UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Decision-making in a one-industry townCompany towns Port, Albert Walter 1972

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1972_A8 P68.pdf [ 5.17MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0101587.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0101587-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0101587-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0101587-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0101587-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0101587-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0101587-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0101587-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0101587.ris

Full Text

DECISION-MAKING IN A ONE-INDUSTRY TOWN ALBERT WALTER PORT B.A., University of British Columbia, I966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1972 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada D a t e February 25,1972 ABSTRACT Communities with relatively undiversified economies are an intermediate category between the monolithic "company town" and the industrially diversified metropolis. A community with an undiversi-fied economic base i s influenced by factors external to i t , including absentee ownership of industry and the international market. The part which the "company" plays in the decision-making process of such a community i s examined. Propositions concerning the emergence and v i a b i l i t y of decision-makers in this particular environment are con-sidered. Research was carried out in a community- of 12,000 people which depends heavily on a single industry. Leaders were Identified by a multi-step approach which, drew on a panel of knowledgeable persons in the community. Twenty-two men identified as leaders were interviewed. Their interrelationships and participation i n decisions which, affected the community were explored. The individual and collective resources available to leaders were considered. It was found that the major employer had made unilateral deci-sions on economic and organizational grounds. As long as these deci-sions resulted in s t a b i l i t y and continuity for the community this-activity was not recognized by the citizens as company participation in the decision-making process of the community. When these unilateral decisions adversely affected the community i t became possible for new decision-makers to emerge from the most threatened non»-company sector of the community. "lew leaders" were instrumental in having the economic situation in the community redefined as problematic. Not only did new leaders emerge, but new organizations were created which, when they were defined as legitimate, provided a mechanism for tapping the resources already in the decision-rfiiaking network. Brief consideration i s given to the possibility that access to the decision-making process based on unusual circumstances can be transferred into more conventional positions of power in the community. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 I I . COMMUNITY DECISION-MAKING Elitists-and Pluralists . . . . . . . . . . 6 Power . . . . . , . . 12 Associations . •, , . , -.- . . l6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 I I I . PLANT CITY The Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 The Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 The Problem 29 IV. COMMUNITY LEADERS Identification of Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Leadership Resources . . . . 42 Leader Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 V. THE NEW ORGANIZATION The First Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Legitimation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Funding 76 VI. CHANGE AND CONTINUITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 APPENDICES A. Plant City Questionnaire 9_4 B. Leader Interview Schedule 95 C. Biographical Details of Leaders . . . . . . 101 i v LIST OF TABLES Table Page ;I. Problems Identified by Community Leaders . . . . . . . 31 I I . Leader Membership i n Organizations . . . . . . . . . . 4-5 I I I . Occupations of Self-Employed Leaders . . . . . . . . . 48 IV. Occupations of Employed Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . h-9 V. Respondent's Knowledge of Other Leaders . . . . . . . 53 VI. Average Number of Contacts with Other Leaders . . . . 54 v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Power and Participation i n the E l i t i s t Model . . . . . . 38 2. Power and Participation in the Pluralist Model . . . . . 39 3. Reputed Power and Participation i n Plant City . . . . . 0^ h. Place of Residence and Visiting Patterns of Plant City Leaders Cschematic] 57 .5. Place of Residence and Shared Committee- -Activity Cschematic] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 v i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Merton ( l Q 6 8 , p. 157) argues that the model of scientific research which sees investigation progressing from hunch to inference to hypothesis to empirical test f a i l s to describe "much of what actually occurs in f r u i t f u l investigation" because i t "exaggerates the creative role of explicit theory just as i t minimizes the creative role of obser-vation" . Without claiming great creativity for the observation, we note that: l ) much of the research on community decision-making has been done on economically diversified and highly industrialized urban areas, and 2) many communities in western Canada do not have these characteris-tics since their reason for existence i s to be found in the exploitation or preliminary treatment of a natural resource by a single company that i s the major employer. This results in a relatively isolated, and economically and occupationally undiversified community i n which the com-pany, as the major employer, plays an important part. Company towns per se have a l l but disappeared i n the United States as the problems of being both landlord and employer become more complex (Allen, 1966), and i n Canada the trend i s also in this direction. 1 2 But, communities s t i l l exist i n which, the majority of the work force i s employed by a single employer. Even though a major employer i s not overtly involved i n the day to day running of the town, i t s influence on a community is s t i l l considerable. The existence of a major employer in a community provides a com-mon work experience for most residents. Two other characteristics of such towns must be pointed out. The f i r s t i s that the major source of employment i s usually controlled by absentee owners but administered by resident managers. The articles by Pellegrin and Coates 0-956). and Mott (1970) demonstrate that the policies pursued by the managers of absentee-owned firms are based on a view that sees the company versus the commun-it y rather than the company i n the community. Concern.over the company's public image leads to subtle but nonetheless real attempts to direct community decisions. Secondly, factors beyond the community's boundary may affect i t . The market for the company's product i s outside the community and perhaps even outside the country. Thus, market decisions made outside the com-munity may greatly influence i t , as w i l l trade restrictions at the national level. Other factors external to this type of community,al-though not unique to i t , include the pressures for change which come from new legislation and also from changing cultural values. Thus, although the town may easily be bounded geographically, i t i s part of a much larger social system. 3 Many decisions taken by the major employer w i l l be reflected in the community. For example, a prolonged shutdown, which causes young families to migrate out of the area, w i l l skew the population structure toward older persons and may eventually result i n a popula-tion that cannot support some sectors of the local economy. When a major employer i s thus indirectly involved i n the deci-sion-making process i n a community, important questions are raised: "What happens when external factors which influence the community change? How are new problems identified and solved? Under what condi-tions can new leaders emerge, and what are their characteristics?" These and similar questions w i l l be considered i n this thesis. Because i t takes time for members of a community to develop a sense of their own awareness and knowledge about those i n the community who can "get things done", well developed lines of communication or great community involvement are not l i k e l y in the so-called "instant towns." Thus, a community meeting our research needs w i l l be one that has been established for some time, that has a large proportion of the work force employed by a single company, but which has additional sources of employment. It w i l l have developed at least potential l o c i of i n -fluence outside the company structure and a status hierarchy not en-t i r e l y based on company rank. In undertaking another study of decision-making in a single community, one must face up to the shortcomings of this method pointed h out by Rossi 0957, p. 438), and provide a justification for continuing this approach in the face of his observation that; ... research on decision-making should be extensive rather  than intensive and comparative rather than the case study  technique. Three levels of comparisons should be made: decision makers of different types, operating within d i f -'ferent community'and institutional settings should be com-pared as they come to the settlement of a range of issues. When comparative studies are not possible, for whatever reason, the value of a single case study can be increased by ensuring that at a later date i t w i l l be usable along with other studies as raw data for synthesis. This requires that variables already in common usage be i n -cluded when possible, that the methodology be clearly set out, and that the research be guided by existing community decision-making theory. We believe that as a type, the single-industry, major-employer community provides a legitimate area of study. There i s some di f f i c u l t y i n abstracting from the existing re-search narrowly defined but widely used concepts and methodologies. However, the task of imposing order on the large :number of monographs and articles has been undertaken by Walton 0 . 9 6 6 1 . He organizes com-munity studies by reference to:such commonly used variables as region, population size and composition, extent of industrialization, economic base, and kind of issues considered. More w i l l be said about each of these as we proceed, and this w i l l allow the possibility of this case study being combined with others. 5 In Chapter II the major concepts and methodologies found in this area are considered. CHAPTER I I COMMUNITY DECISION-MAKING E l i t i s t s and Pluralists One of the questions which has for a long time attracted students of social organization i s the distribution-of power. There are two major orientations to such a question. The " e l i t i s t " view i s that the bulk of power rests in the hands of a small but purposeful group, dedicated to the control of the population for i t s own ends in the totalitarian e l i t e model, or controlling the masses for their own good in the benevolent e l i t e model. The proponents of the "pluralist" view argue that decisions are shared by a much larger proportion of the population. The possi-b i l i t y of greater involvement i s associated with, the formation of i n -terest and pressure groups which may combine and recombine to.serve their own best interests on any particular issue. When interest in the p o l i t i c a l process at the civic level increased in the 1950*s and 1960's, these existing models formed the basis for the analyses. The awareness of structured hierarchies in society led sociolo-gists to see the community as st r a t i f i e d , with disproportionate amounts of p o l i t i c a l , economic, or social power concentrated in an upper stratum 6 7 or ruling e l i t e . In Regional City, Hunter (.1953) identified an economic eli t e by developing and using the "reputatlonal" method for discovering community influentials. Schulze Cl'958) i n his research on Cibola pointed out that elites need not be monolithic. He identified three dominant groups: the p o l i t i c a l dominants, and two economic dominants, a local business and an absentees-owner e l i t e . He also drew attention to the re-lationship between absentee-ownership of industry and decreased p a r t i c i -pation of the economic dominants i n some areas- of p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Replicating Schulze's work in Wheelsburg, Clelland and Form (196U, p. 521)'found a similar bifurcation between the p o l i t i c a l and economic structures, although they concluded that several factors related to the integration of the community were important determinants of absentee—owner "withdrawal". These include; .... the absence of local party p o l i t i c s , a history of local industries becoming absentee-owned rather than the introduc-tion of branch, plants from outside the community, the i n s t i -tutionalization of local p o l i t i c a l controls and the absence of ethnic, class, or other cleavages which contribute to partisan po l i t i c s and reduce the withdrawal rate of economic dominants from participation i n community associations and local power arrangements. Thus, i t appears that economic dominants might remain more v i s i b l e in less integrated communities. Although the evidence suggests that within some communities there can be cleavages within the e l i t e , Mott (.1970), after further study of Cibola, has concluded that a lack, of overt participation does not neces-saril y mean a decrease i n the influence of absentees-owned corporations 8 i n the community (Schulze's "withdrawal"). Indeed, he makes the point (p. 178) that: Corporate power is being, exercised; new roles using new methods are being developed. Community relations has become the work of specialists who combine the techniques of public relations, employee involvement i n community affai r s , and hard negotiation to maximize their social value and resource power. I t i s a mistake to discount public relations activities as a viable tool in community control a c t i v i t i e s . As more and more companies are involved in corporate mergers, as more men become career managers rather than owners, and as advances occur i n the specialized s k i l l s and techniques used by absentee-owners to protect their own best interest, i t seems reasonable to expect that accurate identification of powerful persons in the community, at least by the reputational method, w i l l become more d i f f i c u l t . D i f f i c u l t i e s with the reputational approach were pointed out shortly after Hunter's (1953) work on Regional City, The comments on this method of identifying community leaders were wide-ranging and i n -volved three aspects: a) criticism of the e l i t i s t model, b) criticism of the reputational method, and c) the advocacy of a "decision" approach for identifying community leaders. These comments i n turn provoked an exchange of arguments and counter arguments that continued for several years. a) Of the ruling e l i t e model, Dahl (.1958, p. h66) pointed out that i n order to test the hypothesis of a ruling elite's existence, the following conditions would have to hold: 9 1) The hypothetical ruling e l i t e i s a well-defined group. 2) There, is a f a i r sample of cases involving key p o l i t i -cal decisions in which the preferences of the hypothe-t i c a l ruling elite.run counter to those of any other l i k e l y group that might, he suggested. 3) In such- cases, the preferences of the e l i t e regularly prevail. He warned against the temptation to attribute power to invisible e l i t e s , the "they" of unsophisticated explanations, since this can result in assigning power to ever more invisible e l i t e s . Causality.must.be demonstrated. Such a demand i s no more than may be directed to any-theoretical statement, but does not i n i t s e l f demonstrate the non-exis-tence of p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . On the other hand, no matter how ideologi-cally desirable the pluralist model, i t i s not clear that every citizen participates. Thus, attention s t i l l focuses on a sub-set of citizens i n the community. h] With- respect to the reputational method of identifying community influentials, Wolfinger (1962), speaking "for Dahl, Polsby, and myself", states, " i t i s true that we consider the.reputational method worthless, and think i t l i k e l y that local p o l i t i c a l power i n the United States i s more widely and differentially distributed than do scholars l i k e Miller and Hunter" (emphasis added). Here we have evidence of the bias introduced into research by any frame of reference. The commitment to pluralism appears to have blinded pluralists to the u t i l i t y of other models. Nevertheless, the points Wolfinger (.i960) raises are strong ones and must be acknowledged. He argues that the reputational method f a i l s 10 to recognize that without a definition of power, a respondent may he communicating information about status, perceived power, or may have in mind power i n disparate areas. He also points out that a.descrip-tion or ranking of leaders does not constitute an analysis of the p o l i t i c a l system. Also, he rejects the implication of a static power structure "based on an examination of reputations for generalized power. c) The third aspect i n this exchange of views involved the pluralists' "decisional" approach as an alternative to the reputatlon-al approach of the ruling e l i t e proponents. One of the strongest statements of this position came from Polsby ( i 9 6 0 ) who saw no possibility of the reputatlonal approach pro-viding an adequate statement about community power. His arguments may be summarized thus: 1) No el i t e dominates a town; power i s widely distributed. 2) Power distributions are not static but often change. 3) Only by observing decisions or issue areas can the power structure be discovered. h) The researcher should choose important issue areas for study. 5) Inclusion of groups or bodies on a pr i o r i grounds i s not acceptable. 6) Thus, the only acceptable object of research i s behaviour of i n d i v i -duals associated with "important" community issues defined i n terms of the number of people affected by the outcome, the scope of the decisions, and the extent of change represented by the decision (jPolsby 1963) . 11 However, his attempt to reject the reputational method suffers a l i t t l e when he admits that although the researcher.",., should study-actual behaviour either at f i r s t hand, or by reconstructing behaviour .... There i s no harm in starting with a l i s t of people whose behaviour the researcher wishes to study As might be expected, the differences in orientation and methodology between pluralists and e l i t i s t s increasingly came to be examined by others not so intimately involved. A third phase in the development of a theory of community decision-making i s thus discover-able. Commenting on both approaches, Bachrach. and Baratz (1963) pointed out a previously unrecognized limitation of the pluralist approach. They argued that i t does not take into account the exercise of power which results i n issues'not becoming public and therefore not open to research by pluralists. In a later work 0-970, p. U5.) they identified the outcome of this kind of suppression as a "non-decision". Non decision-making i s a means by which demands for change in the existing allocation of benefits and privileges in the community can be suffocated before they are even voiced; or kept covert; or k i l l e d before they gain access to the relevant decision-making area; or f a i l i n g a l l these things, maimed or destroyed in the decision-implementing stage of the policy process. Those who are charged with identifying issues or problems may legitimate particular ones by their interest, while by a lack of activity, cause others to be defined as not important. For example, f i r e and health inspectors can ignore particular situations, keeping them from appearing as "problems". That i s , such persons have, within the community, a 12 "legitimating" a b i l i t y for situations and issues. Anton (1963), in reviewing both positions, clearly outlined the underlying orientation of each approach: the assumption on the part of sociologists that power could only be understood within the context of structure positions, while p o l i t i c a l scientists were direct-ed by a model which saw power as a separate entity, divorced from the context in which i t was used. From these two perspectives i t seems questionable that the same variable i s being tapped by the research. Of a further d i f f i c u l t y he wrote (p. h^6, footnote): Pluralists talk about issues, which may or may not be community issues, while the followers of Hunter talk about power, which may or may not be community power. This distinction between community power and community issues without a specification of the boundary of the community has not re-ceived the attention i t deserves. Recognition of factors beyond the community boundary i s usually limited to fleeting references to state or federal governments, or to the p o l i t i c a l orientation of community leaders. An exception must be recognized in the limited literature on absentee-ownership of industry already noted. Power Although the concepts of power and influence would seem to be central to any examination of the decision-making process, there i s a wide variety of definitions. These range from the a b i l i t y to work one's w i l l against others (without a specification of the resource which allows 13 this) (Weber, 19^7, p. 152), to the more rigorous approach which treats influence as an intervening variable in decision-making (March, 1955). But as pointed out by Dahl (.1968, p. kl2): ... no single classification system prevails, and the names for the various categories are so completely un-standardized that what i s labelled power in one scheme may be called coercion or influence i n another. The lack of agreement in the literature on what power consists of, or resides i n , i s unfortunate because at the intuitive level the idea of power does not present any great d i f f i c u l t y . It i s clear that some people act while others are acted upon, that some lead while others are led. To cause or encourage others to choose a specific alternative from among those available requires a "power base" or resource. Dahl, quoted i n Polsby ( i 9 6 0 ) , suggests that a l i s t of such resources might i n -clude "... money and credit; control over jobs; control over the infor-mation of others; social standing; knowledge and expertness; popularity, esteem and charisma; legality, constitutionality and o f f i c i a l i t y ; ethnic solidarity; and the right to vote." Without a resource, one i s powerless. But, having a resource which no one knows about renders one equally powerless. The connection between a resource and knowledge about i t was hinted at by Warner (19^9, p. 21) when he wrote: "Money must be translated into socially approved behaviour and possessions, and they in turn must be translated into intimate participation with, and acceptance by, members of a.superior Ik class." This relationship was stated more forcefully by Hunter (1953, p. 2-3) when he argued that effective use of power at the community level only occurs when i t i s "structured into associational, clique, or i n s t i -tutional patterns." The acknowledgement that one has a resource involves interaction between the "acknowledger" and the "acknowledgee" or another "acknow-ledger". Such interaction leads to similar personal orientations and styles of l i f e . The acknowledgement that one has a resource which pro-vides a basis for acting or leading i s an important point. The network of "acknowledgers" becomes a resource since i t legitimates claims to power and participation. Research which Identifies those who have power w i l l also identify them as having acknowledged resources and w i l l identify those by whom they are acknowledged, Perrucci and Pilisuk (1970) claim that resources must he com-bined in a network before important decisions can be influenced. They propose an alternative to both the e l i t i s t and pluralist views in which power i s conceptualized'as existing in the .network of relationships between formal, informal, and organizational leaders in the community. In their words: We may then formulate a theoretical statement about a locus of enduring power to which both e l i t i s t s and pluralists may subscribe; i.e. the resources relevant to the existence of power are dispersed and reside in the interorganizational connections that may be mobil-ized in specific situations, particularly dealing with allocations of scarce values. (p. 10^2-3) The evidence demonstrates that the question of e l i t i s t or pluralist power structure can only be answered i n 15 terms of the involvement of resource networks, and not individuals in specific decision-making situations. Cp. 1056) However, we do not mean to:suggest that such, a network must allow uninhibited access of each, member to a l l others nor that such a network is united in i t s activity. As already noted, Schulze 0.961, p. 23) found support for his hypothesis that: ... the community power structure tends toward bifurcation, in the sense that i t consists of two different sets of i n -dividuals i n the economic dominant and public leader sta-tuses, but that the persons comprising these two sets w i l l be notably distinguishable from one another in terms of their involvements, commitments, and relationships in the community. The differences found by Schulze appear to be similar to, and perhaps explicable in terms of, the "cosmopolitan^local" dimension ex-panded by Merton"'" 0 9 6 8 ) . "Locals" were essentially persons who were well known by name to much of the population, often lo c a l l y born, with a view of the world which saw the community occupying a central position. Typically they occupied the local elected offices. "Cosmopolitans", on the other hand, occupied positions i n the community where their well developed administrative and communication s k i l l s could be used. In acquiring these skills: at university and in This concept, developed by Alvin Gouldner i n his "Cosmopolitans and locals: toward an analysis of latent social roles - I & I I , " Adminis- trative Science Quarterly 2 (Dec. 1957), 28l-306 and (March 1958), was explored by Merton (I968), hhl-lk. 16 organizations outside the community, a broader perspective was developed which was maintained in later l i f e . Cosmopolitans were found to travel more outside the immediate area and to be better Informed about national and international matters. We might also expect this pattern to exist i n a community with a closely knit indigenous population and a major employ-er requiring large numbers of highly trained university graduates. Associations Excepting the case of the "pure" company town, communities in the Western democratic tradition operate with, elected leaders who are res-ponsive to the demands of a multiplicity of points of view. However, In addition to elected or appointed decision-makers, there are other leaders who do not have a mandate from the public at large but s t i l l actively participate in the decision-making process by representing an interest group i n the community. Many of these leaders participate through .membership or leader-ship i n the various voluntary associations found i n every community. However, not a l l voluntary associations are equally influential. In a small community, Young and Larson (1965, p. l8U) found that organizations which were seen to be most prestigious and important in the community were those "that embody the main institutional or value constellations of the community." Thus, by discovering those organizations which are highly regarded in a community, we should be able to identify, at least in part, the value system of the community. IT Gordon and Babchuk (1959), i n exploring differences among voluntary associations, identify three factors associated with high prestige organizations: a) membership i s limited by the organization to persons with specific characteristics; b) the association has high prestige in the community and can confer i t on individual members: c) i t s activities l i e primarily in the instrumental realm. We would therefore expect persons identified as leaders to be members of organizations which exhibited a l l of these characteristics to some ex-tent. Membership in:such an association i s a resourced for the i n d i v i -dual inasmuch as i t identifies him as a person active in the pursuit of something valued i n the community. Leaders also have other individual resources, including such things as free time, an income which permits the expenditures which inevitably accompany sucli involvement, knowledge about the community and other leaders, and communicative and organiza-tional s k i l l s . A network of leaders involves the idea of shared re-sources and individual resources which, allow participation i n the decision-making process of the community. Summary The literature on community decision-making provides evidence of a number of regularities which may be summarized and treated as propositions. 18 These in turn serve as parts of a model of community decision-making. As such they direct research in the community and can be made to.serve as low-level hypotheses for a specific community. 1. In principle, communities can be ordered along a dimension of p o l i -t i c a l "plurality", ranging from the "ideal type" company town In which there i s no possibility of community participation i n decisions which affect members of the community (totalitarian), through those communi-ties that have an unchanging e l i t e that may include both members of the community-at-large and the major employer C e l i t i s t ) , to the third possi-b i l i t y i n which the leadership structure changes across time and new leaders and organizations emerge and participate in the decision-making process (pluralist). An examination of the extent and type of p a r t i c i -pation in a major employer community should allow a decision to be made about the type of p o l i t i c a l structure. 2. Community decision-making i s influenced by a :number of factors i n -cluding the degree to which the community i s divided on ethnic, p o l i t i c a l or economic grounds. In communities i n which the residents are not i n principle excluded from the decision-making process, as they are in the company town, these differences become.resources for individuals or groups which support alternative dispositions of problems or issues. However, differences within the community based on such factors as ethnicity, p o l i t i c s , or religion tend to generate different responses to problems or issues. Leaders who share one or more of these characteristics are li k e l y to act together over several issues and at several levels e.g. on committees and socially. Such sub-sets of leaders may i n addition be 19 characterized as "cosmopolitan" or "lo c a l i t e " on the basis of their identification with the community. In testing this assumption we would look for differences within the community that are seen by the residents themselves to have some importance. In addition, the existence of lead-ers who indicate that they are members of particular ethnic or economic groups or who espouse a predominantly local or non-local viewpoint would be seen to support this assumption. 3. Because leaders are recognized as an integral part of both the e l i t i s t and pluralist models attention is directed to leaders and their interconnections rather than the differences between the two models. A small number of persons, identified as leaders, exist over time i n the community, individually and collectively having resources which allow them to participate i n decisions which affect the community-at-large. Such persons may be found within the major employer's organizational structure or within other sectors of the community. The :question of what number constitutes a "small number" w i l l be considered below. The sectors of the community these leaders represent w i l l indicate something of the power structure of the community. I f , for example, a l l leaders have demonstrable connections with the major employer we would conclude that the community i s a "company town". h. The fourth assumption involves the way i n which resources and issues are connected. Specifically, different decisions or "issue areas" re-quire the mobilization of different resources. Thus, different networks of leaders w i l l be found to be associated with different decisions. These networks exist over time but can change as issues change. Examination of 20 past and current issues i n the community should indicate which leaders exercise power in which areas. These assumptions or propositions can be combined to provide further points which might be profitably examined. For example, the combination of numbers two and four suggests that there may be responses to particular issues which are essentially based on the divisions within the community which are exemplified by the leaders. Or, as the combina-tion of numbers three and four suggest, power imbalances in the commun-i t y may be met by the collective action of a number of leaders. I f the second proposition i s taken into account at this point we see that such joint action may well be aligned along the existing divisions within the community. Although.the above treatment cannot be considered rigorous or exhaustive i t does provide direction for research, in the community. The following chapter i s a brief.description of the c i t y chosen for the re-search and the several characteristics which allow i t to be "keyed into" the main variables identified by Walton. CHAPTER III PLANT CITY The Community Plant City''" i s situated in western Canada, several :hundred miles from any large Canadian urban area. Within seventy-five miles i s another city of similar size, while many hamlets provide a:rural residence for those who wish to escape the sight and smell of the plant. When entering Plant City for the f i r s t time, the v i s i t o r i s acutely aware of the physical existence of the major employer: the t a l l stacks discharging smoke and steam, the railway tracks crossing the street, the power lines, and at night the buildings outlined by lights. Downtown, the ebb and flow of t r a f f i c follows the pattern of shift work in a continuous production operation. However, when the newcomer looks more closely at downtown Plant City, i t appears to be much, lik e any other small city. It has i t s own radio station, department stores, specialty shops, parks, and schools. In addition to the plant there i s another physical feature of interest: In order to protect the anonymity of respondents and other persons who are discussed in this thesis, their names have been changed. Plant City, too, i s a ficticious name, as are those of the organizations discussed. 21 22 an older part of the ci t y , somewhat modified by urban renewal schemes but s t i l l known locally as Italian town. Although the upwardly mobile or their children have l e f t for the new subdivisions, many remain. The area's narrow streets, brightly painted houses, and specialty shops and restaurants are believed by residents to reflect a European atmosphere. The area i s regarded locally with some affection. In Plant City there are two fraternal organizations serving the same ethnic minority. Of these, the Tuscany Lodge is the most presti-gious. Formed after the turn of the century, shortly after the estab-lishment of the Company's operations, i t provided a reference point for the Italian immigrants who came to do the manual work i n the Company shops. It provided a rudimentary sort of insurance scheme, help with the new language, and a familiar social structure brought from the "old country." The society owns a wooded picnic site outside the c i t y and a large h a l l downtown in which are held various functions and dinners. Although not as necessary as before, the Lodge s t i l l provides a focal point for many activities in the Italian community. The continued migration of Italians, although diminished recently, and vacations to the "old country" for those who can afford them, keep alive the language and culture. Thus, at least -within the Italian community, Tuscany Lodge i s an important institution. Its position has not been seriously challenged by the Italian-Canadian Association. The names of city council members and of local businesses indicate that this minority group i s active and viable. This perhaps should be .23 expected. Both. Gans (.1962) and Boissevain (1970) have pointed out the strong sense of community and the kinship ties that existed in the Italian communities they studied. Plant City claims a population of some 12,00.0 people, a slight increase from the 1966 Census due i n part to annexation. Within i t s boundaries are three discrete residential areas, the downtown core which includes Italian town and i t s residents, and the adjacent open spaces and buildings of the major employer. According to the I966 Census of Canada, the c i t y and:surrounding bedroom communities and rural areas have a population of some 37,500. According to the 1961 Census, 55$ are of B r i t i s h origin, 11% are .of Russian origin, 10% are Italian, 6% German, and 5$ Scandinavian. Fithin the c i t y i t s e l f , the figures show a major shift in the Russian and Italian percentages. Only 2% of the city population claims a Russian background, reflecting this group's agrarian past and their continuing desire to l i v e on the land. Those of Italian background are clearly concentrated in Plant City, making up 21% of the population. Thus, a distinctive character i s given to both the rural and urban areas. More than 60% of the work force engaged i n manufacturing i n the area work for a single firm which employs over U,000 people. We w i l l refer to i t simply as the Company. I t i s without doubt the major em-ployer i n the city. 2k The Company produces a number of products which find a ready market. Labour s t r i f e has been minimal over the years. Residents of Plant City have one of the highest "male wage-earner" annual incomes in Canada. Other organizations with large numbers of employees include the city i t s e l f , the hospital which serves the region, and the school board, reflecting the service nature of the employment structure outside the Company. The area is diversifying into other primary industries and tourism and i s striving to promote secondary industry. These changes have led to Plant City becoming more of a service center than previously. In order to maintain i t s competitive position in the world market, the Company has had to improve i t s older, less efficient methods of production. At various times this has resulted in a number of blue-collar workers being replaced by machinery and some machinery being re-placed by more sophisticated equipment. Because the administrative structure cannot as easily be streamlined, a t t r i t i o n of the Company work force has occured mainly among blue-collar workers. The jobs lost from changes in the production process at the Company have been barely offset by new jobs associated with the diversification and expansion of the city's economic base. The population is not increasing, and this sets the pattern for other economic indicators. Although the area i s not "booming", i t i s stable and prosperous. Within the community this s t a b i l i t y came to be defined as a problem. The most visible components of Plant City are Italian town, the Company si t e , and the downtown business core. Persons in the community 25 may be associated with, more than one of these components, since they are not mutually exclusive. Each of these sectors may be seen to represent sources of alternative- desired ends in the community and may give rise to conflict over the allocation of scarce values. At the p o l i t i c a l level, differences are mediated by a six-man council and mayor, a l l freely elected under the charter held by the city. Although not a "company town", the fortunes of Plant City are clearly tied to those of the Company. The Company Any discussion of Plant City must recognize that without the Company the town would not, in a l l likelihood, have developed to i t s present extent. On the other hand, without the services and amenities developed by independent businessmen the necessary work force would have been d i f f i c u l t to attract and retain. In this section we look at the performance of the Company in the community and how i t has promoted st a b i l i t y . During the worst days of the Depression, rather than lay off a. large part of the work force, a program was developed under which single men continued to work on a half-time basis, while married men were employed for three-quarters of their former hours. This allowed the community to continue with a reduced but relatively normal l i f e style. 26 Outright work stoppages have occured only twice, once in 1917 and once i n 196U. Both stoppages were the result of strike action and neither lasted as long as a week nor involved bi t t e r l y contested issues. Union o f f i c i a l s who represent the hourly-paid Company work force are hardworking and responsible, recognizing that some automation i s i n -evitable, that costs continue to increase, and that the Company's pro-ducts compete i n an international market. Nevertheless, Company wages are comparable to those paid to union members in other parts of the province. The overall effect of this s t a b i l i t y has been to provide em-ployees of the Company with one of the highest per-capita incomes in Canada. For both company employees and local businessmen this s t a b i l i t y has provided a well founded sense of security. Presently, within the upper administrative positions of the Company men are found who began their careers with a Bachelor of Science or Applied Science degree but found themselves doing manual work, "starting at the bottom". Over the years as they rose through the ranks, bonds of friendship were formed that help t i e the organization together across the production-administration division. The Company makes some of i t s junior executives available to community organizations on a con-sultative basis, doing engineering studies, giving legal advice, etc. In dealing with people in the community, young engineers and administra-tors establish relationships, some of which turn into genuine friend-ships and help to integrate the community and the Company. Stability and continuity are promoted i n another way. Approxi-mately twenty percent'of the current work force has.been employed by the 27 Company for more than twenty-five years, while f i f t y percent have over ten years service. Because of the long service of many employees, the average annual vacation i s now quite long, and in some cases a two month absence is possible. Consequently, many summer replacements are.required. In the past as many as four :hundred young people have been recruited for summer employment in the following order: l ) university students i n the appropriate disciplines who might be permanently employed by the Company on graduation, -2) sons and daughters of Company employees at university, 3) sons and daughters of Company employees s t i l l i n high school. This also tends to develop strong ties within the work force and positive attitudes toward the Company. The interplay of community, Company, and work force can be demonstrated by reference to the Company's position on funding commun-it y needs. Voluntary organizations seldom have sufficient funds to carry out a l l the projects they deem to be important. Many people be-lieve that large corporations "can afford" to underwrite the cost of many projects. In Plant City the Company has frequently received re-quests for.funds. The usual response to such.requests i s that the Company does not make such donations, but i f the group can raise part of the sum required, the Company w i l l make a donation proportional to the amount raised. The proportion i s negotiated for each donation. In this way the Company has encouraged citizens to participate in the l i f e of the community. At the same time, while i t was being a "good citizen" 28 and contributing to the financing of many of the community's recreational and social needs, i t may have been fostering a false sense of the ease with which results could be attained, since only one major source of funds had to be solicited by those seeking support. An aspect of the Company not yet considered i s i t s existence out-side Plant City. In addition to the production f a c i l i t y in Plant City, the Company also serves as a purchasing, accounting, and service organ-ization for related subsidiary operations in other parts of the country. The complexity and diversity of the corporate structure, the number of employees involved, and the traditions established by the earlier general managers, has resulted in a high degree of internal organization. Never-theless, there has recently been a major administrative re-organization. The Company had i t s head office i n the east u n t i l recently, when i t was moved to another city. Some of the Plant City staff were transferred there, raising a concern i n the community that a wholesale reassignment of employees could only harm the local economy. Although the expected exodus did not materialize, a decision of this nature, along with those involving automation and streamlining of the production process and the subsequent decrease in the work force, point up the way in which decisions taken by the Company, for defensible economic and organizational reasons, can seriously decrease the v i a b i l i t y of the community. In other words, in a community that has experienced a high standard of l i v i n g , stable employment, and an approachable benefactor, a sense of security i s de-veloped. I f any one of these factors i s withdrawn or curtailed, the circumstances of the community's existence must be redefined. I f the 29 community i s to maintain i t s position, alternatives must be generated and acted upon. Questions of who creates such definitions and who acts on them remain to be answered. Those who do act are l i k e l y to-be seen as community decision-makers and leaders. The Problem As the research, progressed i n Plant City and i t s particular character was explored, a major observation began to emerge.; Tarious leaders identified problems and issues such as the attempt to establish kindergartens within the school system and the subsequent defeat of the related by-law. Also mentioned were the decision to co-operate with other municipalities in the installation of a sewage treatment plant, and the current disagreement over the location of a new water supply. But these were not the items of major concern. Here, a dis-tinction should be made between an issue, which allows the opposition of various groups, and a problem.over which there i s no disagreement about i t s existence or the need to act on i t . Plant City has a problem, a problem consisting of economic stagnation, declining employment, and a lack of industrial diversity. Leaders and the community indicated that Plant City was faced with increased demands for social services that had their origin outside the area. I t was also believed that the lack of an increase, even the 30 possibility of a decrease, in the work force was a serious matter, since young people were leaving the area and older residents were not in need of more consumer goods, so that the merchants suffered a decline i n sales. Demands which have their origin outside the c i t y are not commun-i t y decisions. Introduction of provincial legislation which required the installation of ;a sewage treatment plant made discussion about hav-ing or not having a plant pointless. The increased share of welfare payments borne by municipalities under the new legislation, although i t strains the budget, must be paid. The demand for increased educational f a c i l i t i e s and opportunities i n the area can be p a r t i a l l y attributed to North American :culture which, emphasises education as a means of social mobility. Increased f a c i l i t i e s bring increased costs. The increase in costs to the c i t y has not been paralleled by an increase i n i t s income because there has been almost no residential or industrial expansion which would result in an increased tax base. The main theme which..occurs again and again when talking to.leaders involves the lack of occupational opportunities for the city's young people be-cause of automation at the Company and the lack of secondary industry in the area. The subsequent migration out of the area results in an age structure skewed away from young families who build homes, and buy such things as clothing, furniture, and insurance. Local merchants and service industries find their sales declining. What had formerly been defined as economic s t a b i l i t y was redefined as economic stagnation. 31 Problems and issues identified by leaders may be grouped into two categories, those which involve the local economic situation and are seen by the leaders as essentially local problems, and those which are recognized as having an external cause such as the provincial govern-ment. Although a l l leaders were asked to identify three"major problems which the City had faced i n the last year or two, many indicated that the general economic situation was the only one. Others noted several more specific but less important issues. Thus, numerically the serious-ness of the economic problem i s underrepresented in Table;!. TABLE I PROBLEMS 'IDENTIFIED BY COMMUNITY LEADERS Local 'Frequency Lack of local economic expansion 10 Lack of aggressive civic service organizations 8 Lack of employment for young people • h Declining tax base and civic income 3 High wage settlements for union 3 .' Uncertainty of Company plans 2 30 External Required expansion of utilities/services 6 Location of new public buildings 3 Improved road/rail access to City 2 11 32 There i s no bit t e r l y contested issue in the lack of economic growth which must be faced by residents and administrators. Therefore we w i l l not focus on the conflictual aspects of p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n this community, but seek rather to understand the process by which this major problem was in part created by the existence of The Company in the community. We w i l l explore the circumstances under which this situation was defined as problematic by "Postnikoff and his boys"• We w i l l see how this definition was carried to the Provincial and Federal Govern-ments by the Industrial Development Committee (i.D.C.), an organization created for this purpose, and how a second organization. Local Investors, developed to mobilize the economic resources of Plant City. Such work is done by men who are leaders i n their community. Some were establish-ed leaders in the community, some emerged during the process and rose to new positions of importance. Their characteristics and the parts played by them during this problem are also considered. CHAPTER IV COMMUNITY LEADERS Identification of Leaders In research on community decision-making, whether an e l i t i s t , p l u r a l i s t , or some other model i s used, the question of identifying leaders must eventually he faced. Several approaches have been used and, based on the type of leadership each focused upon, may be identi-fied as positional, reputatlonal, or participatory CFreeman, 1963). Positional leaders are those who publicly hold office, such as the president of a civic association, a p o l i t i c a l office incumbent, or the head of a labour organization. Although allowing the easy identi-fication of leaders; this method has the disadvantage of having to assume that office-holders do in fact make decisions and that the poten-t i a l for power i s exercised. An alternative approach involves asking knowledgeable persons in the community to identify those men or women who are believed to be powerful in the community. Form and Miller (i960, p. -526). cite evidence that frequency of nomination i s an adequate indicator of magnitude of reputed power. However, those reputed to be powerful may not in fact deserve that reputation. These points have been strongly made by pluralists. 33 3h The third approach used to identify the community power struc-ture requires that some issue in the community be followed from the time i t i s f i r s t raised to i t s f i n a l disposition. Those'who define and bound the issue and i n i t i a t e actions for and involve others are taken to be powerful in the community. Although this approach probably results in the best approximation of r e a l i t y , i t i s not always possible for the researcher to have access to a l l the "behind the scenes" activity. In addition, i t presupposes that important issues i n the community w i l l have protagonists and antagonists who w i l l make the issue v i s i b l e . It may be the case that a problem i s of such importance to the community that there i s no disagreement, so that the limited amount of conflict generated belies i t s importance. The examination of the community .decisionmaking literature made by Walton .0-966) shows that a combination of methods i s often used i n an attempt to overcome the shortcomings of each one. Several approaches were combined i n the search for Plant City leaders. The f i r s t step i n identifying leaders involved compiling a l i s t of positional leaders by examining the City Directory, yellow pages in the telephone book and a local directory of community f a c i l i t i e s such as churches and service organizations. This resulted in a l i s t i n g of heads of industry, finance, civic government, and service organizations. To this l i s t were added the names of people reputed to be power-f u l . Examination of the back issues of several local newspapers turned 35 up positive comments on long-time residents as well as references to persons who were believed to be speaking for others or who were believed to hold some resource which could be used to benefit the community. Casual conversations with local residents also produced the names of people believed to be important. To identify participatory leaders, back issues of the local news-papers were examined. Conversations with residents also produced infor-mation on important community issues and on who had participated in them, at least at the overt level. By this method some one hundred and twenty persons were identi-fied. It was expected that some people on the l i s t would i n fact be community leaders, but at this stage they were a l l merely identified as panel members. Panel members are a non-probability sample of citizens who are taken to be more knowledgeable about who makes community decisions than a random sample from the whole community. Had interest centered on, for example, participation rates for different strata of the population, then a procedure to insure a probability sample would have been.chosen. During the second stage each panel member was sent an introduc-tory letter asking that he or she participate in some research being carried out in the community. Participation involved f i l l i n g in a ques-tionnaire and returning i t in the stamped envelope sent with i t . The questionnaire asked the respondent to identify persons in the community with whom others could work on an important issue, who might be influen-t i a l at the provincial or federal level, or who might be generally 36 influential in Plant City. The questions used are similar to those already used i n community decision-making research. (See Appendix A). Not a l l questionnaires were returned promptly. Therefore, a more detailed follow-up letter was sent to those who had not responded and this increased the number returned. Half the panel members s t i l l did not respond. This i s a very low return and consequently results in a low.number of nominators. However, this i s not'as serious as i t may appear because non-respondents f a l l into two groups. The larger con-sists of those who neither returned their questionnaires nor were nominated as leaders; they neither see themselves nor are seen by others as leaders i n the community. The second group i s smaller and consists of men who were subsequently identified as leaders. When approached later for personal interviews, they quickly consented and said that they had not returned the questionnaire simply because they receive and ignore many demands on their time through the mails. When a questionnaire -was returned, each person named on i t was considered to be "nominated." Some of those nominated were panel members, the names of other nominees were unknown, and in some cases known but unexpected. As might be expected, some panel members were not nominated at a l l . Those non-panel members who were nominated twice or more were treated as panel members. That i s , they were also sent a questionnaire and an introductory letter asking for their help. Finally, a l i s t of l 6 2 persons was compiled consisting of persons who had been nominated once or more and they became the l i s t of "potential leaders". 37 These are the men and women "believed by knowledgeable persons in the community to have been influential on past issues and who would be able to influence the outcome of future issues. Clearly they are not a l l equally powerful on every issue i n the community. Because no specific issue was used to e l i c i t responses in the questionnaire, those people who were nominated w i l l be associated with issues or problems which are important to the community. The activities of the most fre-quently nominated leaders give an indication of what the. community takes to be important issues. This i s seen to be an improvement on the approach in which the researcher determines which issues might be of importance to the community and then proceeds to examine them. At this point a rationale i s required for partitioning the 162 "potential leaders" into a smaller category which might with, more justification be called leaders and a residual category of non-leaders. Both the pluralist and e l i t i s t models assume the existence of a relation-ship between the number of decision-makers i n the community and the power each, has to make decisions. In the e l i t i s t model, power i s con-centrated i n the hands of a small number of persons, while in the pluralist model power i s dispersed among a larger number of decision-makers. Both views include the assumption that below some level power is not available to the individual or not exercised in a frequent and meaningful way for participation in community decision-making. For example, citizens may not vote either because of disinterest i n the issue or because they are disbarred by not being property owners. In 38 either case they cannot be said to influence i n a positive way the decision made. At the conceptual level, two distributions can be derived from these assumptions by ordering persons i n the community on the amount of power each has. Figure 1 represents the e l i t i s t model in which a small number of persons has power above the minimum level for participation. The curve also indicates that the leaders are not i n f i n i t e l y powerful and also that non-leaders are not tot a l l y powerless. Power of the individual Figure 1.—Power and participation in the e l i t i s t model. In the pluralist model, shown In Figure 2?.power to make .deci-sions i s distributed over a much larger number of persons in the commun-i t y . The non-asymptotic character of the right-hand part of .the d i s t r i -bution i s meant to represent this-wider dispersion of decisionmaking activity. 39 + Number of persons with a given level of power Power of the individual »- -j-Figure 2.—Power and participation i n the pluralist model Again there are persons who do not engage In decisionmaking. But those who do constitute a much larger number than under the e l i t i s t model. That i s , decision-making for the community i s spread over a larger number of persons. Note that neither model precludes the existence of a well developed internal structure i n the group iden-t i f i e d as leaders nor demands that those identified as leaders be a homogeneous group. Based on the conceptualization of power and participation used here, the identification of leaders in Plant City was carried out in the following manner. The 162 persons nominated once or more and who were identified as potential leaders were distributed as i n Figure 3. ho 80 Number of persons with a given level of power (log.) ho--60 _. Minimum number of nominations to qualify-as a leader (9 nominations) 20 22 Leaders r ( j i n n 1~1 ni l~ln n[~l i n n n 0 5 10 15 20 Reputed power of the individual (number of nominations) Figure 3.—Reputed power and participation i n Plant City The number of times an individual was nominated was taken to be an index of his reputed power i n the community, while the number of persons nominated any given number of times was easily found in the data. When the approximately five hundred nominations are plotted, two discontinui-ties occur on the "reputed power" dimension. These discontinuities provide the basis for identifying three groups among those Plant City residents identified by the panel as leaders. three people: Johnson, a retired newspaper publisher and former alder-man of Plant City; Vincentti, born i n Plant City of Italian parents and now serving his second term as Mayor; and Postnikoff, chairman and prime The reputedly most powerful form a separate group consisting of Ul mover i n the group attempting to bring secondary industry to the area. Just as the names "Plant City" and "The Company" were invented, so too were the names of the men in this thesis. A second group consists of nineteen men and includes merchants, lawyers, elected civic o f f i c i a l s , radio and newspapermen, and upper echelon staff members from the Company. The third group, which is the largest, includes a l l those who were nominated once but less than nine times and are not included as leaders. The distribution of nominations is taken to be the panel's estimate of the relative positions of leaders in the community. The discontinuities are seen to reflect the s t r a t i f i -cation of leaders who can in turn be seen as a stratum of Plant City society. The decision to include only the top twenty-two leaders was made on the basis of these discontinuities and the assumption that only three men would be unlikely to be the t o t a l i t y of the Plant City "power structure", but that being nominated only once was not grounds for i n -clusion in i t . In taking these twenty-two men to be the leaders of Plant City we must bear i n mind that because the community has- identified them they are l i k e l y to represent the major concerns and values of the city. It remains to be seen what these concerns are and i f the leaders reputations for power are objectively supported. In addition to the information collected through questionnaires and recorded material, data were collected during extended interviews in the homes and offices of these men. The interview schedule i s included as Appendix B. U2 Leader Resources There are of course differences between leaders, but there are many similarities as well, and an "average" leader can be abstracted from the data. 1 No women appear as leaders; the average leader i s male, fifty-two years old, a family man with children. He i s a Canadian by birth, most l i k e l y of Br i t i s h origin but possibly Italian. I f he was not born in Plant City he came here twenty-five years ago to work for the Company in his f i r s t job after graduating with an engineering degree or to begin i n business i n the r e t a i l or service sector of the local economy. Each leader has climbed the corporate ladder, within the Company or expanded his business to the point where he now employs nineteen people. In either case he has had no desire to move to an-other c i t y , finding the region attractive and the people congenial. I f he was born in Plant City he i s unlikely to hold a univer-sity degree or to work for the Company, but he i s l i k e l y to own his own business i n the r e t a i l or service sector of the economy. At forty-five years of age he i s younger than other leaders. He moved to Rich-mond, a modern subdivision, nine years ago when i t was being developed. Six leaders l i v e there with their families. I f a leader i s a Company administrator he i s l i k e l y to l i v e in Newton, an area near the plant, formerly controlled by the Company but Here leaders and leadership are considered in general terms. Brief biographical sketches of leaders are included as Appendix C. h3 annexed "by the city a few years ago. This former municipality, with i t s large houses and quiet streets, i s the city's high-status residen-t i a l area. It i s small and secluded, with a population of some three hundred and f i f t y people. Four leaders l i v e there. A third concentration of leaders occurs i n Pine Grove, an area between Richmond and Newton but not contiguous with, either. It i s also a high status area, with fine homes built i n the early 19^0's. I f a leader was not born in Plant City but owns his own substantial business he i s l i k e l y to have lived there for the last thirteen years. Of the twenty-two leaders, six l i v e there. Only six leaders l i v e outside these three areas. Three are i n or near the downtown core. Three leaders l i v e outside Plant City proper, in a contiguous municipality which has i t s own government. One of the men perceived to be a leader in Plant City i s the mayor of this municipality. There seems to be no clear geographical centre of power, perhaps a reflection of the small scale of the community, the small population involved, and the ease of communication i n a community of this size. A factor which i s important to an understanding of the Plant City leadership network i s the long average length of residence of leaders i n the community. Because of the widely separated offices and operations of the Company i t was expected that i t s administrators would be found to have relatively short periods of residence in the community, kk but that their organizational and communicative s k i l l s would allow them to assume positions of some importance in the community. However, whether they migrated to Plant City to take advantage of occupational opportunities, or they were born in the area, most leaders have spent most of their active adult l i f e there. The potential for unplanned contact between leaders i s high be-cause of the small size of the downtown business d i s t r i c t and because of the small numbers of persons l i v i n g in the residential areas already discussed. The limited cultural, social, and recreational f a c i l i t i e s , patronized by the same people, increases the probability of chance en-counters among active and knowledgeable people i n the community. Communi-cation between leaders i s much easier than i n the metropolitan setting, where distances are greater, the population i s more dispersed, a greater variety of activities i s available, and the probability of a chance encounter i s small. The relative isolation of Plant City and the s t a b i l i t y of a l l levels of the work force, i n conjunction with the factors already noted, creates a rich social fabric. Thus, i t might be argued that the charac-ter of the community Is a resource for leaders. That i s , the ease of communication, the lack of newcomers, and the lack of change in the community a l l promote a situation in which decision-making activities can easily and unobtrusively be carried on. An Interviewee hinted at this Gemeinschaft aspect of Plant City when he said of a mayorality candidate, " I t doesn't really matter what he says or promises. We knew h5 his father and his family. We know him. We know where he stands. He can't surprise us." Most leaders as indicated in Table II have been active in the numerous civ i c and social organizations i n the ci t y , holding executive TABLE II LEADER MEMBERSHIP IN ORGANIZATIONS Civic Number Industrial Develop-ment Committee 10 Chamber of Commerce 10 Rotary 6 District Planning Committee 6 City Council 5 Kiwanis 3 Community Chest 2 Arts Council 2 Kinsmen 2 Hospital Board 2 Red Cross 2 School Board 2 Civic Band 1 Retail Merchants Association 1 Cancer Society 1 Non-civic and Social ' 'Number Golf Club 10 Tuscany Lodge h Masonic Order & Shriners 3 United Church A 3 United Church B 2 Sports Club : 2 Canadian Legion 1 Wildlife Group 1 P o l i t i c a l Party 1 Knights of Columbus 1 Boy Scouts 1 positions in the Chamber of Commerce, Rotary, Kiwanls, :Tuscany Lodge, and the Golf Club. Almost without exception leaders- are no longer engaged in these activities for two major reasons. The older men, some looking U6 toward retirement, have begun to divest themselves of commitments which keep them away from home and family. The younger men have given up these activities i n order to devote more of their energies to a new organization which promotes economic expansion. Although leaders have withdrawn from active participation i n the various service clubs, they did so after "going through" the execu-tive positions of one or more of them. Leaders i n general now assign l i t t l e importance to these past a c t i v i t i e s , but i t must be pointed out that several benefits accrue to those who have had this experience. F i r s t l y , they become known to, and know, a large number of men in the community who are also i n business and industry either privately or with the Company. Second, the opportunity exists for the development of interper-sonal s k i l l s when the member serves on internal committees and performs other low-level functions. Later, at the executive l e v e l , there i s an opportunity for the development of administrative and organizational s k i l l s . Ross (195*+) has detailed the way in which junior executives i n corporations are encouraged to engage in philanthropic activity both to develop these s k i l l s and to demonstrate their ambitions and competences. As already pointed out, the Company also encourages i t s junior engineers to develop these s k i l l s through participation i n the community. "Going through" the offices of a service club provides a similar opportunity for hi the small businessman who cannot gain such experience within his own organization. Although leaders dismiss this earlier period of their lives l i g h t l y , service organizations are an important training resource for the young man who would become involved i n his community. The contacts established at that time endure beyond the cessation of active p a r t i -cipation and continue to be an important resource. There are no full-time Plant City leaders. Every leader ex-cept one i s engaged i n some other:full-time occupational or profession-a l activity -which constitutes his "work". Leadership activities are over and above this. The third proposition stated that "a small number of persons would be found to exist i n the community who would be identified as leaders, and who would have resources which would allow them to participate i n the l i f e of their community. The twenty—two leaders identified here are taken to.be a "small number". Of the leaders identified, fifteen can be considered to be self-employed and are shown in Table I I I . Some are not outright owners of their businesses but are variously identified as directors or managing directors and are majority shareholders i n their firms. Size, of firm ranges from two to f i f t y - f i v e employees, averaging nineteen. U8 TABLE III OCCUPATIONS OF SELF-EMPLOYED LEADERS Leader Business/Profession ' Work Force. D'Amico Hotel Owner 55 Martin Pres., Auto Sales & Service A Ouram* Newspaper Publisher ko Astor Pres., Auto Sales & Service B 35 West Pres., Wholesale Foods 25 Bochman* Man./Dir., Broadcasting Co. 18 Maglio Pres., Pharmacy 13 McDonald Pres., Plumbing & Heating Supply 6 DeRossi Pres., Insurance & Realty 6 Postnikoff Pres., Construction Supply h Calori Partner, Law Firm A 3 Vincentti Owner, Repair Shop 2 Brown Doctor . 2 Robinson Partner, Law Firm B 2 Johnson Retired 0 * Denotes Board of Directors concentrated i n another ci t y . A l l of these leaders are able to regulate their business in such a way that they can take time off during the business week to engage in community a c t i v i t i e s . A l l have trusted employees or partners who "mind the shop" during their absence. Bochman and Ouram are both able to participate freely in Plant City since they have no immediate superiors in the area, although they are responsible to a Board of Directors else-where. Johnson, a retired publisher of a local newspaper, s t i l l maintains h9 an office and spends Ms afternoons there, keenly interested although much less involved than formerly in the city that has been his home for more than forty years. Seven of the twenty-two leaders are employees rather than owners, and are associated with the Company. Five are directly employed by i t at the managerial and administrative level. One i s highly placed in an important subsidiary of the Company, while another, on leave of absence from the Company for the past several years, i s the president of the union that bargains for the hourly-paid employees of the Company. These leaders are l i s t e d i n Table IV. Leader McLeod Thaker Pye Jones Teal H i l l Bonaldi TABLE IV OCCUPATIONS 0T? EMPLOYED LEADERS Position/Employer Senior Executive, Company President, Labour Union Admin. Ass't., Company Pres., Energy Company Admin. Ass't., Company Admin. Ass't., Company Co-ordinator, Company Work "Force U,000 3 (2,900)* 600 325 35 0 0 Only the office staff of 3 i s under Thaker's direct control. Union membership i s 2,900. 50 Company employees who wish to participate actively i n the community find the size of the organization a resource in as much as a shifting of work loads i s possible. In addition, employees wishing to run for public office are assured of a leave of absence i f elected. Leaders employed by the Company have the opportunity to use the office and secretarial resources of the Company. There i s no evidence of the Company i n any way suggesting that employees run for public office nor of the Company attempting to i n -fluence the position taken by leaders who are employed by the Company. However, the Company i s engaged i n the decision-making process i n as much as i t does make unilateral decisions with which the c i t y must l i v e . Changes in employment resulting from such decisions led to Plant City being faced with a major problem which..resulted in the formation'of the Industrial Development Committee. It i s significant that leaders i n Plant City are either employed by the Company or are self-employed and as such are in a position to underwrite or have underwritten many of the expenses: incurred by those who take an active part i n the l i f e of their community. Although few meetings are scheduled during working hours, a certain amount of information-transmission and decisionmaking of a limited nature takes place over coffee or casual meetings around the city. The hoTirly-paid worker i s usually not in a position to participate in:such, activity partly because of the technological demands of his work and partly be-cause participation would require time off work, and this would be 51 immediately reflected in his paycheck. Thus the a b i l i t y to underwrite such expenses i s an important resource for anyone wishing to p a r t i c i -pate in the p o l i t i c a l process of the community and results i n a heavy representation of the business and professional sectors in i t . The number of persons supervised, ranging as i t does from none to four thousand, i s not an adequate indicator of relative position i n the community decision-making process. Presumably a l l of the men iden-t i f i e d as leaders can muster the minimum resources necessary for that participation. But not a l l persons who have the minimum resources are perceived to be leaders. We conclude that identification as a leader depends on factors which, are visible to members of the community at large. A l i s t i n g of visible factors might include the a b i l i t y to con-t r o l the livelihood of others or to provide services necessary to others who cannot themselves supply them, the power to make authoritative statements i n the p o l i t i c a l realm, or the respect with which one i s regarded by his fellow citizens. In short, the resources already con-sidered i n the section on "power." Leader Networks The minimum condition to be met before the existence of a network of leaders could be inferred i s that the men identified as leaders do i n fact admit to knowing each other. I f , i n addition, some leaders interact socially and serve on the same committees then better grounds exist for claiming that a network of leaders exists. 52 Each leader was requested, as part of the interview, to indicate his knowledge about other persons on a l i s t of names supplied to him. The l i s t consisted of the names of the twenty-two leaders, although they were not identified'as leaders to the respondent. Rather than add to the.number of research instruments already in existence, and to Increase the comparability of the data, a self-scored .question advocated by Miller and Form (i960, p. 701] was used. However, after the data were collected i t was realized that in fact two dimensions are included i n this question. The f i r s t four categories ("Don't know" to "Know well") tap "knowledge about" other leaders, while the remaining two ("Exchange home v i s i t s " and "Worked on committee") are categories of "actual interaction". Future research would benefit by treating each of these leader resources separately. Some d i f f i c u l t y was experienced i n separating these dimensions during the analysis because of the instructions given to the subjects. They were asked to indicate the "way or ways" in which they knew: the named persons. It i s possible that a respondent could recognize the two dimensions and score each of them, or the respondent might recognize that there are two dimensions but score only one, or he might not recognize more than one dimension and thus score only one response. Recognizing that a lack of precision would result, we neverthe-less tabulated both dimensions included i n the question. These data are summarized in Tables V and VI. 53 TABLE V RESPONDENT'S KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER LEADERS Don't Know Heard Of Know Slightly Know Well Total* Total for 22 Inter-views 2 2 80 . 3^ 6 .U30 Percentage : . 5 . . 5 1 8 . 6 8 0 . h 1 0 0 . 0 Respondents could indicate both 'knowledge about' and 'interaction with' other leaders in the questionnaire. The latter data appear i n Table VI. I f only one column per leader had been checked by the res-pondent U62 choices would have been made. As i t was 6U5 were recorded. (The sum of U30, 8 6 , and 1 2 9 ) . The responses i n Table V indicate that eighty percent of the leaders l i s t e d were "well known" to each interviewee, while nineteen per-cent f e l l into the "know slightly" category. The remaining one percent was distributed between "don't know" and "heard of". This involves two men who do not know or have only heard of each other and a third man who is not known by one of these two. Thus we can say that the potential for a leader to interact easily exists, since each knows the majority of the others well. I f a network actually exists, then some kind of interaction be-tween leaders Is necessary. Contact might occur socially, through the exchange of home v i s i t s , or might take the form of working together on committees i n the community. As shown in Table VI, such interaction does occur. However, more leaders were known through committee work than were known through v i s i t i n g activity. On the average, each leader was known to;5.5 other leaders (ranging from 1 to 12) through working on committees i n the previous year. TABLE VI AVERAGE NUMBER OF CONTACTS WITH. OTHER LEADERS Know Worked on Socially, Committee Exchange During Home Past Visits Year Total for 22 Interviews 86 129 Average Number of Contacts 3.9 .5.9 The average number of leaders with whom each leader claimed to "exchange home v i s i t s " was 3.9 and ranged from zero to six. This low figure i s consistent with the statements made by several respondents to the effect that they did not have time to engage i n casual social v i s i t -ing and with the pattern of organizational membership indicated i n Table I I . Thus, on committees, leaders interacted with one and one-half times as many leaders as they exchanged v i s i t s with. Being a leader in Plant City i s a serious and business-like activity that leaves l i t t l e time for casual v i s i t i n g . 55 However, these figures do not give any indication of the existence of networks or :subsets of leaders. The fourth proposition indicates that there w i l l be subsets among the community leaders and that these subsets w i l l be associated with different decisions or issues. A community the size of Plant City could reasonably be expect-ed to generate a large number of varied problems or issues which would require the community to be continually engaged in making decisions in many areas. This was not found. As already pointed out, the problem of economic stagnation had assumed a position of major importance. There were no other issues in the community of comparable magnitude which would allow a defensible comparison of the sub-groups associated with different issues. Nevertheless, an examination of v i s i t i n g rela-tionships shows that subsets of leaders do exist and that they are internally homogeneous. Unambiguous evidence for a relationship between leaders is provided by a "symmetrical" or mutual choice situation."'" When mutual choice v i s i t i n g relationships are considered, networks of social inter-action are Identifiable. These relationships and networks are shown schematically i n Figure k. In general, v i s i t i n g occurs across the boundaries of different residential areas and probably results from the physical proximity of parts of the community. Of the seventeen leader-leader li n k s , ten cross at least one residential boundary. For a more detailed example of how this and other sociometric concepts can be applied to the spatial distribution of friendship groups, see: Leon Festinger, Stanley Schacter and :Kurt Bach, Social'Pressures i n  Informal Groups. Stanford, Stanford Univ. Press, 1950. 56 When the vis i t i n g relationship i s examined, three discrete net-works are discernahle consisting of two, five, and eight leaders. Seven men are not found in any social network. The eight and two-man groups must he characterized as minor with respect to the complexity of their communication networks since each member exchanges social v i s i t s with no more than two other leaders.^ The eight-man minor network consists mainly of non-Company men. The-lack of "cross-connections" i n this group suggests that, regardless of the strength of individual relationships, the group cannot be con-sidered a cohesive whole at the social level. With the exception of Pye, Jones, and Bonaldi, leaders from the Company are not part of these social networks. This unexpected finding must be taken as evidence for a degree of separation between Company personnel and the rest of the community at•least at the social level. The five-man group i s identified as a major network.. It Is remarkable for the completeness of i t s communication network. On the average, each member participates in .3.6 relationships within i t , close to the theoretical maximum of U.O in a group of this size. It also exhibits the least geographical dispersion and consists entirely of For a more detailed statement on the geometric properties of communication networks see: Alex Bavelas, "Communication-patterns i n task-oriented groups" in D. Cartwright and A. Zander, eds., Group Dyna- mics: Research and Theory, 3d ed. New York, Harper and Row, 1968. pp. 503-11. RICHMOND DOWNTOWN CORE Figure h Place of Residence and Visiting Patterns of Plant City Leaders (schematic) Self-Employed Co. Employed Boundary Visiting A Industrial Development Committee Member NEWTON ADJACENT MUNICIPALITY 58 non-Company men. During the i n i t i a l stages of the research, i t appear-ed that these men -were the driving force behind the Industrial Develop-ment Committee, the organization formed to combat the problem of economic decline i n Plant City. However, the five-man major group does not include a l l of those who were i n i t i a l l y involved. In addition i t includes others who have no discoverable connection with- IDC. What four of i t s members have i n common i s that they were born in Plant City. The f i f t h came to the city as a young man. It appears that the basis for this group's existence i s to be found i n the shared experience of local b i r t h , but It does not explain the large number of relationships formed by the group. A l l but one of these men are of Italian descent. Researchers of the Italian community have already pointed out the ex-tensive ties that characterize i t . I t appears, then, that l o c a l i t y -ethnicity i s an important factor for membership in this group. These vis i t i n g patterns indicate that the leaders of Plant City are partitioned, however sli g h t l y , into the Company executives, the Italian businessmen, and the predominantly English business sector. People i n Plant City would probably be surprised i f told of these d i v i -sions but we conclude that they do exist. As has been demonstrated, a l l sectors of the community can work together when the need arises. Discrete subsets of leaders exist as anticipated and the leaders in each group exhibit similar characteristics. However, membership in each group appears to depend more on ascribed characteristics rather than a shared interest in a particular problem or issue. 59 Leaders were also asked about their shared committee experience. As i n the case of the social v i s i t i n g activity, only symmetrical rela-tionships were considered. These are shown . schematically i n Figure 5. There are almost twice as many links between leaders based on committee work as on v i s i t i n g Gi.e. thirty links as against seventeen); unfortun-ately, the data do not identify the specific committees on which they worked together. Of these th i r t y relationships, twenty-six cross one or more residential boundaries, indicating an even greater dispersion of con-tacts than for the vi s i t i n g relationship. Seven men are not identified as part of this network; although this i s the same number of men who are not involved in v i s i t i n g networks, they are not the same men. Of those identified as leaders, only Thaker, Johnson, and McLeod are not involved in a v i s i t i n g or committee network. However, they should not be exclud-ed from the ranks of Plant City leaders. McLeod i s the.chief executive of the Company; Thaker, as head of the union, consciously does not meet with other leaders, and Johnson, as already noted, Is highly regarded by the community and other leaders but because of his age no longer p a r t i -cipates actively. It would be unjustified to assume that these men could not mobilize the resources found within the networks of leaders i f they perceived a need to do so. Unlike the v i s i t i n g relationships, separate networks are not easily identifiable within the committee relationships. RICHMOND A "BochmaiT^ Ouram~~^ > ^*John s orT^ DOWNTOWN CORE ^\DeRossi Figure 5 Place of Residence and Shared Committee Activity (schematic) C c Self-Employed Co. Employed Boundary Activity A Industrial Development Committee Member ADJACENT MUNICIPALITY 61 When the possibility for contact i n the downtown core i s con-sidered, along with the v i s i t i n g and committee relationships and the fact that Q0% of leaders are known to each other, i t must be concluded that leaders are found within well developed networks which are resources for them. We expected that subsets of leaders would be relatively homo-geneous, as they are, and that differences between subsets would allow them to be ranged along the "cosmopolitan-localite" dimension. It was anticipated that those with an interest i n local issues would be born locally or would interact with those born locally, would have travelled away from the community less frequently, and be less well educated than other leaders. As already noted, the lack of issues other than the economic one resulted i n a situation i n which only one sub-group of leaders was active. The recognition of a local problem by men in the community, the sum of money raised lo c a l l y , and the formation of IDC suggested a local response to a local problem. By examining the characteristics of those who were involved and comparing them with those of the remaining leaders we can make a weaker test of the proposition that leaders- associated with. IDC exhibit a localite orientation. Leaders associated with IDC were identified in the following-way. When the f i r s t brief was presented to the provincial government, 62 ten leaders were l i s t e d as members or group representatives of IDC. Although some were not present at the f i r s t informal meetings, they were contacted very early and agreed to participate and to contribute knowledge of the p o l i t i c a l process, radio coverage, and the support of the hourly-paid workers at the Company, some of whose jobs were margin-a l . A distinction i s not made between these leaders on the basis of when they become involved since they.were a l l identified as p a r t i c i -pants in the f i r s t public statement to the provincial government. As such, they constitute a sub-set of leaders directing their energies toward a particular problem. The characteristics of this group can be compared to those of the remaining leaders with the expectation that the ten IDC leaders, because of the local nature of the problem, w i l l have more "loca l i t e " attributes than the remainder of the leaders who are identified below as "others". When the highest level of education received i s dichotomized into "some university" and "high school or less" we find that in both groups five men have a university degree or some university education. This means that proportionally, localites are better educated than others. Being born into a community i s associated with, a local orienta-tion. Four of the ten LDC leaders (hQ%\ were born l o c a l l y compared to four of the twelve others ( 3 3 $ ) . 63 However, when length of residence is considered, i t i s found that although more IDC leaders were horn locally the average length of residence i n the community for others i s greater by four years (31.3 years to 35.5). This i s in part attributable to the greater average age of those leaders who were not involved i n IDC and to the fact that those locally born leaders who have a university degree had to leave Plant City for several years to obtain i t . I f frequent travel away from the place of residence contributes to the cosmopolitan point of view, then IDC leaders must be considered more cosmopolitan than others. IDC leaders travel to other parts of Canada and the United States for professional conferences and business meetings on an average of five times per year as compared to only three times per year for others. On balance i t appears that IDC leaders are more cosmopolitan than others; therefore we cannot accept the proposition that leaders associated with the local problem which led to the creation of IDC are more localite i n their orientation than others. This conclusion, when taken i n conjunction with the lack of a vi s i t i n g network of leaders based primarily on a commitment to IDC, must be interpreted to mean that within that group identified as leaders in the community there i s no clearly bounded :sub-set, This Is consistent with the conclusion reached by Perrucci and Pilisuk that individual leaders could activate a network of resources when necessary but that a network of leaders need not always be vi s i b l e . 6U A possible explanation for the lack of a visible localite sub-set i s that although the Plant City problem was identifiable l o c a l l y , i t was part of a much more complex situation which extended well beyond the boundaries of the community. As such i t required men to confront i t who had a broader outlook and who could conceptualize i f not under-stand that larger system. Yet the question of why some particular leaders became involved in IDC and not others remains to be answered. We may turn this:question around and ask, "When leaders do become involved in a community issue, •what resources do they have and in what direction do their characteris-t i c s predispose them to act?" The success of any undertaking, particularly of the magnitude to which IDC developed, requires an enormous amount of hard work. Young men who can devote their time and energy to the project are absolutely essential for i t s success. IDC members are younger and do devote more time to community activities than others. IDC leaders have an average age of forty-nine compared to f i f t y - s i x for others C^-8.8 to 56.U), while 10% are self-employed. Although an IDC leader spends an average of 8 .7 hours per week on community activities (compared t o 5 . 9 for others), his activity i s focussed much more narrowly, i f not en-t i r e l y , on IDC. Young, hard-working, self-employed leaders with a flexible work schedule seem to be necessary to the success of a project. Their 65 particular point ;of'view as :businessmen predisposes them to.see some problems in the community and not others. In the case of Plant City the lack of economic expansion was accorded top priorit y by these men who could.act and who did so. CHAPTER V THE NEW ORGANIZATION The First Steps In this chapter .we focus on the major problem that was before the community and the response by some leaders identified i n the pre-vious chapter. We examine the stages by which a situation was identi-fied as problematic at the local level, how this definition provided a basis for action, and how this definition was carried to the provincial and federal governments. Resources outside the community were called upon which connected the community to systems beyond i t s boundaries, just as the Company i s part of systems beyond the community boundary. We expected to find that the resolution of a particular prob-lem or issue in the community would require particular resources. The most clearly defined problem on which members of the community acted was that of economic stagnation. When this i s considered we find that not a l l leaders are involved. This i s consistent with the fourth proposition, which predicted that leaders would be differentially i n -volved in a particular decision. By examining i n some detail the men and resources involved i n this specific problem we may see the process by which a problem was identified and acted upon. 66 67 On the surface, Plant City appeared to he enjoying i t s usual serene and stable existence. But doubts that a l l was well began to grow in 1968. Each local businessman had watched the odd firm close i t s doors and individually knew that his own sales were not increasing. Early i n 1968 the Mayor had appointed a commission to examine possible ways of expanding and diversifying the local economy. The commission fe l t no sense of urgency and did not meet during the f i r s t year of i t s existence. Motivated by declining sales, the Chamber of Commerce struck a committee to examine possible ways of bringing more money into the c i t y , and specifically to the business sector. The committee concluded that nothing could be done to modify the underlying causes, and that promoting tourism was the only way of expanding the local economy. I f that did not work, the community would have to "learn to li v e with i t " . That report was presented to a Chamber meeting i n the f a l l of 1968. No other groups or organizations examined the situation at this time. It i s quite clear that by their actions, the already existing agencies with the responsibility of identifying problems In the community defined the conditions in the city as not problematic For some time prior to t h i s , a group of approximately a dozen and a half of the younger downtown businessmen had been meeting for morning coffee. This group was very casual. It had no formal struc-ture, and some of the men were known only very slightly to others. One morning, conversation turned to the lack of business expansion. At this point each businessman found that every other businessman was experienc-ing a lack of growth similar to his own. Some, who were also members of 68 the Chamber of Commerce, were unwilling to accept the conclusions of the Chamber report. It was at this point that an unorganized collec-t i v i t y began to define the existing economic situation as problematic, i.e. that other economic conditions could prevail. After this f i r s t awareness i t was decided that something should be done and i t was clear that those present would have to do i t them-selves since the existing organizations in the community had not. An informal meeting was called by Postnikoff and was attended by Maglio, Calori, McDonald (who was not yet an alderman], and West. Two others, although not now identified as leaders, were also present. After some discussion these seven drew up a further l i s t of men in the community who might be interested i n the problem of economic growth. Some were included because of their business knowledge and others because they were believed to have special s k i l l s or resources which could be applied to the problem. Included were Martin, and in the latter category, H i l l , with presumed contacts in Ottawa, Bochman from the radio station, and Ouram of the newspaper. Both of the latter were believed to be able to create local public support through the media. These men were per-sonally contacted by one of the group and agreed to participate. At a later date, the major sectors of the community were invited to send re-presentatives to work with the fifteen directors. This resulted in the participation of Bochman for the cit y , Thaker for the union, and Teal and another for the Company. The remainder of the fifteen-man committee included eight men who would have to be identified, using our criterion, as non-leaders. Of the twenty-two leaders identified in the community, 69 ten are directly involved with. IDC either as members or as group repre-sentatives. Thus, nearly half of the men identified as leaders are active participants in a group which i s seen as important by the community. At that time, the structure of the group was s t i l l very loose. The f i r s t step to be taken involved researching the problem so that i t s magnitude would be demonstrable. Members each agreed to research a particular topic such as, for example, changes i n employment over time, housing starts in the area, and growth rates of other parts of the province so that comparisons could be made which would indicate the position of Plant City relative to other parts of the province. This very loose organization continued gathering data and called a public meeting in January 1969 to lay the evidence before the community and seek i t s support. This meeting was attended by the curious as well as the concerned, as the existence of IDC was becoming known throughout the community but i t s function was not. An unfounded rumour circulated to the effect that the group was a new p o l i t i c a l party. In view of the sub-sequent attempts to e l i c i t aid from a l l levels of government and a l l p o l i t i c a l persuasions, nothing could have been : further from the truth. By mid-March the organization had been incorporated as Indus-t r i a l Development Committee with Postnikoff as i t s chairman and the remainder of the group as directors. The organization was now a legal entity and out in the open. TO Results of the research were compiled and a brief prepared for presentation to the provincial government at the end of March. The brief indicated that employment at the Company had slowly declined by thirteen hundred jobs since the early 1950's and that another eleven hundred were "marginal" from the Company's point of view. The construc-tion of new buildings i n the area had been so limited that the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation had closed i t s office there. The brief also pointed out that the population'of Plant City had increased only -.2% from 196*1 to 1966 (the years for which census data were ava i l -able] compared to a 15$ increase in the provincial population. The brief concluded that the community was faced with the very real prospect of the decline and deterioration of i t s current social, medical, educa-tional, and cultural amenities because a declining economy would no longer be able to support them. What the brief proposed was the intro-duction into the area of secondary industry which could employ young people as they came onto the labour market and so provide an alternative to migration out of the area. Directors were talking informally of an annual budget of $50,000, with most of i t going to an eastern firm of industrial consultants which would promote the area to manufacturers seeking industrial sites. Arrangements were made through the MLA who represents the area to have the brief presented i n Victoria to the provincial Minister for Commerce and Industrial Development. Eight members of IDC and seven 71 municipal representatives met the Minister in Victoria two months after the f i r s t public meeting called by IDC and less than six months after the f i r s t overt recognition of the d i f f i c u l t y . The Minister recognized the validity of the arguments presented but pointed out that the government had no means by which the situation could be changed. However, members of the provincial government were able to press for a meeting with the appropriate o f f i c i a l s i n Ottawa. Consequently, a mere three weeks after the Victoria meeting, delegates from IDC, members of the provincial government, and local mayors met in Ottawa with the Minister for Regional Economic Expansion to discuss the possibility of having the area designated under the existing Area Development Act. Unfortunately, since the Plant City area suffers negligible unemployment, i t could not qualify for aid. This was the paradox that the area had faced a l l along - one of the highest per-capita incomes in the country, but with, a steadily decreasing :number of wage earners. However, during the spring of 1969 the federal government had given f i r s t and second reading to a b i l l that would broaden the c r i t e r i a used for defining which areas were in need of financial assistance. Previously, unemployment had been the only basis for aid under the Area Incentives Act. The Regional Development Incentive Act, which became effective July 1, 19^9, recognized lack of economic expansion as a legitimate ground for federal aid even when unemployment i s low and wages 72 are high. On August 7,' 19&9, the Minister announced, the areas which had been "designated" as slow growth areas and therefore eligible for federal money to establish new industries or upgrade existing ones. The area which surrounded Plant City was included In that designation. At this point the IDC could count i t s f i r s t major success. Going beyond the vague feelings in the community, the men who were directors provided the evidence which showed that commercial and i n -dustrial activity was not expanding in the area. At the same time, demands for school, hospital and welfare services, over which the city had l i t t l e control, were Increasing, and therefore the ci t y was in danger of slipping backwards. This evidence had been successfully carried to the provincial and federal governments and resulted in the area becoming eligible for some part of the twelve million dollars available under the new federal act. The area "designated" was larger than anticipated and, as we w i l l see, caused some d i f f i c u l t y later on. This d i f f i c u l t y did not arise from the action of designation but from the inclusion of previously unrepresented communities into the area for which IDC spoke. Thus IDC suffered some problems of internal organization. These were in turn related to a second d i f f i c u l t y — how the money made available at the federal level could be channeled into Plant City. Although i t would appear that young businessmen i n the community had emerged when an active response to the city's situation was necessary, i t must be emphasised that they were able to u t i l i z e an already existing 73 network of governmental agencies and o f f i c i a l s which stretched a l l the way to Ottawa. That i s , these new leaders did not single-handedly de-fine the problem and carry i t to the government but were aided i n that task by men in the community who could focus public awareness of the problem and who could help bring i t to the attention of the appropriate men in the provincial government. These men in turn were able to accelerate the process by which IDC could gain a hearing in Ottawa. The point to be made here i s not that a group of leaders emerged i n opposition to the existing leaders, but that the older lead-ers helped to further the cause which had been identified by the new leaders. That i s , there was a problem which called for limited cooper-ation rather than an issue which generated conflict. Legitimation The efforts put forth by IDC members on behalf of the area re-sulted i n a major advance — the "designation" of the area. Recognition at the federal level meant that o f f i c i a l l y there was a problem. That i s , the local economic situation had been defined as a problem by an ad'hoc group of citizens, and their definition of the situation as problematic had been upheld by the governments in the provincial and federal capitals. At the same time that efforts were being directed toward gaining recognition for the problem, IDC members were also engaged in various Ik activities directed toward gaining recognition for their organization. I n i t i a l l y the organization had existed only as a loose group exploring a problem. During this time invitations had been extended to the city's Committee for Development to discuss what i t had found. Since i t had never met, i t never found anything and never responded to these invitations. Finally, i n June 19&9, when IDC was more firmly established, i t made application to the Plant City Council to be named as the o f f i c i a l Industrial Commission for the city. It "was so named and given a free hand to promote industrial expansion. Since this date was after that of the .submission to both Victoria and Ottawa, i t would seem that the established agencies i n the community were slow to recognize the existence of a new organization and that the i n i t i a t i v e for recognition came from IDC i t s e l f . The attempts of IDC to attract new industry to the area clearly are important to the city. This suggests that IDC and City Council should be constantly aware of what the other i s doing. For l i a i s o n , a man with membership i n both groups would be ideal, :but during this time no such person existed. As the municipal elections at the end of 1969 were approaching, McDonald, a director of IDC who had never held public office, announced his intention to contest an aldermanic seat. In this he was strongly encouraged by his fellow directors of IDC. He was elected and now provides the link between Council and IDC. With the election of McDonald to Council, one of the new leaders had moved into the formal leadership structure of the community. 75 At this time IDC directors spoke at council meetings in the surrounding municipalities to point out the benefits to be derived from joining with IDC to form an agency which would serve the larger area. In addition, IDC arranged a number of seminars and meetings with federal government o f f i c i a l s throughout the area to help citizens and businessmen understand how the provisions of the new Act could be ut i l i z e d by the communities. At these meetings the visible inter-action between federal o f f i c i a l s and IDC directors provided the commun-i t y with.evidence of the importance and val i d i t y of IDC.activities. In presenting suck seminars, IDC assumed the role of an established organ-ization and provided evidence of i t s legitimacy. Not a l l the surrounding communities and unincorporated areas saw the emergence of IDC as an unmixed blessing. Those which were un-expectedly included i n the designated area and those which did not have viable industrial development organizations of their own expressed fears that their interests might not be best served by an organization of Plant City businessmen. This was the situation at the end of 1969. These fears were based on the fact that when IDC f i r s t went to the provincial and then the federal governments seeking aid i t already existed as a fifteen-man organization. To this were added single re-presentatives from each municipality that had decided to cast i t s lot with IDC The announcement by the federal government i n August indicated that an area very much, larger than visualized by IDC was being 76 designated. The federal government has, since designating the area, sent various development officers into this larger region to encourage the establishment of groups which would promote development. This has resulted i n the appearance of a :number of groups with few resources which have ineffectively challenged the impartiality of IDC. The IDC response to this has been to withdraw a l i t t l e , focus i t s major effort in Plant City, and leave open the possibility for interested municipalities to join. In summary, we can say that IDC has become a legitimate organ-ization i n the community and that those associated with i t have been accorded status through that association. The original success in having the area designated and the coverage of the whole process in the media have caused the residents of the city to become acutely aware of the problem and of the possibility of "doing something about i t " . The new industries optimistically projected have not material-ized after two years of intense effort. The community's enthusiasm and support for IDC are beginning to wane because i t has not been able to pursue successfully one of the currently highly held values in the community— the promotion of secondary industry and the diversifica-tion of the local economy. The reasons for this w i l l be considered in the following section. Funding Although the men who were i n i t i a l l y involved with IDC, as heads 77 of their own firms, could underwrite some expenses, i t soon "became apparent that the organizational, promotional, and communication ex-penses of IDC would he high and would continue for a long period of time. In early 19&9 i"t w a s estimated that an annual :budget of $50,000 would be required. Clearly a financial chairman was necessary, and this job f e l l to Maglio, the youngest of the leaders and a director of IDC. A two-stage program of financing was outlined. For the f i r s t six months of operation, u n t i l the end of 19&9, participating munici-palities (.those agreeing to be represented by IDC 1 would collect and remit to IDC an amount of money based on the population of the munici-pality. JJJC had no way of enforcing such a.levy, and not a l l munici-pa l i t i e s paid i t quickly. For the second stage, beginning in January 1970, the cost to participating municipalities would be increased and paid i n part by the businessmen in each municipality, the amount to be based on the business license. A few days after the federal announcement that the area had been designated, Monk and Associates, an eastern industrial consulting firm, was retained at a fee of $1+2,000 per year for three years and opened an office i n Plant City i n November. This firm was to contact companies throughout North America which were engaged i n light manufac-turing and promote the area to them. 78 Attractions included, in addition to the federal money which would be available to a firm locating i n the area, residents who were willing to invest i n a new industry. IDC also held options on land serviced by road and r a i l which would be turned over to a manufacturer requiring a si t e . The possibility of an industrial park was being considered. A :substantial effort was required to meet the projected annual cost of IDC. In fact, i t was not possible to raise such a large sum. Only slightly more than the projected annual cost was raised i n two years despite the Company, in i t s usual "good citizen" role, contri-buting some $12,000. Lack of funds resulted i n the renegotiation of the contract with Monk and Associates. One—third of the work i s now being done for one-third the fee. Despite the protestations of the chairman that IDC i s in no danger, such a cutback, when no new industry is yet i n the community, produced a rapid decline in the optimism that earlier had pervaded the community. Although there i s potentially a very- large sum of money a v a i l -able from the federal government to help new industries locate in the area, this money Is only.available when the manufacturer can also put . some capital into the development of a new production f a c i l i t y . There is a requirement that twenty per cent of the f i n a l total cost be held by the developer before federal money can be made available. 79 Manufacturers who do not need financial assistance can locate where they choose. Manufacturers who do need capital can he encouraged to locate in a federally designated area by making them aware of the availability of federal aid. But often businessmen looking for a place to locate do not even have enough capital to meet the twenty percent minimum required to qualify for federal aid. This d i f f i c u l t y gave rise to a second new organization in Plant City's struggle against economic stagnation. When the f i r s t manufacturers showed interest in locating in Plant City, members of IDC began so l i c i t i n g those people in the commun-i t y who were popularly believed to be able to invest privately i n a specific company. Two directors of IDC became directors of a company which planned to make machine components. However, this method of raising capital was not really successful. A better method of tapping the large amounts of capital believed to exist i n the community was required. A limited company was formed, called Local Investors, which, sold shares locally for $500 each. A publicity drive was undertaken by the newspapers to encourage the local residents to buy shares. Although a legally separate organization, two of i t s three directors are also directors of IDC. To date i t has raised $85,000. which, can be Invested in a firm needing further capital to meet the twenty percent minimum before i t would be eligible for federal aid under the Act. I f a l l the organizations concerned play the part they are ex-pected to play, a potential manufacturer would be found somewhere in 80 North America by the firm of industrial consultants retained by IDC. He would be put in touch with IDC, who would " s e l l " him on the advan-tages of the area and smooth the way with i t s contacts in the city. I f necessary, Local Investors would be able to provide the capital needed to raise the amount held by the developer to the minimum re-quired by the federal government. Despite the efforts of these three organizations, whose existence i n the community can be traced back to that f i r s t informal meeting of young businessmen, no new industry has located in the area to date. What we conclude from this brief history of IDC is that, in general, the existing decisionmaking bodies i n the community were not set up In such, a way that they could easily anticipate potential problems and, i n particular, one which involved the possible decline of the community as a whole. When the economic problem was f i r s t raised they did not act positively :but exhibited what has: already been identified as non-deci.sion-maki.ng. The IDC definition of the situation as problematic was accept-ed by agencies :outside the community. With that acceptance IDC and i t s directors were accorded high status within the community. The Company neither initiated nor inhibited the development of IDC. The support It gave was similar to that of other business enter-prises, although i n total i t was more than that of any other single 81 business because of i t s size. Funding has, however, been a crucial issue for IDC, located as i t i s in a region where budgets are tight. Despite the warnings of the consultant retained by IDC and of the Federal Government that success i n attracting industry was not assured, the community was i n i t i a l l y optimistic. The presence i n the city of each potential manu-facturer was noted i n detail by the media. The lack of success i n attracting a new industry and source of employment has resulted in greater d i f f i c u l t y in raising funds for IDC, which has in turn meant a curtailment of i t s a c t i v i t i e s . Cutbacks may well lead to fewer prospective manufacturers being made aware of the area and i t s advantages and may thus reduce even further the likelihood of attracting alternative sources of employment to the community. While no immediate changes are apparent in the economic circum-stances of Plant City, i n the following chapter the question of change in other areas i s explored. CHAPTER 71 CHANGE AND CONTINUITY Only one major issue i n a single community was examined i n this thesis and thus i t f a l l s short of the ideal in which a range of issues are considered in the same community or in which similar issues are con-sidered in different communities. However, as has been shown, Plant City i s a community which i s primarily dependent on a single "major employer". Thus, i t can be considered as a particular type of community. During the time research was carried out, one issue dominated a l l other concerns and provided a simplified situation i n which to study the pro-cess of decision-making but this did not allow a comparison of how other issues are resolved i n this community. The physical isolation of Plant City belies the extent to which i t s fortunes are affected by factors outside i t s boundaries, and in this i t i s similar to other communities that depend on absentee-owned industries. The products manufactured by the Company compete i n an international market. Improvements in the technology or resource posi-tion of other producers reduce the market position of the Company. It must respond and in so doing adversely affects the work force and economy of Plant City. Changes i n provincial legislation.resulting in increased capital and operating expenses which must be met by the city are similarly 82 83 i n i t i a t e d beyond i t s boundaries, as are new expectations about l i f e styles and standards of liv i n g which, are reflected i n increased demands for amenities within the community. Thus, although the city has i t s own governing body, It i s influenced i n i t s actions by other governmen-t a l bodies and by international pressures. To speak of community decision-making without taking the external factors into consideration understates the complexity of the situation. In addition to a "major employer" in the community, there are other well defined components based on ethnicity and the service sector of the local economy. Communities which exhibit p o l i t i c a l or ethnic diversity have been found to have a more p l u r a l i s t i c decision-making structure than undifferentiated ones. Plant City men from the d i f f e r -ent sectors were found to be leaders. Their participation in the city's decision-making process and their association with different issues lends support to the previous finding. Leaders were identified by a process which began with the names of persons who occupied formal positions of power, or who had reputations for power, or who were visible participants i n community decisions. These persons were treated as a panel that was assumed to be knowledgeable about which issues were of importance to persons in the community and which persons were involved in these Issues. This process resulted in the Identification of twenty-two leaders who constitute a stratum of Plant City society. Qh Leaders were conceptualized as forming a network and were shown to he known to each other and to share interests, resources, and pa r t i -cipation i n decision-making. Wo assumption was made ahout the network being either a pl u r a l i s t i c or e l i t i s t structure. That i s , rather than bringing a model of structure to the community and f i t t i n g leaders and issues to i t , research in Plant City proceeded on the assumption that the residents of Plant City could best indicate what the common concerns were and who acted on them. Informal social contact between leaders i s weak in general, with the exception of one group which shares a common local and ethnic back-ground. However, the lack of communicating informally must.he noted. A total of eighty-four memberships i n civic and social organizations are shared by the twenty-two leaders and allow frequent contact between them. In addition the limited size of the community permits frequent contact. Other attributes of leaders that can be seen as resources that allow them to participate in the decision-making process include being self-employed or a salaried employee at the administrative level. Also, most leaders have gained valuable organizational experience by p a r t i c i -pating in the service clubs or within the Company. More specialized and less widely shared resources include access to the media, holding formal p o l i t i c a l positions, or having "contacts". Access to the network of leaders also gives access to these resources which are used for group rather than individual ends. 85 Because the individual who takes an active interest i n his community requires some financial support and f l e x i b i l i t y in his work schedule, leaders are disproportionately drawn from the ranks of Company executives and self-employed businessmen. The particular orien-tation of those who have sufficient resources to participate led them to direct their energies to economic issues. In other words, although many values may be held in a community,' those held by persons who have the resources to articulate their own are more l i k e l y to.become manifest community values. The problem which residents identified as- most Important i n -volved the lack of economic growth in the area. "For some time there had been an awareness on the part of many individuals i n Plant City that a l l was not well. The declining tax base, the'difficulty;of'maintaining existing amenities, and decreasing sales in the area had become obvious to some individuals. But this situation had not been formalized by such-bodies as the Chamber of Commerce or the City Council; they could be said to have engaged in non-decision-making. Finally, the possibility of serious economic decline i n an area noted for i t s high income and stable employment became apparent. This was seen as a threat to the "social capital" accumulated over the years and to the business enterprises which were supported by the Company pay-r o l l . A group of local men took i t upon themselves to determine the extent of the situation and to present that evidence to the community. 86 This activity resulted in the formation of the Industrial Development Committee, with which half of the men in Plant City identi-fied as leaders were associated. This group also includes a number of "new" leaders. The large proportion of leaders in IDC i s taken as evidence of the importance that the community places on the problem of economic development. After assembling the resources that they shared, the Industrial Development Committee marshalled other resources which were.available beyond the community's boundaries, such as the ability.of the federal and provincial governments to support the IDC definition of the local situation as problematic. Although the economic problem in Plant City was visible locally i t was a product of factors beyond the community boundary and i t s solution lay beyond the community boundary. Men with the s k i l l s required to deal at this level must be characterized as "cosmopolitans" rather than "localites". Although those leaders who became involved i n IDC were able to indicate the source and extent of the problem, support for attempts to modify the situation increased markedly when the presence of the pro-vincial and federal governments signalled that there was in fact a prob-lem i n the area. It must be emphasized that i n the preliminary stages the involvement of the existing "power structure" was necessary to carry the problem beyond the community and to the government. That i s , a l -though those men identified as "old leaders" had not attempted to reduce the magnitude of the problem they did not stand i n the way of the "new leaders" who did. 87 Thus, the involvement of the local leaders is. an important step for any group wishing to promote orderly change even when the desirabil-i t y of change has been demonstrated. In other communities and for other issues the legitimating bodies may be different but nonetheless necessary for the successful bid of a "non-establishment" group to i n i t i a t e change. The answer to the question, "Can alternative power sources to the major employer emerge i n a one industry town?" must be "yes", at least i n Plant City and l i k e l y in other similar communities. The emergence of IDC has demonstrated this although, i t must be noted that the men Identified as leaders are found in a particular socio-economic stratum. The question of whether or not status accruing to persons i n -volved i n highly valued activity can be transferred to other activities i s more d i f f i c u l t . The experience of McDonald .suggests a possible ans-wer. He was encouraged by fellow IDC members to run for an aldermanic seat on City Council. He was elected and provided an o f f i c i a l l i nk be-tween IDC and the Council. Near the end of his term he was encouraged by fellow IDC members to run for the office of mayor. Both Martin and West appeared i n a newspaper photograph observing McDonald f i l e the nomination papers. His platform reflected the IDC policies of economic expansion through secondary industry. He was defeated at the polls and thus no longer has available to him his former formal or positional power. He follows D'Amico who 88 earlier had challenged the "do-nothing" policy- of Council hut -was de-feated at the polls. The i n a b i l i t y of both-of these men to gain office with this type of platform hints at the conservative nature of the electorate. As already noted, the Chamber of Commerce has not responded to the situation pointed out by IDC. The Chamber of Commerce executive are perplexed by their i n a b i l i t y to attract members to their organiza-tion. A partial explanation for the d i f f i c u l t y suffered by the Chamber of Commerce and the community i n general may be found simply i n the existence of the Company. High employment rates, a stable population, and the relative ease with which funds could be solicited from a single source resulted i n a conservative orientation toward change and the future. The Company acted as a buffer between elements beyond the community and local residents. The s t a b i l i t y and prosperity in the city came from the existence of the Company rather than from leadership in the community. As long as Company policy did not result in shut-downs or lay offs the lack of positive leadership i n the community was not apparent. When the fortunes of the city seemed about to decline, the existing non-Company parts of the "power structure" seemed willing to accept this situation. However, the closeness of the last election has caused the Mayor to state publicly that the activities of Council in the economic realm w i l l have to be re-examined. Although McDonald has not been personally victorious, such a statement suggests that IDC has had a measure of success in attaining one of i t s original goals. The problem 89 of a declining economy has not heen eliminated, hut i t has heen identi-fied and a particular alternative acted upon. The attempts of IDC and Local Investors were not i n i t i a l l y successful in attracting new secondary industry to Plant City and i t s l i d further down the l i s t i n g of c i t i e s by per capita income. However, three new industries have been announced by Martin, who recently assumed the presidency of IDC. They are expected to begin operations i n the spring and should reverse the trend. Both federal and local funds have been committed and the construction of new buildings w i l l begin soon. Between one hundred and f i f t y and two hundred jobs are anticipated when the plants are i n operation. The demands that w i l l be made on local businesses by the work force should make many of them viable again. It i s clear that a number of persons and groups were involved in bringing new secondary industry to Plant City but there can be no doubt that the men who established IDC and Local Investors played a significant part in i t . BIBLIOGRAPHY Agger, Robert E., Daniel Goldrich, and Bert E. Swansqn. The Rulers  and the Ruled; P o l i t i c a l Power and Importance in American  Communities. New York, John Wiley, 19&h. Allen, James B. The Company Town in the American West. Norman, Okla., University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. Anton, Thomas;J., "Power, pluralism, and local p o l i t i c s , " Administra- tive Science Quarterly 7 (March 1963), U25-57. Bachrach, Peter and Morton Baratz, "The two faces of power," American  P o l i t i c a l Science Review 57 (December 1962), 9^ 7-52. and - . Power and Poverty; Theory and Practice. New York, Oxford University Press, 1970. Banfield, Edward. P o l i t i c a l Influence. Glencoe, 111., Free Press, 1961. Bavelas, Alex, "Communication patterns i n task-oriented groups," Group  Dynamics: Research and Theory, ;D. Car-twright and A. Zander, eds. . 3d ed. New York, Harper & Row, 1968. pp. 503-11. Boissevain, Jeremy.' The Italians i n Montreal; Social- Adjustment in a Plural Society" Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1970. (Canada. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bicultural!sm. Study no. 7) Clelland, Donald A., and W. ;H. Form, "Economic dominants and community power; a comparative analysis," American Journal of Sociology 69 (March 196U), 511-21. Dahl, Robert, "A critique of the ruling e l i t e model," American P o l i t i - cal Science Review 52 (.June 1958), U63-9. ; . Who Governs; Democracy and Power i n an American City. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1961. ; . "Power," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. David ;L. S i l l s , 12 (.1968), kO^-klk. 90 91 D'Antonio, William V. and Eugene C. Erickson, "The reputational tech-nique as a. measure of community power; an evaluation based on comparative and longitudinal studies," American Sociological  Review 27 (June 1962), 362-76. Festinger, Leon, Stanley Schachter and Kurt Bach. Social Pressures in  Informal Groups. Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1950. Form, William H. and Delbert;C. Mi l l e r . Industry, Labor and Community. New York, Harper, i960. Freeman, Linton C. et a l . , "Locating leaders in local communities; a comparison of some alternative approaches," American Sociologi- cal Review 29 (October 1963), 791-8. Gans, Herbert J. The Urban Villagers. Glencoe, 111., Free Press, 1962. G i t l i n , Tod, "Local pluralism as theory and ideology," Recent Sociology  no. 1: OA the Social Basis Of P o l i t i c s , ed. Hans Peter Dreitzel, London, Macmillan, 1969. pp . 6l-87. Gordon, E. Wayne and Nicholas Babchuk, "A typology of voluntary associa-tions," American Sociological Review 2k (February 1959), 22-9. Gouldner, Alvin W., "Cosmopolitans and locals; toward an analysis of latent social roles - I & I I , " Administrative Science"Quarterly 2 (December 1957), 281-306, and (March 1958), W+-80. Hunter, Floyd. Community'Power Structure; a Study of Decision Makers. Chapel H i l l , University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Lynd, Robert and Helen. MiddletOwn in Transition. New York, Harcourt, Brace, 1937. March, James G., "An introduction to the theory and measurement of i n -fluence," American P o l i t i c a l Science Review k9 (June 1955), .U31-5L Merton, Robert K. Social Theory and Social Structure. Enl. Ed. Toronto, Collier-Macmillan. 1968. ~ M i l l s , . C. Wright. Power, P o l i t i c s , & People: the Collected Essays of ' C. Wright M i l l s , ed. Irving Louis Horowitz. New York, Oxford University Press, 1963. 92 Mott, Paul E., "The role of the absentee-owned corporation i n the changing community,"' The'Structure of Community Power, ed. Michael Aiken and Paul E. Mott, New York, Random House, 1970• pp. 170-9. Pellegrin, Roland J. and Charles C. Coates, "Absentee-owned corpora-tions- and community power structure,"' American Journal of Sociology 6 l (March 1956), 1*13-9. Perrucci, Robert and Marc Pilisuk, "Leaders and ruling e l i t e s ; the interorganizational bases of community power," American  Sociological Review 35 (December 1970), 10U0-57. Polsby, Nelson W., "The sociology of community power: a reassessment," Social Forces 37 (March 1959), 232-6. ______ "Three problems in the analysis of community power," American Sociological Review 2k (December 1959), 796-803. ' ''' , "How to study community power; the pluralist alternative," The Journal of Po l i t i c s 22 (August i960), U7I4—8>. _______ "Community power; some reflections on the recent literature," 'American Sociological Review 27 (December 1962), .838-ifO. _______ ' Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Theory. New Haven, Yale Univer-sity Press, 1963. Porter, John, The Vertical Mosaic Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1965. Prethus, Robert.' Men at the Top; a Study in Community Power. New York, Oxford University Press, 196k. Ross, Aileen, "Philanthropic activity and the business career," Social  Forces 32 (March 195*0, 271+-80. Rossi, Peter. H., "Community decision making," Administrative Science  Quarterly 1 (March 1957), U15-J+3. Schulze, Robert 0 . , "The role of economic dominants i n the community power-structure," American Sociological Review 23 (February 1958), 3-9. '______, "The biforcation of- power i n a sa t e l l i t e c i t y , " Community ' P o l i t i c a l ^ Systems, ed. Morris Janowitz, Glencoe, I ' l l . , Free Press, 1961. ppT 19-80. 93 Walton, John, "Substance and artifact; the current status of research on community power structure," American Journal of Sociology 71 (January 1966}, 1+30-8. Warner, ;W. Lloyd, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eels. Social Class i n  America. Chicago, Science Research Associates, 19^9. Weber, Max.: The Theory Of Social and Economic Organization, ed. Tal-cott Parsons. New York, Free Press, 19^7. Wolfinger, Raymond A., "Reputation and reality in the study of •community power'," American Sociological Review 25 (October I960), 636-kk. , "A plea for a decent burial," American Sociological Review 27 (December I962) , 838-UO. Young, Ruth C. and Olaf F. Larson, "The contribution of organizations to community structure,"- American Journal of Sociology 71 (September I965), I78-86. This material i s CONFIDENTIAL APPENDIX A  PLANT CITY QUESTIONNAIRE* .1. Suppose a major project were before the community, one that re-quired decisions by a group of local leaders whom nearly everyone would accept. Which people would you choose to make up this group — regardless, of whether or not you know them personally? Write the names here. Use the back of the paper i f necessary. 2. In most ci t i e s certain persons are said to be influential "behind the scenes" and to have a lot to say about programs that are plan-ned, and about projects and issues that come up around town. What persons are influential i n this way in the Plant City area? 3. I f a decision were to be made in Victoria or Ottawa that affected this community, who in the community would be the best people to get in contact with (other than the elected representatives)? ;k. Are there other people whom these leaders work with who have not been named so far, but should be included in a l i s t of important people i n the community? * These questions are based on those used by Schulze, Robert 0 . , "The bifurcation of power i n a sa t e l l i t e city," Community P o l i t i c a l Systems, ed. Morris Janowitz, Glencoe, 111., Free Press, l Q 6 l , Appen-dix B, p. 7^, and Agger, Robert ;E., Daniel Goldrich, and Bert E. Swanson. The Rulers and the Ruled; P o l i t i c a l Power and Importance i n  American Communities. New York, John Wiley, 1°6U. p. 710. 9h APPENDIX B LEADER INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 1. Sex l a . Age .2. Marital status. 3. Number of children. 1 U. Birthplace (City and Country). ;5. Ethnicity. 6. How long have you lived i n the Plant City area? 7. How long have you lived at your present address? .8. Have you ever considered moving away to another City? Why? 9. Why are you s t i l l here? 10.. Highest level of education completed? Where? 10a. Do you hold any special licences or certificates? Where taken? 11. Are you a member of any professional, employer or employee or-ganizations? 12. I f Yes—Do you.serve on'any committees or hold anyoffice in this (these) Organizations? What? 95 - 2 -.13. I f not retired—Are you a partner, owner or employee of the organi-zation which provides your principle employment? lh. For company employees and retired: a) Present Cor last) employer? b) Major product or service of this firm? c) How long employed by this firm? d) Present Cor last) position and how long held? (job history i f varied.) e) How many employees or:subordinates are (were) under your direc-tion or supervision? 15. For self-employed; a) Name of your company. b) Major product or service of your company? c) How long have you been i n this business i n Plant City? Else-where? d) Present position in this firm? e) How many employees or subordinates are under your direction or supervision? 16. Does your work take you away from the Plant City area? How often and how far in the last year? 17. Have-you been away in the last year for other reasons? e.g. Conven-tion. 96 - 3 -1 8 . What, in your opinion were the three most important issues or decisions the community had to act on in the last year or two? Could you order them in importance to the community? 19. Was there a particular individual or group or organization that was instrumental in bringing each issue up for consideration? L i s t . 20. Have these groups or. persons (in the last answer) been influential in other issues or decisions? Examples? 21 . Were, you personally involved i n any of the important issues you men-tioned? I f not, were you involved in other ones? In what capacity? (Chairman, etc.) With whom did you work most closely? 22. With.respect to this most important issue, can you remember when you f i r s t became involved? 23. How did-you become involved? (Volunteered, phoned by friend, chance meeting.) 2k. Did you contact others about this issue? Who and How? 97 .- k -25. Are you a member of any civic or regional organization such as the Chamber of Commerce or Rotary? ' Name ' Attend Regularly ''Committee Member ' Officer 26. Do you belong to.other groups or organizations, :such as the Ski Club or a Bridge group? Name Attend'Regularly 'Committee "Member' Officer 27. :Suppose that an issue arose i n Plant City and that you.felt very strongly about i t (either way). Do you have-particular ways i n which you could make your influence felt? e.g. Write an editor-i a l , use your company name. Which i s most effective? 28. I f you act on an issue in the community, do you.act as an individual or as the spokesman for a group or organization? I f spokesman, do you have to be directed by members for each state-ment? 29. Considering a l l the positions and committees outside your normal work: a) Which ones do you feel are most important to you? b) Which ones do you feel are most important to the community? c) On the average, how many hours per week do you spend on these important activities? 98 - 5 -30. Are you encouraged by your family and friends i n this work? Are you encouraged by your employer? Can you get time off work or make use of office staff or equipment? 31. Some people seem to know almost everybody in town and have some influence through this. Others seem to know a small number of influential people very well. Would you say that you f i t t e d either of these descriptions? 32. Of the people you know best i n Plant City, do you know them through your normal work, socially, or through community activities? 99 Would you indicate the way or ways In which, you' know, the following people "by-checking the appropriate column. Know Worked on Socially Committee Don't Know Heard Of Know Slightly Know Well Exchange Home Visits During Last Year Mr. DeRossi Mr. Johnson Dr. Brown Mr. Calori Mr. Vincentti Mr. H i l l Mr. Jones Mr. Thaker Mr. Bochman Mr. Postnikoff Mr. McDonald Mr. Bonaldi Mr. D'Amico Mr. Maglio Mr. Martin Mr. Teal Mr. Astor Mr. Pye Mr. McLeod Mr. Ouram Mr. West Mr. Robinson 100. APPENDIX C Biographical Details of Leaders In this appendix are included brief biographical sketches of the men identified as leaders i n Plant City. Although the men's names and those of their businesses are ficticious the essential details of their lives are accurate. By considering these details i t is possible to get something of the 'feel' of the city since many of these men have spent decades of their adult l i f e i n Plant City. Leaders are loosely grouped on the basis of the major resource to which they have access. Admittedly the groupings are somewhat arbitrary because a l l the men have some access to many power bases. Leaders are further identified as fa l l i n g into the category "old" or "new" leaders. This partition i s based not so much on a consideration of age as on participation i n the Industrial Development Committee. Old leaders in general have divested or are beginning to divest them-selves of various civic and associational committments as.they look to-ward retirement. New leaders are looking toward a:future which includes active participation in the community. We f i r s t consider the old leaders. It appears to be the case that some men were identified as leaders because they have been known as leaders in the past. For example, Johnson, who i s now over seventy years old and retired, no longer takes 101 102 any active part i n decision-making. In fact, he was recently away from the city on an extended vacation. When he was younger he served on City Council for six years and was an important and powerful figure who was successful in bringing the "right" people together on a number of issues. His long association with the media provided professional i n -volvement in the community which eventually led him to run for p o l i t i c a l office. Although no longer p o l i t i c a l l y active, he i s highly regarded by the citizens who recently arranged a testimonial dinner for him and he has received other civic honours. We conclude that his past performance and the high regard in which, he i s held are responsible for his nomina-tion as a leader at this time. A second leader f a l l i n g into this category i s Dr. Brown who for many years has been the Company doctor as well as being a member of a downtown c l i n i c . Since the 1920's he has been a member of his Church Board and has been active in related organizations. He i s a small, quick man with a good word for everyone. Like Johnson, he i s well regarded and well known to a wide spectrum of the population but i s not how a powerful leader i n the community. A third leader In this category i s Astor, who came from the Prairies to Plant City in the 1930's and later bought into the automo-tive business of which he i s now President. He has been active in the Masonic Lodge, Rotary, Chamber of Commerce, Hospital Board, and Town Planning Commission. However, he i s increasingly turning the operation 103 of his business over to a relative as he plans to retire i n the near future. Finally, we include in this category a man who, after coming from Italy as a child, has lived here a l l his l i f e . As a youth Bonaldi began working for the Company and rose to an important position. He has been involved in numerous civic and service organizations and was recently feted by the city for his community service. He has been fre-quently elected the Mayor of a neighbouring municipality. To attribute his identification as a leader to any single characteristic would be a serious simplification of the role he has played i n the community. This i s true for a l l of those older men who have been identified as leaders in Plant City. These men were most active and influential some years ago when they were younger. It i s unlikely that the community at large consciously re-evaluates the rela-tive position of i t s once-prominent people, so that reputations once formed i n a small and stable community endure for a long time. There i s another small number of men who are seen to be leaders but who do not participate directly i n decisionmaking. They are unlike those already mentioned in one respect. Their identification rests on the fact that they are the visible heads of large sectors of the work force. Given the community's fear that employment w i l l decline further, these men are ascribed importance even i f they do not act. In this category we would include Thaker, McLeod, and Jones. iou Thaker i s the president of the twenty-nine hundred strong labour union. Employed by the Company since 19^5, he has been on leave of absence since he was elected to the union presidency. He belongs to no civic or service organizations, believing that there i s a possibility of conflict between the union point of view and the business point of view which predominates i n such, organizations. He studiously avoids interacting socially with other leaders, claiming that he has no time for i t . He i s away from the area some four to five months in each year attending to the well-being of the union and Its membership, a fact which must inhibit his f u l l participation in .the community decision-making process. He has nevertheless been an important figure in main-taining industrial peace at the Company and Is thus a contributor to the financial well-being of the community which depends so heavily on the Company payroll. The Senior Executive of the Company, f i f t y - s i x year old McLeod, is similarly visible. Fresh from university in the 1930's, he began as a helper and rose to his present position recently. His position demands that he travel extensively for the Company. Although he i s not now active i n the community, he was active i n the past, having served on such bodies as the School Board. Because announcements of policy changes or shutdowns come from him, he i s vi s i b l y connected to the economic well-being of the work force and thus the community. For example, he recently announced, i n a press release i n which his picture appeared, plans for the:summer vacation shutdown which w i l l leave about 105 5% of the work force without pay for part of the period. A man who makes such a public statement, even i f he does not make the decision on which i t i s based, i s seen to he powerful since his statement i s immediately followed by the action i t specifies. Jones, the President of the Energy Company (a subsidiary of the Company), has been with this firm for a decade. For some years previous to that he had been employed by the Company and has made his home in Plant City for over twenty years. Nearing retirement age, he is now withdrawing from public l i f e . However, he too was active in the community's civic and service organizations such as Chamber of Commerce, Rotary, and the School Board. His firm employs some three hundred and twenty-five people i n the area and ranks as a major employer. Recently concern was voiced i n the community over the proposed raising of the water level of a nearby lake which, i s a popular recrea-tional area. Although the f i n a l decision to raise the level w i l l be made by an international commission, Jones appeared i n the local press to explain the proposed change to the community. Although these men have been identified as leaders in Plant City and are visible and clearly connected with i t s economic well-being, none of the men so far mentioned were instrumental in defining or responding to the lack of economic expansion as a problem. A third sub-category of more involved leaders can be identified as having "resource power". Currently more active i n the community than 106 those already discussed, they have i n common access to a resource which can be u t i l i z e d by others. This group includes H i l l , Bochman, and Ouram. H i l l has been employed by.the Company since he came to Plant City to take his f i r s t job after graduation from university. Moving up the organizational ladder, he established many relationships within the Company and the community, as have most Company administrators. He has been for many years a member .of the Liberal Party and in the last federal election was the Liberal candidate for the riding in which Plant City i s located. Although he was not elected, as a defeated candi-date he has the ear of many members of the government and of c i v i l servants i n Ottawa. As an automatic ex-officio member of many committees of the party at the local level and with a knowledge of the governmental process he is an important link between the citizens in the riding and the government i n Ottawa, Active in organizations which attempt to im-prove the .quality of l i f e in the community, his "contacts" make him an important resource for those associations. Bochman, born i n Plant City forty-five years ago, i s the managing director of a broadcasting firm and i s on i t s Board of Directors. As chairman of the Arts Council and the Centennial Committee and through his involvement with junior sports and as a member of the provincial executive of a religious group he has demonstrated his concern with the quality of l i f e in the area. Although he cannot use the airways to express his personal views, the editorial position of the station can influence 107 a project i n the community toward success or failure. Thus he becomes an important resource for those seeking community-wide : support for a project. Similarly in.control of a medium of communication i s Ouram, who came to Plant City fifteen years ago to take a position with a local newspaper. On the retirement of Johnson he became the publisher, re-taining his previous position as. General Manager, Having only limited membership i n the local service clubs, he found time to run for City Council. He was elected and served one term. During this time he was on the Library Board and worked closely with the Mayor on the amalgama-tion of Newton and Plant City. The amalgamation was an attempt to i n -crease the tax base of the city by including in i t the industrial sites occupied by the Company. Because of the possibility for editorial selection, the paper i s a resource which can encourage or inhibit interest i n a particular line ;of action in the community. Turning to those leaders who occupy formal p o l i t i c a l positions, we find four active men. Probably the most colourful i s the mayor, Vincentti, the son of an Italian immigrant who ran a small business. He claims a life-long interest in p o l i t i c a l and union activity. He has held executive positions i n various fraternal and labour organizations and has been involved ixi civic government both, as an . administrator and an elected o f f i c i a l . In Plant City he has been both elected and defeated in bids to be an alderman and the mayor. He i s currently serving his second term as mayor, after being unopposed i n the last election. 108 Although his p o l i t i c a l philosophy i s not accepted by a l l members of Council he i s a good chairman and Council performs efficiently within the limitations of i t s resources. McDonald and Pye are two others on the six-man council who have been identified as leaders. Both are serving their f i r s t two-year term of office. Pye also served an interim one-year term during amalgamation. In his forties, he i s an energetic man, hardworking and with an eye for detail. He has been on the Board of the United Church, Hospital Board, Junior Chamber of Commerce, and Rotary. He gets good coverage i n the press and uses i t to reach the wider audience outside Council. Although he lives i n Newton, his principal social contact i s with the publisher of the newspaper who lives across town. Pye also began his career at the Company, coming to Plant City with a new degree . nearly twenty years ago. Recently he was transferred from a subsidiary to his present position as an Administrative Assistant in the Company proper. Changes of this nature have been taking place a l l through the Company's organi-zational structure as i t reorganizes on a geographic rather than a pro-duct basis. Such changes have resulted i n a number of employees being transferred to other c i t i e s with a consequent decline In the Company payroll i n Plant City. The third leader on Council i s McDonald, the major shareholder and Managing Director of a small manufacturing firm. Over the years he has been active in Rotary, Masonic Order, and Shrine. It was not u n t i l he was fifty-three that he decided to run for municipal .office and in 109 that decision he was encouraged by his friends. He was elected as an alderman in the last election and is vice-chairman-of the Water Committee, an important committee at City Hall since the city i s approaching the time when i t w i l l be chronically short of water. He is also the Council representative to the Industrial Development Com-mittee. When p o l i t i c a l power i s considered, an additional leader should be included i n this category on the basis of his past experience as a city alderman. Although not born in Plant City, DeRossi was born near-by of Italian parents. Active i n Rotary, Kinsmen, Tuscany Lodge, and the Golf Club, he served on City Council for two terms. During that time he was chairman of a committee appointed by the mayor to investigate the construction and operation of a proposed sewage treatment plant which was required under recently introduced provincial legislation. The pro-ject eventually involved co-ordinating the activities of four separate municipalities when a joint undertaking was- advised by the firm of con-sulting engineers which had been retained by Plant City. When his term of office expired, DeRossi chose to devote much of his energy to his business and has not been very active at the decision-making level since that time. Another young man who i s identified as a leader i s Robinson. He was born in Plant City and except for the time required to earn his law degree has lived his whole l i f e there. For a number of years he has been the City Solicitor. In addition, he is the s o l i c i t o r for the School 110 Board and the Hospital Board. His knowledge of municipal law is called on to prevent the Boards or Council from choosing alternatives which are i l l e g a l or unworkable. Since many of the leaders in the community have served on the School Board or Hospital Board, he becomes a known resource to many leaders. Although not involved i n IDC he was Instrumental in setting up Local Investors, a related organization. Although less than f i f t y years of age, D'Amico has withdrawn from active participation i n the community. He views with disfavour the attempts of City Council to work within i t s limited budget, claiming that such a "maintenance" approach dooms the c i t y to increased economic d i f f i c u l t y . He favours improvement of the local economic situation by the injection of'large amounts .of capital for the expansion'and renova-tion of the downtown core. In an attempt to direct an expansionary response by Council to economic stagnation he ran for the office of mayor i n I967 but was defeated. It might be said that he recognized the economic problem and tried single-handedly to impose a particular solu-tion. When his bid for public office failed, he withdrew entirely from service and civic organizations and concentrated his- energies on his own business. Nevertheless, his identification as- a leader rests on Ms-being a spokesman for this position, as well as being the son of an old family. I l l The New Leaders So far .we have examined those leaders who have what might he called traditional sources of power - affective, economic, or formal p o l i t i c a l , and their positions or offices which give them the potential for participating i n the community. Such resources typically allow those who control them to i n i t i a t e actions for others by, for example, announcing an employment cutback. Control or possession of these power bases often allows the holder to define what i s problematic i n the community and to bound the set of possible alternative solutions to the problem. We can go .even :further and say that one of the obliga-tions that leaders are expected to f u l f i l l i s that of anticipating situations which may become problematic in the future. It appears to be the case that in Plant City some leaders have become increasingly conservative and have not exercised the problem-defining function. Perhaps a better way of phrasing i t would be to say that some have become conservative with age, while the environment of the city increasingly generates demands which require new and innovative responses. Although there were agencies such as City Council and the Chamber of Commerce that had the responsibility of defining and acting on problems, the men who held positions within them did not do so. In the latter part of 1968 a group of men in the c i t y took i t upon themselves to organize for the purpose of looking into the lack of economic growth In the city. This organization was the Industrial 112 Development Committee (IDC). The members defined as problematic the lack of economic growth. Having defined the situation as problematic they attempted to generate an alternative situation. The criterion used to identify new leaders within the group of twenty-two leaders i s that they were intimately involved with IDC in i t s formative stages. Five of those identified as old.leaders ( H i l l , Thaker, Bochman, McDonald, and Ouram) are associated with IDC. New.leaders are consider-ed below. At the age of twenty-eight'Martin immigrated to Plant City from Britain in 19^-9. After working as an.auto salesman he and two partners-established their own : automotive sales and service firm in the city. The business has prospered and now employs, more than forty people. A l -though devoting much time to his business, he i s also active In the United Church and the Masonic Order and knows many-people i n the area through these a c t i v i t i e s . West, also a hard-working businessman, i s president of his own distribution company, which employs twenty-five people. He came to Plant City a decade after finishing his schooling i n a nearby city. A man who i s enthusiastic about the range of activities available to sportsmen i n the area, he has pursued a course i n the past of not becom-ing involved with issues i n the community. His involvement with the Industrial Development Committee i s a major exception, Calori i s probably least involved i n the decision-making 113 structure. Son of a well known family, he consciously i s not involved in civic or service organizations and has not run for public office. He argues that a practising lawyer i s l i k e l y to be regarded with h o s t i l i t y by many people in the community since someone always "loses" or i s "wrong" i n l i t i g a t i o n and this would be reflected in a lack of p o l i t i c a l support. He i s , however, on the executive of Tuscany Lodge as well as being a director of IDC a non-political organization. Another local young man is Maglio. Leaving Plant City only long enough to earn a degree in pharmacy, he returned and was employed by a local drug store, which, along with two partners, he later bought. He has been encouraged to take the chairmanship of the local Community Chest and has been active in the Junior Chamber and the Cancer Society. Concentrating his energies on IDC, he has been i t s finance chairman since i t s inception. The only leader of Russian background i s Postnikoff. Born just outside the ci t y , he i s well known and active locally. He has twice been chairman of the Summer Festival Committee and has served on the executive of the Chamber of Commerce, the Advisory Planning Commission, Kiwanis, and Red Cross. At forty-six he i s the manager Cas well as partner and shareholder) of his own construction :supply firm. Currently he i s the chairman of IDC and as such i s quoted frequently i n the press. when they began meeting, new.leaders did not have formal power within the city , since they did not occupy positions within the civic Ilk administration. Because of their youth they cannot claim concessions based on affect. Their business activities are such that individually they do not represent a major economic force In the community. Although they did not have access to the resources available only to office holders, they were not powerless. They are important because they provided the nucleus for an entirely new group in the community, one which identified and bounded the problem, generated alternative solutions, and acted on them. Their identification as leaders in Plant City rests on the actions they took on a matter of importance to the community. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0101587/manifest

Comment

Related Items