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Income profiles and household composition : a study of two Indian reserves Thomas, Hervey Philip 1972

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INCOME PROFILES AND HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION: A STUDY OF TWO INDIAN RESERVES by HERVEY PHILIP THOMAS A. B. , Georgetown U n i v e r s i t y , 1965 M.A., Northeastern U n i v e r s i t y , 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FUFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e g u i r e d standard UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November, 1972 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Bri t ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Depa rtment The University of Br i t ish Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ^9 i ABSTRACT The primary o b j e c t i v e of t h i s t h e s i s i s to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between household income dimensions — t h a t i s , the amount, s i z e , and kind of income — and a s s o c i a t e d household types. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between d i f f e r e n t types of income and t o t a l income i s a l s o examined. In a d d i t i o n a t t e n t i o n i s given to a number of other v a r i a b l e s which co u l d a f f e c t the b a s i c r e l a t i o n s h i p . The main argument a s s o c i a t e s the n u c l e a r f a m i l y with s k i l l e d wage labour; the extended f a m i l y with k i n s h i p c o n t r o l l e d r e s o u r c e s ; and the consanguineal household with u n s k i l l e d labour and/or welf a r e dependence. Hypotheses are s t a t e d which suggest the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a b i l i t y of income with d i f f e r e n t types of households. A n a l y s i s of the household income p r o f i l e s of two r e s e r v e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia was undertaken i n order to t e s t the theory. The two r e s e r v e s used i n the study were A l e r t Bay Reserve and Skidegate Reserve. Each income source was c h a r a c t e r i z e d as being one of s i x p o s s i b l e types of income: wages, k i n s h i p , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , r e c i p r o c i t y , kind and unearned. T e s t s c o n s i s t e d of p r o p o r t i o n comparisons between households of d i f f e r e n t types and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d income p r o f i l e s . Data was examined s e p a r a t e l y f o r each of the r e s e r v e s . Support was found for the predicted association between high income t o t a l s and extended family households. There was some support for the proposition that nuclear fa m i l i e s are high per-capita income families, but no support f o r the proposition that extended family households are low per-capita income households. While there were only a few cases of consanguineal households there was strong support for the proposition that such households are welfare or pension income dependent households. There was no association between income sector dominance and household type. Because the data available did not allow for an examination of s k i l l l e v e l and s t a b i l i t y of income i t was not possible to do a thorough examination of the argument for income dominance and certain household<types. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i Chapter I. Introduction 1 A. Scope of the Study 1 B. The Problem 4 1. The Foundations 4 2. Independent Variables 10 3. Intervening Variables 22 a. Family L i f e Cycle 22 b. Migratory Labour 27 C. The Data 54 II. Methodology 38 A. Conceptual Framework 38 B. The Independent Variable Income UO C. Income P r o f i l e s 46 D. Other Variables 48 E. Data Processing 51 III. Data Presentation 52 A. Tr a d i t i o n a l Kwakiutl Society 53 B. The Contemporary Situation 60 C. T r a d i t i o n a l Haida Society 73 D. Contemporary Haida Society 83 IV. Summary 94 A. Theoretical Framework 94 B. Findings 96 C. Final Comment 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY 102 APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE 105 LIST OF TABLES Chapter II Table I. Chapter III Table II. Table I I I . Table IV. Table V. Table VI. Table VII. Table VIII Table IX. Table X. Assignment of Income Sectors Questions to Demographic P r o f i l e of House-holds (Alert Bay Reserve) Types of Households with Associated Frequencies and Percentages (Alert Bay Reserve) Income Generating A c t i v i t i e s with Associated Frequencies (Alert Bay Reserve) Mean Proportion of Household Income by Income Sector and Household Type {Alert Bay Reserve) Proportion of Total Household Income by Household Type (Alert Bay Reserve) Proportion of Per-capita income by Household Type (Alert Bay Reserve) Proportion of Adult Per-capita Income by Household Type (Alert Bay Reserve) Proportion of Adult Per-capita Income less Family Allowance Payments (Alert Bay Reserve) Dominant Income Sector by House-hold Type (Alert Bay Reserve) Page UO 61 6 3 61 66 68 69 69 7 0 71 Table XI. Table XII. Table XIII. Table XIV. Table XV. Table XVI, Table XVII. Table XVIII. Table IXX. Demographic P r o f i l e of House-holds (Skidegate Reserve) Types of Households with associated Frequencies and Percentages (Skidegate Reserve) Income Generating a c t i v i t i e s with associated Frequencies (Skidegate Reserve) Mean proportion of Household Income by Income Sector and Hpusehold Type (Skidegate Reserve) Proportion of Total Household Income by Household Type (Skidegate Reserve) Proportion of Per-capita income by Household Type (Skidegate Reserve) Proportion of Adult Per-capita Income by Household Type (Skidegate Reserve) Proportion of Adult Per-capita Income less Family Allowance Payments (Skidegate Reserve) Dominant Income Sector by House-hold Type (Skidegate Reserve) 84 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 0 9 0 91 9 3 v i ACKHOWLEDGEMEHT I am indebted to George Gray, t h e s i s a d v i s o r , who encouraged and c r i t i c i s e d i n strong doses t o produce t h i s t h e s i s . I am e s p e c i a l l y indebted to Harry Hawthorn f o r a l l o w i n g me to use h i s p r i v a t e data f i l e s which form the data on which the t h e s i s i s based. I am a l s o g r a t e f u l f o r h i s t h o u g h t f u l c r i t i c i s m s p a r t i c u l a r l y with r e s p e c t to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of some of the data. I a l s o wish to thank Michael M. Ames who was a most c a r e f u l reader of t h i s t h e s i s . At a l l stages i n the r e s e a r c h I leaned h e a v i l y on a number of people at the U n i v e r s i t y . In p a r t i c u l a r I wish to thank V i r g i n i a Green who so p a t i e n t l y i n t r o d u c e d me to the wonderful world of the computer. C a r o l e Parber and Heather Barnes were u n t i r i n g i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to read the t h e s i s and to o f f e r c r i t i c i s m s . 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A • The Scope of the Study The process of economic a d a p t a t i o n o f d e f i n e d p o p u l a t i o n s has been a s u b j e c t f o r a n a l y s i s by s o c i o l o g i s t s and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s f o r decades and numerous s t u d i e s e x i s t which i s o l a t e p a r t i c u l a r f a c e t s of the process. The ada p t a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n s of r e s e r v e Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s onl y one example of the many types of a d a p t a t i o n under study. The tendency to s h i f t from t r a d i t i o n a l or p r e - c o n t a c t modes of economic and s o c i a l l i f e towards contemporary p a t t e r n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of urban, i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i s t a k i n g p l a c e among B r i t i s h Columbia Indians and i s of c o n s i d e r a b l e s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r s e v e r a l reasons. Of major s i g n i f i c a n c e i s the f a c t that contemporary economic demands of t e n d i s r u p t , (to a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r degree), the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that were t r a d i t i o n a l i n Indian groups on the coast of B r i t i s h Columbia and which may s t i l l be deeply imbedded i n the normative c u l t u r e of these Indians. The modern s o c i a l matrix i n which present day Indian p o p u l a t i o n s f i n d themselves may r e q u i r e adjustments i n c l u d i n g the use of elements from the o l d e r c u l t u r a l forms 2 as w e l l as the forms adopted from the newer White s o c i e t y . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t the s i t u a t i o n may r e q u i r e wholly new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l forms. A second f a c t o r t h a t may be very important i s the impact of government p o l i c y , (on the p a r t of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch), on the l i f e s t y l e of r e s e r v e I n d i a n s . T h i s study i s concerned with two major problems. F i r s t , i t i s concerned with the degree to which the composition of r e s e r v e Indian households are a response to economic circumstances. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t d e a l s with the household income p r o f i l e s , ( i n terms of s i z e and type) , and the a s s o c i a t e d household types (such as the n u c l e a r f a m i l y and the extended family) f o r two c o a s t a l Indian r e s e r v e s . A l e r t Bay and Skidegate. The major o b j e c t i v e , then, i s to s e t f o r t h a theory of household o r g a n i z a t i o n and to t e s t t h i s theory with a c t u a l f i e l d data. I f a p p r o p r i a t e measures can be found to t e s t the theory then the study w i l l make a s m a l l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the study of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The study i s designed as a deductive a n a l y s i s . That i s , there has been no attempt to study the data and then to o f f e r a theory t o e x p l a i n v a r i a t i o n observed i n the data. A second o b j e c t i v e of the study i s to e x p l o r e the f e a s i b i l i t y of using an a l r e a d y e x i s t i n g body of raw data t o t e s t a new and d i f f e r e n t s e t of hypotheses. That i s , i s i t p o s s i b l e to use a body of data gathered f o r the t e s t i n g of 3 one set of hypotheses to t e s t d i f f e r e n t though c o n c e p t u a l l y r e l a t e d hypotheses. The f e a s i b i l i t y of using such data i s important i n terras of the c o s t of doing s o c i a l s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h . I f i t i s indeed p o s s i b l e to use such data then the scope of i n d i v i d u a l s t u d i e s i s tremendously i n c r e a s e d . For example, data from s e v e r a l s t u d i e s c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y be combined to make a study which would be much more e x t e n s i v e . The data used to t e s t the present hypotheses was gathered f o r the 1954 study d i r e c t e d by Hawthorn concerning the a c c u l t u r a t i o n process of B.C. I n d i a n s . 1 The q u e s t i o n s pursued i n the o r i g i n a l study are of course r e l a t e d to the gue s t i o n s i n the present study with a d i f f e r e n t emphasis and concern. The remainder of t h i s chapter w i l l be concerned with two areas. F i r s t i s the development of a t h e o r e t i c a l framework s u i t a b l e f o r the e x p l a n a t i o n of household composition. F i n a l l y , t h i s chapter c o n s i d e r s i n a g e n e r a l way the Hawthorn data i t s e l f and i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y to the present study. 1 H.B. Hawthorn, C.S. Belshaw, and S.H. Jamieson, The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia^ A Study of Contemporary S o c i a l Adjustment (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press and U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1958). B. The Problem 1 . The Foundations T h i s study i s concerned with the degree to which the composition of r e s e r v e Indian households i s a response to economic circumstances. The purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to present a s y s t e m a t i c treatment of p o s s i b l e hypothesized c o n d i t i o n s t o determine household composition. In a d d i t i o n the p o s s i b l e i n f l u e n c e s of two i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s , f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e and migratory labour, on household composition are e x p l o r e d . In g e n e r a l a l l households perform c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s , though the s t r u c t u r e of o r g a n i z a t i o n may vary depending on circumstances. For the purposes of comparison the optimum c o n d i t i o n s f o r the n u c l e a r f a m i l y household w i l l be used as a base. F i r s t , the household i s an e f f i c i e n t mechanism f o r the p r o v i s i o n of goods and s e r v i c e s necessary to s u s t a i n the i n d i v i d u a l . An i n d i v i d u a l consumes such s e r v i c e s as cooking, housekeeping, and shopping, t h e r e f o r e we w i l l minimally c o n s i d e r a household as a consumption and r e s i d e n c e u n i t . In r e t u r n f o r such s e r v i c e s one or more i n d i v i d u a l s can be expected to c o n t r i b u t e income that makes i t p o s s i b l e f o r o t h e r s to provide the s e r v i c e s . The household, then, i n v o l v e s an exchange network or r e l a t i o n s h i p between members where the tasks necessary t o s u s t a i n i t are d i v i d e d among the members. The a l t e r n a t i v e i n a wage economy r e g u i r e s p r o c u r i n g 5 a l l such s e r v i c e s from commercial sources. However the c o s t of o b t a i n i n g a l l such s e r v i c e s would be beyond the reach f o r many i n d i v i d u a l s . I l l u s t r a t i v e of t h i s p o i n t i s t h a t f o r present day Americans the c o s t of o b t a i n i n g s e r v i c e s i s estimated a t $6,000 - $8,000 per person a n n u a l l y , 1 Even a l l o w i n g f o r d i f f e r e n c e s i n the l i f e s t y l e s of B.C. I n d i a n s i t i s not unreasonable to assume t h a t most In d i a n s c o u l d not a f f o r d such c o s t s . In comparison with the household task o r g a n i z a t i o n , the commercial e n t e r p r i s e i n v o l v e s a higher degree of o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of la b o u r . In a d d i t i o n the commercial o p e r a t i o n i s centered around the n e c e s s i t y of the op e r a t o r t o u l t i m a t e l y r e c e i v e payment i n cash from h i s customers, although a c r e d i t system may be used f o r s h o r t p e r i o d s of time. The owner or operator of a s t o r e or other commercial establishment i s a s m a l l p a r t of a l a r g e monetary wage economy, and s a l a r i e s and goods used must be paid f o r i n cash. In the household the s i t u a t i o n i s g u i t e d i f f e r e n t ; here the person p r o v i d i n g the s e r v i c e may be " p a i d " simply by s h a r i n g i n the resource of the income p r o v i d e r which may be i n cash but may a l s o be i n k i n d . Non-m a t e r i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s may a l s o play a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n household composition. A wife r e c e i v e s the companionship and a f f e c t i o n of her husband. A second f u n c t i o n performed by the household i s t h a t of r e g u l a t i n g s e x u a l a c t i v i t y and the r e a r i n g of c h i l d r e n . * E r i c Wolf, Peasants , Foundations of Modern Anthropology S e r i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1966) 8 p. 13. 6 G e n e r a l l y s e x u a l access i s r e s t r i c t e d or approved only f o r those who are married i n a c u l t u r a l l y accepted manner. A d d i t i o n a l l y the care of c h i l d r e n i s a l s o expected to be done w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the household. T h i s f u n c t i o n of the household l i m i t s the number of persons who are e l i g i b l e members, at l e a s t i n terms of sex and age. The most e f f i c i e n t s t r u c t u r e f o r the household i s to i n v o l v e each member i n both f u n c t i o n a l areas. A d u l t persons are income earners or p r o v i d e r s of s e r v i c e s as w e l l as sexual p a r t n e r s w i t h i n the l i m i t s of c u l t u r a l c o n v e n t i o n . For households where t h i s i s true a f a m i l y e x i s t s . In a c t u a l f a c t households may have economic c o n s t r a i n t s which allow f o r o n l y an approximation of the model. The p o s s i b l e compositions of households are l a r g e l y dependent on the environment and the technology which i s used to e x t r a c t a l i v i n g from that environment. H i s t o r i c a l l y the extended f a m i l y households were o r i g i n a l l y products of the n e o l i t h i c r e v o l u t i o n , t h a t i s , when s o c i e t i e s began to p r a c t i c e h o r t i c u l t u r e . P a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g examples of t h i s i n c l u d e the extended famiy households of t r a d i t i o n a l Europe and China. 1 The Indian groups of c o a s t a l B.C. Are among the most important examples of hunting and g a t h e r i n g economies t h a t were based on the extended f a m i l y system f o r the p r e - c o n t a c t period. 2 1 Ibid ., p. 61. 2 M a r s h a l l D. S a h l i n s , Tribesmen^ Foundations of Modern Anthropology S e r i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1968), p. 3. 7 The n u c l e a r f a m i l y household i s common among hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s as well as i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . The reasons f o r the c o i n c i d e n c e are g u i t e d i s t i n c t . Hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s u s u a l l y hav e a meagre and f l u c t u a t i n g environment. I t c o u l d not support a l a r g e , dense p o p u l a t i o n . I n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y has evolved a s t r u c t u r e where many of the production u n i t s need more labour than even a l a r g e extended f a m i l y c o u l d muster. F u r t h e r the ownership of production i t s e l f r e q u i r e s a c a p i t a l investment which i s beyond the a b i l i t y of a f a m i l y group t o supply. Production and f a m i l y have thus become d i v o r c e d . The n u c l e a r f a m i l y e x i s t s as a v i a b l e form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n when i n d i v i d u a l s k i l l s become dominant i n p r o v i d i n g r e s o u r c e s . P a r a d o x i c a l l y t h i s s i t u a t i o n a l s o e x i s t s f o r the hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t y - where the hunter i s the most e f f i c i e n t u n i t f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n of a resource - with the i n c l u s i o n of a few others to e f f e c t i v e l y hunt the animals. The d i f f e r e n c e i n the two economies i s the extreme v a r i a b i l i t y of r e t u r n s f o r the hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t y , and the s c a l e of p r o d u c t i o n f o r the i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . 1 There are c o n d i t i o n s of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y which r e s u l t i n n u c l e a r f a m i l y households being the most e f f e c t i v e form 1 W i l l i a m J . Goode, World R e v o l u t i o n i n Family P a t t e r n s (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1963) p. 169; E.K. Gough, "Changing K i n s h i p Usage i n the S e t t i n g of P o l i t i c a l and Economic Change among the Nayar of Malabar," J o u r n a l of the Lqial A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e , 82 (1952), pp. 71-88. 8 of household organization. The nuclear family residence unit i s composed of husband, wife, and children of eit h e r or both. Such a unit i s most l i k e l y to function when (1) kinship and access to income are divorced; (2) income provided i s adequate to support household members in a manner suitable to the c u l t u r a l norms of the society; (3) stable enough over a reasonable length of time; and, (4) place of work and residence are i n close enough s p a t i a l proximity so that the house i s the usual or customary place for sleeping and the consumption of other necessary services. as a general proposition i t seems reasonable to expect that i f a l l of these conditiions are f u f i l l e d then the nuclear family household i s the most e f f i c i e n t form of organization to carry out the functions of the household as described above. Conversely i f one or more of the conditions are not met then the household composition must be modified to take into account the impinging conditions. The r e s u l t i n g composition of the household would then be i n eguilibrium as long as the conditions remained constant. The conditions necessary for the nuclear family household are not always met f o r reserve Indians. If the conditions are not met then the household composition i s modified so as to provide conditions which allow for the performance of basic household functions. For example, i f income i s unstable for members of a household then new members w i l l be added to provide s t a b i l i t y to allow some of the members of the household to regularly provide the 9 necessary s e r v i c e s . For the new members the b e n e f i t might be i n the form of someone to do the cooking and the washing i f the new member i s not a l r e a d y married, or i t c o u l d be simply an economy measure. C o n c e p t u a l l y the extended f a m i l y household and the consanguineal household are t r e a t e d as o c c u r r i n g when the c o n d i t i o n s do not permit the formation of nuclear f a m i l y households i n the context of a wage economy. An extended f a m i l y household i s composed of three or more ge n e r a t i o n s or two g e n e r a t i o n s with an a f f i n a l t i e i n each g e n e r a t i o n . A consanguineal household i s composed of o n l y persons l i n k e d by t i e s of c o n s a n g u i n i t y . 1 I t i s proposed that i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic f a c t o r s and household composition, economic f a c t o r s are of prime importance. T h i s i s t r u e to the e x t e n t t h a t one or more of the economic f a c t o r s i s at or below some c r i t i c a l l e v e l . Above t h i s l e v e l other f a c t o r s may play an i n c r e a s i n g r o l e i n determining the composition of households. To r e f e r again to the s t a b i l i t y of income, f o r a given f a m i l y there i s no such t h i n g as a p e r f e c t l y s t a b l e income. However the f a m i l y may be i n a p o s i t i o n where i t chooses more p r i v a c y and independence of a c t i o n (as a nuclear f a m i l y household) over the s t a b i l i t y t h a t c o u l d be achieved by l i v i n g as an extended f a m i l y household with 1 Nancie S o l i e n de Gonzalez, Black C a r i b Household S t r u c t u r e , Monograph Ho. 48 American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1969) , pp. 68 -69, 85, 137; Marvin Robert Munsell, "Land and Labour a t S a l t R i v e r : Household O r g a n i z a t i o n i n a Changing Economy" (unpublished Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Oregon, 1967) , p. 35. 10 m u l t i p l e income e a r n e r s i n d i f f e r e n t earning c y c l e s . T h i s study w i l l not attempt to estimate such a c r i t i c a l l e v e l although i t remains a c o n c e p t u a l p o s s i b i l i t y . For the purposes of forming t e s t a b l e hypotheses two assumptions are made: (1) a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n one dimension of Indian economic circumstances i s s u f f i c i e n t t o s h i f t the household composition, and, (2) the p r e f e r r e d form of household composition f o r B.C. Indians i s the n u c l e a r f a m i l y , supported by the normative s t r u c t u r e s . 1 2. Independent V a r i a b l e s The f i r s t dimension of economy t h a t w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d i s r esource c o n t r o l . A resource i s d e f i n e d to be anything which produces economic goods e i t h e r i n cash or k i n d . An economic good i s a c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d and sought a f t e r good or s e r v i c e (wages or moose or a r i t u a l cure) which i s i n s h o r t supply and thus r e q u i r e s e f f o r t and s a c r i f i c e t o o b t a i n . C o n t r o l by s o c i a l groups i m p l i e s t h a t by v i r t u e of the f a c t t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l i s a member of a group, such as the f a m i l y , he i s allowed access to or p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e s o u r c e t h a t i s c o n t r o l l e d by that group. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s which may be c o n t r o l l e d by groups extends v i r t u a l l y to any economic a c t i v i t y , and examples i n c l u d e a f i s h i n g boat, a farm and a s t o r e . * Hawthorn et a1 ., Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 276-277. 11 While i t i s p o s s i b l e to conceive of r e s o u r c e s which are group c o n t r o l l e d and f o r which there i s no group c o o p e r a t i o n i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n the r e v e r s e case i s the more l i k e l y . That i s , p a r t i c i p a n t s d i v i d e the t a s k s i n terms of s p a t i a l , temporal, and a c t i v i t y dimensions. Thus on a ranch not a l l of the p a r t i c i p a n t s herd c a t t l e a t the same time. Some mend fen c e s , see to the winter feed supply, or be engaged i n household s e r v i c e t a s k s . Where res o u r c e e x p l o i t a t i o n a c t i v i t y and the household maintenance tasks are performed i n the same p h y s i c a l space and both may be performed i n c l o s e c o n j u n c t i o n , then the two s e c t o r s of work and r e s i d e n c e are l i k e l y to blend together. F u r t h e r i t i s l i k e l y t h a t the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of tasks w i t h i n the r e s i d e n c e group i s capable of some m o d i f i c a t i o n a t peak p e r i o d s of the year, such as h a r v e s t i n g o p e r a t i o n s on a farm. 1 As a f o r m a l p r o p o s i t i o n t h i s i s s t a t e d as f o l l o w s : H-1 K i n s h i p c o n t r o l of a r e s o u r c e and c l o s e i n t e r l o c k i n g of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the r e s o u r c e are l i k e l y to mean k i n s h i p c o o p e r a t i o n i n the consumption of the resource which would i n c l u d e r e s i d e n c e i n the form of extended f a m i l y households. I f access to a r e s o u r c e , f o r the purposes of o b t a i n i n g employment or income, i s not c o n t r o l l e d by the k i n group then there are two a l t e r n a t i v e s , each having d i f f e r e n t 1 M.F. Nimkoff and B u s s e l l Middleton, "Types of Family and Types of Economy," American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y , 66 (1960), pp. 215-225; W i l l i a m Watson, T r i b a l Cohesion i n a Honey Economy (Manchester: Manchester u n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1958), p. 193; Wolf, Peasants , pp. 65 - 66. 12 i m p l i c a t i o n s . The f i r s t i s the case where i n d i v i d u a l s k i l l s or t a l e n t s are important f a c t o r s i n p r o v i d i n g income. In t h i s case the i n d i v i d u a l does not need to r e l y on h i s k i n s h i p group to o b t a i n employment, and thus i s not r e q u i r e d to cooperate with them i n r e s i d e n c e groups. I n d i v i d u a l s k i l l s such as that of mechanic or l o g g e r are i n demand by l a r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s whose onl y concern i s with e f f i c i e n c y or p r o d u c t i v i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l , not h i s l i n e a g e . Where i n d i v i d u a l s k i l l s are important then the n u c l e a r f a m i l y should be the major form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , i f the economy i s based on wage l a b o u r . 1 Stated f o r m a l l y t h i s i s as f o l l o w s : H-2 In a wage economy the r e l i a n c e of households on s k i l l e d labour l e a d s to the formation of n uclear f a m i l y households as the primary r e s i d e n c e group. I f k i n s h i p groups do not c o n t r o l access to r e s o u r c e s , and an i n d i v i d u a l possesses no marketable s k i l l s of h i s own, the most common ways of o b t a i n i n g income are from c a s u a l labour and w e l f a r e . Casual l a b o u r , as the term i m p l i e s , means t h a t there i s l i m i t e d commitment on the p a r t of the employer to the employee, and the employee has a b r i e f commitment to the job. The c a s u a l l a b o u r e r i s h i r e d f o r 1 Goode, World R e v o l u t i o n , p. 169; Gough, "Changing K i n s h i p Osage," p. 86; John H. Kunkel, "Values and Behavior i n Economic Developement," Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change , 13 (1965) pp. 275-276; ~Lynn RobbinsT "Economics, Household Composition, and Family L i f e C y c l e : The B l a c k f e e t Case." American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . Proceedings of the 1968 Annual S p r i n g Meeting ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1968), i n p a s s i n g . 13 s h o r t p e r i o d s of time and u s u a l l y f o r low pay. Because the pool of c a s u a l or u n s k i l l e d labour i s l a r g e the employer h i r e s on an immediate need b a s i s at wages j u s t l a r g e enough to a t t r a c t persons from the po o l . T h i s circumstance produces a s i t u a t i o n where income i s low and unstable with r e s u l t i n g extreme v u l n e r a b i l i t y to p e r i o d s of unemployment and no income. In a wage economy the d i f f e r e n c e s between income and needs may be p a r t i a l l y a l l e v i a t e d by welfare payments i n cash, goods, or c r e d i t f o r goods. Welfare income flows from such agencies as the Band C o u n c i l , Indian A f f a i r s Branch, and the p r o v i n c i a l government. G e n e r a l l y the i n d i v i d u a l has very l i t t l e c o n t r o l over welfare income. The welfare g r a n t i n g agency does not need the i n d i v i d u a l i n the same sense that an employer needs l a b o u r . On the c o n t r a r y , most welfare agencies have too few funds f o r too many a p p l i c a n t s . Hence continuance of welfare i s not a s t a b l e f a c t o r f o r the r e c i p i e n t . The i n d i v i d u a l must defend h i s p o s i t i o n o n l y with the a i d o f h i s s k i l l s a t manipulating the agency, not on any s k i l l t h a t has a commercial v a l u e . The f a c t coupled with a low l e v e l of p o s s i b l e or a c t u a l commitment to jobs i s r e f l e c t e d i n pat t e r n s f a v o r i n g males being absent i n search o f employment. Women tend t o remain at home t o care f o r c h i l d r e n and a l s o to g u a l i f y f o r welfare support f o r the c h i l d r e n . The women may be serai-employed a t a v a r i e t y of u n s k i l l e d jobs such as th a t of domestic or maid. Women thus tend to become the s t a b l e f ocus of such f a m i l i e s . 14 Combinations of women and t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n household u n i t s i n order to pool income and provide s t a b i l i t y i s one way of coping with the s i t u a t i o n . 1 Hypothesis three i s as f o l l o w s : H-3 The consanguineal household i s a conseguence of no access to ki n c o n t r o l l e d r e s o u r c e s and where the income earners have no marketable s k i l l s and leave the r e s e r v e i n search of c a s u a l employment. as d i s c u s s e d above, the p o s i t i o n of income earners with few s k i l l s and no access to r e s o u r c e s i s very p r e c a r i o u s indeed. Wages are low, p e r i o d s of unemployment are f r e q u e n t and may be of extended d u r a t i o n , and the number of jobs which are a v a i l a b l e f l u c t u a t e s widely from season to season and year to year. Such a s i t u a t i o n would mean t h a t i n order t o f i n d any s o r t of employment the i n d i v i d u a l would have t o t r a v e l extended d i s t a n c e s from h i s home r e s e r v e . That i s , he becomes a migrant worker. The i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h i s a re d i s c u s s e d under S e c t i o n B,3,b of t h i s chapter S i z e of income i s a major component of the economic c o n d i t i o n of a household because i t d e f i n e s the ext e n t to which a household i s a b l e to purchase goods and s e r v i c e s from commercial sources, t h a t i s , provide f o r members some of the necessary f u n c t i o n s from o u t s i d e the household s t r u c t u r e . For any s o c i a l group the amount of income t h a t i s necessary f o r each i n d i v i d u a l n u c l e a r f a m i l y household may vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y depending on the standard o f l i v i n g 1 de Gonzalez, Black C a r i b , pp. 139 - 140; Munsell, Land and Labour, p. 49. 15 t h a t i s c u l t u r a l l y expected. The problem can be co n s i d e r e d c o n c e p t u a l l y as a t r a d e - o f f between the form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n and the standard of l i v i n g . A f a m i l y might be w i l l i n g to forego a high standard o f l i v i n g i n areas such as food, q u a l i t y of housing, and q u a l i t y of c l o t h i n g i f the r e s u l t i n g economies would permit a separate e x i s t e n c e as a nuclear f a m i l y household, or they may e l e c t to l i v e as an extended f a m i l y with the r e s u l t i n g more s t a b l e income and higher standards of l i v i n g i n other areas. The l i m i t s t h a t the s i z e of the income p l a c e s on i n d i v i d u a l s i s the minimum l e v e l of s u b s i s t e n c e necessary to s u s t a i n the i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s i s the b a s i s from which the standard or l e v e l of consumption would be based. The g e n e r a l s t r e n g t h of the r e l a t i o n between the d e s i r e f o r n u c l e a r f a m i l y r e s i d e n c e and high l e v e l s of consumption i n other areas may be i n f e r r e d i n d i r e c t l y from the con t e x t of the s i t u a t i o n . The hypothesis i s as f o l l o w s : H-4 I f the p r o p o r t i o n of low income f a m i l i e s l i v i n g as nu c l e a r f a m i l y households i s higher {when the t o t a l number of n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s on the r e s e r v e i s high) as compared with the p r o p o r t i o n of low income nuc l e a r f a m i l i e s on r e s e r v e s (with a low freguency of n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s ) , then the c o n c l u s i o n i s that there are st r o n g , p o s i t i v e s a n c t i o n s to l i v i n g as a n u c l e a r f a m i l y household. i n As an a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n to the problem of a s i t u a t i o n of economic m a r g i n a l i t y the use e x i s t e n c e of i n t e r -16 household networks of r e c i p r o c i t y could be used. As income for the household decreases the more frequent and pervasive the amount of sharing. At the lowest position most resources including cash, goods, and services (such as baby s i t t i n g ) would be mobilized. Because cash i s a very scarce commodity t h i s would be the f i r s t class of exchanged items that would be excluded by virtue of i t s increasing s c a r c i t y as income decreases. As the r e l a t i v e position of a household increases due to a r i s e i n income the fewer the t o t a l number of exchanges.. Stated formally: H-5 As income decreases the greater the extent of i n t e r -household borrowing networks. Further, the lower the income the less l i k e l y that cash w i l l form part of the exchange system. Conceptually, the use of multiple household networks i s a less e f f i c i e n t means of meeting the demands of existence than extended family households, i t i s less e f f i c i e n t i n a s t r i c t l y economic sense because there i s a less complete coordination between the separate household resources and the demands for the two or more families. For example, two cooking stoves for two separate nuclear family households i s c l e a r l y less e f f i c i e n t use of resources than one stove shared by the same two nuclear families l i v i n g as one extended family household. In either case the pooling of incomes among households or within one extended household i s a more even d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources to a l l members concerned i n the system. 17 O p e r a t i o n a l l y the households which use the extended f a m i l y form w i l l have a higher t o t a l income and p e r - c a p i t a income w i l l be higher than i f the households e x i s t e d as separate e n t i t i e s : H-6 High income t o t a l s are a s s o c i a t e d with the extended f a m i l y form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n . I f the same households were to e x i s t as separate e n t i t i e s then the p e r - c a p i t a income would be lower than i f they e x i s t e d as an extended f a m i l y . A combination of lower t o t a l income and higher p e r - c a p i t a income are a s s o c i a t e d with nuclear f a m i l y households.* The lower l i m i t s of income are a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of what forms of household o r g a n i z a t i o n are p o s s i b l e . That i s , there i s a lower l i m i t o r minimum p o i n t beyond which no f a m i l y can e x i s t . Below t h i s point the f a m i l y form may s h i f t such t h a t the non-productive members may at l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y be placed i n the households of other k i n u n t i l the income producers i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e can again p r o v i d e enough income. T h i s problem i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the concept of the stem f a m i l y . a stem f a m i l y i s a n u c l e a r f a m i l y with the parents of e i t h e r or both husband and wife r e s i d e n t with them. Because income a v a i l a b l e i n o l d age may be s e v e r e l y attenuated the parents may exert pressure on the c h i l d r e n to provide them with a home and s e r v i c e s when they are no longer able t o do so f o r themselves. T h i s i s the converse of the c h i l d r e a r i n g f u n c t i o n mentioned e a r l i e r as 1 Munsell, Land and Labour , p. 58. 18 a f u n c t i o n of the f a m i l y . The d i f f e r e n c e i s that a l l c h i l d r e n need care f o r a number of years, probably a t l e a s t twelve. But a d u l t s may not need such care because of s u f f i c i e n t r e s o u r c e s (such as pensions) or because of e a r l y death. The t h i r d dimension of income i s s t a b i l i t y . The income of i n d i v i d u a l s and consequently of households may vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y over the course of a year. I f the p a t t e r n of f l u c t u a t i o n s i s not p r e d i c t a b l e or i f the f l u c t u a t i o n s are too great then the form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n may adapt to compensate f o r t h i s s i t u a t i o n . The use of the extended f a m i l y household a c t s as an ins u r a n c e mechanism. Persons or nuclear f a m i l i e s may combine so t h a t members complement one another i n terms of income f l u c t u a t i o n s or simply i n the e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t among a l l of the income producers there w i l l always be some income a v a i l a b l e to purchase (for the sh o r t run) the necessary s u p p l i e s f o r a l l the members. 1 H-7 I f the income of an i n d i v i d u a l i s u n s t a b l e then the extended f a m i l y household would be the most e f f i c i e n t form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i i o n and t h e r e f o r e i s the expected form. I f the income i s s t a b l e then the n u c l e a r f a m i l y i s the more e f f i c i e n t form and t h e r e f o r e the expected form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n . Having considered three major aspects of income there * I b i d ., p. 56; Robbins, "Economics, Household Composition," pp. 198-200. 19 i s a f i n a l dimension t h a t i s presented, that of cash or kind income. L o g i c a l l y t h i s form should perhaps be presented f i r s t , but s i n c e there are few i f any Indian groups and indeed few Indian households which o b t a i n most of t h e i r y e a r l y income i n t h i s form i t i s i n c l u d e d more i n the nature of a warning t h a t i t may be important i n a few cases but i t i s not expected to be so f o r the m a j o r i t y . A cash economy means that p r o d u c t i v i t y accrues to the i n d i v i d u a l i n the form of money wages, pensions, r e n t , or welfare. Consumption i s i n d i r e c t , t h a t i s , purchases are made with the money. Cash as a medium of economic exchange has the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of n o n - p e r i s h a b i l i t y , t r a n s p o r t a b i l i t y , and c o n v e r t a b i l i t y . Cash can thus be used at any time, a t any plac e to o b t a i n any products, l i m i t e d only by the a v a i l a b i l i t y and the c o s t . Honey i s a s t o r e of value to be converted as need d i c t a t e s . For the i n d i v i d u a l who possesses cash there i s one important drawback, t h a t cash can be used by anyone and s i n c e i t can be converted or used to s a t i s f y any demands, the demands on the possessor of cash are l i m i t l e s s i n r e l a t i o n to supply. For an i n d i v i d u a l i n need, anyone with cash can a l l e v i a t e the need, not only someone who has i n h i s p o s s e s s i o n the s p e c i f i c item needed. For persons o p e r a t i n g i n a cash economy the one way to maintain a high p e r - c a p i t a income under the pressure from o t h e r s to g i v e them cash, i s w i t h i n the n u c l e a r f a m i l y r e s i d e n c e u n i t . I t o f f e r s a means of p a r t i a l l y i s o l a t i n g the cash h o l d e r from those o u t s i d e the nuclear f a m i l y . 20 A kind economy means that a given resource i t s e l f i s consummed d i r e c t l y by the producer. Salmon caught f o r home consumption i s an example of the kind economy. Salmon caught while i n the employ of a canning company and p a i d f o r i n wages or shares i s an example of a cash economy. T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t i s not the product i t s e l f t h a t determines cash or kind economy but r a t h e r how the labour i s paid f o r . In g e n e r a l a kind economy i s more l i m i t e d . The g r e a t e r the range of products the g r e a t e r the number of people needed to support the system. 1 That i s , f o r a c l o s e d , kind economy the d i v i s i o n of labour i s a determinant of the range of products produced. As a p a r a l l e l s t r u c t u r e the household as a consumption u n i t r e f l e c t s the s t r u c t u r e of the pr o d u c t i o n network. Thus i f the p r o d u c t i o n s e c t o r i s based on the extended f a m i l y then the household should a l s o be based on the extended f a m i l y . As noted above t h e r e are probably few groups or i n d i v i d u a l s who o b t a i n the primary p a r t of t h e i r income from a k i n d economy and the d i s t i n c t i o n i s i n c l u d e d f o r t h e o r e t i c a l completeness. However the f o l l o w i n g h y p o t h e s i s i s generated by the p o s s i b i l i t y : H-8 I f the e x p l o i t a t i o n of a res o u r c e i s based on an extended f a m i l y system and the products of the resource c o n s t i t u t e the primary p a r t of the income of the persons so i n v o l v e d then the extended f a m i l y household i s the expected form of o r g a n i z a t i o n 1 Wolf, Peasants , p. 66. 21 f o r the household. The above i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the v a r i o u s dimensions of economic circumstances i s p o s t u l a t e d on the assumption of economic r a t i o n a l i t y and does not take i n t o account normative s t r u c t u r e s such as g e n e r o s i t y among k i n which may a l t e r the s i t u a t i o n . 1 The j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h i s approach r e s t s on the n o t i o n t h a t f o r many Indians the a b i l i t y t o generate income i s so l i m i t e d t h at even m a i n t a i n i n g a household, on any b a s i s , i s a very r e a l problem. Since many Indians are i n a p o s i t i o n of economic m a r g i n a l i t y i n a cash economy the l i m i t s of r e c i p r o c i t y among k i n are very s m a l l . Since many i f not the ma j o r i t y of items that are c o n s i d e r e d necessary by Indians must be purchased with cash and cash i s a s c a r c e r e s o u r c e then the l i m i t s of r e c i p r o c i t y are a l s o very l i m i t e d . A second problem i s t h a t of s h a r i n g among households. While t h i s c e r t a i n l y i s a f a c t o r i n household economics the f i r s t working assumption i s t h a t such a i d networks can not provide an e f f i c i e n t d i s t r i b u t i o n of re s o u r c e s over a long time span. Probably most, i f not a l l , such a i d i s given on an emergency b a s i s . As a major f e a t u r e of household economics i t may operate d i f f e r e n t i a l l y depending on the re s o u r c e s or needs of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . 1 Hawthorn, e t a l ., Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 47, 219: Marshall"" D. S a h l i n s , "On t h e " S o c i o l o g y of P r i m i t i v e Exchange," i n The Relevance of Models f o r S o c i a l Anthropology , ed. By M. Banton. Monographs of the A s s o c i a t i o n o f S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , He. 1. (London: T a v i s t o c k P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1965), pp. 39-126. 22 3. I n t e r v e n i n g V a r i a b l e s A. Family L i f e C y c l e So f a r the p i c t u r e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic circumstances and household composition has focused a t t e n t i o n on the way i n which i n d i v i d u a l s and hence households respond to v a r i o u s dimensions of economic circumstances. Ho mention has been made of how i n d i v i d u a l s change i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r a b i l i t y to generate income. The g e n e r a l approach used here i s t h a t of f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e a n a l y s i s . F a m i l i e s , as non-closed systems, have a l i f e or e x t e n s i o n through time although the i n d i v i d u a l s who comprise f a m i l i e s have themselves -a f i n i t e l i f e span. At i t s s i m p l e s t the younger g e n e r a t i o n takes over the r o l e s of the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n . B i r t h and death mark the beginning and the end of the process f o r i n d i v i d u a l s . The household p r o v i d e s a primary framework w i t h i n which c h i l d r e n are born, r e a r e d , s o c i a l i z e d , and e v e n t u a l l y become p r o d u c t i v e members of the s o c i e t y . The process can be analyzed i n terms of the changing r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s (with s u p p o r t i n g normative s t r u c t u r e s ) l e a d i n g to the assumption of a d u l t s t a t u s . The concern i n t h i s r e s e a r c h i s with only one of the many r o l e s which e x i s t w i t h i n the f a m i l y , t h a t of income producer. While the p i c t u r e v a r i e s widely from c u l t u r e t o c u l t u r e and even w i t h i n c u l t u r e s the g e n e r a l p a t t e r n i s that c h i l d r e n do not produce s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n s of a household's income. As the c h i l d grows o l d e r and g a i n s the necessary s k i l l s and s t r e n g t h s to take a more a c t i v e and s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the 23 f a m i l y p r o d u c t i o n , the comparative p o s i t i o n of the f a m i l y i s i n c r e a s e d , p r o v i d i n g there are o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the c h i l d r e n to use t h e i r s k i l l s . S t a r t i n g from the assumption that the n u c l e a r f a m i l y i s the d e s i r e d form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the households of B.C. Indians i t i s p o s s i b l e t o see that economic circumstances determine when i t i s p o s s i b l e and when i t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r a new ( u s u a l l y young) n u c l e a r f a m i l y t o separate from the f a m i l y of o r i e n t a t i o n . E c o n o m i c a l l y i t i s a problem of f i n d i n g the necessary res o u r c e s to e s t a b l i s h a new household. Since i t i s u s u a l t h a t the peak e a r n i n g years of the i n d i v i d u a l are not those a t the beginning of the p r o d u c t i v e or ear n i n g years the support of the e n t i r e f a m i l y to e s t a b l i s h a separate household may be necessary. Or as a compromise, the young couple may l i v e with in-laws u n t i l such time as they are a b l e to accumulate the necessary resources to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own separate household. The number of persons who are dependent on the income p r o v i d e r s a f f e c t s the r a t e at which f i s s i o n can take p l a c e . While i t has been suggested t h a t i t i s d i f f i c u l t to s t a t e e x a c t l y the f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e of any group without r e f e r e n c e to the c u l t u r a l system, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i n d i c a t e t h r e e main stages of f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e which r e l a t e e x p l i c i t l y to the p r o p o r t i o n of persons i n a household who are economically p r o d u c t i v e i t i s important to note that the focus here i s on one p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h i n the f a m i l y and not to a l l of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s which c o - e x i s t at 24 the same time. The stages are as f o l l o w s : (a) Phase of Expansion: L a s t s from the marriage of a man and a woman to the end of the c h i l d b e a r i n g years. Income i s i n i t i a l l y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the s e n i o r g e n e r a t i o n ( e s p e c i a l l y the husband). (b) Phase of D i s p e r s i o n S F i s s i o n : L a s t s from the marriage of f i r s t c h i l d ( u s u a l l y the e l d e s t ) u n t i l the marriage of the l a s t c h i l d . In t h i s phase the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from p r o v i d i n g income begins to s h i f t to the younger g e n e r a t i o n . A l s o , depending on the l e n g t h of the c h i l d b earing y e a r s , the mother may make c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the household income i n ways which have e i t h e r a cash or kind v a l u e . (c) Phase of Replacement: From the marriage of the l a s t c h i l d u n t i l the death of both parents. At some p o i n t during the phase both parents may no longer be economically p r o d u c t i v e and may depend on the support of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . * Given the above c o n s i d e r a t i o n i t would seem t h a t f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e i s s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by the economic circumstances of the f a m i l y . 2 As the economic circumstances of the f a m i l y d e c l i n e s the l e n g t h of each stage may be lengthened, and i n d i v i d u a l s may change the composition of the f a m i l y household to accommodate the wishes of members. * Meyer F o r t e s , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n The Developmental C y c l e i n Domestic Groups , ed. By Jack Goody, Cambridge Papers i n Anthropology No. 1 (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1958) . 2 Robbins, "Economics, Household Composition," pp. 204-207. 25 T h i s l a s t p o s s i b i l i t y would be the case where c h i l d r e n l i v e with t h e i r parents f o r some time a f t e r they are married. In terms of other dimensions of economic circumstances presented i n the f i r s t part of t h i s chapter the most important i s c o n t r o l of r e s o u r c e s by the k i n s h i p group. I f the r e s o u r c e s are k i n s h i p c o n t r o l l e d then there i s l e s s chance t h a t the n u c l e a r f a m i l y w i l l d i v i d e as the c h i l d r e n reach marriagable age. S i n c e most of the p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s t h a t are owned by f a m i l i e s are s m a l l i n s c a l e there are severe l i m i t a t i o n s on the number of persons who can be supported on the income. fts c h i l d r e n reach marriageable age the n u c l e a r f a m i l y might undergo an expansion and a s h i f t i n composition. I t might become an extended f a m i l y household with one or more of the c h i l d r e n married and l i v i n g with the parents. However even i f the f a m i l y does change to ah extended f a m i l y household there i s a l i m i t beyond which a g i v e n resource c o u l d not support a d d i t i o n a l persons. For example, a given r e s o u r c e might provide s u f f i c i e n t income f o r an extended f a m i l y composed of two n u c l e a r s u b - u n i t s but not f o r three. The r e s u l t might be that remaining c h i l d r e n must postpone marriage i f they wish to continue p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e s o u r c e ; 1 T h i s l e a d s to the f o l l o w i n g h y p o t h e s i s : H-9 For k i n s h i p c o n t r o l l e d r e s o u r c e s the lower the income generated by the r e s o u r c e the more l i k e l y t h a t the extended 1 Hawthorn et a l -, Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia , p. 220. 2 6 f a m i l y household w i l l be the form of household as the c h i l d r e n become married. The s t a b i l i t y of the income i s a l s o a problem f o r younger members who are a t the beginning of t h e i r e a r n i n g years and have not found a s t a b l e source of employment. An example from the North Vancouver Band may i l l u s t r a t e the p o i n t . A number of men i n t h i s band f i n d wage employment as st e v e d o r e s , who are d i v i d e d i n t o two groups. Group A has a guaranteed number of hours per year and a high h o u r l y wage. Entrance i n t o Group A i s by s e n i o r i t y . Group B i s composed of those who have only r e c e n t l y j o i n e d the dock f o r c e and members of the group have no guarantee of hours and the hourly wage i s much lower than t h a t of Group A.* I f a f a m i l y should have a f a t h e r i n Group A and a son i n Group B the p o s i t i o n o f the son i s much lower than t h a t of the f a t h e r not only i n terms of the s i z e of the income bat a l s o i n terms of the s t a b i l i t y of income. T h i s lower p o s i t i o n might f o r c e the son to r e s i d e with h i s parents u n t i l he i s a member of Group A, even though he might be married. Once he reaches Group A then he would be f r e e to e s t a b l i s h h i s o«n separate household. The d i s c u s s i o n above i s p o s t u l a t e d on the assumption th a t the p r e f e r r e d form of household o r g a n i z a t i o n i s t h a t of the n u c l e a r f a m i l y . In other words, t h a t the d i r e c t i o n of 1 Source f o r t h i s i s a long time observer of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n s i n Vancouver A. D. Whitman, p e r s o n a l communication. 27 the s o c i a l process i s known. If t h i s assumption can not be made then the predicted d i r e c t i o n of the household composition would be very d i f f i c u l t to make. The assumption i s substantiated by the findings of the study by Hawthorn. 1 B. Migratory Labour E a r l i e r i n Section I i t was suggested that one of the conditions for the existence of the nuclear family was that place of work and residence be close enough s p a t i a l l y so that the home i s the customary place f o r sleeping as well as the consumption of other necessary services. If t h i s condition i s relaxed then there are two p o s s i b i l i t i e s . F i r s t , the worker may migrate alone, that i s without his spouse or children. The second alternative i s that the household w i l l move with the worker. In t h i s case, over the l i f e span of the worker he w i l l have a number of d i f f e r e n t places of residence. This problem i s especially important for reserve Indians because of the special s i g n i f i c a n c e of the reserve. The reserve acts i n the f i n a l analysis as a place which has s p e c i a l types of resources which may not be available i n other places. Such resources could include kinship support in time of need, welfare income provided through the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, and income from Band funds (which may be welfare or not). Generally, both kinds of income (kinship and welfare) demand the presence of the person on the reserve as a resident f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t 1 Hawthorn, et a l . , Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia , pp. 276 - 277. 28 portion of the year. Yet thi s type of support may give only p a r t i a l support or support which i s inadequate i n i t s e l f . In a wage economy employment may come from centers of a c t i v i t y at varying distances away from the reserve, that i s the person may participate i n migratory labour. In order to understand the problem of migratory labour better two perspectives are used. F i r s t , migratory labour can be considered in terms of the length of time away from the reserve and the pattern of such absences. Second, migratory labour may be considered in terms of the structure of such a labour force and the structure of the demand for such labour. A minimum d e f i n i t i o n of migratory labour states that any time a person i s absent from his place of residence for an extended period of time for the purpose of obtaining employment he i s a migrant labourer. 1 The minimum time i s to be defined empirically for each Situati o n , As the period of time increases the more s i g n i f i c a n t w i l l be the potential r e s u l t s for household organization. As the time increases the more pressing w i l l be the need to obtain services usually provided by the household from other sources such as commercial establishments. In the case of cooking the time i s very short, at most probably not more than one day. For other sources such as laundry service the time i s somewhat 1 Nancie Solien, "Family Organization i n Five Types of Migratory Wage Labour," American Anthro£olo<|ist, 63 (1961) , p. 1264 - 1280. 29 longer, perhaps up to one month. A basic typology of migratory labour includes the following:* (a) Seasonal Migration: Once a year, usually f o r the purpose of taking part i n a g r i c u l t u r a l operations. Who migrates i n t h i s type depends on the job requirements i n terms of age, sex, and s k i l l . S k i l l i s usually a minor factor i n a g r i c u l t u r a l harvesting. (b) Temporary £ B°£lL§easonal Migration: Usually single young adults. Lasts from one to ten years. Delays marriage age and may place a larger burden for home income production on young and old men and a l l women. It does provide a source of income which may be used f o r the establishment of new households. (c) Recurrent Migration: Migration occurs throughout the productive years. Depending on employment opportunities whole nuclear families may migrate. If i t i s only the men then wives and children may l i v e with i n -laws or others such as s i s t e r s or brothers due to the necessity for home production or the i n s t a b i l i t y of support by the migrant. The consanguineal household i s thought to occur in t h i s context. (d) Continuous Migration: Occurs throughout the productive years and contacts 4 i M i •» PP- 1264-1280. 30 with the home v i l l a g e are almost non-existent. Usually nuclear f a m i l i e s predominate i n thi s type. But e l d e r l y parents may joi n married children and be active rearing the children while the parents work. (e) Permanent Removal: Individuals or nuclear families leave the home v i l l a g e with the intent to remain away from the v i l l a g e . Since t h i s research i s concerned with Indians who maintain residence for at least a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the year on the reserve Continuous Migration and Permanent Removal are included f o r l o g i c a l consistency only and w i l l be dropped from further consideration. A second way to consider migratory labour i s in terms of the structure of the market for such labour. Usually migratory labour i s considered to involve persons classed as unskilled or semi-skilled. This type w i l l be considered f i r s t using the a g r i c u l t u r a l harvest sector as a t y p i c a l case. Later there w i l l be comments on the position of the s k i l l e d migratory labourer. At least u n t i l the recent C a l i f o r n i a s t r i k e s i n the grape harvest sector, the a g r i c u l t u r a l labour market i n North America could be c l a s s i f i e d i n the following ways: (1) No unions, (2) Impersonal r e l a t i o n s between employer and employee, (3) Labour force must be largely u n s k i l l e d , (4) Payment on a piece rate basis, (5) Small c a p i t a l investment in 31 the h a r v e s t i n g o p e r a t i o n . 1 For employees i n such a s i t u a t i o n the r e s u l t i s low cash wages, no job s e c u r i t y , and very long hours. F u r t h e r the term of employment with any one employer i s s p e c i f i c f o r each crop. T h i s means t h a t the demand on the p a r t of employers f o r such labour v a r i e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y f o r each crop. For C a l i f o r n i a i t has been estimated t h a t the t o t a l demand f o r such labour v a r i e s from a high of 250,000 men i n September to a low of 70,000 i n March.* The above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are from the C a l i f o r n i a a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r of the North American economy but there i s s t r o n g evidence to b e l i e v e t h a t the same s i t u a t i o n p r e v a i l s f o r other u n s k i l l e d , migratory s i t u a t i o n s . 2 The p i c t u r e presented above c e r t a i n l y does not seem to o f f e r a very a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e as a source of employment. Unless t h e r e i s very s t r o n g evidence t h a t the jobs open to migratory l a b o u r e r s o f f e r tremendous p e r s o n a l s a t i s f a c t i o n such as the p o s s i b i l i t y of t r a v e l , work o u t - o f -doors, and v a r i e t y then the c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t other a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r employment must e i t h e r be l a c k i n g , or of even lower r e t u r n . In terms of the dimensions of income presented i n * L l o y d H. F i s h e r , The Harvest Labour Market i n C a l i f o r n i a . (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1953), p. 9. 1 Ibid . 2 Harland P a d f i e l d and W.E. M a r t i n , Farmers, Workers, and Machines . (Tuscon, A r i z o n a : U n i v e r s i t y of A r i z o n a P r e s s , 1965), i n p a s s i n g . 32 Section I i t seems plausible that unskilled migratory labour occurs when a wage economy dominates, resources are non-kinship controlled, and occupational s k i l l s are lacking. In addition sources of income such as welfare may be low or un r e l i a b l e . 1 If the. jobs i n migratory labour are not open to women and children then i t i s l i k e l y that they would remain behind i n the home v i l l a g e thus forming for at least part of the year a consanguineal household. If the women as well as the men migrate but children do not then the grandparents or other r e l a t i v e s might care for the children, again forming a consanguineal household. The s i t u a t i o n which occurs when a person does not have special s k i l l s and i s involved i n migratory labour i s something open to question. Certainly there are cases where the s i t u a t i o n exists for Indians. Mohawk Indians from the area around Montreal have long been employed i n the high s t e e l construction trades, with job locations a l l over North America. There have been enough Mohawks involved in t h i s pattern that they can be said to have developed a stable pattern of such a c t i v i t y . Wives and children remain behind either on the reserve or with other Mohawk fam i l i e s i n a par t i c u l a r section of New York Cit y . However the length of employment f o r such Indians i s usually only for a few months. Thus i t would not be fea s i b l e to bring the children with them because of the necessity that the children remain in school. The women then remain behind to care for the 1 Munsell, Land and Labour , p. 17. 33 c h i l d r e n . I t i s t h e r e f o r e suggested t h a t i f the time of employment at any one l o c a t i o n i s long then i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t the c h i l d r e n w i l l move with the f a t h e r and the mother. S k i l l e d persons i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n t r a d e s working a t a l a r g e p r o j e c t such as a dam c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t f r e g u e n t l y are provided with homes and s c h o o l s by the c o n s t r u c t i o n companies. I t i s known t h a t B.C. Indians do p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s k i l l e d labour market, some of which i s migratory i n c h a r a c t e r . But the extent and manner of the a l t e r a t i o n t h i s causes i n the household i s not known. However, the above d i s c u s s i o n would l e a d to the f o l l o w i n g hypothesis: H-10 I f wages are p r i m a r i l y d e r i v e d from s k i l l e d , migratory labour and such employment i s f o r extended p e r i o d s o f time a t one l o c a t i o n , then the expected form of the household i s the nucl e a r f a m i l y . T h i s i s a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the ge n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s presented e a r l i e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r . 34 C. The Data The raw data on which the present study i s based were c o l l e c t e d and arranged by the r e s e a r c h group of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia d i r e c t e d by Hawthorn as the f i e l d work f o r a study commissioned by the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration s u r v e y i n g "modern Indian l i f e (focusing) on the adjustments of the Indians to the Canadian economy and s o c i e t y . " 1 The Hawthorn study make a s e r i e s o f assumptions i n order to c a r r y out the study. Of p a r t i c u l a r importance f o r t h a t study as w e l l as the present one was the assumption that a c c u l t u r a t i o n has operated i n the past and i s c o n t i n u i n g to take p l a c e . 2 In a d d i t i o n the r e s e a r c h e r s were a l s o aware t h a t a c c u l t u r a t i o n as a process i s very much i n f l u e n c e d by the s t a r t i n g s i t u a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r Indian p o p u l a t i o n s as w e l l as the p a r t i c u l a r e x periences of the p o p u l a t i o n s d u r i n g the process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . The Hawthorn group s e l e c t e d twenty-three r e s e r v e s l o c a t e d over a wide area of the pro v i n c e of B.C. The r e s e r v e s s e l e c t e d f o r a n a l y s i s represented an attempt to sample the extremely v a r i e d p o p u l a t i o n s of r e s e r v e Indians i n B.C., v a r i e d with r e s p e c t to pr e - c o n t a c t s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l l i f e , e x p eriences over the l a s t one hundred years, p h y s i c a l environmental v a r i a t i o n , and present day p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l l i f e . 1 Hawthorn et a1 ., Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia , p. v. 2 I • > P- 1 2 . 35 The actual method of study used in the survey varies with each reserve, but the general procedure was to use teams of student investigators to v i s i t each reserve and obtain as much information as possible. To aid i n the c o l l e c t i o n of data a standardized guestionnaire* for each household was designed. I t i s the data from responses to the questionnaire that form the backbone of the present analysis. While the questionnaire i t s e l f delved into many areas of reserve Indian l i f e , (for example, i t gathered information on reading patterns and house condition), some 10 out of 47 questions deal with the s p e c i f i c economic patterns of the household. Another 7 guestions deal with the personnel of the household. Consideration of the questionnaire form suggested that the data would provide adequate information for the test i n g of the hypotheses suggested i n the previous section of t h i s chapter. It i s important to note that in addition to the survey of households on the reserve the f i e l d workers also compiled detailed information on many aspects of s o c i a l l i f e on the reserve. Such information was gathered from personal observation and Indian Agency f i l e s . This information was then gathered together into one or more essays covering a wide range of top i c s . Between the two sources (the questionnaire and the essays) i t was expected that a well rounded picture of Indian economic l i f e using households as the basic units could be obtained. * See Appendix A. 36 Of the twenty-three r e s e r v e s i n the study two were s e l e c t e d f o r the present study. These were Skidegate Reserve, Queen C h a r l o t t e agency and the Nimpkish r e s e r v e l o c a t e d at A l e r t Bay, Kwawkewlth Agency. The f i r s t was s t u d i e d by P. Pineo and M. Ames f o r a period of one month each. The second was s t u d i e d by P. Pineo f o r f i v e weeks. The a c t u a l f i e l d work was c a r r i e d out between May and September of 1954. On examination of the a c t u a l f i e l d data i t was decided to use a l l of the households on each r e s e r v e f o r which there was s u f f i c i e n t data. The sample of households i n t e r v i e w e d by the r e s e a r c h e r s was not a random sample s t a t i s t i c a l l y speaking, i n f a c t i t would be b e t t e r c h a r a c t e r i z e d as an o p p o r t u n i s t i c sample. Because of t h i s f a c t i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to g e n e r a l i z e beyond the a c t u a l p o p u l a t i o n . However when the number of households i n t e r v i e w e d i s compared with the t o t a l number on the r e s e r v e then i t i s safe to suggest t h a t the sample approaches a s t a t i s t i c a l u n i v e r s e . The problem i s t h a t t h e r e i s no way of knowing i f there were s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between the households i n t e r v i e w e d and not i n t e r v i e w e d . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t was found t h a t some of the hypotheses were not t e s t a b l e with the present data. While the form q u e s t i o n n a i r e would suggest t h a t there was adequate i n f o r m a t i o n , i n a c t u a l f a c t there were shortcomings i n the data which made a n a l y s i s i m p o s s i b l e . Furthermore there were 37 problems encountered i n the data that could not be foreseen without prior examination and hence possibly influencing the th e o r e t i c a l framework. In par t i c u l a r i t was to be hoped that i n as much as the ancestral populations of the two reserves are reported by a l l sources to be exclusively composed of extended family households and because the present day communities are i n an area of comparative i s o l a t i o n from the impact of urban centres that the pre-contact form of household organization would show a strong persistence in the present day. This was not found to be the case, as extended family households compose less than 20% of the sample populations. This f a c t made the analysis of the sample an impossible task because c e l l s i z e s would become too small to make analysis reasonable. However the data does present a f a i r l y uniqu opportunity to study several reserves using a uniform data gathering instrument and one which was used at one pont i n time. 38 CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY A. Conceptual Framework The dependent variable. household type. was hypothesized to be determined by the following variables which were treated as independent: (a) D i f f e r e n t i a l control of access to resources, (b) S k i l l l e v e l of household members, (c) Dependence on unearned or s o c i a l services income, and , (d) Dependence on kind resource production. The following variables were regarded as intervening: (a) For kinship controlled resources, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between household and resource task organization, (c) E f f e c t of migratory labour, and, (d) Employment s t a b i l i t y . Household type ref e r s to the pattern of relationships between household members. There were three types of households which were of concern i n t h i s study: nuclear Stage in family l i f e cycle, 39 family households, extended family households, and consanguineal households. While there are other household types which were possible they were not considered i n the t h e o r e t i c a l framework as presented i n Chapter i . The basic questionnaire used i n the Hawthorn survey provided information as to the composition of a l l permanent members of the households. In pa r t i c u l a r questions 1, 4, 5, 6, and 7 1 gave basic information as to the household members for the sub-units within a household. The Hawthorn survey defined a "family" as: A unit which could have conceivably l i v e d separately according to White notions about the ide a l separateness of the i n d i v i d u a l family. 2 This means that for any one household there was a response sheet for one or more sub-units. While i t might have proved f r u i t f u l and i n t e r e s t i n g to have conducted the analysis using the sub-units as the basic units for the analysis t h i s was not f e a s i b l e . The majority of response sheets indicated a complete sharing of incoome, goods, and services between sub-units within the same household. Therefore transfers within the same household could not be evaluated. The safer, though l e s s precise, method of analysis was to aggregate the sub-units within the same household. 1 A l l questions cited refer to the questionnaire reproduced i n Appendix A. 2 Hawthorn, et a l . , Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia , p. 233. 40 B • The independent Variablej^ Income The income p r o f i l e of each household was very d i f f i c u l t to determine. Because of the t h e o r e t i c a l considerations presented in Chapter I i t was necessary to place a l l sources of income i n one category with respect to the various degrees of the income variable. The procedure used was to determine what were a l l of the sources of income, then to define whether each source was wage, kinship, s o c i a l service, unearned, r e c i p r o c i t y of kind i n nature. The broad plan for analysis was to consider Questions 25 through 33 as providing information on a l l sources of income and to alloca t e such income to only one of the s i x sectors l i s t e d above. Ideally the assignment would follow the format shown i n Table i . TABLE I ASSIGNMENT OF QUESTIONS TO INCOME SECTORS Income sector Question Wages 25, 26 Social Services 28 Unearned 29 Reciprocity 30 1 Kind 31* * Adjusted to r e f l e c t 12 month t o t a l . In practice i t was found that the information found i n the responses to questions did not always match the d e f i n i t i o n s of such income as presented i n Chapter I. That 41 i s , a p a r t i c u l a r income source was sometimes more appropriately included i n another sector than the ones defined i n Table i . The most common example involved income l i s t e d i n Question 25 and 26 which was obtained from f i s h i n g on a boat owned by a r e l a t i v e but not necessarily co-resident i n the respondents own household, A second problem was income again from f i s h i n g that was l i s t e d under the responses to Question 29. Here the income was included under wage income or kinship income i f the information indicated whether or not i t was from employment on a boat owned by a r e l a t i v e . The second major decision rule of a l l o c a t i o n , then, was to alloca t e income to sector other than that l i s t e d i n Table I i f s p e c i f i c information i n the data warranted i t . Wage income was presumed to be any earned income from employment i n which the i n d i v i d u a l did not own the equipment or business himself, (such as a powersaw or a boat), nor was i t owned by a r e l a t i v e of h i s , according to his own reckoning and so reported i n the information sheets. For example, employment by a non-Indian logging company was presumed to be wage employment. It had been anticipated that kinship networks might provide access to employment but there were no such reported cases, nor were there many Indians i n employment positions (such as foreman) where t h i s was even a l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y . The most d i f f i c u l t problem was i n determining whether a particular income figure represented gross or net income (after taxes and 42 deductions). Gross income was used where indicated and i f there was no indication associated with a p a r t i c u l a r income figure i t was presumed to be gross income. The decision to use gross rather than net income i s based on the notion that income figures represent actual income potential, whereas net income r e f l e c t s not only t h i s concept but also d i f f e r e n t i a l demands on income, as in the number of children dependent on the income. Kinship income was presumed to be any income from any source for which the i n d i v i d u a l owned the c a p i t a l goods or such goods were owned by a r e l a t i v e . I f there was no indicati o n such income was deemed to be simple wage income., Any income accruing from Family Allowance Payments, welfare, r e l i e f , and pensions (old age, company, or blind) was included under the sector of s o c i a l services income. Question 2 8 provided a l l such information. Also included i n t h i s category was any information on income obtained through the Unemployment Insurance Commission. While i t i s true that an i n d i v i d u a l contributes to t h i s system during the time he i s employed the benefits which are possible are not commensurate with the amounts paid. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true for many Indians whose only source of income i s f i s h i n g which i s a seasonal a c t i v i t y . Occasionally the data indicated an income source without indicating the amount (for example. Family Allowance payments). Where the siz e of the income could be estimated with accuracy from other 43 sources i t was included. 1 Reciprocity income was p o t e n t i a l l y the most d i f f i c u l t income source to estimate for two reasons. F i r s t , i t i s l i k e l y to be the most casual sort of income paid or received by a household. It i s l i k e l y to be i n small amounts of money or a customary sharing of equipment and services. While i t i s possible that such amounts could add up to a considerable figure i t was assumed that i f i t did amount to a sizeable sum that the respondents would at least mention i t . If i t was not mentioned, then i t was presumed to be zero or i n s i g n i f i c a n t . A second source of trouble with respect to r e c i p r o c i t y income i s a common norm among Indians of sharing wealth and goods and about which i t i s considered impolite to convey information to other persons. Against t h i s proposition there i s no recourse except to r e l y on the observational s k i l l of the interviewers to discover such income. In actual fact the incidence of reported r e c i p r o c i t y income was very low. What was reported were a few examples of loans of money and reduced prices for renting of houses. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that most persons expected the loans to be repaid though there was no time s p e c i f i e d . 1 Huch of the information was obtained from: Government of Canada, Canada Year Book: O f f i c i a l S t a t i s t i c a l Annual of the Resources^ Historjf x and I n s t i t u t i o n s and S o c i a l and Economic Conditions of Canada , Published by the Minister of Industry Trade and Commerce, (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , 1954). 44 Kind income was determined by information provided by responses to Question 31. The most common example of kind income was canned salmon. A somewhat smaller number of households reported preservation of salmon by smoking or sa l t i n g . However the responses to the questionnaire did not provide any dol l a r estimate of the value of such kind production; rather the usual practice was to report the number of cases of t i n s of salmon of d i f f e r e n t s i z e s put up by the household. I t was thus necessary to translate such physical units of production into d o l l a r units commensurate with the d o l l a r units f o r other sources of income. For salmon (by far the most common cource of kind production) a figure of 180/ 1/2 l b . t i n and 360 1 l b . t i n of salmon was used. 1 These prices represent the s e l l i n g price for canned, pink salmon for the year 1954. While the actual species of salmon that was canned was not usually s p e c i f i e d , for the purposes of analysis the lower price of pink salmon was used for two reasons. F i r s t , the lower price of pink salmon represents the price of the close equivalent economic substitute for any type of salmon. Of course the use of such a figure does not take into consideration the preference which in d i v i d u a l s and households may have for a parti c u l a r types of salmon, but i t seems safe to assume that t h i s represents a f a i r l y small consideration. A second reason for using the lowest price for canned salmon r e f e r s to the n u t r i t i o n a l value. In these terms the n u t r i t i o n a l 1 Source: G. Petty, B.C. Packers, Vancouver, B.C., personal communication. 45 value of salmon does not vary appreciably between species. 1 The second type of kind production was deer meat. In t h i s case i t was assumed that an equivalent amount of beef was a reasonable approximation. & general price of 400/ lb. was used for the computation of the value of deer meat preserved by households. The category of unearned income was included to cover the contingency which could af f e c t the t o t a l household income i n s p e c i f i c cases. I t was not expected to be associated with any pa r t i c u l a r type of household. The number of household incomes placed i n t h i s category were actually very few i n number. The most out-standing case involved the payment of some $5,000.00 to a householder. The money was from the insurance on a wrecked f i s h i n g boat. It was included under the category "unearned" i n so f a r as the boat had been insured only a few years and the premiums did not equal the value of the boat. There were a few cases of income for which there was no labour involved, no kinship associations, etc., and for t h i s reason they were included i n t h i s category. To a certa i n extent the category was used more as a residual category for income that did not f i t into any of the other categories. 1 Source: K. Loose, Nutrition Consultant, Health and Welfare Canada, Medical Services Branch (Pacific Region), Vancouver, B.C., personal communication. 46 B. income P r o f i l e s once a l l income sources were allocated to one of the si x sectors the sector t o t a l s and household t o t a l s were obtained. I f there was a suggestion that there was an income source but one for which i t was not possible to obtain an estimate of i t s size then the household t o t a l was not computed and that sector was not used. For example, i f there was information on a wage income source but no figures then no household t o t a l was calculated though the t o t a l s f o r other sectors such as kinship and s o c i a l services income were calculated and used. The t o t a l s so produced were used in a variety of ways. The f i r s t income figure that was calculated was arrived at by dividing up the households into two groups of high and low with respect to each type of income sector for each reserve. That i s , wage income was divided i n t o high and low groups using the median as the dividing point. Similar figures were calculated for each sector of income for each reserve. This method permits the analysis of income patterns across income types without regard to the primary dependence of a household. However the hypothesis outlined i n Chapter I require that each household be characterized as being primarily dependent on one type of income. The use of the modal income type was used i n t h i s determination. While th i s could have caused problems i f two incomes were approximately 47 equal i n size ( i . e . , same proportion of t o t a l income) there was no case where t h i s was true. The second largest sector of income was usually at least ten percentage points smaller than the largest sector. In addition to the comparative sizes of incomes and income sectors other measures of income ranking were constructed. Per-capita income was calculated in a number of ways: (a) Total household income / t o t a l permanent household membership, (b) Total household income / t o t a l adult household membership,1 (c) Total household income - family allowance payments / t o t a l adult household membership. The ca l c u l a t i o n of household per-capita income on the basis of adult membership gives a measure of the income potential of the household, disregarding the e f f e c t of the number of children. By calcu l a t i n g the per-capita income without regard to family allowance payments at least one major source of c h i l d generated income i s removed. 1 Adult was defined as being 15 years of age or more. 48 C. Other Variables The o r i g i n a l intention as spec i f i e d i n Chapter I was to consider a series of other variables that were thought to be important i n the determination of household composition. The variables that are outlined i n t h i s section were proposed but the l i m i t a t i o n s of the data did not permit the i r use or else they were found to have too small a vari a t i o n to be used as variables. S k i l l for use i n the analysis of wage labour income was to be measured i n three ways: (a) Number of years of schooling (Questons 1, 4, 6, and 7), (b) Vocational tr a i n i n g (Question 19), and, (c) informal on the job tr a i n i n g . In practice the data obtained from the responses to the above guestions r e l a t i n g to l e v e l of education were so small that i t i s extremely doubtful that i t i s a relevant variable. Many of the income earners who reported s i g n i f i c a n t amounts of wage income also reported less than Grade 8 l e v e l of education. For those wage jobs that consider l e v e l of education important such a low l e v e l of education would be i n s i g n i f i c a n t . Question 19 showed only a very few cases of individuals who had received any vocational t r a i n i n g , other than one or two week f i s h i n g schools conducted by the major f i s h packers i n B.C. on the 49 job t r a i n i n g could not be evaluated i n any meaningful way. Job descriptions which could be used as an i n d i c a t i o n of such t r a i n i n g at least i n terms of experience were i n no way adequate to construct an index of job s k i l l and experience. Migratory labour was expected to be shown by responses to Questions 25 and 40. However there was l i t t l e information i n Question 40 and which persons had worked or v i s i t e d i n which communities was usually not s p e c i f i e d . Nor was i t possible to determine any time pattern where places were s p e c i f i e d . With respect to Question 25 there was no in d i c a t i o n that many of the members of the households a c t i v e l y worked at the present time i n communities other than the home reserve. A few persons in each community did fin d employment outside the reserve but they were gone only a few days at a time - usually returning to t h e i r f a m i l i e s each weekend. According to the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s presented i n Chapter I t h i s did not constitute a pattern of migratory labour. Family L i f e Cycle was not f e a s i b l e to use as a variable. The best estimate that could be found for t h i s variable was the age of the household head. I t was expected to be of p a r t i c u l a r use i n the analysis of extended family households but there was found to be no association with household type nor with the income patterns. S t a b i l i t y of household income was another variable that was considered to be p o t e n t i a l l y important. However i t was 50 found to be impossible to i n f e r from the data how much of the time during the year an i n d i v i d u a l was employed. I t was only i n the case of s o c i a l service income that the duration of the flow of income could be estimated. A further complication was the i n a b i l i t y of the data to show what was the pote n t i a l earning time for a particular wage employment or a p a r t i c u l a r c a p i t a l good such as a f i s h i n g boat., Some fi s h i n g boats (usually smaller and l e s s costly) are suitable for actual use only during the generally calmer weather summer months, others (usually larger and more costly) can be used the year around for a variety of types of f i s h i n g instead of the summer salmon season. 51 E. Data Processing When the data had been col l e c t e d and arranged i t was processed through the use of a computer software package program. The p a r t i c u l a r program that was used throughout the analysis was SPSS ( S t a t i s t i c a l Package for the S o c i a l Sciences.) l a t e r the analysis was cross checked through the use of an independent program u t i l i z i n g the S c i e n t i f i c Sub-routinesassociated with the PL/1 programming language. 52 CHAPTER III DATA PRESENTATION A. T r a d i t i o n a l Kwakiutl Society A l e r t Bay i s located i n the heartland of the Wakashan province of the Northwest Coast culture area. 1 The area extends south from the Northern province of the T l i n g i t , Haida, and Tsimsham of the same culture area. The Kwakiutl and the Nootka together with the Be l l a Coola are the primary l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l groups of the area. The Wakashan province extends s p e c i f i c a l l y from Cape Mudge and Bute Inlet to the North as f a r as Douglas Channel. Al e r t Bay i t s e l f i s a modern day community composed primarily of descendents of the Nimpkish speaking groups who inhabited the area i n pre-contact times. As such, t h e i r ancestors shared the general pattern of t r a d i t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s of the Northwest Coast culture area as well as those t r a i t s r e s t r i c t e d to the more lim i t e d Wakashan province. 1 P h i l i p Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast, American Huseum of Natural History, Anthropological Handbook No. 10(New York: McGraw H i l l Company, Inc., 1955, Reprinted by Natural History Press, 1963), p. 15; A.L. Kroeber, Cu l t u r a l and Natural Areas of Native North America , (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1936), pp. 28 -31. 53 Like the Haida, the Kwakiutl were endowed with a varied and r i c h environment.* Fishing was the mainstay of the economy, with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on salmon f i s h i n g . In addition there were several other species of f i s h which added greatly to the t o t a l resources of the Kwakiutl. These included the Olechan f i s h as well as h e r r i n g . 2 In the contemporary world of the Kwakiutl, while f i s h i n g remains as one of the primary f o c i for the community economy, much of the t r a d i t i o n a l culture has disappeared. Rhoner found that the G i l f o r d Island community (located near Ale r t Bay but more isolated) retained only fragmentary knowledge of past patterns. 3 In terms of language only 25% of those between the age of 21 and 61 years of age spoke predominately Kwakwala and an addit i o n a l 42* spoke both English and Kwakwala. In contrast, a f u l l one-third spoke predominately English. While the figures just quoted refer to another reserve community than the one under consideration comparable figures could undoubtedly be produced for A l e r t Bay. In fact there i s good reason to suspect that the 1 The area surrounding the t r a d i t i o n a l homeland of the Kwakiutl i s part of the COast Forest B i o t i c Area: Ian McTaggart Cowan and Charles J. Guiguet, The Mammals of B r i t i s h Columbia , B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Handbook Ho. 11, (V i c t o r i a : Queens Printer i n Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964) , pp. 27 - 28. 2 Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast , pp. 35 -42; P h i l i p Drucker and Robert F. Heizer, To Bake Mj[ Name Good: A Reexamination of the Southern Kwakiutl Potlatch , (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967), i n passing. 3 Ronald P. Rhoner, The People of G i l f o r d : A Contemporary Kwakiutl Vi l l a g e , National Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n No. 225, Anthropological Series, No. 83 (Ottawa: The Queens Pr i n t e r , 1967), pp. 9 - 10. 54 figures f o r a l e r t Bay would reveal even l e s s retention of the t r a d i t i o n a l language. a l e r t Bay has been an administrative centre for the Indian a f f a i r s Department of the Federal Government for many years as well as being a locus of intense in t e r a c t i o n of Whites and Indians. 1 additional evidence of the deterioration of t r a d i t i o n a l culture can be seen i n the lack of knowledge concerning the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure. again r e f e r r i n g to the community of G i l f o r d , Rhoner found that most of his informants were unable to t e l l him t h e i r own numiot (lineage). This by i t s e l f i s convincing evidence for the profound disruption of t r a d i t i o n a l culture and the consequent acculturation of the Indians. Whether one accepts the notion that the Kwakiutl were r a n k - s t r a t i f i e d or c l a s s - s t r a t i f i e d the numiot was the most important s o c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n t r a d i t i o n a l l y speaking. I t determined the person's rig h t s and prerogatives i n the potlatch which was the most important s o c i a l ceremonial for the Kwakiutl. While much has been made of the tremendous abundance of food resources for a l l of the Northwest Coast the converse notion i s not without considerable evidence. S u t t l e s 2 and Piddockea present considerable evidence and l o g i c f or the 1 Drucker and Heizer, To Make My. Name Good , pp. 22, 26, and 30. 2 Wayne Suttles, " A f f i n a l Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige among the Coast S a l i s h , " american anthropologist, 62, pp* 296 - 305. 3 Stuart Piddocke, "The Potlatch System of the Southern Kwakiutl: a New Perspective," Southwestern Journal of Mthro£ologjr , 21, pp. 244 - 264." 55 hypothesis that the entire region surrounding Georgia Straight was subject to fluctuations by season and year coupled with an uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of the more important species of f l o r a and fauna., The mainstay item, salmon, ran only i n c e r t a i n streams, seasons, and years. This l a s t point i s extremely important. The various species of salmon do not spawn every year but rather only i n two to four year cycles depending on the p a r t i c u l a r s pecies. 1 Thus a group would need to control a vast array of f i s h i n g stations and probably berry picking locations i n order to maintain complete independence. Moreover these f i s h i n g stations would be located at considerable distance from the winter v i l l a g e . The cost of obtaining such a high degree of s t a b i l i t y of resources would l i k e l y have been more than most tr i b e s were ever capable of paying i n terms of the manpower that i t would have taken to garrison the d i f f e r e n t locations. It i s l i t t l e wonder that Boas 2 and C u r t i s 3 record the common recurrence of c o n f l i c t over f i s h i n g stations, berry patches, etc. The f a i l u r e of resources i s not an uncommon occurrence. Boas, Piddocke, and Hawthorn a l l mention famine as a common 1 Drucker and Heizer, To Make My Name Good , p. 137. The generic name for the salmon i s Oncorhjnchus . There are in addition a number of sub-species, for a complete l i s t of the sub-species see: Cice l y Lyons, Salmon; Our Heritage , (Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press, 1969), pp. 22. 2 Franz Boas, Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, based on Data Collected bv George Hunt , annual Report, No. 35 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnography, 1921) , pp. 1345 - 1348. 3 E.S. C u r t i s , The Kwakiutl , vol X of The North American Indian , (Seattle: Norwood, 1915), p. 22. 56 theme in the myths and tales of a l l of the coastal groups. While Drucker and Heizer* discount famine and i t s threat as a major variable i n determining the function of the Potlatch the reverse seems to be more l i k e l y but remains unproven. The testing of the hypothesis regarding the s i g n i f i c a n c e of famine i n determining s o c i a l organization awaits a more complete examination of the ecology of the region. Only when the aboriginal pattern of resource productivity ( i . e . , before the advent of commercial fishing) has been described w i l l i t be possible to come to any hard and f a s t conclusions concerning t h i s guestion. While there existed a number of a l t e r n a t i v e s to salmon and other f i s h as components in the diet i t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine an entire extended family household subsisting on sea-gulls and s i m i l a r foods which must have reguired the expenditure of considerable amounts of labour per unit of energy derived and which, in any event, did not occur i n numbers comparable to salmon. If the aboriginal population had developed so as to r e l y on a general l e v e l of productivity then i t would be a modest famine indeed which could be r e l i e v e d by a few seagulls! as Piddocke says: The evidence can only lead, I think, to the conclusion that the abundance of the resources of the Kwakiutl has been somewhat over estimated. 2 The conclusion reached by both Suttles and Piddocke suggests that the Potlatch was a mechanism of major s i g n i f i c a n c e for * Drucker and Heizer, To Hake fly Name Good , p. 149. 2 Piddocke, "The Potlatch System," p. 247. 57 the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources to overide the natural imbalance of environmental productivity with respect to region, season, and species. The entire system of production of the Kwakiutl began to be changed from about 1792 (the a r r i v a l of Capt. Vancouver among the Hootka.) From that time u n t i l 1849 the Kwakiutl had a limited and i n d i r e c t access to Western ( i . e . , White) trade goods. In 1849 the Hudsons Bay Company founded a trading factory i n the t e r r i t o r y of the Kwakiutl at Fort Hupert and thus provided "... a d i r e c t non-t r a d i t i o n a l source of wealth..."' Concurrent with, and in f a c t produced by, the contact with Whites, was a dramatic decline i n population for the Kwakiutl. 2 The potlatch i n the period showed a marked change. P a r t i c u l a r l y important were the attempts by persons who i n pre-contact times would have held no or minor potlatch positions to validate themselves in suddenly inherited positions. The r e s u l t of these two processes was an " i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of status r i v a l r y and an increase i n the frequency and volume of po t l a t c h i n g . . . " 3 What had i n pre-contact or t r a d i t i o n a l times been a highly v i s i b l e ceremonial now become a highly i n v i s i b l e (at least to agents) ceremonial.* 4 IMS -» P- 245. 2 Helen Codere, Fighting with Property , American Ethnological Society, Monograph Ho. 18 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1950), pp. 41 - 61; Drucker and Heizer, To Make My Same Good , pp. 23 - 26. 3 Piddocke, "The Potlatch System," p. 245. * Drucker and Heizer, To Make Mv Name Good , p. 48. 58 As Codere points out, since the 1830*s the Kwakiutl have with varying i n t e n s i t i e s , been d i r e c t l y involved i n the cash economy (or wage economy) of the larger and more pervasive White s o c i e t y . 1 However such p a r t i c i p a t i o n has not been uniform across the board with respect to s k i l l and i n d u s t r i a l sector. Judging from the summary of data presented by Codere, the p r i n c i p a l income earning a c t i v i t i e s have been concentrated i n the primary industries of B r i t i s h Columbia, logging, f i s h i n g , etc. One of the s i g n i f i c a n t tendencies i n t h i s pattern of acculturation to a wage economy i s the decreasing reliance on the t r a d i t i o n a l lineage controlled resources. The decimation of the population i n conjunction with the administrative p o l i c i e s of the Canadian Government to a l l o c a t e resources on the basis of band (residential) membership rather than lineage a f f i l i a t i o n probably accelerated or at least mirrored the process of increasing the si g n i f i c a n c e of the nuclear family household as the primary residence pattern. The above summary while mentioning only a few of the d e t a i l s of the acculturation of the Kwakiutl has attempted to make two basic points. F i r s t , the entire range of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and groups i n Kwakiutl society have been subject i n the l a s t century and a half to new pressures. Second, that a great deal of acculturation has already been accomplished and has affected major areas of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e and culture, including language and such * Codere, Fighting with Property , pp. 31 - 33. 59 basic s o c i a l structures as the resource production units and the Potlatch. 60 B. The Contemporary Situation This section w i l l devote i t s e l f to a close examination of the contemporary economic a c t i v i t i e s and the household composition of the residents of the Alert Bay Reserve. 1 The sample included 18 households for which there was s u f f i c i e n t data to be usable i n the t o t a l analysis. There were however a grand t o t a l of 38 households on the reserve. Of the households sampled there was a considerable demographic variety as evidenced by the range i n Table I I . 1 Royal Commission on Indian a f f a i r s , Report of the Royal Commission^ Indian a f f a i r s , Vol II, (Vi c t o r i a : acme Press, Limited, 1916), pp. 385 - 386. 61 TABLE II DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF HOUSEHOLDS (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Range Mean Number of Residents/ Household Age of Household Head Number of Children Living at Home Less than 15 Years of Age Number of Children Less than 15 Years of Age Number of Children Living at Home 15 or More Years of Age Number of Children 15 or More Years of Age 1 - 1 6 persons 7.2 persons 23 - 73 years 0 - 1 2 Child. 0 - 12 0 - 4 0 - 9 43.8 years 3.7 Chi l d . 3.9 .7 1.9 (N = 21) The figures i n the table would suggest that there i s a considerable variation i n the size of the fami l i e s i n A l e r t Bay and that there i s a marked pattern of r a i s i n g fewer children than was customary i n pre-contact times and that children are raised i n the homes of their natural parents whenever possible. There i s l i t t l e evidence to show of adopting children into the households. There i s a difference of proportion of .2 between the number of 62 children less than 15 years of age l i v i n g at home and the t o t a l number of children less than 15 years of age. This difference may be attributed to children who are away from the reserve for purposes of attending school or for hospital treatment. Al e r t Bay revealed f i v e types of households (see Table I I I ) . Perhaps the most inter e s t i n g aspect of the d i s t r i b u t i o n and a measure of the degree to which acculturation i s an accomplished fact i s the high percentage of nuclear family households r e l a t i v e to extended family households. In pre-contact times the extended family household was the usual form of organization ( i . e . , 100% of the v i l l a g e ) . By 1954 extended family households accounted for only about 28% of a l l households and nuclear family households accounted for 39% of a l l households. In addition i t should be noted that while the extended family household has not disappeared as a form of s o c i a l organization i t has changed considerably. The average number of persons l i v i n g in an extended family household in pre-contact times was reported to be upwards of 30 persons. The largest extended family household found i n 1954 contained 18 permanent members. 63 TABLE III TYPES OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH ASSOCIATED FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household Type Frequency Percentage Nuclear Family 7 38.9 % Single Person 1 2 11. 1 Extended Family 5 27.8 Families with non-kin boarders 1 2 11.1 Undefinable 1 2 11.1 Total 18 100.0 % 1 For the purposes of analysis these categories are collapsed i n t o one category ("other"). Alert Bay Reserve shows p a r t i c i p a t i o n by households i n a wide variety of income generating a c t i v i t i e s (see Table IV). Eight households reported income from f i s h i n g , d i r e c t kind production, and family allowances. l i g h t households report income from logging, and seven households report income from inter-household r e c i p r o c i t y . The figures taken by themselves would suggest a s i g n i f i c a n t continuation i n the t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of economic a c t i v i t y . However t h i s conclusion would be incorrect for two reasons. F i r s t , as w i l l be shown l a t e r i n t h i s section, while there i s considerable p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c t i v i t i e s that have analogues to pre-contact economic pursuits t h e i r s ignificance i n terms of contribution to the t o t a l household income i s very minor. However such a c t i v i t i e s may have tremendous symbolic value. A second caution to be kept i n mind when considering the figures i s that the question of control of access to such resource a c t i v i t i e s has not been considered. TABLE IV INCOME GENERATING ACTIVITIES WITH ASSOCIATED FREQUENCIES (ALERT BAY RESERVE) A c t i v i t y Frequency Reported* Fishing 12 Family Allowance Payments 12 Direct Resource Production 12 Logging 8 Exchange between Households 7 Relief (welfare) 4 Pension (including blind pension) 4 Unearned Income 3 Fishing Boat Cook 2 Plumber's and Mechanic's Helper 2 Carpenter 1 Domestic 1 Church Sexton 1 Truck Driver 1 Trapline Operator 1 Workmen's Compensation 1 * A source i s reported only once for a given household. At least suggestive of the degree to which Indians i n Alert Bay have been acculturated to the prevailing economic system are the seven persons who reported income from trade s p e c i l i t i e s as shown in Table IV. New work s p e c i a l i t i e s such as plumber's or mechanic's helper, truck driver, church sexton, etc. are c e r t a i n l y not tasks which have a long t r a d i t i o n reaching back prior to the time of contact. When income i s placed i n a category with respect to control of access to resources and the actnal amounts of income are considered then a very d i f f e r e n t picture i s 65 o b t a i n e d . Table V shows t h a t on the average n u c l e a r f a m i l y households o b t a i n almost one-half of t h e i r household income from wages, but t h i s i s not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from extended f a m i l y households which o b t a i n s l i g h t l y more than one-half of t h e i r t o t a l income from wages. The f i g u r e s a c t u a l l y suggest that there i s counter f a c t u a l evidence f o r the hypothesis that n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s are wage dependent and extended f a m i l i e s are k i n s h i p income dependent. The numbers of households i n q u e s t i o n and the inadequacies of some of the data make t h i s c o n c l u s i o n too r i s k y to do anything more than suggest i t s p l a u s a b i l i t y . 1 1 There was a p a r t i c u l a r problem i n the income r e p o r t s f o r fishermen i n t h a t there was some guestion as to whether the f i g u r e s r e p o r t e d were gross or net income. 66 TABLE V MEAN PROPORTION OF HODSEHOLD INCOME BY INCOME SECTOR AND HOUSEHOLD TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household Type Income Sector* 2 3 4 5 T o t a l 2 (N) Nuclear Family Households 47 Extended Family .53 Households Consang-uineal Households Other Households .31 37 12 ,26 .14 ,01 36 0 .02 .02 1.00 0 .07 .07 1.00 (not present) .23 .07 .01 1.00 (6) (5) (6) 1 Income Sectors are: 1 = Hages 2 = Kinship 3 = S o c i a l Services 4 = Unearned 5 = Reciprocity 6 = Kind 2 Totals have been rounded to 1.00. The category of "other households" includes equal numbers of single person households, nuclear family households with foster (but non-related) children, and households with undefinable structures. The pattern for t h i s category i s considerably d i f f e r e n t from the other two discussed i n the preceeding paragraphs. Most in t e r e s t i n g i s the almost t o t a l absence of kinship income, the reduced importance of wage income and the consequent s i g n i f i c a n c e of s o c i a l services income. Persons i n t h i s r e s i d u a l category 67 showed some unique sources of income such as Blind Pension, old age pensions, etc.* Table VI shows that both nuclear family households and extended family households are i n the high income bracket with respect to a l l households on the reserve, with the residual category ("other household types") showing only one-third the proportion of households i n the high income bracket. This i s probably due to the pensions which make up v i r t u a l l y the entire household income for some of the households l i s t e d i n the category. I t had been predicted that extended family households would show greater amounts of t o t a l income than nuclear family households but t h i s i s not shown to be the case. However with respect to low t o t a l incomes extended family households show a much smaller proportion than do nuclear family households (a difference of proportion of .125). 1 The mean proportion of .23 for unearned income i s spurious i n i t s sig n i f i c a n c e as i t i s due e n t i r e l y to the presence of $5,000.00 paid to one person from an insurance policy for a wrecked ship. 68 TABLE VI PROPORTION OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD ^ TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household Types Low Income1 High Income1 Nuclear Family Household .375 (3) 2 .429 (3) Extended Family Household .250 (2) .429 (3) Other households .375 (3) . 143 (1) 1 The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($2923.00 per year). 2 Figures i n parentheses for a l l tables r e f e r to frequencies. As predicted by the hypothesis a l l measures of per-capita income (Tables VII, VIII, AND IX ) show a very strong association between high per-capita income and nuclear family households, and correspondingly a strong association between low per-capita income and extended family households. I t might be argued that the extended family household represents the coming together of a number of adult (income earning) persons. However i f the t o t a l income for the household i s divided by the number of persons resident and over f i f t e e n years of age then the e f f e c t of associating adults should be apparent. However the trend shown in Table VII i s not altered i n Table VIII. Nor i s the basic picture altered by computing per-capita income for adults but not including Family Allowance payments i n t o t a l income. 69 TABLE VII PROPORTION OF PER-CAPITA INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household types Low Income* High Income * Nuclear Family Household .286 (2) .500 (4) Extended Family Household .571 (4) .125 (1) Other households .143 (1) .375 (3) * The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($559.00 per year). TABLE VIII PROPORTION OF ADULT PER-CAPITA INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household Types Low Income* High Income * Nuclear Family Household .125 (1) .714 (5) Extended Family Household .625 (5) 0 (0) Other households .250 (2) .286 (2) * The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($1047.00 per year)-70 TABLE IX PROPORTION OP ADULT PER-CAPITA INCOME LESS FAMILY ALLOWANCE PAYMENTS BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Household Types Low Income* High Income* Nuclear Family Household . 125 (1) .724 (5) Extended Family Household .625 (5) 0 (0) Other households .250 (2) .286 (2) * The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($1001.00 per year). The f i n a l and perhaps most important test of the theory presented in Chapter I concerns the association between nuclear family households and wage labour, and between extended family households and kinship income. The data i s presented i n Table X. Each household for which there was complete data available was rated with respect to the largest sector of income. I f the hypothesis was true then i t would be expected that there would be a strong association between wage labour and nuclear family households, and a strong association between income from kinship controlled resources and the extended family household. The data in Table X shows that the reverse i s actually the case. That i s , kinship dominant households are more commonly nuclear family households, and wage dominant households are more commonly extended family households. However there were no households of these two categories which showed a reliance on s o c i a l services income. Reliance 71 on s o c i a l services income was confined to the residual category. TABLE X DOMINANT INCOME SECTOR BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (ALERT BAY RESERVE) Dominant sector Household Wages Kinship Social services Unearned Nuclear Fam. .38 (3) .75 (5) 0 (0) 0 (0) Extended Fam. .50 .25 ( D 0 (0) 0 (0) Other .13 ( D 0 (0) 1.0 (1) 1.0 (1) 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 The reason for the lack of association as suggested by the hypotheses may be due to the i n a b i l i t y of the data to provide clues to two other variables which were hypothesised to be s i g n i f i c a n t , namely s k i l l l e v e l of the wage income earner and the proximity of the place of work and residence and interchangeability of household and task personnel for kinship controlled resources. It was hoped that without these intervening variables there would be at least a weak association. However the strength of the association as empirically determined does not bode well for the theory. One of the most in t e r e s t i n g s t a t i s t i c s generated by the analysis i s the number of income sources which an i n d i v i d u a l 72 household i s l i k e l y to have. The range of income sources per household ranged from one (one case only) to nine sources (two cases) of income with a mean, median, mode of 5.0. Consideration of the data showed that as would be expected most households reported Family allowance payments, but what was more intere s t i n g i s the combination of kinship income i n conjunction with wage income. T h i r t y - f i v e percent of a l l households reported income from both wage and kinship sources, and another t h i r t y - f i v e percent reported kinship income with zero wage income. These figures would suggest the lack of a b i l i t y to generate s u f f i c i e n t income from kinship sources alone. In the case of Alert Bay the most common form of kinship owned resource i s a f i s h i n g boat and/or net. From consideration of the f i e l d notes attached to the f i l e the impression i s gained that the large outlay of c a p i t a l reguired to purchase and maintain a competitive f i s h i n g boat i s beyond the resources of many fishermen i n a l e r t Bay. 73 c» Traditonal Haida Society The term Haida has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y applied to the aboriginal inhabitants of the Queen Charlotte Islands and the southern end of the Prince of Sales Archipelago. The aboriginal populations of t h i s area spoke the same language and shared both material and s o c i a l culture. The Haida language i s believed to be related to the Athabasca l i n g u i s t i c stock and has two major sub-divisions, Masset and Skidegate, named for two of the major communities of the Haida in the post contact period. 1 The Queen Charlotte Islands are a major land mass of f the west coast of B r i t i s h Columbia between 52° and 5UQ North la t i t u d e and 130° and 134° West longitude. The s p e c i f i c reserve to be considered i n th i s section of the analysis i s Skidegate Reserve located on the southern end of Graham Island.2 The t r a d i t i o n a l Haida t e r r i t o r y has considerable d i v e r s i t y i n topography as well as well as f l o r a and fauna. It i s s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the mainland and Vancouver Island that b i o l o g i s t s assign i t to a separate b i o t i c a r ea. 3 Although the islands range in a l t i t u d e from sea l e v e l to 1 Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast , p. 12. The Alaska Haida are believed to have spoken the Basset d i a l e c t (Drucker, Ibid ). However since t h i s analysis i s concerned only with the B.C. Haida, the Alaska Haida are not considered here unless s p e c i f i c a l l y noted. 2 Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s , Vol I I I , pp. 729 - 730. 3 Cowan and Guiguet, Mammals of B r i t i s h Columbia , pp. 27 - 28. 74 over 2,500 feet the e s s e n t i a l character of the land i s that of a temporate climate owing to the strong influence of the Japanese current. The weather pattern of the islands i s characterized by moderation due to the previously mentioned current. The temperatures range from a mean monthly low of 35° in January to 57° i n August. 1 Even during the winter months the temperatures do not remain below freezing for extended periods of time. The ever present Japanese current does bring a generous supply of ra i n , averaging well over 100 inches per year in some parts of the Queen Charlotte Islands. The environment of the islands i s s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t from that of the Kwakiutl area to warrant a more detailed description rather than re l y i n g on the description presented i n the previous section. The Haida, l i k e the Kwakiutl, were f i r s t and foremost a people of the sea and the resources of the area were r i c h and varied. The waters surrounding the Queen Charlotte Islands supplied numerous types of f i s h including the salmon, halibut (Hippoglossus stenolepis), s a b l e f i s h (Anoplopoma fimbria), cod (Gadus macrocephalus), and herring (Cludea p a l l a s i i ) . 2 These food sources formed the major portion of the Haida d i e t . However the salmon runs were 1 George Peter Murdock, Our Primitive Contemporaries , Hew York: The Macmillan Company, 1934V, P- 221. 2 A l l of the taxonomy for various species of f i s h are taken from the following source: Lyons, Salmon , pp. 22, 565, 575, 590. 75 more r e s t r i c t e d than those of the Kwakiutl. There are t h r e e main runs on Graham I s l a n d and perhaps f i v e major runs on the southern i s l a n d (Moresby I s l a n d . ) 1 Hewes has c h a r a c t e r i z e d these salmon runs as " r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l , s h o r t streams ...." 2 A major consequence of t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s the i n c r e a s e d s i g n i f i c a n c e of h a l i b u t and s a b l e f i s h i n the t o t a l c a t c h of the Haida. Hewes suggests t h a t h a l i b u t was of even l a r g e r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the t o t a l take than the salmon. However the e x c e l l e n t p r e s e r v i n g g u a l i t i e s of the chum or dog salmon (0. keta) made t h i s item the main f i s h r e s ource preserved f o r the winter season. Salmon f i s h i n g i s r e s t r i c t e d to the summer months (May to October) and i t i s preserved by smoking and/or d r y i n g f o r winter consumption. H a l i b u t f i s h i n g overlapped the salmon f i s h i n g season, but was of longer d u r a t i o n and was not r e s t r i c t e d to the same l o c a l i t i e s as was t r u e of salmon f i s h i n g . Hewes s t a t e s that the immature h a l i b u t were taken i n the area n o r t h e a s t of Masset i n the area of Mclntyre Bay. Although i t i s not expressed e x p l i c i t l y i t appears t h a t the immature h a l i b u t f i s h i n g was c a r r i e d on o n l y i n the e a r l y p a r t of the season perhaps from March to May. In Bay the primary h a l i b u t area was the i n s h o r e f i s h e r y on the e a s t c o a s t of Graham I s l a n d . T h i s f i s h i n g l o c a t i o n would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r the a b o r i g i n a l v i l l a g e s 1 Gordon Hinant Hewes, " A b o r i g i n a l Use of F i s h e r y Resources i n Northwestern North America" (unpublished Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1947), p. 148 and map i n Appendix. 2 I b i d . 76 located i n and around the present day community of Skidegate. Front November to March (the beginning of the new f i s h i n g season) the halibut could be fished i n Dixon Entrance and Hecate S t r a i t . 1 Although many f i s h resources exploited with a primitive technology can be considered a t e r r i t o r i a l resource, t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the P a c i f i c salmon which i s most e a s i l y caught from land stations. While the salmon spends much of i t s mature l i f e i n the open sea (too far out to be obtained by the limited technology of the aboriginal Haida) i t must return to freshwater r i v e r s and streams which flow into the P a c i f i c i n order to spawn. This b i o l o g i c a l necessity meant that i n pre-contact times control of the r i c h salmon resource could be controlled by c o n t r o l l i n g r i v e r s and r i v e r banks where salmon spawn., Elaborate systems of traps, weirs and nets were used by the Haida for such f i s h i n g . 2 among the Haida the rig h t s to positions on salmon spawning r i v e r s were the property of the i n d i v i d u a l lineages and were among the most valued posessions of the group. In contrast to salmon f i s h i n g the halibut fishery i s an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t y . The halibut does not spawn i n fresh water and must be caught i n the open sea through the use of hooks. However halibut f i s h i n g by virtue of the s i z e 1 Ibid ., p. 148. 2 Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast , pp. 35 -37. The Haida are thought to have acquired the use of nets for f i s h i n g from the mainland Niska i n precontact or very early h i s t o r i c times (Drucker, Ibid .) 77 to which the species commonly grows (200 pounds or more for females) was not a simple operation. Large bent wood hooks, sometimes several on a l i n e , were the common devices used. Even i n the case of the halibut fishery the a c t i v i t y reguired the cooperation of several i n d i v i d u a l s . I t i s perhaps not i n s i g n i f i c a n t that because of the overlapping of seasons for both major types of f i s h i n g (salmon and halibut) and the necessity for a high degree of task s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of labour that the lineage made an e f f i c i e n t s o c i a l unit to organize the labour force and to own the c a p i t a l goods necessary i n both cases. For the Haida i t i s possible to define a series of increasingly more i n c l u s i v e s o c i a l units to which the i n d i v i d u a l belonged. The smallest unit was that of the nuclear family consisting of a man, his wife (or wives) and t h e i r young children. Elder male children were generally reared i n the household of t h e i r maternal uncles as the Haida were a strongly m a t r i l i n e a l society. The rearing of children i n an avunculocal pattern seems to have been universal among the Haida. 1 The large extended family household consisting of m a t r i l i n e a l l y related males, wives and young children was the next largest s o c i a l unit and was the most important task unit for the purposes of most resource a c t i v i t i e s . Such a unit consisted of perhaps ten or twelve nuclear f a m i l i e s * David F. aberle, personal communication. 7 8 with a t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n ranging from a low 30 to a high of 50 i n d i v i d u a l s . The extended f a m i l y household was, t h e r e f o r e , composed of i n d i v i d u a l s from two d i f f e r e n t m o i e t i e s . The women and c h i l d r e n of the women came from one moiety, the husbands from the other. However, the Haida, l i k e so many m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s , were c o n f r o n t e d with the p r i n c i p l e of i n h e r i t a n c e through the female l i n e , but with a u t h o r i t y vested i n the males of the group. In the l i g h t of these r e s t r i c t i o n s the extended f a m i l y household f u n c t i o n e d as an economic and p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y . The mother's brother -s i s t e r ' s son r e l a t i o n s h i p f u n c t i o n e d as a s t r o n g f a c t o r i n the development of i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n has caused Burdock to designate t h i s s o c i a l u n i t a compromise k i n u n i t (the avuncuclan). Membership i s determined p a r t l y on the b a s i s of descent and p a r t l y on the b a s i s of r e s i d e n c e . The l i n e a g e overlapped i n i t s membership with the avuncuclan about o n e - h a l f . The l i n e a g e i t s e l f , u s u a l l y comprising a v i l l a g e and c o n s i s t i n g of one or more extended f a m i l y households was the b a s i c property owning group. 1 I t c o n t r o l l e d access r i g h t s t o a l l of the important r e s o u r c e l o c a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g f i s h i n g s t a t i o n s , berry patches, and hunting grounds. While every house i n the v i l l a g e had i t s h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f the h i g h e s t 1 Over and above the l i n e a g e s e x i s t e d the moiety system which d i v i d e d the t r i b e i n t o two d i s t i n c t groups and served to r e g u l a t e marriage f o r a l l of the Haida groups. 79 ranking chief was also the chief of the v i l l a g e . The above summary i s based on Drucker, Burdock, Spencer and Swanton.1 In an e a r l i e r section of the chapter i t was suggested that the Kwakiutl did not i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y have constant resource production with respect to seasonal as well as year to year production l e v e l s . Suttles has attempted to extend his ecological studies to include the f u l l scope of the Northwest coast culture area. His o v e r a l l comparison suggests that the more northerly tribes (including the Haida): Rely on fewer places and for shorter times during the year, but i n greater concentration, and with conseguent greater chance of f a i l u r e . 2 Further Drucker suggests that inclement weather was a more severe constraint for the Nootka on the west coast of Vancouver Island than for many of the Kwakiutl l i v i n g on the eastern side of the island with i t s more sheltered l o c a t i o n . Suttles further argues that weather and i t s v a r i a b i l i t y was a constant threat to the productivity of the Queen Charlotte groups as well. The Haida u n i l i n e a l system of descent with * Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast , Chapter xxf Murdock, Our Primitive Contemporaries. Chapter XI; Robert F. Spencer, "The Northwest Coast," Chapter V, i n Robert F. Spencer, Jesse D. Jennings, et a l . The Native Americans^ Prehistory and Ethnology of the North American Indians , (New York: Harper ~6 Row, ~1965),~pp.~ 168 - 212; John R. Swanton, Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida. Memoir 8, (New York: American Museum of History, 1909), i n passing. 2 Wayne Suttles, "Variation in Habitat and Culture i n the Northwest Coast," Akten des 34 Internatignalen Amerikanestinkongresses (Wien: Verlag Ferdinand Berger, 1962), p. 533. 80 i t s strong preference f o r avuriculocal residence and cross-cousin marriage tended to make r e s i d e n t i a l groups r i g i d i n th e i r composition and, further, to unite the entire population into a large r e d i s t r i b u t i o n system (the Potlatch). Unlike the Kwakiutl who allowed some measure of in d i v i d u a l choice with regard to r e s i d e n t i a l location, the Haida allowed for almost no variation in residence rules. The system of cross-cousin marriage assured that a kinship network was geographically dispersed over the entire resource area. While Suttles* speculations must remain just that for the present time they can at lea s t be used to suggest that the common b e l i e f of sustained and abundant production for the Northwest coast culture area i s dubious at best and perhaps quite f a l s e . As has been noted by several writers the fortunes of the Indians of the Northwest coast and the men of New England are closely connected i n the period from about 1780 to mid-nineteenth century.* However the history of contact with White traders d i f f e r e d markedly for the Haida i n comparison with that of the Kwaliutl. The f i r s t contact with Whites was probably the v i s i t of the Spanish explorers Perez and Bodega i n 1774 and 1775. However, within a few years the northwest coast became an important l i n k i n the 1 Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast , p. 30; Wilson Duff, The Impact of the White Man , Vol I of The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia . In Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 5, (V i c t o r i a : P r o v i n c i a l Museum, 1964); Murdocfc, Our Primitive contemporaries , p. 261. 81 far east trade. By 1793 the Queen Charlotte Islands were important centres for the l u c r a t i v e sea otter pelt trade with "Boston Men." Joseph Ingraham, for example, obtained two hundred pelts during one summer (1791 [ ? ] ) . * In the next few years the demand fo r sea otter pelts soon outstripped the capacity of the animals to reproduce and the Haida began to f i n d alternative products to s e l l to the White traders. The products which were offered were of two d i f f e r e n t types. F i r s t , the Haida undertook the c u l t i v a t i o n of garden crops, esp e c i a l l y potatoes, to s e l l to traders. This in i t s e l f i s remarkablable as the Haida had not been c u l t i v a t o r s i n the pre-contact period. Secondly, the Haida turned t h e i r talents for a r t i s t i c creation to substantial p r o f i t . They excelled p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the areas of a r g i l e i t e and wood carving and s i l v e r working. 2 Interestingly, s i l v e r working was not an aboriginal c r a f t and was apparently learned from the Russians i n Alaska. In association with White contact came a decline i n population, a ubiquitous aspect of contact. White diseases including venereal disease, T.B., and small pox took a dr a s t i c t o l l of l i f e among the Haida i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 3 1 Samuel E l i o t Morison, The Maritime History of Massachusetts: 1783-1860, (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Company, 1921, reprinted~961, Sentry e d i t i o n s ) , pp. 49, 57. 2 The large c o l l e c t i o n s found i n the Essex (Massachusetts) County Museum and the Peabody Museum of Harvard University as well as numerous other museums at t e s t to t h i s productivity. 3 I t i s perhaps worth noting that at least for the early ships of the Boston men alcohol was not part of the cargo manifest. (Morison, Maritime History, p. 57.) 82 The aboriginal population of the Haida i n the precontact period as determi by Mooney and corrected by Kroeber i s set at about 9,800 people.* By 1841 the population was i n a state of decline. Murdock sets the population figures at about 8,000 people i n 1841.2 However Duff's figures based on careful consideration of the records of the Hudson's Bay Company suggests that the population decline was even more dras t i c with a t o t a l population of only 6,000 people i n 1835. In any event the decline continued u n t i l 1915 with a recorded pooulation of only 588 persons. 3 The above summary of t r a d i t i o n a l Haida culture and society as presented i n the standard works of reference has led to two conclusions. F i r s t that the Haida ( l i k e the Kwakiutl) have been subjected to severe pressures since the time of contact. The pre-contact si t u a t i o n presented a picture of large, avunculocal extended family households as the only form of residence and also the s o c i a l unit producing the bulk of production for home consumption. The main a c t i v i t i e s concentrated on the salmon and halibut f i s h e r i e s . Second, the i n i t i a l period of contact introduced new and very d i f f e r e n t economic a c t i v i t i e s among the Haida. Fur trapping and c r a f t work took on new dimensions of importance hitherto unheard of. F i n a l l y the Haida made a dras t i c change i n so far as they undertook the c u l t i v a t i o n of foodstuffs for sale to White traders. 1 Kroeber, Cu l t u r a l and Natural Areas , p. 135. 2 Murdock, Our Primitive Contemporaries , p. 261. 3 Duff, Impact of"the White Man 7 PP- 38 - 46. 83 D. Contemporary Haida Society This section w i l l devote i t s e l f to a close examination of the contemporary economic a c t i v i t i e s and the associated household types found on the Skidegate Reserve. The present sample included forty households although there were s u f f i c i e n t data for the analysis of only t h i r t y - f i v e households. There were i n 1954 46 households on the reserve with a t o t a l resident population of 273 persons. Of the households included i n the sample there was considerable demographic variety as evidenced in Table XI. The figures in the tables would suggest that there i s considerable variation i n the size of the families of Skidegate. However the pattern i s s u f f i c i e n t l y clear to note that f a m i l i e s at Skidegate are considerably smaller than those at Alert Bay in both range and size (see Table I I ) . Further there i s very l i t t l e evidence of the aboriginal pattern of male avunculocal residence as reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e . A difference of proportion of .2 i s not large enough to suggest even the remnants of the pattern as some of the children less than 15 years of age and not l i v i n g at home are at an Indian r e s i d e n t i a l school located at a considerable distance from the reserve. There i s however some evidence to suggest that adult children ( i . e . , those 15 years of age or more) continue to l i v e at home for some period of time. 84 TABLE XI DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF HODSEHOLDS (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Range Mean Number of Residents/ Household Age of Household Head Number of Children Living at Home Less than 15 Years of Age Number of Children Less than 15 Years of Age Number of Children Living at Home 15 or More Years of Age Number of Children 15 or More Years of Age 1 - 10 21 - 90 years 0 - 7 Child. 0 - 8 0 - 5 » 0 - 1 4 " 5.7 persons 51.0 years 2.3 Child. 2.4 " 1.2 2.7 " (N = 40) Skidegate revealed seven categories of households (see table XII). Perhaps the most interesting aspect of th i s d i s t r i b u t i o n and a strong measure of acculturation i s the decline i n the importance of the extended family household and the r i s e in sign i f i c a n c e of the nuclear family household. There are more than four times as many nuclear family households as extended family households. Further the ethnographic evidence suggests that such households 85 would have contained at least 30 persons while the maximum for the present extended family households was ten. TABLE XII TYPES OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH ASSOCIATED FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Type Frequency Percentage Nuclear Family 19 47.5 Extended Family 4 10.0 Consanguineal 3 7.5 Stem Family* 1 2.5 Single Person* 4 10.0 Families with non-kin boarders* 1 2.5 Undefinable* 8 20.0 Total 40 100.0% * For the purposes of analysis these categories are collapsed into one category ("other"). Table XIII suggests the degree to which the Haida have become acculturated. While 34 households reported some type of kind production an almost equal number (30) reported family allowance income, a very recent income source. In fact the impact of s o c i a l services income among the Haida has been very s i g n i f i c a n t indeed. Seventy-one out of a t o t a l of 176 income sources are i n the s o c i a l services income category. 86 TABLE XIII INCOME GENERATING ACTIVITES WITH FREQUENCIES REPORTED (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) A c t i v i t y Frequency Reported 1 Kind production Family allowance Fishing Logging R e l i e f Pensions Unemployment Insurance Reciprocity Borders (non-kin) Carpenter Unearned Boat charter Cannery work Carver of totem poles Barber F r u i t growing Janitor Nurse/Post mistress Radio repairman Rental of a power saw Tax expert T.B. Allowance Trapping Laundry/housekeeping Unspecified 34 30 28 21 19 12 9 8 3 3 3 2 2 2 1 A source i s reported only once for a given household. An examination of the control of access to resources makes the picture somewhat clearer, on the average nuclear families obtain 4195 of t h e i r income from wages (see Table XIV). That i s , wage income i s i n fact the largest sector of income. However, i t i s also true that extended family households are wage income dependent and i n fact the average for extended family households i s measurably larger that for nuclear families (51%). Again counter-factual evidence has 87 been found that nuclear families are not primarily wage dependent f a m i l i e s . As i s true for a l l of the figures presented i n this section the conclusions, by force of the scantiness of the data, remain only suggestive of trends. Evidence to support the hypothesis that consanguineal households are not primarily dependent on wage income i s found. On the average consanguineal households obtain only 8% of the i r income from wage employment. This confirms at least part of the hypothesis that consanguineal households are not wage dependent. This conclusion can be explained by the absence of migratory labour as a source of income f o r Skidegate. The category "Other" shows a pattern more i n keeping with what would be expected for nuclear f a m i l i e s . The two largest sub-groups comprising t h i s category are single person households and undefinable households. The data did not reveal any s i g n i f i c a n t pattern which could be used to describe this category. Therefore these households remain something of a mystery. 88 TABLE XIV MEAN PROPORTION OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY INCOME SECTOR AND HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Income Sector 1 T o t a l 2 (N) Type 1 2 3 4 5 6 Nuclear Family .41 .32 .22 0 .03 .03 1.00 (16) Households Extended Family .51 .18 .24 .04 .01 .03 1.00 (4) Households Consang-uineal Households .08 .47 .43 0 0 .03 1.00 (2) Other Households .40 .24 .33 .00 .01 .03 1.00 (13) 1 Income Sectors are: 1 = Wages 4 = Unearned 2 = Kinship 5 = Reciprocity 3 = S o c i a l Services 6 = Kind 2 Totals have been rounded to 1.00. Table XV examines the association between s i z e of t o t a l household income and household type. Here the predicted re l a t i o n s h i p did obtain. One-half of a l l low income households are nuclear f a m i l i e s ; while a proportion of .235 of a l l high income households are extended f a m i l i e s . In contrast there are no extended fa m i l i e s i n the low income categories and a proportion of .412 of a l l high income households are nuclear. While the predicted r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not as c l e a r as could be desired the evidence seems strong 89 enough to confirm the hypothesis. Of in t e r e s t i s the continuing relationship between the category "other" and nuclear family households. TABLE XV PROPORTION OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Types Low Income1 High Income1 Nuclear Family Household .500 (9) .412 (7) Extended Family Household 0 (0) .235 (4) Consanguineal Household 0 (0) .118 (2) Other households .500 (9) .235 (4) 1 The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($2595.00 per year). Contrary to what was expected, relationships between nuclear f a m i l i e s and high per-capita income and conversely between extended family households and low per-capita income were not found to be c l e a r l y demonstrated. Comparing nuclear f a m i l i e s with extended families with respect to straight per-capita income evidence was found to demonstrate the opposite conclusion (see Tables XVI, XVII, AND XVIII). One-half of a l l low income families were nuclear while one-half of a l l high income families were extended family households. By both calculations of per-capita income the picture i s not changed. 90 TABLE XVI PROPORTION OF PER-CAPITA INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Types Low Income1 High Income1 Nuclear Family Household .500 (9) .412 (7) Extended Family Household .111 (2) .500 (2) Consanguineal Household .056 (1) .059 (1) Other households .333 (6) .412 (7) 1 The di v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($541.00 per year). TABLE XVII PROPORTION OF ADULT PER-CAPITA INCOME BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Types Low Income1 High Income1 Nuclear Family Household .294 (5) .611 (1.1) Extended Family Household x.118 (2) .111 (2) Consanguineal Household .059 (1) .056 (1) Other households .529 (9) .222 (4) 1 The di v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($898.00 per year). 91 TABLE XVIII PROPORTION OF ADULT PER-CAPITA INCOME LESS FAMILY ALLOWANCE PAYMENTS BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Types Low Income 1 High Income 1 Nuclear Family Household .353 (6) .556 (10) Extended Family Household .118 (2) .111 (2) Consanguineal Household .359 (1) .056 (1) Other households .471 (8) .278 (5) 1 The d i v i s i o n between high and low income was the median ($846.00 per y e a r ) . Consanguineal households showed no a s s o c i a t i o n and were evenly s p l i t with regard to p e r - c a p i t a income measurements. Other households d i d show an a s s o c i a t i o n with low p e r - c a p i t a income by a l l measures. The f i n a l and perhaps most important t e s t of the hypothesis concerning the a s s o c i a t i o n between nu c l e a r f a m i l y households and wage labour i s presented i n Table IXX. Each household was ra t e d with r e s p e c t to the l a r g e s t s e c t o r of income. I f the hypothesis were t r u e then i t would be expected t h a t there would be a str o n g a s s o c i a t i o n between wage labour and nuclear f a m i l y households, and a l s o a s t r o n g a s s o c i a t i o n between income from k i n s h i p c o n t r o l l e d r e s o u r c e s and the extended f a m i l y household form. However the hypothesis was not confirmed by the data. Approximately one h a l f of both wage dominant and k i n s h i p dominant households 92 was nuclear. Only about 9% of a l l kinship dominant households were ones where resources were kinship controlled. The suggestion i s , then, that wages account for the overwhelming amount of income for a l l households. The summary f i e l d notes suggest possible clues to the reason f o r t h i s state of a f f a i r s . F i r s t , the suggestions in the f i l e notes i s that the f i s h i n g boats in Skidegate (the largest type of kinship controlled resource) re g i u i r e more s k i l l e d crew members than can be supplied from the available labour pool. Second, the f i s h i n g industry in Skidegate was i n 1954 in somewhat of a depression i n comparison with the years encompassed by the second world war and for some time a f t e r . In addition the war years presented a tremendous demand for labour on various m i l i t a r y construction projects i n the area of the Queen Charlotte Islands. This may have drawn many men away from the f i s h i n g industry never to return. The presence of a depression i n the economy of Skidegate i s evidenced by the presence of a s i g n i f i c a n t number of people on the reserve who are dependent on welfare income. At least 12.5% of a l l households are so dependent. 93 TABLE IXX PROPORTION OF DOMINANT INCOME SECTORS BY HOUSEHOLD TYPE (SKIDEGATE RESERVE) Household Type Wages Dominant Kinship Sector S o c i a l Services Nuclear Family .50 (8) .54 (6) .25 (2) Extended Family .12 (2) .09 (1) .12 (1) Consanguineal .09 (1) .12 (1) Other .38 (6) .27 (3) .50 (4) 1.00 1.00 1.00 The data did not allow for a close comparison between s k i l l l e v e l and household composition. \ 94 CHAPTER IV SUMMARY This chapter recapitulates some of the general t h e o r e t i c a l orientations which have guided t h i s research and summarizes the findings. Several variables not examined are discussed and suggestions for future research are made. A. Theoretical Framework This study takes as i t s s t a r t i n g point the assumption that economic constraints are the primary determinants of household composition in order to most e f f i c i e n t l y provide in d i v i d u a l s with the goods and services that are necessary to sustain t h e i r daily l i v e s . The theory hypothesizes that there are at least four aspects or types of constraints: (a) Access to resources, (b) Size of income, (c) S t a b i l i t y of income over time, and, (d) Interchangeability of resource and household personnel. Other studies on reserve Indians suggest some variables which are thought to influence the composition of households. They include the control of access to resources by kinship groups, the need for s k i l l e d labour i n a modern i n d u s t r i a l society, and the impact of unskilled migratory labour. A more general position considers the history of adjustments by the reserve community to the demands of 95 Western culture as very important. The composition of households, thus, would seem to involve the p o s s i b i l i t y of a number of alternatives through time i n which numerous variables may intervene, often with an interlocking e f f e c t on each other. The main focus of t h i s present study has been on some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i n d i v i d u a l incomes as they are aggregated to form household incomes. The study has attempted to consider the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of any income source under one of six possible categories: (a) Kinship income, <b) Wage income, (c) S o c i a l service income, (d) Unearned income, (e) Reciprocity income, (f) Kind income. The theory chapter has t r i e d to consider the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each income source and how i t could best be used to supply the needs and wants of individ u a l s in terms of cooking, cleaning, shopping, sexual access, and c h i l d rearing. Throughout the study i t has been assumed that a l l income generated by individ u a l s can be equally consumed i n the short run by members of the household. Of course t h i s assumption i s not plausible for children and some adults but such income could, conceivably, be used for a variety of personal as well as extra-household purposes. For example, surplus income could be used to further the p o l i t i c a l goals of a household member. Kinship obligations i n the context 96 of t r a d i t i o n a l norms of Indian society have been considered only in so f a r as they are re f l e c t e d in the category of income derived from other households related by t i e s of consanguinity or a f f i n i t y . On inspection of the data t h i s procedure seems j u s t i f i e d , i n so far as the s i g n i f i c a n c e of kinship income accounts for a very small portion of household income for any household. B. Findings Evidence was found on both reserves to support the proposition that extended family households have high t o t a l incomes. However, on the a l e r t Bay Reserve there was a small negative association between high t o t a l incomes and nuclear family households, while Skidegate Reserve showed only a small positive association between the same variables. Considering a l l measures of per-capita income a l e r t Bay Reserve showed stong support for the proposition that nuclear families are high per-capita income households. With respect to Skidegate Reserve there was a strong association between nuclear family households and high per-capita income. But there was either a small negative association or no difference between extended family households and per-capita income. There were a number of hypotheses which made s p e c i f i c reference to the consanguineal household. Unfortunately there were no such households on the al e r t Bay Reserve and 97 only three on the Skidegate Reserve (accounting for only 7.5% of the population of the reserve.) While t8e data are inadequate to allow f o r more than speculation, none of the hypotheses concerning consanguineal households was validated. This may be due in part to the impact of governmental policy which may provide s u f f i c i e n t income so that consanguineal households are not necessarily as destitute as had been predicted. The absence of a s i g n i f i c a n t number of consanguineal households may also be due to the impact of governmental policy which promotes the growth of nuclear family households. The second major approach to the analysis of household economics was i n terms of primacy of one of the six major income types. Perhaps one of the most expected r e s u l t s of the study i s the small significance of r e c i p r o c i t y and kind income i n the t o t a l budget of any of the households on the two reserves. No nuclear family household or extended family household on either reserve received the primary portion of i t s t o t a l household income from either r e c i p r o c i t y or kind sources. Further, i t did not even account for the second largest sector of income for a household. This perhaps more than any other measurement suggests the degree of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change that reserve Indians have undergone i n the l a s t one hundred years. The theory that was proposed i n Chapter I had suggested that there would be 1n association between extended family 98 households and kinsh9p income dominance and between nuclear family households and wage income dominance. On the Al e r t Bay Reserve there was negative support for .both propositions. On the Skidegate Reserve there was no association between one type of household and income primacy. In the case of the few consanguineal households on the Skidegate Reserve there was a s l i g h t association with s o c i a l service income dominance. Since a l l forms of pensions were included within the category " s o c i a l service" and further because such pensions are usually large i n comparison to other sources of income on the reserve there i s some explanation as to why consanguineal households are not low income households. C. Limitations of the Study This study was limited i n i t s explorations of household economics by the i n a b i l i t y to measure d i f f e r e n t i a l income earning potential with respect to s t a b i l i t y of income f o r the i n d i v i d u a l and for the household. That i s , i t was impossible to determine whether or not an i n d i v i d u a l was r e a l i z i n g the t o t a l potential from a given resource or job. This i s c r u c i a l when attempting to measure s t a b i l i t y of income. While i t i s reasonable to assume that employment i n an o f f i c e i s a f u l l time job (i. e . , twelve months of the year) the same assumption cannot be made with respect to many jobs i n primary resource ex p l o i t a t i o n . For example, commercial f i s h i n g i s limited not only by governmental regulation but by the size and type of gear that i s carried 99 on board. Some f i s h i n g boats are suitable only for the summer salmon season while others are suitable for the winter herring f i s h i n g as well. Because such l i m i t a t i o n s are related to the c a p i t a l costs and to the potential returns on c a p i t a l that can be derived from a boat s t a b i l i t y cannot be determined without knowing these f a c t o r s . S i m i l a r l y , logging operations are not year round operations and at t h i s distance i n time i t i s impossible to determine what proportion of the year a person could have been employed. & second l i m i t a t i o n of the study concerns the f i e l d work technique that was used to gather the data in 1954. The research design r e l i e d on the single "depth" interview for each household. The experience gained in thi s study would indicate that there are serious li m i t a t i o n s i n t h i s approach. The single interview technique when used to e l i c i t information about the past c a r r i e s with i t the problem of "se l e c t i v e r e c a l l " on the part of the informants. The data sheets used i n the present study frequently gave only rough approximations of the di f f e r e n t incomes, and sometimes i t was d i f f i c u l t to judge whether such income was gross or net income. Further research might be more accurate and f r u i t f u l i f the "panel" technigue were used. 1 1 This would involve setting up a series of representative informants who would be interviewed p e r i o d i c a l l y for an extended period of time (perhaps one year) . Each time they were interviewed information on sources of income would be obtained so that a t o t a l picture through time could be obtained. 100 T h i s should e l i m i n a t e the problem of s e l e c t i v e r e c a l l . In p a r t i c u l a r i t might p i c k up some r e c i p r o c i t y income which because of the c a s u a l manner i n which i t would be r e c e i v e d i n a household might be e a s i l y f o r g o t t e n . A t h i r d l i m i t a t i o n was the f a i l u r e to p r e d i c t the magnitude and v a r i e t y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e income f o r a l l households. On the Skidegate Reserve the mean p r o p o r t i o n of s o c i a l s e r v i c e income to t o t a l income f o r a l l households ranges from 22 to U3%; on the A l e r t Bay Reserve i t was somewhat l e s s , 12 to 36%. Included i n t h i s f i g u r e are such d i v e r s e types of income as Family Allowance payments, b l i n d pensions, w e l f a r e , and r e t i r e m e n t penisons. While a l l of these sources are somewhat s i m i l a r many of them vary tremendously with r e s p e c t to s i z e and s t a b i l i t y . A f i n e r breakdown of such income might prove more r e v e a l i n g of p a t t e r n s of income and household type. A f o u r t h l i m i t a t i o n was the f a i l u r e to account f o r a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of households on each r e s e r v e . The category " o t h e r " accounted f o r 33% and 35% of a l l households on A l e r t Bay and Skidegate r e s e r v e s r e s p e c t i v e l y . A c l o s e r examination of these households and t h e i r income sources showed t h a t a s i z e a b l e p r o p o r t i o n were s i n g l e person households dependent p r i m a r i l y on pensions and s e m i - s k i l l e d wage labour. A c l o s e examination of the data might show pat t e r n s and types of households not c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s a n a l y s i s . 101 D. F i n a l Comment In view of the s m a l l s i z e of the sample and the i n a b i l i t y to judge i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s , the f i n d i n g s of t h i s study cannot be g e n e r a l i z e d beyond these p a r t i c u l a r groups of r e s e r v e Indian households. Within these l i m i t s , however, the t h e o r e t i c a l framework suggested seemed to have some power i n a n a l y s i n g d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s of household composition and a l s o to suggest some p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r them. With a p p r o p r i a t e data as suggested e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, the model might be u s e f u l i n understanding how and why other r e s e r v e I n d i a n groups respond to d i f f e r e n t economic c o n s t r a i n t s . In p a r t i c u l a r i t might be u s e f u l i n understanding the impact of governmental p o l i c y on a s p e c i f i c r e s e r v e s i t u a t i o n . Every p o l i c y f o r economic development, no matter what i t s merits, w i l l be e v a l u a t e d by the Indians i n the l i g h t of t h e i r own experience and i n terms of a l l the other a l t e r n a t i v e s t h a t are open to a g i v e n i n d i v i d u a l and h i s household. I f there was some understanding of the p o s i t i v e and negative a s p e c t s of e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s then new p o l i c i e s might be designed which are more compatible with these a s p e c t s . The r e s u l t c o u l d w e l l be a more e f f i c i e n t u t i l i z a t i o n of development funds and a g r e a t e r acceptance of governmental programs by the Indian peoples themselves. 102 BIBLIOGRAPHY Boas, Franz. Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, based on data c o l l e c t e d by George Hunt. Annual Report, No. 35. Washington: Bureau of American Ethnography, 1921. Codere, Helen. F i g h t i n g with Property. American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y , Monograph 18. S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1950. Cowan, Ian McTaggart, and Guiget, C h a r l e s . Mammals of B r i t i s h Columbia. P r o v i n c i a l Museum Handbook, No. 11. V i c t o r i a : Queens P r i n t e r i n P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964. C u r t i s , E. S. The Kwakiutl. V o l . X: The North American JLQ<L i§£ * S e a t t l e : Norward, 1915. Drucker, P h i l i p . Indians of the Northwest Coast. American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Handbook, No. 10. New York: McGraw H i l l Company, Inc., 1955. R e p r i n t e d by N a t u r a l H i s t o r y Press, 1963. Drucker, P h i l i p , and H e i z e r , Robert F.. To Hake Hy Name Good: A Reexamination of the Southern Kwakiutl P o t l a t c h . B e r k e l y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1967. Duff, Wilson. The Indian H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia. V o l . I: the Impact of the White Man. Anthropology i f i B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir No. 5. V i c t o r i a : B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, 1964. F i s h e r , L l o y d H. The Harvest Labour Market i n C a l i f o r n i a . Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953. F o r t e s , Meyer. "introduction.«' The Developmental C y c l e i n Domestic Groups. E d i t e d by Jack Goody. Cambridge Papers i n Anthropology, No. 1. Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1958. Gonzalez, Nancie S o l i e n . Black C a r i b Household S t r u c t u r e s . American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y P u b l i c a t i o n No. 48. S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1969. Goode, W i l l i a m J . World R e v o l u t i o n i n Family P a t t e r n s . New York: The Macmillan Company, 1963. Gough, E. K. "changing K i n s h i p Usage i n the S e t t i n g of P o l i t i c a l and Economic Change among the Nayar of M a l i b a r . " J o u r n a l of the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e , 82, (1952), pp. 71 - 88. 1 0 3 Government of Canada. The Canada Yearbook 1 9 5 4 . O f f i c i a l S t a t i s t i c a l Annual of the Resources^ H i s t o r y x I n s t i t u t i o n s and Social and Economic Conditions of Canada. Published by Authority of the Minister of Industry, Trade and Commerce. Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 5 4 . Hawthorn, H. B.; Belshaw, C. S.; and Jamieson, S. M. The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia.; A Study of Contemporary Soc i a l Adjustment. Toronto: University of Toronto Press and University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 8 . Hewes, Gordon Winant. "Aboriginal Use of Fishery Resources in Northwestern North America." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1 9 4 7 . Kroeber, A. L. Cul t u r a l and Natural Areas of Native North America. Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 9 3 6 . Kunkel, John H. "Values and Behavior i n Economic Development." Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, 1 3 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , " p p . 2 7 5 - ~ 2 7 6 . Lyons, Ci c e l y , Salmon.: Our Heritage. Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press, 1 9 6 9 7 " Morison, Samuel E l i o t . The Maritime History of Massachusetts.: 1 7 8 3 - J 8 6 0 . Boston: Houghton -M i f f l i n Company, 1 9 2 1 . Reprinted Senry Editions, 1 9 6 1 . Munsell, Marvin Robert. Land and Labour at Salt River: Household Organization in a Changing Economy. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Oregon, 1 9 6 7 . Murdock, George Peter. Our Primitive Contemporaries. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1 9 3 4 . Nimkoff, M. F. and Middleton, U s s e l l . "Types of Family and Types of Economy." American Journal of Sociology, 6 6 ( 1 9 6 0 ) , pp. 2 1 5 ~ 2 2 5 . Padfield, Harland, and Martin, W. E. Farmers x Workers^ and Machines. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona P r e s s , ™ 9 6 5 . Piddocke, Stuart. "The Potlatch System of the Southern Kwakiutl: A New Perspective." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 2 1 8 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 2 4 4 - 2 6 4 . Rhoner, Ronald P. The People of G i l f o r d : A Contemporary Kwakiutl V i l l a g e . National Museum of Canada B u l l e t i n , No. 2 2 5 , Anthropological Series, No. 8 3 . 104 Ottawa: The Queens Prin t e r , 1967. Robbins, Lynn. "Economics, Household Composition and Family L i f e Cycle: The Blackfoot Case." American Ethnological Society. Proceedings of the J968 Annual Sjjring Meeting. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1968. Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s . Report of the Roy.al Commissioni Indian A f f a i r s . vol II and I I I . Voctoria: Acme Press, Ltd., 1916. Sahlins, Marshall D. "On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange." The Relevance of Models for Soc i a l Anthropology. Edited by M. Banton. Monographs of the Association of Social Anthropologists No. 1. London: Tavistock Publications, 1965, pp. 39 - 126. Sahlins, Marshall D. Tribesmen. Foundations of Modern Anthropology Series. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968. Solien, Nancie. "Family Organization i n Five Types of Migratory Labour." American Anthropologist, 63 (1961), pp. 1264 - 1280. ~ Spencer, Robert F. "The Northwest Coast." Chapter V. The Native Americans: Prehistory and Ethnology, of the North American Indians. Edited by Robert F. Spencer, Jesse D. Jennings, et a l . . New York: Harper and Row, 1965, pp. 168 - 212. Suttles, Wayne. " A f f i n a l Ties, Subsistence, and Prestige Among the Coast S a l i s h . " American Anthropologist, 62, (1960), pp. 296 - 305. Suttles, Wayne. "Variation i n Habitat and Culture i n the Northwest Coast." Acten des 34. Internationales Amerikanestinkongresses. Wien: Verlag Ferdinand Berger, 1962. Swanton, John R. Contributions to the Haida. Memoir 8. New York: History, 1909. Watson, William. Manchester: T r i b a l Cohesion i n Manchester University Ethnology of the American Museum of a Money Economy.. Press,~1958. Modern Anthropology Jersey: Prentice-Wolf, E r i c . Peasants. Foundations of Series. Englewood C l i f f s , New Hal l , Inc., 1966. 105 APPENDIX A QUESTIONS;. 1. Name of household or family head Age School leaving grade 2. Whose house i s he/she l i v i n g in? 3. Relationship to house owner (and to household head, i f different) 4. Name of wife Age School leaving grade Date of marriage or co-residence 5. Residence of wife (Note: Wife i s here the woman recognized by man as such) 6. Names of a l l l i v i n g children. Age Residence School leaving grade (Include children of 4, who are not children of 1) 7. Names of a l l present adopted children Age School leaving grade 8. Name of wife where l e g a l l y d i f f e r e n t from 4. Residence Date of marriage name of 4»s husband where l e g a l l y d i f f e r e n t from 1. Residence Date of marriage 10. Names of separated wives of 1. Resddence Dates of marriage or setting up co-residence 119 names of separated husbands of 4. Residence rdates of marriage or setting up co-residence 12. Names of deceased wives of 1. Dates of marriage 13. Names of deceased husbands of 4. Dates of marriage. 106 Name of deceased children of 1. Name of deceased children of 4. L i s t fathers of 6 and 15. L i s t mothers of 6 and 14. What schools did adults and children attend? Did any receive other education? (university extension, army s p e c i a l i s t , f i r s t - a i d , etc.) What size i s the house (cu.ft.)? How many rooms? How are they used Has i t running water? E l e c t r i c i t y ? What kind of sanitation? What are main a r t i c l e s and condition of furniture? Beds and bedding? Cupboards? What children's toys are there - types, use, expense. What are occupations of family members? ( i . e . Those resident i n household) What i s th e i r i n d i v i d u a l wage income? Weekly, and over past year? Does the family operate a business? Describe, and estimate net income. What cash income accrues from s o c i a l services, allowances, pensions? What i s their income from other sources, f i s h i n g , rent, contract, timber r o y a l t i e s , for past year i f possible. Distinguish sources. What income i n cash or kind i s known to have come from kinship sources recently - say past s i z or nine months? 107 31. What food was produced or gathered? Fish, game, f r u i t , etc. 32. What kinship disbursements have been made, over similar period? 33. What c a p i t a l does the family own? e.g. Transport, farm buildings, tools, shot guns, cameras, f i s h nets, sewing machines, washing machine. 34 how i s food stored - open shelves, cupboards, ref r i g e r a t o r ? 35. What animals does the family own? 36. What Indians made a r t i f a c t s does the family own? e.g. Baskets, f i s h i n g gear, canoes, dance-costumes. 37. What Church, i f any, were family members baptized in? Do they attend and how regularly? 38. What contributions do they give to the Church and i t s organizations? 39. What organizations, including youth clubs, Canadian Legion, P.T.A., sports. Brotherhoods, Trade Unions, etc., do people belong to, and what contributions are reguired? What o f f i c e s have been held? 40. What other l o c a l i t i e s have family members v i s i t e d or worked in? 41. What languages can they speak or hear? 41. What languages can they speak or hear? 42. What books do they own? ( l i s t any s i g n i f i c a n t t i t l e s , and c l a s s i f y remainder by subject) 43. What magazines are evident? 44. Is there a l i b r a r y membership? 1 0 8 ( i f rapport i s suitable) what sums are i n investments, bank and savings accounts, etc.? What money i s owed to the family and by whom? Are there any accounts with stores or firms, and how do they stand? 1 0 9 

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