u a l s . Given the intense struggle, competition, and d i s t r u s t which the peasant sees h i s world made up of, most actions a r e ' d i r e c t l y related.to the bearing of the family, and therefore w i l l be classed as good or bad, moral or immoral, as they a f f e c t the family. The peasant cannot be viewed as "amoral" with regard to the community, because whatever time, e f f o r t and energies he devotes, to the community he views as coming through the deprivation of h i s f a m i l y — a most moral and honourable s o c i a l u n i t . It i s not that he i s "amoral" with respect to the community that he does not p a r t i c i p a t e at the community l e v e l ; rather he often avoids p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the community l e v e l because that action would be viewed as immoral since i t "takes away" from h i s family. The concept of the l i m i t e d good, which Banfield notes, i s an important v a r i a b l e , many of the important i n d i c a t i o n s of which he seems to have overlooked. Behaviour i n the Mezzogiorno, I believe, can be better under-stood i n terms of a moral code which attempts to note the values of 1 B a n f i e l d , op. ci t . . , p. 83. I l l the people i n the Mezzogiorno, t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of those values, and present a picture of the world-view of those pesants. The behaviour of the south I t a l i a n peasant appears both moral and r a t i o n a l given t h i s code, and h i s view of the world around him. To maintain to the contrary i s to clas s behaviour as " i r r a t i o n a l " without looking at the goals motivating that behaviour, and as "immoral" without looking at the standards of morality which guide that behaviour. A proper understan-ding and explanation of behaviour cannot be made without at le a s t an i m p l i c i t understanding of t h i s moral code. Likewise, the p r e d i c t i o n of behaviour cannot be made without a view to the morals and values which w i l l motivate t h i s behaviour. The following moral code of the Mezzogiorno i s , I believe, more accurate i n terms of both explaining and predi c t i n g behaviour than i s the Banfield hypothesis: I. The family i s a moral end, i n and of i t s e l f . The family gives you a place of honour i n a h o s t i l e world; honour your family,, and protect i t s honour. II . Don't overstep your place. There are those above you and below you. Don't intermeddle into the a f f a i r s of those over you, don't c r i t i c i z e others, and don't gossip about others. I I I . Make no enemies; one must have friends i n the world to whom he can turn. Commitments alienate people; do not commit yourself needlessly. Return favours to those who help you. IV. Honour God and the saints. Banfield's hypothesis that the South I t a l i a n peasant w i l l act as i f he were following the ru l e "Maximize the material, short-run advantage of the nuclear family; assume that others w i l l do likewise" 112 i s inadequate i n explaining much of the behaviour of the peasantry. Likewise, i t i s inadequate i n pr e d i c t i n g behaviour, and leads those who would modify the behaviour of the peasant of the Mezzogiorno to pos i t goals and incentives which do not, i n f a c t , appeal to the peasant to the extent expected. The moral code of the Mezzogiorno i s , I b e l i e v e , more accurate on both counts. The d e r i v a t i o n of the moral code can best be seen i n terms of a counter hypothesis to Banfield. My hypothesis would be that the peasant w i l l act as i f he were following the r u l e ; "Maximize the v i a b i l i t y of the family as an economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t " . The implementation of t h i s r u l e , i n the context of the conditions of the Mezzogiorno has yielded the moral code. The ru l e of maximizing the v i a b i l i t y of the family as an economic and p o l i t i c a l unit i s , at le a s t p a r t i a l l y , the outcome of a "st a t e l e s s society". The state has never penetrated the Mezzogiorno e f f e c t i v e l y , with the possible exception of the F a s c i s t era. The state has been,ineffective i n providing law and order, and more importantly, j u s t i c e . To be sure, there are evidences of the state i n the agro-towns of the Mezzogiorno, i n the form of endless bureaucratic procedures and red-tape. There are c a r a b i n i e r i who are, by law, from a d i f f e r n t region of the country. The presence of the st a t e , though serves to exacerbate the conception of a "s t a t e l e s s society". The state i s viewed as corrupt, i n e f f e c t i v e , a l i e n , and e x p l o i t i v e . It provides neither " j u s t i c e " nor security. In such a st a t e l e s s society,, the a l t e r n a t i v e i s to make the 113 family into a v i a b l e p o l i t i c a l unit as well as an economic and s o c i a l u n i t . The family must be capable of p r o v i d i n g . r e t r i b u t i o n and j u s t i c e f o r wrongs done to i t by others. In a s t a t e l e s s society honour, pr e s t i g e , and most of a l l , power, are e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s which act as deterrents to encroachment upon one's patrimony, as w e l l as weapons to be used i n the event that encroachment does occur. With honour, prestige, and power one can gain a l l i e s to obtain " j u s t i c e " . The vendetta i s an example of t h i s use of the family to provide e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l functions. In the absence of the state the.family must provide i t s own p o l i t i c a l s ervices, and honour, pr e s t i g e , and power are important p o l i t i c a l resources. The importance of these p o l i t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s remains high i n the value system of the Mezzogiorno because of the lack of e f f e c t i v e , j u s t , and e f f i c i e n t penetration of the state bureaucracy. The conception of the realm of " p u b l i c " as opposed to " p r i v a t e " i s non-existent p r e c i s e l y because there i s no organ of the " p u b l i c " which i s viewed as such. The conception i s that the government i s an organ of p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t which i s used by a few to f i l l t h e i r pockets and those of t h e i r f r i e n d s . The term governo ladro portrays t h i s view of govern-ment held by the peasant. For a l l e f f e c t i v e purposes, the Mezzogiorno i s a " s t a t e l e s s society". The moral code, which has evolved out of t h i s " s t a t e l e s s s o c i e t y " and the concomitant attempt to transform the family into a v i a b l e economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t , has many implications for the p o l i t i c s i n 114 the Mezzogiorno. Many p o l i t i c a l functions are c a r r i e d on through k i n -ship u n i t s , and through patron-client t i e s which can be seen as an attempt to enlarge the moral community of the i n d i v i d u a l . There i s then, a continued usage of those methods, attitudes and values which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of an e a r l i e r s t a t e l e s s society. The general i n e f f i c a c y of the state bureaucracy has tended to enhance and maintain these e s s e n t i a l l y pre-state behavioural patterns and a t t i t u d e s . The nepotism and graft which characterize the c i v i l service tend to enhance the p o s i t i o n of the c i v i l servant who endulges i n such p r a c t i c e s . The p a t r i a r c h a l element of the c i v i l service i s enhanced by 1) a general view of i l l e g i t i m a c y of the government system as a whole; and 2) the r e l a t i v e l y small amount of penetration of the e f f e c t i v e government bureaucracy into f u l f i l l i n g l o c a l needs. The gratitude and legitimacy which would normally accrue to the government public administration system then accrues to the i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c e holder who i s viewed as having helped the peasant i n s p i t e of, rather than as a representative of, the government. In the Mezzogiorno, the patron does not come to be viewed as a "broker" but rather r e t a i n s h i s p o s i t i o n as a patron; and 2 the p a t r i a r c h a l patterns of praetorian p o l i t i c s p e r s i s t . 2 Huntington, op. c i t . , develops the term i n contrast to what he c a l l s " c i v i c " patterns of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . See Chapter I for a discussion of the contrasts between the two ideal-types. 115 The moral code of the Mezzogiorno can most e f f e c t i v e l y be seen to r e l a t e to p o l i t i c s through i t s e f f e c t on the a t t i t u d e s , values, and behaviour of the people r e l a t e d to the elements of 1) poverty and i t s t r a n s l a t i o n into an outlook of la_ miseria; 2) patron-client r e l a t i o n s ; 3) the Church; and 4) the family. These four phenomena are c r u c i a l points i n the p o l i t i c a l culture of the Mezzogiorno, i n that they are c u l t u r a l elements which are i n some way rel a t e d to a moral code of the Mezzogiorno, and r e l a t e that moral code to the view given to p o l i t i c s within that c u l t u r e . The poverty of the region has been translated into a philoso-phic outlook of competition, struggle, f a t a l i s m and despair. The peasant sees the world i n competition with him, and seeks to "outdo" others since i t i s seen as the only way to keep a l i v e . The peasants struggle i s g r e atly mitigated i f he can a l l y himself with a strong patron. A patron can provide economic as well as p o l i t i c a l a i d — t h e peasant can be seen as attempting to maximize the v i a b i l i t y of the family as an economic and p o l i t i c a l u nit through the recruitment of powerful a l l i e s . The Church, through various means, has enhanced the pre-praetorian p o l i t i c a l patterns of o r i e n t a t i o n . C h r i s t i a n Democrats, through the sanction of the Church, have managed to r e t a i n power since the departure of Umberto from Ciampino A i r p o r t , and have created one of the grandest patronage systems of the 20th century. The Church has maintained an overlapping system of patronage, p a r t i c u l a r l y strong i n the Messogiorno. Further, the Church has tended to maintain the importance of the 116 humanistic values of prestige and status to the detriment of values more attuned to the functioning of a western*democracy, the path chosen by (some would maintain "for") I t a l y . a f t e r the Second World War. Throughout a l l of t h i s , the family remains of supreme-importance; not only because of the inherent morality that the family i s v i e w e d to represent, but also because.it i s often the most e f f i c i e n t economic and 3 p o l i t i c a l u n i t . I t provides an ark of s e c u r i t y against the dual forces of nature and competitors, which are p i t t e d against , i t i n a death struggle f or existence. The moral code that I have posited f or the Mezzogiorno, i s , I be l i e v e , both more us e f u l i n explaining, i n t e r p r e t i n g , and p r e d i c t i n g behaviour, and, allows f o r a more ju s t evaluation of the p o l i t i c a l behaviour of the peasant of the Mezzogiorno, than does the Banfield hypothesis. It represents an attempt to get behind the cu r t a i n of ethno-centrism which often clouds a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l study i n p o l i t i c a l behaviour. It i s an attempt to look at the concept of p o l i t i c a l morality through the eyes of those who l i v e that; morality. The lack of d e l i n e a t i o n between " p u b l i c " and " p r i v a t e " , the lack of a v i a b l e conception of government and state i s demonstrated by.the responses to an Almond and Verba question which asked the respondent to state the most important problem facing the people of the country. They were then asked to rate the second most important problem. 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