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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Political action of the Indians of British Columbia Kopas, Leslie Clifford 1972

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POLITICAL ACTION OF THE INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA by LESLIE CLIFFORD KOPAS A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA APRIL, 1972 In p r e sen t i ng t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree tha t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r re ference and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree tha t pe rmiss ion f o r ex tens ive copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood tha t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s . t hes i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed wi thou t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date June 1 , 1972 ABSTRACT This thesis traces the development of p o l i t i c a l action by the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Europeans who occupied B r i t i s h Columbia i n the nineteenth century placed the natives under a c o l o n i a l s t y l e of administration. Without c i t i z e n s h i p or representation i n the federal or p r o v i n c i a l government for many years, the Indians t r i e d to present t h e i r grievances to the government mainly through protest organizations. The effectiveness of Indian protest organizations was weakened by the i n a b i l i t y of the natives to unite i n one p r o v i n c i a l association. The d i v e r s i t y of c u l t u r a l , r e l i g i o u s , and economic factors i n the Indian population caused persistent d i v i s i v e n e s s . Regional p o l i t i c a l organizations were formed to resolve l o c a l problems. F i n a l l y , the prospect of the removal of the Indian Act provided a catalyst for the formation of a single p r o v i n c i a l Indian p o l i t i c a l organization. CONTENTS Chapter Page I . INTRODUCTION 1 I I . ABORIGINAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 12 E t h n i c D i v i s i o n s L o c a l Groups T r i b e s C o n f e d e r a c i e s Warfare I I I . THE INFLUENCE OF THE FUR TRADERS 2 6 IV. COLONIAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION 36 V. THE LAND AND POTLATCH ISSUES 46 The Land T i t l e Q u e s t i o n The P o t l a t c h Law V I . EARLY INDIAN PROTEST MOVEMENTS 58 Land P e t i t i o n s The Nishga Land Committee P o t l a t c h P e t i t i o n s Chapter Page V I I . THE ALLIED TRIBES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA . . . . 72 V I I I . THE NATIVE BROTHERHOOD OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. . 96 IX. THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BROTHERHOOD . . . . 116 X. POLITICAL INTEGRATION 129 The P r o v i n c i a l Vote The I n d i a n Non-Partisan P a r t y The F e d e r a l Vote X I . REGIONAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS 136 XII . POLITICAL DISUNITY 152 X I I I . THE MOVE TOWARD NATIONAL INDIAN UNITY . . . . 164 XIV. THE UNION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA INDIAN CHIEFS . 174 XV. THE NATURE OF BRITISH COLUMBIA" INDIAN POLITICS 184 The Indians and the Government Ind i a n P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s BIBLIOGRAPHY 194 APPENDIX A: THE ROYAL PROCLAMATION OF 1763 . 199 APPENDIX B: CLAUSE 13 OF THE TERMS OF UNION 202 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to express appreciation to Professors Harry Hawthorn and Wilson Duff for t h e i r assistance and constructive c r i t i c i s m i n the preparation of t h i s manuscript. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Soc i a l s c i e n t i s t s and other writers have gathered a great deal of information about the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. They have described the cultures and the problems of the natives i n some d e t a i l . But one aspect of Indian l i f e to which they have given r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e attention i s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . This was acknowledged by researchers from the University of B r i t i s h Columbia while compiling a comprehensive study on the natives of the province i n 1955: "We have not ca r r i e d out h i s t o r i c a l research on the development of groups of Indians organized f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes. Such a study would be revealing and instructive."^" But Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia has not been e n t i r e l y ignored by anthropologists and h i s t o r i a n s . Edgar Shankel, i n h i s thesis on the develop-ment of Indian p o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, described "Ha. B. Hawthorn, C. S. Belshaw, and S. M. Jamieson, The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, 1958, p. 475. 1 2 Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s that occurred u n t i l 1927.2 P h i l i p Drucker wrote a monograph on the Native Brotherhoods 3 of B r i t i s h Columbia and Alaska. An important Indian p o l i t i c a l leader, Andrew Paull, was the subject of a thesis by E. Palmer Patterson I I . 4 The most complete treatment of Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was written by Forrest E. LaViolette who traced i t s development to 1951. 5 Since those studies were completed, however, there has been an e f f l o r e s -cence of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y among the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. For some time I have believed that the mere recounting of Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia would be i n t e r e s t i n g . I f i t complemented other studies that aimed 2G. E. Shankel, The Development of Indian P o l i c y i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1945. ^ P h i l i p Drucker, The Native Brotherhoods: Modern I n t e r t r i b a l Organizations on the Northwest Coast, Bureau  of American Ethnology B u l l e t i n 168, U. S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , Washington, 1958. 4 E. Palmer Patterson I I , Andrew P a u l l and Canadian  Indian Resurgence, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1962. ^Forrest E. LaViolette, The Struggle For Survival, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1961. 3 at discovering the reasons for the po s i t i o n of Indians i n Canadian society, the account would increase i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . My inte r e s t i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia stemmed from three sources: an i n t e r e s t i n the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, an i n t e r e s t i n the cultures of the Indians of the province, and a concern for native people confronted with the problem of adjustment to Canadian society. My concern for the people was, of course, a stronger motivating force than my i n t e r e s t s i n h i s t o r y and culture. But through knowledge of the h i s t o r y and culture of the Indians, I expected to begin to understand the nature of the problems they faced. This t h e s i s i s the r e s u l t of a search for information about the causes of some of the problems of the native people of B r i t i s h Columbia. I t i s about p o l i t i c s because I believe that to a great extent p o l i t i c a l decisions caused contemp-orary Indian problems, and wise p o l i t i c a l decisions are e s s e n t i a l before they can be resolved. When I began to gather facts for my examination of the p o l i t i c a l issues, I r e l i e d on written sources—and as much as possible on those written by Indians. Had the study been more advanced and had time and finances permitted, I would have t r a v e l l e d to interview people who were involved with recent p o l i t i c a l a ction. My method, however, was not e n t i r e l y confined to what I read. I have l i s t e n e d to Indian leaders speak at conferences, on the radio, and at informal meetings. I have associated with many other Indians and have personally observed the consequences of the Indian p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I acquired h i s t o r i c a l and ethnological information from books and newspapers, but I was probably predisposed by my background to ask the questions I d i d . I l i v e d the f i r s t seventeen years of my l i f e i n the B r i t i s h Columbia coastal v i l l a g e of B e l l a Coola. The population of about 1,000 i n the B e l l a Coola v a l l e y was nearly evenly divided between Indians and whites. Most of the white people were descendents of Norwegians who had s e t t l e d i n the v a l l e y i n 1894. Many of them were prejudiced about Indians, but race r e l a t i o n s were generally amicable. My parents were "out-siders," as the l o c a l vernacular termed l a t e a r r i v a l s . Our family tended to be more f r i e n d l y than most with Indians but not to the extent of comradeship. As a c h i l d , I adopted some of the prejudices of r u r a l B r i t i s h Columbia. But when about nine years o l d I had a friend of mixed Indian-white parentage who was taunted by white boys because he was a "siwash" (the opprobrious term 5 for an Indian). I wanted to be neutral but I remained l o y a l to my f r i e n d . Perhaps I sensed that n e u t r a l i t y i n the face of c r u e l t y i s d e c e i t f u l . About a year l a t e r , the f i r s t Indian c h i l d to attend a p r o v i n c i a l school at B e l l a Coola was enrolled i n my c l a s s . The other native pupils attended an Indian school operated by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s . Some white parents protested against allowing Indian children to attend the p r o v i n c i a l school. They said the Indian children were d i r t y , diseased, and slow to learn. The allegations could not be substantiated and the Indian and white classes were amalgamated. As a youngster I was fascinated by Indian a c t i v i t i e s . T r a d i t i o n a l dances, e s p e c i a l l y the ones using transformation masks, scattered eagle down, or clowns captivated me. The long dugout canoes, the large stationary V-shaped nets, and the stink associated with the rendering of oolichan grease attracted me to the r i v e r each A p r i l . The Indian community h a l l was the centre for many a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y basket-b a l l games. Indians were in t e r e s t i n g also because they seemed to suffer frequent tragedy. Boat explosions, suicide, murder, house f i r e s , drownings: they happened to Indians. White people died less spectacularly. 6 Every summer wh i l e I was a boy C a r r i e r Ind ians (we c a l l e d them " s t i c k Indians") from Ulka tcho and Anahim Lake rode t h e i r horses i n t o the B e l l a Coo la V a l l e y and camped along the r i v e r to dry salmon. Some o f them camped near the v i l l a g e o f B e l l a C o o l a . Al though they cou ld speak almost no E n g l i s h , a few of the young men arranged t o r en t b i c y c l e s by the hour from the whi te boys . They were w i l l i n g to r en t out t h e i r horses but the whi tes cou ld not c o n t r o l the a n i m a l s . W i t h i n t en years a f t e r I had f i r s t ren ted my b i c y c l e to i n t e r i o r Ind i ans , I was working w i t h them i n the l o g g ing o p e r a t i o n s . They then came t o B e l l a Coo la for work in s t ead o f salmon, and they t r a v e l l e d by car r a t h e r than by h o r s e . They were good loggers but they p r e f e r r e d to "chase cows" i n the p l a t e a u c o u n t r y . Whi l e s t i l l a schoolboy I accompanied my paren ts , my b ro the r , and a C a r r i e r I n d i a n on a packhorse t r i p i n t o the mountains . I i d o l i z e d the I n d i a n because he was a good horse wrang le r , an expert woodsman, and a superb shot w i t h a r i f l e . He l a t e r moved t o B e l l a Coo la and became a l o g g e r . He began t o suf fe r from pe r iods of dep re s s ion , and d e l i b e r -a t e l y shot h i m s e l f through the head one n igh t w h i l e d r i n k i n g w i t h h i s w i f e . r 7 As a boy I had a number of Indian f r i e n d s . We attended the same school, played basketball together, occasionally hunted and fished together. I l i k e d the frie n d l i n e s s , laughter, and energy of the young Indians, and the d i g n i t y and gentleness of the older ones. The ceremonial aspects of t h e i r culture fascinated me more than anything i n my own. My Indian friends l e f t school before reaching gradu-a t i o n . They became fishermen and loggers. I went to the c i t y for more education. During the summers, when I r e -turned to the central coast, I worked i n the logging and f i s h i n g industries with some of them. They s t i l l l i k e d to joke and laugh but some of them already drank h e a v i l y . In the c i t y I f e l t more akin to the Indians I met than to white people. I could adjust l i t t l e better to urban l i f e than the Indians could. C i t y people, i t seemed to me, were s u p e r f i c i a l , self-centered, and uninteresting. While I struggled to adjust to the complexities of existence beyond the coastal v i l l a g e of my boyhood, I sympathetically observed the t r i a l s of others i n similar circumstances. The Indians were having d i f f i c u l t i e s adjust-ing to a strange way of l i f e , too. The consequences of the i r f a i l u r e to adjust were documented i n s t a t i s t i c s 8 about alcoholism, crime, unemployment, and accidental death. I began to perceive the pervasiveness of the kinds of i n d i v i d u a l catastrophes I had observed i n Indian communities. For the f i r s t time I observed the meaning of s o c i a l and economic in e q u a l i t y . Some Indians suffered from poor housing, poor education, poor health, poverty, and s o c i a l d i s o r i e n t a t i o n . In B e l l a Coola, however, nobody had been p a r t i c u l a r l y p r i v i l e g e d or wealthy. But i n the c i t y I observed a concentration of wealth beyond imagination. I came to believe that Indians had become demoralized because they were d i s i n h e r i t e d ; that they had been d i s -i n h e r i t e d by Canadian white people through the actions of p o l i t i c i a n s ; that the minimal s o c i a l assistance i n the past had been part of a preposterous fraud; and that there would be no solution to the problems of the Indians u n t i l they acquired enough p o l i t i c a l power to demand and receive a larger portion of t h e i r b i r t h r i g h t . In writing t h i s thesis, I hoped to discover why the Indians had l o s t t h e i r b i r t h -r i g h t and t h e i r s p i r i t , and how they intended to regain them. I favour the Indian i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of native r i g h t s . I believe, for instance, that they should be considered the owners of the land of B r i t i s h Columbia u n t i l a formal 9 settlement has been made between the Government of Canada and legitimate Indian representatives. I believe that the Indians have been treated unjustly. Nonetheless, I have t r i e d to present the h i s t o r i c a l facts without bias and to set out the pos i t i o n of both white and Indian p o l i t i c i a n s . The study of Indian society, both t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary, has been the purview of anthropologists. I have used th e i r works for much of the data i n my study of Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . However, I employed concepts fundamental to p o l i t i c a l science, such as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of colonialism, int e r e s t s , and in t e r e s t groups, when describing the nature of Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . The h i s t o r i c a l data provoked the questions: (1) Why have the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia been p o l i t i c a l l y power-less since shortly after the advent of Europeans? (2) Why have the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia had d i f f i c u l t y i n achieving p o l i t i c a l unity among themselves? (3) What have been the consequences of p o l i t i c a l powerlessness for the Indians? The answers are to be found i n the study of the three themes that run through the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia: (1) the p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n -ship of white p o l i t i c i a n s and the Indians, (2) the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n of the Government of Canada and the Government 10 of B r i t i s h Columbia concerning Indian administration, and (3) the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y among Indians i n the formation of protest organizations. The philosophical background for my study of the Indian p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s exempli-f i e d by a quotation from the s o c i a l philosopher Reinhold Niebuhr: Most r a t i o n a l and s o c i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s of unequal p r i v i l e g e are c l e a r l y afterthoughts. The facts are created by the disproportion of power which e x i s t s i n a given s o c i a l system. The j u s t i f i c a t i o n s are usually dictated by the desire of the men of power to hide the nakedness of th e i r greed, and by the i n c l i n a t i o n of society i t s e l f to v e i l the brutal facts of human l i f e from i t s e l f . This i s a rather pathetic but understandable i n c l i n a t i o n ; since the facts of man's c o l l e c t i v e l i f e e a s i l y rob the average i n d i v i d u a l of confidence i n the human enterprise. The inevitable hypocrisy, which i s associated with a l l the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s of the human race, springs c h i e f l y from t h i s source: that indiv i d u a l s have a moral code which makes the actions of c o l l e c t i v e man an outrage to t h e i r conscience. They therefore invent romantic and,moral i n t e r -pretations of the r e a l facts, preferring to obscure rather than reveal the true nature of the i r c o l l e c t i v e behavior. Sometimes they are as anxious to offer moral j u s t i f i c a t i o n s for the b r u t a l i t i e s from which they suffer as for those which they commit . . . . As indi v i d u a l s , men believe that they ought to love and serve each other and e s t a b l i s h j u s t i c e between each other. As r a c i a l , economic, and national groups they take for themselves, whatever t h e i r power can command.^ ^Reinhold Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1932, p. 8. 11 My thesis i s (1) that the white c i t i z e n s of Canada through t h e i r elected and appointed representatives, d i s -inherited the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia and suppressed them under a c o l o n i a l regime, and (2) that the Indians' attempts to achieve p o l i t i c a l power i n order to obtain compensation for t h e i r b i r t h r i g h t has been frustrated by d i s u n i t y caused by c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s within the Indian population. CHAPTER II ABORIGINAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Ethnic Divisions The region now comprising the province of B r i t i s h Columbia was one of the l a s t parts of the world to be v i s i t e d by European explorers. The f i r s t Europeans to see the P a c i f i c coast of Canada were the men on the voyage of exploration commanded by the Spaniard Juan Perez i n 1774. In 1778, the English explorer, James Cook, was the f i r s t European a c t u a l l y to step ashore on the coast of B r i t i s h Columbia. Although the eastern part of North America had already been s e t t l e d by Europeans for nearly two hundred years, Alexander Mackenzie was yet to become the f i r s t European to reach the P a c i f i c Coast north of Mexico by t r a v e l l i n g overland. When f i r s t seen by the explorers, the natives of B r i t i s h Columbia represented a number of cul t u r e s . Those on the coast were included i n the Northwest Coast culture 7 area. Most of those i n the i n t e r i o r belonged to the 7A. L. Kroeber, C u l t u r a l and Natural Areas of Native  North America, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, 1963. 12 Plateau culture area. A culture area was inhabited by independent groups of people who had developed, within a geographic region, cultures that shared many s i m i l a r i t i e s . The idea of a culture area was, of course, an anthropolo-g i s t ' s concept, c e r t a i n l y not an aboriginal one. S i m i l a r i t y of culture d i d not necessarily lead to cooperation or f r i e n d l i n e s s . In fact, friendship with groups from a d i f f e r e n t culture area was probably as advantageous as with o one's own, e s p e c i a l l y for trade. Within each culture area were a number of ethnic d i v i s i o n s that varied i n physical type, culture, or language. The major ethnic d i v i s i o n s have been c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of language by anthropologists. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia were divided i n t o ten major d i v i s i o n s , each with a common language or rela t e d languages and a similar culture. The natives were aware of the other people who shared their language and often included them with them-selves i n the term meaning "people", but f e l t no p a r t i c u l a r 9 bond of kinship or l o y a l t y to them. There were s i x major ^Diamond Jenness, The Indians of Canada, National Museum  of Canada B u l l e t i n 65, Anthropological Series No. 15, 1934, p. 114. lson Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 5, P r o v i n c i a l Museum of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964, p. 12. 14 ethnic d i v i s i o n s on the coast and four i n the i n t e r i o r . The major ethnic d i v i s i o n s that corresponded to the languages spoken on the coast were the Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, B e l l a Coola, Nootka, and Coast S a l i s h . Those i n the i n t e r i o r were the Inland T l i n g i t , Athapaskan, I n t e r i o r S a l i s h , and Kootenay. Within some major ethnic d i v i s i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Coast Sal i s h , I n t e r i o r S a l i s h , and Athapaskan, a number of re l a t e d languages were spoken. But even though the people recognized the same language, culture, and t e r r i t o r y , they were not united p o l i t i c a l l y . Some-times, however, a f e e l i n g of unity existed among speakers ,. ., 10 of a common d i a l e c t . Local Groups One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Northwest Coast and Plateau society was the s i m p l i c i t y of formal p o l i t i c a l organization. The fundamental s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l unit of Indian society i n a l l regions was the group of people who l i v e d together throughout the year. The members of the group were kinsmen. On the coast they were intimately 1 0Verne F. Ray, C u l t u r a l Relations i n the Plateau of  Northwestern America, Publications of the Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publication Fund, V o l . I l l , Los Angeles, 1939, p. 9. 15 associated with d e f i n i t e l o c a l i t i e s and v i l l a g e s i t e s and were frequently named from these s i t e s . In the i n t e r i o r the groups of r e l a t i v e s were usually nomadic hunters. On both the coast and i n t e r i o r , k i n groups owned resource areas and had a name and a chief or headman. In many places, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the coast, autonomous l o c a l groups of kinsmen united to form t r i b e s without giving up t h e i r autonomy. 1 1 On the north coast the t r i b a l v i l l a g e , usually inhabited by the entire t r i b e only i n winter, was a cluster of dwellings belonging to members of d i f f e r e n t lineages.12 Each lineage continued to own separately i t s economic resources and to give i t s own ceremonies. Even during warfare l o c a l groups within the t r i b e sometimes v o l u n t a r i l y remained uninvolved i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the rest of the t r i b e . On the south coast, p o l i t i c a l unity among the S a l i s h was even more attenuated. Barnett put t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n succinctly: • ^ P h i l i p Drucker, Cultures of the North P a c i f i c Coast, Chandler Publishing Company, San Francisco, 1965, p. 70. 1 2 A lineage was a formal, named group of r e l a t i v e s who traced descent to a common ancestor through the paternal or maternal l i n e . The extended family was a less formalized group of r e l a t i v e s who traced descent through both maternal and paternal l i n e s . . 16 Among the Salish, the highest unit of common allegiance was the extended family. There was no t r i b e or state; hence, there were no offences against or l o y a l t y to e i t h e r . There were no t r i b a l o f f i c e r s ; no counc i l ; no bodies for the enactment, or enforcement of regulations. Action involving the r i g h t s of others was governed by a set of t r a d i t i o n a l and t h e o r e t i c a l l y unchangeable r u l e s . 13 Barnett was reluctant to c a l l the people gathered together at a winter v i l l a g e a t r i b e : The aggregate of the extended fa m i l i e s inhabiting a winter v i l l a g e has not been c a l l e d a t r i b e because any sense of unity which may have bound the family units t o -gether was of a d i l u t e d sort and was not the basis for c o l l e c t i v e action. The motivation for c o l l e c t i v e action i n a l l cases derived from blood r e l a t i o n s h i p ; and, i f and whenever a l l or any part of a v i l l a g e membership responded as a unit, i t was because of interconnecting blood t i e s . There was no single i n d i v i d u a l or body to which v i l l a g e members as such could appeal for leadership.-'- 4 Leadership was based on respect.15 The S a l i s h l i v i n g i n the lower Fraser V a l l e y believed that nobody had the r i g h t to give them orders but they were w i l l i n g to follow the leadership of a man they respected. There were no chiefs i n the sense that men were chosen to f i l l an o f f i c e of leadership. x Barnett, Homer G., The Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia, University of Oregon Press, Eugene, 1955, p. 241. 1 4 B a r n e t t , 1955, p. 243. 1 5 W i l s o n Duff, The Upper Stalo Indians, Anthropology  i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 1, P r o v i n c i a l Museum of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1952, p. 81.' 17 Indian groups i n the i n t e r i o r lacked strong t r i b a l organization, too. Describing the Carr i e r s , a part of the Athapaskan ethnic d i v i s i o n , Jenness reported: Like other C a r r i e r subtribes, the Bulkley natives were divided into a number of f r a t e r n i t i e s or phrateries, each intimately associated with the others, yet p o l i t i c a l l y independent. The phrateries assembled and l i v e d together at the same f i s h i n g places each season, they joined i n common feasts and ceremonies, and they united at times to repel a common danger; but they a l l owned separate hunting t e r r i t o r i e s to which t h e i r members repaired for the winter months, and they associated at w i l l with foreign peoples even when these might be h o s t i l e to others of t h e i r countrymen. Since there was no regulation of foreign i n t e r -course and trade and no hindrance to marriage outside the community, foreign ideas and foreign customs could take root i n one family or phratery without permeating the o t h e r s . 1 6 Indian existence on the plateau region of B r i t i s h Columbia involved v i l l a g e l i f e beside a r i v e r i n the winter and camping i n the summer at fi s h i n g , berrying, and root-digging grounds. The northern Athapaskans l i v e d together as small, independent migratory hunting bands. But several autonomous l o c a l groups among the southern Athapaskans and the Int e r i o r S a l i s h sometimes joined together at a v i l l a g e s i t e and appointed a headman. 1 6Diamond Jenness, The Carrier Indians of the Bulkley River;: Their S o c i a l and Religious L i f e . Bureau of American  Ethnology, B u l l e t i n 133, 1943, p. 481. 18 Tribes Throughout the North P a c i f i c Coast and i t s hinterland the l o c a l kinship group was the basic s o c i a l unit and usually comprised the largest body of united i n d i v i d u a l s . There were, however, some exceptional t r i b a l organizations 17 and chiefdoms or confederacies. On the north coast the smallest p o l i t i c a l unit was the lineage composed of k i n who l i v e d together i n one or more houses. There were several of these l o c a l groups i n each v i l l a g e . When formally united with several others by possession of a common winter v i l l a g e , a fix e d ranking for t h e i r assembled chiefs, and often a name, the l o c a l groups within a v i l l a g e could be c a l l e d a t r i b e . In most settlements the p o l i t i c a l organization remain-ed at a f a i r l y simple l e v e l . The head of the lineage had no authority beyond h i s lineage r e l a t i v e s i n h i s own v i l l a g e . The Tsimshians of the lower Skeena and Nass Rivers were among the f i r s t Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia to develop a more complex p o l i t i c a l structure. The Kwakiutl, who inhabited 1 7 S e e Elman R. Service, Primitive S o c i a l Organization, Random House, New York, 1962, for a description of bands, t r i b e s , and chiefdoms. Also Marshall D. Sahlins, Tribesmen, Prentice-Hall, Englewood C l i f f s , 1968. 19 the c e n t r a l coast, also formed t r i b e s from groups l i v i n g i n one winter v i l l a g e who acted as a unit for ceremonials and war, 1 8 E a r l y i n the eighteenth century the Tsimshians 19 developed lineage leadership into v i l l a g e c h i e f t a i n s h i p . Within several decades more they developed further into t r i b a l c h i e f t a i n s h i p . The Tsimshian were intensely pre-occupied with rank i n t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and chose the highest ranking i n d i v i d u a l as v i l l a g e or t r i b a l c h i e f . Within h i s t o r i c times, each t r i b e , acting as a unit, b u i l t the house of i t s chief and considered i t t r i b a l property. There were nine t r i b a l v i l l a g e s on the lower Skeena River and four on the lower Nass. Some time before the a r r i v a l of the Europeans, the people i n each of the v i l l a g e s had accepted one of t h e i r lineage heads as v i l l a g e c h i e f . Residents of the nine Skeena v i l l a g e s used the s i t e of Metlakatla as a camping ground on t h e i r way to and from the oolichan f i s h i n g grounds of the Nass. Each v i l l a g e had i t s own s i t e which was hereditary property. 1 8 F r a n z Boas, Kwakiutl Ethnography, edited by Helen Codere, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1966, p. 41. 1 9 V i o l a E. G a r f i e l d and Paul S. Wingert, The Tsimshian  Indians and Their Arts, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1950, p. 33. 20 Eventually people from each Skeena v i l l a g e s e t t l e d permanently at Metlakatla, but the v i l l a g e chief maintained h i s authority over h i s people both at Metlakatla and at 20 the o r i g i n a l v i l l a g e . I t was at t h i s stage that t r i b a l leadership emerged and the t r i b a l chief was regarded as the active leader of h i s tribesmen regardless of where they l i v e d . However, a p o l i t i c a l organization to include a l l the t r i b e s at Metlakatla did not develop. The t r i b a l chief had l i t t l e formal p o l i t i c a l authority. He could l e g i t i m a t e l y give commands only to members of h i s own lineage, and he did not have power for law enforcement. But because of h i s wealth and rank, h i s advice c a r r i e d great authority. His council consisted of the lineage heads within the t r i b e , and i t organized t r i b a l p r o j e c t s . Among the northern Kwakiutl, four B e l l a B e l l a groups established a common winter v i l l a g e . The B e l l a Coola, too, had several t r i b a l winter v i l l a g e s where a number of other-wise independent l o c a l groups assembled. 2 0 G a r f i e l d , 1950, p. 34. 21 C o n f e d e r a c i e s Even more n o t a b l e than the development of Tsimshian and Kwakiutl p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was the f o r m a t i o n of t r i b e s and c o n f e d e r a c i e s among the Northern Nootka. The b a s i c p o l i t i c a l u n i t of Nootka s o c i e t y was, of course, the l o c a l l i n e a g e group t h a t owned t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s , houses, ceremonial p r i v i l e g e s , and a name. However, u n l i k e most other I n d i a n groups i n the Northwest Coast r e g i o n , the l o c a l groups among most-Northern Nootkans were not autono-mous . Each was f o r m a l l y u n i t e d w i t h s e v e r a l o t h e r s t o form a t r i b e which possessed a common winter v i l l a g e , f i x e d r a n k i n g f o r assembled c h i e f s , and o f t e n a name. Undoubtedly the geography and c l i m a t e of the west coast o f Vancouver I s l a n d c o n t r i b u t e d t o the c o n d i t i o n s which favoured the formation of c o n f e d e r a c i e s among the Nootkan t r i b e s . From e a r l y autumn u n t i l s p r i n g s t r o n g s o u t h e a s t e r l y storm winds t h r a s h the open c o a s t l i n e . For days and weeks s m a l l boats cannot round the headlands s e p a r a t i n g the i n l e t s and sounds of the deeply indented shore. Consequently, the i n h a b i t a n t s of each sound a s s o c i a t e d with each other without i n t e r r u p t i o n by o u t s i d e c o n t a c t s d u r i n g frequent p e r i o d s of bad weather. I n f a c t , the i s o l a t i o n was complete enough t o permit r e g i o n a l accents i n speech t o develop from one sound t o another. There were four c o n f e d e r a c i e s or chiefdoms i n Nootka t e r r i t o r y , each s i t u a t e d on a sound or along p r o -t e c t e d i n l e t s . They were h e l d together by t i e s s i m i l a r t o those t h a t u n i t e d l o c a l groups i n t o t r i b e s : a summer v i l l a g e s i t e near the open ocean where everyone i n the confederacy hunted and f i s h e d f o r sea mammals and h a l i b u t , a r a n k i n g o f c h i e f s f o r ceremonial o c c a s i o n s , and a name. At i t s summer s i t e a confederacy c o u l d have as many as t h i r t y houses and more than a thousand p e o p l e . There was a stro n g u n i t y w i t h i n the c o n f e d e r a t i o n f o r war as w e l l as ce r e m o n i a l s . S i n c e c o n f e d e r a c i e s were composed o f a number o f l o c a l groups, each with i t s own headman, a s t r o n g l e a d e r or c h i e f was r e q u i r e d b e f o r e the p o p u l a t i o n c o u l d be u n i f i e d under one a u t h o r i t y . A s e r i e s of l e a d e r s with the f a m i l y name Maquinna r u l e d the Moachat confederacy of Nootka Sound d u r i n g the maritime fur tr a d e e r a i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . The le a d e r of the confederacy a t 2 1 P h i l i p Drucker, The Northern and C e n t r a l Nootkan T r i b e s , Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Bureau of Ethnology B u l l e t i n  144, Washington, 1951, p. 7. Clayoquot Sound, just south of Nootka Sound, was Wickaninish 7"? who had acquired h i s domain through conquest. An early trader wrote of Wickaninish: "The dominions of t h i s chief were very extensive, and the numerous t r i b e s who acknowledged h i s dominion, rendered him a very powerful s o v e r e i g n . " 2 3 Another trader reported that Maquinna would not allow other v i l l a g e s i n h i s confederacy to trade with the Europeans be-cause he and h i s people wished to keep the business for themselves. Warfare Local groups controlled most i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s by exhortation. In cases of serious community disruption the 24 offending indi v i d u a l s were ex i l e d or k i l l e d . Warfare and feuds, the vio l e n t forms of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t , were carr i e d on to some extent by a l l B r i t i s h Columbia Indians before the Europeans a r r i v e d . Feuds were h o s t i l e operations intended to punish an offense committed 2 2Drucker, 1951, pp. 240-243. 23 John Meares, Voyages Made i n the Years 1788 and 1789  from China to the Northwest Coast of America, Logographic Press, London, 1790, p. 145. 24 Drucker, 1965, p. 75. 24 by another group. They were a means of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Wars, on the other hand, were vi o l e n t actions to acquire wealth, capture important economic resources, or for adventure. Most wars were ac t u a l l y a series of r a i d s undertaken by r e l a t i v e l y few indiv i d u a l s who approached t h e i r enemy s t e a l t h i l y and usually under the cover of dark-ness . The leader i n war was usually an outstanding fig h t e r rather than the chief of the group. Throughout the i n t e r i o r and along the coast, food resource s i t e s , e s p e c i a l l y f i s h i n g s i t e s , were often d i s -puted and frequently changed ownership after a small-scale war. Some r e l a t i v e l y large areas were occasionally acquired as the sp o i l s of war, too. Several Nootka groups, p a r t i c u -l a r l y those who became the Clayoquot and the Ahousat, gained large holdings through conquest. 2^ The Kitwancool, a Tsimshian t r i b e , conquered the now extinct Tsetsaut t r i b e of Athapaskans to gain a large t e r r i t o r y along the Nass R i v e r . 2 6 The Haida forced some southern T l i n g i t to withdraw from part of Prince of Wales i s l a n d i n Alaska and established 2 5Drucker, 1951, p. 238-243. 2 6 W i l s o n Duff, ed., H i s t o r i e s , T e r r i t o r i e s , and Laws of the Kitwancool, Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir  No. 4, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , 1959, p. 31. themselves there. The SSuthern Kwakiutl expanded south ward at the expense of the Coast S a l i s h . Both population pressure and well developed concepts of land ownership led to the idea of wars of conquest. 2 7 P h i l i p Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast, The Natural History Press, New York, 1955, p. 148. CHAPTER III THE INFLUENCE OF THE FUR TRADERS One day, many, many years ago, the Indians, one morning, looking out to sea from the v i l l a g e c a l l e d Oummis, saw between the Hole-in-the-Wall and Sunday Rock a large object f l o a t i n g on the water which, at f i r s t , they took to be a very large b i r d . But when i t came nearer, near enough to see people moving about on i t , they concluded among themselves that i t was a very big canoe and that the strangers were t h e i r dead chiefs coming back from the dead. The ship came close into a place c a l l e d P>atcista, a bay marked on the chart as a good landing place for boats, between Sunday Rock and Escalante Reef, and stayed there a short time. 2* 3 The ship was the Santiago, commanded by Juan Perez, the f i r s t European vessel to s a i l along the B r i t i s h Columbia coast. The Spaniards stood o f f the entrance to Nootka Sound on that day, August 8, 1774, traded with the Indians, but did not land. Four years l a t e r , on March 29, 1778, the B r i t i s h navigator, James Cook, landed at Nootka Sound. The value of the furs h i s crew acquired from the Indians prompted many expeditions to the P a c i f i c northwest coast within a few years. And the B r i t i s h Columbia coast had been brought within the o r b i t of c i v i l i z a t i o n . 2 8R. E. Gosnell, A History of B r i t i s h Columbia, The Lewis Publishing Co., V i c t o r i a , 1906, p. 14. 26 27 The European -nations d i d hot doubt t h e i r r i g h t t o c l a i m lands occupied by the I n d i a n s . The problem was t o determine which European n a t i o n c o u l d defend i t s c l a i m . The Indians and t h e i r wishes were r e l a t i v e l y unimportant. Spain and B r i t a i n v i e d f o r the s o v e r e i g n t y o f the c o a s t a l r e g i o n s of B r i t i s h Columbia a t the end of the ei g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . B r i t a i n was the stronger n a t i o n and B r i t a i n won. Although the Englishman, John Meares, i n 1788, p a i d the c h i e f of a Nootka t r i b a l c onfederacy f o r some land on which t o e r e c t a b u i l d i n g and c o n s t r u c t a s h i p , the B r i t i s h Government was not i n t e r e s t e d i n pu r c h a s i n g I n d i a n t i t l e t o the land on the P a c i f i c Coast at t h a t time. The Europeans were not i n t e r e s t e d i n the land as such, i n any case. They were i n t e r e s t e d i n c o n t r o l l i n g f u r t r a d i n g t e r r i t o r y . Ships of many n a t i o n s v i s i t e d Vancouver I s l a n d and the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s i n the ensuing y e a r s . Some of the maritime t r a d e r s were unscrupulous men, and when the Indians f i n a l l y began t o k i l l white men i t was u s u a l l y f o r revenge f o r ha r s h treatment r a t h e r than f o r the 29 r e t e n t i o n o f t h e i r l a n d or t h e i r way of l i f e . 2 9 B . A. McKelvie,. T a l e s o f C o n f l i c t , Vancouver D a i l y P r o v i n c e , Vancouver, 1949. 28 European explorers reached the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia f i f t e e n years after t h e i r maritime counterparts f i r s t landed on the coast. In 1793, the fur trader Alexander Mackenzie t r a v e l l e d overland to B e l l a Coola, the f i r s t white man to meet the Sekani, Car r i e r , Shuswap, 30 and B e l l a Coola Indians. He could, i n a sense, be c a l l e d the European discoverer of B r i t i s h Columbia since the mariners of the time never ventured inland. The white men encroached on Indian t e r r i t o r y r e -l a t i v e l y slowly at f i r s t . The fur traders b u i l t small establishments throughout the i n t e r i o r and along the coast, but they did not encourage European settlement. The Indians and the permanent traders established a mutually p r o f i t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p both s o c i a l l y and economically. The natives adopted European metals and technology and thereby heightened t h e i r a b i l i t y to acquire food and produce a r t . The traders got furs and Indian wives, but they interfered l i t t l e with the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian way of l i f e . Intermarriage sometimes resulted i n an a l l i a n c e between the white traders and the Indian lineage they had joined by 3 0Reverend A. G. Morice, The History of the Northern  Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, William Briggs, Toronto, 1904, p. 44. 29 31 marriage. The fur trading posts became a r a l l y i n g point for the Indians. On the coast, i n p a r t i c u l a r , many Indians moved from t h e i r v i l l a g e s to l i v e permanently beside the posts. In three places t r i b a l federations developed when neighbouring t r i b e s abandoned their winter v i l l a g e s to gather at the major trading posts of Fort Simpson, Fort McLoughlin, and Fort Rupert. In a l l three cases the t r i b e s were c u l t u r a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y homogeneous, and normally on f r i e n d l y terms with each other. When the Hudson's Bay Company b u i l t Fort Simpson on a Tsimshian camping ground near the mouth of the Skeena River i n 1834, the nine Skeena River t r i b e s dismantled t h e i r winter homes at Metlakatla and r e b u i l t them beside the trading post. By 1857, about 2300 natives l i v e d at or near the new v i l l a g e . The t r i b e s formed a loose confederacy but i n d i v i d u a l t r i b e s never completely gave up th e i r auton-omy. Competitive potlatches were held by the assembled chiefs as they vied for high rank i n the s o c i a l hierarchy. As early as 1836 one t r i b a l chief at Fort Simpson named Legaik began to monopolize the trade between the coast and 3 1Marius Barbeau, Pathfinders of the North P a c i f i c , Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1958, p. 150. 30 the Skeena River people and maintained the monopoly u n t i l about 1868. Like the Nootka chiefs Maquinna and Wickaninish, 32 Legaik and h i s predecessor acquired an unusual degree of influence i n t h e i r society, and could have-been the har-bingers of a change from segmentary t r i b e s to chiefdoms J among the coastal Indians, but native s o c i a l organization was seriously disrupted before the change could occur . In 1849, the Hudson's Bay Company b u i l t Fort Rupert near the northern t i p of Vancouver Island. Pour Kwakiutl t r i b e s soon s e t t l e d permanently near the trading post. As with the Fort Simpson Tsimshians, the Kwakiutl chiefs at Fort Rupert vied for high rank by engaging i n competitive potlatches. The chiefs of the newly organized Fort Rupert confederacy had no precedents on which to base the rank of the chief of each t r i b e . The competition grew so strong that eventually a great potlatch was used to validate any claim, whether based on hereditary r i g h t s or not. The t r i b a l chiefs at Fort Rupert formed a t r i b a l council that decided on matters that concerned the 32 Andrea Laforet, Notes on Legaik, unpublished term paper, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970, p. 2. 3 3See Marshall D. Sahlins, p. 20, for descriptions. 31 34 community. The F o r t Rupert t r i b e s occupied the h i g h e s t four p o s i t i o n s of rank among the t w e n t y - f i v e Southern Kwakiutl t r i b e s i n the r e g i o n who c o n s i d e r e d themselves somewhat r e l a t e d because they were "those speaking the same language." The I n d i a n s outnumbered the white men d u r i n g the f i r s t h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y and d i d not f e e l i n f e r i o r t o them. The Europeans were t o l e r a t e d because they were a source of d e s i r a b l e t r a d e goods. When the Indians d i s l i k e d the a c t i o n s of the white men, they made t h e i r f e e l i n g s known. The I n d i a n s a t t a c k e d F o r t Simpson s e v e r a l times and a c h i e f claimed the l a n d on which the f o r t s t o o d . The f u r t r a d e r s on the c o a s t f e a r e d the I n d i a n s but were able t o defend themselves w i t h guns and cannons. In the i n t e r i o r the white f u r t r a d e r s were j u s t as v u l n e r a b l e . Peter Ogden, i n a c i r c u l a r l e t t e r t o a l l the Hudson's Bay Company t r a d i n g p o s t s under h i s charge, wrote: "We are w e l l aware t h a t i n t h i s c ountry our l i v e s are c o n s t a n t l y exposed, and i n r e g u l a t i n g our treatment of I n d i a n s n e i t h e r too much s e v e r i t y nor l e n i e n c y w i l l answer; but a 35 medium between both i s the most a d v i s a b l e . " 3 4 C l e l l a n S. Ford, Smoke From T h e i r F i r e s , Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, 1941, p. 16. 3 5 M o r i c e , 1904, p. 177. 32 When a d v i s i n g an employee, Ogden wrote: I t i s not o n l y our duty, but our i n t e r e s t a l s o , so f a r as circumstances w i l l admit, t o a v o i d coming t o extremes with the I n d i a n s . Look at our numbers compared t o t h e i r s ; • l o o k at the many o p p o r t u n i t i e s they may have of commiting murder; look at t h e i r t r e a c h e r o u s c h a r a c t e r ; look a l s o a t the weakness of our es t a b l i s h m e n t s i n the summer and the i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f o b t a i n i n g a s s i s t a n c e and then judge f o r y o u r s e l f i f i t i s not more prudent t o a v o i d q u a r r e l s than t o engage i n t h e m . 3 6 The Indians d i d not at f i r s t welcome the i n t e r f e r e n c e of white men i n t h e i r a f f a i r s . A white t r a d e r at Babine Lake suggested t o the n a t i v e s t h a t revenge k i l l i n g s made matters worse. He r e p o r t e d t o h i s s u p e r i o r s : They say i t ' s no bu s i n e s s o f mine, and they w i l l a c t as they p l e a s e , and making f u r t h e r a l l u s i o n s t o the manner we punish murderers, they determined t o k i l l the C h i e f . Prom I n d i a n accounts I have been i n the n e c e s s i t y o f keeping my men c o n s t a n t l y under arms f o r the l a s t t h r e e weeks. 3 7 U n l i k e the a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s who were to f o l l o w them, the fur t r a d e r s made l i t t l e c o n s c i o u s e f f o r t t o a l t e r the t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n way of l i f e . But t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n e v i t a b l y had a c o n s i d e r a b l e e f f e c t on the n a t i v e s . The t r a d i n g posts a t t r a c t e d permanent c o n c e n t r a -t i o n s of p o p u l a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y on the c o a s t . European goods i n t e n s i f i e d some aspects of I n d i a n c u l t u r e . Guns made warfare more de a d l y . I r o n t o o l s p e r m i t t e d an e f f l o r e s c e n c e 3 6 M o r i c e , 1904, p. 200. Morice, 1904, p. 217. 33 of the a r t of c a r v i n g on the c o a s t . Greater wealth i n t e n s i -f i e d the p o t l a t c h custom and the a s s o c i a t e d s t r u g g l e f o r s t a t u s and p r e s t i g e . The f u r t r a d e r s t r i e d t o i n t r o d u c e a new concept of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the i n t e r i o r groups. The bands of h u nters d i d not have c h i e f s with a u t h o r i t y over l a r g e numbers of tribesmen. In order t o make t h e i r n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h the In d i a n s e a s i e r , the Hudson's Bay Company appointed "head c h i e f s " . One p a r t i c u l a r l y able man was named P r i n c e , a name t h a t s u r v i v e s as a surname i n the S t u a r t Lake r e g i o n . The head c h i e f s were intended t o be the spokesmen o f the t r a d e r s t o the n a t i v e s , t o h e l p the company persuade the hunters t o leave on h u n t i n g e x p e d i t i o n s , and t o smooth over d i f f i c u l t i e s between whites and I n d i a n s . A p p a r e n t l y the new p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n was not ve r y e f f e c t i v e . I t was r e p o r t e d t h a t the c h i e f s gave more t r o u b l e than they were 38 worthy they r e i g n e d without g o v e r n i n g . For the f i r s t seventy or e i g h t y y e a r s a f t e r C a p t a i n Cook landed i n Nootka Sound, the advent o f the white man i n B r i t i s h Columbia was l a r g e l y advantageous t o the I n d i a n s . T h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e was l i t t l e d i s t u r b e d but they a c q u i r e d t r a d e goods t h a t made t h a t way of l i f e e a s i e r and 3 8 M o r i c e , 1904, p. 195. 34 more e n j o y a b l e . Although the Europeans were convinced of t h e i r own moral and p o l i t i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y , t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e t h a t the In d i a n s shared t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n . When the white men d i s p l e a s e d the In d i a n s , the In d i a n s fought back or t o l d the whites t o mind t h e i r own b u s i n e s s . G r a d u a l l y , B r i t i s h guns convinced the In d i a n s of t h e i r m i l i t a r y v u l n e r a b i l i t y . In 1844, f o r example, a year a f t e r the Hudson 1s Bay Company f o r t had been e s t a b l i s h e d at V i c t o r i a , a l a r g e f o r c e of In d i a n s a t t a c k e d the f o r t w i t h muskets. I n s t e a d of r e t u r n i n g f i r e on the a t t a c k e r s , the white men demolished a nearby I n d i a n house with a shot from a cannon. The Hudson's Bay Company o f f i c e r then t o l d the Ind i a n s t h a t he c o u l d d e s t r o y a l l t h e i r houses and k i l l as many Indians as he wished. The Indians gave up the b a t t l e . The i n c i d e n t was r e f e r r e d t o i n 1927 when the Government of Canada used i t as evidence t h a t the t e r r i t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia had been taken by c o n q u e s t . 3 9 The f u r t r a d e e r a i n B r i t i s h Columbia produced s e v e r a l t r a n s i e n t r e s u l t s i n I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . 3 9 C l a i m s o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia, As  Set f o r t h i n t h e i r P e t i t i o n Submitted t o Parl i a m e n t i n  June, 1926; Report and Evidence, Ottawa, 1927, p. v i i i . (Henceforth r e f e r r e d t o as A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims.) 35 Some c h i e f s , Maquinna and Legale, f o r example, i n c r e a s e d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e because they became middlemen i n the t r a d e between the Europeans and the I n d i a n s . The co n g r e g a t i o n o f n a t i v e s at t r a d i n g p o s t s r e s u l t e d i n l o o s e c o n f e d e r a c i e s a t s e v e r a l l o c a t i o n s . Strong c h i e f t a i n s h i p s and c o n f e d e r -a c i e s had ev o l v e d as a r e s u l t of responses o f In d i a n s o c i e t i e s t o new cir c u m s t a n c e s . They disappeared when white a d m i n i s t r a t o r s began t o c o n t r o l I n d i a n s o c i e t y . CHAPTER IV COLONIAL INDIAN ADMINISTRATION When the Colony of Vancouver I s l a n d was formed i n 1849 the I n d i a n s were not r e p r e s e n t e d i n the l o c a l c o l o n i a l government. They were, i n s t e a d , seen as a t h r e a t t o s e t t l e r s . There were o n l y about 450 white people on Vancouver I s l a n d a t t h a t time. I n h i s speech t o the f i r s t C o l o n i a l L e g i s -l a t u r e i n 1856, Governor James Douglas ( a l s o s t i l l C h i e f F a c t o r of the Hudson's Bay Company) s a i d : Her Majesty's Government, ever a l i v e t o the dangers which bes e t the colony, have arranged w i t h the Lord's Commissioners of the A d m i r a l t y t h a t the P r e s i d e n t f r i g a t e should be sent t o Vancouver I s l a n d , and the measure w i l l , I have no doubt, be c a r r i e d i n t o e f f e c t without d e l a y . I s h a l l , n e v e r t h e l e s s , continue t o c o n c i l i a t e the g o o d w i l l of the n a t i v e I n d i a n t r i b e s by t r e a t i n g them with j u s t i c e and forbearance, and by r i g i d l y p r o t e c t i n g t h e i r c i v i l and a g r a r i a n r i g h t s . Many cogent reasons of humanity and sound p o l i c y recommend t h a t course t o our a t t e n t i o n . We know, from our own experience, t h a t the f r i e n d s h i p of the n a t i v e s i s at a l l times u s e f u l , w h i l e i t i s no l e s s c e r t a i n t h a t t h e i r enmity may become more d i s a s t e r o u s than any other c a l a m i t y t o which the c o l o n y i s d i r e c t l y e x p o s e d . 4 0 In order t o comply wi t h B r i t i s h p o l i c y , t o a v o i d c o n f l i c t with the Indians, and t o s u s t a i n h i s own sense 4 0 H e n r y J . Boam, B r i t i s h Columbia, S e l l s L t d . , London, 1912, p. 39. 36 of j u s t i c e , James Douglas began t o make t r e a t i e s w i t h the Indians soon a f t e r the formation of the c o l o n y . I m p l i c i t i n the t r e a t i e s was the n o t i o n t h a t the a b o r i g i n a l r a c e had some k i n d o f ownership over the l a n d t h a t ought t o be e x t i n g u i s h e d . Between 1850 and 1854, Governor Douglas made f o u r t e e n t r e a t i e s with the Indians around V i c t o r i a , Nanaimo, and F o r t Rupert. The Indians r e c e i v e d b l a n k e t s and s m a l l areas of l a n d r e s e r v e d f o r t h e i r own use. The r e s t of the l a n d became "the e n t i r e p r o p e r t y of the white people f o r e v e r . " 4 1 Although a l r e a d y governor of the Colony of Vancouver I s l a n d , James Douglas became governor of the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia as w e l l when i t was founded i n .1858. At t h a t time, however, he gave up h i s post with the Hudson's Bay Company. Consequently, he c o u l d no longer use company s t o r e s f o r t r e a t y payments. Even though the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n B r i t a i n agreed t h a t the I n d i a n r i g h t s t o the l a n d must be purchased, i t r e f u s e d t o a s s i s t the penurious new c o l o n i e s t o do so. With no funds, Governor Douglas c o u l d make no t r e a t i e s . Instead, he continued t o defend I n d i a n r i g h t s by i n s i s t i n g t h a t r e s e r v e s were t o be l a i d out i n accordance 4 1 W i l s o n Duff, The F o r t V i c t o r i a T r e a t i e s , B. C. S t u d i e s , No. 3, F a l l , 1969. 38 with the wishes of the Indians, and t h a t once e s t a b l i s h e d they were not t o be reduced e i t h e r by encroachment of i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e r s or by the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n o f the House of Assembly. The Indians a p p a r e n t l y were s a t i s f i e d . w i t h the way Governor Douglas had t r e a t e d them. 4 2 Up t o the time of the formation of the c o l o n i e s , Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y had been concerned almost e n t i r e l y w ith t r i b a l and i n t e r t r i b a l r e l a t i o n s . Once European s e t t l e r s began t o a r r i v e , I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n became i n c r e a s i n g l y d i r e c t e d toward r e l a t i o n s w i t h the white men. W i t h i n a few years, the n a t i v e s found themselves o v e r -powered. I g n o r i n g I n d i a n o p p o s i t i o n , the white men occupied the l a n d w i t h l i t t l e r e g a r d f o r the o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s . During h i s four y e a r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1857 and 1861, Commander R. C. Mayne noted a g a i n and again t h a t I ndians o b j e c t e d t o the o c c u p a t i o n of t h e i r l a n d : T h i s v a l l e y i s the most e x t e n s i v e y e t d i s c o v e r e d on the i s l a n d , and i s r e p o r t e d by the c o l o n i a l o f f i c e r s who surveyed i t t o c o n t a i n 30,000 t o 40,000 acres of good l a n d . I t i s peopled by the C o w i t c h i n t r i b e of I n d i a n s , who are c o n s i d e r e d a b a d l y - d i s p o s e d s e t , and have shown no favour t o those s e t t l e r s who have v i s i t e d t h e i r v a l l e y . Although i t has been surveyed i t cannot y e t be s e t t l e d , as the Indians are u n w i l l i n g t o s e l l , s t i l l l e s s t o be ousted from t h e i r l a n d . 4 3 4 2 R o b i n F i s h e r , Joseph T r u t c h and I n d i a n Land P o l i c y , BX-S t u d i e s , No. 12, Winter 1971-72, p. 4. 4 3Commander R . C . Mayne, Four Years i n B r i t i s h Columbia 39 . . . On our way we stopped at the northern settlement on Admiral Island, as i t had been reported that some Indians had been troublesome there. We found, however, that the Indians had done nothing more than t e l l the s e t t l e r s oc-casionally, as Indians do everywhere, that they (the whites) had no business there except as t h e i r guests, and that a l l the land belonged to them . . , 4 4 . . . We found the ground on the west bank of the Courtenay nearly as good as that on the east. The s o i l , indeed, appeared quite equal to i t , but i t i s not so l e v e l . We estimated the clear land here together at 7000 to 8000 acres. The Indians t o l d us that a great many blankets would be wanted for the purchase of t h i s t r a c t , as a l l the neighbour-ing t r i b e s resorted there i n the summer-time to c o l l e c t berries, shoot deer, catch f i s h , etc., a l l of which were found i n large quantities. Indeed, they showed some r e -luctance i n taking us over i t , fe e l i n g sure, no doubt, that we should desire to possess i t when itf q u a l i t i e s became known . . . . . About the same time, Captain Torrens also went with a party to prospect on Queen Charlotte Island. They landed at the v i l l a g e on the Skidegate Channel, and were very n e a r l y being murdered there. One of the Indians commenced haranging the others, and i n c i t e d them to murder the party by saying they were come to rob them of t h e i r land. One of the chiefs, however, stood by them, and enabled them to get to t h e i r canoes, and they escaped unhurt, though several AC. shots were f i r e d after them . . . In 1860, G. M. Sproat was among the s e t t l e r s who purchased land at Alberni from the Colo n i a l Government. The Indians who l i v e d there demanded to be paid, too. and Vancouver Island, John Murray, London, 1862, p. 152. 4 4 M a y n e , 1862, p. 164. 45 Mayne, 1862, p. 175. 4 6Mayne, 1862, p. 189. 40 Sproat had no doubt about the u n d e r l y i n g r e a l i t y of the s i t u a t i o n : We o f t e n t a l k e d about our r i g h t as s t r a n g e r s t o take p o s s e s s i o n of the d i s t r i c t . The r i g h t of bona f i d e purchase we had, f o r I had bought the l a n d from the Government, and had purchased i t a second time from the n a t i v e s . Neverthe-l e s s , as the Indians d i s c l a i m e d a l l knowledge of the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s at V i c t o r i a , and had s o l d the c o u n t r y t o us, perhaps under the f e a r of loaded cannon p o i n t e d towards the v i l l a g e , i t was e v i d e n t t h a t we had taken f o r c i b l e p o sses-s i o n of the d i s t r i c t . 4 7 The Nootkas at A l b e r n i may have heard o f a r e c e n t Kwakiutl experience with a B r i t i s h gunboat. The Euclataw t r i b e at Cape Mudge had s t o l e n some goods from some Chinese miners. A gunboat was sent from V i c t o r i a t o r e t r i e v e the goods and was f i r e d on from the Euclataw stockade amid shouts of d e f i a n c e . The s h i p r e t u r n e d the f i r e with shots from i t s cannon. A f t e r s e v e r a l of t h e i r men had been k i l l e d , the Indians c a p i t u l a t e d and gave up the s t o l e n goods. Other groups of Indians had s i m i l a r e x p e r i e n c e s with European f i r e p o w e r . I t i s l i t t l e wonder t h a t Commander Mayne d i s c o v e r e d t h a t the Indians had become somewhat cowed by 1861. Although they were anxious t o change the c u l t u r a l system and b e l i e f s of the Indians, the m i s s i o n a r i e s were 4 7 G . M. Sproat, Scenes and S t u d i e s of Savage L i f e , London, 1868, p. 2, quoted i n N a t i v e R i g h t s i n Canada, p. 118. 41 concerned with j u s t i c e , as they saw i t , f o r .the n a t i v e s . The m i s s i o n a r i e s gave the Indians t h e i r f i r s t l e s s o n s i n t h e techniques of European p o l i t i c s . A newspaper e d i t o r i a l admitted as much i n 1860: Economy i n v i t e s the I n d i a n t i t l e t o b e ; e x t i n g u i s h e d , custom c a l l s f o r i t . . . . Do i t now, f o r i t can be done a t s m a l l c o s t . But l e t p r i e s t s and m i s s i o n a r i e s once g a i n t h e ear of the I n d i a n then f a r e w e l l t o so easy and so i n -e x p e n s i v e an arrangement. ° The p e t i t i o n became the technique most f r e q u e n t l y Used by the n a t i v e s t o b r i n g t h e i r g r i e v a n c e s t o the a t t e n -t i o n of the a u t h o r i t i e s . W r i t t e n p e t i t i o n s were undoubtedly d r a f t e d by the m i s s i o n a r i e s on the a d v i c e of the I n d i a n s . Sometimes the Indians went as a d e l e g a t i o n t o see the governor p e r s o n a l l y . Probably one of t h e i r f i r s t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s as a b o r i g i n a l s u b j e c t s of the c o l o n i a l government was t o r e q u e s t Governor Douglas not t o move., them from t h e i r v i l l a g e s as the U n i t e d S t a t e s a u t h o r i t i e s had done t o the 4.Q Indians i n the Washington T e r r i t o r y . The man r e s p o n s i b l e f o r I n d i a n p o l i c y a f t e r S i r James Douglas r e t i r e d i n 1864 was not the succeeding governor but Joseph T r u t c h , the C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works. 4 8 V i c t o r i a Gazette, A p r i l 13, 1860, quoted i n N a t i v e  R i g h t s i n Canada, p. 117. 4 9Mayne, 1862, p. 279. 42 His attitude was revealed i n a report i n 1867 about the Kamloops and Shuswap Indian Reserves: The Indians have r e a l l y no r i g h t to the lands they claim, nor are they of any actual value or u t i l i t y to them, and I cannot see why they should either r e t a i n these lands to the prejudice of the general i n t e r e s t s of the Colony, or be allowed to make a market of them either to Government or to individuals.50 Trutch's attitudes were probably shared by most s e t t l e r s and those who represented them i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council. An e d i t o r i a l i l l u s t r a t e d some of the f e e l i n g of the time: . . . s h a l l we allow a few red vagrants to prevent forever industrious s e t t l e r s from s e t t l i n g on the unoccupied lands. Not at a l l . . . . Locate reservations for them on which to earn t h e i r own l i v i n g , and i f they trespass on white s e t t l e r s punish them severely. A few lessons would soon enable them to form a correct estimation of the i r own i n f e r i o r i t y , and s e t t l e the Indian t i t l e t o o . 5 1 As i t developed under Trutch, the Indian land p o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia resulted i n non-recognition of aboriginal t i t l e and comparatively small amounts of land l a i d aside for Indian reserves. Governor Frederick Seymour, who succeeded S i r James Douglas, t r i e d to gain Indian f r i e n d -ship through public r e l a t i o n s gestures when he learned that 5 0 B r i t i s h Columbia, Papers connected with the Indian Land  Question, V i c t o r i a , 1875, p. 41, quoted i n LaViolette, 1961, p. 109. The Daily B r i t i s h Colonist, March 8, 1861, quoted i n Fisher, 1971, p. 19. 43 they f e l t the l o s s of Douglas as a p r o t e c t o r and f r i e n d . At New Westminster on the Queen's b i r t h d a y i n 1864, he gave away "one hundred canes with s i l v e r g i l t tops of an inex p e n s i v e k i n d , a l s o one hundred s m a l l and cheap E n g l i s h f l a g s s u i t a b l e t o canoes 20 t o 30 f e e t l o n g . " 5 2 The In d i a n s , however, were i n t e r e s t e d i n more important matters and a t l e a s t t h r e e times asked the governor t o p r o t e c t t h e i r r e s e r v e s . Although Governor Seymour assured them t h a t t h e i r r e s e r v e s would be undisturbed, he a p p a r e n t l y gave T r u t c h a f r e e hand t o d e a l with the Indians as he wished. The Indians were aware t h a t T r u t c h was d e a l i n g un-f a i r l y with them. T h e i r o n l y r e c o u r s e was t o complain to the governor. Probably w i t h the h e l p of m i s s i o n a r i e s , they began t o send w r i t t e n p e t i t i o n s . A p e t i t i o n from the In d i a n s of the lower F r a s e r V a l l e y i n 1868 d e s c r i b e d one s i t u a t i o n : Governor Douglas d i d send some years ago h i s men amongst us t o measure our Reserve and although they gave us o n l y a s m a l l patch of land i n comparison t o what they allowed t o a white man our neighbour, we were r e s i g n e d t o our l o t . . . . Some days ago came new men who t o l d us t h a t by order of the C h i e f they have t o c u r t a i l our s m a l l r e s e r v a t i o n , and so d i d t o our g r e a t e r g r i e f ; not o n l y they shortened our land but by. t h e i r new paper they s e t a s i d e our b e s t land, some of our gardens, arid gave us i n p l a c e , some h i l l y and sandy land, where i t i s next t o i m p o s s i b l e t o r a i s e any po t a t o e s : pur h e a r t s were f u l l of g r i e f day 5 2 R o b i n F i s h e r , B. C. S t u d i e s , No. 12, p. 8. 44 and n i g h t . . . . S c a t t e r e d and p o l i t i c a l l y d i s u n i t e d , the In d i a n s u s u a l l y p r o t e s t e d i n a l o c a l and l i m i t e d manner. T h e i r resentment erupted i n an i n c i d e n t i n the Cowichan V a l l e y on Vancouver I s l a n d i n 1869, r e p o r t e d by John Morley: In the case o f d i s p u t e between Mr. Rogers and the Indians, I summoned Te-cha-malt on the charge of t r e s p a s s , but as I found i t was a case o f d i s p u t e , as t o the owner-s h i p o f the l a n d . . . , I have taken no f u r t h e r a c t i o n . Te-cha-malt made use of v e r y improper language, and was ve r y i n s o l e n t . He s a i d he was the C h i e f , and t h a t the l a n d was h i s . He a l s o s a i d t h a t Governor Seymour c o u l d not take the l a n d from him, t h a t i f the Governor sent h i s gun-boat he would f e t c h h i s f r i e n d s from a l l p a r t s , and h o l d the l a n d a g a i n s t him. He a l s o s a i d the Governor was a l i a r , and had not f u l f i l l e d h i s promise t o pay f o r the land he had taken. And he t o l d me t h a t he d i d not ca r e f o r me or 54 the p r i s o n e i t h e r , t h a t I had no power over the I n d i a n s . I n t h i s case, a l i t t l e b l u s t e r went a long way. Governor Seymour met the c h i e f s i n v o l v e d , i n t e r v i e w e d one of the surveyors who had reduced the r e s e r v e , and then ordered t h a t the l a n d should be r e t u r n e d t o the I n d i a n s . The Cowichan Indians had been g i v e n a v a l u a b l e p o l i t i c a l l e s s o n about the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of p r o t e s t . P e t i t i o n s and de p u t a t i o n s were the f i r s t formal p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s t h a t the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia 'Robin F i s h e r , B. C. S t u d i e s , No. 12, p. 16. b 4 F . E . L a V i o l e t t e , The S t r u g g l e For S u r v i v a l , U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 1961, p. 113. 45 d i r e c t e d toward the white men. The primary p o l i t i c a l i s s u e between them concerned the d i s p o s a l o f the land, and i t was t o remain u n r e s o l v e d f o r more than a c e n t u r y . The C o l o n i a l Government; r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e • i n t e r e s t s of white s e t t l e r s , was determined t o a c q u i r e as much l a n d as i t c o u l d without compensating the Indians, and with l i t t l e r e g a r d f o r In d i a n needs. D i s u n i t e d and without p o l i t i c a l or m i l i t a r y power, the In d i a n s had to submit to the a l i e n -a t i o n of t h e i r l a n d s . CHAPTER V THE LAND AND POTLATCH ISSUES The Land T i t l e Q u e s t i o n In 1871, the Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia became a p r o v i n c e of Canada. The f e d e r a l government assumed r e -s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r I n d i a n p o l i c y and i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . A r t i c l e T h i r t e e n of the Terms of Union r e q u i r e d t h a t the Government o f Canada should continue a p o l i c y "as l i b e r a l as t h a t h i t h e r t o pursued by the B r i t i s h Columbia govern-ment." Dr. I . W. Powell was appointed I n d i a n Commissioner f o r I n d i a n A f f a i r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Joseph T r u t c h became Lieutenant-Governor of the new p r o v i n c e and requested the Prime M i n i s t e r of Canada t o allow him t o continue t o d i r e c t I n d i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n : The Canadian system as I understand i t w i l l h a r d l y work h e r e . We have never bought out any I n d i a n c l a i m s or l a n d s , nor do they expect we should, but we r e s e r v e f o r t h e i r use and b e n e f i t from time t o time t r a c t s of s u f f i c i e n t e x t e n t t o f u l f i l a l l t h e i r r easonable requirements f o r c u l t i v a t i o n or g r a z i n g . I f you now commence t o buy out I n d i a n t i t l e to the lands of B. C. you would go back on a l l t h a t has been done here f o r 30 years past and would be e q u i t a b l y bound t o compensate the t r i b e s who i n h a b i t e d the d i s t r i c t s now s e t t l e d and farmed by white p e o p l e ^ e q u a l l y with those i n remote and u n c u l t i v a t e d p o r t i o n s . 5 5 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 6. 46 47 C o n t r o v e r s y about Indian p o l i c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia continued f o r decades between the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The Indians were r a r e l y c o n s u l t e d about t h e i r needs or wishes. The f e d e r a l government appointed white I n d i a n agents t o administer a p o l i c y of wardship and t o promote programs i t b e l i e v e d were designed f o r a s s i m i -l a t i o n of the Indians i n t o European s o c i e t y . Because they thought the n a t i v e system of p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l was i n -adequate, they t r i e d t o s u b s t i t u t e a form of r e s p o n s i b l e government by e s t a b l i s h i n g band c o u n c i l s . The government supported the m i s s i o n a r i e s i n t h e i r e f f o r t t o change I n d i a n b e l i e f s and a c t i o n s . The m i s s i o n a r i e s , however, d i d not i n v a r i a b l e agree with government p o l i c y . Among t h e i r other l e s s o n s they taught the Indians t e c h n i q u e s f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . In 1874, a number of I n d i a n c h i e f s sent a p r o t e s t p e t i t i o n t o I n d i a n Commissioner Powell which was probably prepared with the h e l p of m i s s i o n a r i e s or other white people: The p e t i t i o n of the undersigned, c h i e f s of Douglas Portage, of Lower F r a s e r , and o f the other t r i b e s on the seashore of the mainland t o Bute I n l e t , humbly sheweth: 1 That your p e t i t i o n e r s view wi t h g r e a t a n x i e t y the standing q u e s t i o n of the q u a n t i t y of l a n d t o be r e s e r v e d for the use of each I n d i a n f a m i l y . 2. That we are f u l l y aware t h a t the Government of Canada has always taken good care of the I n d i a n s , and 48 t r e a t e d them l i b e r a l l y , a l l o w i n g more than 100 a c r e s per f a m i l y ; and we have been a t a l o s s t o understand the views o f the l o c a l government of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n c u r t a i l i n g • our l a n d so much as t o lea v e i n many i n s t a n c e s but a few acr e s of l a n d per f a m i l y . 3 . Our h e a r t s have been wounded by the a r b i t r a r y way the l o c a l government of B r i t i s h Columbia have d e a l t with us i n l o c a t i n g and d i v i d i n g our Reserves. Chamiel, t e n m i l e s below Hope, i s allowed 488 acres of good l a n d f o r the use of 20 f a m i l i e s ; at the r a t e of 24 acres per f a m i l y ; Popkum, ei g h t e e n m i l e s below Hope, i s allowed 369 acres of good land f o r the use of four f a m i l i e s ; at the r a t e of 90 acres per f a m i l y ; Cheam, twenty m i l e s below Hope, i s allowed 375 acres of bad, dry, mountainous l a n d f o r the use of 27 f a m i l i e s ; a t the r a t e of 13 ac r e s per f a m i l y ; Yuk-yuk-y-yoose on the C h i l l i w h a c k R i v e r , with a p o p u l a t i o n of seven f a m i l i e s , i s allowed f o r t y - t w o acres, f i v e a c r e s per f a m i l y ; Sumaas ( a t the j u n c t i o n of Sumaas R i v e r and Fra s e r ) with a p o p u l a t i o n of seventeen f a m i l i e s , i s allowed 43 a c r e s of meadow f o r t h e i r hay, and 32 acres of d r y l a n d ; Keatsy, numbering more than 100 i n h a b i t a n t s , i s allowed 108 acres of l a n d . L a n g l e y and Hope have not y e t got l a n d secured t o them, and white men are encroaching on them on a l l s i d e s . 4. For many years we have been complaining of the l a n d l e f t us being too s m a l l . . We have l a i d our complaints b e f o r e the government o f f i c i a l s near t o us. They sent us t o some o t h e r s ; so we had no r e d r e s s up t o the p r e s e n t ; and we have f e l t l i k e men trampled on, and are commencing t o b e l i e v e t h a t the aim of the white men i s t o exterminate us as soon as they can, although we have been always q u i e t , obedient, k i n d and f r i e n d l y t o the whites . 5. Discouragement and d e p r e s s i o n have come upon our people. Many of them have gi v e n up the c u l t i v a t i o n of l a n d because our gardens have not been p r o t e c t e d a g a i n s t the encroachments of the w h i t e s . Some of our b e s t men have been d e p r i v e d o f the land they have broken and c u l t i v a t e d w i t h long and h a r d labour, a white man e n c l o s i n g i t i n h i s c l a i m , and no compensation g i v e n . Some of our e n t e r p r i s i n g men have l o s t a p a r t of t h e i r c a t t l e , because white men had taken the p l a c e where those c a t t l e were g r a z i n g and no other p l a c e l e f t but the t h i c k l y timbered land, where they d i e f a s t . 49 Some of our people are now o b l i g e d t o cut rushes along the bank of the r i v e r with k n i v e s d u r i n g the winter, t o feed t h e i r c a t t l e . 6. We are now o b l i g e d t o c l e a r heavy timbered land, a l l p r a i r i e s h a v ing been taken from us by white men. We see our white neighbours c u l t i v a t e wheat, peas, e t c . , and r a i s e l a r g e s t o c k s of c a t t l e on our pas t u r e lands, and we are g i v i n g them our money t o buy the f l o u r manufactured from the wheat they have grown on same p r a i r i e s . 7. We are not l a z y and roaming-about people, as we used t o be. We have worked hard and a long time t o spare money t o buy a g r i c u l t u r a l implements, c a t t l e , h o rses, e t c . , as nobody has given us a s s i s t a n c e . We c o u l d p o i n t out many o f our people who have those p a s t years bought with t h e i r own money, ploughs, harrows, yokes of oxen and h o r s e s ; and now, with your k i n d a s s i s t a n c e , we have a b r i g h t hope t o enter i n t o the path o f c i v i l i z a t i o n . 8. We c o n s i d e r t h a t e i g h t y acres per f a m i l y i s a b s o l u t e l y necessary f o r our support, and f o r the f u t u r e w e l f a r e of our c h i l d r e n . We d e c l a r e t h a t 20 or 30 ac r e s o f l a n d per f a m i l y w i l l not g i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n , but w i l l c r e a t e i l l f e e l i n g s , i r r i t a t i o n among our people, and we cannot say what w i l l be the consequence. 9. That, i n case you cannot o b t a i n from the L o c a l government, the o b j e c t o f our p e t i t i o n , we humbly pray t h a t t h i s , our p e t i t i o n , be forwarded t o the S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e f o r the p r o v i n c e s , a t Ottawa. The r e f o r e , your p e t i t i o n e r s humbly pray t h a t you may take t h i s our p e t i t i o n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n , and see t h a t j u s t i c e be done us, and allow each f a m i l y the q u a n t i t y o f land we ask f o r . And your p e t i t i o n e r s , as i n duty bound, w i l l ever p r a y . 5 6 5 6 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 103. 50 A Royal Commission was appointed t o i n v e s t i g a t e the r e s e r v e requirements o f the Ind i a n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The p r o v i n c i a l government became i n c r e a s i n g l y r e c a l c i t r a n t toward f e d e r a l government demands f o r l a r g e r a l l o t m e n t s f o r I n d i a n r e s e r v e s . The Canadian government had r e c o g -n i z e d the I n d i a n t i t l e t o l a n d e a s t o f the Rocky Mountains by s i g n i n g t r e a t i e s . Because of the a t t i t u d e of the B r i t i s h Columbia government, t r e a t i e s c o u l d not be made i n the westernmost p r o v i n c e . The Indians i n the I n t e r i o r were even more angry than those on the c o a s t . In 1873, Father G r a n d i d i e r , a m i s s i o n a r y i n the Okanagan r e g i o n wrote; . . . But i f the Ind i a n s are p e r s i s t e n t l y r e f u s e d t h e i r demands, i f they are d e p r i v e d of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s l a n d without any hope of r e d r e s s from the proper a u t h o r i t i e s t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s w i l l i n c r e a s e , meetings w i l l be h e l d again, . . . the end of which I am a f r a i d t o f o r e s e e . . . . I f i t i s my duty t o teach the Indians t o keep the command-ments of God and obey the j u s t laws of man, i t i s no l e s s my o b l i g a t i o n t o spare no e f f o r t i n order t h a t j u s t i c e be done t o them, and t h a t peace and s e c u r i t y be pr e s e r v e d i n my adopted c o u n t r y . 5 7 The I n d i a n Commissioner, Dr. Powell, wrote: I f t h e r e has not been an I n d i a n war, i t i s not be-cause t h e r e has been no i n j u s t i c e t o the Indi a n s , but because the Indians have not been s u f f i c i e n t l y u n i t e d . 5 8 5 7 Q u o t e d i n L a v i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 118, from B. C. Papers, 1875, p. 146. 5 8 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 119. 51 I n 1874, David L a i r d , f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r o f I n t e r i o r , l i s t e d the reasons f o r I n d i a n u n r e s t : The other p r i n c i p a l l a n d g r i e v a n c e s , o f which the Ind i a n s complain, b e s i d e s t h a t o f the i n s u f f i c i e n t q u a n t i t y allowed them, as a l r e a d y r e f e r r e d t o , may be b r i e f l y s t a t e d under two heads: 1 s t . They complain t h a t , i n many i n s t a n c e s , the lands which they had s e t t l e d up and c u l t i v a t e d , have been taken from them without compensation, and pre-empted by the white s e t t l e r s , and t h a t i n some cases, t h e i r b u r i a l grounds have been thus pre-empted. 2nd. They complain t h a t , i n consequence of the present s t a t e of the law i n r e f e r e n c e t o p a s t o r a l land, t h e i r c a t t l e and hor s e s are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y d r i v e n away from the open country by white s e t t l e r s , who have taken l e a s e s on p a s t o r a l l a n d i n the neighbourhood. A l l these s e v e r a l g r i e v a n c e s have been, f o r many years past, the s u b j e c t s o f complaint among the I n d i a n s . But, d u r i n g the l a s t two or t h r e e y e a r s , they have assumed a more s e r i o u s aspect than h e r e t o f o r e ; p a r t l y from the f a c t t h a t the Indians are now, f o r the f i r s t time, f e e l i n g p r a c t i c a l l y the inconvenience of being hemmed i n by the white s e t t l e r s , and prevented from u s i n g the l a n d f o r p a s t o r a l purposes; p a r t l y because the Indians are o n l y now becoming t o understand the value of a g r i c u l t u r e , and t o d e s i r e the po s s e s s i o n o f l a n d f o r c u l t i v a t i o n ; and p a r t l y , i t may be, because they have been r e c e n t l y made aware of the l i b e r a l l a n d p o l i c y extended t o the Indians of the Northwest i n r e c e n t T r e a t i e s , and n a t u r a l l y c o n t r a s t t h i s treatment w i t h the p o l i c y meted out t o themselves.59 The C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i n the i n t e r i o r were not alone i n t h e i r concern about I n d i a n r i g h t s . On the coa s t , W i l l i a m Duncan, an A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y among the Tsimshian 5 9 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 119. 52 I n d i a n s , was alarmed a t the way B r i t i s h Columbia ig n o r e d the needs of the I n d i a n s . In 1875, he t r a v e l l e d t o Ottawa t o p r o t e s t t o the f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s about p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s -l a t i o n t h a t would d e p r i v e the n a t i v e s of t h e i r l a n d s . He p r e d i c t e d an I n d i a n u p r i s i n g i f the f e d e r a l government d i d not p r o t e c t I n d i a n s from the a c t i o n s of the p r o v i n c i a l 60 government. The f o l l o w i n g year, L o r d D u f f e r i n , Governor-General o f Canada v i s i t e d B r i t i s h Columbia. During h i s t o u r of the c o a s t he v i s i t e d a number of I n d i a n v i l l a g e s , i n c l u d i n g M e t l a k a t l a , the Tsimshian C h r i s t i a n community e s t a b l i s h e d by W i l l i a m Duncan. A t New Westminster the Governor-General spoke t o a crowd of Indians, and h i s speech was t r a n s l a t e d by f i v e d i f f e r e n t I n d i a n i n t e r p r e t e r s . A few weeks e a r l i e r , i n a speech i n V i c t o r i a , he had s a i d : From my f i r s t a r r i v a l i n Canada I have been v e r y much pre o c c u p i e d with the c o n d i t i o n of the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n t h i s P r o v i n c e . You must remember t h a t the I n d i a n popu-l a t i o n are not r e p r e s e n t e d i n Parliament, and consequently t h a t the Governor-General i s bound t o watch over t h e i r w e l f a r e w i t h e s p e c i a l s o l i c i t u d e . Now, we must admit t h a t the c o n d i t i o n of the I n d i a n q u e s t i o n i s B r i t i s h Columbia i s not s a t i s f a c t o r y . O J-° uJohn. W. Arctander, The A p o s t l e of A l a s k a , Fleming H. R e v e l l Company, Toronto, 1909, p. 130. 6 1 Q u o t e d i n N a t i v e R i g h t s i n Canada, p. 126. 53 But the f e d e r a l p o l i t i c i a n s were a f r a i d t h a t B r i t i s h Columbia might secede from c o n f e d e r a t i o n u n l e s s t r e a t e d with utmost c a r e . In sh o r t , the p r o v i n c e had p o l i t i c a l power and the Indians d i d n o t . Good i n t e n t i o n s toward the Indians were no match f o r the apprehension about the i n t e n t i o n s of the p r o v i n c e . However, the In d i a n s may s t i l l have been able t o f r i g h t e n the white people i n t o c o ncessions i f they had known when t o f i g h t . Shankel d e s c r i b e d the s i t u a t i o n : In a l e t t e r from M i l l s ( M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r ) t o Powell (Indian Superintendent i n B r i t i s h Columbia) August, 1877, M i l l s d e c l a r e d t h a t i n the event of an I n d i a n War the land q u e s t i o n would be taken e n t i r e l y out of the hands o f the l o c a l government u n t i l the I n d i a n t i t l e had been e x t i n g u i s h e d by proper compensation. The Dominion Government expressed i t s e l f as h a v i n g no d e s i r e t o r a i s e the q u e s t i o n of land t i t l e and i t s extinguishment, i f i t c o u l d be avoided, but i t would have no h e s i t a t i o n i n r e q u i r i n g such a measure t o prevent an I n d i a n War. 6 2 The P o t l a t c h Law The Indians continued t o t r y t o i n f l u e n c e the a u t h o r i t i e s with p e t i t i o n s . In 1883 a church group i n 6 2 G . E . Shankel, The Development of I n d i a n P o l i c y i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington, 1945, p. 130. 54 V i c t o r i a , which i n c l u d e d Tsimshian c h i e f s from F o r t Simpson, K i n c o l i t h , and G r e e n v i l l e , submitted a p e t i t i o n t o I n d i a n Commissioner Powell " p r a y i n g t h a t the system of P o t l a t c h i n g as p r a c t i c e d by many In d i a n t r i b e s on the 6 3 Coast o f B r i t i s h Columbia may be put down." The p e t i t i o n was a p p a r e n t l y i n s t i g a t e d by m i s s i o n a r i e s who everywhere opposed the p o t l a t c h custom. F u r t h e r n o r t h on Vancouver I s l a n d , Father Ponckele, a Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r y , t o l d the l o c a l I n d i a n Agent t h a t he had a p e t i t i o n s i g n e d by the b e s t and most c i v i l i z e d I n d ians of Cowichan r e q u e s t i n g a law a g a i n s t p o t l a t c h i n g . In 1884 the In d i a n A c t of 1880 was amended t o p r o h i b i t p o t l a t c h i n g . Every I n d i a n or other person who engages i n or a s s i s t s i n c e l e b r a t i n g the I n d i a n f e s t i v a l known as the "Po t l a c h " or i n the I n d i a n dance known as the "Tamanawas" i s g u i l t y of a misdemeanor, and s h a l l be l i a b l e t o i m p r i s o n -ment f o r a term of not more than s i x nor l e s s than two months i n any g a o l or other p l a c e o f confinement; and any I n d i a n or other person who encourages, e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n -d i r e c t l y , an In d i a n or In d i a n s t o get up such a f e s t i v a l or dance, or t o c e l e b r a t e the same, or who s h a l l a s s i s t i n the c e l e b r a t i o n of the same i s g u i l t y of^an o f f e n c e , and s h a l l be l i a b l e t o the same punishment. The law a g a i n s t the p o t l a t c h was not the r e s u l t o f a L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 35. " ^ S t a t u t e s o f Canada, 1884, 47 V i c t o r i a , chap. 27, se c . 3. 55 vote, a compromise, a consensus, or a p o l i t i c a l debate i n which the In d i a n s were i n v o l v e d . Instead, m i s s i o n a r i e s and I n d i a n Agents had deci d e d t h a t the p o t l a t c h custom was r e p r e h e n s i b l e and must be outlawed; the members of Parli a m e n t saw no reason t o d i s a g r e e . The o n l y Indians who c o u l d welcome the law were the few who had a c q u i r e d an i n t e n s e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h . Most I n d i a n s o b j e c t e d immediately and were determined t o ign o r e the law. In 1887, S i r John Macdonald, Prime M i n i s t e r of Canada r e c e i v e d a p e t i t i o n with twenty-four marks and s i g n a t u r e s beneath i t : We the undersigned Indians o f the Cowichan agency beg r e s p e c t f u l l y t o ask you t o use your i n f l u e n c e t o have the c l a u s e o f the I n d i a n A c t f o r b i d d i n g the " P o t l a c h " and "Tamanawas" Dances r e p e a l e d . In a s k i n g t h i s we would p o i n t out t h a t these are two of our o l d e s t customs and by them we do not i n j u r e anyone. We cannot r e a d l i k e white people and the dances are our winter amusements. When our c h i l d r e n grow up and are educated they perhaps w i l l not wish t o dance. Some o n l y o f us dance now, and we do not wish t o te a c h o t h e r s , but when one i s s e i z e d with the ( Q u e l l i s h ) --. dance he cannot h e l p h i m s e l f and we b e l i e v e would d i e u n l e s s he danced. On Saturdays and Sundays we w i l l not dance as t h i s o f f e n d s the C h r i s t i a n I n d i a n s . The lands of our f a t h e r s are occupied by white men and we say n o t h i n g . • • 56 We have g i v e n up f i g h t i n g with each o t h e r . We have given up s t e a l i n g and many o l d h a b i t s , but we want t o be allowed t o continue the " P o t l a c h " and the Dance. We know the h e a r t s of most of the Coast Indians are with us i n t h i s . We t h e r e f o r e ask you t o have the law amended, t h a t we may not be b r e a k i n g i t when we f o l l o w customs t h a t are dear t o u s . 6 5 The Indians would not have had m i s s i o n a r y a s s i s t a n c e t o d r a f t a p e t i t i o n s u p p o r t i n g the p o t l a t c h . However, other white people, i n c l u d i n g the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , Franz B o a s , 6 6 had some i n s i g h t i n t o the v a l u e of the p o t l a t c h i n I n d i a n s o c i e t y and supported the I n d i a n r e q u e s t s f o r i t s r e t e n t i o n . The e a r l y years of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of I n d i a n A f f a i r s by the Government of Canada were i n f l u e n c e d by the wish of the f e d e r a l government t o compensate the I n d i a n s f o r the lan d of B r i t i s h Columbia and by i t s even g r e a t e r d e s i r e not to antagonize the p r o v i n c i a l government by p r e s s -i n g the i s s u e . The m i s s i o n a r i e s , too, were beginning t o have profound e f f e c t s on I n d i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the most important of which was t h e i r p a r t i n c o n v i n c i n g the f e d e r a l government t o p r o h i b i t by law the p o t l a t c h custom. The m i s s i o n a r i e s were i n a somewhat i r o n i c p o s i t i o n : they a s s i s t e d the Indians i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e with governments 6 5 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 57. 6 6 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 74. concerning the land i s s u r e , but sided with the government i n o p p o s i t i o n t o the p o t l a t c h . The Indians were s t i l l too inexperienced i n European p o l i t i c a l techniques t o prepare p e t i t i o n s and p r o t e s t s to government o f f i c i a l s without the h e l p of white men, and they accepted the a s s i s t a n c e of those who sympathized w i t h t h e i r wishes concerning e i t h e r the land i s s u e or the p o t l a t c h i s s u e . CHAPTER VI EARLY INDIAN PROTEST MOVEMENTS Land P e t i t i o n s The q u e s t i o n about compensation f o r I n d i a n l a n d remained more of an i s s u e f o r the Indians on the n o r t h c o a s t than the p r o h i b i t i o n o f the p o t l a t c h . A renewed e f f o r t t o gai n assurance t h a t they s t i l l owned the la n d was begun i n M e t l a k a t l a i n 1885. When surveyors informed the n a t i v e s t h a t even t h e i r v i l l a g e was owned by the Queen they f e l t t h a t the promises o f the Governor-General had been f a l s e . W i l l i a m Duncan and two Indians went t o Ottawa t o t a l k t o Prime M i n i s t e r Macdonald who promised p r o t e c t i o n f o r t h e i r l a n d — a n d then betrayed t h e m. 6 7 T h e i r anger was so i n t e n s e t h a t the C h r i s t i a n M e t l a k a t l a I ndians were prepared t o use v i o l e n c e i n defense o f t h e i r l a n d . In 1887 a l a r g e group of Tsimshian Indians from F o r t Simpson and the Nass V a l l e y went t o V i c t o r i a t o t a l k t o the p r o v i n c i a l government. Their immediate complaints were r e s t r i c t i o n s on c u t t i n g timber and the l i m i t e d s i z e of t h e i r r e s e r v e s . They asked f o r l a r g e r r e s e r v e s and f o r a t r e a t y 6 7 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 125. 58 59 guaranteeing t h e i r r i g h t s t o t h e i r l a n d f o r e v e r . The premier t o l d them t h a t t h e r e was no such t h i n g as a t r e a t y with Indians, and t h a t they should be t h a n k f u l f o r the lands they had a l r e a d y been gi v e n as a matter o f c h a r i t y . The m i s s i o n a r y , A. E . Green, was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r b r i n g i n g the l a n d t i t l e q u e s t i o n t o the I n d i a n s ' a t t e n t i o n . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , i n the same year, the P r o v i n c i a l Board o f I n q u i r y i n t o the C o n d i t i o n s of the I n d i a n s of the Northwest Coast i n v e i g h e d a g a i n s t i r r e s p o n s i b l e s t i m u l a t i o n of I n d i a n l a n d c l a i m s by m i s s i o n a r i e s and a l s o t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n t o CO the I n d i a n A c t and the a u t h o r i t y of the I n d i a n agents. p D i s u n i t e d by t r i b a l i s m and language and p o l i t i c a l n a i v e t e , the Indians continued t o p r o t e s t i n s m a l l groups wit h p e t i t i o n s and d e l e g a t i o n s . • In 1906, t h r e e Coast S a l i s h c h i e f s went t o England t o p r e s e n t a p e t i t i o n t o King Edward V I I . T h e i r p e t i t i o n s t a t e d t h a t the t i t l e t o t h e i r l a n d had never been e x t i n g u i s h e d , t h a t white men had s e t t l e d on t h e i r l a n d a g a i n s t t h e i r wishes, t h a t they had no vote, and t h a t a l l appeals t o the Canadian Government had proven v a i n . The appeal t o the King proved v a i n , t o o . 6 8 P h i l i p Drucker, The N a t i v e Brotherhoods, Bureau of  American Ethnology, B u l l e t i n 168, U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , Washington, 1958, p. 90. 60 When the p r o v i n c e t r i e d t o a c q u i r e some Tsimshian r e s e r v e l a n d near P r i n c e Rupert i n 1909, i t i n s p i r e d the Indians t o f u r t h e r a c t i o n t o p r o t e c t t h e i r r i g h t s . An I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n c a l l e d I n d i a n T r i b e s of the P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia was formed t o s t a t e I n d i a n g r i e v a n c e s and search f o r the r e s o l u t i o n of problems. Another d e l e g a t i o n of t h r e e Indians r e p r e s e n t i n g twenty t r i b e s presented the King with another p e t i t i o n without e f f e c t . The premier o f B r i t i s h Columbia, S i r R i c h a r d McBride, countered the renewed a c t i o n by s t a t i n g : "Of course i t would be madness to t h i n k of conceding the I n d i a n s ' demands. I t i s too l a t e t o d i s c u s s the e q u i t y of d i s p o s s e s s i n g the r e d man i n A m e r i c a . " 6 9 The S o c i e t y of the F r i e n d s of the I n d i a n s , a group of white c i t i z e n s , became a c t i v e , too, and i n t e r v i e w e d the premier i n 1910. Among them was A. E . O'Meara, an O n t a r i o lawyer turned m i s s i o n a r y . Soon af t e r w a r d a d e l e g a t i o n of about a hundred I n d i a n l e a d e r s went t o V i c t o r i a . T h e i r spokesman was Peter K e l l y , a young Haida s c h o o l t e a c h e r . 7 0 The premier t o l d them f l a t l y t h a t the Indians had no t i t l e t o the p u b l i c lands of the p r o v i n c e . 6 9 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 128.; : 7 0 A l a n Morley, Roar of the B r e a k e r s , Ryerson Press, T o r o n t o , 1967, p. 75. 61 A few months l a t e r , S i r W i l f r e d L a u r i e r , Prime M i n i s t e r of Canada met with Indians a t P r i n c e Rupert and at Kamloops. A t P r i n c e Rupert he s a i d : "The o n l y way t o s e t t l e t h i s q u e s t i o n t h a t you have a g i t a t e d f o r years i s by a d e c i s i o n of the J u d i c i a l Committee, and I w i l l take st e p s t o h e l p y o u . " 7 1 The Nishga Land Committee From the m i s s i o n a r i e s , the I n d i a n s l e a r n e d t o form o r g a n i z a t i o n s p a t t e r n e d on white models. On the south coast, the Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i n s t i t u t e d the D u r i e u system of a t i g h t l y k n i t community under the guidance o f the p r i e s t . 7 2 The c h i e f s of the v i l l a g e had under them watchmen and policemen t o r e p o r t on the conduct of the v i l l a g e r s . A E u c h a r i s t C h i e f a s s i s t e d the p r i e s t with s p i r i t u a l m a t t e r s . On the n o r t h coast, P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n -a r i e s sometimes t r i e d to i m i t a t e W i l l i a m Duncan's M e t l a k a t l a community o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t comprised t e n companies, each wit h a headman, two e l e c t e d e l d e r s , two c o n s t a b l e s , t h r e e 73 c o u n c i l l o r s , and ten firemen. 7 1 N a t i v e R i g h t s i n Canada, p. 128. 7 2 D u f f , 1964, p. 91. 7 3 D u f f , 1964, p. 93. 62 In 1877 the Methodist m i s s i o n a r y , A. E . Green, e s t a b l i s h e d a m i s s i o n among the Nishga Indians a t G r e e n v i l l e i n the Nass V a l l e y . Green informed the In d i a n s t h a t even the r e s e r v e s were not t h e i r s , but belonged t o the govern-ment. A f t e r s e v e r a l meetings t o d i s c u s s the l a n d s i t u a t i o n , the Nishgas i n v i t e d the Port Simpson n a t i v e s t o accompany them t o V i c t o r i a t o i n t e r v i e w the premier i n 1887. Although the I n d i a n d e l e g a t i o n was r e b u f f e d at V i c t o r i a , they d e c i d e d to continue t o put forward t h e i r c l a i m s . In the 1890's they formed the Nishga Land Committee 74 l e d by A r t h u r C a l d e r , a G r e e n v i l l e man. Four c h i e f s o f each c l a n were e l e c t e d or appointed t o the committee i n each v i l l a g e . The v i l l a g e committee e l e c t e d i t s own chairman and other o f f i c e r s . There were th r e e v i l l a g e committees and the t h r e e together c o n s t i t u t e d the Nishga Land Committee. The P o r t Simpson people were i n v i t e d t o j o i n , but d e c l i n e d , p o s s i b l y because they claimed l a n d t h a t the Nishgas a l s o c l a i m e d . The Nishga Land Committee r a i s e d money t o send d e l e g a t i o n s t o V i c t o r i a and t o Ottawa t o present t h e i r c l a i m s , t o h i r e a lawyer t o ad v i s e and r e p r e s e n t them, and 7 4 D r u c k e r , 1958, p. 91. 63 t o draw up p e t i t i o n s . In 1909 the Nishgas r a i s e d $500 t o get a l e g a l o p i n i o n on t h e i r c ase. They asked A. W. Vowell, the new I n d i a n Commissioner, f o r an order p r o h i b i t i n g f u r t h e r settlement u n t i l the matter was d e c i d e d i n c o u r t . They were among the groups who heard S i r W i l f r e d L a u r i e r t e l l the I n d i a n s a t P r i n c e Rupert the f o l l o w i n g year t h a t the o n l y way t o s e t t l e the l a n d q u e s t i o n was through a d e c i s i o n of the J u d i c i a l Committee of the I m p e r i a l P r i v y C o u n c i l . In 1912 the f e d e r a l government appointed J . A. J . McKenna as the commissioner t o i n v e s t i g a t e I n d i a n a f f a i r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A f t e r n e g o t i a t i o n s between McKenna and Premier McBride, the p r o v i n c i a l government agreed to be bound by the f i n d i n g s of a J o i n t F e d e r a l - P r o v i n c i a l R o y a l Commission, but i t r e f u s e d to d i s c u s s the concept of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e t o the l a n d . Consequently, the commissioners were a b l e o n l y t o a l l o c a t e and a d j u s t r e s e r v e b o u n d a r i e s . Some In d i a n groups r e f u s e d t o d i s c u s s t h e i r r e s e r v e s l e s t t h e i r c l a i m s t o a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s be j e o p a r d i z e d . On the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , f o r i n s t a n c e , the Haidas t o l d the commis-s i o n e r s t h a t they were not prepared t o name any a r e a f o r a 75 r e s e r v e because the whole area of land was t h e i r s . 7 5 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 151. 64 The J o i n t R o y a l Commission v i s i t e d every I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e i n the p r o v i n c e to hear r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of every band t h a t would appear b e f o r e i t . Many Indians r e a l i z e d t h a t they were l o s i n g most of t h e i r l a r g e l a n d h e r i t a g e i n r e t u r n f o r s m a l l r e s e r v e s and l i t t l e e l s e . J u s t as the J o i n t Commission was b e g i n n i n g i t s work, the Nishga Land Committee d r a f t e d a p e t i t i o n with the a s s i s t a n c e of i t s s o l i c i t o r . The p e t i t i o n r e q u e s t e d t h a t "the nature and e x t e n t of the r i g h t s of the s a i d Nishga N a t i o n or T r i b e i n r e s p e c t of the s a i d t e r r i t o r y " be d e t e r -mined. In May, 1913, the p e t i t i o n was submitted t o the Government of Canada with the r e q u e s t t h a t i t be submitted t o the J u d i c i a l Committee o f the I m p e r i a l P r i v y Council-. I t was based on the f o l l o w i n g statement adopted at K i n c o l i t h by the Nishga Land Committee on January 22, 1913: From time immemorial the Nishga N a t i o n or T r i b e of Indians possessed, occupied and.used the t e r r i t o r y g e n e r a l l y known as the V a l l e y of the Naas R i v e r , the boundaries of which are w e l l d e f i n e d . The c l a i m s which we make in r e s p e c t of t h i s t e r r i t o r y are c l e a r and simple. We l a y c l a i m t o the r i g h t s of men. We-claim t o be a b o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s of t h i s c ountry and t o have r i g h t s as such. We c l a i m t h a t our a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s have been guaranteed by P r o c l a m a t i o n of King George T h i r d and r e c o g n i z e d by A c t s of the Parliament o f Great B r i t a i n . We c l a i m t h a t h o l d i n g under the words of t h a t P r o c l a m a t i o n a t r i b a l ownership of the t e r r i t o r y , we should be d e a l t with i n accordance w i t h i t s p r o v i s i o n , and t h a t no p a r t of our lands should be taken from us or i n any way d i s p o s e d of u n t i l 65 the same has been purchased by the Crown. By reason of our a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s above s t a t e d , we c l a i m t r i b a l ownership of a l l f i s h e r i e s and other n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s p e r t a i n i n g t o the t e r r i t o r y above-mentioned. For more than t w e n t y - f i v e years, being cohvinved t h a t the r e c o g n i t i o n of our a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s would be a v e r y g r e a t m a t e r i a l advantage t o us and would open the way f o r the i n t e l l e c t u a l , s o c i a l , and i n d u s t r i a l advance of our people, we have i n common wit h other t r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, a c t i v e l y pressed our c l a i m s upon the Governments concerned. In r e c e n t y e a r s , being more than ever convinced of the advantages t o be d e r i v e d from such r e c o g n i t i o n and f e a r i n g t h a t without such the advance of s e t t l e m e n t would endanger our whole f u t u r e , we have pressed these c l a i m s with g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d e a r n e s t n e s s . Some of the advantages t o be d e r i v e d from e s t a b l i s h -i n g our a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s are: 1. That i t w i l l p l a c e us i n a p o s i t i o n t o r e s e r v e f o r our own use and b e n e f i t such p o r t i o n s o f our t e r r i t o r y as are r e q u i r e d f o r the f u t u r e w e l l - b e i n g of our p e o p l e . 2. That i t w i l l enable us t o a much g r e a t e r e x t e n t and i n a f r e e and independent manner make use of f i s h e r i e s and other n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s p e r t a i n i n g t o our t e r r i t o r y . 3. That i t w i l l open the way f o r b r i n g i n g t o an end as r a p i d l y as p o s s i b l e the system o f Reserves and s u b s t i t u t -i n g a system of i n d i v i d u a l ownership. 4. That i t w i l l open the way f o r p u t t i n g an end t o a l l u n c e r t a i n t y and unrest, b r i n g i n g about a permanent and s a t i s f a c t o r y s ettlement between the white people and our-s e l v e s , and thus removing the danger o f s e r i o u s t r o u b l e which now undoubtedly e x i s t s . 5. That i t w i l l open the way f o r our t a k i n g our p l a c e as not o n l y l o y a l B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s but a l s o Canadian c i t i z e n s , as f o r many ye a r s we have d e s i r e d t o do. In thus seeking t o r e a l i z e what i s h i g h e s t and b e s t f o r our people, we have encountered a very s e r i o u s d i f f i c u l t y 66 i n the a t t i t u d e which has been assumed by the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia. That Government has n e g l e c t e d and r e -fu s e d t o r e c o g n i z e our c l a i m s , and f o r many ye a r s has been s e l l i n g over our heads l a r g e t r a c t s o f our l a n d s . We c l a i m t h a t every such t r a n s a c t i o n e n t e r e d i n t o i n r e s p e c t of any p a r t of these lands under the assumed a u t h o r i t y of th e P r o v i n c i a l Land A c t has been ent e r e d i n t o i n v i o l a t i o n o f the Proclamation above mentioned. These t r a n s a c t i o n s have been entered i n t o n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g our p r o t e s t s , o r a l and w r i t t e n , presented t o the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, surveyors employed by t h a t Government and i n t e n d -i n g p u r c h a s e r s . The r e q u e s t of the I n d i a n T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia made through t h e i r P r o v i n c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n , t h a t the matter of I n d i a n t i t l e be submitted t o the J u d i c i a l Committee of H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l , h a ving been b e f o r e the I m p e r i a l Government and the Canadian Government f o r t h r e e years, and grave c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s i n g from the r e f u s a l o f B r i t i s h Columbia t o consent t o a r e f e r e n c e , h a v i n g been encountered i n d e a l i n g with t h a t request, we r e s o l v e d i n -dependently and d i r e c t l y t o p l a c e a p e t i t i o n b e f o r e H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l . < • •• In f o l l o w i n g t h a t course we d e s i r e t o a c t t o the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e extent i n harmony both with other t r i b e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia and with the Government of Canada. We are informed t h a t Mr. J . A. J . McKenna sent out by the Government of Canada has made a r e p o r t i n which he does not mention the cla i m s which the In d i a n s of the Pro v i n c e have been making f o r so many yea r s , and a s s i g n s as the cause of a l l the t r o u b l e , the r e v e r s i o n a r y c l a i m of the P r o v i n c e . Whatever other t h i n g s Mr. McKenna found out d u r i n g h i s stay, we are sure t h a t he d i d not f i n d out our mind or the r e a l cause o f the t r o u b l e . We are a l s o informed of the agreement r e l a t i n g o n l y t o the s o - c a l l e d r e s e r v e s which was en t e r e d i n t o by Mr. McKenna and Premier McBride. We are g l a d from i t s p r o v i s i o n s t o know t h a t the Pr o v i n c e has expressed w i l l i n g n e s s t o abandon t o a l a r g e extent the r e v e r s i o n a r y c l a i m which has been made. We cannot, however, r e g a r d t h a t agreement as forming a p o s s i b l e b a s i s f o r s e t t l i n g the l a n d q u e s t i o n . We cannot concede t h a t the two Governments have power by the 67 agreement i n q u e s t i o n or any other agreement t o d i s p o s e of the s o - c a l l e d Reserves or any other lands of B r i t i s h Columbia, u n t i l the t e r r i t o r y of each n a t i o n or t r i b e has been purchased by the Crown as r e q u i r e d by the P r o c l a m a t i o n of King George T h i r d . We are a l s o informed t h a t i n the course of r e c e n t n e g o t i a t i o n s , the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia has con-tended t h a t under the terms of Union the Dominion of Canada i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r making t r e a t i e s w i t h the I n d i a n T r i b e s i n settlement of t h e i r c l a i m s . T h i s attempt t o s h i f t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o Canada and by doing so render i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r us t o e s t a b l i s h our r i g h t s , seems to us u t t e r l y u n f a i r and u n j u s t i f i a b l e . We cannot prevent the P r o v i n c e from p e r s i s t i n g i n t h i s attempt, but we can and do r e s p e c t f u l l y d e c l a r e t h a t we i n t e n d t o p e r s i s t i n making our c l a i m a g a i n s t the P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia f o r the f o l l o w i n g among other reasons: 1. We are advised t h a t at the time of C o n f e d e r a t i o n a l l lands embraced w i t h i n our t e r r i t o r y became the p r o p e r t y of the p r o v i n c e s u b j e c t t o any i n t e r e s t other than t h a t of the p r o v i n c e t h e r e i n . 2. We have f o r a long time known t h a t i n 1875 the Department of J u s t i c e of Canada r e p o r t e d t h a t the I n d i a n T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia are e n t i t l e d t o an i n t e r e s t i n t h e lands of the p r o v i n c e . 3. Notwithstanding the r e p o r t then made and the p o s i t i o n i n accordance with t h a t r e p o r t c o n s i s t e n t l y taken by every r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Canada from the time of L o r d D u f f e r i n ' s speeches u n t i l the s p r i n g of the present year, and i n d e f i a n c e of our f r e q u e n t p r o t e s t s , the P r o v i n c e has s o l d a l a r g e p o r t i o n of the b e s t lands i n our t e r r i t o r y and has by means of such wrongful s a l e s r e c e i v e d a l a r g e amount of money. 4. While we c l a i m the r i g h t t o be compensated f o r those p o r t i o n s of our t e r r i t o r y which we may agree t o surrender, we c l a i m as even.more important the r i g h t t o r e -serve other p o r t i o n s permanently f o r our own use and b e n e f i t , and beyond doubt the p o r t i o n s which we would d e s i r e so t o r e s e r v e would i n c l u d e much o f the l a n d which has been s o l d by the P r o v i n c e . 68 We are not opposed t o the coming of the white people i n t o our t e r r i t o r y p r o v i d e d t h i s be c a r r i e d out j u s t l y and i n accordance with the B r i t i s h p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n the Royal P r o c l a m a t i o n . I f , t h e r e f o r e , as we expect, the a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s which we c l a i m should be e s t a b l i s h e d by the d e c i s i o n o f H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l , we would be prepared t o take a moderate and reasonable p o s i t i o n . In t h a t event, while c l a i m i n g the r i g h t t o decide f o r o u r s e l v e s the terms upon which we would d e a l with our t e r r i t o r y , we would be w i l l i n g t h a t a l l matters o u t s t a n d i n g between the P r o v i n c e and o u r s e l v e s should be f i n a l l y a d j u s t e d by some e q u i t a b l e method t o be agreed upon which should i n c l u d e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the I n d i a n T r i b e s upon any Commission which then might be appo i n t e d . The above statement was unanimously adopted at a meeting of the Nishga N a t i o n or T r i b e o f I n d i a n s h e l d a t K i n c o l i t h on the 22nd day of January, 1913, and i t was r e -s o l v e d t h a t a copy of same be p l a c e d i n the hands of each o f the f o l l o w i n g : The S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e f o r the C o l o n i e s , the Prime M i n i s t e r of Canada, the M i n i s t e r o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s , the M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e , Mr. J . M. C l a r k , K. C , Counsel f o r the I n d i a n R i g h t s A s s o c i a t i o n o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and the Chairman of the " F r i e n d s of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia." 7 6 The Government of Canada r e j e c t e d the Nishga p e t i t i o n . But the Nishgas had t h e i r s o l i c i t o r take the p e t i t i o n t o London where i t was s t u d i e d by the J u d i c i a l Committee of the P r i v y C o u n c i l . The B r i t i s h Government r e f e r r e d the Nishga p e t i t i o n back t o the Canadian Government, a d v i s i n g t h a t the I n d i a n s ' case c o u l d come b e f o r e the J u d i c i a l Committee of the P r i v y C o u n c i l o n l y through an appeal from the d e c i s i o n of a Canadian c o u r t and wit h the consent of 7 6 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 58. 69 the government. The Nishga Land Committee r e f u s e d to allow t h e i r case t o be brought b e f o r e a Canadian c o u r t . Although Nishga d e l e g a t i o n s t o Ottawa i n 1915 and 1916 pleaded f o r the p r o c e s s i n g of t h e i r p e t i t i o n , no a c t i o n c o u l d be taken so long as they demanded a h e a r i n g b e f o r e the J u d i c i a l Committee. M i s l e d by t h e i r s o l i c i t o r , the I n d i a n s b e l i e v e d the p e t i t i o n was s t i l l under c o n s i d e r a t i o n long a f t e r i t had been permanently s e t a s i d e by the government. P o t l a t c h P e t i t i o n s w h i l e the Tsimshians were p r o t e s t i n g the l o s s of t h e i r land, the Kwakiutl, Nootka, and Coast S a l i s h were r e -s i s t i n g the p o t l a t c h p r o h i b i t i o n . T h e v a r y i n g a t t i t u d e s toward the p o t l a t c h showed the uneven i n f l u e n c e o f the m i s s i o n a r i e s and the l a c k of cohesion of I n d i a n sentiment about t h e i r most important s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n . Soon a f t e r two Kwakiutl Indians were brought t o t r i a l f o r p o t l a t c h i n g e a r l y i n 1914, t h e r e was a f l u r r y of p e t i t i o n - w r i t i n g . The S a l i s h Indians at Musqueam sent a four-page p e t i t i o n t o the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s 77 • • a s k i n g f o r p e r m i s s i o n t o keep the o l d customs. A p e t i t i o n 7 7 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 81. 70 from the S a l i s h Indians a t S e c h e l t supported the p o t l a t c h 7 8 law and claimed the p o t l a t c h was opposed t o c i v i l i z a t i o n . A p e t i t i o n from the S a l i s h Indians a t Coquitlam r e q u e s t e d 79 t h a t the p o t l a t c h law be e n f o r c e d . The Nootka I n d i a n s sent a seven-page p e t i t i o n t o the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s i n 1914 asking f o r the r e p e a l of the p o t l a t c h law. Two years l a t e r some Nootka c h i e f s sent another p e t i t i o n t o Ottawa t o e x p l a i n the p o t l a t c h and ask f o r i t s r e t e n t i o n The Kwakiutl Indians sent a p e t i t i o n i n 1915 t o complain about a r r e s t s and t r i a l s under the p o t l a t c h law. The i n f l u e n c e of the m i s s i o n a r i e s among the Indians i n the Nass V a l l e y was i n d i c a t e d by the e a r l y abandonment of the p o t l a t c h by many Nishgas. In 1895 some Nass R i v e r Indians sent a p e t i t i o n t o the I n d i a n Commissioner of B r i t i s h Columbia complaining t h a t the m i s s i o n a r y J . A. 81 McCullagh i n t e r f e r e d with people h o l d i n g p o t l a t c h e s . But i n 1899 a p e t i t i o n s i g n e d by 138 C h r i s t i a n Nishgas from Aiyansh claimed t h a t most Indians were opposed t o p o t l a t c h -i n g and t h a t when a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n o c c u r r e d among white 1 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 81. 7 9 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 81. 8 0 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 82. 8 1 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 68. 71 82 people the law was e n f o r c e d . I r o n i c a l l y , the Nishga concern about a b o r i g i n a l l a n d r i g h t s grew as t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the p o t l a t c h s u b s i d e d . The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia submitted many p e t i t i o n s t o government a u t h o r i t i e s without e f f e c t i n the f i n a l years of the n i n e t e e n t h century and the e a r l y y e ars of the t w e n t i e t h . In an attempt t o i n c r e a s e the e f f e c t i v e -ness of t h e i r demands, they formed p r o t e s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s and began t o s o l i c i t l e g a l advice to support t h e i r c l a i m s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e i r f i r s t p r o t e s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n v o l v e d a v e r y s m a l l p a r t of the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . 8 2 L a V i o l e t t e , 1961, p. 78. CHAPTER VII THE ALLIED TRIBES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA In February, 1915, a number o f I n t e r i o r S a l i s h groups met at Spences B r i d g e on the Thompson R i v e r t o form an o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the support of the Nishga p e t i t i o n . A few months a f t e r the f i r s t meeting, another was h e l d i n Vancouver at which the I n t e r i o r S a l i s h j o i n e d with some Ind i a n s from the south c o a s t . Probably t h i s meeting was attended by Peter K e l l y and Andrew P a u l l who were t o become the important I n d i a n l e a d e r s of t h e i r g e n e r a t i o n . Andrew P a u l l was a l r e a d y a c t i v e i n the concerns of the Squamish t r i b e . R e c e n t l y ordained i n the M e t h o d i s t Church, the Reverend Peter K e l l y worked at the Nanaimo In d i a n r e s e r v e . K e l l y and P a u l l s e t out t o e n l i s t the e n t i r e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia i n one u n i f i e d o r g a n i z a t i o n . A l r e a d y the Indians had d i s p l a y e d a measure of u n i t y f o r K e l l y was a Haida l i v i n g a t Nanaimo and P a u l l was a Squamish from North Vancouver. Both were a c t i n g on an i d e a i n i t i a t e d by the I n t e r i o r Salish.. i n support of the N i s h g a s . S t r a n g e l y , the Nishgas d i d not j o i n the new o r g a n i z a t i o n but chose o n l y t o cooperate with i t . 73 The A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia was o r g a n i z e d at one of the e a r l y meetings and i t s i n f l u e n c e grew as I n d i a n groups j o i n e d i t . At f i r s t the new o r g a n i z a t i o n c o n s i s t e d of some n o r t h c o a s t and i n t e r i o r I n d i a n s . Some south c o a s t Indians, a l r e a d y o r g a n i z e d under the I n d i a n R i g h t s A s s o c i a t i o n , j o i n e d under Andrew P a u l l ' s l e a d e r s h i p . Peter K e l l y , the Haida clergyman, became chairman. In 1916 a meeting of the A l l i e d T r i b e s was attended by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from s i x t e e n I n d i a n groups: Okanagan, Lake, Thompson R i v e r , Shuswap, L i l l o o e t , Kootenay, C h i l c o t i n , T a h l t a n , and Kaska from the i n t e r i o r , and Nishga, Tsimshian, G i t k s a n , Haida, B e l l a Coola, Cowichan, and Lower F r a s e r 83 (Stalo) from the c o a s t . A l a r g e r meeting i n 1922 gathered r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the Haida, Tsimshian, B e l l a Coola, Kwakiutl ( F o r t Rupert, A l e r t Bay, Kingcome I n l e t , Cape Mudge, and Campbell R i v e r ) , Coast S a l i s h (Cowichan, Nanaimo, Saanich, Musqueam, Squamish, and S t a l o ) , I n t e r i o r S a l i s h ( L i l l o o e t , Pemberton, F o r t Douglas, Kamloops, Simikameen, P e n t i c t o n , Okanagan, F a i r v i e w , and N i c o l a V a l l e y ) , 8 4 8 3 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 175. 8 4 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 176. 74 The A l l i e d T r i b e s o r g a n i z a t i o n was c o n t r o l l e d by a new e l i t e . The E x e c u t i v e Committee e l e c t e d i t s o f f i c e r s , such as chairman and s e c r e t a r y , from i t s own members. On the v i l l a g e l e v e l t h e r e was no permanent formal o r g a n i z -a t i o n . Delegates from each community were e l e c t e d t o a t t e n d meetings from time t o time at Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , and to p r o v i d e communication between the v i l l a g e r s and the E x e c u t i v e Committee. Because of the d i v e r s i t y of I n d i a n languages, the meetings were conducted i n E n g l i s h . Con-sequently, i n d i v i d u a l s who had been educated by white men became l e a d e r s i n the organization.. Money f o r t r a v e l , l e g a l , and conference expenses was u s u a l l y r a i s e d by t a k i n g c o l l e c t i o n s . By 1927 the A l l i e d T r i b e s had spent about $100,000. 8 5 The E x e c u t i v e Committee sent a number of p e t i t i o n s and statements t o p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l o f f i c i a l s . In framing and p r e s e n t i n g these, the I n d i a n s had the a s s i s t a n c e of white men. The f i r s t s e c r e t a r y of the E x e c u t i v e Committee of the A l l i e d T r i b e s was James T e i t , a white man who had m a r r i e d an I n t e r i o r S a l i s h woman and who had a sympathetic i n t e r e s t i n the I n d i a n way of l i f e . A f t e r T e i t d i e d i n 8 5 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 69. 75 i n 1922, Andrew P a u l l became s e c r e t a r y . Arthur E . O'Meara, who had p r e v i o u s l y acted as coun s e l f o r the Nishga t r i b e , was appointed t o work, f o r the A l l i e d T r i b e s as w e l l . Throughout the e x i s t e n c e , o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n , Peter K e l l y was the chairman. As soon as the r e p o r t of the Royal Commission of 1912 - 1916 was made p u b l i c the A l l i e d T r i b e s opposed i t . James T e i t wrote: The Indians see n o t h i n g of r e a l v a l u e f o r them i n the work of the Royal Commission. T h e i r c r y i n g needs have not been met. The Commissioners d i d not f i x up t h e i r h u n t i n g r i g h t s , f i s h i n g r i g h t s , water r i g h t s , and land r i g h t s , nor d i d they d e a l with the matter of r e s e r v e s i n a s a t i s f a c t o r y manner. T h e i r d e a l i n g w i t h r e s e r v e s has been a k i n d of m a n i p u l a t i o n t o s u i t the whites and not the I n d i a n s . A l l they have done i s t o recommend t h a t about 47,000 ac r e s of g e n e r a l l y speaking good lands be taken from the Indians, and about 80,000 ac r e s of g e n e r a l l y speaking poor lands, be g i v e n i n t h e i r p l a c e . A l o t o f the l a n d recommended t o be taken from the r e s e r v e s has been coveted by whites f o r a number of y e a r s . Most of the 80,000 ac r e s a d d i t i o n a l lands i s t o be p r o v i d e d by the P r o v i n c e , but i t seems the Indians are r e a l l y paying f o r these l a n d s . F i f t y per cent of the value o f the 47,000 ac r e s t o be taken from the Indians i s t o go t o the P r o v i n c e , and i t seems t h i s amount w i l l come t o more than the va l u e of the l a n d the Province i s t o g i v e the I n d i a n s . The P r o v i n c e l o s e s nothing, the Dominion l o s e s nothing, and the In d i a n s are the l o s e r s . They get f i f t y per cent and l o s e f i f t y per cent on the 47,000 acres, but, as the 47,000 acres i s much more v a l u -able l a n d than the 80,000 they are a c t u a l l y l o s e r s by the work of the Commission. B i l l 13 i s t o empower the Government of Canada t o adopt the f i n d i n g s of the Royal Commission as a f i n a l adjustment of a l l lands t o be r e s e r v e d f o r the I n d i a n s . The McKenna-McBride Agreement, the Order i n C o u n c i l , the 76 f i n d i n g s of the R o y a l Commission, and B i l l 13, are a l l p a r t s of a whole. The Order i n . C o u n c i l s t a t e s that the Indians s h a l l accept the f i n d i n g s o f the R o y a l Commission as approved by the Governments of the Dominion and the P r o v i n c e as a f u l l a l l o t m e n t of r e s e r v e lands, and f u r t h e r , t h a t the Province, by g r a n t i n g s a i d r e s e r v e s as approved, s h a l l be h e l d t o have s a t i s f i e d a l l c l a i m s o f the Indians a g a i n s t the P r o v i n c e . What chance w i l l t h e r e be f o r the Indians i n the "future t o get a d d i t i o n a l lands or a f a i r adjustment of a l l t h e i r r i g h t s , i f B i l l 13 i s made l a w ? 8 6 The comments of Andrew P a u l l i n r e p l y t o Dr. S c o t t , the Deputy Superintendent-General of I n d i a n A f f a i r s r e -v e a l e d the a t t i t u d e of the I n d i a n s toward the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s : Mr. S c o t t has s a i d B i l l 13 i s merely an e n a b l i n g Act, g i v i n g the Government power t o d e a l with B r i t i s h Columbia, and t h a t the whole b a r g a i n i s so advantageous t o the Indians, t h a t the I n d i a n Department f e e l s j u s t i f i e d i n b a c k i n g i t up. We are s o r r y the I n d i a n Department i s of t h i s o p i n i o n , f o r i t p l a c e s i t out of sympathy with us, and makes i t appear t o the Indians an instrument of o p p r e s s i o n and i n j u s t i c e . The c h i e f e n a b l i n g the Indians see i n the B i l l i s t h a t of e n a b l i n g the Government t o take t h e i r lands without t h e i r consent. There may be something advantageous t o the Government i n the B i l l , but c e r t a i n l y not t o the I n d i a n s . 8 7 The Indians had d i s c o v e r e d the nature of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s ; i t was a c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n designed f o r the advantage of the white p o p u l a t i o n . The chairman of the A l l i e d T r i b e s had no i l l u s i o n s 8 6 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 125. 8 7 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 125. 77 about the p l a c e of Indians i n Canadian s o c i e t y . When asked by a Member of Parliament from Vancouver, H. H. Stevens, what Indians would do i f a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e were r e f u s e d , Peter K e l l y answered: Then the p o s i t i o n t h a t we would have t o take would be t h i s : t h a t we are simply dependent p e o p l e . Then we would have t o accept from you, j u s t as an a c t o f grace, whatever you saw f i t t o g i v e us. Now t h a t i s p u t t i n g i t i n p l a i n language. The Indians have no v o i c e i n the a f f a i r s o f t h i s c o u n t r y . They have not a s o l i t a r y way o f b r i n g i n g anything b e f o r e the Parl i a m e n t o f t h i s country, except as we have done l a s t year by p e t i t i o n , and i t i s a mighty hard t h i n g . I f we pre s s f o r t h a t , we are c a l l e d a g i t a t o r s , simply a g i t a t o r s , t r o u b l e makers, when we t r y to get what we c o n s i d e r t o be our r i g h t s . 8 8 The Indians were not prepared t o accept the r e p o r t of the Royal Commission on I n d i a n A f f a i r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Because the changes i n r e s e r v e s made by the Commission were based on an agreement between the Government of Canada and the p r o v i n c i a l government (the McKenna-McBride Agreement), P a r l i a m e n t had to i n i t i a t e l e g i s l a t i o n t o enable i t t o f u l f i l the o r i g i n a l agreement with the p r o v i n c e . B i l l 13 was i n t r o d u c e d i n 1919 f o r t h a t purpose and the Indians o r g a n i z e d t o p r o t e s t i t . A c i r c u l a r l e t t e r t o I n d i a n t r i b e s was sent out by the A l l i e d T r i b e s : A meeting of g r e a t importance t o the In d i a n s of the Pro v i n c e was h e l d a t the I n d i a n R e s e r v a t i o n , North 8 8 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p,. 160. 78 Vancouver, commencing on the 13th January. T h i s meeting or conference was c a l l e d j o i n t l y by the a l l i e d I n d i a n T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia and the Squamish T r i b e . F i f t y -f our c h i e f s and d e l e g a t e s were presen t r e p r e s e n t i n g n e a r l y a l l the I n d i a n T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. Rev. P. R. K e l l y of Nanaimo ac t e d as chairman of the meeting. A f t e r d i s c u s s i o n l a s t i n g t h r e e days, the f o l l o w i n g r e s o l u t i o n was adopted, ". . . be i t r e s o l v e d t h a t the I n dians of B r i t i s h Columbia form an o r g a n i z a t i o n of I n d i a n s t o f i g h t B i l l s 13 and 14, and adopt f o r i t s p o l i c y the statement of the a l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia presented to the government of B r i t i s h Columbia. S a i d o r g a n i z a t i o n t o have a s t a n d i n g e x e c u t i v e committee which w i l l c o n s i s t of I ndians and o t h e r s deemed a c c e p t a b l e by the Indians, and the s a i d e x e c u t i v e committee t o have power t o r e t a i n a l e g a l a d v i s o r . " T h i s means t h a t a l l the t r i b e s r e p r e s e n t e d are now i n a s i n g l e o r g a n i z a t i o n which i s the l a r g e s t o r g a n i z a t i o n of I ndians ever e s t a b l i s h e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The meeting r e - a f f i r m e d the d e c l a r a t i o n made i n the statement prepared by the Committee of the T r i b e s t a k i n g p a r t i n the conference of I n d i a n s h e l d at Vancouver i n June 1916, v i z . : "while i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t a l l of the I n d i a n T r i b e s of the P r o v i n c e w i l l p r e s s on t o the J u d i c i a l Committee, r e f u s i n g t o c o n s i d e r any s o - c a l l e d s e t t l e m e n t made up under the McKenna-McBride Agreement, the Committee f e e l s c e r t a i n t h a t the t r i b e s a l l i e d f o r t h a t purpose WILL ALWAYS BE READY TO CONSIDER ANY REALLY EQUITABLE METHOD OF SETTLEMENT OUT OF COURT WHICH MIGHT BE PROPOSED BY THE GOVERNMENT."89 . _ The statement of the A l l i e d T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia presented t o the government of B r i t i s h Columbia which the c i r c u l a r l e t t e r r e f e r r e d t o was prepared i n 1919 and signed by Peter K e l l y and James T e i t . I t l i s t e d the grounds upon which the I ndians r e f u s e d t o accept the f i n d i n g s of the R o y a l Commission^: . • ( 8 9 A V l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 118. 79 1. We think i t clear that fundamental matters such as t r i b a l ownership of our t e r r i t o r i e s require to be dealt with either by concession of the governments or by decision of the J u d i c i a l Committee before subsidiary matters such as the findings of the Royal Commission can be equitably dealt with. 2. We are unwilling to be bound by the McKenna-McBride Agreement under which the findings of the Royal Commission have been made. 3. The whole work of the Royal Commission has.been based upon the assumption that A r t i c l e 13 of the Terms of Union contains a l l obligations of the two governments t o -wards the Indian Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia, which assumption we cannot admit to be correct. 4. The McKenna-McBride Agreement and the report of the Royal Commission ignore not only our land r i g h t s but also the power conferred upon the Secretary of State for the Colonies. 5. The additional reserved lands recommended by the report of the Royal Commission, we consider to be u t t e r l y inadequate for meeting the present and future requirements of the Tribes. 6. The Commissioners have wholly f a i l e d to adjust the i n e q u a l i t i e s between Tribes, i n respect of both area and value of reserved lands, which Special Commissioner McKenna, i n h i s report, pointed out and which the report of the Royal Commission has proved to e x i s t . 7. Notwithstanding the assurance contained i n the report of Special Commissioner McKenna that "such further lands as are required w i l l be provided by the Province, i n so far as Crown lands are available," the Province, by Act passed i n the spring of the year 1916, took back two m i l l i o n acres of land, no part of which, as we understand, was set aside for the Indians by the Commissioners, whose report was soon thereafter presented to the governments. 8. The Commissioners have f a i l e d to make any adjust-ment of water ri g h t s , which i n the case of lands situated within the Dry Belt, i s indispensable. 80 9. We r e g a r d as m a n i f e s t l y u n f a i r and w h o l l y un-s a t i s f a c t o r y the p r o v i s i o n s of the McKenna-McBride Agreement r e l a t i n g t o the c u t t i n g - o f f and r e d u c t i o n of r e s e r v e d lands, under which o n e - h a l f of the proceeds of s a l e of any such lands would go t o the P r o v i n c e , and the other h a l f of such proceeds, i n s t e a d of going i n t o the hands or being h e l d f o r the b e n e f i t of the T r i b e , would be h e l d by the Government of Canada f o r the b e n e f i t of a l l the Indians of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 9 0 In 1920 an amendment t o the I n d i a n A c t was proposed which would g i v e the Government of Canada the. power t o impose enfranchisement on I n d i a n s . The I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia f e a r e d t h a t enfranchisement would d e s t r o y t r i b a l u n i t y , do away with r e s e r v e s , n u l l i f y t h e i r c l a i m t o an a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e , and i n c r e a s e t h e i r t a x e s . T h e i r concern prompted them t o look beyond t h e i r own borders t o e n l i s t the support of other Canadian I n d i a n s . The I n d i a n p r o t e s t s f a i l e d . Both the enfranchisement b i l l and B i l l 13 were p a s s e d i B i l l 13 became Chapter 51 of the S t a t u t e s of Canada of 1920 which gave the f e d e r a l government power t o d i m i n i s h I n d i a n r e s e r v e s without the consent of the I n d i a n s . For the purpose of a d j u s t i n g , r e a d j u s t i n g or con-f i r m i n g the r e d u c t i o n s or c u t o f f s from r e s e r v e s i n a c c o r d -ance with the recommendations of the R o y a l Commission, the Governor i n C o u n c i l may order such r e d u c t i o n s or c u t o f f s t o be e f f e c t e d without surrenders of the same by the I n d i a n s , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g any p r o v i s i o n s of the I n d i a n A c t to the 9 0 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 33. 81 c o n t r a r y , and may c a r r y on such f u r t h e r n e g o t i a t i o n s and enter i n t o such f u r t h e r agreements with the Government of the P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia as may be found necessary f o r a f u l l and f i n a l adjustment of the d i f f e r e n c e s between the s a i d Governments. 9 1 \ The Indians continued t o demand more l a n d f o r r e s e r v e s and t o p r e s s f o r r e c o g n i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . They were w i l l i n g t o have a settlement out of c o u r t but were determined t o take t h e i r case t o the J u d i c i a l Committee of the P r i v y C o u n c i l u n l e s s a f a i r s ettlement was made. In 1923 the M i n i s t e r of I n d i a n A f f a i r s , C h a r l e s Stewart, met w i t h the E x e c u t i v e Committee and g e n e r a l c o u n s e l of the A l l i e d T r i b e s . Before the meeting, the l e a d e r s of the A l l i e d T r i b e s had met t o prepare a statement to p resent t o the M i n i s t e r . Peter K e l l y remarked t h a t the conference brought about the u n i t y of the B r i t i s h Columbia I n d i a n s . The l e a d e r s r e p r e s e n t e d n a t i v e s from both the c o a s t and the i n t e r i o r : George Matheson from C h i l l i w a c k , Peter K e l l y from Nanaimo, Andrew P a u l l from North Vancouver, A l e c Leonard from Kamloops, and Ambrose R e i d from Por t Simpson. A p p a r e n t l y Indian p o l i t i c s had become newsworthy; 9 1 S t a t u t e s of Canada, 1920, 10-11 George V, chap. 51, s e c . 3. 9 2 E . Palmer P a t t e r s o n I I , Andrew P a u l l and Canadian  I n d i a n Resurgence, unpublished PhD. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1962, p. 132. 82 93 the Vancouver Sun r a n an a r t i c l e about the meeting. Mr. Stewart conceded t h a t the A l l i e d T r i b e s were e n t i t l e d t o a j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n on the I n d i a n l a n d c o n t r o v e r s y and o f f e r e d the a s s i s t a n c e of the f e d e r a l government. W i t h i n weeks, the Deputy Superintendent-General o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s , Dr. Duncan S c o t t , was h o l d i n g comprehensive d i s c u s s i o n s i n V i c t o r i a with Indians about many i s s u e s . Although i n v i t e d t o send a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , the p r o v i n c i a l government avoided the t a l k s . The nature of the meetings between Dr. S c o t t and the E x e c u t i v e Committee of the A l l i e d T r i b e s and i t s lawyer foreshadowed the d i f f i c u l t i e s t o come at the i n q u i r y of the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee i n Ottawa i n 1927.= F i r s t , Mr. O'Meara, the c o u n s e l f o r the A l l i e d T r i b e s , made a 22-page . g e n e r a l statement of the I n d i a n case, showing h i s penchant f o r v e r b o s i t y . Then the d i s c u s s i o n on the r e p o r t of the Royal Commission f a l t e r e d because the members of the E x e c u t i v e Committee were u n f a m i l i a r w i t h i t s c ontents even 94 though they had been i n p o s s e s s i o n of i t f o r some time. In a d d i t i o n t o r e q u e s t i n g s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n f o r t h e i r land, f i s h i n g , timber, p e l a g i c s e a l i n g , education, and 9 3 P a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 132. 9 4 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 66. 83 medical needs, the B r i t i s h Columbia Indians asked f o r t r e a t y money. But they d i d not want payment i n the same way other Canadian t r e a t y Indians r e c e i v e d i t . We deprecated the i d e a of p u t t i n g on the same b a s i s as the I n d i a n s i n the t e r r i t o r y and e a s t e r n p r o v i n c e s . That i s to say, we deprecate the i d e a of r e c e i v i n g a few d o l l a r s a n n u a l l y . T h i s s o r t of t h i n g we r e a l i z e i n the long run amounts t o a g r e a t d e a l ; for. I understand t h a t on t h i s system the t r e a t i e s guarantee t h a t those a n n u i t i e s would continue u n t i l the I n d i a n s became e x t i n c t , or even absorbed i n t o the l a r g e r body of c i t i z e n s h i p . G e n e r a l l y speaking, Indians i n t h i s p r o v i n c e have not looked upon t h a t with any g r e a t f a v o u r . They t h i n k i t does not r e a l l y b r i n g them anything worth w h i l e . . . . Now we do not say t h a t t h e r e should be an e t e r n a l a n n u i t y ; but perhaps because of the brunt of the b a t t l e borne by the present g e n e r a t i o n , and a l s o the l a s t g e n e r a t i o n t o some extent, i n t r y i n g t o get t h i s matter up f o r r e a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n by the Governments from time t o time, we take i t i t would be a f a i r p r o p o s a l t o make, t h a t monetary payments, perhaps c o v e r i n g a g i v e n p e r i o d — I do not know how l o n g — t h a t i s open t o n e g o t i a t i o n — p e r h a p s twenty y e a r s more or l e s s , so t h a t the people who are now l i v i n g , and who w i l l not be i n a p o s i t i o n t o p r o f i t by any of the f u t u r e b e n e f i t s t h a t we have claimed, would r e c e i v e d i r e c t b e n e f i t from the q u e s t i o n t h a t i s now being brought we hope t o a p o s i t i o n where we are i n s i g h t of a" s e t t l e m e n t . 9 5 Dr. S c o t t q u i c k l y c a l c u l a t e d the probable c o s t of such a s e t t l e m e n t . The I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1923 was 24,744; the u s u a l t r e a t y a n n u i t y was $5.00 per c a p i t a ; t h e r e f o r e , f o r a twenty year p e r i o d the payment would be $2,474,400. 9 5 A l l i e d T r i b e s . C l a i m s , 1927, p. 69. 84 The A l l i e d T r i b e s a l s o demanded r e s t i t u t i o n f o r money they had spent d u r i n g the I n d i a n l a n d c o n t r o v e r s y . We have always i n s i s t e d on t h i s . And s i n c e the M i n i s t e r has r e c o g n i z e d our a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e , and has assured us t h a t we are i n a p o s i t i o n as of having won our case i n Court, we take the ground t h a t we are e n t i t l e d t o the c o s t of the case. We have been put under heavy expense d u r i n g these years past, when t h i s matter has been pressed; not o n l y i n o u r . p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n known as the A l l i e d I n dian T r i b e s , but d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s , we have pressed the matter b e f o r e t h a t . We t h i n k of the I n d i a n R i g h t s O r g a n i z a t i o n , we t h i n k of the independent e f f o r t s t h a t have been made by the d i f f e r e n t bands from time t o time sending d e l e g a t e s t o Ottawa . . . . We are not p u t t i n g any s p e c i f i c sum i n a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r time; we say t h a t i s open t o n e g o t i a t i o n , but I am i n c l i n e d t o t h i n k l o o k i n g over accounts, the c o s t up t o the p r e s e n t time has been something l i k e a hundred thousand d o l l a r s , i n a round sum. 9 6 In 1924 the f e d e r a l government adopted the r e p o r t of the Royal Commission of 1912-1916 by means of an order i n c o u n c i l . The r e s e r v e s were more or l e s s permanent-l y s e t i n s i z e and d i s t r i b u t i o n . In August, 1925, Mr. O'Meara sent a l e t t e r t o the M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e i n Ottawa, i n which he r e s t a t e d the h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h Columbia I n d i a n l a n d case and sug-gested t h a t a j o i n t committee of the Senate and House of Commons of the Canadian Parliament should be appointed t o d e a l with the i s s u e . A year l a t e r , June, 1926, the 9 6 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 69 85 Government of Canada r e c e i v e d a P e t i t i o n t o Par l i a m e n t from the A l l i e d I n d i a n T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia. T h e r e f o r e the P e t i t i o n e r s humbly pray: 1. That by amendment of Chapter 51 of the S t a t u t e s o f the year 1920 or otherwise the assurance s e t out i n paragraph 11 of t h i s P e t i t i o n be made e f f e c t i v e and the a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s of the In d i a n T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia be safeguarded. 2 . That steps be taken f o r d e f i n i n g and s e t t l i n g between the a l l i e d I n dian T r i b e s and the Dominion of Canada a l l i s s u e s r e q u i r i n g t o be decided between the In d i a n T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia on the one hand and the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia and the Government of Canada on the other hand. 3. That immediate steps be taken f o r f a c i l i t a t i n g the independent proceedings of the a l l i e d T r i b e s and en a b l i n g them by s e c u r i n g r e f e r e n c e of the P e t i t i o n now i n H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l and such other independent j u d i c i a l a c t i o n as s h a l l be found necessary t o secure judgment of the J u d i c i a l Committee of H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l d e c i d i n g a l l i s s u e s i n v o l v e d . 4. That t h i s P e t i t i o n and a l l r e l a t e d matters be r e f e r r e d t o a S p e c i a l Committee f o r f u l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Dated at the C i t y of Ottawa, the 10th day of June, 1 9 2 6 . 9 7 Parliament granted the request of the A l l i e d T r i b e s . A S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee composed of seven members from the Senate and seven members from the House of Commons was a u t h o r i z e d t o h o l d h e a r i n g s and t o make recommendations. I t h e l d h e a r i n g s i n Ottawa on March 30 and 31, and A p r i l 9 7 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. x v i i i . 8 6 4, 5, and 6 i n 1927. The B r i t i s h Columbia government r e f u s e d t o send a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The I n d i a n w i t n e s s e s were Peter K e l l y , Chairman of the E x e c u t i v e Committee of the A l l i e d T r i b e s , Andrew Paull> S e c r e t a r y of the A l l i e d T r i b e s , C h i e f John C h i l l i h i t z a of the N i c o l a V a l l e y I n d i a n T r i b e s , and C h i e f David B a s i l of the Bonaparte I n d i a n T r i b e . The c h i e f s had t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t e r s . A. E . O'Meara was counsel f o r the A l l i e d T r i b e s , and A. D. M c l n t y r e was counsel f o r the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s . Other witnesses were Dr. Duncan S c o t t , Deputy Superintendent General of I n d i a n A f f a i r s , W. E . Ditchburn, I n d i a n Commissioner of B r i t i s h Columbia, W. A. Found, D i r e c t o r of F i s h e r i e s , and John Chisholm, A s s i s t a n t Deputy M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e . The J o i n t Committee proceedings were a somewhat empty show of concern f o r I n d i a n g r i e v a n c e s . The h e a r i n g s were, f i r s t o f a l l , an aspect of the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n by which the Indians were governed. One o f the members of the Committee f o r the House of Commons was C h a r l e s Stewart, the Superintendent General of I n d i a n A f f a i r s . H i s Deputy, Dr. S c o t t , was the f i r s t w i t n e s s . He gave an e x t e n s i v e r e p o r t defending the q u a l i t y of g u a r d i a n s h i p h i s Department gave the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Indians had 87 come t o ask f o r j u s t i c e concerning the l a n d i s s u e but Dr. S c o t t thought o n l y i n terms of money spent on t h e i r p h y s i c a l w e l f a r e . He s a i d : " I am s t i l l of the o p i n i o n t h a t the Indians are f a i r l y compensated f o r the a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e by the p r o v i s i o n o f r e s e r v e s and by the e x t e n s i o n t o the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia of the p o l i c y which o b t a i n s Q Q i n the other p r o v i n c e s of the Dominion." The B r i t i s h Columbia Indians had been a r g u i n g f o r years t h a t the p o l i c y which o b t a i n e d i n the other p r o v i n c e s had not been extended t o them. What they wanted was a t r e a t y arrange-ment l i k e the Indians i n the other p r o v i n c e s . The J o i n t Committee was composed of p o l i t i c i a n s and c o u l d be expected t o make a p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n i n favour o f the white c i t i z e n s they r e p r e s e n t e d . E a r l y i n the h e a r i n g , Dr. S c o t t warned the Committee about the con-sequences of a c c e p t i n g the Indian c l a i m s . I f the Indians win, t h e r e w i l l be a c l o u d on a l l the l a n d t i t l e s i s s u e d by the p r o v i n c e , and t h i s p o i n t has always been an o b s t a c l e i n the way of the r e f e r e n c e . As e a r l y as the O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l of 1875 the p o l i c y of o b t a i n -i n g a c e s s i o n was h e l d t o be q u e s t i o n a b l e . During one conference between S i r R i c h a r d McBride and Mr . McKenna, the Prime M i n i s t e r h e l d t h a t the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t was paramount, and the q u e s t i o n was dropped owing t o the s e r i o u s n e s s of then r a i s i n g t h a t q u e s t i o n . The s e r i o u s n e s s 9 8 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 14. 88 and importance o f t h a t aspect has not lessened, and i t i s now as much a q u e s t i o n of p u b l i c p o l i c y as o f I n d i a n i n t e r e s t . " The Indians d i d not f a v o u r a b l y impress the J o i n t Committee with t h e i r d i s p l a y o f d i s u n i t y at the h e a r i n g . The s i t u a t i o n was made worse by the men who had chosen t o re p r e s e n t the Indians as l e g a l c o u n s e l . i Mr. O'Meara and Mr. Beament r e p r e s e n t e d the A l l i e d T r i b e s . Mr. M c l n t y r e d i d not support them. He s a i d : I r e p r e s e n t the C h i e f s from the I n t e r i o r . I heard the Chairman i n q u i r e of t h i s gentleman (Beament) as t o whom he repr e s e n t e d , and I understood him t o say t h a t he r e p r e s e n t -ed the A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. There i s no such e n t i t y as t h a t from the lawyers' p o i n t of view, and i t i s my duty t o i n t e r r u p t and t o p o i n t out t o the Chairman t h a t my f r i e n d can o n l y be r e p r e s e n t i n g the Ind i a n s known as the Coast Indians, although they are under the name of A l l i e d T r i b e s . 1 0 0 Andrew P a u l l r e t o r t e d : "I t r u t h f u l l y say t h a t the A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia are composed of an o r g a n i z a t i o n which was formulated i n the year 1922, when a l l these C h i e f s , whom Mr. M c l n t y r e i s now r e p r e s e n t i n g , were a p a r t y t o t h i s A l l i a n c e . " 1 0 1 Peter K e l l y added: The purpose of the formation of the E x e c u t i v e Committee of the A l l i e d T r i b e s was t o b r i n g b e f o r e the Government such " A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 14. A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 73. • A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 74. 89 g r i e v a n c e s as have been brought b e f o r e t h i s Committee. On t h a t E x e c u t i v e Committee were r e p r e s e n t e d a l l the I n d i a n T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, from every p a r t of the i n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and t o t h i s day have never r e p u d i a t e d t h e i r membership on the E x e c u t i v e Committee t o t h i s day, except by a l e t t e r which was sent out by C h i e f John C h i l l i h i t z a , not over the s i g n a t u r e s of these c h i e f s , but simply w i t h t h e i r names w r i t t e n down by the i n t e r p r e t e r f o r C h i e f Johnnie C h i l l i h i t z a . 1 0 2 The Chairman of the J o i n t Committee r e a d a l e t t e r t h a t the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s had r e c e i v e d from N a r c i s s e B a t i s s e , a member of the Committee of I n t e r i o r T r i b e s : Dear S i r : I have heard John C h i l l i h i t z a has gone t o Ottawa but I do not know the o b j e c t o f h i s go i n g . I wish t o inform you t h a t he i s not r e p r e s e n t i n g the I n d i a n T r i b e s from the i n t e r i o r o f B r i t i s h Columbia, but he might be a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Shuswap t r i b e . U J Peter K e l l y remarked: I take i t t h a t t h i s Committee, which i s the High Court of Parliament, has been c o n s t i t u t e d t o consider the p e t i t i o n o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, and i f these T r i b e s which Mr."Mclntyre r e p r e s e n t s are not members o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia, then I contend they have no busi n e s s t o be here. 1*-* 4 Nonetheless, M c l n t y r e was allowed t o proceed. He went through the A l l i e d T r i b e s ' l i s t o f g r i e v a n c e s , comment-in g on each one, demonstrating the l a c k of consensus among 1 0 2 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 137, 1 0 3 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 136, 1 0 4 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p.. 137. 90 the Indians of the p r o v i n c e , and thereby i n j u r i n g the I n d i a n case. He s a i d : The m a j o r i t y of the matters brought b e f o r e you by the c o a s t I n d i a n s do not concern the I n t e r i o r I n d i a n s a t a l l . . . f u r t h e r land grants by the B. C. Government. We do not understand what t h a t m e a n s . . . . Free medical and h o s p i t a l a t t e n t i o n . They get a f a i r amount of t h a t , so t h a t does not concern them . . . . Mothers' and Widows' pe n s i o n . They a r e m o t concerned with t h a t . . . . Cash compensation. They do not q u i t e understand what the other Committee i s d r i v i n g a t . . . . Reimbursement of about $100,000 spent. They,do not q u i t e understand t h a t . 1 0 5 The two o l d witnesses r e p r e s e n t e d by M c l n t y r e claimed, through i n t e r p r e t e r s , t o speak o n l y f o r t h e i r own s m a l l bands. C h i e f C h i l l i h i t z a had o n l y l o c a l complaints about range lands and i r r i g a t i o n water d i s p u t e s i n the Shuswap a r e a . C h i e f David B a s i l had few c o m p l a i n t s . He, too, wanted more g r a z i n g l a n d and i r r i g a t i o n water. The I n d i a n case was incompetently presented by e v e r y -one except Andrew P a u l l and Peter K e l l y . K e l l y knew he was b a r g a i n i n g from a p o s i t i o n of weakness. Ap p a r e n t l y he sensed the arrogance of the members of - the J o i n t Committee. I beg of t h i s Committee t o be a l i t t l e more t o l e r a n t i n s u p p o r t i n g our p e t i t i o n which was lodged w i t h Parliament l a s t y e a r . We r e a l i z e t h a t t h i s i s the one p r i v i l e g e f o r which we have been p r e s s i n g f o r the l a s t f i f t y or s i x t y y e a r s . . . . i n view o f the f a c t t h a t the r i g h t f u l d e a l i n g 5 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 139. 91 of t h i s q u e s t i o n a f f e c t s the f u t u r e of 23,000 Indians who are not r e p r e s e n t e d i n Parliament, who have no v o i c e i n the a f f a i r s o f t h i s land, except through the I n d i a n Department, I beg of you to be a l i t t l e more t o l e r a n t 106 The S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Senate and House of Commons r e j e c t e d the cl a i m s of the A l l i e d T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia. The f i n a l r e p o r t o f the J o i n t Committee made random use of h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s t o support i t s con-c l u s i o n s . Because the Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r , R o d e r i c k F i n l a y s o n , had awed the Indians a t V i c t o r i a w i t h a r t i l l e r y i n 1844, the J o i n t Committee maintained t h a t a l l 107 of B r i t i s h Columbia had been taken by conquest. I t went on t o say: T r a d i t i o n forms so l a r g e a p a r t o f I n d i a n m e n t a l i t y t h a t i f i n p r e - C o n f e d e r a t i o n days the Ind i a n s c o n s i d e r e d they had an a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e t o the lands o f the Prov i n c e , t h e r e would have been t r i b a l r e c o r d s of such being t r a n s -m i t t e d from f a t h e r t o son, e i t h e r by word of mouth or i n some other customary way. But n o t h i n g of the k i n d was shown t o e x i s t . On the c o n t r a r y the evidence o f Mr. K e l l y goes t o co n f i r m the view t h a t the Indians were con s e n t i n g p a r t i e s t o the whole p o l i c y of the government both as t o r e s e r v e s and other b e n e f i t s which they accepted f o r ye a r s without d e m u r . 1 0 8 The core of the J o i n t Committee r e p o r t l a y i n two sentences: 1 Q 6 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 149. 1 0 7 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. v i i . I AO A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. v i i . 92 Having given f u l l and c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o a l l t h a t was adduced b e f o r e your Committee, i t i s the unanimous o p i n i o n of the members t h e r e o f t h a t the p e t i t i o n e r s have not e s t a b l i s h e d any c l a i m t o the lands of B r i t i s h Columbia based on a b o r i g i n a l or other t i t l e . . . i t i s the f u r t h e r o p i n i o n of your Committee t h a t the matter should now be regarded as f i n a l l y c l o s e d . 1 ^ 9 The J o i n t Committee recommended a g a i n s t compensating the A l l i e d T r i b e s f o r the expenses of t h e i r land c l a i m s case. They seem, however, t o have had qualms about t h e i r recommendations. In one p a r t of t h e i r r e p o r t they s t a t e d : The Committee wish t o s t a t e t h a t they are impressed by the f a c t t h a t the I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia r e c e i v e b e n e f i t s which are i n excess of those granted by T r e a t y t o I n dians i n other p a r t s o f C a n a d a . 1 1 0 But f u r t h e r along they recommended: In l i e u of a n n u i t y your Committee would recommend t h a t a sum of $100,000 should be expended a n n u a l l y f o r the purposes a l r e a d y recommended, t h a t i s , t e c h n i c a l e d u c a t i o n , p r o v i s i o n of h o s p i t a l s and medical attendance, and the promotion of a g r i c u l t u r e , s t o c k - r a i s i n g and f r u i t c u l t u r e , and i n the development of i r r i g a t i o n p r o j e c t s . 1 1 1 The f i n a l recommendation of the J o i n t Committee meant the end of the A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. In c o n c l u d i n g t h i s Report your Committee would recommend t h a t the d e c i s i o n a r r i v e d at should be made known as completely as p o s s i b l e t o the I ndians of B r i t i s h Columbia 1 0 9 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. x. 1 1 0 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. X. i : L 1 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. x v i i 93 by d i r e c t i o n of the Superintendent General of I n d i a n A f f a i r s i n order t h a t they may become aware of the f i n a l i t y o f the f i n d i n g s and advised t h a t no funds should be con-t r i b u t e d by them t o c o n t i n u e . f u r t h e r p r e s e n t a t i o n of a c l a i m which has now been d i s a l l o w e d . 1 1 2 The J o i n t Committee c o u l d not comprehend the I n d i a n g r i e v a n c e s because they c o u l d not accept the i d e a t h a t Indians were anything but p a s s i v e wards of Canadian s o c i e t y . An exchange between H. H. Stevens and Peter K e l l y i l l u s t r a t e d the c o n f l i c t i n g a t t i t u d e s : Hon. Mr. Stevens: We do not want t o get i n t o a wrangle between Mr. O'Meara's group and these o t h e r s , i f i t i s some p e r s o n a l f i g h t . Mr. K e l l y : We do not want t o get i n t o a wrangle, but I do not l i k e t o have our group r e f e r r e d t o as Mr. O'Meara's group or somebody e l s e ' s group. We do not belong t o Mr. O'Meara. We have engaged Mr. O'Meara as l e g a l a d v i s o r , and, as I s a i d t o the M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r i n Vancouver, I t h i n k i n the year 1922, he a g i t a t e s j u s t i n s o f a r as we a l l o w him t o a g i t a t e , j u s t as any l e g a l a d v i s o r . We take e x c e p t i o n t o t h a t s o r t of statement v e r y much, t h a t we belong t o Mr. O'Meara or are Mr. O'Meara's c h i l d r e n . 1 1 3 But the J o i n t Committee a p p a r e n t l y l e a r n e d n o t h i n g from K e l l y ' s o u t b u r s t . They d i s p l a y e d t h e i r l a c k of under-s t a n d i n g (or t h e i r h y p o c r i s y ) i n t h e i r f i n a l r e p o r t : The Committee note w i t h r e g r e t the e x i s t e n c e of a g i t a t i o n , not o n l y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, but with Indians i n other p a r t s of the Dominion, which a g i t a t i o n may be c a l l e d A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. x v i i . A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 1927, p. 146. .94 mischievous, by which the Indians are d e c e i v e d and l e d t o expect b e n e f i t s from claims more or l e s s f i c t i c i o u s . Such a g i t a t i o n , o f t e n c a r r i e d out by d e s i g n i n g white men, i s t o be deplored, and should be discountenanced, as the Government of the country i s at a l l times ready t o p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s of the Indians and t o r e d r e s s r e a l g r i e v a n c e s where such are shown t o e x i s t . 1 1 4 The r e p o r t of the J o i n t Committee was approved by Parliament and l e g i s l a t i o n passed t o c a r r y i t s recommend-a t i o n s i n t o e f f e c t . An amendment was made t o the I n d i a n Act making i t an o f f e n s e t o s o l i c i t funds f o r the purpose o f b r i n g i n g an Indian c l a i m a g a i n s t the g o v e r n m e n t . 1 1 5 The I n d i a n s i n t e r p r e t e d the J o i n t Committee's r e p o r t as t o t a l d e f e a t . The A l l i e d T r i b e s o r g a n i z a t i o n , never c l o s e l y k n i t , c o l l a p s e d . Mr. O'Meara, a r a t h e r p a t h e t i c , incompetent man, was not employed again by the I n d i a n s . Peter K e l l y commented t e r s e l y : "We c o u l d have done much b e t t e r without h i m . " 1 1 6 As f o r the $100,000 annual grant, he wrote years l a t e r t h a t " t h i s d e v i o u s l y admits the a c t u -a l i t y of the I n d i a n l a n d c l a i m s of B r i t i s h Columbia." The formation o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s was a g r e a t attempt 1 1 4 A l l i e d T r i b e s Claims, 192 7, p. v i i i . 1 1 5 S t a t u t e s of Canada, 1927, 17 George V, chap. 32, sec. 6. 1 1 6 M o r l e y , 1967, p. 116. 1 1 7 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , February, 1960, p. 21. 95 by a d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d people t o present t h e i r g r i e v a n c e s t o the governing o f f i c i a l s of the n a t i o n . The u n i t y t h a t the o r g a n i z a t i o n had achieved, while tenuous, was remarkable c o n s i d e r i n g the d i s p a r i t y of the c u l t u r e s and i n t e r e s t s among the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. The r e j e c t i o n of t h e i r demands by the Government of Canada and the r e p r e s -s i v e l e g i s l a t i o n t o prevent f u r t h e r attempts at n e g o t i a t i o n was a b i t t e r d e f e a t . Nonetheless, the In d i a n s had l e a r n e d a g r e a t d e a l about how t o adm i n i s t e r a l a r g e o r g a n i z a t i o n , about who wielded power i n white s o c i e t y , and how t o present a c l a i m t o those i n power. Most i m p o r t a n t l y , they had formulated c l e a r l y t h e i r c l a i m s t o the lands of B r i t i s h Columbia. In years t o come, the work done by the A l l i e d T r i b e s p r o v i d e d a s o l i d base f o r f u r t h e r p r o s e c u t i o n of t h e i r c l a i m s . CHAPTER V I I I THE NATIVE BROTHERHOOD OF BRITISH COLUMBIA The economic d e p r e s s i o n which began about 1930 had a d i s a s t r o u s e f f e c t on the B r i t i s h Columbia f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . As a r e s u l t , the I n d i a n s along the c o a s t s u f f e r e d f i n a n c i -a l l y . They were, i n a d d i t i o n , e x p e r i e n c i n g i n c r e a s i n g 118 c o m p e t i t i o n from white and Japanese fishermen. At the same time, r a p i d t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y r e q u i r e d c a p i t a l which most Indians l a c k e d . The b i t t e r n e s s about the l a n d q u e s t i o n and other a r b i t r a r y governmental a c t i o n s had r e s u l t e d i n a deep d i s t r u s t of white men. The Indians f e l t compelled t o o r g a n i z e t o p r o t e c t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . In 1931, A l f r e d Adams, a Haida from Massett, suggest-ed t o a number of Tsimshian fishermen who were t r o l l i n g o f f the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s t h a t they form an i n t e r -t r i b a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i m i l a r t o the A l a s k a N a t i v e B r o t h e r -hood. Adams had become f a m i l i a r w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n through v i s i t s with h i s A l a s k a n r e l a t i v e s . 1 1 8 P e r c y Gladstone, N a t i v e Indians and the F i s h i n g i n d u s t r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, The Canadian J o u r n a l of  Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, XIX, 1953, p. 29. 96 97 In December 1931, a d e l e g a t i o n from Massett met a t Por t Simpson with r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from f i v e Tsimshian v i l l a g e s f o r about a week. At the meetings A l f r e d Adams s t r e s s e d the need f o r u n i t y among the I n d i a n s . A p e t i t i o n t o the M i n i s t e r of I n d i a n A f f a i r s t h a t had been d r a f t e d a t Por t Simpson a few months e a r l i e r was approved at the meeting. I t reque s t e d the est a b l i s h m e n t o f a v o c a t i o n a l s c h o o l f o r I n d i a n c h i l d r e n from the n o r t h coast, m o d i f i c -a t i o n o f hun t i n g and t r a p p i n g laws, p e r m i s s i o n t o f i s h f o r home use without permits, p e r m i s s i o n t o cut firewood o f f r e s e r v e s , f r e e m e d i c a l care, and a conference w i t h the M i n i s t e r on a d d i t i o n a l problems. The d e l e g a t e s adopted a r e s o l u t i o n t h a t the groups r e p r e s e n t e d would organize as the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia. The f o l l o w i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n was d r a f t e d : CONSTITUTION NATIVE BROTHERHOOD OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1931 - 32 Preamble whereas, we the N a t i v e s o f B r i t i s h Columbia, owing t o the keen c o m p e t i t i o n i n our e f f o r t s f o r an e x i s t e n c e , the time has come when we must org a n i z e f o r the betterment of our c o n d i t i o n s , s o c i a l l y , m e n t a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y . To keep i n c l o s e r communication wi t h one another t o cooperate w i t h each other and wit h a l l the a u t h o r i t i e s , f o r t o f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s o f the N a t i v e s . 98 Hence we organize as the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia whose objective w i l l be, to stimulate and increase learning among our natives, to place them on equal footing to meet the ever increasing competition of our times. To cooperate with a l l who have at heart the welfare of the natives and to cooperate with the Government and i t s o f f i c i a l s for the betterment of a l l conditions surrounding the l i f e of the native. BYLAWS 1. That t h i s organization s h a l l be known as the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia. 2 . The powers of t h i s organization s h a l l be L e g i s l a t i v e , Executive and J u d i c i a l , i n such time as the Convention s h a l l from time to time dictate, and a l l members s h a l l be governed by such constitutions and laws adopted at these conventions. 3. In order that there be better unity t h i s organization s h a l l have power to es t a b l i s h branches i n a l l native v i l l a g e s for the purpose of t h i s organization. 4. Conventions s h a l l be held annually and at such times and places as the previous convention s h a l l decide. Delegates s h a l l be appointed from each branch. The President, General Secretary and General Treasurer s h a l l attend a l l conventions. 5. Conventions s h a l l pass on a l l credentials and audit a l l books, el e c t o f f i c e r s and prepare resolutions and a l l matters pertaining to the business of the Brotherhood. 6. O f f i c e r s of the Brotherhood s h a l l consist of President, Vice-President, General Secretary, General Treasurer, Recording Secretary, and an Executive Committee to be elected, two from each v i l l a g e of the Brotherhood. 7. Duties of the o f f i c e r s w i l l be: President s h a l l preside over a l l meetings of the convention and a l l executive meetings and s h a l l d i r e c t the p o l i c y of the organization, as agreed on at the convention and executive meeting. 99 F i r s t V i c e - P r e s i d e n t , i n event of the O f f i c e of P r e s i d e n t be vacant t o f i l l same, and t o have f u l l e x e c u t i v e powers. The General S e c r e t a r y , t o att e n d a l l conventions, t o keep a l l the accounts and r e c o r d s of the General o r g a n i z a t i o n , t o be empowered t o r e c e i v e and expend monies on b e h a l f of the o r g a n i z a t i o n . The T r e a s u r e r s h a l l have charge of the funds of the O r g a n i z a t i o n . A l l monies r e c e i v e d by the o f f i c e r s of the Brotherhood s h a l l be d e p o s i t e d i n h i s c a r e . The Recording S e c r e t a r y s h a l l take and keep a l l r e c o r d s of a l l meetings. The membership f e e s s h a l l be f i f t y c ents (50<=) per annum, f o r the year 1931-32, u n t i l next Convention and t h i s f ee be p a i d to the g e n e r a l f u n d . 1 1 9 C h i e f Heber C l i f t o n and C h i e f Edward Gamble, both o f t r a d i t i o n a l h i g h rank, were e s p e c i a l l y a c t i v e i n r e -c r u i t i n g a d d i t i o n a l members t o the N a t i v e Brotherhood. By 1936 the membership i n c l u d e d the communities of Massett, Port Simpson, H a r t l e y Bay, K i t k a t l a , P o r t E s s i n g t o n , M e t l a k a t l a , Klemtu, B e l l a B e l l a , B e l l a Coola, K i t i m a t , K i s p i o x , Kitwanga, Skeena C r o s s i n g , and H a z e l t o n . The Tsimshian and t h e i r r e l a t i v e s dominated the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n i t s e a r l y years, and the conventions were h e l d a n n u a l l y at Port Simpson u n t i l the l a t e 1930's. Although A l f r e d Adams was e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t a n n u a l l y u n t i l h i s death i n 1944, most of the other o f f i c e r s were P o r t Simpson men. H^Drucker, 1958, p. 178. 100 P o l i t i c a l u n i t y was not e a s i l y achieved, p r o b a b l y because many Indians s t i l l thought mainly i n terms of t h e i r l o c a l group. M e t l a k a t l a , f o r example, stopped p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the N a t i v e Brotherhood f o r a number of r e a s o n s . 1 2 0 One e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t the community was p l a n n i n g t o apply f o r mass enfranchisement and c o u l d see no sense i n i d e n t i f y i n g themselves with an I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n . Another e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t they were annoyed because they f a i l e d t o have d e l e g a t e s e l e c t e d t o p r i n c i p a l o f f i c e s even though they were a r e l a t i v e l y p r o g r e s s i v e community. A f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood opposed denominational s c h o o l s and M e t l a k a t l a wanted t o r e t a i n i t s A n g l i c a n Church-supported s c h o o l . A y e t f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n was t h a t M e t l a k a t l a and P o r t Simpson had long wrangled over the proceeds from a l a n d s a l e f o r the townsite o f P r i n c e Rupert, and M e t l a k a t l a was ashamed t o accept the h o s p i t a l i t y of P o r t Simpson d u r i n g c o n v e n t i o n s . For some time, many Nishgas would not j o i n the N a t i v e Brotherhood because they b e l i e v e d t h e i r Nishga Land Committee would work f o r them. They, too, had a d i s p u t e 1 2 0 D r u c k e r , 1958, p. 118. 1 0 1 over l a n d c l a i m s with the Port Simpson people, and the new o r g a n i z a t i o n was regarded as having o r i g i n a t e d at Port Simpson. E v e n t u a l l y a l l Nishga communities j o i n e d the N a t i v e Brotherhood. Skidegate, the home of Peter K e l l y on the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , d i d not j o i n the new o r g a n i z a t i o n i n \ i t s f o r m a t i v e y ears and showed o n l y t e p i d i n t e r e s t once i t d i d . Perhaps the delayed i n t e r e s t was a r e s u l t of Peter K e l l y ' s apparent l a c k of i n t e r e s t at f i r s t . A l s o , t h e Skidegate community enjoyed c l o s e c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h the white community of nearby Queen C h a r l o t t e C i t y where the In d i a n fishermen had j o i n e d the l o c a l branch o f the fishermen's u n i o n . P o s s i b l y they were s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r l o t . Among the G i t k s a n on the upper Skeena R i v e r , the Na t i v e Brotherhood had l i t t l e e f f e c t . . The o r g a n i z e r s t r i e d t o convince the G i t k s a n t h a t i t took no s i d e s i n s t r i c t l y l o c a l i s s u e s , but the p r o g r e s s i v e and c o n s e r v a t i v e f a c t i o n s i n the communities t r i e d t o i n v o l v e the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e i r own c o n t r o v e r s y . As a r e s u l t of i t s n e u t r a l i t y i n l o c a l d i s p u t e s , the Brotherhood r e c e i v e d support from nobody. R e l i g i o u s f a c t i o n a l i s m , as much, as any other f a c t o r , prevented the p o l i t i c a l u n i t y d e s i r e d by the N a t i v e 102 Brotherhood o r g a n i z e r s . The P r o t e s t a n t a f f i l i a t i o n o f most of the l e a d e r s o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n aroused C a t h o l i c Church o p p o s i t i o n , even t o the extent of the t h r e a t of 121 excommunication f o r C a t h o l i c members. The l e a d e r s i n s i s t e d t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood was n o n - s e c t a r i a n but the P r o t e s t a n t c a s t of the o r g a n i z a t i o n was symbolized by the P r o t e s t a n t form of worship i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o procedure, the o f f i c i a l theme song "Onward C h r i s t i a n S o l d i e r s , " and the P r o t e s t a n t background of most of the l e a d e r s . The N a t i v e Brotherhood o p p o s i t i o n t o r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l s was taken as an a t t a c k on the Roman C a t h o l i c r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l system by both C a t h o l i c Indians and m i s s i o n a r i e s . As a r e s u l t , t h e r e was weak support by Nootka and Coast S a l i s h communities. The i n t e r i o r I ndians, who were n e i t h e r P r o t e s t a n t nor commercial fishermen, c o n s i d e r e d the Brotherhood noth i n g but a fishermen's union, and most of them d i s r e g a r d e d i t . While the Indians on the n o r t h c o a s t were o r g a n i z i n g an i n t e r t r i b a l a s s o c i a t i o n , those on the c e n t r a l c o a s t were forming an Indian fishermen's u n i o n . The Indians had been a b l e t o observe the a c t i o n s of unions f o r s e v e r a l 1 2 1 H . B. Hawthorn, C. S. Belshaw, and S. M. Jamieson, The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, B e r k e l e y , 1958, p. 475. 103 decades. In 1893 the F r a s e r R i v e r Fishermen's Benevolent 1 o A s s o c i a t i o n had persuaded the Indians t o j o i n t h e i r s t r i k e . I n 1900 white, Indian, and Japanese fishermen j o i n e d i n a s t r i k e f o r p r i c e i n c r e a s e s , u n t i l the Japanese began f i s h i n g under the p r o t e c t i o n of the l o c a l m i l i t i a . On the Skeena R i v e r the Indians from P o r t Simpson j o i n e d the B r i t i s h Columbia Fishermen's Union i n 1899. The f i r s t I n d i a n union was s t a r t e d on the Skeena i n 1914 by W. H. P i e r c e , a m i s s i o n a r y of Tsimshian-white p a r e n t a g e . 1 2 3 The union was organized as much to h e l p the In d i a n s compete with the Japanese as t o f o r c e c oncessions from the canners. But when P i e r c e was t r a n s f e r r e d t o another m i s s i o n h i s union c o l l a p s e d . The Nass R i v e r Fishermen's A s s o c i a t i o n , o rganized by the Nishga, was s u c c e s s f u l f o r a number of y e a r s . F i n a l l y , i n 1936, the Southern Kwakiutl and Nootka j o i n e d a s t r i k e at R i v e r s I n l e t t h a t l a s t e d a l l season. When the Kwakiutl l e a r n e d t h a t white fishermen and some nor t h e r n Indians had f i s h e d at R i v e r s I n l e t d u r i n g the l a s t week of the 1936 season, they decided t o form an I n d i a n 1 2 2 G l a d s t o n e , 1953, p. 28. 1 2 3 D r u c k e r , 1958, p. 126. 104 fishermen's union t o p r o t e c t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s i n the f u t u r e . They founded the P a c i f i c Coast N a t i v e Fishermen's A s s o c i a t i o n with the h e l p of George Luther, a n a t i v e 124 teacher a t the A l e r t Bay s c h o o l . The union was the most e f f e c t i v e I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n t o t h a t time. In 1938 some of the l e a d e r s of the N a t i v e B r o t h e r -hood v i s i t e d the southern Kwakiutl v i l l a g e s . The Kwakiutl were s a t i s f i e d with the a b i l i t y of t h e i r new union t o care f o r t h e i r needs and d i d not wish t o j o i n another o r g a n i z a t i o n even though they approved o f i t s aims. They j o i n e d , however, i n 1942 when the I n d i a n commercial f i s h e r -men were o b l i g e d t o pay f e d e r a l income tax f o r the f i r s t time . Andrew P a u l l , who f i f t e e n y e ars e a r l i e r had t e s t i f i e d b e f o r e the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee i n Ottawa, endeavoured t o u n i t e the coast Indians a g a i n s t the income tax law. He attended the Na t i v e Brotherhood convention a t Skeena C r o s s -i n g i n 1942 where he r e c e i v e d s t r o n g support f o r h i s campaign. When he v i s i t e d A l e r t Bay a s h o r t time l a t e r , he persuaded the P a c i f i c Coast N a t i v e Fishermen's A s s o c i a t i o n t o become a branch of the N a t i v e Brotherhood so t h a t they 1 2 4 D r u c k e r , 1958, p. 129. 105 c o u l d work together t o s o l v e t h e i r common problem. A p p a r e n t l y the Kwakiutl enthusiasm f o r the a l l i a n c e was i n c r e a s e d by the promise to f i g h t t o have the law a g a i n s t p o t l a t c h i n g r e p e a l e d . With the a d d i t i o n of the southern Kwakiutl and Andrew P a u l l , the N a t i v e Brotherhood became more a c t i v e . The P a c i f i c Coast N a t i v e Fishermen's A s s o c i a t i o n t r e a s u r y was t r a n s f e r r e d t o the Brotherhood which made i t p o s s i b l e t o send a d e l e g a t i o n t o Ottawa t o pr e s e n t a p e t i t i o n opposing the new tax law t o the f e d e r a l government. The Brotherhood became not o n l y w e a l t h i e r but more i n f l u e n t i a l as a b a r g a i n i n g agency f o r I n d i a n fishermen. Andrew P a u l l o r g a n i z e d branches i n some Coast S a l i s h and Nootka communities, and opened a s m a l l o f f i c e f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Vancouver. During the e a r l y 1940's the N a t i v e B r o t h e r -hood developed s t r o n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n over the c o a s t from Campbell R i v e r north, p l u s s c a t t e r e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n among the Coast S a l i s h , Nootka, and the Indians of the i n t e r i o r . In 1942, f o l l o w i n g the Japanese bombing of P e a r l Harbour i n Hawaii, a l l persons of Japanese descent were e x p e l l e d from the c o a s t of B r i t i s h Columbia. In one s t r o k e , the main competitors of I n d i a n fishermen were removed. I n f l u e n c e d by war propaganda, d e l e g a t e s t o the N a t i v e 106 Brotherhood convention i n 1942 agreed t h a t people of Japanese descent should be sent t o Japan a f t e r the war. On the other hand, they pronounced t h e i r l o y a l t y t o the Crown and t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o f i g h t f o r Canada- I n d i a n e n l i s t m e n t s were, i n f a c t , q u i t e h i g h i n p r o p o r t i o n t o the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . In B r i t i s h Columbia, 270 Indians e n l i s t e d from a p o p u l a t i o n of 2 5 , 5 0 0 . 1 2 5 Good fishermen were sometimes persuaded t o remain at t h e i r job r a t h e r than j o i n the armed s e r v i c e s . 1 2 6 With h i s appointment to the p o s i t i o n of b u s i n e s s agent f o r the N a t i v e Brotherhood i n 1942, Andrew P a u l l e s t a b l i s h e d c l o s e communications w i t h labour u n i o n s . In company with Indians from other p a r t s of Canada, he went t o Ottawa t o p r o t e s t the income tax and compulsory m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e f o r I n d i a n s . He spoke t o groups i n t e r e s t e d i n I n d i a n l i f e and c u l t u r e . He n e g o t i a t e d c o n t r a c t s with f i s h canning companies on b e h a l f of the I n d i a n fishermen l i t x ^ - ' S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Senate and House o f  Commons appointed t o examine and c o n s i d e r the I n d i a n A c t . Minutes of the proceedings and evidence, No. 5, V o l . I, June 13, 1946, p. 186. (Henceforth r e f e r r e d t o as S p e c i a l  J o i n t Committee R e p o r t ) . 1 2 6 J a m e s P. Spradley, Guests Never Leave Hungry, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, 1969, p. 119. 107 i n the Brotherhood. In 1943 the N a t i v e Brotherhood was o f f i c i a l l y r e c o g n i z e d by the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Labour as the b a r g a i n i n g agent f o r I n d i a n fishermen. For h i s s e r v i c e s , Andrew P a u l l p a i d h i m s e l f a s m a l l s a l a r y . In 1944 the e x e c u t i v e o f the N a t i v e Brotherhood suspended P a u l l as bus i n e s s agent because he had acted 127 without a u t h o r i z a t i o n . He had not been g i v e n any exec-u t i v e power but he had acted as though he were the e x e c u t i v e of the o r g a n i z a t i o n . He was t o l d t o repay the money he had p a i d h i m s e l f or be e x p e l l e d . Unable t o pay, h i s c a r e e r w i t h the N a t i v e Brotherhood ended. S i n c e P a u l l had c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e among the Coast S a l i s h , Nootka, and i n t e r i o r I ndians, the N a t i v e Brotherhood became p r e t t y much a n o r t h c o a s t o r g a n i z a t i o n once a g a i n . When Peter K e l l y j o i n e d the N a t i v e Brotherhood he was as s i g n e d the p o s i t i o n of chairman of the L e g i s l a t i v e Committee. Between 1936 and 1946 he made ten t r i p s t o Ottawa t o lobby and p e t i t i o n f o r the Brotherhood. ° At the 1944 Brotherhood convention he asked f o r a Royal Commission t o i n v e s t i g a t e I n d i a n A f f a i r s . Among the demands made at t h a t time were g r e a t e r e d u c a t i o n and w e l f a r e 1 2 7 P a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 214. 1 2 8 M o r l e y , 1967, p. 146. 108 s e r v i c e s f o r Indians, open d i s c u s s i o n of a l l p r o p o s a l s a f f e c t i n g Indians, the r i g h t of c i t i z e n s h i p i f t a x a t i o n and compulsory m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e were enforced, and an accounting of the $100,000 annual grant t o B r i t i s h Columbia I n d i a n s . K e l l y warned the n a t i v e people not t o accept c i t i z e n s h i p i f i t meant the end of t h e i r r e s e r v e s and s p e c i a l r i g h t s . At the same Brotherhood convention Andrew P a u l l echoed the I n d i a n m i s t r u s t of the whites: "The white people are not a f r a i d t o take disadvantage of you or anyone e l s e on the s m a l l e s t t e c h n i c a l i t y . " 1 2 9 In 1945 the N a t i v e Brotherhood r e v i s e d i t s con-s t i t u t i o n t o conform t o the requirements of the B r i t i s h Columbia S o c i e t i e s A c t . As a l e g a l l y c h a r t e r e d o r g a n i z a t i o n , the Brotherhood expected g r e a t e r r e c o g n i t i o n by i n d u s t r y and government. At the time of i n c o r p o r a t i o n , the B r o t h e r -hood had branches i n 58 communities, and each branch had 130 a t l e a s t 20 members. The e x e c u t i v e were e l e c t e d by d e l e g a t e s a t an annual c o n v e n t i o n . Each branch c o u l d send two d e l e g a t e s t o the c o n v e n t i o n . Only n a t i v e I ndians c o u l d be v o t i n g members of the Brotherhood, although the L e g i s l a t i v e 1 2 9 P a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 219, quoted from the Vancouver  Sun, November 16, 1944. 1 3 0 D r u c k e r , 1958,-p. 183. 109 Committee c o u l d i n c l u d e non-members. In order t o ensure adequate r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on the e x e c u t i v e , a v i c e - p r e s i d e n t was e l e c t e d f o r each of e i g h t geographic d i s t r i c t s : North Coast, Northern I n t e r i o r , C e n t r a l Coast, A l e r t Bay D i s t r i c t , South Coast, Lower F r a s e r , Northwest Coast of Vancouver I s l a n d , and Southwest Coast of Vancouver I s l a n d . The e x e c u t i v e i n c l u d e d a p r e s i d e n t , s e c r e t a r y , t r e a s u r e r , and L e g i s l a t i v e Committee chairman i n a d d i t i o n t o the e i g h t d i s t r i c t v i c e - p r e s i d e n t s . The N a t i v e Brotherhood, l i k e p r e v i o u s I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , tended t o be somewhat e l i t i s t i n t h a t the v i c e - p r e s i d e n t s were e l e c t e d by the d e l e g a t e s p r e s e n t at the annual conven-t i o n r a t h e r than by the rank and f i l e of the branches w i t h i n t h e d i s t r i c t s . An amendment t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n c o r r e c t e d the s i t u a t i o n i n 1954. The v i c e - p r e s i d e n t s were the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s between the e x e c u t i v e and the branches. They were a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r o r g a n i z i n g new branches. The N a t i v e Brotherhood has employed a b u s i n e s s agent i n Vancouver ever s i n c e Andrew P a u l l opened an o f f i c e t h e r e . The b u s i n e s s agent i s p a i d a s a l a r y , p a r t i c i p a t e s i n p r i c e and wage n e g o t i a t i o n s with the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y , and manages the o f f i c e where the business of the Brotherhood i s done. For about four years a b u s i n e s s agent was employed at an 110 o f f i c e i n P r i n c e Rupert but the Brotherhood c o u l d not a f f o r d t o m a i n t a i n two o f f i c e s f o r long . The year 1946 was an important one f o r the N a t i v e Brotherhood. The Canadian Pa r l i a m e n t appointed a S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Senate and House of Commons t o i n v e s t i g a t e I n d i a n a f f a i r s , and Brotherhood o f f i c i a l s were i n v i t e d t o t e s t i f y b e f o r e i t . I n d i a n v e t e r a n s had j u s t r e t u r n e d home from the war with much more s o p h i s t i c a t i o n about the ways of the world than when they l e f t . Andrew P a u l l was busy o r g a n i z i n g the North American I n d i a n B r o t h e r -hood, which the N a t i v e Brotherhood saw as a t h r e a t . Most notable, the N a t i v e Brotherhood began p u b l i s h i n g a news-paper . In December, 1946, the f i r s t e d i t i o n of the N a t i v e V o i c e was p u b l i s h e d . The purpose of the newspaper was d e s c r i b e d on the f r o n t page by the p r e s i d e n t o f the N a t i v e Brotherhood, C h i e f W i l l i a m Scow of A l e r t Bay: For many years we have d i s c u s s e d the ways and means of having a paper f o r o u r s e l v e s but u n f o r t u n a t e l y never d i d progress beyond the d i s c u s s i o n s t a g e . Now we have s t a r t e d . We have e s t a b l i s h e d o u r s e l v e s and w i l l go forward. Through our N a t i v e V o i c e we w i l l continue t o the b e s t of our a b i l i t y t o b i n d c l o s e r together the many t r i b e s whom we r e p r e s e n t i n t o t h a t s o l i d N a t i v e V o i c e , a v o i c e t h a t w i l l work f o r the advancement of our common n a t i v e w e l f a r e . The N a t i v e V o i c e w i l l b r i n g about a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n -s h i p between o u r s e l v e s and our good white f r i e n d s who we I l l a l s o appeal t o a t t h i s time f o r t h e i r support, i n our. s t r u g g l e f o r advancement. We w i l l Work t o g e t h e r . The N a t i v e V o i c e w i l l be the v o i c e of the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B. C. i n a c t i o n which i n t u r n i s the v o i c e of ALL n a t i v e s i n B. C. The f r o n t page e d i t o r i a l w r i t t e n by the e d i t o r , Jack Beynon, a Tsimshian from P o r t Simpson, d i s p l a y e d the f e e l -i n g s of the coa s t Indians toward the r u l i n g white s o c i e t y : The N a t i v e V o i c e w i l l a s s e r t a t the begin n i n g the f i r m o b j e c t i v e s at which we aim and hope t o achieve i n the not too d i s t a n t f u t u r e . An o b j e c t i v e which w i l l mean an honest guarantee o f e q u a l i t y f o r the o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s and owners of Canada. In Canada where under the I n d i a n A c t we s u f f e r as a m i n o r i t y r a c e and as wards, or minors without a v o i c e i n r e g a r d t o our own w e l f a r e . We are p r i s o n e r s o f a c o n t r o l l i n g power i n our own c o u n t r y — a c o u n t r y t h a t has stood up under the chaos of two world wars beneath the g u i s e of democracy and freedom, y e t keeping enslaved a N a t i v e people i n t h e i r own home l a n d . . . . The N a t i v e V o i c e w i l l f o l l o w through with t h e i r aims and o b j e c t i v e s with the c o o p e r a t i o n of the Govern-ment, as they see f i t - . Those aims are s t a t e d c l e a r l y by the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia I n c . i n t h e i r C o n s t i t u t i o n . 1. To work f o r the betterment of c o n d i t i o n s , s o c i a l l y , s p i r i t u a l l y , and e c o n o m i c a l l y f o r i t s people. 2. To encourage and b r i n g about a communication and co o p e r a t i o n between the white people and N a t i v e Canadians. 3. To j o i n with the Government and i t s o f f i c i a l s and with a l l those who have a t h e a r t the w e l f a r e of the N a t i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia and f o r the betterment of a l l c o n d i t i o n s surrounding the l i v e s and homes of the n a t i v e s . The N a t i v e V o i c e , December, 1946. 112 . . . We do i n t e n d t o have changed the a t t i t u d e and governing methods employed at present i n r e s p e c t t o the code at — p r e s e n t i n use. Methods t h a t should have been v o l u n -t a r i l y changed by one of the s u c c e s s i v e governments of the past on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e , i n s t e a d of w a i t i n g f o r the c h a l l e n g e of p r o t e s t , t h a t i s heard now. . . . The time i s not f a r d i s t a n t when we w i l l p l a y an i n t e g r a l p a r t i n the a f f a i r s of Canada and we w i l l p l a y t h a t important r o l e as f r e e c i t i z e n s of the Dominion . . . . That the N a t i v e V o i c e w i l l be the means of u n i t i n g i n t o one s o l i d body the N a t i v e s of Canada by keeping them i n touch with a f f a i r s r e l a t i n g t o our pe o p l e . We have no e q u a l i t y with other Canadians except when the c a l l t o Arms or the Tax C o l l e c t o r comes. I t i s t o change t h a t s t a t e of a f f a i r s t h a t the N a t i v e 132 V o i c e appears. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia had d i s c o v e r e d , perhaps through c o n t a c t s with Commonwealth servicemen d u r i n g the war, t h a t the Maoris of New Zealand were t r e a t e d as f u l l c i t i z e n s . The f i r s t i s s u e o f the N a t i v e V o i c e had a f r o n t page news item about two Canadian I n d i a n g i r l s who had t r a v e l l e d t o New Zealand f o r a s p e c i a l course i n n u r s i n g . The Indians began t o compare t h e i r own s i t u a t i o n with t h a t of the New Zealand n a t i v e s . The two Canadian g i r l s w i l l be i n d i r e c t c o n t a c t with the most p r o g r e s s i v e N a t i v e race i n the wo r l d . The Maori race of New Zealand has shown the world t h a t they are able t o h o l d t h e i r own i n t h i s world of p r o g r e s s . Those n a t i v e s 3- 3 2The N a t i v e v o i c e , December, 1946 113 have t h e i r own members of p a r l i a m e n t ; they a l s o have t h e i r own n a t i v e members i n many of the l e a d i n g p r o f e s s i o n s i n t h a t s i s t e r Dominion.133 The Indian War v e t e r a n s , - a f t e r being t r e a t e d without r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n the m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e s , were not p l e a s e d t o r e t u r n t o i t i n c i v i l i a n l i f e . Aged and h a n d i -capped I n d i a n s r e c e i v e d , i n 1945, a pension of l e s s than $5.00 a month. A b r i e f from the N a t i v e Brotherhood t o Prime M i n i s t e r Mackenzie King s t a t e d : On b e h a l f of the n a t i v e Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the N a t i v e Brotherhood urges upon you at t h i s time t o i n -s t i t u t e at the present s i t t i n g of the house a s p e c i a l b i l l or order i n c o u n c i l g r a n t i n g t o our aged and i n f i r m I n d i a n people a pension of f o r t y d o l l a r s per month. The matter of urgency i s brought s h a r p l y and d e c i s i v e -l y t o our n o t i c e at t h i s time by our r e t u r n e d I n d i a n servicemen who demand of us t o take a c t i o n at once, as they, the I n d i a n r e t u r n e d s o l d i e r s are not i n the l e a s t s a t i s f i e d t o see the same o l d c o n d i t i o n s of p o v e r t y e x i s t i n g among t h e i r o l d people i n t h i s day and age, as they r e t u r n from o v e r s e a s , 1 3 4 When s e r i o u s p e t i t i o n s f a i l e d , humour was t r i e d . E a r l y i n 1947, C h i e f W i l l i a m Scow, p r e s i d e n t of the N a t i v e Brotherhood i s s u e d a p r o c l a m a t i o n t o John Hart, the Premier of B r i t i s h Columbia. Whereas the present government of the coast has been e s t a b l i s h e d by v o t i n g white s e t t l e r s r e s i d e n t i n I n d i a n t e r r i t o r y ; and x The N a t i v e V o i c e , December, 1946. 134rhe N a t i v e V o i c e , January, 1947. 114 Whereas l e g a l t i t l e of the I n d i a n lands has never passed from our hand; and Whereas the present white c h i e f s i n the v i l l a g e of V i c t o r i a have seen f i t t o deny r e s i d e n t s of thousands of years a n c e s t r y the r i g h t t o take p a r t i n governing t h e i r l a n d s ; We, i n the name of a l l P a c i f i c Coast bands, do hereby d e c l a r e white c o n t r o l of our lands a t an end and we order the white c h i e f t a i n s t o immediately surrender t h e i r f a l s e a u t h o r i t y t o an a l l - I n d i a n government which we w i l l form s h o r t l y . T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n w i l l i nform you t h a t your government which has not seen f i t t o permit the owners of P a c i f i c Coast lands a v o i c e i n t h e i r c o n t r o l , namely by v o t i n g , has no longer any l e g a l s t a n d i n g . I 3 5 The p r o c l a m a t i o n was a p u b l i c i t y d e v i c e t h a t brought t o p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n the immediate I n d i a n g r i e v a n c e . In January, 1947, C h i e f W i l l i a m Scow p o i n t e d out i n a telegram t o the Premier t h a t the n a t i v e Indians should be i n c l u d e d i n the p r o p o s a l t o grant people o f Chinese, Japanese, and Ea s t I n d i a n descent the r i g h t t o vote i n p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s . The N a t i v e Brotherhood was the f i r s t I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n t o be i n i t i a t e d by the n a t i v e s themselves. I t was, however, subsequently g i v e n a s s i s t a n c e by white people, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the N a t i v e V o i c e . A white woman, M a i s i e Armitage-Moore, claimed: " I t was my i d e a the Indians should have a v o i c e . " 1 3 6 She had become an a s s o c i a t e • L J- >The N a t i v e V o i c e , February, 1947. 136 p a t r i c k Nagle, " M a i s i e Says B.C. S t i l l Belongs t o the 115 member of the N a t i v e Brotherhood i n 1944, and h e l p e d t o found the newspaper i n 1946. She was u s u a l l y l i s t e d as p u b l i s h e r and d i r e c t o r i n the newspaper's masthead. A f t e r she m a r r i e d Vancouver lawyer Thomas H u r l e y she was b e t t e r able t o a s s i s t I n d i a n s . Even though the l e a d e r s of the N a t i v e Brotherhood were unable t o u n i t e a l l the I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia i n one p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n , they were s u c c e s s f u l i n b u i l d i n g an a s s o c i a t i o n which served a number of I n d i a n i n t e r e s t s . They a r t i c u l a t e d I n d i a n concern about t a x a t i o n , e n f r a n c h i s e -ment, v o t i n g r i g h t s , m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , f i s h i n g and t r a p p i n g r i g h t s , and v a r i o u s other m a t t e r s . A c t i n g as a t r a d e union, the N a t i v e Brotherhood p r o v i d e d a s e r v i c e to commercial fishermen. A g i t a t i o n about compensation f o r the l a n d of B r i t i s h Columbia was p r o h i b i t e d by law u n t i l 1951. Consequently the g r i e v a n c e t h a t most u n i t e d the I n d i a n s c o u l d not be d e a l t w i t h . And the Brotherhood met b a r r i e r s i n i t s d r i v e f o r u n i t y . The d i v i s i v e f o r c e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h r e l i g i o n , c u l t u r e , and r e g i o n a l economic d i f f e r e n c e s prevented p o l i t i c a l u n i t y of the c o a s t a l and i n t e r i o r Indians, and impeded i t among c o a s t a l groups. Indians," Vancouver Sun Magazine S e c t i o n , A p r i l 4, 1964, p.14. CHAPTER IX THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BROTHERHOOD Even b e f o r e he had l e f t the N a t i v e Brotherhood, Andrew P a u l l had l a i d p l ans f o r another o r g a n i z a t i o n . In 1943 he was i n c l u d e d i n a group of nine men r e p r e s e n t i n g I n dians from a c r o s s Canada, p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia and Quebec, t h a t h e l d a founding meeting f o r a n a t i o n a l I ndian a s s o c i a t i o n c a l l e d the Brotherhood of Canadian I n d i a n s . 1 3 7 At a meeting the f o l l o w i n g year attended by by about 200 Indians i n Ottawa, the name was changed t o the North American I n d i a n Brotherhood of Canada. I n 1945 Andrew P a u l l was e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t f o r a f i v e year term. The o r g a n i z a t i o n r e f l e c t e d the p e r s o n a l i t y of Andrew 138 P a u l l . In f a c t , i t was sometimes s a i d t o be. Andrew P a u l l . I t was not a group f o r which he spoke; i t was the instrument through which he was h e a r d . Andrew P a u l l was an emotional man, too fond of r h e t o r i c t o be always p r e c i s e i n h i s thoughts and statements. I t was p o s s i b l e f o r h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n t o c l a i m , on one hand, 1 3 7 ; P a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 226. 1 3 8 P a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 284. 116 117 t h a t i t was j u s t an a s s o c i a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s , 1 3 9 and on 140 the other hand, t h a t i t r e p r e s e n t e d 128,000 I n d i a n s . On the advise of t h e i r l e g a l a d v i s o r , the members t r i e d t o model t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n on the Commonwealth of N a t i o n s . With support from i n d i v i d u a l s r a t h e r than bands and t r i b e s , t h e concept was i m p o s s i b l e t o c a r r y i n t o p r a c t i c e . Although the " g r e a t e s t o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the world, the B r i t i s h Commonwealth," had no c o n s t i t u t i o n , a c o n s t i t u -t i o n f o r the NAIB was produced i n 1947. I t was p r i m a r i l y a statement of purpose r a t h e r than a d e s c r i p t i o n of the o r g a n i z a t i o n and i t s r u l e s . The preamble s t a t e d : The solemn o b j e c t and aim of the North American I n d i a n Brotherhood i s t o g i v e l e a d e r s h i p t o the I n d i a n N a t i o n w i t h i n the S o v e r e i g n t y of the . B r i t i s h Crown, a n a t i o n , by t r e a t y o b l i g a t i o n , under a p r o t e c t i v e government. I t aims t o salvage m a t e r i a l from the ashes of the past, and thereby awaken the Indian r a c e i n the dormant n o b i l i t y which i s , by h e r i t a g e , r i g h t f u l l y t h e i r s , p r e s e r v e d f o r them and guaranteed t o them by the P r o c l a m a t i o n o f King George I I I , 1 7 6 3 . 1 4 1 The e l e c t e d e x e c u t i v e was composed of a p r e s i d e n t , v i c e - p r e s i d e n t , s e c r e t a r y , and t r e a s u r e r . As with e a r l i e r I n d i a n a s s o c i a t i o n s , l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was weak. The 1 3 9 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1946, P* 434. 1 4 0 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1946, P- 434. 1 4 1 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, P- 853 . 118 l o o s e l y k n i t a s s o c i a t i o n was u n i t e d by the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with I n d i a n a f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f e l t by Indians a c r o s s Canada. Funds were r a i s e d at times when a s p e c i f i c g r i e v a n c e c r e a t e d widespread i n t e r e s t . Andrew P a u l l maintained h i s p o s i t i o n l a r g e l y because he was outspoken, experienced in- n e g o t i a t i o n , and r e c o g n i z e d by the government as a spokesman of the I n d i a n s . As p r e s i d e n t of the NAIB he was c a l l e d b e f o r e the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Senate and House of Commons appointed i n 1946 t o examine the Indian A c t . The r e c o r d of evidence shows t h a t he was much more a g g r e s s i v e and s o p h i s t i c a t e d than when he appeared b e f o r e the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee i n 1927. He had l e a r n e d t h a t without p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n t h e r e i s no power. Although he was s t i l l w i l l i n g t o cooperate w i t h the white men i n t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p l a n n i n g , he l e t them know t h a t he understood where p o l i t i c a l power l a y : And now, the Parliament o f Canada i n i t s wisdom, and u s u r p i n g the a u t h o r i t y which i t has, d e c i d e d not t o have a Ro y a l Commission but t o appoint a committee t o i n v e s t i g a t e i t s e l f . Now, put t h a t on the r e c o r d w i l l you,-p l e a s e . Now, you are s i t t i n g here as a committee i n v e s t i -g a t i n g y o u r s e l v e s . We have another complaint a g a i n s t you which i s t h a t you have appointed a committee, an august committee, a committee which we r e s p e c t , but you have no Indians on your c o m m i t t e e . 1 4 2 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1946, p. 420. 119 Although the NAIB had members from B r i t i s h Columbia, O n t a r i o , and Quebec, and hoped t o a c q u i r e them from the other p r o v i n c e s , the Indians of Canada were no more i n c l i n e d t o o r g a n i z e n a t i o n a l l y than were those of B r i t i s h Columbia to u n i t e p r o v i n c i a l l y . The Indians of A l b e r t a denied any c o n n e c t i o n with the NAIB. The newly o r g a n i z e d Union of Saskatchewan Indians r e f u s e d t o a f f i l i a t e . The N a t i v e Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia a t t h a t time regarded Andrew P a u l l as a t r a i t o r t o the I n d i a n s . 1 4 3 At the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee h e a r i n g s i n 1947, the I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia demonstrated t h e i r d i s u n i t y , j u s t as they had i n 1927. The reasons f o r the d i s u n i t y were r e l a t e d t o r e l i g i o n and c o n s e r v a t i s m . The P r o t e s t a n t coast Indians i n the N a t i v e Brotherhood opposed p a r o c h i a l s c h o o l s and demanded the r i g h t t o v o t e . The C a t h o l i c I n dians of the i n t e r i o r wanted t o r e t a i n C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s and were a f r a i d they would l o s e t h e i r s p e c i a l r i g h t s as Indians once they c o u l d v o t e . The S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee had asked the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia t o appoint two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r i t s e l f and one f o r the u n a f f i l i a t e d Indians of the p r o v i n c e . The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s chosen were t?he Reverend 1 4 3 p a t t e r s o n , 1962, p. 2 81. 120 Peter K e l l y , C h i e f W i l l i a m Scow, and Guy W i l l i a m s ; they were a l l P r o t e s t a n t c o a s t Indians a c t i v e i n the N a t i v e Brotherhood. Andrew P a u l l had suggested the appointment of Frank Assu, a coast Indian, but a member of the NAIB. Guy W i l l i a m s was seated as the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r the u n a f f i l i a t e d I n d i a n s . I n an attempt t o counter t h i s move, the Confederacy of the I n t e r i o r T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia was o r g a n i z e d e a r l y i n J u l y , 1947. I t was composed mainly of Shuswap and C h i l c o t i n Indians from the Kamloops and W i l l i a m s Lake areas with some support from Okanagan and Thompson peo p l e . The b r i e f submitted t o the J o i n t Committee by the p r e s i d e n t , Frank Assu, s t a t e d : The o b j e c t of the confederacy w i l l be t o a c t i n unison f o r the g e n e r a l w e l f a r e of our people and t o make known t o the governments our requirements so t h a t we may a s s i s t each other i n the attainment of these requirements. . . . We have noted with g r e a t concern t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood o f B. C. had presented a b r i e f p u r p o r t i n g t o be the d e c i s i o n of a l l the Indians i n B. C. We wish t o say t o the Government of Canada through the J o i n t Committee t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B. C. d i d not r e p r e s e n t our views or o p i n i o n s and t h a t t h e i r d e l e g a t e s d i d not have our p e r m i s s i o n t o speak f o r us and t h a t Guy W i l l i a m s , the a l l e g e d d e l e g a t e f o r the u n a f f i l i a t e d d i d not speak f o r us, and we r e p u d i a t e e v e r y t h i n g he s a i d and every a c t i o n which he may have taken, as i t was performed without our knowledge and consent and c o n t r a r y t o our p l e a s u r e . We do not approve or i n any way endorse the b r i e f p resented by the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B . C . t o the J o i n t 121 Committee of Parliament i n Ottawa d u r i n g the month of May 1947.144 The new o r g a n i z a t i o n was not i n v i t e d t o send d e l e g a t e s , p o s s i b l y because Guy W i l l i a m s had a l r e a d y impressed the Committee with h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n . The C a t h o l i c Church c o n t r o l l e d the p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s of many Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1947. An example of i t s i n f l u e n c e was a b r i e f t o the J o i n t Committee signed by Father J . M. P a t t e r s o n , O.M.I., (a non-Indian) which began: "We who are N a t i v e I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia, r e g i s t e r e d under the I n d i a n Act, beg t o submit t o you these recommendations on b e h a l f of o u r s e l v e s and our dependent c h i l d r e n . " 1 4 5 A note f o l l o w i n g the b r i e f remarked: " T h i s b r i e f i s sponsored by the C a t h o l i c I n d i a n I n s t i t u t e of B. C , an, a s s o c i a t i o n composed of I n d i a n C h i e f s , C a p t a i n s , Watchmen and other l e a d i n g Indians who c a r r y out s o c i a l works on the I n d i a n r e s e r v e s under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the I n d i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s . " 1 4 6 I t claimed the support of 15,000 C a t h o l i c Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 4 4 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, P- 2051. 1 4 5 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, P- 2050 . 1 4 6 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, P- 2050. 122 A p p a r e n t l y u n a s s i s t e d at f i r s t by the m i s s i o n a r i e s , the members of the Lower Kootenay Reserve submitted a b r i e f i n J u l y , 1946, which i n c l u d e d the recommendation: We want more s c h o o l i n g hours i n the R e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l at Cranbrook Indian s c h o o l , change of t e a c h e r s , and p r i n c i p a l s , no s i s t e r s , l e s s s p i r i t u a l t e a c h i n g , more mechanical and farming or such. C h i l d r e n t o come home on Christmas and New Year's h o l i d a y s i f the p arents wish them. I f the government sees f i t they can b u i l d a day s c h o o l on our r e s e r v e , g i v e c h i l d r e n a chance to go t o h i g h e r s c h o o l a f t e r going through grade s c h o o l or send them t o t r a i n i n g s c h o o l or t r a d e s c h o o l . 1 4 7 In October, 1946, a f t e r a d i s c u s s i o n with the s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l , the Lower Kootenay Band sent another l e t t e r t o the J o i n t Committee: At s c h o o l our c h i l d r e n should l e a r n t h e i r R e l i g i o n so t h a t they may be good c i t i z e n s and good C h r i s t i a n s . We do not want our c h i l d r e n sent t o n o n - r e l i g i o u s s c h o o l s . In our l e t t e r of J u l y 15th we asked f o r the removal of the P r i n c i p a l and the S i s t e r — t e a c h e r s . We now wish t o withdraw t h a t statement as i t was made without due con-c o n s i d e r a t i o n and examination. We f i n d t h e i r management of the s c h o o l under the f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s which they have t o contend with, not o n l y a c c e p t a b l e but h i g h l y commendable.148 The S p e c i a l J o i n t Commission r e c e i v e d b r i e f s from a number of Indian bands throughout B r i t i s h Columbia as w e l l as i n t e r v i e w i n g the members of the N a t i v e Brotherhood and Andrew P a u l l . The submissions i n d i c a t e d t h a t most Indians l a c k e d s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and accepted t h e i r s u bordinate 1 4 7 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1946, p. 865. 1 4 8 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p. 171. 123 p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y . The Indians near V i c t o r i a , f o r example, s a i d : We Indians do not know why they wish the Ind i a n A c t r e v i s e d . We know i t took smart l e a r n e d men t o form the Ind i a n Act--not Indians--and i t was signed and sa n c t i o n e d by our white Mother, Queen V i c t o r i a , whom we le a r n e d as a mother and who had f e e l i n g s and h e a r t f o r her Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia . . . . We r e s p e c t f u l l y r e l y upon the Government of Canada and the Ind i a n Department as we have always done f o r p r o t e c t i o n as we are wards.-of them.!49 The b r i e f from the c h i e f a t Hammond i n the lower Fr a s e r V a l l e y was almost an u n i n t e n t i o n a l poem i n blank verse by a c o n s e r v a t i v e I n d i a n : I want t o remain an I n d i a n . I do not want t o pay t a x . I want t o remain on the o l d I n d i a n A c t . I have nothing a g a i n s t any s c h o o l . I do not want white people on our r e s e r v e . 1 0 The Indians who d i d not want the I n d i a n A c t r e v i s e d , a l s o d i d not want the r i g h t t o v o t e . G e n e r a l l y , of the Indi a n s who submitted b r i e f s , those i n the Kootenays and the n o r t h c o a s t appeared t o be the most p r o g r e s s i v e , eager t o demand t h e i r h i s t o r i c r i g h t s w h i l e p r e p a r i n g f o r the f u t u r e . Most bands on Vancouver i s l a n d , the F r a s e r v a l l e y , and the i n t e r i o r appeared t o be ve r y c o n s e r v a t i v e , h a r k i n g back t o the days o f Queen V i c t o r i a and wanting t o be l e f t S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p. 172. 'Special J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p. 164. 124 alone on t h e i r r e s e r v e s . The N a t i v e Brotherhood, with i t s p r o g r e s s i v e o u t -look, c o u l d not h o n e s t l y r e p r e s e n t the c o n s e r v a t i v e I n d i a n s . Andrew P a u l l , who opposed the I n d i a n r i g h t t o vote and supported the continuance of church schools, d i d r e p r e s e n t t h e i r i d e a s . H i s a g g r e s s i v e n e s s b e f o r e white white o f f i c i a l s , on the other hand, was u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the people he r e p r e s e n t e d . Probably because they gave t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e f o r p e r s o n a l reasons r a t h e r than f o r community purposes, the u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d I ndians moved from one o r g a n i z a t i o n t o another and u s u a l l y supported none. A f t e r a v i s i t from a v i c e - p r e s i d e n t o f the N a t i v e Brotherhood, some of the i n t e r i o r Indians changed l o y a l t i e s a t the time of the 1947 J o i n t Committee h e a r i n g s . C h i e f Paddy Isaac at Burns Lake wrote: Mr. Andy P a u l l has a l r e a d y got $300 and over from me and has never h e l p e d me, i n s t e a d he wants another $25 t o take the matter up with V i c t o r i a . A l l Mr. Andy P a u l l wants i s money but I am not g i v i n g him any more, so I ask the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B. C. t o be our r e p r e s e n t a t i v e at O t t a w a . 1 5 1 At F r a s e r Lake, two bands claimed t o f u l l y support the N a t i v e Brotherhood b r i e f t o the J o i n t Committee. A l l 1 5 1 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p. 825. 125 but one band among the S t a l o i n the lower F r a s e r V a l l e y were r e p o r t e d to support the N a t i v e Brotherhood. The v i c e - p r e s i d e n t , Oscar P e t e r s , who r e c r u i t e d the support among the C a t h o l i c I n dians wrote t o the d e l e g a t e s a t Ottawa: Any claimed r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f o r the F r a s e r V a l l e y by Mr. Andy P a u l l , i s a l l f i c t i t i o u s , a l s o the same goes f o r the n o r t h e r n i n t e r i o r as the foregone p a r t of t h i s l e t t e r , are not c o - o p e r a t i n g with Andy P a u l l i n any shape or form, and I hope t h i s c l a r i f i e s a l l the c o n f u s i o n . 1 5 2 The p r e s i d e n t of the Confederacy of the I n t e r i o r T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, Frank Assu, sent t h r e e more b r i e f s t o the J o i n t Committee i n 1948. He informed the Committee t h a t Henry C a s t i l l o u , a W i l l i a m s Lake lawyer, had been appointed as s o l i c i t o r f o r the new o r g a n i z a t i o n t o work f o r the l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n of I n d i a n h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t s . The Confederacy requested a Claims Commission b e f o r e which t h e i r s o l i c i t o r c o u l d appear with the I n d i a n c l a i m s , with the r i g h t t o appeal t o the J u d i c i a l Committee of H i s Majesty's P r i v y C o u n c i l . The Confederacy was mainly concerned w i t h the r e c e n t income tax law, i r r i g a t i o n water, g r a z i n g land, h e r e d i t a r y t r a p l i n e s , and h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g r i g h t s . . 152 S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p. 82 6. 126 During i t s convention i n Ottawa i n 1948 the North American I n d i a n Brotherhood asked the J o i n t Committee t o recommend t h a t Indians be allowed to s i t on the I n d i a n A c t Committee d u r i n g the f i n a l stages of the r e v i s i o n of the I n d i a n A c t . Frank Assu was suggested as the B r i t i s h Columbia d e l e g a t e s i n c e he had- r e c e n t l y r e p l a c e d Andrew P a u l l as p r e s i d e n t o f the NAIB. Even though he had been e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t f o r a f i v e year term, Andrew P a u l l was i n s t a l l e d as Honorary P r e s i d e n t a t the 1948 c o n v e n t i o n . The new p r e s i d e n t informed the N a t i v e V o i c e ; On May 19, 1948, Andrew P a u l l was removed as P r e s i d e n t of the North American I n d i a n Brotherhood of Canada, and was i n s t a l l e d as an Honorary P r e s i d e n t only, with no e x e c u t i v e d u t i e s , due t o p h y s i c a l i n a b i l i t y t o c a r r y on as an e x e c u t i v e member of the aforementioned o r g a n i z a t i o n . 1 5 3 The Honorary P r e s i d e n t continued t o speak out and t o keep h i m s e l f i n the p u b l i c eye, e s p e c i a l l y by m a i n t a i n i n g i n t e r e s t i n the proposed new I n d i a n a c t . At the NAIB con-v e n t i o n i n 1950 he was e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t once a g a i n . He immediately c r i t i c i s e d the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the new I n d i a n A c t . Both the N a t i v e Brotherhood and the NAIB ob j e c t e d t o the l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t y t o study the b i l l 1 5 3 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , J u l y , 1949. 127 l e a d i n g t o the l e g i s l a t i o n . The f i r s t b i l l was dropped. The government i n v i t e d I n d i a n l e a d e r s t o take p a r t i n a meeting at Ottawa to d i s c u s s the d r a f t i n g of a new b i l l . Among the I n d i a n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were Andrew P a u l l , Peter K e l l y , and W i l l i a m Scow. On September 4, 1951, the new I n d i a n Act was passed by P a r l i a m e n t . A f t e r the statement of t h e i r g r i e v a n c e s b e f o r e the J o i n t Committee and the d i s c u s s i o n on the new I n d i a n Act, the r a i s o n d ' e t r e of some I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s d i s a p p e a r e d . The N a t i v e Brotherhood found a purpose by a c t i n g as a b a r g a i n i n g agent f o r I n d i a n fishermen and p r o d u c i n g a newspaper. O c c a s i o n a l meetings of Confederacy members under the l e a d e r s h i p of B a s i l F a l a r d e a u of Kamloops s t i l l took p l a c e i n 1954 but i n t e r e s t i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n had w a n e d . 1 5 4 P a r t l y because he was becoming p o l i t i c a l l y out of step with the times and l a r g e l y because of h i s i l l h e a l t h , Andrew P a u l l l o s t much of h i s i n f l u e n c e among I n d i a n s . Consequently, the North American I n d i a n Brotherhood l o s t any n a t i o n a l s t a t u r e i t once had and became an i n e f -f e c t i v e p r e s s u r e group concerned mainly with l o c a l problems of the I n d i a n s of the southern i n t e r i o r and the lower F r a s e r V a l l e y . 1 5 4 H a w t h o r n , e t a l . , 1958, p. 474. 128 Without at l e a s t one strong s p e c i f i c common concern, the Indians c o u l d not u n i t e i n a n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . A p p a r e n t l y r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s were too gre a t and c o s t s f o r t r a v e l and communication were too h i g h t o enable them t o m a i n t a i n an e x t e n s i v e a s s o c i a t i o n . The energy, imagin-a t i o n , and p e r s o n a l i t y o f Andrew P a u l l drew a few I n d i a n l e a d e r s t o h i s v i s i o n of a n a t i o n a l I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n but t h e i d e a was premature. If CHAPTER X" POLITICAL INTEGRATION The P r o v i n c i a l Vote In 1949, f o l l o w i n g a g i t a t i o n by the N a t i v e B r o t h e r -hood, the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, a c o a l i t i o n of the L i b e r a l and C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t i e s , granted the Indians of the p r o v i n c e the r i g h t t o v o t e . . On March 14, 1949, the A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l , Gordon Wismer, sent a message t o the N a t i v e V o i c e ; I might p o i n t out t h a t the amendment t o the E l e c t i o n s Act does not grant t o the Indians any more than the f r a n c h i s e i t s e l f , but t h i s i s a p r i c e l e s s p o s s e s s i o n t o f r e e men i n a f r e e country and thus f o r the f i r s t time the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l have the o p p o r t u n i t y o f v o i c i n g t h e i r c l a i m t o a l l of the other p r i v i l e g e s which are accorded Canadian c i t i z e n s . I t a l s o p r e s e r v e s any r i g h t he had i n the past, but i t g i v e s him o n l y the a d d i t i o n -a l r i g h t t o vote i n the e l e c t i o n s or be a candidate i n the e l e c t i o n . 1 5 5 The Indians d i d not have to wait long f o r the oppor-t u n i t y t o v o t e . The f u l l f r o n t page of the N a t i v e V o i c e i n May, 1949, h e l d the message about both a f e d e r a l and a p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . The e d i t o r r e p o r t e d t h a t I n d i a n s c o u l d 1 5 5 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , March, 1949. 129 130 vote i n the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n as w e l l as the p r o v i n c i a l one. However, Indians who were not war veterans had t o waive t a x exemption b e f o r e v o t i n g i n a f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n . 1 5 6 The N a t i v e V o i c e n o t i c e r e a d : Two H i s t o r i c E l e c t i o n s . On June 15 next and on June 27, N a t i v e Indians w i l l , f o r the f i r s t time i n Canadian h i s t o r y , have the o p p o r t u n i t y t o take p a r t i n the democratic process o f s e l e c t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o the L e g i s l a t u r e o f B r i t i s h Columbia and the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada. To the newly e n f r a n c h i s e d c i t i z e n s , The N a t i v e V o i c e wishes t o impress you with the importance o f these h i s t o r i c e l e c t i o n s . Not o n l y d i d the Indians vote, but one of them became a candidate i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . Frank C a l d e r , s e c r e t a r y o f the N a t i v e Brotherhood, adopted son of the f i r s t l eader of the Nishga Land Committee, and graduate of the A n g l i c a n T h e o l o g i c a l C o l l e g e i n Vancouver, was nominated t o run f o r the CCF P a r t y (Cooperative Common-wealth Federation) i n the A t l i n C o n s t i t u e n c y . H i s campaign advertisement i n the N a t i v e V o i c e r e a d : I t i s my s i n c e r e wish t h a t the n a t i v e Canadians of t h i s P r o v i n c e support the CCF P a r t y i n the P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n t o be h e l d on June 15th. May i t be known t o you a l l t h a t the f i r s t endeavour t o amend The P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s Act was presented by the CCF, who ever a f t e r c o n t i n u a l l y p r e s s e d the e x t e n s i o n of the f r a n c h i s e t o the n a t i v e Indians o f t h i s p r o v i n c e . i b b H . B. Hawthorn (ed.) , A Survey of the Contemporary  Indians o f Canada, I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, Ottawa, 1966, p. 2 58. 1.31. May i t a l s o be known tha t the CCF i s determined t ha t the n a t i v e people of t h i s p rov ince , through the medium of e l e c t i o n s , should always have Pa r l i amen ta ry r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the L e g i s l a t u r e by one o f i t s own m e m b e r s . 1 5 7 Frank Calder was e l e c t e d i n the 1949 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n w i t h a m a j o r i t y of s i x v o t e s . He has been r e -e l e c t e d to represent the A t l i n Cons t i t uency i n a l l but one succeeding p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n to the p r e s e n t . H i s c o n -s t i t u e n c y i s 60,700 square m i l e s i n area i n the northwest corner o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia . Once i t had g iven the Ind ians the r i g h t t o vo te , the p r o v i n c i a l government began t o take some i n t e r e s t i n Ind ian : .problems . In 1950 the government e s t a b l i s h e d the B r i t i s h Columbia Ind i an A d v i s o r y Committee. The Committee, composed of th ree I n d i a n and th ree whi te c i t i z e n s o f the p r o v i n c e , h e l d d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s and white groups concerned w i t h Ind i an a f f a i r s and made recom-mendations t o the p r o v i n c i a l government. The Committee has been of l i m i t e d v a l u e . I n 1955 the D i r e c t o r , R e g i n a l d K e l l y , son of Peter K e l l y , r e s i g n e d , s t a t i n g tha t the government never acted on the Committee 's recommendations or o therwise took an i n t e r e s t i n Ind i an p r o b l e m s . 1 5 8 I n 1956 Frank 1 5 7 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , June, 1949. 158rhe N a t i v e V o i c e , August, 1955. 132 Calder suggested t h a t the Committee was.useless and should be scrapped. 1 5' 9 The Committee has continued, however, with an i n c r e a s e d number of Indianpmembers on i t . Members of the Committee t r a v e l throughout the p r o v i n c e t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n by p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n and d i s c u s s i o n , and they a c t i v e l y cooperate with o f f i c i a l s of the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s . The I n d i a n Non-Partisan P a r t y i Not content t o have p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s dominated by white men r e p r e s e n t them i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e , some c o a s t a l Indians t r i e d t o e s t a b l i s h a new p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . The I n d i a n Non-Partisan Party, l e d by Guy W i l l i a m s , announced i t s e l f i n January, 1 9 5 1 . 1 6 0 I t intended t o run candidates i n both p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s . The candidates were t o be I n d i a n s or white i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t and knowledge of I n d i a n a f f a i r s . Guy W i l l i a m s s a i d i We now have votes and we have formed our I n d i a n Non-p a r t i s a n P a r t y and with the h e l p of our thousands of sympathizers w i l l f i g h t f o r our r i g h t s . . . . We are doing -^The N a t i v e V o i c e , February, 1956. 1 6 0 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , February, 1951. 133 t h i s t o p r o t e c t our unsurrendered land and the f u t u r e of our c h i l d r e n . The immediate s t r a t e g y of the new p a r t y was to get the p r o v i n c i a l government to p r e s s the f e d e r a l government t o r e c a l l the amendment to the E l e c t i o n s A c t which r e q u i r e d Indians t o give up t h e i r t a x a t i o n exemption be f o r e they c o u l d vote i n f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s . N a t i v e s of h i g h rank i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l order from the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , A l e r t Bay, B e l l a B e l l a , and F o r t Rupert attended the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l meeting. The l e a d e r s promised t h a t women would h o l d o f f i c e i n e q u a l i t y with men j u s t as they were s a i d t o have done b e f o r e the white men a r r i v e d i n North America. However, not long afterward, on the advice of Peter K e l l y and W i l l i a m Scow, Guy W i l l i a m s abandoned the i d e a of an Indian-sponsored p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . 1 6 1 The F e d e r a l Vote While Guy W i l l i a m s was t r y i n g t o o r g a n i z e a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , the N a t i v e Brotherhood presented a b r i e f t o the M i n i s t e r of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration demanding the r i g h t t o vote in^ f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s without any r e s t r i c t i o n s . The 1 6 1 M o r l e y , 1967, p. 157. 134 t r a n s f e r of c o n t r o l of the w e l f a r e of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians from the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Department to the p r o v i n c i a l government was suggested as w e l l . E . Davie F u l t o n , the f e d e r a l Member of Parliament from Kamloops, defended the I n d i a n demands i n the House of Commons. The I n d i a n Non-Partisan P a r t y sent him a telegram: Thank you f o r your m a g n i f i c e n t defence of B . C . Indians and upholding h i g h e s t i d e a l s of Canadian J u s t i c e and Statesmanship. Demand f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p without endangering a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s and r e c a l l of d i s c r i m i n a t i n g waiver. God guide and b l e s s y o u . 1 6 2 E a r l y i n A p r i l , 1953, Guy W i l l i a m s approached W i l l i a m Scow wit h the p r o p o s a l t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood should be r e p r e s e n t e d at the C o r o n a t i o n of Queen E l i z a b e t h I I i n B r i t a i n i n J u n e . 1 6 3 He b e l i e v e d i t would be another s t e p i n g a i n i n g r e c o g n i t i o n f o r I n d i a n s . At the N a t i v e B r o t h e r -hood convention i n A p r i l , the d e l e g a t e s agreed t h a t W i l l i a m Scow should a t t e n d the c o r o n a t i o n . In June, C h i e f Scow appeared at the c o r o n a t i o n ceremony i n Westminster Abbey i n the f u l l ceremonial r e g a l i a t h a t he owned as a c h i e f of the K w a k i u t l . F o l l o w i n g n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n , he presented the new Queen wit h a C h i l k a t ceremonial robe. 1 6 2 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , March, 1951. 1 6 3 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , J u l y , 1953. 135 In 1957, f o l l o w i n g the v i c t o r y of the P r o g r e s s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , the N a t i v e Brotherhood sent a copy of a b r i e f to every c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r . The b r i e f asked f o r the f e d e r a l vote f o r I n d i a n s with p r o t e c t i o n f o r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s , a Roya l Commission on I n d i a n r i g h t s t o i n v e s t i g a t e the l e g a l i t y of a l l I n d i a n c l a i m s and t r e a t i e s , an I n d i a n senator from B r i t i s h Columbia, more o p p o r t u n i t y f o r Indians t o handle t h e i r own a f f a i r s , and the r i g h t t o c o u r t t r i a l s i n a l l cases r a t h e r than t r i a l by o f f i c i a l s of the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s . The p r e s i d e n t of the N a t i v e Brotherhood, Robert C l i f t o n , and the p e r e n n i a l chairman of the L e g i s l a t i v e Committee, Peter K e l l y , took the p e t i t i o n t o Ottawa. On January 18, 1960, the P r o g r e s s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e Government of Canada l e a d by Prime M i n i s t e r John Diefenbaker amended the Canada E l e c t i o n s A c t so t h a t Canadian Indians c o u l d vote without waiving t a x a t i o n exemption p r i v i l e g e s . Peter K e l l y was quick t o p o i n t out t h a t the next step was t o t r a i n Indians worthy of e l e c t i o n t o the Parliament o f C a n a d a . 1 6 4 1 6 4 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , February, 1960. CHAPTER XI REGIONAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS A number of Indian organizations have been e s t a b l i s h -ed to represent regional in t e r e s t s i n recent years. The Nishga T r i b a l Council was founded i n A p r i l , 1955, to r e -present the people of the Nass River Indian communities of Aiyansh, Canyon City, Greenville, and K i n c o l i t h , a 165 combined population of about 1,800. The organization was established to protect Nishga land and natural resources, and to promote the health, education, s o c i a l , and economic interests of the Nishga people. I t s primary concern has been to obtain government recognition for Nishga claims to the land i n the Nass Val l e y and surround-ing areas. The A l l i e d Tribes of the West Coast, an association of Nootka Indians was organized early i n 1958. 1 6 6 Jack Peter, a vice-president of the Native Brotherhood, accomp-anied by Alex McCarthy, another Nootka Indian, v i s i t e d ^ 6 5 A b r i e f submitted by the Nishga T r i b a l Council of Nass River to the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia at the F i r s t Session of the 26th Parliament of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961. 1 6 6 T h e N a t i v e voice, March, 1958. 136 f i f t e e n Nootka t r i b e s and persuaded them that they must cooperate to solve mutual problems. .The new organization was a f f i l i a t e d with the Native Brotherhood and represented about 2,200 people. The A l l i e d Tribes of the West Coast was the fourth regional Indian p o l i t i c a l association i n the province. The Nishga T r i b a l Council spoke for the Nass River Indians. The Native Brotherhood represented the Indians of the north and central coast, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kwakiutl. The North American Indian Brotherhood represented the Fraser Valley and southern i n t e r i o r . And before long the Southern Vancouver Island.Tribal Federation would be organized to represent the southeast coast of Vancouver Island. In 1959 the Nishga T r i b a l Council, through i t s L e g i s l a t i v e Committee chairman, Frank Calder, demanded compensation for Indian t r a p l i n e s destroyed by the Columbia Cellulose Company on lands the Nishga s t i l l claimed. Calder warned: "This v i t a l issue may mean r e v i v a l of the famous Nishga land question which created p r i o r to the early '30's, parliamentary debate, numerous federal and p r o v i n c i a l i n q u i r i e s , and eventually was directed to the Privy Council i n London." 1 6 7 1 6 7 T h e Native Voice, February, 1959. 138 The Indian Act passed i n 1951 did not contain a section to prevent anyone from agitating about the B r i t i s h Columbia land issue. The Indians were free once again to press the government for recognition of t h e i r aboriginal t i t l e to the land and to demand payment for i t . The Native Voice began to review the h i s t o r y of the Indian land t i t l e controversy i n 1959. A r t i c l e s were also printed about the struggles the United States Indians faced to prevent the loss of t h e i r lands. Ea r l y i n 1959, Oscar Peters from the Fraser Valley, and George Manuel, a Shuswap from Chase v i s i t e d a number of i n t e r i o r t r i b e s to arrange for a large meeting with the Native Brotherhood. On A p r i l 26, the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s hosted the Native Brotherhood representatives at a con-vention i n Kamloops. 1 6 8 The points for discussion were the constit u t i o n of the Native Brotherhood, the federal vote, the Indian land question, and the Liquor Act, but the delegates were most concerned about the land question. Andrew Paull was very i l l and could not attend the conference. He sent a message to describe the e f f o r t s made by the A l l i e d Tribes headed by chiefs from the i n t e r i o r and 1 6 8 T h e N a t j v e voice. May, 1959. 139 the coast. Peter K e l l y t o l d the conference that the Indians own the lands of B r i t i s h Columbia and the treatment given them by the government had arisen from two sources: The B r i t i s h Government wished to s e t t l e with the Indians and the federal government concurred; the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia took possession simply because i t was stronger than the Indians. Guy Williams c a l l e d for Indian unity. He said: "To keep our r i g h t s and to get our r i g h t s we have to have unity among a l l the Indians of B.C., other-wise our e f f o r t s w i l l be a waste of time." After the conference with the Native Brotherhood, George Manuel organized the Aboriginal Native Rights Committee of the I n t e r i o r Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 6 9 The new organization submitted a 22-page b r i e f to the federal government i n 1960 c a l l i n g for l e g i s l a t i o n to f i t the i n t e r i o r Indian t r i b e s into the economic development of the province. The b r i e f was sent to a federal Joint Committee on Indian A f f a i r s headed by Senator James Gladstone, a Blood Indian from Alberta, the f i r s t Indian i n the Canadian Parliament. A b r i e f from the Native Brotherhood had already v asked for the elimination of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch veto over Indian band council decisions. 1 6 9 T h e Native Voice, February, 1960. In 1960, Guy Williams, then public r e l a t i o n s director for the Native Brotherhood, was nominated the Progressive Conservative candidate for the Skeena Con-stituency i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . He was defeated The indifference and p a s s i v i t y of some of the Indians the region was recorded by a Canadian writer i n a poem ca l l e d Hazelton, B. C . t Go to the beer parlour and i t ' s lousy with Indians -so's the street here, f u l l of old men with bright green socks, and "improved Scotchmen" (halfbreeds); f u l l of old women with faced quenched and l i n e d . I drink beer with the young men, just before an el e c t i o n , interviewing a young Chinese by mistake: Williams, the Indian candidate (Kwakiutl from Kitimat), won't get t h e i r votes: he f a r t s with h i s face, they say. Three beers and I'm mad because they won11 vote for Williams, one of the i r own. They just laugh at me. Four beers l a t e r I make a hot speech about Indian r i g h t s : I want to st a r t a revolution, at l e a s t a r e b e l l i o n (they just look at me), but looking at the clock I see there i s n ' t time and rush out to buy groceries i n s t e a d . 1 7 0 !7§A1 Purdy, Poems for A l l the Annettes, House of 141 On May 26, 1960, Frank Calder presented a b r i e f to the federal Joint Committee on Indian A f f a i r s to ask for assistance i n obtaining a court judgment to force a s e t t l e -ment on Indian land claims i n B r i t i s h Columbia. George Manuel, president of the Aboriginal Native Rights Committee, supported the Nishga request. The Nishga claimed aboriginal r i g h t s to about 1,000 square miles i n the v i c i n i t y of the Nass River . The p r o v i n c i a l government had already leased a large part of the area to the Columbia Cellulose Company and refused to negotiate the Nishga claim. Nonetheless, the Indians were heartened by the news that the United States Court of Claims had ruled that 7,000 Haida and T l i n g i t Indians were e n t i t l e d to compensation for twenty m i l l i o n 171 acres of land i n Alaska taken from their ancestors. Indian determination to protect t h e i r land r i g h t s was increased when the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Highways constructed four miles of road across the Kitwanga reserve near Hazelton without permission i n 1960. The Indians threatened to es t a b l i s h a t o l l gate on the road. The Minister of Highways, P h i l i p Gaglardi, said: "I can't under-stand why they are acting t h i s way. Someone must be Anansi, Toronto, 1968, p. 20. 1 7 1 T h e Native Voice, November, 1959.. agitating them. Sounds l i k e i t ' s a l l p o l i t i c a l l y i n s p i r e d . " 1 7 2 Guy Williams was elected president of the Native Brotherhood i n 1960 at the annual convention. A few weeks e a r l i e r , Frank Calder had become the president of the Nishga T r i b a l Council. The Kitwanga Band, the Nishga T r i b a l Council, and the Native Brotherhood j o i n t l y asked the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia for $100,000 for the loss of the land occupied by the unauthorized road. George Manuel was elected president of the North American Indian Brotherhood i n 1960. He joined the other Indian leaders i n agitating to have removed the law pro-h i b i t i n g Indians from drinking a l c o h o l i c beverages e l s e -where than i n a beer parlour. In 1961 Frank Calder asked Guy Williams and George Manuel to support the formation of a national congress of 173 Canadian Indians . The national coordinator of the new organization was an Indian lawyer from Saskatchewan, William Wuttunee, who was assisted by coordinators from the provinces. The organizing convention held i n Regina i n August was attended by Indian representatives from f i v e 1 7 2 T h e Native Voice, November, 1960. 1 7 3 T h e Native Voice, June, 1961. 143 provinces. They formed the National Indian Council of Canada at meetings closed to the press and to non-Indians. The National Indian Council immediately rejected the recent f i n a l report of the Joint Committee on Indian A f f a i r s , claiming that i t s findings were based on the recommendations made i n camera by senior o f f i c i a l s i n the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and on b r i e f s presented by white organizations. In 1962 the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia reached t o -ward unity both n a t i o n a l l y and provincially„ George Manuel, president of the North American Indian Brotherhood attended a meeting of the National Indian Council i n Toronto with representatives from Indian associations from Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec. At i t s annual convention a few months l a t e r , the Native Brotherhood r e -solved to work c l o s e l y with the Nishga T r i b a l Council and the North American Indian Brotherhood. Guy Williams was r e -elected president and was appointed b r i e f l y as f u l l - t i m e organizer for h i s organization. ^ At the North American Indian Brotherhood convention in Chilliwack i n March, 1963, delegates contended that a united front was e s s e n t i a l to e f f e c t i v e l y p e t i t i o n for Indian r i g h t s . They c a l l e d for a B r i t i s h Columbia Indian 144 174 Federation. In October, 1963, George Manuel resigned as president of the North American Indian Brotherhood to become a member of the Native Brotherhood. His resignation statement read: To the executives of the Brotherhood as well as to the many friends I have a l l over Canada, my desires have always been clear ; namely,, that p r o v i n c i a l unity for the Indian people i s the answer to the unsolved problems which we are facing. Without such unity, there i s l i t t l e we can accomplish. Without a strong, powerful organization which serves the interests of a l l of us, we have a severely l i m i t e d bargaining a b i l i t y . I have repeatedly made t h i s statement at meetings. Unfortunately, however, I am obliged to face the unpleasant fa c t that there are clear indications that t h i s idea of unity on a p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l cannot materialize under the given circumstances. After giving the matter very c a r e f u l and lengthy consideration, I have decided to j o i n the ranks of those Indians who have the true desire to see p r o v i n c i a l unity for a l l the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. Our most pressing needs are the Indian Land Question and the settlement of Indian Claims. These questions are of equal concern to a l l Indians of our province, regardless of our c u l t u r a l background, regardless of whether we l i v e i n the Int e r i o r , along the P a c i f i c Coast, or i n the timber-lands of the N o r t h . 1 7 5 Late i n 1963 a new organization, the Southern Vancouver Island A l l i e d Tribes, was e s t a b l i s h e d . 1 7 6 I t s 174, 175 176, 'The Native Voice, November, 1963 . 'The Native Voice, November, 1963. 145 immediate purpose was to acquire funds and support for C l i f f o r d White and David Bob who had been sentenced for shooting deer out of season on unoccupied Crown land near Nanaimo, a r i g h t they believed they had under a treaty signed by James Douglas. The new A l l i e d Tribes (later named the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation) c a l l e d a special meeting to discuss the issue with the Native Brotherhood, the West Coast A l l i e d Tribes, and the North American Indian Brotherhood and i t s l e g a l counsel, Henry C a s t i l l o u (son of the former s o l i c i t o r for the Con-federacy of the Inter i o r Tribes of British'Columbia). At the meeting, Guy Williams c a l l e d for unity among the Indians of the province. Benjamin Paul, acting president of the North American Indian Brotherhood, i n v i t e d the new organization to j o i n h i s . Later, the Indians won an appeal i n the deer hunting case i n March, 1964, i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Court of Appeal, and again i n the Supreme Court of Canada i n 1965. The Native Brotherhood held i t s annual convention i n Vancouver i n March, 1964. Guy Williams said: "We f e l t we must hold the convention i n Vancouver because we want to bring our story to the people of Canada, and Vancouver i s the main TV, radio, and newspaper centre of the province."-1-177The Native Voice, February, 1964. 146 Peter Kelly, s t i l l chairman of the L e g i s l a t i v e Committee, announced plans to c o l l e c t a fund of $10,000 to begin a campaign to establish the Indians' aboriginal t i t l e to the lands of B r i t i s h Columbia. The predominant theme of the convention was the need for unity among the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia before they faced the Indian Claims Commission. The proposal for the commission had been i n t r o -duced i n the House of Commons on December 14, 1963. The Native Brotherhood and the Nishga T r i b a l Council chose Tom Berger, the lawyer who had successfully defended C l i f f o r d White and David Bob, to f i g h t the land t i t l e case. In November, the Nishga T r i b a l Council again proposed the establishment of a national congress of Canadian Indians. The new organization would supersede the National Indian Council which had been s p l i t apart by a c o n f l i c t between William Wuttunee, head of the organization, and Kahn-Tineta Horn, an outspoken Mohawk woman from Caughnawaga. In any case, Wuttunee appeared to have changed h i s ideas after attending a conference sponsored by the Moral Re-Armament movement. He began to t e l l whites how to deal with m i l i t a n t Indian leaders: "Tell-them to go jump i n the r i v e r . These leaders are expl o i t i n g Indian people worse than anyone ever has. They are l i k e a pack of wolves feeding on the carrion 147 1 7 R of a bygone age." The N a t i o n a l I n d i a n C o u n c i l had, by 1964, spent $23,000 of f e d e r a l grants wi thou t e f f e c t . I n 1966 i t was s t i l l r e c e i v i n g f e d e r a l g r an t s , but i t s B r i t i s h Columbia v i c e - p r e s i d e n t , W i l l a r d Sparrow of Musqueam, q u i t because the o r g a n i z a t i o n proposed to a l l o w whi te government 179 o f f i c i a l s t o h o l d o f f i c e on i t s e x e c u t i v e . Leonard Marchand, an Okanagan I n d i a n from Vernon, was appointed a s p e c i a l a s s i s t a n t t o John N i c h o l s o n , M i n i s t e r of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigra t ion i n Ottawa i n March, 1965. He was the f i r s t I n d i a n to be appointed t o the pe r sona l s t a f f of a f e d e r a l cab ine t m i n i s t e r . He had graduated from the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h a degree i n a g r i -c u l t u r e i n 1959, and r e c e i v e d a mas te r ' s degree i n f o r e s t r y from the U n i v e r s i t y o f Idaho i n 1964. He was a member o f the Nor th American I n d i a n Bro the rhood . On March 2, 1966, Pe te r K e l l y d i e d at Nanaimo at the age o f e i g h t y . He had worked fo r the Ind ians of B r i t i s h Columbia fo r s i x t y y e a r s . He had been the chairman o f the A l l i e d T r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia , the f i r s t e f f e c t i v e I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e . A f t e r he j o i n e d the 1 7 8 T h e Vancouver Sun, September 17, 1970. 1 7 9 T h e N a t i v e V o i c e , J u l y , 1966. 148 Native Brotherhood i n 1937 he was chairman of i t s Legis-l a t i v e Committee for 28 years. He made more than 30 t r i p s to Ottawa to present the requests of the B r i t i s h Columbia Indians to the government. In 1966, the federal government set up a National Indian Advisory Board on Indian A f f a i r s and regional Indian Advisory Councils. Gus Gottfriedson of Kamloops and James Gosnell of Prince Rupert were elected o f f i c e r s 180 of the B r i t i s h Columbia and Yukon Indian Advisory Council. The National Indian Advisory Board was.a group of Indians from across Canada who advised the federal government on what i t should do i n the f i e l d of Indian a f f a i r s . The meeting together of Indian leaders on the government-sponsored Board was probably a factor leading to an e f f e c t -ive independent national Indian organization two years l a t e r . On March 19, 1966, f o r t y Indian representatives met i n Vancouver to form the Confederation of Native Indians 181 of B r i t i s h Columbia. The organization was primarily concerned with gaining compensation for B r i t i s h Columbia land that had not been signed away by t r e a t y . After the land claims were s e t t l e d the organization intended to 1 8 0 T h e Native Voice, September, 1966. 18lThe Vancouver Sun, March 20, 1966. 149 continue to provide a united voice on a l l matters a f f e c t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia Indians. A five-man steering committee was set up to t a l k to northern bands about the organization, draw up a constitution, and suggest an executive. The committee consisted of the chief of the Musqueam Band, the chairman of the Squamish Band Council, a past president of the North American Indian Brotherhood, the president of the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation, and a representative of the Okanagan area t r i b e s . On November, 1966, i n Vancouver, the Confederation of Indian Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia was set up "for the purpose of dealing with matters pertaining to the unsurrend-ered aboriginal t i t l e of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia to the lands contained within the province of B r i t i s h Columbia." Those s i g n i f y i n g t h e i r support for the new organization were Guy Williams, president of the Native Brotherhood, Gus Gottfriedson, president of the North American Indian Brotherhood, Robert C l i f t o n , Chairman of the Kwawkewlth T r i b a l Council, J . S. Williams, Queen Charlotte D i s t r i c t Council, A l f r e d Scow, G i l f o r d Island Band, Clarence Joe, Coast S a l i s h T r i b a l Council, Wilson Bob, Vancouver 1 8 2 T h e Native Voice, November, 1966. 150 Island T r i b a l Federation, Theodore Douglas, Chilliwack 10, P h i l l i p Paul, Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation, Edna Douglas, Homemakers' Clubs of B r i t i s h Columbia, and J . S. G a l l i c , West Coast D i s t r i c t Council. A statement read: The Indian people want to be compensated for the Indian lands of B r i t i s h Columbia. We are the r i g h t f u l owners and we are determined to press our claim. Our forbears did t h e i r best, t h e i r e f f o r t s culminat-ing i n the 1927 s p e c i a l grant of $100,000 annually to the B r i t i s h Columbia Indians. Now, i n 1966, a new development has taken p l a c e — the formation of the Confederation of Native Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. I t has taken nearly a year to set up the foundation and structure of t h i s organization. We have confidence that with the formation of the Confederation, the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia have attained unity and are now i n a p o s i t i o n to speak with one voice on the main matters of concern st a r t i n g with the land question.183 The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia apparently could not, as individuals, give t h e i r allegiance to a single p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l organization. As members of regional associations, however, they seemed to be able to achieve unity within a confederation of organizations. But regional interests con-tinued to be promoted by the l o c a l associations, and they had a d i v i s i v e e f f e c t on the confederation. Nonetheless, as more and more Indian leaders gained p o l i t i c a l and administrative experience i n the various organizations, The Native Voice, December, 1966. 151 and the Indian land i s s u e was r e s t o r e d as an important concern, p o l i t i c a l u n i t y appeared t o be p o s s i b l e . CHAPTER XII POLITICAL DISUNITY For many years Indian organizations had been con-t r o l l e d by an e l i t e of energetic and r e l a t i v e l y w e l l -educated Indians. They enjoyed t h e i r p o s i t i o n as spokesmen for the native people and they were reluctant to r e l i n q u i s h i t to new leaders. Jealousy, more than regional differences, probably led to the almost immediate f a i l u r e of the Con-federation of Native Indians as an e f f e c t i v e a l l i a n c e of Indian organizations. At the Native Brotherhood annual convention i n February, 1967, Frank Calder was elected to succeed Peter Kelly, as chairman of the L e g i s l a t i v e Committee. On behalf of both the Native Brotherhood and the Nishga T r i b a l Council, he presented a resolution c a l l i n g for a meeting of the presidents of a l l the p r o v i n c i a l Indian organizations: "Therefore be i t resolved that the executive head of each ex i s t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia Indian organization meet forthwith to prepare for signature, a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l basis for provin-c i a l Indian u n i t y . " 1 8 4 1 8 4 T h e Native Voice, February, 1967. 152 153 The Nishgas were apparently impatient to t e s t t h e i r land,case i n court and perhaps they lacked confidence i n the Confederation of Indian Tribes. In any case, on September 27, 1967, lawyer Tom Berger, on behalf of the Nishga Indian bands at Greenville, K i n c o l i t h , Aiyansh, Canyon City, and Port Edward, f i l e d a s u i t i n the Supreme Court of B r i t i s h Columbia against the Attorney-General of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 8 5 The Indians claimed ownership of about 1,000 square miles and were suing for t i t l e to the land and compensation for the land they had l o s t . While the Nishgas tested their land claims i n court, the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s , Arthur Laing, urged the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia to cooperate enough to appoint a representative to an Indian Claims Commission. As long as the Indians squabbled, the government withheld action on the formation of the commission. But when Laing stated that he would negotiate only with Indian delegates who represented 75 per cent of the Indians concerned with the land t i t l e question, the Indian Senator, James Gladstone said: "Ask Laing i f he could muster 75 per cent of h i s con-186 stituents at any meeting." 185The Vancouver Province, September 28, 1967. 186The Native Voice, January, 1968. 154 A large meeting at the Musqueam Reserve i n Vancouver on February 3, 1968, attended by about 100 representatives from Indian organizations throughout the province, demon-strated the i n a b i l i t y of Indian leaders to cooperate for the common good. Apparently the Confederation of Native Indians had already come to be regarded as just another part of the splintered pattern of Indian p o l i t i c s . Although the Confederation was represented, the object of the meeting was to set up a u n i f i e d committee to negotiate for compen-sation for unsurrendered t i t l e to B r i t i s h Columbia lands. Frank Calder read a new constitu t i o n for Indian unity which became known as the Calder formula. He had drawn i t up with the cooperation of Guy Williams, president of the Native Brotherhood, Gus Gottfriedson, president of the North American Indian Brotherhood, Russell Modeste, president of the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation, and Jack Peter, president of the West Coast A l l i e d T r i b e s . Although the representatives at the meeting were not given a chance to study the new constitution, they were asked to accept i t immediately. Benjamin Paul of the Con-federation of Native Indians derided the move: A l l i n a l l , the Big Five who want to s e t t l e t h i s land claim are representative of approximately 7,000 Indians. There are 45,000 Indians "concerned, some i n i s o l a t e d places, 155 some with no organization. There are 12 other organizations. U n t i l a l l these people are represented, i t i s wrong. We must have a mandate from the people. Leaders elected to act for the people, by the people, and for the people. I submit before t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n i s r a t i f i e d , that i t be ci r c u l a t e d to a l l the chiefs and co u n c i l l o r s i n the d i f f e r e n t areas. To a l l the people who own part of t h i s s e t t l e m e n t . 1 8 7 A motion was then passed requiring that the Calder constit u t i o n must be c i r c u l a t e d to a l l chiefs, organizations, bands, and cou n c i l l o r s i n the province. Another meeting was proposed for the following month after the con s t i t u t i o n had been studied. Nevertheless, the Big Five, represented by Calder, Williams, Gottfriedson, Peter, and Modeste, held a sp e c i a l meeting exactly one week l a t e r , February 10, at Nanaimo. They were impatient with the ponderousness of the referendum process. In addition, Indians i n other provinces -were be-.coming annoyed at the delay i n the establishment of an Indian Claims Commission. The federal government would not act u n t i l the B r i t i s h Columbia Indians could cooperate suf-f i c i e n t l y to put forward u n i f i e d claims. The leaders of the fi v e largest Indian organizations were united i n t h e i r desire for prompt action and i n t h e i r conviction that they 1 8 7 T h e Native Voice, February, 1968. 156 knew what action must be taken. At the Nanaimo meeting, Frank Calder was unsympath-e t i c to the use of a referendum. He suggested that the cons t i t u t i o n should be signed immediately and d e t a i l s could be s e t t l e d l a t e r . William Mussell, speaking on behalf of the North American Indian Brotherhood, r e p l i e d that an organization should not be committed to a co n s t i t u -t i o n without f i r s t receiving the endorsement of the member-ship. Calder r e p l i e d that the s i t u a t i o n was above and beyond the p r i n c i p l e stage, and that many Indians were not f a m i l i a r with the issues. He presented a press release which began: "Indian unity was achieved for the f i r s t time i n B. C. . . . " 1 8 8 A telegram was sent to ;the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s : This i s to n o t i f y you that p r o v i n c i a l unity was achieved i n the Ci t y of Nanaimo with signing of the Indian Land Claims Constitution by the f i v e p r o v i n c i a l presidents: 1. Guy Williams, Native Brotherhood of B. C , 2. Gus Gottfriedson, North American Indian Brotherhood, 3. Jack Peter, West Coast A l l i e d Tribes, 4. Russell Modeste, Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation, 5. Frank Calder, Nishga T r i b a l C o u n c i l . 1 8 9 1 8 8 T h e Native Voice, March, 1968. 1 8 9 T h e Native Voice, March, 1968. 157 Calder remarked t h a t the Confederation of N a t i v e Indians no longer had any i n f l u e n c e . W i l l i a m s r e p o r t e d t h a t the N a t i v e Brotherhood had r e s i g n e d from the Confed-e r a t i o n because the Confederation had accepted government funds. The other o r g a n i z a t i o n s were s t i l l f o r m a l l y members, but they now owed t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e t o the new B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Land Claims Committee. Three days a f t e r the meeting of the B i g F i v e , seven Indian c h i e f s and a number of c o u n c i l l o r s from the lower mainland Indian com-munities met w i t h members of the Confederation of Native Indians i n a p r o t e s t meeting at the Vancouver Indian Centre. The meeting had been c a l l e d by Mrs. V i c t o r Guerin and Benjamin P a u l . Mrs. Guerin a t t r i b u t e d the l a c k of u n i t y among B r i t i s h Columbia Indians t o the o b s t r u c t i o n i s t t a c t i c s of Frank C a l d e r . Chief A l b e r t Douglas of Rosedale suggested t h a t a l l Indians i n the province must be r e p r e s e n t -ed through t h e i r t r i b e s and c o u n c i l s , and not by a few o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A meeting of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the North American Indian Brotherhood was subsequently h e l d at Kamloops t o p r o t e s t the a c t i o n s of t h e i r p r e s i d e n t who had r a t i f i e d the Calder c o n s t i t u t i o n without the s a n c t i o n of the members. They were not opposed t o the. c o n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f . 158 To heighten the dispute, the Indians l i v i n g along the Fraser River who enjoyed special food f i s h i n g p r i v i l e g e s learned that Frank Calder and Guy Williams had asked the Department of Fisheries to enforce a closure of Indian f i s h i n g i n order to protect spawning salmon. The leaders were either out of touch with the day to day wishes and needs of the Indian people, or they were representing the f e e l i n g of the commercial fishermen of the coast without regard for the wishes of other Indians. The Confederation of Native Indians held a meeting attended by representatives from more than 70 Indian bands at North Vancouver i n A p r i l . P h i l l i p Paul, the president, said that the Confederation wished to cooperate with other Indian organizations but i t opposed the Big Five leaders who operated without sanction from th e i r organizations. Delegates were unanimous i n condemning Frank Calder and Guy Williams for t h e i r actions that hindered Indian unity. Abel Joe, the delegate for the Cowichan Band, said: "Calder and Williams helped to form the Confederation,and i f they did not have the i n t e s t i n a l f o r t i t u d e to stay with i t , and work to form a u n i f i e d body, then they are not the men to lead us i n our dispute with the Indian Claims 159 Commission." 1 9 0 The Cowichan Band had already resigned from the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation because of the actions of i t s president. Benjamin Paul c a l l e d the Calder consti t u t i o n a slap i n the face to the Indian people because i t disregarded d i s t r i c t councils and area representation, and dealt with only a few organizations. Chief Albert Douglas noted that the members of the North American Indian Brotherhood had unanimously approved a motion to continue to support the Confederation but t h e i r president had ignored i t . Chief Richard Malloway of Sardis said: "Frank Calder i s a frie n d of mine and I speak with Guy Williams. They never discuss or inform me of what i s going on i n the a f f a i r s of the Indian Land Claims questions and I represent a great many bands." 1 9 1 Benjamin Paul noted that Indian attitudes had changed, "Years ago the Indian people believed i n the undisputed authority of the c h i e f s . Today, the majority of Indians are i n s i s t e n t on democratic action, and u n t i l we have democracy there w i l l be no unity. ..192 1 9 0 T h e Native Voice, A p r i l , 1968. 1 9 1 T h e Native Voice, A p r i l , 1968. 1 9 2 T h e Native Voice, A p r i l , 1968. 160 Nicholas Prince, a delegate from Fort St. James, said he had been brainwashed by the Big Five, but when he studied the proposed Calder consti t u t i o n he tore i t up i n contempt. William Scow, chief of seven t r i b e s and president of the Native Brotherhood for many years, sent a statement condemning the undemocratic actions of the Big Five. Chief P h i l l i p Paul said: Too long have our people been exploited from without, and I cannot stand i d l y by and see our people suffer a second era of ex p l o i t a t i o n by these self-appointed leaders. There are 216 bands i n the province; every chief and band councillor should be heard, and they should be allowed to e l e c t their leaders who w i l l not manipulate them to serve t h e i r own e n d s . 1 9 3 In 1968, the Indian women, too, became p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e . Since t h e i r formation i n 1955, the Indian Home-makers' Clubs, sponsored by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s , had been concerned only with the domestic a r t s . At a convention i n A p r i l at Chilliwack the women elected a p r o v i n c i a l executive to represent the 52 Homemakers' Clubs i n B r i t i s h Columbia. They believed that t h e i r wide repre-sentation throughout the province suited them to the task of negotiating with the governments for services to the Indian reserves. In many areas they were already the 1 9 3 T h e Native Voice, A p r i l , 1968. 161 recognized band spokesmen. The Homemakers' Club sent a b r i e f to Prime Minister Trudeau to inform him that the club wanted to become i n -dependent of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s . They asked for a grant of $107,300 to pay s a l a r i e s for t h e i r executive and to set up educational courses on the reserves. Soon afterward, the Department of Indian A f f a i r s transferred a highly respected adult education dire c t o r without consulting the Indians. The Homemakers' Club organized a protest march to the o f f i c e of the Indian Commissioner i n Vancouver. Mrs. Evelyn Paul, wife of Benjamin Paul, was elected as representative of the Indian Homemakers' Club to the regional Indian Advisory Council. The council had representatives from the Native Brotherhood, the North American Indian Brotherhood, the Indian Homemakers' Club, and f i v e zones throughout the province. In A p r i l Benjamin Paul was elected vice-president of the North American Indian Brotherhood as well as chairman of the Confederation of Native Indians. In October, 1969, the Indian Homemakers' Association published the f i r s t issue of The Indian Voice. The monthly newspaper was directed to a l l Indians. The Native Voice had temporarily ceased publication i n December, 1968, but 162 recommenced i n November, 1970. The natives of B r i t i s h Columbia continued to be integrated into the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of Canadian society. They had been represented by Frank Calder i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e nearly continuously since 19.49. . In August, 1968, Leonard Marchand, an Okanagan Indian who had been Special Assistant to two Ministers of Indian A f f a i r s , was elected to the House of Commons for the Kamloops-Cariboo Constituency. As an Indian and a member of the North American Indian Brotherhood, he f e l t a keen r e s p o n s i b i l i t y toward h i s r a c e , 1 9 4 but he was determined to represent everyone i n h i s constituency, Indian and white. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia displayed a vari e t y of p o l i t i c a l leanings i n the Canadian p o l i t i c a l scene: Frank Calder was a New Democratic Party ( o r i g i n a l l y CCF) representative, Guy Williams ran for the Progressive Con-servative Party, and Leonard Marchand was a Member of Parliament for the L i b e r a l Party. Following the 1968 federal el e c t i o n , Chief William Mussell of Chilliwack was appointed as Special Assistant to Jean Chretien, the new Minister of Indian A f f a i r s . Chief 1 9 4 T h e Indian News, October, 1968. 163 Mussell has a degree i n s o c i a l work from the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and worked for the National Parole Board. He was a vice-president of the North American Indian Brother-hood . P o l i t i c a l unity continued to elude the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia because i n d i v i d u a l leaders did not wish to r i s k losing any of t h e i r influence. The older leaders had for many years been the spokesmen for a r e l a t i v e l y un-sophisticated population.. They had f a i l e d to comprehend that the new generation demanded a part i n decision making. One weakness of past Indian organizations had been the apathy of rank and f i l e members. Suddenly the members of regional organizations i n s i s t e d on true representation. They rejected the control of Indian organizations by an e l i t e . The women, too, were unsa t i s f i e d with only support-ing roles i n associations dominated by men and they became a p o l i t i c a l influence through t h e i r own organization. At the same time, the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia continued to acquire more influence i n Canadian society with an Indian Member of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n the P r o v i n c i a l Legislature and an Indian Member of Parliament i n the federal House of Commons. CHAPTER XIII THE MOVE TOWARD NATIONAL INDIAN UNITY Under the guidance of the Indian-Eskimo Association the unwieldy and i n e f f e c t i v e National Indian Council disbanded i n 1968 i n order to form two separate organi-zations, the National Indian Brotherhood and the Metis 1 q c Society of Canada. J The National Indian Brotherhood represented the p r o v i n c i a l Indian organizations through t h e i r leaders: Harold Sappier, president of the Union of New Brunswick Indians, Omer Peters, president of the Union of Ontario Indians and the Indian Eskimo Association of Canada, Dave Courchene, president of the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood, Walter Dieter, president of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indians, Bob Charlie, represent ative of the Klondike Indian Association of the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , Harold Cardinal, president of the Indian Association of Alberta, Guy Williams, president of the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia, P h i l l i p Paul, president of the Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation and Gus Gottfriedson, elected representative for the Indians 1 9 5 T h e Vancouver Sun, September 17, 1970. 164 : 165 of B r i t i s h Columbia. The National Indian Brotherhood established i t s national o f f i c e i n Ottawa. The s t a f f was responsible for issues of national concern and provided l i a i s o n between the p r o v i n c i a l Indian organizations and members of Parliament and c i v i l service. The p r o v i n c i a l organizations continued to be responsible for p r o v i n c i a l Indian concerns. Beginning i n July, 1968, federal government o f f i c i a l s held a series of meetings at thi r t e e n centres across Canada to consult Indians on revisi o n s to be made to the Indian Act. Minister without p o r t f o l i o , Robert Andras, was assigned by Prime Minister Trudeau to represent the government at the meetings. Walter Dieter of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indians and president of the recently formed National Indian Brotherhood attended a l l the meetings. Following the series of meetings, represent-atives chosen by the delegates at each meeting gathered at Ottawa to review the reports of the consultations. As the culmination to the consultation meetings, the fede r a l government i n v i t e d 45 Indian delegates to a con-ference at Ottawa i n June, 1969, to make f i n a l recommend-ations on the revisions to the Indian Act. George Manuel was elected chairman of the conference. At f i r s t there was 166 dissention among the delegates. Treaty Indians wanted to deal with treaty r i g h t s ; non-treaty Indians wanted to deal with the Indian land question; the federal government was adamant that treaty r i g h t s and land r i g h t s were issues i r r e l e v a n t to the consideration of the Indian Act. Eventually the Indians united against the government. Regional differences were put aside, and the Indian Act was not discussed at a l l . The Indians, instead, established a committee to negotiate with the government on the basis of Indian rather than government p r i o r i t i e s . Nonetheless, on June 25, 1969, the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s , Jean Chretien, presented i n the House of Commons a statement of p o l i c y concerning the Indians of Canada. The p o l i c y statement read: True equality presupposes that the Indian people have the right to f u l l and equal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of Canada. The government believes that the framework within which i n d i v i d u a l Indians and bands could achieve f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n requires: 1. that the l e g i s l a t i v e and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l bases of discrimination be removed; 2. that there be posit i v e recognition by everyone of the unique contribution of Indian culture to Canadian l i f e ; 3. that services come through the same channels 167 and from the same government agencies for a l l Canadians; 4. that those who are farthest behind be helped most; 5. that lawful obligations be recognized; 6. that control of Indian lands be transferred to the Indian people. The Government would be prepared to take the following steps to create t h i s framework: 1. Propose to Parliament that the Indian Act be repealed and take such l e g i s l a t i v e steps as may be necessary to enable Indians to control Indian lands and to acquire t i t l e to them. 2. Propose to the governments of the provinces that they take over the same r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Indians that they have for other c i t i z e n s i n th e i r provinces. The take-over would be accompanied by the transfer to the provinces of federal funds normally provided for Indian programs, augmented as may be necessary. 3. Make substantial funds available for Indian economic development as an interim measure. 4. Wind up that part of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development which deals with Indian A f f a i r s . The r e s i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Federal Government for programs i n the f i e l d of Indian A f f a i r s would be transferred to other appropriate federal departments. In addition, the Government w i l l appoint a Commis-sioner to consult with the Indians and to study and recommend acceptable procedures for the adjudication of claims. The new p o l i c y looks to a better future for a l l Indian people wherever they may be. The measures for implementation are straightforward. They require discussion, consultation and negotiation with the Indian p e o p l e — individuals, bands and associations—and with p r o v i n c i a l governments. 168 Success w i l l depend upon the co-operation and assistance of the Indians and the provinces. The Govern-ment seeks t h i s co-operation and w i l l respond when i t i s o f f e r e d . 1 9 6 Several aspects of the new p o l i c y frightened the Indians. They believed the proposals were premature. Most frightening was the proposal to quickly abandon the special protection of the Indian Act: "The government hopes to have the bulk of "the p o l i c y i n e f f e c t within f i v e years . . ."197 Treaty rights-were threatened: F i n a l l y , once Indian lands are securely within Indian control, the anomaly of t r e a t i e s between groups within society and the government of that society w i l l r e -quire these t r e a t i e s be reviewed to see how they can be equitably ended.I 9 8 The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia were annoyed because the p o l i c y proposed no equitable settlement to th e i r land claims . The entire p o l i c y statement appeared to have been prepared by people unfamiliar with Indian needs, aspirations, and l e v e l of acculturation. But the confusion that hampered the Indian people from making t h e i r wishes c l e a r l y known was also an important f a c t o r . 196The Indian News, June, 1959. 1 9 7 T h e Indian News, June, 1969 . 1 9 8 T h e Indian News, June, 1969. 169 At a National Indian Brotherhood convention i n Winnipeg on July 17, 1969, the representatives rejected the p o l i c y proposal and agreed to avoid any further consultation with the government u n t i l the p r o v i n c i a l Indian organizations had drawn up p o l i c y statements of the i r own. The Minister of Indian A f f a i r s assured the Indians that the p o l i c y proposals were meant as a basis of discussion and not as a f i n a l s o l u t i o n . After resigning as president of the North American Indian Brotherhood i n 1963, George Manuel had been chairman of the National Indian Advisory Council, a community develop-ment o f f i c e r at the Indian community at Duncan, and a sp e c i a l consultant to the Indian Association of Alberta. At the f i r s t Annual General Assembly of the National Indian Brotherhood held i n Vancouver i n August, 1970, he was elected president. P h i l l i p Paul represented B r i t i s h Columbia on the Executive Council. A short while l a t e r , George Manuel gave h i s i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of the impasse between the Indians and the government: Indian A f f a i r s completely missed the point. Indian people wanted development; they wanted the opportunity to set down t h e i r own p r i o r i t i e s within the framework of Indian t r e a t i e s and within the framework of maintaining the status of Indian reserves. At the same time the non-treaty 170 Indians of B. C., Quebec, and the Maritimes wanted t h e i r claims recognized and probated. I think we were misled at that time by Indian A f f a i r s , the trustees of the Indian people . . . . You have to remember that Indians never had much education —94 per cent of Indian people drop out before they reach grade 1 2 — s o you are dealing with a disadvantaged people . . . . The Indian A f f a i r s Department concentrated on the issue that the Indian Act was the problem and that the t r e a t i e s had outlived t h e i r usefulness. This i s where the difference l i e s at t h i s time between the government and the native p e o p l e . 1 9 9 While older Indians were searching for ways to i n -fluence the white men through negotiation, a few Indian youths t r i e d the method of confrontation. They observed the demonstrations ca r r i e d out at government o f f i c e s , b u s i -ness establishments, and u n i v e r s i t i e s by negro and white c i v i l r i g h t s organizations i n the United States and Canada. The sound and fury of such engagements made i t appear that something was being accomplished quickly, and the Indian youth were no less impatient than the others. Like most youth movements of the day, the Native A l l i a n c e For Red Power, formed i n Vancouver i n February, 1968, was outspoken and i r a s c i b l e . As a r e s u l t i t did some-thing that the more conservative Indian organizations could not accomplish: i t captured the attention of the white pu b l i c . Most white Canadians knew l i t t l e more about 1 9 9 T h e Indian Voice, September, 1970. 171 contemporary Indians than that they existed passively some-where. Puzzled amazement met the small group of f i v e young Indians i n Vancouver who picketed a workshop of the National Association of Pr i n c i p a l s and Administrators of Indian Residences:with signs that read "Residential Schools Are P r i s o n s . " 2 0 0 They accused white men of attempting to wipe out the Indian race by c u l t u r a l genocide. The new movement was immediately denounced by most Indian leaders. They abhorred the t a c t i c s , the extreme statements, and the name Red Power. The youth group had chosen i t s name—similar to the aggressive negro Black Power movement i n the United S t a t e s — i n order to provoke r e a c t i o n . Composed primarily of young urban Indians, i t never a t . t r a C t -0 0 1 ed more than 75 members. x I t was an aspect of the short-l i v e d New Le f t movement of the la t e 1960's. About h a l f the people of Indian descent i n B r i t i s h Columbia were not registered with Department of Indian A f f a i r s and were not administered.under the Indian Act. Some people c a l l e d them halfbreeds; they c a l l e d themselves non-status Indians. On January, 1969, an advertisement 2 0 0 T h e Vancouver Province, March 13, 1968. 2 Q 1 T h e Ottawa Journal, July.5, 1969. 172 appeared i n the Vancouver newspapers: Wanted. Names and addresses of Canadian non-status Indians who wish to see changes that w i l l r a i s e the standard of l i v i n g for our people i n B. C. and the Yukon. The f i r s t meeting of the Association of Non-Status Indians of B. C. w i l l be held on Saturday, January 2 5th at the Vancouver Indian Centre. 2 (- ) 2 The f i r s t president, H. A. (Butch) Smitheram, was concerned because non-status Indians were even more s o c i a l l y and economically disadvantaged than Indians r e -g i s t e r e d under the Indian Act. S o c i a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y they were Indian but l e g a l l y they were white. They ex-perienced discrimination from both whites and Indians but they had no protection or assistance through the Indian Act. In 1970 the Association of Non-Status Indians pre-pared to i n i t i a t e several self-help programs throughout the province. The federal government promised a grant of $40,000 to meet organizing and operating costs. The pro-v i n c i a l government, under whose j u r i s d i c t i o n non-status Indians came, gave $1000. 2 0 3 The Association hired an executive director and six f i e l d workers to organize l o c a l s among the 30,000 non-status Indians throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. 2° 2The Vancouver Province, January 24, 1969. 2 0 3 T h e Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1970. 173 The leaders of the non-status Indians from the four western provinces formed the Native Council of Canada at a meeting i n V i c t o r i a i n November, 1970. A. E. (Tony) Belcourt, vice-president of the Alberta Metis Federation, was elected president. The organization urged Indians, status and non-status, to use t h e i r voting power to influence the government. The national p o l i t i c a l unity of the Indians of Canada has been influenced i n d i r e c t l y by the a c t i v i t y of white administrators. Andrew Pau l l had some success i n creating a national Indian organization at the time of the Joint Committee hearings on the'Indian Act between 1946 and 1948. The National Indian Council was formed i n time to dispute the report of another Joint Committee of Indian A f f a i r s i n 1962. In 1968, the National Indian Brotherhood acquired i t s cohesiveness from unanimous Indian opposition to the federal government white paper on Indian p o l i c y . As a confederation of p r o v i n c i a l Indian associations, the new national organization seems more assured of success than the previous ones. Non-status Indians, too, have f i n a l l y added their support i n the struggle for Indian self-determination. CHAPTER XIV THE UNION OF BRITISH COLUMBIA INDIAN CHIEFS Following t h e i r r e j e c t i o n of the federal government p o l i c y statement on Indian a f f a i r s i n 1969, the Indians mobilized to prepare statements of t h e i r own. In B r i t i s h Columbia, more than 100 delegates from the Native Brotherr hood, the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation, the Confederation of Native Indians, and. the Indian Homemakers' Association met i n Vancouver on July 6, 1969. They opposed the government proposal to repeal the Indian Act within f i v e years. U n t i l there were guarantees of aboriginal r i g h t s to hunting, f i s h i n g , and land, they were unwilling to agree to changes i n the Indian Act. Early i n September, 1969, the North American Indian Brotherhood, the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Feder-ation, and the Indian Homemakers' Association began to organize a conference of Indian chiefs to discuss the pro-posed new Indian p o l i c y . The conference had been proposed by Chief Dennis Alphonse of the Duncan Band. He became the chairman of the committee that prepared for the conference t o be held at Kamloops i n November with chiefs i n v i t e d from 174 175 the 188 Indian bands i n the province. The committee r e -ceived $12,000 from the F i r s t Citizens' Fund, a $25,000,000 fund set up by the p r o v i n c i a l government early i n 1969 for the benefit of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. The federal government gave $50,000 to the committee to pay for con-ference expenses. 2 0 4 Chief Alphonse hoped that the con-ference of chiefs would e l e c t a body to supplant the other Indian organizations. The Nishga T r i b a l Council had already passed a r e -solution approving the government p o l i c y i n p r i n c i p l e , even though t h e i r land t i t l e claim had been defeated i n the Supreme Court of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Supreme Court judge had ruled that Nishga r i g h t s to the land were ex-tinguished when the Crown Colony of B r i t i s h Columbia was formed i n 1866. The Nishgas immediately took t h e i r case to the B r i t i s h Columbia Court of Appeal. On November 17, 1969, about 150 chiefs and delegates from most of the Indian bands i n B r i t i s h Columbia began a six day conference at Kamloops. They sat beneath 70-foot banners that read: "B. C. Chiefs Conference - United We Stand, Divided We Perish." Appeals for Indian unity were 2 0 4 T h e Vancouver Sun, November 7, 1969. 176 repeated many times during the conference. On the f i n a l day of the conference, the chiefs and delegates approved the establishment of the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs. The presidents of older Indian organizations pledged t h e i r cooperation. A council of c h i e f s was appointed with a member from each of fourteen d i s t r i c t s : North Coast, Kwakgewlth, Northwest Island, B e l l a Coola, South Island, Fraser, Thompson River, L i l l o o e t , Kootenay-Okanagan, Williams Lake, Terrace, Babine, Lakes D i s t r i c t , and Fort St. John. , The council of chiefs would meet every three months. An executive committee of three would meet every month to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of an administrator, secretary, and professional services. The three members of the executive committee represented d i f -ferent regions. The Indians feared^that the e l e c t i o n of a single president would cause d i s t r u s t and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y . The Union was to have annual conventions. About h a l f of the estimated $100,000 annual-operating cost would be absorbed by the convention. Grants from both federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments would be needed i n addition to a levy of one d o l l a r per Indian throughout the province. The f i r s t administrator of the Union was Don Moses, 177 the president of the North American Indian Brotherhood. A few months l a t e r , he was succeeded by B i l l Wilson who soon l e f t to return to u n i v e r s i t y . William Guerin became executive dir e c t o r i n September, 1970, but l e f t to operate a business. Ross Modeste replaced him. At the Chiefs Council meeting on June 27, 1970, an organization plan prepared by Western Consultants of West Vancouver was presented. I t suggested basic Union objectives: 1. Settlement of the B. C. land question. 2. Unite the Indian people and the Indian organi-zations i n common p o l i c i e s and programs. 3. Improve communication and co-ordinate the services of various governments and authorities, the general public and Indians. 4. Encourage Indian bands to achieve an increasing measure of s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y without i n t e r f e r i n g i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l structure. 5. Develop a broad Indian consciousness to achieve s o c i a l , economic, educational and p o l i t i c a l progress. 6. Create conditions under which Indians w i l l under-stand and achieve progress. 7. Improve educational achievement, r e a l incomes, s o c i a l conditions and l i f e expectancy among Indians based upon a comprehensive program considering t h e i r needs. 8. Assume a transfer of functions where l o g i c a l from the federal government. 9. Represent the Indian people of B r i t i s h Columbia as the o f f i c i a l l y recognized Indian organization i n the province. 178 10. Gain the support, understanding and cooperation of Indians, the general public, industry and governments i n the interests of Indians and i n these objectives of the U n i o n . 2 0 5 In 1970 the Union undertook a number of projects. I t established a newsletter c a l l e d Unity. I t started a communications program to reach a l l the Indians of the province to learn t h e i r needs and aspirations. I t engaged i n a lengthy debate with the p r o v i n c i a l government about the administration of the F i r s t C i t i z e n s ' Fund. I t supported i l l e g a l f i s h i n g near Penticton i n an attempt to get recognition of aboriginal f i s h i n g r i g h t s . I t h i r e d former federal Minister of Justice, E. Davie Fulton, to prepare a report on the B r i t i s h Columbia land question. The largest project of the Union was the preparation of the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Position Paper, a sophisticated 38-page b r i e f setting out proposals for the future admini-s t r a t i o n of Indian a f f a i r s . The second annual conference of the Union of B. C. Indian Chiefs was held i n the Vancouver Hotel i n November, 1970. Indian and European customs were integrated i n the proceedings. The meeting of chiefs i n council was, i n the minds of the delegates, a d i r e c t continuation of native 2 Q 5The unity B u l l e t i n , September, 1970. 179 0 O G\ custom. Kwakgewlth Chief Tlakwagala (James King) wel-comed the delegates with a t r a d i t i o n a l Indian dance. S a l i s h Chief Dan George opened the conference with an Indian prayer. Then a l l the chiefs arose and stood s i l e n t l y for a minute i n honour of great chiefs of the past. The con-ference chairman, Chief William Scow, likened the chairman's gavel to the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian speaker's s t a f f . "Our forefathers had a speaker's s t a f f . I hope we abide by the old way that the one with the speaker's s t a f f has h i s wishes 207 abided. But we use Roberts Rules of Order." A resolution that the Union should be the only Indian organization to which Indians could, belong was strongly objected to by members of older organizations. The proposer, B i l l Wilson, the former Union administrator said: " A l l week there have been glowing terms of unity but there was an undercurrent of back-stabbing and power plays. Now people's a f f i l i a t i o n s are out i n the o p e n " 2 0 8 There follow-er ed a number of reaffirmations of unity. Chief Lawrence Lewis, whose Cape Mudge reserve was considering municipal status, suggested that the smaller organizations s p e c i a l i z e their a c t i v i t i e s and support the Union i n a comprehensive 2 0 6 T h e Unity B u l l e t i n , September, 1970. 2 0 7 P e r s o n a l notes. 2 0 8 P e r s o n a l notes. 180 p o l i c y for Indian administration. The Indian leaders heard a number of speeches from p o l i t i c i a n s and lawyers. George Manuel, recently elected president of the National Indian Brotherhood, explained the operation and problems of the national organization. Alderman Harry Rankin of Vancouver t o l d the Indians to work for the basic needs of food, shelter, clothing, and education, and to organize to obtain them. Lawyer Henry C a s t i l l o u talked about the Indian Act, lawyer Davie Fulton spoke on the B. C. land question, Liberal-MLA Garde Gardom spoke on taxation, and New Democratic Party MP Frank Howard spoke about Indian leadership. When Howard intimated that Indians may resort to violence unless i n e q u i t i e s were removed, William Scow, who was a P r o v i n c i a l Court judge, corrected him: "Our people are sensible people. We t r u s t the words of the white man when he says violence does not solve problems." 2 0 9 The chiefs were not passive before the p o l i t i c i a n s . Dan Campbell, p r o v i n c i a l Minister of Municipal A f f a i r s , the Minister responsible for the F i r s t C i t i z e n s ' Fund, was sharply questioned. At one part of the debate Chief James 2 0 9 P e r s o n a l Notes. 181 S t e l k i a ordered: "Mr. Campbell, I'm t a l k i n g now. You s i t 210 down u n t i l I get through." The command received great applause. The B. C. Indian Position Paper, dubbed the Brown Paper, was presented at the conference. The preamble read: That Indians have survived the f i r s t one hundred years of Canada's h i s t o r y i s miraculous indeed. This struggle has been handicapped by an apathetic, intolerant and now i n t o l e r a b l e Federal government and by a t o t a l l y incapable and ruthless P r o v i n c i a l government. Governments generally have been dis i n t e r e s t e d i n our problems and now the Federal Government proposes to absolve themselves of any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for our people by one stroke of the pen: the f i n a l stroke to cover a l l sins of omission and com-mission. We Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia r e j e c t the Federal government white paper p o l i c y on Indians released i n June, 1969. We disagree with any u n i l a t e r a l attempt by govern-ment to extricate i t s e l f from i t s obligations for our people. The special relationships that have developed be-tween Indians and the Federal government c a r r i e s immense moral and l e g a l force. To terminate t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p would be no more appropriate than to terminate the c i t i z e n -ship ri g h t s of any other Canadian. This h i s t o r i c r e l a t i o n -ship cannot be abridged without our consent. Instead, we propose a renewed constitutional, commitment i n l i g h t of modern conditions and we expect these and prior commitments to be honoured as any honourable sovereign nation should do for i t s c i t i z e n s . -The p r i n c i p l e s and p o l i c i e s outlined herein are a record upon which our people believe, o v e r a l l l e g i s l a t i o n a ffecting Indians should be based without prejudice to our claims generally. These p r i n c i p l e s are suggested i n good f a i t h to avoid the kind of mistakes frequently made i n the Personal notes. 182 past by the Federal government for decisions and p o l i c i e s made without our d i r e c t involvement. These p r i n c i p l e s w i l l benefit our people and are intended to improve Canadian unity, to bring the Indian and non-Indian peoples closer together. In t h i s paper we propose new and expanded programs and services for our people, and more delegation of authority to the l o c a l l e v e l to enable us to achieve optimum development of our human and our land resources at a pace consistent with our own plans. We need major increases i n so c i a l and economic programs to help us i n our adjustment to a r a p i d l y changing society and increasing p r o v i n c i a l services without prejudice to continued federal commitments. I t i s necessary for the Federal government to provide c e r t a i n services for Indians but i t i s not necessary for the government to administer these services. There i s no need for us to be deprived of self-determination merely because we receive federal monetary support, nor should we lose f e d e r a l support because we r e j e c t federal c o n t r o l . We now want to make decisions, i n the administration of our a f f a i r s , t o select and control programs i n a voluntary manner with the r i g h t of retrocession. We need a new and continued Federal government commitment for our people and for our 1ands. The opposition by nearly a l l the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia to the proposed federal government p o l i c y on Indian A f f a i r s had led to a unanimity of sentiment that permitted p o l i t i c a l unity. The organizers of the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs t r i e d to overcome disruptive regional jealousies by giving representation to every Indian band i n the province through i t s chief, and by establishing fourteen d i s t r i c t s throughout the province to be represented i n a counc i l of c h i e f s . The leaders of the new organization 183 demanded continued f i n a n c i a l and l e g a l assistance from the Department of Indian A f f a i r s , but they wanted Indians to administer Indian a f f a i r s i n the province. CHAPTER XV THE NATURE OF BRITISH COLUMBIA INDIAN POLITICS The Indians and the Government P o l i t i c s i s an inseparable part of human society. I t s o r i g i n l i e s i n s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y and the unlimited extent of human wishes. I t i s concerned with c o n f l i c t and disagreement. Social groups vie with each other for wealth and p r i v i l e g e , and acquire them roughly i n proportion to t h e i r power. Goodwill may mitigate the c r u e l t i e s i n c o n f l i c t and i n the use of power, but i t cannot abolish c o n f l i c t . Throughout most of the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, the Indians have been unable to p r e v a i l against the power of the white men i n c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t . After the Hudson's Bay Company hegemony, the natives were i r r e l e v a n t to the white men's designs for the province or an obstacle to them. The Europeans who arrived i n the nineteenth century surpassed the Indians i n m i l i t a r y power. As a r,esult, they were able to possess the land without purchasing i t . Although they were not ac t u a l l y conquered i n m i l i t a r y c o n f l i c t , the Indians were treated as a conquered people. 184 185 They were segregated on small reserves of land and governed by laws they had no part i n framing. For many decades neither the federal nor p r o v i n c i a l government accepted them as c i t i z e n s . To administer the a c t i v i t i e s and needs of the Indians, the Government of Canada established an in t e r n a l c o l o n i a l system c a l l e d , amongst variations i n t i t l e used from time to time, the Department of Indian A f f a i r s . I t had the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s described by J . D. B. M i l l e r : The c o l o n i a l system i s becoming scarcer than i t was, but i t s t i l l p e r s i s t s i n various places. A colony i s formally a dependency, not a sovereign state: any laws which are made i n i t are made by courtesy of the metropolitan power, and i t s government, no matter how l o c a l i n character, depends upon the consent of that power . The system allows for considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the actual form of government. I t may consist of d i s t r i c t commissioners, or th e i r equi-valents, keeping a general eye upon primitive t r i b e s , which otherwise continue with t h e i r normal practices; i t may include some form of parliamentary council, i n which the governor receives advice (but not command) from prominent elements i n the community; and i t may go so far as the responsible self-government i n domestic matters which was ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Australasian colonies of the nineteenth century. The essence of the system, however, i s that ultimate p o l i c y l i e s i n the hands of aliens, who have the i r own r e -presentatives on the spot, with power to see that the metropolitan w i l l i s ultimately obeyed. I f the c o l o n i a l power i s aiming at independence for i t s colonies, the l a s t stages of c o l o n i a l government may involve only suggestion, not the enforcement of w i l l , by the metropolitan power . . . . But while the c o l o n i a l system i s i n f u l l operation, the v metropolitan w i l l ( i . e . the w i l l of the government of the / metropolitan country; the people of such a country are ra r e l y conscious of any sense of w i l l about t h e i r colonies) i s the s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n government. 186 This system rests upon a basic d i v i s i o n between people who command and people who are supposed to obey. In practice, i t has usually been further complicated by in e q u a l i t i e s of race, colour, r e l i g i o n , economic develop-ment and education. T y p i c a l l y , the European c o l o n i a l powers have come as conquerers and preserved t h e i r superior position, asserting i t i n s o c i a l , educational and c u l t u r a l terms as much as i n p o l i t i c a l . . . . A c o l o n i a l system i s l i k e l y to be marked by p a r t i c u l a r l y f a i t h f u l archetypal f i g u r e s . There are, to begin with, the governor and h i s assistants . . . . The governor has the dual task of representing the metropolitan government to the colony, and the colony to the government; i n the one capacity he must emphasise authority, i n the other, need. I f he i d e n t i f i e s himself too c l o s e l y with h i s colony, he w i l l be regarded by h i s government as a spe c i a l pleader who does not adequately r e f l e c t imperial i n t e r e s t s ; i f he does not become i d e n t i f i e d with i t , he w i l l be d i s -l i k e d i n the colony and find h i s most sensible measures opposed, simply because he seems to be out of sympathy with l o c a l aspirations . . . . I f the system which he administers i s of a l i b e r t a r i a n kind, aiming at eventual self-govern-ment, he w i l l have to c u l t i v a t e l o c a l leaders and p o l i t i c a l movements s u f f i c i e n t l y to persuade them to take part i n the limited forms of self-government with which the process of independence begins. 2-^ 1 In the Canadian c o l o n i a l system, the metropolitan power has been the Government of Canada i t s e l f . For several decades after Confederation i n 1867, the Indians, and probably many white Canadians, too, believed that B r i t a i n was the metropolitan power i n the system. Consequent-l y the Indians occasionally petitioned the B r i t i s h monarch 2 1 1 J . D. B. M i l l e r , The Nature of P o l i t i c s , Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd., London, 1962, pp. 2 36-237. 187 and the Privy Council for redress of t h e i r grievances. During the years that B r i t i s h Columbia was a colony of B r i t a i n the Indians had been persuaded to regard the B r i t i s h monarch. Queen V i c t o r i a , as t h e i r ultimate guardian. Following Confederation, however, the B r i t i s h government took no action on Canadian Indian a f f a i r s , but the government and i t s o f f i c i a l s s t i l l continued to c i t e the symbol of the protective monarch. The position of Superintendent General of Indian A f f a i r s (the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s ) was akin to the Colonial Governor of other c o l o n i a l systems. He administered a complex colony that was splintered into hundreds of Indian reserves embedded i n small pockets within the body of the Canadian nation i t s e l f . People representing dozens of d i f f e r e n t Indian cultures occupied the reserve lands. The individuals who administered the l o c a l d i s t r i c t s , or Indian Agencies, set up by the Department were c a l l e d Indian Agents or Superintendents. With few exceptions (and none u n t i l recent years) they have been white men. To simplify the administration of the scattered and diverse colony, the Canadian Parliament passed one major piece of l e g i s l a t i o n , the Indian Act. I t affected a l l 188 aspects of the l i v e s of Indians throughout Canada, even to the extent of preventing them from "inordinate frequent-21? mg of a poolroom." ^ U n t i l very recently, Indians could not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the choice of the individuals who administered their a f f a i r s . The Minister of Indian A f f a i r s i s a member of the cabinet i n the House of Commons. He i s elected by the c i t i z e n s i n h i s e l e c t o r a l constituency and appointed to h i s cabinet position by the Prime Min i s t e r . Although a l l Indians were given the r i g h t to vote i n federal elections i n 1960, t h e i r influence i n the choice of the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s i s obviously s l i g h t . But i n B r i t i s h Columbia the Indians were given the opportunity i n 1970 to help to choose the regional director i n charge of Indian agencies i n the province and the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Canadian elections have not been fought on issues concerned with Indian a f f a i r s . The Canadian public, generally, has expressed l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n Indians or the circumstances i n which they l i v e . The Canadian government on the other hand, has become somewhat embarrassed by the modified c o l o n i a l system i t i s maintaining i n an era when 2 1 2 S t a t u t e s of Canada, 1930, 20-21 George V, chap. 25, sec. 16. 189 colonialism i s decried. The system has become so modified, i n fact, that the Indians are now unwilling to give up the special p r i v i l e g e s i t provides them. The B r i t i s h North America Act, the written con-s t i t u t i o n of Canada, placed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Indian welfare on the Government of Canada, but decisions of the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia have affected the a b i l i t y of the federal government to deal j u s t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y with the natives. The p r o v i n c i a l government has nearly a l -ways been less w i l l i n g to meet Indian demands than the federal government, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to land. This i s understandable since under the B r i t i s h North America Act the p r o v i n c i a l government i s responsible for land resources except i n special limited instances, such as National Parks, National Harbours, and Indian reserves. On one hand, the federal government has been faced with Indian demands for enlarged Indian reserves and acknowledgement of Indian t i t l e to the other lands of B r i t i s h Columbia. On the other hand, i t has met obdurate ref u s a l by the pr o v i n c i a l government to negotiate the land question. Because the federal government has been unable to overcome p r o v i n c i a l government resistance, l i t t l e progress has been made i n resolving the most important Indian grievance. 190 Indian P o l i t i c a l Organizations A people who lose their land and the r i g h t to practice their most fundamental s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s ceremonies are oppressed indeed. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia accepted their oppression with r e l a t i v e p a s s i v i t y . But nevertheless many of them strongly resented being forced to re l i n q u i s h most of t h e i r land to white men without compensation. They also objected to curtailment of the i r access to natural resources. Some Indian t r i b e s never completely abandoned their potlatch custom i n defiance of the law that prohibited i t for 67 years. The missionaries were the f i r s t to convince some Indians that they could obtain concessions from white authorities through the use of p o l i t i c a l action. The European p o l i t i c a l techniques that the missionaries taught to the natives might have been e f f e c t i v e for those who had power through threat of violence, economic influence, or the ri g h t to vote. For a small population of disenfranchised people, they proved to be useless. The numerous p e t i t i o n s sent to government o f f i c i a l s and the many delegations that interviewed those they supposed to oe authorities, including the Prime Minister of Canada and the King of Great B r i t a i n , 191 were l a r g e l y ignored because the Indians lacked p o l i t i c a l power. Missionaries and other white friends also persuaded the Indians to form protest organizations based on white models through which to bring pressure on government a u t h o r i t i e s . The Indians who formed the executives were the most acculturated individuals i n the region and held o f f i c e year after year. The organizations became cliques; i n t e r e s t at the l o c a l l e v e l was minimal, except perhaps among the Nishga who adapted th e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l organization to the new s i t u a t i o n . The effectiveness of the A l l i e d Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia i n bringing the Indian land issue before a parliamentary committee was a c r e d i t to the Indian leaders and t h e i r advisors. Without the a b i l i t y to sustain pressure, however, they had no chance of receiving s a t i s f a c t i o n . The success of the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia, the main spokesman for the Indians of the province for nearly f o r t y years, may be due to the fact that i t was t r u l y an Indian organization, i n i t i a t e d by Indians, administ-ered by Indians, and producing r e s u l t s for Indians. I t hoped to unite p o l i t i c a l l y a l l the natives i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t s organizers assumed that r a c i a l s i m i l a r i t y and 192 a common resentment against the c o l o n i a l regime was s u f f i c i e n t for p o l i t i c a l unity. Any large or complex human society, however, i s made up of int e r e s t groups (people with a common concern) and the concerns of the north coast Indians d i f f e r -ed s u f f i c i e n t l y from the i n t e r i o r Indians to prevent p o l i t i c a l unity. Even though the Native Brotherhood could not unite the Indians p r o v i n c i a l l y , Andrew Pau l l assumed that a l l Canadian Indians shared the same concerns. His assumption was so incorrect that he nearly ended up being the entire North American Indian Brotherhood by himself. Recently the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia have again demonstrated th e i r d i v e r s i t y by forming a number of regional i n t e r e s t groups such as the West Coast A l l i e d Tribes on Vancouver i s l a n d and a r e v i t a l i z e d North American Indian Brotherhood i n the i n t e r i o r . The common threat of losing the protection of the Indian Act was the. issue required to force the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia to unite p o l i t i c a l l y i n one large organi-zation. Even the common intere s t i n the land and aboriginal r i g h t s issue had been i n s u f f i c i e n t to overcome t r i b a l , regional, and r e l i g i o u s jealousies. 193 Having observed the disruptive e f f e c t s of regional i n t e r e s t s i n other organizations, the Indians represented by the Union of Chiefs refrained from ele c t i n g a single president to whom only a f r a c t i o n of the native population could give ready allegiance. Instead, they elected r e -presentatives from fourteen d i s t r i c t s throughout the province to a Chiefs' Council. The large council had the added e f f e c t of d i l u t i n g the influence of an e l i t e that had tended to dominate e a r l i e r Indian organizations. Most i n t e r t r i b a l Indian associations have been e s s e n t i a l l y protest organizations. As a r e s u l t they d i r e c t l y touched the l i v e s of r e l a t i v e l y few i n d i v i d u a l s . The Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs i s the f i r s t Indian organization to t r y to gain the r i g h t to administer the a f f a i r s of the natives. With unity within a single f r a t e r n a l organization, increasing freedom from the r e -s t r i c t i v e bonds of a c o l o n i a l style administration, representation i n the governing councils of the nation, and the benefits of f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p , the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia may have f i n a l l y acquired the e s s e n t i a l conditions for self-determination and a s a t i s f a c t o r y future. BIBLIOGRAPHY Newspapers and Periodicals The Indian News, Ottawa. The Indian Voice, Vancouver. The Native Voice, Vancouver. The Ottawa Journal, Ottawa. The Unity B u l l e t i n , Vancouver. The Vancouver Province, Vancouver. The Vancouver Sun, Vancouver. Books Arctander, John W., The Apostle of Alaska, Fleming H. Revell Company, Toronto, 1909. Barbeau, Marius, Pathfinders of the North P a c i f i c , Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1958. Barnett, Homer G., The Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia, University of Oregon Press, Eugene, 1955. Boam, Henry J., B r i t i s h Columbia, S e l l s Ltd., London, 1912. Boas, Franz, Kwakiutl Ethnography, edited by Helen Codere, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1966. 194 195 Canada, Parliament, Report and Evidence, Special Joint Committee on the Claims of the A l l i e d Tribes of B r i t i s h  Columbia, Ottawa, 192 7. , Parliament, Minutes of the Proceedings and Evidence, Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of  Commons appointed to examine and consider the Indian  Act, Ottawa, 1946 and 1947. , Parliament, Statutes of Canada, 1884, 47 V i c t o r i a , chap. 27, sec. 3; 1920, 10-11 George V, chap. 51; 1927, 17 George V, chap. 32, sec. 6; 1930, 20-21 George V, chap. 25, sec. 16. Drucker, P h i l i p , The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Bureau of Ethnology B u l l e t i n  144, Washington, 1951. -, Indians of the Northwest Coast, The Natural History Press, New York, 1955. , The Native Brotherhoods: Modern I n t e r t r i b a l Organizations on the Northwest Coast, Bureau of  American Ethnology B u l l e t i n 168, U.S. Government Pr i n t i n g Office, Washington, 1968. , Cultures of the North P a c i f i c Coast, Chandler Publishing Company, San Francisco, 1965. Duff, Wilson, The Upper Stalo Indians, Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 1, B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , 1952. , Hi s t o r i e s , T e r r i t o r i e s , and Laws of the Kitwancool, Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 4, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , 1959. , The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 5, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , 1964. , The Fort V i c t o r i a Treaties, B. C. Studies, No. 3, F a l l , 1969. 196 Fisher, Robin, Joseph Trutch and Indian Land Policy, B.C.  Studies, No. 12, Winter 1971-72. Ford, C l e l l a n S., Smoke From Their F i r e s , Yale University Press, New Haven, 1941. Ga r f i e l d , V i o l a E., and Paul S. Wingert, The Tsimshian  Indians and Their Arts, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1950. Gladstone, Percy, Native Indians and the Fishing Industry of B r i t i s h Columbia, Canadian Journal of Economics and  P o l i t i c a l Science, V o l . XIX, pp. 20-34, Toronto:, 1953. Gosnell, R. E., A History of B r i t i s h Columbia, The Lewis Publishing Company, V i c t o r i a , 1906. Hawthorn, H. B. (ed.), A Survey of the Contemporary Indians  of Canada, V o l . I, Indian A f f a i r s Branch, Ottawa, 1966. Hawthorn, H.B., C. S. Belshaw, and S. M. Jamieson, The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, 1958. Indian-Eskimo Association of Canada, Indian Rights i n Canada, Toronto, 1970. Jenness, Diamond, The Indians of Canada, National Museum of  Canada B u l l e t i n 65, Anthropological Series No. 15, Ottawa, 1934. , The Carrier Indians of the Bulkley River: Their S o c i a l and Religious L i f e , Bureau of American Ethnology  B u l l e t i n 133, Washington, 1943. Kroeber, A. L., Cul t u r a l and Natural Areas of Native North America, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, 1963. Laforet, Andrea, Notes on Legaik, unpublished term paper. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970. LaViolette, Forrest E., The Struggle For Survival, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1961. i 197 Mayne, R. C., Four Years i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver  Island, John Murray, London, 1862. McKelvie, B. A., Tales of C o n f l i c t , Vancouver Daily Province, Vancouver, 1949. Meares, John, Voyages Made i n the Years 1788 and 1789 from  China to the Northwest Coast of America, Logographic Press, London, 1790. M i l l e r , J . D. B., The Nature of P o l i t i c s , Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd., London, 1962. Morice, A. G., The History of the Northern In t e r i o r of  B r i t i s h Columbia, William Briggs, Toronto, 1904. Morley, Alan, Roar of the Breakers, Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1967. Nagle, Patrick, Maisie Says B. C. S t i l l Belongs to the Indians, Vancouver Sun Magazine Section, A p r i l 14, 1964. Niebuhr, Reinhold, Moral Man and Immoral Society, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1932. Nishga T r i b a l Council, Brief to the Government of B r i t i s h  Columbia at the F i r s t Session of the Twenty-Sixth  Parliament of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961. Patterson, E. Palmer II, Andrew Paul l and Canadian Indian  Resurgence, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1962.. Purdy, A l , Poems for A l l the Annettes, House of Anansi, Toronto, 1968. Ray, Verne F., Cu l t u r a l Relations i n the Plateau of North-western America, Publications of the Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publications Fund, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, 1939. Sahlins, Marshall D., Tribesmen, Prentice-Hall Inc., Engle-wood C l i f f s , 1968. 198 Service, Elman R., Primitive S o c i a l Organization, Random House, New York, 1962. Shankel, G. E., The Development of Indian P o l i c y i n B r i t i s h  Columbia, unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of Washington, Seattle, 1945. Spradley, James P., Guests Never Leave Hungry, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1969. APPENDIX A THE ROYAL PROCLAMATION OF 1763 And whereas i t i s just and reasonable, and e s s e n t i a l to our Interest, and the security of our Colonies, that the several Nations or Tribes of Indians with Whom we are con-nected, and who l i v e under our Protection, should not be molested or disturbed i n the Possession of such Parts of Our Dominions and T e r r i t o r i e s as, not having been ceded to or purchased by Us, are reserved to them or any of them, as the i r Hunting Grounds; We do therefore, with the Advice of our Privy Council, declare i t to be our Royal W i l l and Pleasure, that no Governor or Commander i n Chief i n any of our Colonies of Quebec, East F l o r i d a , or West F l o r i d a , do presume, upon any Pretense whatever, to grant Warrants of Survey, or pass any Patents for Lands beyond the Bounds of t h e i r respective Governments, as described i n t h e i r Commis-sions; as also that no Governor or Commander i n Chief i n any of our other Colonies or Plantations i n America do presume for the present, and u n t i l our further Pleasure be known, to grant Warrants of Survey, or pass Patents for any Lands beyond the Heads or Sources of any of the Rivers which f a l l into the A t l a n t i c Ocean from the West and North West, or . upon any Lands whatever, which, not having been ceded to or purchased by Us as aforesaid, are reserved to the said Indians, or any of them. And We do further declare i t to be Our Royal W i l l and Pleasure, for the present as aforesaid, to reserve under our Sovereignty, Protection, and Dominion, for the use of the said Indians, a l l the Lands and T e r r i t o r i e s l y i n g to the Westward of the Sources of the Rivers which f a l l into the Sea from the West and North West as aforesaid; And We do hereby s t r i c t l y forbid, on Pain of our Displeasure, a l l our loving Subjects from making any Purchases or Settlements whatever, pr taking Possession of any of the Lands above reserved, without our especial leave and Licence for that Purpose f i r s t obtained. 199 200 And, We do further s t r i c t l y enjoin and require a l l Persons whatever who have either w i l f u l l y or inadvertently seated themselves upon any Lands with the Countries above described, or upon any other Lands which, not having been ceded to or purchased by Us, are s t i l l reserved to the said Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such Settlements. And Whereas Great Frauds and Abuses have been com-mitted i n purchasing Lands of the Indians, to the Great Prejudice of our Interests, and to the Great D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the said Indians; In order, therefore, to prevent such I r r e g u l a r i t i e s for the future, and to the End that the Indians may be convinced of our Justice and determined Resolution to remove a l l reasonable Cause of Discontent, We do, with the Advice of our Privy Council s t r i c t l y enjoin and require, that no private Person do presume to make any Purchase from the said Indians of any Lands reserved to the said Indians, within those parts of our Colonies where, We have thought proper to allow Settlement; but that, i f at any time any of the said Indians should be i n c l i n e d to dispose of the said Lands, the same s h a l l be Purchased only for Us, i n our Name, at some public Meeting or Assembly of the said Indians, to be held for that Purpose by the Governor or Commander i n Chief of our Colony respectively within which they s h a l l l i e ; and i n case they s h a l l l i e within the l i m i t s of any Proprietary Government, they s h a l l be purchased only for the Use and i n the name of such Proprietaries, conformable to such Directions and Instructions as We or they s h a l l think proper to give for that Purpose; And We do, by the Advice of our Privy Council, declare and enjoin, that the Trade with the said Indians s h a l l be free and open to a l l our Subjects whatever, provided that every Person who may i n c l i n e to Trade with the said Indians do take out a Licence for carrying on such Trade from the Governor or Commander i n Chief of any of our Colonies respectively where such Person s h a l l reside, and also give Security to observe such Regulations as We s h a l l at" any Time think f i t , by ourselves or by our Commissaries to be appointed for t h i s Purpose, to di r e c t and appoint for the Benefit of the said Trade: And We do hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the Governors and Commanders i n Chief of a l l our Colonies respectively, as well as those under Our immediate Government as those under the Government and Dir e c t i o n of Proprietaries, 201 to grant such Licences without Fee or Reward, taking especial care to i n s e r t therein a Condition, that such Licence s h a l l be void, and the Security f o r f e i t e d i n case the Person to whom the same i s granted s h a l l refuse or neglect to observe such Regulations as We s h a l l think proper to prescribe as aforesaid. And We do further expressly enjoin and require a l l O f f i c e r s whatever, as well M i l i t a r y as those Employed i n the Management and Direction of Indians A f f a i r s , within the T e r r i t o r i e s reserved as aforesaid for the Use of the said Indians, to seize and apprehend a l l persons whatever, who standing charged with Treason, Misprisions of Treason, Murders, or other Felonies or Misdemeanors, s h a l l f l y from Justice and take Refuge i n the said T e r r i t o r y , and to send them under a proper Guard to the Colony where the Crime was committed of which they stand accused, i n order to take the i r T r i a l for the same. Given at our Court at St. James's the 7th Day of October 1763, i n the Third Year of our Reign. APPENDIX B CLAUSE THIRTEEN OF THE TERMS OF UNION 13. The charge of the Indians, and the trusteeship and management of the lands reserved for t h e i r use and benefit, s h a l l be assumed by the Dominion Government, and a p o l i c y as l i b e r a l as that h i t h e r t o pursued by the B r i t i s h Columbia Government s h a l l be continued by the Dominion Government after the union: To carry out such a policy, t r a c t s of land of such extent as i t has hith e r t o been the practice of the B r i t i s h Columbia Govern-ment to appropriate for that purpose s h a l l from time to time be conveyed by the l o c a l Government to the Dominion Government, i n t r u s t for the use and benefit of the Indians, on application of the Dominion; and i n case of disagreement between the two governments r e -specting the quantity of such t r a c t s of land to be so granted, the matter s h a l l be referred for the decision of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. 202 

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