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Community television as an aid for citizen involvement in the planning process LeMaistre, James Frederick 1972

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C O M M U N I T Y T E L E V I S I O N AS AN AID FOR CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT IN THE PLANNING PROCESS by JAMES FREDERICK LeMAISTRE B.Sc.(C.E.), University of Manitoba, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE in the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apr i l , 1972 In p resen t ing t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 agree tha t the L i b r a r y sha l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and s tudy. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permiss ion fo r ex tens ive copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department o r by h is r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood tha t copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n permiss ion . Department o f Community & Regional Planning The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date Way 1 , 1972 A ABSTRACT Community Television, as an aid for citizen involvement in the planning process An increasing desire on the part of the public to have more control over the environment in which they li v e i s raising demands for a more decentralized decision-making structure. These de-mands mean a change in the power structure. Information has become the source of power and control. If citizens are to be involved e-qually in decisions, i t means they must have freer access to the re-ception and distribution of information - especially i n the mass media. Television as a medium has the capacity to deeply i n -volve people and to transmit a large volume of information. In Canada, the content of broadcast television i s controlled by the government agen-cy, the CBC, and private broadcasters. Financial interests (advertisers and stockholders) can exert strong influence on programme content. A scarcity of broadcast channels and very expensive and complicated equip-ment restri c t access to broadcast television. Cable television offers a solution. It has a potential capacity of eighty-two channels; i t does not require as sophisticated equip-ment; and the Canadian Radio-Television Commission requires the cable sys-tem operator to provide a community channel. Free access by citizens to i i a cable channel for expression and information i s the basis of community television. Several cases, in which media access and citizen influence over decisions were improved, were examined. The Fogo Island project exhibited the power of film to help a community to formulate i t s goals and define solutions to i t s pro-blems. The Drumheller project used video-tape, instead of film, to the same ends. In both these projects the citizens controlled the content of the "programmes". The Barrie experiment used two electronic media (television and telephone) for dialogue. The content of the programme was determined by a community committee. The Richmond project used electronic dialogue but the content was greatly influenced by a technical panel. The experiment in the West End was designed to spur discussion of the future of that area, to interest some residents in the use of video and cable television for expression of their attitudes about West End l i f e and some directions for development. On a small scale the experiment was successful; the extension over a longer period of time w i l l determine i t s f i n a l outcome. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 Introduction, 1. CHAPTER 2 CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT WHY & HOW 5 2.1 Citizen Involvement - Why?, 6. 2.1.1 Changes i n Society, 11. 2.2 Citizen Involvement - How?, 14. 2.2.1 The Importance of Information, 14. 2.2.2 Roles, 20. 2.3 Definitions, 23. CHAPTER 3 TELEVISION IN TODAY'S SOCIETY 24 3.1 Communication and Electronics, 24. 3.2 Television - An Involving Medium, 26. 3.3 The Television Broadcast Industry, 34. 3.3.1 Technical Limitations, 37. 3.3.2 Economic Constraints, 38. 3.3.3 The Mass Audience, 43. CHAPTER 4 CABLE TELEVISION AND COMMUNITY ACCESS 46 4.1 Technical Basics, 46. 4.2 Potential of Cable Television, 51. 4.3 Community Programming, 53. 4.4 Control of Cable Television Content, 57. Community Television, 58. CHAPTER 5 POSTULATES, OBJECTIVE METHODOLOGY 59. 5.1 Objective, 60. 5.2 Methodology, 60. iv CHAPTER 6 6.1 Challenge for Change, 63. 6.2 Case I: Fogo Island, Newfoundland, 65. CASE STUDIES AND THE 6.2.1 The Community, 65. 6.2.2 The Medium, 66. WEST END EXPERIMENT 6.2.3 The Results, 68. 6.3 Case II: Drumheller, Alberta, 69. 63 6.3.1 The Community, 69. 6.3.2 The Medium, 70. 6.3.3 The Results, 71. 6.4 Case III: Barrie, Ontario, 72. 6.4.1 The Community, 72. 6.4.2 The Medium, 73. 6.4.3 The Results, 74. 6.5 Case IV: Richmond, British Columbia, 74. 6.5.1 The Community, 74. 6.5.2 The Medium, 75. 6.5.3 The Results, 76. 6.6 Evaluation of Cases, 76. 6.6.1 Fogo Island, and the Planning Process, 76. 6.6.2 Drumheller, and the Planning Process, 77. 6.6.3 Barrie, and the Planning Process, 78. 6.6.4 Richmond, and the Planning Process, 78. 6.7 The West End Experiment, 79. 6.7.1 Metro Media, 79. 6.7.2 The Community, 80. 6.7.3 The Medium, 85. 6.7.4 The Results, 90. 6.7.5 The West End, and the Planning Process, 90. CHAPTER 7 7.1 Community Television, 92. 7.2 The Planning Process, 96. CONCLUSIONS AND DIRECTIONS 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY 100 APPENDIX 105 CHAPTER 1 Introduction This research began with an investigation of the information gap between planners and citizens and the search for a possible technique for closing that gap, partially or completely. Television, the very popular medium "of today, and i t s "newer model", cable television, were recognized as having an exciting potential for closing that information gap and including the public in decisions. To establish a framework within which to view the r3le of television, basic assumptions regarding the r&les of the planner and citizen were outlined. The definition of these r&les evolved from an awareness that more people are gaining concern for their environment. They are realizing that decisions are having increasingly wide and complicated consequences which are affecting them and their l i v i n g environment. This leads to increasing demands to know about plans before they are completed. Further, demands are being made for involvement i n the total process - from goal formula-tion, investigation of alternative solutions, to implementation - i n a democratic fashion. Such participation would mean that the power to make decisions would not remain in the hands of a small e l i t e . Instead, more control by the citizens at the neighbourhood level i s being proposed by many politicians and community groups as an effec-tive redistribution of decision-making power. 2. One of the major barriers to citizen participation in planning i s simply learning what is being devised. Proposed deve-lopments are seldom discussed publicly before they are "announced" and reports are often extraordinarily expensive or limited in distribution. When people do have complaints or suggestions, they often find methods of expression d i f f i c u l t , ineffective, or non-existent. The communica-tion process with i t s two-way flow of "information" does not operate. If only a few people know what plans or programmes are being drawn up, only they have the a b i l i t y to make decisions. The regulation of infor-mation has become a key source of control and power in today's society. If the public is to participate in decision-making, i t should have free access to information sources, especially the mass media - newspapers, radio and television. With citizens taking a more active role, the plan-ner would take the rOle of a resource person. He would provide infor-mation about alternative plans and programmes and consequences to the public. The flow of information should be a two-way flow - from the politicians and bureaucrats to the public and from the people to the decision-makers. This would mean planners would encourage expression of opinions and ideas by the public and those expressions would be considered in the plans and programmes. A two-way information flow would also mean the public would have easy access to the transmitting (or publishing) end of the mass media. If the media not only carried local "news" but also permitted various local views and ideas to be voiced, the people would gain more information, would have more input into the decision process and assume more understanding of and responsibility for decisions. The presentation of issues by themselves i f in terms they can comprehend w i l l raise people's awareness of themselves and their community. "Techniques of communications such as community newsletters in various languages and especially a form of community television and radio can be particularly useful in creating an involved group of citizens. It i s often forgotten by those c r i t i c a l of efforts to develop citizen involvement, that we have in the society a number of constraints that inhibit involvement. One of these is a communications system that does not specialize or translate issues and ideas into local neighbourhood terms. People know more about the black revolt in American inner cit i e s than they do about conditions i n their own immediate area. It is not surprising, therefore, that there appears to be limited interest in neighbour-hood a f f a i r s . " * The present structure of the media - newspapers, radio, television - does not allow the views of the public to be heard unless they are "newsworthy". Students, the poor, and native peoples resort to r a l l i e s , marches, or more violent protests to attract the attention of the media and obtain their right to be heard. Material (news or entertainment) broadcast on commercial television must appeal Lloyd Axworthy and Ralph Kuropatwa, An Experiment in Community Renewal Observations and proposals arising from a demonstration project in Winnipeg; for presentation to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian P o l i -t i c a l Science Association, St. John's, Newfoundland, June 19, 1971, p. 4. to a mass audience; the advertisers are paying high rates to reach as many people as possible. Public access to broadcast television i s not only restricted by the financial interests of sponsors and broadcasters but also by the expense and sophistication of the equipment and a small number of available channels due to e l e c t r i c a l interference from adja-cent channels. Cable television can remove those barriers to tele-vision. Existing technology makes i t possible for eighty-two channels to be carried. Simplified, inexpensive video-tape equipment of a qua-l i t y suitable for transmission is available for use by "amateurs". The Canadian Radio-Television Commission requires each cable system licensee to provide a community channel, i f he intends to transmit non-Canadian stations, and encourages programming that i s planned and produced by the community. Improved access to television i s thus technically possible and stimulated by regulations. To discover how a neighbourhood or community tele-vision f a c i l i t y could affect or effect involvement by more people i n decision-making, several experimental communications projects were re-viewed. These projects has used media to aid discussion of community goals, alternatives, and implementation of a solution. The approaches used in those cases guided the formulation of an approach to a neigh-bourhood television experiment in the West End apartment d i s t r i c t of Vancouver. The relation between cable television and citizen involvement i n the planning (decision) process i s outlined: (i) The power to make decisions and draw plans i s concentrated in the hands of an e l i t e . ( i i ) Citizen demands for dispersal of that power are growing. ( i i i ) Citizens have l i t t l e access to information reception or trans-mission. (iv) Information control i s the source of power today. (v) Information dissemination i s concentrated in the hands of an e l i t e (often the same as ( i ) ) . (vi) The abundance of cable television channels can reduce the con-centration of information transmission. (vii) Citizens can express their biases and exchange information. ( v i i i ) Open expression can create understanding and a sense of com-munity. (ix) Citizens have more power to influence decisions, through infor-mation access and strength of community. (x) Planner takes a resource-advisory role. CHAPTER 2 Involvement - Why & How The i n t e n t i o n of t h i s chapter i s to define two of the key terms used i n t h i s thesis - " c i t i z e n involvement" and "plan-ning process". The expression "community t e l e v i s i o n " w i l l be discussed l a t e r i n r e l a t i o n to these terms. A d e s c r i p t i o n of the roles of the p u b l i c and plan-ners i n the decision-making process presents ample opportunity for argument or complete disagreement and r e j e c t i o n . Such c o n f l i c t sug-gests d i f f e r i n g ideas of the p o l i t i c a l and power processes, the na-ture of s o c i e t y , and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between people and t h e i r en-vironment. One's version of the r o l e of the c i t i z e n i s deeply i n t e r -twined with one's i d e o l o g i c a l approach to who should have the power to make decisions i n a v a s t l y complex urban nation, and the e f f e c t s of these decision-makers on the d i r e c t i o n (or lack of d i r e c t i o n ) of Canadian s o c i e t y , and with one's understanding of the influence on i n d i v i d u a l s of rapid, uncontrollable changes i n t h e i r environment. The planning process cannot, or should not, be separated from p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l processes; "... i t would be more correct to say that par-t i c i p a t i o n i s an issue of p o l i t i c a l science and not planning at a l l ... It i s i n e f f e c t part of 'one of the oldest and hardiest arguments i n t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l theory; how should the subject be guaranteed 7. against the state" 1*. It i s not the purpose of this chapter, nor of this thesis, to enter a lengthy p o l i t i c a l argument or a defence of the posi-tion taken herein. Instead, a discussion of the roles that have been offered to the public,, in relation to the role i t demands, w i l l be undertaken. 2.1 Citizen Involvement - Why? "Citizens' participation is not an end in i t s e l f . In the f i n a l analysis, i t must be evaluated on two levels. F i r s t , citizens' participation is concerned with social change and must be evaluated in terms of i t s accomplishments in this area. Se-cond, citizens' participation must be evaluated i n terms of i t s a b i l i t y to recapture the s p i r i t of participatory democracy of community involvement. It must enable the citizen to involve himself meaningfully in his society, making his voice and as-pirations heard and understood in community decision-making. Much has been achieved in both areas; the future of human so-ciety may require that the entire community become involved in 2 this process." ^ Brian J. Styles, "Public Participation - a reconsideration", Jour-nal of the Town Planning Institute, Vol. 57, no. 4, April 1971, p. 163. Wilson A. Head, "The Ideology and Practice of Citizen Participation", Citizen Participation: Canada, James A. Draper, editor, 1971, pp. 28-29. 8. The theme of participatory democracy surfaced in the early 1960's. In United States ci t i e s in particular, i t led community, ethnic, r a c i a l and students groups through discussions, confrontations, and generally frustrating experiences with bureaucracies. The urban renewal and freeway construction techniques of "slum clearance" provided the main foci for demands for a voice in decision-making. Appleby attributes the growth of citizen participa-tion to several factors (described for American society although Cana-3 dian society i s considered similar in many respects): the size of the c i t i e s and the land being consumed by them; bureaucracies, with volumes of rules and regulations, that were resistent to change; the intolerable lag between the perception of needs by a minority and a p o l i t i c a l decision to act at the expense of the majority; disagree-ment over p r i o r i t i e s in allocating funds to support the military and s c i e n t i f i c ventures instead of to social programmes; the c i v i l rights movement; the feelings of disruption and uncertainty especially regarding large-scale urban renewal; and the increasing receptiveness of the federal government to citizen participation. It i s postulated that citizens' groups desire to have more direct say in the changes occurring in their city and es-pecially in their immediate neighbourhood. The problem people faced was that decisions, which affected their lives, were being made by Thomas Appleby, "Citizen Participation in the 70's: The Need to Turn to P o l i t i c s " , City, Vol. 5, no. 3, May/June, 1971, p. 52. 9. the small elected e l i t e and also by unelected personnel i n planning departments and executives of large corporations or real estate firms, with l i t t l e or no attention paid to their ideas and feelings. An assumption basic to the ideology of participatory democracy is "that the ordinary citizen possesses the right to 'participate' i n the decisions which affect his l i f e " or "people should be able to say what sort of community they want and how i t should develop""'. Participa-tion i s said to allow the development of individual talents and per-sonalities^ which, i n an organized group, represents a largely untapped source of energy and a b i l i t y . Opposing this cla s s i c a l concept of demo-cracy is the e l i t i s t concept that holds that decisions must be made by the few elected representatives^. It is a compromise between these two concepts - more citizen voice but retention of efficiency - that most groups seek. The demand for participation began amongst the poor or minority groups but is no longer a class movement. The upper-middle class residents of the South-West Marine Drive area of Vancouver recently complained about a housing development proposed for their own area with l i t t l e notice of i t s inception, let alone neighbourhood involve-g ment i n the planning . ^ Wilson A. Head, op.cit., p. 18. ~* Brian J. Styles, op.cit., p. 18. ^ Ibid., p. 163. ^ Ibid., p. 164. 8 Hall Leiren, " The Experts Out-Gun Joe Citizen", The Sun, November 9, 1971, p. 6. "The dilemma of participation increasingly faces a l l classes in society ... there are four causes contributing to this situation: "(1) The economy is expanding and changing rapidly in ways that benefit some and not others. "(2) There are great mobility opportunities for some i n the social structure. "(3) There are emerging values that reject tradi-tional means of social control. "(4) The expansion of government intervention i n the economic and social l i f e of the nation increases the stakes Q of participation." More segments of society are becoming involved. Some citizens' groups seek more services, better programmes, and im-proved policies while others have realized that those improvements cannot be gained without a change in the basic structure of how de-cisions are made, an alteration i n the framework of representative government, and a change in power relationships in society. "If there is an element common to a l l , i t i s to regain a degree of self-rule and self-control over the decisions that affect their l i f e - s t y l e s and l i f e chances."^ ^ Michael Clague, "Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process", Citizen Participation: Canada, James A. Draper, editor, 1971, p. 31. L^ Lloyd Axworthy and Ralph Kuropatwa, An Experiment in Community Re-newal: Observations and Proposals arising from a demonstration pro-ject in Winnipeg; for presentation to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Association, St. John's, Newfoundland, June 9, 1971, p. 14. 11. These latter people visualize a democracy closer to the classical con-cept than to the e l i t i s t concept. 2.1.1 Changes in Society We return to the f i r s t method of evaluation of c i t i -zen involvement - the accomplishments in achieving social change. The demand for a participatory democracy implies changes in the way deci-sions are made. The degree of influence over decisions that an i n d i -vidual or group has is determined by the power i t has obtained through wealth, education, and information. Implicit in democracy, too, i s equality: "... citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen power. It is the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the p o l i t i c a l and economic processes, to be deliberately included i n the future. It is the strategy by which the have-nots join i n determining how informa-tion i s shared, goals and policies are set, tax resources a l l o -cated, programmes are operated, and benefits like contracts and patronages are parcelled out. In short, i t is the means by which they can induce significant social reform which enables them to share in the benefits of the affluent society ... participation without redistribution of power is an empty and frustrating pro-cess for the powerless. It allows the powerholders to claim that a l l sides were considered, but i t makes i t possible for only some of those sides to benefit. It maintains the status y 1 "Government ac t i v i t i e s have been growing rapidly in scale and scope. A l l Canadians are becoming increasingly aware of the impact of government decisions - federal, provincial, and municipal - on their daily lives. Along with the awareness has come a spreading recognition that government decisions now have greater consequences for good or i l l than was true in ear-12 l i e r days when governments played much more limited roles." From the pervasiveness of this expanded r&le of government has sprung the c a l l to have more representation of citizens' interests in the 13 decisions of the ruling e l i t e , by diffusing their power through 14 continual scrutiny , and, in the case of local government, by de-centralizing the structure*"*. The smaller government unit, for example, a system of neighbourhood wards, would require politicians to be more aware of community problems, and neighbourhood residents would have specific representatives to observe and consult. A citizen would no longer feel the politicians and the decision pro-cess are inaccessible and would be encouraged to participate in ^ Sherry R. Arnstein, "A Ladder of Citizen Participation in the U.S.A.", Journal of the Town Planning Institute, A p r i l , 1971, Vol. 57, no. 4, p. 176. 12 Economic Council of Canada, Eighth Annual Review: Design for Deci-sion Making, An Application to Human Resource Policies, September 1971, p. 1. 13 Brian J. Styles, op.cit., p. 164. Ibid., p. 164. William Hampton, " L i t t l e Men in Big Societies", Journal of the Town Planning Institute, Vol. 57, no. 4, April 1971, pp. 168-170. the administration of neighbourhood a f f a i r s , destroying the myth of public apathy. "The success of an e l i t i s t democracy rests upon striking a ba-lance between the responsiveness and accountability of the few to the many, and the a b i l i t y of the few to get on and make de-cisions. The current concern about participation arises from a feeling that the balance has swung too far i n the direction of decision-making and away from responsiveness."^ The main objective of citizen involvement in a de-mocracy i s to achieve equality, or rather "equal power to make de-c i s i o n s " ^ concerning one's social and physical environment. To be effective, participation w i l l require adjustments in attitudes and in the p o l i t i c a l and administrative systems. "... participation i s not just a planning exercise, but an issue that i s integral to the nature of society. Participation i n planning is therefore a microcosm of the wider involvement of people i n the decisions that effect them is a l l walks of l i f e . It would appear, therefore, that the degree of success that planners achieve in involving people i n the planning decision process, w i l l be conditioned by events in society as a whole, as much as by the techniques and resources that they have at their d i s p o s a l . " ^ Brian J. Styles, William Hampton, Brian J. Styles, op.cit., p. 164. op.cit., p. 166. op.cit., p. 167. 14. For the public to become involved in decisions, a change in the power structure is necessary, requiring many far-reaching changes in society. Many deeply entrenched attitudes must be reassessed and the processes of legislation and administration must be more susceptible to innovation and change. The more open the legislative process is to the expression of citizens' opinions in new and varying ways, the more i t is l i k e l y to meet the current needs of the people. 2.2 Citizen Involvement - How? 2.2.1 The Importance of Information The information available to people and the methods by which i t i s made available, is an important factor i n determining what people learn and the depth and orientation of their understanding. Thus, the control of access to information and the media for i t s dis-tribution i s a significant source of power in today's society. Johnson recognized this i n his discussion of the broadcast industry: "Within any paper-shuffling bureaucracy (corporate or government) power lie s with he who controls the key to the f i l i n g cabinet. To make information that is now someone's personal domain easily accessible threatens his status and prestige - perhaps the jus-19 t i f i c a t i o n for his job." Nicholas Johnson, How To Talk Back to Your Television Set, L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1970, p. 141. "As former (U.S.) Secretary of Defence McNamara demonstrated at the Defence Department, the 'management information system' lies at the heart of management's power over any large organi-zation today. If access to that information is diffused, so is .,20 power. It i s this importance of information and the amount of public access to information that influences participation. It i s postulated that the roles of the p o l i t i c i a n , the planner, and the citizen must change i f effective participation is to take place. Until recently plans have been drawn up for people instead of with them. The planner, p o l i t i c i a n , or developer devised schemes by themselves u n t i l announcement of impending construction or of a zoning change. Confrontations or negotiations with citizens then took place at this stage. One of the main problems was (and is) the lack of communication with, or transmission of information to, the public u n t i l the f i n a l phases. This lack was sometimes deliberate due to a departmental system of classifying documents, but more often i t was simply a reluctance to make i t public, or a reluctance to admit that the public would want or could use such information. Often documents 21 were very expensive, making them inaccessible to many people . The public has been accused of apathy, but, in addition to feeling that the decision-makers were inaccessible, the ordinary citizen has been 20 Nicholas Johnson, op.cit., p. 142. 21 The report on the Third Crossing of Burrard Inlet was not for sale to the public. 16. given only limited access to information. The Institute of Urban Studies at the University of Winnipeg co-ordinated an experimental community renewal project in a d i s t r i c t of Winnipeg. The research was designed to define some basic principles for effective urban renewal that involved the local residents. "As work on the demonstration project showed the provision of information, delivered i n ways that can be received and assi-milated by residents is necessary for citizen participants. 22 Apathy is not a problem i f people are informed." "At present, public involvememt in policy-making suffers under a large handicap. By and large, the general public does not know, even after the fact, the arguments and evaluations on which public decisions are based. Public comment, which cannot be based on information and analysis, may be ill-informed and irrelevant. At worst, i t may be a dangerous advocacy of simplis-23 t i c solutions to complex human problems." The practice of planners, and other agencies, should be to communicate to those directly effected by proposed and existing Lloyd Axworthy and Ralph Kuropatwa, op.cit., p. 31. Economic Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 85. 17. plans and programmes, and to the general public, the rationale for the decision made and the policies, rules and regulations involved. "One of the central requirements for developing a well-informed electorate i s that there must be an increasing willingness and competence on the part of o f f i c i a l s and politicians to discuss 2 A basic policy issues in the public arena." The information gap was also noted by Hellyer's Task Force: "In order to ensure that Canadians and their governments have access to as much information as possible on housing and urban development, the Task Force recommends that: A new department of Housing and Urban Affairs should give early priority to the creation of a central information bank to collect, organize, and disseminate available data on these subjects to other govern-25 ment agencies, and Canadians generally." In analysing the flow of information about federal government programmes, and the reverse flow of the public's needs and desires to a l l levels of government, the Science Council of Canada found that "... a l l those people who have deepest need for the services of the federal government are exactly those people who are least l i k e l y 26 to know anything at a l l about these same services." The Council also Economic Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 85. 25 Government of Canada, Report on the Federal Task Force of Housing and Urban Development, Paul T. Hellyer, Minister of Transport, January, 1969, p. 75. Government of Canada, Science Council of Canada, Report No. 14: Cities for Tomorrow, Some Applications of Science and Technology to Urban Development, Information Canada, Ottawa, September 1971, p. 58. stated: "The fact remains, however, that the need for an integrated system for social communication is as essential and urgent as the need for a joint attack on many more obvious problems. The public as the consumer of necessary information cannot be ex-pected to wander about a congeries of offices to seek out avai-27 lable information v i t a l to i t s every day needs." In the planning context, then, the planner should be aware of the types of information the public wants, should be aware of the people's needs and desires, and should encourage communication in both direc-tions . The flow of information should not be one-way. Ideas, feelings, and reactions from community residents should be encouraged to enable refinement of plans and programmes. Ways of gathering citizens' contributions and of understanding and using the informa-tion must be devised by decision-makers. The citizens then have a direct input into the drawing up of plans and policies; the decision-makers have a better understanding of their "clients" and more c r i -teria on which to make a "rational" decision. "The communication process pertaining to specific information should be a two-way process. Not only should governments inform the public, but equally important the citizen should be offered ample opportunity and indeed, should be actively encouraged, to express their reactions to the services offered them. Therefore, Government of Canada, Science Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 59. 19. 28 a feed-back mechanism should be b u i l t into the process." "The minimum responsibility of the public authorities i n the area of participation by citizens i s to furnish them not only with good information and services that meet their needs but also with an input structure that encourages participation 29 in a l l i t s forms." It w i l l be necessary to maintain the two-way commu-nication throughout the planning process, i f citizens are to be i n -cluded i n a l l phases, not just the f i n a l phase. "A wider dissemination of information and knowledge about public policy issues should provide for: a discussion of policy objec-tives, and alternate strategies at the time policies are announced; and subsequent periodic reports on the progress of operating ,,30 programmes. It i s postulated that information has a definite function in maintaining effective citizen involvement. The closing of the information gap through new policies for dissemination and new techniques and technologies of communication is another major change required of society. Government of Canada, Science Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 59. Ibid., p. 61. Economic Council of Canada, op.cit., p. 85. 20. 2.2.2 Roles What roles w i l l be played, in the changed society, by the citizens, the planners and the politicians? Citizens have moved through various r6les depending on the local attitudes and their own levels of awareness and wi l l i n g -ness and capability to express their demands. Not a l l groups exper-ienced every r6 le and not a l l groups have advanced to positions of greater power. The role of the citizen groups can be viewed i n five 31 basic ways: 1) "The total e l i t i s t view ... assumes that citizens should accept the decisions of professional experts and elected represen-tatives". This i s the form of "nonparticipation" used for so long and which received the brunt of the i n i t i a l confrontations. Its forms are the public meeting and press release for "announcement" of plans 32 33 ("informing" ), advisory boards to "educate" ("manipulation" ) and local groups to "adjust their values" ("therapy"). This view of citizen involvement does not ressemble participatory democracy. 3* Lloyd Axworthy and Ralph Kuropatwa, op.cit., pp. 14-15. From Robert Aleshire, "Planning and Citizen Involvement", Urban Affairs Quarterly, Vol. 5, no. 4, June 1970, p. 370. 32 Sherry R. Arnstein, op.cit., p. 178. 3 3 Ibid., p. 177. 3 4 Ibid. , p.. 178. 21. 2) "The citizen group has the right to veto decisions, made by the e l i t e . " The citizen group cannot enter discussion to reach a solution but can at least say "no". 3) "The citizen should have his needs analyzed, surveyed, and maybe even listened to." This view reduces the citizen to " s t a t i s t i c a l 35 abstractions and gives no assurance that citizen ideas w i l l be fixed into the analysis. 4) "The citizen should be consulted ... where options are pre-sented and groups asked for advisory opinions." The citizen groups, in this view, have some influence, at least a voice, in the decisions -"placation" 3 6. 5) "The citizen group has the right to make decisions, even i f they are wrong." Power i s given to the people in neighbourhoods through negotiated partnership, delegation to a neighbourhood planning corpo-37 ration which has f i n a l veto or complete control By having such a neighbourhood system, the physical and social environments would be planned on the basis of the know-ledge and understanding of the residents. "If people are involved in deciding on the process, they have, the chance to f i t programmes to need and the result can be better urban programmes. It is really a variation of the old Aristo-telian formula that only those who wear the shoes know when they 35 Sherry R. Arnstein, op.cit., p. 178. 3 6 Ibid., p. 179. 3 7 Ibid., p. 180. don't f i t . " The citizens of an area should be involved in a l l stages of a "planning process which i s suited to the p o l i t i c a l frame-work of a democratic society: problem identification, goal formula-tion, survey and analysis, design of a plan, plan implementation, 39 evaluation and reorientation." Wheeler agrees with this notion, "Required i s not merely the acquiescence of local residents, but also their active involvement i n the planning process from the beginning"^ Long term success of a plan or programme w i l l be more li k e l y i f the change i s generated from within the community. The planner's r&le becomes that of a technical ad-visor to neighbourhood groups and councils and that of an information source and distributor. He w i l l bridge the information gap. The politician's role remains that of the decision-maker who is responsible to the people of the neighbourhood. The decentralized government gives citizens more direct say and interest in the shape of the place they live i n . The feeling of "you can't fight City Hall" would be decreased or eliminated. Lloyd Axworthy and Ralph Kuropatwa, op.cit., pp. 20-22. D.W.P. Barcham, Community Development: An Integral Technique in the Process of Community Planning', Thesis for M.A. in Community and Re-gional Planning, University of British Columbia, 1968. Michael Wheeler (editor), The Right to Housing, from the Background Pap and Proceedings of the Firs t "Canadian Conference on Housing", Toronto, October, 1966, p. 328. 23. 2.3 Definitions Citizen Involvement = influence in and control over a l l plans and programmes Planning Process = decision process i n society Planner . = resource person 24. CHAPTER 3 Television in Today's Society 3.1 Communications and Electronics The communication system, the cybernetic process -information dispersal, feedback and regeneration - described in Chap-ter 2 was postulated as being essential for effective citizen involve-ment. By increasing communications - intra-neighbourhood, inter-neigh-bourhood, community-government, and between a l l levels of government -the c r i t e r i a upon which decisions are made w i l l change. "Every communicator is' an agent of change. Some of us are more successful at this than others. If you can grasp the sig-nificance of everyone and everything reaching out to change and be changed by everyone and everything else, you w i l l have some understanding of what is meant by a dynamic school, culture or socxety. "Communication is never an end in i t s e l f ; i t i s a means. The end product of communication is the control over some aspect or aspects of the environment ... Every message, every statement of fact, regardless of i t s mode of expression i s a statement of James J. Thompson, Instructional Communication, American Book Company, 1969, pp. 15-16. 2 5 . your biases and an attempt on your part to influence and thus control in some way the behaviour of other people, things, and events. There is nothing sinister or insidious about this; i t i s the reason for communication. The burgeoning electronic communications (television, colour television, cable television, computers, Telex, TWX, s a t e l l i t e s and laser) technology w i l l have a tremendous effect on the patterns of growth and relationships among people and between people and their environment. In referring to the services that would be provided by broad-band communications networks in the late 1970 's and early 1980's the Industrial Electronics Division of the Electronics Industry Asso-ciation stated: "We look upon such systems as being of 'national resource' dimensions and the development of these resources as a national goal. ... The mushrooming growth in available information is bringing about a revolution in communications which w i l l produce a profound change 3 in the way society is structured and in the way we l i v e . " Television presents information, that is both audi-tory and visual, in a unique manner. That presentation gives television as yet inestimable power. "... television has accelerated the rate of communication at many very different levels of discourse. There can be not the least doubt that television can become the most important of James J. Thompson, op.cit., p. 1 5 . Ralph Lee Smith, "The Wired Nation", The Nation, May 1 8 , 1970, Vol. 2 1 0 , no. 1 9 , special issue, p. 6 0 2 . 26. a l l agencies of social change" . Herein w i l l be considered the influences of television in society. The promise of i t s characteristics as a medium for the communication of information - feelings, sights, and sounds - i s tele-vision's forte. The success of the broadcasting industry i n f u l f i l l i n g television's potential has been limited by factors external to the medium i t s e l f - limited channels, high cost of equipment, the financial struc-ture, and the treatment of the audience as a mass. 3.2 Television - An Involving Medium Each medium (print, radio, film, television, etc.) has some effect on the senses that are unique to i t s e l f . The message interpreted by the receiver i s determined by his past experiences and the responses of his senses to the communication. The medium used thus influences the message received. As television is understood more, i t s characteristic strength for transmission of messages i n an under-standable way is realized more. "Using the word education in i t s original non-formal sense, educare, to nourish' and to cause to grow, television potentially constitutes the greatest educational medium of a l l time. By i t s ^ Ashley Montagu, "Television and the New Image of Man", The Eighth Art, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, 1962, pp. 127-128. very nature television enjoys, as no other medium ever has, an unprecedented opportunity to be a power for good in this world, for the enrichment of the lives of men and the enlargement of the concept of mankind.""* Marshall McLuhan is famous, and infamous to many people, for his insights into man's sensorial responses to his environ-ment and the effects of communications media and technological advances of man. He expounds a theory that the personal and group relationships in society are affected to a large degree by the dominant methods of communication. Pre-literate man used audible tools, eg. voice, drum -to communicate and his relationships were close. Literate man was visual, converting messages to symbols - words, diagrams - to be traced by the eye; his relationships were more introverted and detached. "Before the alphabet, ordinary society was profoundly involved in i t s experiences. Auditory man i s always involved, he is never detached. He has no objectivity. The only sense of our many senses that gives us detachment, noninvolvement, and ob-j e c t i v i t y i s the visual sense. Touch is profoundly involving; so are movement, taste and hearing. A l l of these senses have been given back to use by electronic technology. Man is becoming 6 once more deeply involved with everybody." Visual man has to translate "sight" verbally because there was no means Ashley Montagu, op.cit., p. 130. Marshall McLuhan, "Television in a New Light", The Meaning of Com-mercial Television, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 94-95. 28. for one person to see exactly what another was seeing. Television carries the same image to millions of people^. The type of medium used to transmit information de-termines the interpretation and the degree of understanding of the receiver. Media "shape the message in their own image. ... The infor-mation conveyed by the printed word is not the same kind of infor-mation transmitted by a movie. The two media d i f f e r , and their difference lies in what happens to information when i t is com-mitted to one or the other. Every medium exerts i t s influence -i t s own peculiarities - on the message and, i n this sense, becomes g a part of the message." McLuhan and his researchers i n Toronto conducted an experiment to test the effects of different media. Four randomized groups of university students were given the same information, at the same time, about the structure of preliterate languages, by radio, television, a lecture, and reading. The production on each medium was kept simple and basic. A short quiz was administered afterward to discover how much was re-tained. The television and radio groups did much better than the lec-ture and print groups; the television group did considerably better than the radio group. The test was done again with the f u l l capa-b i l i t i e s for emphasis and dramatization applied to each of the four media. The television and radio groups again were higher than the Caleb Gattegno, Towards a Visual Culture: Educating Through Television, Outerbridge & Dienstbrey, New York, 1969, pp. 2-3. James J. Thompson, op.cit., p. 12. 29. lecture and print groups but this time the radio group did better than the television group. The reason was that "TV i s a cool, participant medium. When hotted up by dramatization and stingers, i t performs less well because there is less oppor-9 tunity for participation." The nature of the television image is important, es-pecially in comparison to the motion picture image. Film, by i t s che-mistry, produces a very clear definition of information on the screen at the end of the room. The television picture is formed by electrons shooting out to scan the face of the tube, creating points of varying relative brightness, i n a series of horizontal lines. In North America, there are 525 lines that comprise one frame (two interlaced fields of 262.5 lines per 1/30 second) while in Europe the image is more intense, with 625 lines. "The TV image requires each instant that we 'close' the spaces in the mesh by a convulsive sensuous participation that is pro-foundly kinetic and ta c t i l e , because t a c t i l i t y i s the interplay of the senses, rather than the isolated contact of skin and ob-j e c t . " 1 0 The TV image, of lower definition than film, does not provide detailed information about objects but s t i l l has substantial audio-visual ma-t e r i a l . While film i s powerful as a storehouse for information i n an Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media, The Extensions of Man, McGraw-H i l l Book Company, New York, Toronto, London, 1964, p. 311. Ibid., p. 314. 30. accessible form, i t i s surpassed only by audio-tape and videotape The role of television and the effects i t i s having on people, especially children, is an important determinant of the structure under which politicians and planners w i l l be operating in the future. The involving nature of the television image has changed the response to other media and has encouraged more involvement in a l l aspects of l i f e - significantly among the children who have been ex-posed to television from an early age. "Every new medium changes our whole sense of spatial orien-tation. Since television, our kids have moved into the book. They now read five inches away from the book; they try to get inside i t . Television has changed their whole spatial orienta-12 tion to one another and to their world." Because broadcast television strives to reach a mass audience, everyone experiences and participates with everyone and everything else. Electronic technology permits access by everybody, anywhere, to the same information. Canadians thus experience the riots in the ghettos in American c i t i e s , and the bombings in Northern Ireland, and lives of American doctors and private detectives. "Television is a public communication, in which the pictures are living events brought to the viewers either as they are 11 Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Man, The Extensions of Man, p. 291. 1 2 Marshall McLuhan, "Television in a New Light", p. 93. 31. occurring, or as they have occurred, with words and sounds that are the liv i n g r e a l i t i e s , and not merely the counterparts, of those who have uttered or created them. ... Persons and places, events and ideas that he would otherwise have never experienced 1 3 are brought to him to see and hear and contemplate." While a l l media are s t i l l used as sources of infor-mation, television has become the main source and the most trusted 1 4 source i n many countries, including the Soviet Union . Different media are valuable for different kinds of news, data, and expression. The newspaper medium provides conflicting views on issues, especially p o l i t i c a l ones, while television i s more concerned with involvement in depth. The American people's "information on public affairs may s t i l l be gained primarily from newspapers and magazines, but visual images and spoken messages have an immediacy which the printed word lacks, and whatever strong opinions or feelings of urgency people may feel about public ques-tions are l i k e l y to be shaped more by (TV) news broadcasts and documentaries than by news dispatches and editorials. Also, i t is well to remember that television reaches millions of viewers who have no access to the printed page, and these viewers are at an especially formative stage in their lives, for they are „ 1 5 the children who are too young to read. 3 Ashley Montagu, op.cit., pp. 1 2 5 - 1 2 6 . James J. Thompson, op.cit., p. 1 1 1 . David Potter, "Television: the Broad View - The Historical Perspective", The Meaning of Commercial Television, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1 9 6 6 , edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin, p. 5 3 . Television i s not only informative but also, because of i t s require-ment of active participation by the viewer, i t is formative. Viewers tend to indentify with the characters or the values they represent**' and with events and processes that are occurring elsewhere. Confusion is often related between television and rea l i t y . This is partly due to skepticism in the media, derived from abuse, misuse, and frequent misinformation by those who have vested interests and from simulating, truthfully, real situations (such as space flights) with mock-ups*^. Confusion is created i n another way. "If an event i s not on television i t hasn't happened. And i f you or those with whom you can identify - are not on television you don't exist. A Harris p o l l reported i n December 1968 that a sense of alienation was growing among many Americans - principly, i t seems to me, those who are excluded from participation i n television. The right to petition one's government ... has be-come the need to petition one's media - usually television. That is how a citizen helps to change things. That is how he communi-.,18 cates with his fellow citizens. Television i s also creating demands for social Ashley Montagu, op.cit., p. 129. Kyo Izumi, "Some Thoughts About the Environment and Telecommuni-cations", Plan Canada, Vol. 11, no. 1, 1970, p. 33. Nicholas Johnson, How to Talk Back to Your Television Set, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1970, p. 187. 19 change . It emphasizes the contrasts between the l i v i n g conditions of the viewer and the standard of l i v i n g that is considered "real" and com-mon in the TV world, resulting in frustration. By being involved in e-vents while not actually present, awareness and concern are increased but are given no release. More demands are made for a voice in the de-cisions that affect the viewer. It i s possible that electronic innovations can also be an outlet for the expression of opinions and desires. "Traditional channels of response were not structured for the immediate and personal reactions that electronic media provoke. ... (Hot line radio shows) represent an early stage in the pos-s i b i l i t i e s of participation via electronic media. ... P a r t i c i -pation in local decision-making by concerned groups may become a p o l i t i c a l necessity, thereby altering both the process and the 20 product of planning for the c i t y . " More innovations, particularly i n transmission cable technology w i l l allow more electronic input. Television as a means of expression by sight and sound images for other people to share, as an a r t i s t uses paint to express himself and to provoke response, is far more important than television for data transmission. There is the danger than elec-tronics would be used instead of traditional personal relationships. 21 As Izumi warns about telecommunications : 1^  Arnold Wise, "The Impact of Electronic Communications on Metropolitan Form", Ekistics, Vol. 32, no. 188, July, 1971, p. 24. 2 0 Ibid., p. 24. 21 Kyo Izumi, op.cit., p. 33. 34, "... this resource is not to be substituted for the face-to-face dialogue as the industry tends to suggest. It i s to enhance that essential human experience by extending, expanding and focussing our perception in contrasting diversity so that this perception is as 'holi s t i c ' as possible." As a medium, television i s involving. It requires the senses to participate in the building of an image, resulting i n the viewer's becoming involved in the people and events on i t s tube. Involvement i n i t s images induces i n the viewer a desire for deeper involvement i n a l l aspects of his l i f e . "Television i s instant c i v i l i z a t i o n . Its rapid transmission of sight and sound images - probably the two most important modes of human communication - interlaces the world, spurring change 22 that i s already swift, profound, and disorienting." 3.3 The Television Broadcast Industry Television has not been ut i l i z e d to i t s f u l l potential for a r t i s t i c and cultural expression. It has special capacity for crea-tive works; a capacity also for the expression of ideas and feelings by and among the many cultures of Canada. Conditions controlling the de-velopment of broadcasting (radio, then television) as an industry, limited the development of the capabilities of the media. Technical details of James J. Thompson, op.cit., p. 107. 35. transmission, the financial bases of the industry, and treatment of the audience as a mass a l l influenced the direction of growth and content of television. The pioneers in broadcasting (radio) in the 1930's a l l re-cognized i t s powerful social role and considered sponsorship to be of minor importance. However, after World War II, economic considerations 23 became the dominant reason for the choice of programming. Goodman addressed himself to the structure of com-mercial television: "In the arts i n general, whether high art or low art, unless there is some real motive operating, the result i s going to be inauthen-t i c or phony. The trouble with most of the programming i s that i t i s not authentic. The programming does not have as i t s real aim - and I defy the people in 'the industry' to deny this - af-fecting the audience, either to teach them something or to really move them. The programming attempts to hold the audience in order that the commercials can occur. Now that i s not an authentic, intellectual, or a r t i s t i c motive. And given that motive, the result must be that the packaging i s more important than the con-24 tent. And so i t i s . " A l l broadcasters are not unaware of the potential 23 Fred W. Friendly, Due to Circumstances Beyond Our Control, Random House, New York, 1967, pp. 266-267. 2^ Paul Goodman, "Television: the Broad View - The Social Perspective", The Meaning of Commercial Television, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas, Austin, p. 72. of television and the way the industry is presently run. Its early promoters had "dreams of a theatre without walls for instant communi-25 cation, culture for millions and news in depth" . Some contemporary broadcasters occasionally attempt to contribute to the general welfare but the programme becomes a highly-sponsored "spectacular" and i t s value is lost Many "consumers" of commercial television feel that the quality of programming is so poor that television is degenerating and books (the traditional medium) are the only source of culture. "We have become part of a hard-core minority who want no part of television. But by abandoning television we have not only re-linquished our chance to improve i t , but we have deprived our-selves of the opportunity of learning what television is a l l ..27 about." Therefore, not a l l of the blame for the failure of television's development lie s with the people who control the broad-casting industry; a l l citizens must share i t for not demanding improve-ment . "Broadcasting is something in between a public u t i l i t y and purely private enterprise, and because i t is so v i t a l a social force, i t „28 cannot be permitted to d r i f t on i t s decaying course. Fred W. Friendly, op.cit., p. 273. Ashley Montagu, op.cit., p. 131. James J, Thompson, op.cit., p. 110. Fred W. Friendly, op.cit., p. 238. 37. 3.3.1 Technical Limitations There are several technical factors that have led to the domination of the industry by the networks and wealthy entrepre-neurs. F i r s t , the electromagnetic spectrum limits the channels sui-table for broadcast television. The very-high frequency channels (VHF) (Channels 2-6, FM radio band,-and Channels 7-13) are the most fre-quently used because they offer good definition of picture. However, a VHF channel must have a vacant channel on either side of i t to avoid e l e c t r i c a l interference with another VHF station i n the area. The FM radio band provides this gap between Channels 6 and 7. The number of channels that are suitable and usuable in one area is therefore quite limited. The ultra-high frequency channels (UHF) (Channels 14 - 83) offer additional space but are of lower power and definition than VHF channels. There i s presently only one UHF channel in Canada, the educational television Channel 19 i n Toronto. For reception of UHF channels, the purchase of a converter for home television sets i s re-quired. Secondly, the capital investment for equipment, such as came-ras, studio lighting and design, control room equipment, and transmission tower and equipment, is enormous - limiting television broadcasting to those with strong financial support. Thirdly, when the Canadian Radio-Television Commission grants a licence, i t prescribes the limits of the area of broadcast of a station. It thus controls the number of stations that have access to an area. 38. 3.3.2 Economic Constraints Possibly the greatest force determining what the public sees and hears i s the programme sponsors. Radio broadcasting was i n i -t i a l l y financed by the sale of radio receiver sets. Some sponsors with short advertisements were accepted as radio dwindled. "At the outset the prospect that advertising might become the financial mainstay of the broadcasting industry was but dimly 29 perceived, and was often rejected insofar as i t was perceived." The post World War II economic boom and growth of television provided expanding companies that were eager to advertise new products and entrepreneurs seeking financial sources for the investment in television equipment. "This conjunction of advertising and programming is one of the decisive h i s t o r i c a l factors which have shaped the character of ... , i - • ..30 televxsion. The rate an advertiser would be willing to pay was determined by the size of the market he could reach - affected by the time of day a programme was shown, the number of people estimated to be watching i t , and the number of stations carrying i t . The popularity p o l l ratings became very inf l u e n t i a l in deciding whether a programme would be seen. "... the makers of depilatories have no special competence for the 29 David Potter, op.cit., p. 58. 3 0 Ibid., p. 60. r6le which history has whimsically assigned to them as arbiters of American entertainment and shapers of policy in the f i e l d of public communications. An old saying affirms that he who pays the piper calls the tune, or as an historian would state i t , no power exceeds the power of the purse. The purse for the pro-grammes which divert the American people is held by parties who care nothing about the diversion for i t s own sake, but care a great deal about whether the diversion can s e l l tobacco, or , . ,,31 aspirin, or cake-mix. The finances of individual stations and networks and thus the programming was affected by the ratings through the sup-port and pressure of shareholders. "... a strange formula became the determining factor of what went on the air. The stock market watched the ratings and, in turn, their effect on advertising sales, expected earnings, the amount of news and serious programming (considered poor advertising 32 times) and eventually the price of the stock." Television developed at a time when the public and businessman considered that "the more centralized and bigger the or-ganization, the more efficient the operation and the better the pro-duct" 3 3. The multi-national corporate advertisers and investors and 31 David Potter, op.cit., p. 55. 3 2 Fred W. Friendly, op.cit., pp. 269-270. 33 Paul Goodman, op.cit., p. 69. 40. the national networks thus controlled the types of entertainment and i n -formation reaching the public. "With this increase of centralization and control there has occurred, of course, a counter-Jeffersonian, or anti-Jeffersonian reduction of the multitude to passivity; they have no i n i t i a t i v e or power to make decisions i n most matters of l i f e , except the choice of commodities on the market. Therefore, they degenerate 34 into something called 'masses', with the taste of masses." Broadcasters state that the ratings show what the people want, the mass wants, but i t was the advertisers and shareholders who originally i n -fluenced what reached the viewer. Some people reject programmes as being bad; others do not receive shows that are even worse because the networks are afraid of offending other segments of the population. Di-versity of programming to meet the diverse cultures, diverse interests, and diverse tastes of society is severely restricted. Minow told the National Association of Broadcasters: "We a l l know that people would more often prefer to be entertained than stimulated or informed. But your obligations are not sa t i s -fied i f you look only to popularity as a test of what to broadcast. You are not only in show-business; you are free to communicate ideas as well as relaxation. You must provide a wider range of choices, more diversity, more alternatives. It is not enough to cater 35 to the nation's whims - you must also serve the nation's needs." Paul Goodman, op.cit., p. 69. 35 Newton N. Minow, Equal Time: The Private Broadcaster and The Public Interest, edited by Lawrence Laurent Atheneum, New York, McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, 1964, p. 55. 41. He proceeded to remind the broadcasters of the power of the television medium to involve and influence the viewer and the control over the re-actions of thousands of people that the advertisers and stations have. "What you gentlemen broadcast through the people's air affects the people's taste, their knowledge, their opinions, their understan-ding of themselves and their world. And their future. The same economic forces act on the independent broad-casters who make up the private Canadian network, CTV, and on the public network, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, which as a Crown corporation has a mandate to operate with no financial loss. The Broadcasting Act, 1967-68 tempered the economic influence somewhat by giving the CBC a further mandate: Section 3. "(f) ... a national broadcasting service that is pre-dominantly Canadian in content and character; "(g) the national broadcasting service should "(i) be a balanced service of information, enlightenment and entertainment for people of different ages, interests and tastes covering the whole range of programming in f a i r pro-portion, " ( i i ) be extended to a l l parts of Canada, as public funds be-come available, " ( i i i ) be in English and French, serving the special needs of geographic regions, and actively contributing to the flow and exchange of cultural and regional information and en-Newton N. Minow, op.cit., p. 63. 42. tertainment, and "(iv) contribute to the development of national unity and pro-37 vide for a continuing expression of Canadian identity. This portion of the Act ensures some diversity in programming but i t does not necessarily preclude economic influence. The Act provides another p a r t i a l restriction of exter-nal control by empowering the Canadian Radio-Television Commission (CRTC), in Section 16(b), to make regulations applicable to a l l licences regar-ding the standards and diversity of programmes, the character of adver-tising and amount of advertising time, and standards for partisan p o l i -38 t i c a l broadcasts . However, the actual programme content is determined by the station or network. The decisions as to whose views are to be aired, the nature of the ed i t o r i a l bias on news and information, and the type of entertainment the viewer receives are made by independent entrepreneurs and corporation directors under the influence of advertisers and share-holders . "For this kind of control over the amount of resources there are just too few minds, even i f they were wise and benevolent. It's the nature of our institutions that the wise and benevolent do not rise to the top; the safe rise to the top for obvious reasons." An act to implement a broadcasting policy for Canada (Broadcasting Act, 1967-68), p. 685. 3 8 Ibid., p. 690. 3^ Paul Goodman, op.cit., p. 71. 43. 3.3.3 The Mass Audience By using the popularity ratings to determine pro-gramming, the broadcaster imposes a form of censorship - designed to attract a mass audience in order to attract the mass advertising dol-lar. Such controls may serve the majority interests but they leave large minorities, such as native peoples, the poor, the aged, children, Chinese, Italians, Greeks, without an expression of their interests. By trying to appeal to a mass public, television must accept the standards set by the mass, whether i t i s high or low, and must ignore variations in taste on either side of the standard. By showing only things that are accepted already by the mass public and those things that are bland, controversy i s avoided and some of the worst features 40 of society are confirmed "The industry is afraid to use the medium out i n the world where we can see what's going on, for those programmes might be dull , and untoward things might occur; instead, the programmes must be under control, and live shows are hardly ever made any more."41 The viewing audience, however, is increasingly finding i t s desires unsatisfied by the mass-appeal productions. Tastes seem to be more varied as people become broader in outlook and more ^ Paul Goodman, op.cit., p. 73. 4 1 Ibid., p. 73. 44 . aware, "... a questing awareness, sensitive to values and responsive to excellence" 4 2. Not only variations in taste should be considered but variations in ideas. To receive television coverage of their views, minority groups (students, poor, labour, French-Canadians, Indians, etc.) resort to demonstrations or more drastic tactics. "... we probably ought to be giving more thought to principles of public right of access to television. ... The only public access comes during news programmes and interview shows when, of course, 43 the outsiders are carefully screened." The Broadcasting Act provides the basis for this type of structure: Section 3. "(d) the programming provided by the Canadian broad-casting system should be varied and comprehensive and should pro-vide reasonable, balanced opportunity for the expression of d i f -44 fering views of public concern ..." How frequently do the entertainment and information schedules reflect the interests, tastes, and needs of the immigrants in Toronto, the Chinese in Vancouver, or the Ukranians in Winnipeg? Programmes that are done usually have an external bias, either the producer using his interpre-tation or the sponsor seeking to hold a large audience. Regarding the minorities (and sometimes majorities) in American c i t i e s , Johnson says: "We cannot simply t e l l the story of black and other non-white David Potter, op.cit., p. 6 7 . Nicholas Johnson, op.cit., p. 188. 4 4 An act to implement a broadcasting policy for Canada (Broadcasting Act, 1967-68), pp. 684-685 . 45. Americans better than we have. They have to t e l l i t for themselves. "The media must look to the Negro community to originate i t s own programming, reporting, and editorializing about i t s affairs and the affairs of the nation, and the world. Access by a large number of people to broadcast tele-vision i s limited by the expense and complexity of the equipment and the scarcity of space in the air waves. The current financial structure, that treats the audience as a uniform mass, inhibits diversity and blocks expression by people that may be controversial. However, the desires of the public are changing and what is needed i s a channel of expression. "... television i s responsible for violence to the extent that i t insists upon action from those with legitimate grievances to share with their fellow citizens. People w i l l do whatever is necessary to be heard. What is necessary is what the gatekeepers of our tele-vision channels define i s necessary. Nicholas Johnson, op.cit., p. 110. Ibid., p. 188. 46. Chapter 4 Cable Television and Community Access 4.1 Technical Basics Several technical innovations have created a communi-cations system with a capacity to provide vast amounts of information and the a b i l i t y to allow relatively unskilled people access to the transmitting end of television. Cable television, or community antenna television (CATV), began in Langford, Pennsylvania in 19491 and appeared in Canada 2 in London and Montreal in 1952 . The original purpose of CATV was to provide people in remote towns, or in areas of a city with high inter-ference, with higher quality signals and a large variety of local and distant television stations than they would receive from the a i r . This purpose is s t i l l the main reason viewers are willing to pay a monthly subscription (of $5.00 in Vancouver) in addition to an i n s t a l -lation charge. A cable television system comprises a master antenna (hence the :iame) located on a tower or other elevated site to gather the broadcast signals. Amplifying equipment, at the base of the an-1 Ralph Lee Smith, "The Wired Nation", The Nation, May 18, 1970, Vol. 210, no. 19, special issue, p. 582. Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission. Cable Television in Canada, Information Canada, Ottawa, January 1971. tenna (known as the "head-end") sends the signals along a trunk coaxial cable, through neighbourhood "feeder" cables, and down "drop wires" to individual homes and television sets. The cables are strung on the telephone company's poles or conduits. Amplifiers are spaced along the distribution cables to maintain good quality signals. Therefore, a poor broadcast signal can be improved and transmitted to those willing and able to pay. The component of the system that creates the exciting potential is the coaxial cable. It is made up of a centre copper wire; surrounded by a thick layer of polyethylene foam or other insulating material; that is surrounded by a tubular shield of braided copper wire 3 or a seamless aluminium sheath; then covered by a protective coating . This design allows the coaxial cable to eliminate the inherent problem of broadcast television, e l e c t r i c a l interference from adjacent chan-nels. "When an electric current is introduced into the cable, an elec-tromagnetic interaction takes place between the centre wire and the surrounding sheath. The interaction prevents currents from radiating off the cable. This is the secret of the cable's key characteristic - i t s immense capacity for carrying electronic 4 signals, data and information. Although most cable systems in Canada have been built with only twelve channel capacity"* (because almost a l l television receiver sets are built Ralph Lee Smith, op.cit., p. 584. Ibid., p. 584. Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p.l. with only that capacity), i t is possible with present technology to design systems that could carry a l l VHF channels (2 to 13) and a l l UHF channels (14 to 83). Cable television thus has the potential to end the scarcity of available channels that presently limits access to broadcast television. . A cable television operator has a monopoly in his licence area because the Canadian Radio-Television Commission (CRTC) w i l l not issue licences that w i l l result in overwiring of an area^. The broadcasting policy emphasizes public service which means unin-terrupted service, requiring financial s t a b i l i t y of operators (es-pecially in the case of over-air broadcasters). Before the CRTC be-came the regulatory body, i t was found that a substantial investment was lost i f a second operator could not compete successfully and the construction and maintenance of two cables over the same television routes was inconvenient. The CRTC requires that an operator complete ly "wire" his licence area within the f i r s t licensing period (each period is two years). The CRTC thus implements the portion of the Broadcasting Act that acknowledges "the right of persons to receive programmes"7 by encouraging s t a b i l i t y and providing opportunity of access. To prevent unfair pricing, the Commission must approve the g level of fees charged by a licensee . Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit. p. 37. An Act to implement a broadcasting policy for Canada (Broadcasting Act, ]967-68), p. 684. Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit. p. 37. Cable television has proved very popular in Canada, especially in areas close to American television stations. "In 1970, 27.5 per cent of Canada's 4,000,000 urban households q were linked to cable television systems." Not a l l cable systems are in urban areas. Many are remote and some transport programme material in (such as the system in Whitehorse). Some systems have only a few dozen subscribers while "there is a very large one in Vancouver which is often said to be the largest in the world, with more than 100,000 subscribers"*^ "Proportionately, cable television has developed more ra-pidly in Canada than in the United States. There are in the United States some 2,300 systems in operation with approximately four million subscribers. By comparison, Canada is 1970 had 340 systems with 1,100,000 subscribers. The introduction of cable television in the large American c i t i e s is just beginning. At present, the largest system is in San Diego and has 20 per cent penetration. In the urban centres of British Columbia, Vancouver and Victoria, the penetration i s 65 per cent."** The cable television systems in the Lower Mainland and their licence areas are given in Appendix A. Another technological step that makes the use of tele Government of Canada, Candian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p. 4. 1 0 Ibid., p. 2. 1 1 Ibid., p. 21. 50. vision possible by more people is the miniaturization of cameras, video-tape recorders, and editing equipment. Several manufacturers have ca-meras approximately the size of an eight millimetre camera and por-table recorders that use half-inch video-tapes instead of the broadcast standard one-inch or two-inch tapes. The half-inch equipment is of a high enough standard for cable television. The cost of a camera and recorder i s about $1,500.00, compared to the tens of thousands of dollars for broadcast equipment. Compatible editing equipment can be quite ex-pensive; that made by the Sony Corporation is the least costly - about $700.00. Including some accessories i t is possible to set up a commu-nity f a c i l i t y for approximately $3,000.00. Cable television, with i t s a b i l i t y to carry numerous channels, is reaching most areas of Canadian c i t i e s . For a relatively low cost i t is possible to create programmes of good quality for trans-mission over cable. "Together, then, the elimination of channel scarcity and the sharp reduction of broadcasting cost can break the hold on the na-tion's television fare now exercised by a small commercial oligarchy. Television can become far more flexible, far more democratic, far more diversified in content, and far more responsive to the f u l l range of pressing needs in today's c i t i e s , neighbourhoods, towns, • • ..12 and communities. Ralph Lee Smith, op.cit., p. 584. 51. 4.2 Potential of Cable Television The promise of cable television is to open a new channel of communication and expression to people who have been ex-cluded in the past because they did not have enough money to make a programme or pay for "advertising", because they did not create a sensation to become "news", or because the things they had to say would not appeal to a mass audience. "Programming which would recognize the range within the audience, rather than treating a l l viewers as i f their tastes and interests 13 were indistinguishable, would be a great advance." Besides reaching a variety of audiences, a cable system would be de-signed to reach specific geographical areas (representing social, eco-nomic, or other groups) of a city or the country. A group of welfare recipients could " a i r " their problems and solutions in their own neighbourhood, with the rest of the city, or, with the aid of an even-tual microwave, or s a t e l l i t e , link share them with another part of the country. The CRTC recognizes that the provision of loca l l y -produced programmes can help develop a community identity, contribute to the cultural l i f e by complementing broadcast television, schools and 14 theatres , and foster communication among individuals and community David Potter, "Television: the Broad View - The Historical Perspec-tive", The Meaning of Commercial Television, the Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin and London, p. 67. Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p. 12. 52. groups*"*. Although cable operators and most subscribers consider the major selling point of cable television to be the provision of American programmes, the CRTC places more emphasis on the supplying of Canadian stations, in accordance with the Broadcasting Act, 1967-68, and on a community channel. In i t s announcement of April 1 0 , 1970 , the Com-mission defined the pr i o r i t i e s to be f u l f i l l e d to obtain a licence to 16 operate a cable system : "a) CBC network service b) Canadian private network service (CTV) c) Canadian B contour TV stations d) a channel for community programmes e) the Commission may require reception from additional Canadian stations which have significantly different programme schedules than categories (a) to (c) f) service from one non-Canadian commercial station g) service from one non-Canadian, non-commercial station". Therefore, i f the operator intends to bring in one American channel he must provide a l l the other services (a) to (e) also. Some operators of smaller systems, for economy, define community programming as the exhibition of weather data or stock market information but most provide studio f a c i l i t i e s or tape plug-in f a c i l i -ties for programmes. "It has been estimated that providing a community channel w i l l cost l-> Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p. 1 7 . 1 6 Ibid., pp. 1 8 - 1 9 . 53. at least $20,000.00 a year, although many systems spend much more. "Most systems that have begun community programming are pro-ducing, on the average, about 10 hours a week. They report i n -terest and excitement from their subscribers, although i t is d i f -f i c u l t to estimate just how large the audiences are for community programmes. One system, which went to unusual lengths to ascer-tain i t s audience for such programmes, concluded that about 24 per cent of i t s subscribers watched them."*^ 4.3 Community Programming There are two schools of thought evolving concerning how the public can become involved in television and the decision-making. The f i r s t seeks to use the two-way flow that is possible with the coaxial cable (as in the telephone) and a combination of electronic media. The second seeks more local citizen control of and input to the programme content and bias. The former is very dominant in the thinking of many Americans who are trying to find an effective way to use the Public Broadcasting Service, the cable systems in smaller urban areas, and public affairs programmes on commercial stations. The programming to a large degree is done by a professional staff. The format being used Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p. 29. is the "open line". The programme, whether concerning local government 19 public issues, or education , is presented and the viewer permitted to respond by telephone. The use of electronics for reply is envi-sioned as extending to a two-way cable (the home TV set acting as a ca-mera too) and to an input console in every home. A public television station in Jacksoncille, Florida, has a nightly programme called "Feedback", that reports on news issues by film, videotape and li v e interviews then allows viewers to phone in 20 comments or questions. It draws large audiences Such a format gives people opportunity to air their views and provide feedback to decision-makers. However, the respondent is anonymous, at the end of the telephone line or at the console. Also he is given the opportunity to comment on issues chosen by someone else the professional producer, and not problems that he or his group may define. The second type of community programming - citizen control of content and bias - is more dominant in the thinking- of Cana-dians in the development of cable television. Public participation in television, therefore, means that the community describes i t s e l f . The content would not necessarily have mass appeal but may interest only * 8 John W. Macy, Jr., "Community Uses of Public Television", City, Vol. 5, no. 2, March/April, 1971, p. 24. 19 Stanley A. Garlick, "Improving Urban Communications 1: Electronic Technology's Great Potential", Nation's Cities, March, 1971, Vol. 9, no. 3, p. 22. 20 John W. Macy, Jr., op.cit., p. 25. 55. those concerned with the topic. (For example, the programme, "Show of Hands" with news for the deaf, on the community channel in Vancouver.) "Television programming that is done by the community does not have - and cannot have - the professional production techniques of conventional television. For those who are interested, this is not a problem: involvement with something that is close to 21 them is compensation enough for lack of polish." The issues or solutions to be discussed would be presented by people who are closest to them and the bias presented is internal, not exter-nal. The manner of presentation would reflect the originator's view-point . Instead of promoting mass values which tend to dimi-nish regional differences (and neighbourhood differences) and create 22 national or international perspectives , local programming would create neighbourhood and city-wide perspectives. The two schools of thought are not mutually exclu-sive by any means. A programme-produced by one group or neighbourhood could s o l i c i t telephoned comments by i t s own members or those of another group or neighbourhood. The CRTC outlined three basic examples of local pro-Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, op.cit., p. 28. James J. Thompson, Instructional Communication, American Book Com-pany, 1969, p. 111. 56. gramming, favouring a mix of the three forms, with priority given to the f i r s t : "a) Community Programming "This is a process which involves direct citizen participation in programme planning and production. Access to the community channel is the responsibility of the cable television licensee, but the means which are employed to best further the use of a channel for the local citizenry, to establish f a i r access, and to f a c i l i t a t e production, can be as varied as necessary to study l o -cal need. "b) Local Origination "This type of programming usually consists of coverage of l o -cal a c t i v i t i e s of a l l kinds. ... under the direct supervision of the cable television system staff. "c) Informational Programming "This form of programming can provide a counterpoint to the concept of community programming. It can inform the community about matters which are of concern and interest to i t s citizens. Programmes may be of a highly specialized mature, appealing to minority audiences, or they may be of a general interest. Effec-tive informational programming should make for improved and more responsible participation in community programming (i.e. type (a))." The Commission exhibits a strong preference for programming that i s done 23 Government of Canada, Canadian Radio-Television Commission, Canadian Broadcasting, "A Single System": Policy Statement on Cable Television, July 16, 1971, pp. 17-18. 57. by the public, but leaves the responsibility for content with the owner of the system. 4.4 Control of Cable Television Content As cable television, and other electronic communi-cations inventions, expand there is a danger that the uses to which the new tools are put may not coincide with human desires and human ends. Many of the services were contrived for space exploration and entered general society as marketable gadgets. Fears of uncontrolled use have been expressed. "The overwhelming feeling of participants - the majority of whom were sociologists, educators, architects, urban planners, and social workers - was that i t is essential to develop technology to meet society's social, p o l i t i c a l , cultural, and economic goals, and above a l l to make c r i t e r i a that the machine liberate man, instead of dominating him." The attitudes and motives, of the people who control the cable content and the type of information and ideas they permit to be disseminated w i l l greatly influence the benefits that CATV can produce. "We have moved from an age when p o l i t i c a l and economic power were measured in land, or capital, or labour, to an age in which Government of Canada, Department of Communications, Telecommission, Study 6(d) Report on the Seminar on the Wired City, held at the University of Ottawa, June 26-28, 1970, Information Canada, Ottawa, 1971, p. 5. 58. power is measured largely by access to information and people. The man or institution which has the greatest p o l i t i c a l , military, or economic power today i s the one with access to the greatest amount of relevant information in the most usable form in the quickest time; and, in institutions or societies where popular understanding and support are relevant, the greatest access to the mass media. ... The problem in establishing cable television ... i s not that of deciding where we w i l l put a l l those wires; i t i s deciding who gets to hold the switch. ... guarantees of free speech must, today, extend to making the mass media avai-25 lable to those who want to use them." By having more access to the medium of cable television, people w i l l have more opportunity to obtain information and t e l l others how they feel about neighbourhood issues. By gaining access to that medium, they increase their power to influence and be a part of decisions that affect them. Television would become part of the community. Community Television: This term i s assumed to mean that the citizens of an area participate in the planning and production of programmes. Control and responsibility for access to and the content of a cable television community channel l i e with the citizens. Thus, the implicit potential censorship by the owner is removed and the freedom of expres-sion and the diversity of programmes that cable television enhances is not threatened. Nicholas Johnson, How to Talk Back to Your Television Set, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1970, p. 140. 59. CHAPTER 5 Postulates, Objective , Methodology The preceeding chapters la i d out the assumptions basic to the premise of this thesis, and the reasons for the arr i v a l at those assumptions. The planning process was described as a more democratic one than exists at present, one which gives people more power to make de-cisions, or influence decisions, about programmes and plans that w i l l af-fect them. The citizen becomes more involved in a l l stages of the process, from determination of goals, formulation and selection of alternative sources of action, to implementation of the project. The r6le of the plan-ner i n this process i s that of a resource person. He would assist the articulation of goals by providing diverse channels of expression; he would encourage discussion of solutions and outline additional ones and describe the possible consequences of each alternative; and he would pro-vide information about techniques of implementation. Television i s a medium that requires participation and involvement by the viewer due to the nature of the "pictures" formed. The audio-visual image presents a large amount of information in the form of hard data, and in the form of movement and emotions. The technology of cable television opens more channels for use and does not necessitate highly sophisticated equipment. Inexpensive and easy-to-handle equipment 60. is available for the recording of people and events for programmes. The Canadian Radio-Television Commission requires every cable system opera-tor to set aside one channel for community use and encourages the plan-ning and production of programmes by citizens. However, one restriction to access does exist. Section 3, paragraph (c) of the Broadcasting Act, 1967-68^ does not question the right to freedom of expression but i t places the responsibility for programmes broadcast on the licensed person, not the producer. Community television assumes that the programming is done by community members and that the control of content is not external but also lies with the citizen. 5.1 Objective:- to explore the uses of community television as an aid for citizen involvement in the planning process. That i s , the research was designed to explore ways in which easy access by the public, to a television channel w i l l im-prove the flow of information and expression of ideas about goals and alternatives, both to and from the public. 5.2 Methodology It was decided that the most effective method of testing the use of community television was to conduct an experiment. Such a test An act to implement a broadcasting policy for Canada (Broadcasting Act, 1967-68). 6 1 . would permit evaluation of the response of planners and citizens of an area to the new vehicle of expression. The researcher became a part i -cipant in the process; playing a portion of the r6le of the planner by encouraging the use of a basically new medium and encouraging discus-sion of the qualities, problems, and goals of the neighbourhood. The study was more of an active, subjective exercise than a passive, ob-jective one of the survey-questionnaire type. It was intended to ac-tively involve residents of the community in both television and plan-ning. The location chosen for the execution of the experi-ment was the West End of Vancouver. This very dense, high-rise apart-ment d i s t r i c t was chosen for several reasons: the researcher had estab-lished contacts with the West End Community Council in the course of other work during the f a l l of 1 9 7 1 ; from that work awareness of a commu-nication gap among residents and between residents and o f f i c i a l s (in-cluding planners) became evident; the new apartments have had television cable installed during construction and most of the older buildings have been wired (an engineer from Vancouver Cablevision estimated that 97% of the dwelling units have "Cablevision"); and planners for the City of Vancouver were in the process of drawing up policy guidelines for the area without seeking input from West End residents. As a basis for the process the experiment should f o l -low and the results that might be expected from the use of media, several cases in the use of film, video-tape, and television were examined. The cases concerned important community issues and the use of media was ge-nerally in the community development process - the formulation of goals 62. and achievement of changes or improvements in community l i f e . The case studies and the West End experiment were evaluated under several headings, for the sake of consistency: 1. the community - what were the basic characteristics of the community and i t s people, and what were the problems facing the community regarding development (or lack of i t ) ; 2. the medium - the type of medium used, who initiated the use of the medium, and the way in which i t was used; 3. the results - the degree of citizen involvement in expression of desires and the influence they have on the decision-making process. Some of the cases i l l u s t r a t e the approach to the use of the media - community involvement in the choice of content and ma-king of programmes; some of the others are examples of the use of elec-tronic media, television and telephone, for two-way communication and discussion of the issue. The latter type allows people to ask ques-tions or make comments on a chosen topic in the "view" of the watching public, in the style of a large "community h a l l " meeting. Both tech-niques can be effective for involving people, but the former gives them control over content and editorial bias. 63. CHAPTER 6 Case Studies and the West End Experiment 6.1 Challenge For Change Several of the projects to be discussed were originated wholly, or partially, by the Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle pro-gramme o f the National Film Board of Canada. The programme began in mid-1966 when the Privy Council of Canada asked the Film Board to do a film that would help to close the gap between the public's understanding of poverty and the reality of that way of l i f e , a gap that was very evi-dent at that time. This problem pointed to the gap in information out-put and input permeating North American society. The mass media: tele-vision, newspapers, magazines, and films, pour out tremendous volumes of information but the voices of many people are never heard. Most peo-ple remain on the receiving end. "The need for a real exchange of information and ideas among the various groups that make up the fabric of our society grows more pressing every day. Silent poor or silent majority - we are a l l National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change, Vol. 1, no. 1, Spring 1968, p. 2. National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter 1971-72, p. 3. 64. suffering from the need to influence the decisions that effect our lives. "Instead of being an instrument to f a c i l i t a t e these exchanges, the media, as presently constituted, usually exacerbate these frus-trations by f i l t e r i n g citizens' opinions, when so l i c i t e d through the well-dressed eyes of professionals, journalists and communi-cators. ... "In this disparity between people's lives and the popular media l i e the origins of Challenge for Change, a programme that the National Film Board of Canada designed to 'improve communications, create greater understanding, promote new ideas and provoke social change'." With this objective Challenge for Change i n i t i a l l y set about making films, the context of which were decided by those photographed and the commu-nity as a whole, then switched to video-tape because of i t s instant re-play a b i l i t y . Because of the ease of operation of the video-tape equip-ment (compared to film equipment), Challenge for Change switched to sup-plying technicians to train community members to use the camera. Thus, even the recording was done through the eyes of the citizens. The Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle has brought together the National Film Board and "certain federal government depart-ments which now comprise: Agriculture, C.M.H.C., National Health and Wel-fare, Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Labour, Regional Economic Expansion and Secretary of State/Citizenship. The programme is respon-3 sible directly to the Secretary of State, via the Privy Council o f f i c e . " 1 National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Socle"te Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter 1971-72, p. 3. 3 Ibid., p. 2. 65. This combination of departments emphasizes the significance that the federal government attaches to the programme and i t s objectives. 6.2 Case I: Fogo Island, Newfoundland 6.2.1 The Community Fogo Island is a small rocky island off the north-east coast of Newfoundland, about forty miles north of Gander. It is only fifteen miles long and nine miles wide. In 1967, the island had fewer than 15,000 residents scattered among the ten villages. A new, but inadequate, road system, religious factionalism, r i v a l r i e s , and an established custom of minimum interaction separated the people of those villages. Fogo's economy was based on i t s function as a sup-ply centre and on the inshore fishing industry. Fishing was declining because fleets of boats, that were larger and more efficient than those of Fogo Island fishermen, were intercepting the fish in international waters, before they could reach the Newfoundland shores. At least sixty percent of the island's residents were on government welfare. Under i t s centralization scheme (moving communities, whose economies 4 National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change -Societe Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter 1971-72. Elayne Harris, "Fogo Island: birthplace of a communication process", University Affairs, March 1972, p. 607. The Extension Service, Memorial University, St. John's, Newfoundland, Fogo Process in Communication - A reflection on the use of film as a inter-community communication, Spring, 1972. 66. were no longer viable, to stronger regional centres), the provincial government was seriously considering relocating the entire Fogo Island population. The history and tradition of 300 years and the Island's pride, resisted the scheme and the despair of the welfare problem. 6.2.2 The Medium The credit for the Fogo experiment is shared by the National Film Board of Canada and the Extension Service of Memorial University of Newfoundland. In the summer of 1967, under the s t i l l young Challenge for Change programme, the Film Board sent a crew to record the "troubled" l i f e of Fogo. Seeking a long-term commitment from some institution, the film-maker contacted the Extension Service (whose f i e l d representative, a community development worker native to Fogo Island, was interested in helping the residents stay on the Is-land) . What evolved was not the "documentary" that was originally planned, but a new communication technique and a social catalyst for community development - a process that has received emphasis by the Film Board and Extension Service since then. The method has proved to be an effective tool for opening up new, or formerly restricted, com-munication channels. About twenty hours of film were shot, sent to Montreal for processing and editing down to about six hours, then screened back to the people a month later. Permission of the people was sought be-fore shooting, before public screening, and before i t was shown out-side the village or outside the island. Control over the issues, a t t i -67. tudes, problems, and ideas reflected in the f i n a l films and over the per-sons who viewed them lay with the people. "... the film crew attempted to generate in the people confi-dence to formulate and express their problems, as seen by them-selves, for i t was f e l t that the expression of problems was a step to understanding and solving them. The technique moved away from the traditional method of focussing on issues and instead be-came centred around personalities, personalities whose views re-flected a community feeling. To achieve a balanced perspective of Fogo Island, i t was necessary also to encompass more than ne-gative or problematic issues and to include films documenting social events, community achievements and the rich culture and tradition so much evident in the Islanders' lives.""* The films themselves were worthless. The ways in which they were used were more important. Screening sessions were held around the island, resulting in constructive discussion and increased awareness of themselves and their problems. The distribution of the films was a key element in achieving changes desired by the community. "... the Fogo Island community with i t s problems, strengths, weaknesses, dignity, concerns and hopes, was shown to agencies, de-partments, government o f f i c i a l s and other individuals in a position to give the Islanders the encouragement, advice and help they re-quired in order to help themselves or receive aid they had a right Elayne Harris, op.cit., p. 6. 68. ..6 to expect. Some of the films were shown to provincial Cabinet ministers and the re-sponse, in film, of the Minister of Fisheries led to the establishment of a fisherman's co-operative fish plant. A film crew was trained by the National Film Board in Montreal for permanent attachment to the Extension Service. However, the Fogo pilot project had shown film's drawbacks, technical specialists and their salaries and expenses, high laboratory costs, a time lapse between filming and screening on a large and heavy projector, and another time lapse before the finished film. The Extension Service now uses mostly video-tape for the "Fogo process in communication" because i t does not require s k i l l e d technicians, expensive equipment, or processing, and i t has instant playback a b i l i t y . 6.2.3 The Results Fogo Island i s "an example of how co-operation, under-standing and self-help can create an atmosphere conducive to progress and development"7. Film gave the Islanders a different type of input to the decisions being made by the politicians and o f f i c i a l s - the "film dialogue" led to further discussions and in 1971 to a fish plant (co-operative) to replace the private plant, that i s larger and can process The Extension Service, Memorial University, St. John's,Newfoundland, op. cit. Elayne Harris, op.cit., p. 7. 69. more varieties of fish than the traditional cod. The Island's economy is also buoyed up by a new ship-building co-operative. With the twenty-seven new "longliners", the fishermen can reach the distant fishing grounds. There has also been a significant reduction in those on wel-fare, an improvement in transportation f a c i l i t i e s , and provision of a new, consolidated high school. Film acted as a mirror for the community and i t allowed those outside (politicians and planners) to look "into" the community and see i t as i t s residents did. 6. 3 Case II: Drunvteller, Alberta 6.3.1 The Community The Drumheller Valley i s situated about f i f t y miles northeast of Calgary. Most of the coal mines upon which i t was depen-dent had been mined out and closed down. The villages of the area were on the verge of becoming ghost towns. The surrounding farm lands and a new federal penitentiary provided some support for commerce. Many of the valley dwellers were squatters liv i n g on slim resources of their David Gordon Baxter, The Utilization of Video-Tape in the Community Development Process: An Exploratory Study, Thesis for Master of Social Work, Department of Social Welfare, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Spring 1971. National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter 1971-72. 70. pensions. The town of East Coulee, about fifteen miles east of Drum-heller, had the last operating coal mine and had seen a population de-cline from 3,000 in 1951 to 500 in 1969. Rosedale, a l i t t l e village four miles east of Drumheller, had neither local government, water, sewage or gas. It was the scene of strongest action. 6.3.2 The Medium In August 1969, the Challenge for Change programme had been invited to use video-tape in the valley. The National Film Board was using the "Fogo process", capitalizing on the simplicity and instantaneous playback qualities of the half-inch video-tape recorder and camera. To maintain continuity in the project, the Film Board enlisted the aid of the School of Social Welfare and the Division of Continuing Education at the University of Calgary. These departments were interested in the impact of this new technology on the community development process. They hired a community development worker to work in the valley for two years. After the worker had been in the valley for two-and-a-half months, a Challenge for Change team worked with him for a month doing interviews about the future of the valley. A tape was put together about the decline of East Coulee and shown a t a town meeting. At that meeting the Rosedale Citizens' Committee invited the worker to help them improve the conditions in their village. He trained committee mem-bers to use the equipment and they began an interviewing b l i t z - seeking residents' opinions on the situation in their village. The tapes were 71. edited down to a one-hour programme, "Rosedale: A White Man's Reserva-tion?", which was shown at the local community h a l l in early April, 1970. Half the population attended and a heated and relevant discussion ensued. The outcome of the meeting was the formation of subcommittees to tackle specific problems: water, industrial incentive, promotion and publicity, gas, land improvement. Video-tape was used to get interviewees thinking and raise awareness of common feelings. It was used to improve communica-tions between the leadership group and the rest of the community. After the general meetings, the video-tape was relegated to a documentary func-tion. The news-information function was taken over by two valley news-papers. 6.3.3 The Results The strong leadership of the expanded and renamed Rose-dale Citizens' Action Committee was responsible for the changes in the community. The water and gas subcommittees achieved the installation of water and gas lines. The industrial incentive subcommittee, not only stopped the demolition of the local school (which had been phased out by the consolidated school system) and compensatory repairs, but i t ne-gotiated the school's use as a factory, with a subsidy under the Alberta government's incentive plan. The townsite improvement subcommittee held a weekend cleaning bee to clean up homes and vacant lots. Later, i t organized community construction of a park from an overgrown, bushy area. A f i r e engine was donated and a f i r e h a l l built for i t . In addition to 72. raising community identity and pride, the ac t i v i t i e s encouraged more com-mercial investments in the village. 6.4 Case III: Barrie, Ontario 6.4.1 The Community Barrie is a city of about 26,000 situated on the shores of Lake Simcoe. It is a s a t e l l i t e of Toronto, being only about f i f t y miles, by expressway, from the downtown area. It is a high growth centre, partly because economic and marketing studies have determined i t is the optimum location for warehousing. Of the many problems facing the com-munity, the ones of highest priority (as determined by a series of dis-cussions on the use of the cable system's community channel) were: 1) the plight of high school and college students, thousands of whom were expected to be travelling through Barrie during the summer (1971); 2) the choice of a site of a new arena-auditorium; and 3) the growing pollution of Kempenfeldt Bay, on which Barrie l i e s . Interviews with: John Pearson, Director of Research, Ontario Department of Municipal Affairs Ed Waitzer, Interchurch Broadcasting Project - Cable Study, Toronto, Ontario Municipal World, "Will Cable Television Help Community Development?", December, 1971, pp. 322-324. 73. 6.4.2 The Medium Energy was focussed on the origination of a programme on the community channel of the cable television system. Credit for the i n i t i a t i o n of the project is given to Stanley Burke, a former CBC news reporter who is now a free lance broadcaster interested in the social potential of cable televis ion. In February, 1971, stranded in Barrie by a snowstorm, he became involved in a discussion with local leaders about the use of cable television for community affai r s . The "Committee 26,000" was formed and over the next four months expanded to include many community agencies and special interest groups. The problem of "Youth in the Summer '71" was considered most important to the community and became the topic of the f i r s t programme. In June,1971, a group of about 100 people, from such established institutions and organizations as the YM-YWCA, Parks and Re-creation Commission, the Children's Aid Society, Board of Education, and youth groups, joined the mayor and city council in their chambers. The two-hour discussion was taped and replayed, unedited, the following eve-ning over the cable station. Afterwards viewers held open discussion and debate using the telephone. The programme had been advertised strongly in the other local media resulting in a large audience. The response during the phone-in session and the following day was so strong that the programme was rerun, with equal response, the following day. 74. 6.4.3 The Result A high school teacher had been the prime mover to open a hostel for the young people on the move. The television programme crea-ted additional support for the idea and resulted in community approval and construction of the hostel. The solution of a problem of general concern was achieved by opening discussion to public view and input. 6.5 Case IV: Richmond, British Columbia 6.5.1 The Community The municipality of Richmond is situated immediately to the south of Vancouver. It consists of several islands in the delta of the Fraser River. Within easy commuting distance of downtown Van-couver, Richmond has become a bedroom suburb. The demands for housing have eliminated much of the agricultural land and are threatening the remainder. The conflict of land use and the other factors such as the price of land and mortgages have suggested a more economical, higher-density use of the land, especially among planners and real estate de-velopers. Projects, that include town-houses or apartment blocks have disturbed some Richmond residents, who want only the traditional single-Interview with Ian Chang of the Richmond Planning Department 75. family home to be built in the area. The municipal planning department organized a group of citizens into the Goals Planning Committee, designed to discover what the residents want their area to be. 6.5.1 The Medium In addition to doing a sample survey of households, a media information b l i t z was done. A member of the Committee made a con-tact with Metro Media (see West End Case Study) which worked with the Committee and a group of high school students. Interviews in people's homes were video-taped and the viewpoints of some major developers were recorded. A slide and poster display was set up in the mall of Richmond Shopping Centre and people's solutions and comments were recorded. These tapes were part of a two-hour programme shown on the Vancouver cablevision, community channel, Channel 10. A panel dis-cussion was interspersed with the three segments of tape during the f i r s t hour of the programme. During the second hour, and after the programme, viewers phoned in to ask questions of the panel or to make comments. Due to advertising in the local paper, in the Vancouver daily, The Sun, and by notices taken home by school children, the response was enthusiastic. A second programme, shown a couple of weeks later, was poorly advertised and the panel was more technical in character; the telephone response was considerably lower. The results were taken to a public meeting. 76. 6.5 .3 The Results The interest and awareness raised by the contact with the community-at-large through the questionnaires, the activity in the shopping mall, the television programmes, and the public meetings was noted well by the politicians. A by-law was passed, on a temporary, t r i a l basis, requiring that a developer submit his plans to a meeting of citizens for their approval before the municipal council w i l l approve them. 6.6 Evaluation of Cases 6.6.1 Fogo Island, and the Planning Process Plans had been formulated by the Newfoundland government to phase out some of the less viable, remote communities (one of which may have been Fogo Island). The Fogo Islanders showed them that history, tradition, and pride were important factors to be included with economics in reaching a decision. Film was only a tool - for the community to take an objective look at i t s e l f and to show decision-makers the problems and solutions as defined by the residents. Film encouraged the inhabitants to formulate goals and consider alternative solutions. The changes were not made by the films but by strong leaders and hard work by many isl a n -ders. The films broke through the communication barrier between villages, aided dialogue with politicians, and improved the understanding among the 77. Islanders and by the "outsiders". 6.6.2 Drumheller and the Planning Process The community development worker realized that the tapes that he and the Challenge for Change crew did for the East Coulee meeting, exhibited his biases in the questions asked and the editing of material. The response to his tapes was not nearly as great as the reac-tion to the tapes done by the Rosedale Committee. Not only did the Com-mittee members ask different questions but the operation of the equip-ment by them reassured the interviewees and encouraged more open comments. When asked to rate the functions that video-tape served^, the leadership group gave the greatest value to i t s being an involving tool and as a medium of information flow. Other Rosedale residents gave highest rating to video-tape as a medium of expression and an instrument of visual impact and awareness. The communication barriers between residents were dis-solved and identity of the community reinforced. Strong leadership re-sulted in improvements in Rosedale. The provincial government's cen-tralization plan of phasing out communities with no viable economy was shown to be against the feelings of the citizens. David Gordon Baxter, op.cit., pp. 66-67. 78. 6.6.3 Barrie and the Planning Process The Barrie project took a major step towards citizen involvement in the decision process. The "Committee 26,000" became i n -volved in a discussion of community problems and goals and set p r i o r i -ties. The public at large participated in an open debate and may thus have influenced the decision-making process. The nature of the topic seemed to necessitate the attraction of a larger audience - which seemed to be taking advantage of the lack of scheduling on the community chan-nel to perform in a "broadcast television" manner. The people involved in the planning of the programme and in the taped discussion appeared to be those who were articulate and already involved in decision-ma-king. Such a situation at the beginning of "community programming" in Barrie could lead to the exclusion of less vocal and less knowledgable people. 6.6 .4 Richmond and the Planning Process The Richmond project had the most significant effect on the decision-making process, regarding housing and development. The community television channel was used to raise people's awareness of their area. It required them to consider their own ideas and goals for their community and gave them one outlet for expression. A variety of viewpoints and technical information were presented openly. Residents learned what some of their neighbours were like and what they thought about a common problem. 79. 6.7 The West End Experiment One of the important roles in the West End project was that of the Metro Media Association of Vancouver. Its formation and goals are described, because i t not only supplied video-tape equipment and advice but i t played a key role in determining the direction of the researcher's approach to the problem. Thoughts about the planning pro-cess, citizen participation, and access to television were tied together by the philosophy of Metro Media and i t s methods of working with com-munity groups. 6.7 .1 Metro Media 1 2 Aware of increasing demands by groups and individuals for help in working with media, Intermedia, an experimental a r t i s t s ' workshop supported by Canada Council, submitted a proposal to the Don-ner Canadian Foundation to create a workshop for experimentation with videotape in a community context. A grant of $21,500 in January, 1971 got the project underway - salaries and the purchase of three half-inch Sony Porto-Pacs and one half-inch deck and one one-inch .deck for editing. Overwhelming community demands led to the establishment of a formal com-munity media service agency, the Metro Media Association of Greater Van-couver, in April 1971. It is broadly based, open in membership and com-mitted to playing an active role in redistributing and democratizing the communications power in society. National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter, 1971-72, pp. 12-13. 80. The Challenge for Change programme gave a grant in July, 1971 to hire resource people and purchase materials; i t also loaned some equipment. Under the Local Initiatives Programme, Metro Media has decentralized i t s activities by setting up neighbourhood media f a c i l i t i e s in Kitsilano, the West End, Fraserview-Killarney, and Grandview-Woodlands. It has worked with over forty organizations on such topics as housing and tenants' rights, native rights, ethnic groups and immigrants, ecology, transportation, recreation, and labour issues. Each group must identify i t s communications goals - what i t wants to say, to whom, and how - before taping can begin. About thirty hours of cable television programming has been produced by groups trained by Metro Media resource people. Other groups have used video in their own ac t i v i t i e s , internal communications, training, public relations, develo-ping issues, and organizing. Metro Media has good rapport with the management of Cable 10, the community channel, which is keenly interested in citizen produced programmes. A regular one-hour programme slot i f available on Friday evenings to groups working with Metro Media. 6.7.2 The Community The West End has a population of about 35,000 people within an area less than a square mile. Since about 1958, construction of high-rise apartments in the West End has earned i t the term, "concrete 8 1 . jungle". People live there because they want to be close to work, shop-ping, and entertainment in the downtown core, close to beaches and Stan-ley Park, and because there is a variety of accommodation and rents are reasonable. There is a wide variety of ages, ethnic origins, and i n -come. The area is a reception area for immigrants and the transiency rate is high. Information about services and f a c i l i t i e s available i s lacking. The information centre, the West End Bulletin Board, does not have the funds to move from i t s location in the basement of Gordon Neigh-bourhood House (isolated in the southeast corner of the area). It also does not have a policy of reaching out to people; instead i t waits for people to drop i n . The diversity and transiency and a noticeable lack of communication among and about the people have l e f t a feeling of no community s p i r i t The "West End Resident Survey" conducted by the Van-couver Department of Social Planning and Community Development at the beginning of December, 1971 revealed the major dislikes - t r a f f i c , noise, parking, the types of people, and the numbers and density of buildings -and the major "l i k e s " - convenience to park, beach and downtown, the view and the people. The strong dislike for the people is probably a good indication of lack of community s p i r i t . Overall, about seventy-five percent of the people were satisfied with l i f e in the West End. Robert W. Collier, Towards a Social Program for the West End, for the Department of Social Planning and Community Development, City of Van-couver, June, 1971, p. 2. The West End Community Council is striving to achieve a voice for the West End Citizens in the decisions which affect them. It was recognized as the local area council for the West End when United Community Services adopted (in 1964) the concept of the Local Area ap-proach to social planning. The Community Council is not a strong body. It i s well aware of community problems and general attitudes towards them but i t is not knowledgeable in techniques of achieving their ends and often i s very reluctant to use measures that might cause someone at City Hall to get angry. The community development worker from Neigh-bourhood Services Association (funded by United Community Services) who is assigned to the Community Council i s not active in giving i t d i -rection or ideas. The Community Council has d i f f i c u l t y communicating with and including a substantial number of residents. The membership is low and attendance at public meetings i s seldom above f i f t y (in other neigh-bourhoods, an attendance of 100 is considered significant). A major part of the d i f f i c u l t y , the Council found, i s simply devising ways to reach the multitude of residents. "Organizational representatives identified the passivity of the West End residents as a major social concern and attributed i t in part to the City's past insensitivity to citizens' opinions and sug-„14 gestions. The departments and agencies of the City work with West End citizens in ways that are manipulative and exhibit considerable condescension. After Dr. Collier's report had stressed the pedestrian orientation of acti v i t i e s Robert W. Col l i e r , op.cit., p. 2. 83. in the West End, the Community Council mustered considerable energy and enthusiasm for a one-day street fest i v a l on one of the commercial streets, Denman. It was blocked by the Engineering Department. That energy was then channeled by the Social Planning Department into conducting i t s "West End Resident Survey". The survey covered many of the topics that had been done in several earlier surveys on which recommendations were drawn in Dr. Collier's work as a consultant. The day the questionnaire was dis-tributed ("Q-Day"), some members of the Community Council realized that they had had no input into the formation of the questions and had been "recruited" for i t s distribution. The Community Council was assured of quick feedback of survey results - by the f i r s t week i n January, 1972. Internal and tech-ni c a l delays held the information inside the department. On March 2, 1972 some tentative results were revealed to the Council on the condition they would not be made public. More details were to be given at a mee-ting scheduled for April 19, 1972. The ironic twist was the responses to some "new" questions included in the survey. One of the most significant areas of dissatisfaction comprised: "The opportunity to have a say in the decisions made about the West End" (44% were dissatisfied) and "The avai-l a b i l i t y , for me, of information concerning the West End" (36% were dis-satisfied) . At the same time and as a result of the survey, City de-partments were formulating policy guidelines for City Council regarding development in the West End. There has been no open indication that r e s i -dents w i l l be given an "opportunity to have a say in the decisions made about the West End". 84. There was thus three basic communications problems that the researcher identified as existing in the area (communications being defined as information and as the expression of ideas, feelings, and personalities) that might be solved, somewhat by the use of video and community television. The removal of communications barriers was seen as a key to enabling West End citizens to be involved in decision-making. (1) Area residents apparently experience a sense of alienation from each other and from the neighbourhood (whether because of the poor design of the apartment unit, the "beehive" stacking of apartments, the "walls" of high-rises, and/or the scarcity of neighbour-hood centres for interaction) revealed in the high mobility of residents and the feelings of insecurity on the street. (2) The citizens' groups in the West End do not com-municate actively with each other or with non-members, i f at a l l , and do not know how to approach the decision-makers. (3) The City departments severely restrict the infor-mation that they disseminate and do not encourage West Enders to express their opinions about which direction development should go nor are they given channels of input to the bureaucracies (i.e. Jhe information flow is not two-way and only weakly one-way). 85. 6.7.3 The Medium The process the researcher went through in attempting to establish interest in and use of community television w i l l be des-cribed. F a l l , 1971: During the preparations to close Denman Street, the re-searcher suggested the use of video-tape to record events, people and opinions about West End development, on the street. The idea was rea-dily accepted. When the " f e s t i v a l " was stopped and attention directed to "Q-Day" (Saturday, December 4, 1971) the researcher f e l t there was no role for video in the City's "process". Several days before "Q-Day", the researcher learned that the Social Planning Department was planning a programme to "publicize" the survey and e l i c i t more response (ques-tionnaires were accepted u n t i l December 8). It seemed an excellent opportunity to introduce some Community Council members to the video equipment, to involve them in the production, and permit some dialogue and information flow, instead of simply publicity. The researcher of-fered to organize equipment and production. Within five days, programme time was arranged, Metro Media's help solicited, interviews recorded in Denman-Place mall (by Bob Douglas, president of the West End Community Council), and scenes of the West End shot, relating to the main topics of the survey - apart-ment buildings, transportation, shopping f a c i l i t i e s , and parks and play-grounds. The programme was shown on Tuesday, December 7, on the 86. regular Tuesday night slot, 10:00, of "Plan Van", the programme of the Community Planning Association of Canada. The format included twenty minutes of the recorded scenes, a panel discussion with Dr. Robert Col-l i e r , Bob Burgess (Social Planning Department) and Bob Douglas, and one of the taped interviews (others were technically bad), then the rest of the hour was opened to phone c a l l s . Even though the only notice of the programme had been at Denman Place the three telephone lines were f u l l for the forty minutes. "Plan Van" in considered to have a regular viewing audience. However, due to the length of the panelists' answers only seven calls got through. The callers dealt with noise, t r a f f i c and the effect of the Third Cros-sing on the West End, police protection, and the City's follow-up to the survey. On the whole, the hastily prepared programme seemed to have spurred some creative dialogue. January, 1972: The researcher held a discussion (January 8) with B i l l Nemtin, executive director of Metro Media, regarding neighbourhood video f a c i l i t i e s . Coincidently, Metro Media was considering decentralization and had received a Local Initiatives Programme grant from the federal government, enabling expansion. Several meetings with Bob Douglas (of the Community Council) found him interested in the community television concept but (quite justly) too busy to devote time to such a project. Similar reac-87. tion came from other Community Council members and the community develop-ment worker. That response l e f t the researcher with no definite direction. Consideration was given to taking an approach similar to the December programme - the researcher as producer and a number of "experts" as informants and centred on a specific topic (eg. streets). It was f e l t such a structure would serve the functions of shifting the role of the planner to that of a resource person and giving infor-mation about alternatives and their consequences to the public. Those functions would have been valuable but would not have advanced the con-cept of community television. The bias to the programme content would have been given by the researcher and the "experts", not by West End residents. A meeting was arranged (on January 24) with members of the West End Resources Council, social workers, public health nurses, and other professionals working in the area, to discuss the potential of video, how i t could aid their work, and problems that could be tackled. Interest was high but eventual response was low. Roberta Kalargirou, the Metro Media resource person assigned to the West End and formerly with Challenge for Change, attended, as did Abe Herring, a masters stu-dent in the School of Social Work at the University of British Columbia. A "where-to-go-from-here" meeting with Roberta and B i l l Nemtin the following day led to the decision to concentrate on a specific issue, of general concern, to s t i r up interest in video. Because the Community Council was organizing an informational meeting on February 9, regarding the effects on the West End of the Third Crossing of Burrard Inlet, the topic of the " t r i a l tape" had been defined for us. February, 1972: Abe Herring and the researcher spent time learning about the equipment and camera and interviewing techniques while talking to West Enders on the street about the Third Crossing. Unfortunately, the Community Council meeting was structured in a way that the video-tape was relegated to an unimportant position between the lecturers and group dis-cussions. Reactions to the tape and community television showed l i t t l e more than " i t ' s a good idea". The lecturers, Norman Pearson, a planning consultant, and Paul Roer, professor at the School of Community and Regional Planning, were recorded and a portion played on the Metro Media programme on that Friday night. Our presence and the information was not completely lost. Roberta, Abe and the researcher decided the tape needed more l i f e i f i t were to succeed when i t was learned that another group on a Local Initiatives Programme grant was doing to same thing. It was also realized that our bias would s t i l l be injected. "Where-do-we-go-from-here" time again. Abe suggested the use of a van to travel the West End streets talking to people about l i f e in the West End, and making our presence known by being seen around the area. The Mondays of the next three weeks were spent interviewing people at various locations - Denman Place, edge of Stanley Park, an intersection away from the main streets, commercial areas of Davie and Denman Streets, beaches of English Bay -and scenes and impromptu interviews were done from the windows of the van. 89. This work reassured us of the power of video. Although many people refused to talk to us, those who did speak spoke openly. Most were keenly interested in seeing themselves on television. We dis-covered the involving power of the medium. Simply spending hours d r i -ving around the streets gave us greater understanding and knowledge about the West End. We learned about the people, even those who ignored us. The editing sessions multiplied the involvement because i t was necessary to review the tapes and constantly rerun them to add portions to the programme tape. Our goal was to produce a tape that would show West Enders what could be done with video-tape, to show them some of the per-sonalities of their neighbours, and what those neighbours thought about West End l i v i n g . We were sorry that i t was ourselves who were so involved and not some of the residents. Our hope was that some people would re-spond to i t and would want to do further work. March, 1972; The tapes were edited onto a one-hour, one-inch tape, given an introduction and shown on Friday, March 17. An a r t i c l e written for the March 16 edition of the West Ender, the neighbourhood newspaper, ex-plained our presence in the West End and advertised the programme. Both the a r t i c l e and the programme invited residents to a video workshop on Saturday afternoon. Seventeen people showed up. A l l except three of them had responded to the a r t i c l e and had not seen the programme. Most were interested in the video-tape equipment i t s e l f and did not have a specific use in mind. The viewing of the programme at a subsequent workshop raised enthusiasm and many ideas for i t s use about West End people and problems. 90. Apr i l , 1972: The group had dimished to seven enthusiastic young people. They talked about doing programmes on the relationship of high-rise te-nants to their building manager, the various types of people and their use of space in identical suites in the same high-rise building, and the l i f e of children in the West End. On April 8 and 15, the group recorded the a c t i v i t i e s and talked to West End children a l l over the area. The tapes w i l l be condensed to one-half hour and shown in Cable 10 in the near future. 6.7.4 The Results As the whole process is at an embryo stage, no major, tangible results can be recorded.A few West Enders have begun to say something about aspects they see as important. The degree of commit-ment by these people and by a resource person w i l l determine the strength and direction of the neighbourhood television a c t i v i t i e s . 6.7.5 The West End, and the Planning Process The West End experiment took one step in each of two directions. The December programme required the planners on the panel to adopt more of the role of resources persons: they answered questions and explained some of the consequences of the suggestions of telephone callers. The "cablecast" of the West End Third Crossing meeting had the planner explaining the consequences of the proposed tunnel and the factors that should have been considered. On the other hand, the March 91. programme was oriented towards the people and their ideas and opinions. But i t s t i l l had the editing bias of the resource people. The response of a small group of residents to the con-cept of producing their own programmes gave a shred of hope that commu-nity programming w i l l become a significant vehicle of expression. In the few shooting excursions of that group, they realized that they were lear-ning more about their neighbourhood. That awareness, combined with an intent to speak out by using video and with the dispersal of access to television to the neighbourhood level, increases the poss i b i l i t y of West End citizens achieving that "opportunity to have a say in the decisions made about the West End". 92. CHAPTER 7 Conclusions and Directions 7.1 Community Television The medium of television i s raising people's aware-ness of the world around them. National and international events are fed instantly into their livingrooms. The television picture induces involvement by the viewer in i t s messages, and a desire to be more i n -volved in the events and processes of society. Most people cannot af-ford access to broadcast television. To gain that access, they must hold r a l l i e s or demonstrations (non-violent or violent) that are "news-worthy". Increasing demands to become involved in the decisions about the liv i n g environment are exposing communications problems. Infor-mation about plans and programmes is not readily revealed by o f f i c i a l s and many citizens seldom know where to get information. Public p a r t i c i -pation is frustrated by the lack of information and the lack of equal channels of expression. By creating a community television f a c i l i t y through which residents could produce programmes, the community's indentity could be strengthened. The Challenge for Change projects found that when peo-ple used media for expression they learned more about themselves and their common goals. Metro Media has found that as soon as a group picks up a camera that the learning, awareness, and strength of purpose begins. What to point the camera at, what to say into the microphone, and what to edit a l l require the identification of the message and potential re-ceivers of the message. Different viewpoints about plan alternatives can be expressed on a community channel and an electronic dialogue can be held. Not only i s the access to television a new concept to West End citizens and other Vancouver groups, but the concept i s at an early stage of de-velopment across Canada. However, the growth of the idea in both urban and rural areas i s extremely rapid, basically due to the regulatory ur-gings of the Canadian Radio-Television Commission. If citizens are to take f u l l advantage of cable television, and other electronic advances, they must be instructed how to use i t . "If we design our ci t i e s on the assumption that wiring w i l l bring about community and productivity then we better work hard at helping people to understand how to plug i n . " * This i s one of the functions that Metro Media serves - training community groups and bringing them into contact with cable television. The uses that can be made of cable television are wide and hold many implications. One channel could be assigned to each neighbourhood for the residents to operate as they wished. Channels could be devoted to educational purposes - holding university courses, or tu-Government of Canada, Department of Communications, Telecommission, Study 6 (d) Report on the Seminar on the Wired City, held at the University of Ottawa, June 26-28, 1970. Information Canada, Ottawa, 1971, p. 15. t o r i a l classes, amateur arts, small business advertising, health, legal assistance, and an "ombudsman" channel to receive and answer citizen com-2 plaints . One channel could be for Parliamentary proceedings and there 3 could be two-way links between schools and ethnic groups . Concentrated use of a channel, or cable network, by a neighbourhood or other special interest group, could create an inward looking attitude. A sense of neighbourhood could be fostered in this way. The a b i l i t y to feed into or to pick up from national transmission 4 links might foster a sense of nationalism . There are some inherent dangers. One is that "... the cable w i l l make i t less and less necessary for the more affluent popula-tion of the suburbs to enter the city, either for work or recreation. Lack of concern and alienation could easily deepen, with effects that could cancel the benefits of community expression that the cable w i l l bring to inner-city neighbourhoods. By looking i n upon themselves groups - whether economic, ethnic, or religious - may begin to exclude other people. A second danger refers to who controls the use of the cable system. With closed-circuit television systems keeping surveil-lance over main t r a f f i c arteries and high-crime areas and the possibility James Bailey, "Cable Television: Whose Revolution?", City, Vol. 5, no. 2, March/April, 1971, p. 21. Government of Canada, Department of Communications, op.cit. Ibid., p. 14. Ralph Lee Smith, "The Wired Nation", The Nation, May 18, 1970, Vol. 210, no. 19, special issue, p. 606. that two-way cable can turn the TV set into a camera, questions are raised about invasion or privacy . Who w i l l control the use and content of cable tele-vision, and not what types of programmes i t could carry, i s the factor that w i l l determine whether the public w i l l receive the f u l l benefits of that medium. Presently, with the responsibility for content lying with the system owner, freedom of expression can be abridged. J. A l -phonse Ouimet, then Chairman of the Board of Directors of Telesat Canada Corporation stated: "... steps would have- to be taken to ensure that ownership of the cable hardware would not mean monopoly control over programming or usage. Would i t not be better ... i f CATV companies were owners of a hardware system which others used to distribute programmes and various services?"^ The concept of separation of hardware and software could have some, as yet undetermined, social effects. "Certainly programmers would have much greater e d i t o r i a l freedom and private individuals would have the opportunity to originate their own programming instead of only receiving those of others. The difference, in a nutshell, i s between active participatory „8 democracy and passive participatory democracy. Nicholas Johnson, How To Talk Back to Your Television Set, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1970, p. 140. Government of Canada, Department of Communications, op.cit., p. 13. Ibid., p. 4. 96. Designation of cable television as a common carrier, like the telephone system, would make i t accessible to a l l on a nondis-criminatory basis at standard, reasonable rates and would not allow the 9 owner to interfere with the content . The CRTC has regulatory power over the rates charged by the cable companies. To ensure that CATV is available to a l l , es-pecially the poor (who presently have the least access), the possibility of subsidies may have to be considered. Professor M. Barcelo of the University of Montreal posed several questions: "Are we ready to accept that a 'socially' desirable objective for the Canadian society as a whole cannot really be desirable unless the economical and cultural minorities consider i t as use-f u l as the economical and cultural majorities? Are we ready to modify our national objectives so that Canadian society has a s t r i c t minimum of non-participants?"*^ 7.2 The Planning Process The planning process was defined, in Chapter 2, as the total decision process in society. It was not considered as an entity separate from the p o l i t i c a l and social processes. "Citizen involvement" was equated to public influence in and control over a l l Ralph Lee Smith, op.cit., p. 599. Government of Canada, Department of Communications, op.cit., p. 30. plans and programmes that affect them. People are demanding to be included in a l l phases of the process - formulation of goals, discussion of alter-natives and consequences, and implementation of plans. It was noted that involvement would be aided by closing the information gap between p o l i -ticians-bureaucrats and the public with two-way communication. Community television would give more people the chance to become agents of change, to influence people or events. The television image w i l l relay the scenes, persons, and a c t i v i t i e s to many other people as the cameraman sees them, and the editor connects them. The viewers would participate in the images. The experiences, ideas, and feelings of the production group would be shared by the audience. Since television is a trusted source of information, i t can be a very effective tool for community groups to use. The West End experiment showed that the process of de-ciding what to record and how to present i t requires c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the group's objectives and i t s view of the issue. The Fogo Island and Drum-heller cases showed that revelation of the attitudes and ideas of r e s i -dents can spur discussion among neighbours, in reaction to a familiar face on the screen. Tapes and films sent to "outsiders" can improve under-standing and influence the outcome of a decision. Thus, the whole pro-cess of community programming for community television can be effective for involving people and affecting decision-making. Using television as one of many possible aids, community groups gain more power. Changes in the community w i l l not be made by television but by people and strong leadership, as the Fogo Island and Drumheller cases vividly revealed. 98. The preceeding paragraph considered only the more involved role of the public. How w i l l community television affect the role of the planner as a resource person? The value of video-tape for information storage, and of television for information transmission, is enormous. The "electro-nic dialogue" (using television and telephone) is one method of estab-lishing an exchange of views and information. The resource person can thus use television to explain the ramifications of plans and possible solutions (as i n the West End programme on the Third Crossing tunnel), or to respond to citizen ideas through "electronic dialogue" (as in the Richmond case and i n the f i r s t West End programme). The planner and his knowledge thus become more available to the community. Video-tapes do not necessarily have to be broadcast; they can be shipped elsewhere for playback. The medium of expression is s t i l l television. Thus, decision-makers in more distant places (pro-v i n c i a l or federal capitals) could view tapes showing the biases and reality of the community group. For example, members of an Indian band, who may not be s k i l l e d writers, could show the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development and the bureaucrats in the Department in Ottawa their version of local problems or how they would like to see their lands developed, or not developed. This form of "submitting a report" would necessitate a re-evaluation of procedures of "analysis". In this way, the c r i t e r i a upon which decisions would be based would be presented in a different form on a different medium. 99. The participation and the decentralization of the power structure that people are demanding can be achieved only i f p o l i -ticians recognize expediency in the change, i f planners are willing to adapt their role, and i f people have the strength to assume the responsi-b i l i t y for decisions. Video-tape and community television can be a cata-lyst to the change in the power structure (by dispersing media power). They can also be useful tools for people and planners in their new roles. Planners are in positions to govern the degree of public participation in society. They can maintain their own power and the status quo by taking an "objective" stance and make a l l decisions on a "rational" basis. Or, they can acknowledge the inalienable right of every person to state his case, to have a say in the decisions that affect his l i f e and direct his society. There are two strong trends evident today. The computer-simulation, behavioural-study, questionnaire-analysis, economical-criteria approach is in vogue among academics and "up-to-date" planners. Then, there is the ordinary citizen who is get-ting smothered in the jargon and only knows what i t is like in his im-mediate environment. The f i r s t definitely has a place, for without study the wide ramifications of decisions could not be forecast. But i t is the input into the decisions of "human-scale" c r i t e r i a that is going to make l i f e in the massive urban areas tolerable. Only by having an input into decisions w i l l people be willing to accept those decisions and their consequences. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, J. Stacy, "A Descriptive and Analytic Study of the Secondary, Remote Effects of Television", Television and Human Behaviour: Tomor-row's Research in Mass Communication, edited by Leon Arons and Mark A. May, Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York, 1963, pp. 29-35. Altshuler, Alan, The City Planning Process, A Political Analysis, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1965. Appleby, Thomas, "Citizen Participation i n the '70s: The Need to Turn to P o l i t i c s " , City, Vol. 5, No. 3, May/June, 1971, pp. 52-55. Arnstein, Sherry R., "A Ladder of Citizen Participation in the U.S.A.", Journal of the Town Planning Institute, Ap r i l , 1971, Vol. 57, No. 4, pp. 176-182. Axworthy, Lloyd and Ralph Kuropatwa, An Experiment in Community Re-nevral: Observations and proposals arising from a demonstration pro-ject in Winnipeg, for presentation to the Annual Meeting of the Cana-dian P o l i t i c a l Science Association, St. John's, Newfoundland, June 9, 1971. Bailey, James, "Cable Television: Whose Revolution?", City, Vol. 5, No. 2, March/April, 1971, pp. 19-22. Barcham, D.W.P., Community Development: An Integral Technique in the Process of Community Planning, Thesis for Master of Arts in Community and Regional Planning, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1968. Baxter, David Gordon, The utilization of Video-Tape in the Community Development Process: An Exploratory Study, Thesis for Master of Social Work, Department of Social Welfare, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Spring, 1971. Benton, Charles W., Wayne K. Howell, Hugh C. Oppenheimer, and Henry H. Urrows, Television in Urban Education: Its Application to Major Educa-tional Problems in Sixteen Cities, published in co-operation with The Fund for Media Research, Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, New York, Washington, London, 1969. (Broadcasting Act, 1967-68), An act to implement a broadcasting policy for Canada, Revised Statutes of Canada, 1970, Volume I, Chapter B - l l , pp. 683-709. Brady, Maurice, "Planning as Education and Social Innovation", Commu-nity Development Journal, Summer, 1971, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 92-102. Burke, Edmund M., "Citizen Participation Strategies", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 34, No. 5, September 1968, pp. 287-294. Callahan, Jennie Waugh, Television in School, College and Community, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., New York, Toronto, London, 1953. Clague, Michael, "Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process", Citizen Participation: Canada, James A. Draper, editor, new press, Toronto, 1971, pp. 30-44. Clark, Sir Kenneth, "From the Few to the Many", The Granada Guildhall Lectures, ]966, published by Granada Television, Manchester 3, and distributed by MacGibbon & Kee, Ltd., pp. 45-69. Collier, Robert W., Towards a Social Program for the West End, for the Department of Social Planning and Community Development, City of Vancouver, June, 1971. Collins, J. Michael, "The Community Stat ion', The Farther Vision: Edu-cational Television Today, edited by Allen E. Koenig and Ruane B. H i l l , University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Milwaukee, London, 1967, pp. 69-78. Community Planning Association of Canada, "Cable TV and Community Pro-gramming: Case Study", National Planning Conference, 1971, Halifax, Nova Scotia. Dizard, Wilson P., Television, A World View, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, New York, 1966. Dubin, Robert and R. Alan Hedley, The Medium May Be Related to the Message, college instruction by TV, Centre for the Advanced Study of Educational Administration, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon, 1969. Economic Council of Canada, Eighth Annual Review: Design for Decision-Making, An Application to Human Resources Policies, Information Canada, September, 1971. Extension Service, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John's, Newfoundland, Fogo Process in Communication, A reflection on the use of film as an inter-community communication, Spring, 1972. Ferranti, Sebastian de, "Technology and Power", The Granada Guildhall Lectures, ]966, published by Granada Television, Manchester 3, and dis-tributed by MacGibbon & Kee Ltd., pp. 71-92. Friendly, Fred W., Due to Circumstances Beyond Our Control, Random Hous New York, 1967. Garlick, Stanley A., "Improving Urban Communications 1: Electronic Tech nology's Great Potential", Nation's Cities, March, 1971, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 20-26. 102. Gattegno, Caleb, Towards a Visual Culture: Educating through Television, Outerbridge & Dienstfrey, New York, 1969. Goodman, Paul, "Television: the Broad View - The Social Perspective", The Meaning of Commercial Television, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley F. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin and Lon-don, pp. 69-81. Government of Canada, Report on the Federal Task Force of Housing and Urban Development, Paul T. Hellyer, Minister of Transport, January, 1969. , Canadian Radio-Television Commission, Cable Television in Canada, Information Canada, Ottawa, January 1971. , Canadian Radio-Television Commission, Canadian Broadcasting, "A Single System": Policy Statement on Cable Television, July 16, 1971. , Department of Communications, Telecommission, Study 6(d) Report on the Seminar on the Wired City, held at the University of Ottawa, June 26-28, 1970, Information Canada, Ottawa, 1971. , Department of Communications, Telecommission, Study 8(d), Multiservice Cable Telecommunication Systems - The Wired City, Informa-tion Canada, Ottawa, 1971. , Science Council of Canada, Report no. 14: Cities for To-morrow, Some Applications of Science and Technology to Urban Development, Information Canada, Ottawa, September, 1971. Hampton, William, " L i t t l e Men in Big Societies", Journal of the Town Planning Institute, Vol. 57, No. 4, Ap r i l , 1971, pp. 168-170. Harris, Elayne, "Fogo Island: birthplace of a communication process", University Affairs, March, 1972, pp. 6-7. Head, Wilson A., "The Ideology and Practice of Citizen Participation", Citizen Participation: Canada, James A. Draper, editor, new press, Toron-to, 1971, pp. 14-29. Institute of Urban Studies, University of Winnipeg, "Community TV Guide", Vol. 1, No. 1, May 1971. Izumi, Kyo, "Some Thoughts About the Environment and Telecommunications", Plan Canada, Vol. 11, No. 1, 1970, pp. 23-38. Johnson, Nicholas, How to Talk Back to Your Television Set, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1970. Leiren, Hall, "The Experts Out-Gun Joe Citizen", The Sun, November 9, 1971, p. 6, Vancouver; reprinted tpic news/nouvelies iuc, December, 1971. Lloyd, Anthony John, Community Development in Canada, Thesis for Master of Social Work, University of British Columbia, 1965. Lotz, James, "Citizen Participation", Habitat, Vol. 13, No. 4, 1970, pp. 16-23; 103. MacMurray, Trevor, "How not to have participation", Town & Country Plan-ning, May, 1971, Vol. 39, No. 5, pp. 263-266. Macy, John W., Jr., "Community Uses of Public Television", City, Vol. 5, No. 2, March/April, 1971, pp. 23-25. McEwan, E.R., "Citizenship Development and the Disadvantaged", Citizen Participation: Canada, James A. Draper, editor, new press, Toronto, 1971, pp. 57-67. McLean, Francis Charles, "Telecommunications - the next ten years", The Granada Guildhall Lectures, 1966, published by Granada Television, Manchester 3, and distributed by MacGibbon & Kee Ltd., pp. 9-43. McLuhan, Marshall, Counterblast, McClelland and Stewart Ltd., Toronto, 1969. , "Television in a New Light", The Meaning of Commercial Tele-vision, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin and London, pp. 87-107. , Understanding Media, The Extensions of Man, McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York, Toronto, London, 1964. Mendelsohn, Harold, "The Process of the Effect of Television in Inducing Action", Television and Human Behaviour: Tomorrow's Research in Mass Com-munications, edited by Leon Arons and Mark A. May, Appleton-Century-Croft, New York, 1963, pp. 220-228. Minow, Newton N., Equal Time: The Private Broadcaster and the Public In-terest, edited by Lawrence Laurent Athenium, New York, McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, 1964. Montagu, Ashley, "Television and the New Image of Man", The Eighth Art, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, 1962, pp. 125-134. Municipal World, "Will Cable Television help Community Development?", December, 1971, pp. 322-324. National Film Board of Canada, Newsletter - Challenge for Change, Vol. 1, No. 1, Spring, 1968. , Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Societe Nouvelle, No. 7, Winter, 1971-72. , Newsletter - Challenge for Change/Soci&te Nouvelle, No. 8, Spring, 1972. O'Hara, Jocelyne and James Cassidy, "Report on First Phase of the Commu-nity Television Project", for The Institute of Urban Studies, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, Manitoba (internal - unpublished). 104. Potter, David, "Television: the Broad View - The Historical Perspective", The Meaning of Commercial Television, The Texas-Stanford Seminar, 1966, edited by Stanley T. Donner, University of Texas Press, Austin & London, pp. 51-68. Reich, Charles A., The Greening of America, Bantam Books, Toronto, New York, London, 1970. Shelton, Donn, "Improving Urban Communications 2: Time for a New City Hall Communicator", Nation's Cities, March, 1971, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 27-29. Slade, Mark, Language of Change: Moving Images of Man, Holt, Rinehart & Winston of Canada, Ltd., Toronto, Montreal, 1970. Smith, Ralph Lee, "The Wired Nation", The Nation, May 18, 1970, Vol. 210, No. 19, special issue, pp. 582-606. Stormes, John M. and James P. Crumpler, Television Communications Systems for Business and Industry, Wiley-Interscience, New York, London, Sydney, Toronto, 1970. Styles, Brian J., "Public Participation - a reconsideration", Journal of the Town Planning Institute, Vol. 57, No. 4, Ap r i l , 1971, pp. 163-167. Thompson, James J., Instructional Communication, American Book Company, 1969. Wakelin, Charles Harold, The Effectiveness of a Metropolitan Agency in Improving the Local Municipal Planning Process: An Evaluation of the Case in Metropolitan Vancouver, Thesis for Master of Arts for Community and Regional Planning, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1966. Wheeler, Michael (editor), The Right to Housing, from the Background Pa-pers and Proceedings of the f i r s t VCanadian Conference on Housing", held in Toronto (October 1968), Harvest House Ltd., Montreal, 1969, pp. 63-139. White, David Manning and Richard Averson (editors), Sight, Sound, and Society: Motion Pictures and Television in America, Beacon Press, Boston, 1968. Wise, Arnold, "The Impact of Electronic Communications on Metropolitan Form", Ekistics, Vol. 32, No. 188, July, 1971, pp. 22-31. INTERVIEWS Chang, Ian, Richmond Planning Department. Nemtin, B i l l , Executive Director, Metro Media Association. Pearson, John, Director of Research, Ontario Department of Municipal Affairs Waitzer, Ed, Interchurch Broadcasting Project - Cable Study, Toronto, Ont. 105. APPENDIX A CATV Companies in the Lower Mainland (Source: Licensing Section, Department of Communications, Vancouver) Name of Licensee Licence Area 1. Canadian Wirevision (Owned by Vancouver Cablevision) 2. Express Cable Television Ltd. (Vancouver Cablevision) 3. National Cablevision Ltd. (Vancouver Cablevision) 4. Western Cablevision Ltd. 5. North West Community Video Ltd. 6. West Coast Cablevision 7. Delta Cable Television Ltd. 8. Fraser Valley Cablevision Ltd. 9. White Rock Cablevision Ltd. 10. Valley Televue Ltd. City of Vancouver, northwest Burnaby, and Richmond part of North Vancouver (2 licences) a) Port Coquitlam and Port Moody b) Maple Ridge and Mission New Westminster West Vancouver and part of North Vancouver North Burnaby Delta and Tsawwassen Surrey South Surrey and White Rock Chilliwack, Sardis, and Vedder Crossing 11. M.S.A. Cablevision Matsqui, Sumas 


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