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Reactions to contact and colonization : an interpretation of religious and social change among Indians… Rumley, Hilary Eileen 1973

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REACTIONS TO CONTACT AND COLONIZATION: INTERPRETATION OF RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA by HILARY EILEEN RUMLEY B.A., University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required s tandard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date 3o bfHl , 1973 - i -ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development of the reactions of Indians of British Columbia to contact and colonization. It is maintained that religious and social changes which have occurred among Indians of British .Columbia since contact with the White man can best be understood when interpreted as phases in a continuous process of development. This process of change began with the emergence of prophet movements at approximately the same time as the White man's presence was beginning to be f e l t in the area. These prophet movements exhibited characteristics typical of messianic movements elsewhere. Native prophets predicted the arrival of White men, their power and possessions. When missionaries arrived in the area they were generally accorded an enthusi-astic reception. The appeal of missionary Christianity i s analysed with reference to the millenial ambience established in the earlier prophet movements and to the messages and media communicated by the missionaries. For many Indians, i t is argued, conversion to Christianity was equivalent to participating in a millenarian activity. An examination of typical converts and Christian communities established by various missionaries reveals the attempt by many Indians to adopt White culture and realize the expectations apparent in the prophet movements. Disillusionment with missionary Christianity was the result of the widening colonial experience. Although desiring equality with the White man, Indians remained p o l i t i c a l l y , economically and socially subor-dinate. Conversion to Christianity had not succeeded i n satisfying Indian - i i -needs and expectations. Indians began asserting a desire for independent control of their own affai r s , a desire found among colonial peoples in other parts of the world. But the nature of the colonial situation in Canada has l e f t the Indians a minority group with no effective p o l i t i c a l power, and thus assertions of Indian nationalism in British Columbia have been directed into such activities as p o l i t i c a l pressure groups, the revival of Indian s p i r i t dancing and other ceremonials. - i i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ' .. iv CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION - APPROACHES AND PERSPECTIVES 1 CHAPTER TWO POWER, PROPHETS AND PREDICTIONS .. .. 16 CHAPTER THREE MISSIONARIES, MESSAGES AND MEDIA .. .. 44 CHAPTER FOUR CONVERTS AND COMMUNITIES .. .. .. 77 CHAPTER FIVE SHAKERS, POLITICIANS AND SPIRIT DANCERS 96 CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 115 BIBLIOGRAPHY 121 - Iv -ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Several people have been helpful in the preparation of this thesis. I would like to thank especially Professor Mike Kew for his encouragement and editing of earlier drafts. Professor Ken Burridge provided thoughtful stimulation and advice both in person and in absentia. Thanks also to Professor Wilson Duff. I am grateful to my husband, Dennis, who, though not an anthropologist by training, has become one during the writing of this thes i s . - V -... le contact des c i v i l i s a t i o n s se produit a 1'occasion d'une situation particuli^re, la situation coloniale, qui se transforms historiquement... Georges Balandier, La Situation Coloniale CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION - APPROACHES AND PERSPECTIVES This t h e s i s has developed from an i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t i n missionary contact and r e l i g i o u s change among the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia. The aim, at f i r s t , was to account f o r the appeal of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the success of v a r i o u s m i s s i o n a r i e s . The missionary h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, covering the d i f f e r e n t denominational groups, has been recorded by a number of w r i t e r s ( C o l l i s o n , 1916; Cronin, 1960; Crosby, 1914; Morice, 1910; Usher, 1969; Young, 1955). Many more accounts e x i s t , w r i t t e n as reminiscences by i n d i v i d u a l m i s s i o n a r i e s or n a r r a t i v e s by sympathetic observers. These accounts describe i n c i d e n t s and events of s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the r e l a t i o n s between m i s s i o n a r i e s and Indians, but present a one-sided p e r s p e c t i v e . The missionary p o i n t of view i s given precedence, and such accounts do not provide what seems from an anthro-p o l o g i c a l viewpoint a s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n of the appeal of C h r i s t i a n i t y to the Indians i n v o l v e d . In part then, t h i s t h e s i s attempts to c o r r e c t the imbalance i n the missionary h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia by p r e s e n t i n g , as f a r as p o s s i b l e , the Indian p o i n t of view. The Indians are seen l e s s as passive r e c i p i e n t s of missionary C h r i s t i a n i t y than as a c t i v e f o l l o w e r s . In order to see why Indians were o f t e n a c t i v e f o l l o w e r s of the new r e l i g i o n i ntroduced by m i s s i o n a r i e s , and to assess s a t i s f a c t o r i l y the appeal of the m i s s i o n a r i e s and t h e i r impact on the r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l l i f e of Indians i n the area, i t became necessary to examine f a c t o r s which - 2 -could have affected the reception given to the incoming missionaries. Such factors included not only traditional beliefs and social values i n Indian society, but also the immediate situation in terms of contact with outside cultures. It was necessary to know what had already happened in the way of prior religious and social change, and to place the a r r i v a l of the missionaries in this context. Certain changes were in fact underway before any missionaries appeared in the area, and Indians had already been contacted by White men, mainly explorers and traders. The existence of prophet movements in the period before the ar r i v a l of missionaries has led to a controversy, i n the literature over whether or not these activities were an aboriginal phenomenon. Spier (1935) is concerned to show the indigenous roots of the 'Prophet Dance of the Northwest' and Suttles (1957) also treats prophet movements in the area as aboriginal a c t i v i t i e s . Aberle (1959) takes issue with the assumptions of these writers, suggesting that such movements are better interpreted as the result of contact with White men. Walker (1969), in agreeing with Aberle, provides further evidence to show that prophet act i v i t i e s in the area did constitute a reaction to contact and were not necessarily to be regarded as a purely indigenous phenomenon. This debate, centring on the 'indigenous versus contact argument', w i l l be taken up again later, but the main point to note here is that the controversy seems to have prevented further investigation of links between the existence of the prophet move-ments and the subsequent appeal of Christianity. The presence of Christian features i n the prophet movements is indicated, and Spier does discuss the 'Christianized form of the Prophet Dance' (1935: 30-39), but this i s only - 3 -undertaken to show that what on the surface seemed to be distorted Christian r i t u a l was i n fact the native 'Prophet Dance'. No importance is attached to any positive connections which the Indians may have made between prophet movements and the religion which the missionaries were bringing. It is only indicated that i n some vague way the Prophet Dance fac i l i t a t e d the acceptance of Christianity (Spier, 1935: 30). This connec-tion w i l l be explored more ful l y and an examination of features of the prophet movements, focussing on the reasons for their emergence and the expectations revealed i n them, w i l l be made. This should enable a f u l l e r understanding of the motives of many Indians who participated i n the prophet movements. It w i l l also provide the necessary background to an understanding of why Christianity had the appeal that i t did. While the i n i t i a l point of the research was to account for the apparent success of missionary Christianity among Indians, i t became clear that the picture would not be complete unless some explanation could be given of the later disillusionment with the new religion. This led me to look beyond the phase of conversion to Christianity and to examine factors which were operative in subsequent developments. The scope of the thesis has thus expanded from the i n i t i a l concern with one phase of religious change, conversion under the guidance of missionaries, to examining this as but a phase in a much longer process of change. This longer process may be described as reaction to contact and colonization. The study raised the whole issue of Indian reactions to White contact and colonization and i t became impossible to ignore the colonial presence i n discussing the changes which occurred i n Indian - 4 -societies in the area. Furthermore, i t is doubtful whether a l l the changes discussed may be termed 'religious' i n a narrow sense. The early movements do appear to have had a religious character, but later develop-ments took on a more secular, p o l i t i c a l aspect. This distinction, which i s more one of degree than of kind, w i l l be brought up again later in connection with post-missionary developments. The colonial situation thus provides a necessary conceptual framework for considering the changes discussed here, for i t has largely affected the form and direction of indigenous religious movements and p o l i t i c a l developments. A history of the Canadian Indian has recently been written exp l i c i t l y using a colonial framework in order to compare the course of events for Canada's native peoples with that of other subordinate peoples (Patterson, 1972). The study is instructive. It is important to note the hi s t o r i c a l connection between the various forces of colonialism. As Balandier has pointed out ... the effort to spread the Christian gospel has been tied h i s t o r i c a l l y to European expansion i n the commercial, p o l i t i c a l or military spheres.... The economic, governmental and missionary objectives have been experienced by subject peoples as closely associated activities (1966: 39). Thus, the impact of the missionaries on the religious a c t i v i t i e s of the Indians in the area cannot be fu l l y understood without reference to the broader colonial framework. While using British Columbia and adjoining areas as the centre of study, other accounts of social and religious change in colonial situations are referred to where relevant in order to show similarity of process. In - 5 -part, the aim of the thesis is to draw together anthropological, hi s t o r i c a l and sociological data which relate to the theme of reaction to contact and colonization so as to provide evidence for a particular interpretation. This interpretation is at times speculative, based as i t is on the reconstruction of past situations from literary research. No defence is offered, for reasoned speculation is in my view a valuable part of the social s c i e n t i f i c enquiry, providing stimulus and posing questions for further investigation. This thesis u t i l i z e s h i s t o r i c a l information, but i t s perspective is anthropological, not h i s t o r i c a l . In attempting to analyse processes of change, anthropology does not limit i t s e l f to looking at the actions and reactions of the participants, but seeks to understand the meaning of certain experiences to those involved in particular situations. The c pattern of events and the behaviour of participants reveal the nature of social relationships i n the changing situation. Historical approaches to the study of relations between Indians and missionaries have tended to document actions and reactions mainly from the missionary point of view. A f u l l e r understanding of processes of change can be achieved by taking into account the Indian perception of the situation also. The interpretation of religious change to be given here thus stresses the need to examine contact with and conversion to Christianity in a broader contextual framework than is usual and to examine available data from a longer period of time to be able to appreciate underlying processes and overall change. This is the approach urged by Burridge with respect to millenarian a c t i v i t i e s . - 6 -They are to be appreciated on a much longer time scale, within an hi s t o r i c a l continuum, in terms of f i r s t beginnings and further and ultimate consequences (1969: 99). Such an approach is lacking with respect to British Columbia and adjacent areas. Particular phases of social and religious change have been dealt with in isolation by anthropologists and historians, but no synthesis has been attempted which could have linked the various phases by reference to some developmental theme. It is worth pointing out that such a process of change is always on-going, and u t i l i z a t i o n of a time perspective enables us to see that further changes are inevitable. The point at which a study of change breaks off is thus arbitrary, a matter of convenience. This thesis is not an exhaustive account of social and religious change in British Columbia, nor was i t meant to be. Rather, i t is an interpretation of such change, supported by evidence from the literature available. The patchiness of the data presented is partly a result of the nature of the material available, both from missionary and ethnographic sources, and partly a result of the fact that the inter-pretation urged here has not attempted to postulate or assume cultural homogeneity i n the data being used. The concern i s directed less to people as anonymous cultural units, and more to regarding them as individuals confronted with choices and holding quite specific attitudes and beliefs. As Balandier has aptly remarked, "... contact is made by means of social groups, and not among cultures existing i n the form of independent r e a l i t i e s " (1966: 52). It is not intended to convey the - 7 -impression of a uniform entity when talking about British Columbia, rather, what is implied is a geographical region with a population of very general cultural similarity which has experienced a similarity of historic conditions and processes. The presence of fur traders and missionaries was f e l t at approximately the same time in the general area and the development of the colonial experience has followed the same overall pattern throughout the area. A l l experience i n the area is not necessarily consistent with this uniform processual model, however, and inconsistencies can doubtless be found. But i t is the similarity of process, and not the inconsistency, which is of interest here. In other ethnographic areas, various studies have given atten-tion to the effect of culture contact on religious developments. Approaches d i f f e r . Some writers are specifically interested in accul-turation as a process and, among other things, may attempt to distinguish factors which affect the readiness of native people to accept aspects of the White man's culture, including Christianity (e.g. Berkhofer, 1965; Dozier, 1960). Others have been interested in the emergence of religious movements from the contact situation, attempting to classify and distinguish these movements by reference to certain variables (e.g. Linton, 1943; Voget, 1956; Wallace, 1956). Burridge indicates the limitations of these "series of eclectic empiricisms"', for the labels given to various movements, descriptive terms, merely reflect the emphases observed by different investigators (1969: 103). It seems then that accounts of religious change have either focused on factors affecting the acceptance of Christianity, or they have concentrated on - 8 -emergent movements. Guiart suggests another approach (1962). Rather than talking of missionization "as an external factor which plays havoc with traditional society..." and looking for "the remnants of heathenism inside the existing Christian society...", he suggests that we can think of Christianity ... as a living factor inside the social structure, as being in many ways an entirely new phenomenon: the reinterpretation of occidental traditional religious ideas and structures by people who have chosen to make use of them as their own (1962: 122). This suggestion accords well with that of Peel, whose aim is to show the serious limitations of any approach to religious change which centres on acculturation (1967). He regards as superficial the view that when a large number of people forsake their former religion, some of the old beliefs become mixed with the new. Peel c r i t i c i z e s those who consider i t to be of great moment to be able to say how far any belief or practice l i e s along a continuum whose poles are marked 'traditional' and 'acculturated'. Indeed, most messianic and millenarian i movements are syncretistic, and so to analyse them in such terms does not take us very far i n understanding what this means to those involved in them. The 'acculturation' approach is used by Berkhofer i n his study of Protestant missions and the American Indian response (1965). His stress on the stage of acculturation as a determinant of the Indian response to Christianity leads him to ask, rather superficially "How pure a Christian was the Indian convert?" (1965: 117). This sort of question does not take us far in the attempt to understand the appeal of Christianity to Indians and the interpretation i t was given. Attempts to dichotomize - 9 -'Christianity' and 'native beliefs' in terms of stages of acculturation have limited appreciation of the interpretation given to missionary Christianity by native peoples. Suttles comes close to agreeing with this position i n his work on the Plateau Prophet Dance among the Coast Salish when he notes that ... the distinction between the native belief system and Christianity may not be as clear and simple as most ethnographers have implicitly assumed; contemporary Coast- Salish religion must be seen as the result of not one but a series of compromises and reinter-pretations (1957: 352-353). And again, ... ethnographers have tended to assume that they are dealing with two mutually exclusive systems, 'native' and 'Christian'... and have thus exercised too great a selectivity in collecting and reporting 'native' beliefs and practices (1957: 389). Part of the problem seems to l i e with the nature of Christianity i t s e l f . The Christian religion is not a neatly-wrapped parcel to be accepted intact. It contains elements which are universal, and individuals or groups may select the elements which are most meaningful to them. Because of these universal elements, i t becomes very d i f f i c u l t to disentangle the 'Christian' element from the 'universal' element in a situation of contact and change. We can thus correctly talk about pre-missionary movements, but not necessarily pre-Christian movements. Movements which began before missionaries may have had for example messianic elements, and what is seized upon after the introduction of Christianity depends on what the pre-missionary prophets have already - 10 -taught and the correspondence between this teaching and that of the missionaries. While drawing attention to this point about certain 'universals' in religious a c t i v i t i e s , there is s t i l l clearly a need to regard Christianity in a different context as a new phenomenon, something different from traditional religion and at the same time a re-interpretation of Western Christianity. By examining Christianity i n i t s new context as a 'ire-interpretation', i t is possible to treat i t as comparable to non-Christian, post-contact religious movements. By thus broadening the conceptual framework, we can ask such questions as: Was conversion to Christianity comparable to an indigenous millenarian activity? Was i t , i n fact, a substitute for such a movement? Accounts of the general pattern of the development of millenarian activities and the typical phases which are apparent in them enables us to draw parallels between them and the pattern of events and activities in British Columbia. The phase of conversion to missionary Christianity can be more ful l y understood when treated as part of this general pattern of development. Comparable elements include the prevailing social conditions, autochthonous background, the role of the leader and the nature of the teachings. The limitations of previous studies dealing with religious change among North American Indians i n general, and those of British Columbia in particular, relate largely to the lack of an adequate explanatory framework and to the fact that their time perspective has been a narrow one. Mention has already been made of Berkhofer's work in which he produces a 'sequential hypothesis' to analyse the effect of the stage of acculturation of an Indian tribe on the sequence of events after contact with Protestant missionaries. The significance of the contact situation and i t s effect on the Indian response to Christianity is not disputed, but Berkhofer's study begs many questions. He asserts that "... more and more Indians accepted new values and aspired to a new way of l i f e " 0-965: 127), but he f a i l s to explain why the Indians should want to aspire to a new way of l i f e and accept new values. This is precisely what needs to be explained. Further, the same writer indicates that "... the acceptance of new values ... demanded new social relationships" (1965: 129). Such a statement is an over-simplification when no further elaboration is given of why Indians should be interested i n new values, which necessitated new social relationships. Berkhofer's work f a l l s short as an adequate explanatory model of the Indian reaction to missionary Christianity because i t does not take account of factors other than stages of acculturation. No emphasis is given to the degree of congruence of the new religion with indigenous religious beliefs, nor does Berkhofer indicate the significance of the various responses to Christianity within a broader conceptual framework. The same general limitations can be seen i n Dozier's study of the differing reactions to religious contacts among North American Indian societies (1960). His main concern is to determine characteristic response patterns of whole societies to religious contacts i n order to set up types of reactions and outline general processes. He discusses this i n terms of 'religious adjustment', and while i t is d i f f i c u l t to see how rejection of Christianity constitutes 'religious adjustment', we have to - 12 -ask the question: Adjustment from what to what, and why? Again, the emphasis on stages of acculturation and the delineating of factors associated with these does not provide a satisfactory explanation of the overall trend of developments. A f u l l e r understanding of the appeal of missionary Christianity can be gained by examining what has been discussed i n relation to millenarian a c t i v i t i e s . Burridge's analysis of these movements indicates within a broader frame of reference some of the processes inherent in religious change and the emergence of millenarian activities (1969). He offers a useful working definition of religion which stresses the central importance of assumptions about power (1969: 6-7). We can recognise the implications of this workingdefinition of religion and religious activities particularly during periods of social change: ... religious a c t i v i t i e s w i l l change when the assumptions about the nature of power, and hence the rules which govern i t s use and control, can no longer guarantee the truth of things (1969: 7). As is indicated, 'periods of social unrest' and the 'weakening or disruption of the old social order' ... refer to situations where the relevant assumptions about power are weakening and no longer enable individuals to perceive the truth of things. They cannot project a satisfactory redemptive process (1969: 8). 'New ideals' giving rise to religious movements may thus be seen as ... attempts to reformulate assumptions about power so that they may account for the widening experiences of everyday l i f e and provide the basis for a new mode of redemption (1969: 8). - 13 -In the general area of the Pacific Northwest, contact with the White man weakened indigenous assumptions about power and precipitated social unrest. It has been mentioned how, i n such situations, religious activities emerge which attempt to comprehend and readjust to these new manifestations of power. Because power in the Pacific Northwest was largely linked to and manifest i n wealth and status, i t becomes necessary to examine the rules which govern the use of power and to look at "... the ways.in which wealth i s distributed... and what powers are dependent on various kinds of wealth" (Burridge, 1969: 8). Once we under-stand indigenous notions concerning power, its acquisition and distribution, we can see more clearly how new sorts of power were perceived and absorbed in terms of changing religious beliefs. Guiart's analysis of the millenarian aspect of conversion to Christianity in the South Pacific shows the interpretation given to the new religion by some groups of native peoples (1962). He suggests that the missionaries often stimulated millenial expectations among the natives, leading them to believe that acceptance of the White man's religion would also bring them his wealth, a b i l i t i e s and power. While stressing the millenial appeal of conversion to Christianity and the importance of missionary methods and policy in the area, Guiart does not exp l i c i t l y consider treating the phase of conversion to Christianity as i n i t s e l f comparable to a millenarian movement. Rather, the stress is placed on parallels with the cargo cults which followed conversion. • This thesis suggests that the eagerness with which elements of Christianity were accepted by both individual Indians and groups of natives, apparent in the early prophet movements and later in direct - 14 -c o n t a c t w i t h m i s s i o n a r i e s , r e v e a l s an a t t e m p t t o absorb and r e f o r m u l a t e new a s s u m p t i o n s about power and can thus be t r e a t e d i n the same way as a m i l l e n a r i a n movement. The t h e s i s b e g i n s by l o o k i n g a t the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n b e f o r e t h e a r r i v a l o f m i s s i o n a r i e s and e x a m i n i n g e v i d e n c e w h i c h shows how i d e a s about the W h i t e man were r e c e i v e d by I n d i a n s n o t as y e t i n d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h him. I n d i g e n o u s a s s u m p t i o n s about power and c h a n g i n g s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s a r e o u t l i n e d and d i s c u s s e d . As an i n d i c a t i o n o f s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s change, t h e emergence o f p r o p h e t movements i s s i g n i f i c a n t and t h e s e a r e examined more c l o s e l y t o see what t h e y r e v e a l about c h a n g i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s i n a s i t u a t i o n o f c u l t u r e c o n t a c t . These movements c r e a t e d a m i l l e n a r i a n ambience - t h a t i s , a g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n o f a b e t t e r l i f e t o come. The p r o p h e t s who l e d t h e s e movements a c t e d as p r e c u r s o r s o f the m i s s i o n a r i e s and c o n s t i t u t e d t h e f i r s t phase o f r e l i g i o u s change i n t h e a r e a , an i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n t o c o n t a c t w i t h t h e W h i t e man. . The n e x t p a r t o f the s t u d y examines t h e a r r i v a l o f t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s , p l a c i n g them i n t h e g e n e r a l c o l o n i a l c o n t e x t and d e s c r i b i n g t h e media t h e y used t o communicate w i t h I n d i a n s as w e l l as t h e n a t u r e o f t h e message th e y a t t e m p t e d t o convey. W i t h an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e I n d i a n s i t u a t i o n a t t h e t i m e o f the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' a r r i v a l and a knowledge o f m i s s i o n a r y aims and methods, i t w i l l be seen how the I n d i a n s were r e a d y f o r a m i l l e n i u m , and the m i s s i o n a r i e s were p r e p a r e d t o g i v e , i t . The subsequent s e c t i o n d e a l s w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f c o n v e r t s and C h r i s t i a n communities i n o r d e r t o i l l u s t r a t e the n a t u r e o f c h a n g i n g a s s u m p t i o n s about power and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and how t h e s e were - 15 -manifested i n missionary-inspired p r o j e c t s . The appeal of C h r i s t i a n i t y i s examined f i r s t l y through an analysis of some t y p i c a l converts and the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s they exhibited, and secondly, through a description of newly formed C h r i s t i a n communities and model v i l l a g e s . The concluding part of the thesis discusses l a t e r developments which can be more re a d i l y understood i n the l i g h t of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given here and by reference to the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . These developments have included the Shaker Church, a number of Indian p o l i t i c a l organizations and the r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing i n some areas of B r i t i s h Columbia. - 16 -CHAPTER 2 POWER, PROPHETS AND PREDICTIONS Attempts to distinguish aboriginal religious beliefs from subsequent syncretic movements may be both misleading and superficial, particularly i f ethnographic material is inadequate. Yet the autoch-thonous cultural background is significant, as i t largely influences the form and direction of changing religious a c t i v i t i e s . This is not to say that the indigenous background totally determines the emergence of a new movement, but i t provides a framework from which the new forms develop. By referring to the autochthonous cultural background, we can indicate the aspects of the society which appear to have been significant in conditioning the changes which began to take place after contact with the White man. As Kbbben suggests i n his discussion of eschatological-adoptive movements''', we need to take account of various factors in seeking a satisfactory explanation of this type of prophetic movement (1960: 133). Such factors would include the indigenous culture pattern, traditional religious convictions, the colonial situation and the desire for material goods. It i s thus relevant and necessary, before outlining reactions to contact with White men, to examine certain aspects of aboriginal social organization, values and religious beliefs. Recognizing as we did earlier 1. By 1eschatological' KBbben means 'the-end-of-this-period-of-misery and the advent of another and better world'; by 'adoptive' he means those movements which express a desire for the culture of the Whites; or at least for i t s material aspects which, as i t were, are sp i r i t u a l l y adopted (1960: 118). - 17 -that religion is concerned with the truth about power, we need to analyse indigenous notions of power to see how i t was gained and distributed and to see i t s significance for p o l i t i c a l organization. By examining the relationship of power to wealth, we can understand how status and prestige were measured in traditional Indian society. With this insight on traditional assumptions about power, wealth and status we w i l l be able to see how they were beginning to weaken in reaction to contact and conse-quently, how religious a c t i v i t i e s were beginning to change. An under-standing of traditional social organization, beliefs and values may reveal, despite various complex reactions, that throughout the processes of change, certain patterns can be discerned which relate to the cultural background and indigenous categories of understanding. While recognizing that there are differences between the Indian groups in the area, i t is s t i l l possible to discuss common basic features of the conceptions of prestige and status, and their relationship to power i n social and religious institutions. Drucker notes that the basic social unit of North Pacific coast society was a localized kinship group which acted autonomously (1965: 46). Ray points to a similar type of social organization for the tribes of the interior plateau (1939: 8). Here again, the basic social unit was the autonomous local group. The localized groups of kin who lived and worked together "... owned not only lands and their produce but a l l other forms of wealth: material treasures and intangible rights usually referred to as 'privileges'..." (Drucker, 1965: 47). These latter 'privileges' consisted of such things as names, crests, songs, dances, secret procedures and medicines. In addition, the local group operated as a unit in the - 18 -major ceremonials i n which wealth and privileges were used. Wealth was scarce among the peoples of the interior plateau, and hence there was l i t t l e of the cultural elaboration based on wealth which was characteristic of the relatively affluent coastal groups who had more abundant natural resources at their disposal. On the coast, "... the guiding themes of social organization were hereditary transmission of status and privilege, with stress on material wealth" (Drucker, 1965: 46). Local groups each had their own chiefs, whose position was acquired through inheritance. Heredity chief-tainship was the general pattern among the plateau cultures also, but on the coast there were additional bases for chieftainship. As Ray indicates (1939: 19-21), chiefly heredity was directly correlated with wealth on the Northwest coast, whereas nowhere i n the plateau was chieftainship based upon wealth. As noted, wealth was rare i n the plateau and did not function as a prerequisite to p o l i t i c a l power. Rank was an important feature of social structure i n this area. Members of the localized kinship groups were s t r a t i f i e d according to rank status. Concepts of class distinctions did vary over the area, being more marked on the coast than i n the interior. Typical plateau structure was based on a premise of equality, although i n the cases of groups subject to coastal influence (Carrier, Chilcotin, Lillooet and Shuswap) modified class concepts were adopted. As Suttles noted with respect to Coast Salish society, broad divisions existed comprising of high-born people, commoners and slaves (1954: 33). Elsewhere, Suttles noted (1958: 504) that these three classes consisted of a large upper class of good people, a smaller lower class of worthless people and a s t i l l smaller class of slaves. - 19 -Within each of the ranks of high-born and commoners status was not uniform, rather, there was a grading of positions from upper to lower with no two individuals being of exactly equal status. Although one's membership in one's social rank, and hence one's rights and privileges, w a r e i n h e r i t e d , m o b i l i t y wag p o s s i b l e , mere §o p e r h a p s among t h e C o a s t Salish than groups further north. Groups from Vancouver Island northward had the most elaborate and r i g i d system of graded ranking. The highest-ranking member of the nobility, who acquired his position through inheritance, was the chief of his community. Pre-eminent social status thus implied chiefly p o l i t i c a l status. It is important to stress the close connection between heredity and wealth. As Drucker notes "... social status on the Northwest Coast did not depend entirely either on heredity or on wealth, but on the inter-relationship between the two" (1955: 127). High class position resulted from a combination of 'good' birth and the use of wealth. The display of wealth was a means of maintaining prestige and status, and i n the southern part of the coast possession of riches was also a means of gaining increased social status. As Suttles states, Status of the individual depended on what he owned. Material possessions - food and wealth in blankets, canoes and slaves - were important. But they were acquired only to share... the essential feature of this giving was that i t validated the status of the giver, or some member of his family... (1954: 34). Through inheritance, one gained certain rights and prerogatives, but the social status with which these privileges were associated could not be assumed u n t i l the individual's claim to them was formally validated. This was done at the potlatch ceremony, where guests were rewarded with - 20 -food and g i f t s for acting as witnesses. Wealth was therefore necessary to an i n d i v i d u a l sponsoring a potlatch and at the same time demonstrated his a b i l i t y to assume his claims. Drucker noted that The prime purpose of Indian wealth was display and ostentatious consumption to demonstrate prosperity and power to others, thus enhancing the l o c a l group's prestige. The maximum expression of this use was to give away or destroy quantities of valuables (1965: 50). So f a r , several themes have been mentioned i n connection with indigenous notions of power. I t has been stressed that power i n the Indian societies i n th i s area hinged on inherited p r i v i l e g e and the display of wealth. But this i s not the- complete picture. I t was generally believed that success i n the economic and s o c i a l spheres was the result of the possession of supernatural power. As Suttles indicates, Material wealth i t s e l f was an ind i c a t i o n that a man had non-material possessions. I t was the non-material things that brought him the wealth (1954: 34). Apart from inherited rights and 'private knowledge', these non-material possessions included supernatural power. An individual's success, which gave an ind i c a t i o n of his power, was generally seen as the resul t of having acquired supernatural s k i l l s . The int e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l status, prestige, wealth and s p i r i t help now becomes clearer. Throughout the area supernatural powers were sought through the s p i r i t quest. Details of the guardian s p i r i t quest varied, but the underlying b e l i e f s were simi l a r among the diff e r e n t groups. As Drucker points out, Among some groups the trainee sought a par t i c u l a r type of power by incorporating special secret procedures i n his t r a i n i n g - 21 -r i t u a l . One sought hunting power, another war power, yet another, c u r i n g power. Among other groups, c u r i n g power was the p r i n c i p a l type sought; other s o r t s of power were b e l i e v e d to be encountered more or l e s s by chance (1965: 86). Guardian s p i r i t h e l pers could thus be acquired by c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s and gave power i n the s e c u l a r sphere - wealth, p o s i t i o n and p r e s t i g e . Possession of s u p e r n a t u r a l power was manifested i n s p i r i t dances - ceremonies which p u b l i c i z e d the a c q u i s i t i o n and demonstration of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l powers. The s u p e r n a t u r a l 'expert' was the shaman, whose main concern was c u r i n g s i c k n e s s . The shaman was a powerful f i g u r e i n the l o c a l community, d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t he lacked i n h e r i t e d r i g h t s and economic p r i v i l e g e s . Drucker notes t h a t Many commoners who possessed no high s o c i a l rank... found a compensatory p r e s t i g e i n shamanistic power... to be a shaman sent an i n d i v i d u a l on the road to wealth.... What the shaman a c t u a l l y obtained was p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n , e i t h e r esteem or f e a r or a blend of both, f a r beyond t h a t to which h i s modest b i r t h would have e n t i t l e d him (1955: 159). Ray a l s o i n d i c a t e s that i n the p l a t e a u ... shamans can p r o p e r l y be counted r i c h men and whatever p r e s t i g e they possess i s the r e s u l t of t h e i r unusual s u p e r n a t u r a l powers, not t h e i r r i c h e s (1939: 26). Having o u t l i n e d some of the indigenous notions r e l a t i n g to power, wealth and s t a t u s , a f i n a l word needs to be s a i d about another aspect of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l background which i s r e l e v a n t to the d i s c u s s i o n of changing r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . This concerns the r e c u r r e n t theme of b e l i e f s concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the l i v i n g and the dead. Although the theme of a c o n t i n u i t y i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i v i n g and dead i s a - 22 -universal one and not unique to the Pacific Northwest area i n general, certain features of this theme are worth stressing. In relation to North-west coast cultures, Wike indicates the beliefs that ... the status rankings of real l i f e are main-tained or intensified in l i f e after death... (and) physical and r i t u a l contacts with the dead w i l l insure personal successes (1952: 98). These beliefs are seen as reflecting the cultural emphases upon inherited position and ancestral pride, as well as individual supernatural assistance. The mythology of the area contains numerous tales of the li v i n g v i s i t i n g the land of the dead and Spier mentions dreams of the dead as being a 'type-dream' of the Northwest coast peoples (1935: 16). In addition, shamans ventured into the land of the dead when searching for souls in the course of their curing practices, and 'resurrections' were not uncommon (Spier, 1935: 13). A further aspect of relationships between the livi n g and the dead is linked to what would appear to be indigenous millenial beliefs. According to Spier, among the tribes of the interior plateau there was an old belief i n the impending destruction and renewal of the world, when the dead would return (1935: 5). Beliefs in the end of the world, a type of Doomsday, are recorded i n several Thompson tales of Old Man and Coyote (Spier, 1935: 60). The Shuswap are reported to have performed ceremonies which were expected to ... hasten the return to earth of the souls of the departed, and the beginning of a golden age, when everyone would lead a l i f e of ease and happiness, and when the dead would be reunited with the l i v i n g . . . . They were also said to make i t easier for the dying to reach the spirit-land, and to make l i f e there more pleasant for them, and to strengthen the bonds between the li v i n g and the dead (Spier, 1935: 60, citing Teit, 1909). - 23 -While i t is not altogether certain i f such ceremonies were an indigenous phenomenon or influenced by contact with the White man, i t seems as i f the notion of the ancestors' return did belong to traditional Indian culture, and could have provided a millenarian basis to changing religious a c t i v i t i e s . Before proceeding to discuss i n i t i a l Indian reactions to White contact, i t is necessary to describe the form these f i r s t contacts took. Indians of the Pacific Northwest were f i r s t contacted directly by White men i n 1741. In this year, Bering's expedition approached the Aleutians from the west. Krause notes that the significance of this f i r s t recorded contact lay i n the reports of the sailors about the vast wealth of furs in the area (1956: 15). Such reports encouraged the Russians to undertake commercial ventures i n the Aleutians and, later, through the islands east to the Alaska mainland. Russian trading posts were established at Kodiak in 1783 and at Sitka in 1799. From a relatively early date, Russians were thus in direct contact with the Tlingit, who likely conveyed information about these strangers to neighbouring Indians with whom they traditionally traded. Spaniards entered the area which is now British Columbia from the south. In 1774, Juan Perez explored the coast i n the v i c i n i t y of the Queen Charlotte Islands and the west coast of Vancouver Island, trading at Nootka Sound. Bodega y Quadra's ship reached as far north as the Alaska coast i n 1775, landing in Sitka Sound. The British under Captain Cook reached the area in 1778, and trading was carried on with the Indians, particularly i n the Nootka Sound region. - 24 -In the years following these i n i t i a l expeditions, especially after 1785, a great number of trading ships, mainly from Britain and America, entered the area and in a f a i r l y short time trade goods swamped the entire coast. Trade items included a wide variety of things such as iron, copper, brass, guns, cloth, rum, trinkets, blankets, rice and bread. While sea-based trade was developing on the coast, Indians in the interior were encountering White traders coming overland from the east. Alexander Mackenzie was the f i r s t fur trader to cross the Rockies and reach the coast by an overland route. In 1793, he reached the mouth of the Bella Coola river by way of the Peace and Fraser rivers. In 1808, Simon Fraser reached the coast i n Salish territory, travelling down the river named after him. Another fur trader and explorer, David Thompson, descended the Columbia river to i t s mouth in 1811. The North West Company began to establish trading posts i n the northern part of the interior from 1805 and the Hudson's Bay Company set up forts on the coast, beginning with.Fort Langley i n 1827. Port Simpson was established at the mouth of the Nass river i n 1831 and other forts were set up at strategic locations on the coast"''. Several points need stressing i n connection with the effects of this early fur trade period. F i r s t l y , while some Indians were in direct contact with the explorers and traders, other Indian groups were contacted indirectly. As Duff mentions in connection with Indians in the interior, they ... f e l t the effects of the white men's presence before they actually saw any. Horses, guns, and other trade items passed quickly from tribe to 1. Although established as Fort Simpson, i t later became known as Port Simpson. - 25 -tribe from the south and east in advance of the f i r s t explorers. So did diseases such as smallpox, and some European religious ideas. Stories of strange ships and strange men, and some trade goods, fi l t e r e d to them from the coast (1964: 55). Aberle draws attention to the importance of long chains of communication in diffusing information among native groups before direct contact is made (1959: 76-77). This point w i l l be taken up again i n discussing how both direct and indirect contact can cause social unrest. Even though the early explorers and traders had l i t t l e overt concern for changing the Indian way of life"*", they demonstrated a powerful, yet ill-understood force to the Indians and undoubtedly created changes i n traditional assumptions. The possible effect of the fur trade on indigenous social organization even before direct contact is indicated i n the following statement: ... trade may lead to changes i n productive activities or i n the balance of such a c t i v i t i e s , and to changes i n the distribution of wealth and power, long prior to direct contact (Aberle, 1959: 77-78). It i s thus possible to see how such indirect effects as changes brought about by trade, as well as the impact of various diseases, could quite easily bring about far-reaching changes in traditional ideas relating to the perception of power, sources of wealth, and social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . The second point relates to the direct involvement of Indians in the fur trade and the effects of the influx of new types of wealth on 1. Suttles (1954: 39) observes "The aim of the fur-traders was not to revolutionize native culture. The fur-traders wanted only a re-emphasis; primarily they wanted the natives to spend more time hunting fur-bearing animals and less time quarrelling among themselves". We may note that even such a 're-emphasis' could have repercussions i n social a c t i v i t i e s . - 26 -indigenous society. Some of the chiefs f i r s t i n contact with the coastal traders managed to strengthen their economic and social positions, manip-ulating the new source of wealth to their own advantage. Nootka and Haida chiefs tried to claim trading monopolies and act as middlemen between White traders and tribes not yet contacted directly. Some Tsimshian and Tli n g i t chiefs controlled the trade a l l along the Skeena and Stikine rivers, and fought White traders to retain their profitable monopolies (Duff, 1964: 58). As well as entrenching the privileges of these particular chiefs, the fur trade had the additional effect of increasing general social mobility by introducing new opportunities to gain wealth. The introduction of various diseases had a devastating effect on the Indian populati'on, with the result that a greater number of positions of higher rank were being l e f t unfilled. Suttles notes that this situation made i t possible for people of lesser rank to attain positions which they would not have other-wise occupied (1954: 45). The new source of wealth provided by the fur trade made such social mobility possible, as Suttles points out. It permitted hunters and trappers to accumulate wealth more rapidly than before and probably enabled them to rise socially at the expense of the hereditary owners of fishing locations and other productive sites. This increase in social mobility may have stimulated others to seek other sources of prestige and authority (1957: 392). This last sentence draws attention to the fact that even in the i n i t i a l stages of contact the traditional bases of power and status were weakening. The seeking of 'other sources of prestige and authority' implies that the old social rules were no longer entirely satisfactory or relevant in the contact situation, and new rules were coming into being. Wike also notes - 27 -the extent of the effects of the fur trade and the introduction of diseases. The aboriginal economic foundation of the hereditary chieftainship and the normal res-ponsibilities and controls vested i n that office were destroyed i n this period by the terrible reduction of personnel and by the introduction of opportunities to gain wealth outside of aboriginal productive relations (1952: 99). The wealth thus acquired could be used by the newly rich to demonstrate their worth i n potlatches. General increases in the amount of wealth available made potlatches more lavish and numerous. One significant point in this development was that wealth could now be amassed without an individual demonstrating possession of supernatural power or inherited rights. Yet, in the pre-contact situation, as previously emphasized, success and good fortune were attributed to such sources. It is not surprising to find, i n these circumstances of weakening indigenous concep-tions of prestige and power, that changes were precipitated i n religious a c t i v i t i e s . As Wike mentions, the traditional religious bases of power were breaking down. Not only were the supernatural sanctions for privileged secular status minimized but the religious functions of privileged status were weakened i n a general setting of the under-mining of inherited power (1952: 99).. Wike stresses that, on the Northwest coast, the response of the Indians to European contact was not religious revivalism, but an emphasis on the manipulation of wealth. Furthermore, she notes: That this manipulation [of wealth] was an earthly manifestation of supernatural power . and related to supernatural power was lost sight.of (1952: 99). - 28 -Whereas other groups of North American Indians experienced n a t i v i s t i c -type movements, this was not the case among Indians in this area of the Pacific Northwest. Kobben suggests that the development of n a t i v i s t i c -type movements may be explained by the abrupt way a culture pattern is disturbedj while i f the change is slower and mora gradual, movements of the adoptive or accommodative type are more lik e l y to occur, other conditions permitting (1960: 149). It is noteworthy that contact between Indians and White men i n this area, while having profound effects, had not resulted in loss of basic livelihood to the native population. Rather, i t has been stated, "Wealth of i t s e l f did remain among the people i n this period" (Wike, 1952: 99). But i t must be noted that this wealth was not entirely indig-enous, most of i t was entering the area through the White man and was contingent upon his presence. The emphasis upon wealth in the pre-contact culture predisposed the Indians to accept the wealth brought by the White man, yet such acceptance placed them in a socially subordinate position. Indians participated i n trade beyond the level of subsistence requirements because there was an immediate use to which the newly acquired wealth could be put. But this degree of involvement meant that Indians became dependent on the White man for supplying necessary items. Envy of the wealth of the whites was probably great and may well have led to an attitude of deprivation of the type: We are not as well off as 'they' are - deprivation i n the area of possessions and status (Aberle, 1959: 79 and 1966: 326-329). Such deprivation seems to have been countered in this area by adopting the trappings of White culture. Goods acquired through trade not only enabled an increase of prestige in the native system, but also gave Indians the opportunity to maintain, i n their own eyes, an - 29 -equivalence with the Whites. One could apply to the Northwest coast Indians the conclusion Burridge reached when writing about Melanesians: European goods were wanted partly for purposes of trade and enjoyment within their own native prestige systems, but also in order to compete with Europeans on even terms (1969: 41). This might well have been the prime gratification for those chiefs who actually competed with the Whites in attempting to entrench their positions in the trade network. It might also explain the complaints of some of the early traders about "... the greedy character of the Northern Indians, their tendency to theft and their overbearing attitude" (Krause, 1956: 19). They wanted guns, ammunition and blankets, but only of good quality, also axes, files, knives, small mirrors, glass beads, handkerchiefs and other goods of linen and wool. For a good sea-otter skin they demanded and received a gun. Biscuits, rice, molasses and liquor served as bonus (Krause, 1956: 39). But access to trade goods was not equal, and with the competitive elements present "... discrepant powers and privileges were inherent in the circumstances" (Burridge, 1969: 38). We are now in a position to examine the nature of changes in religious activities, having discussed some of the effects of early contact and change. Apart from the undermining of traditional religious bases of power mentioned by Wike, the first documentary evidence of what seems to be a change in religious activities relates to what Spier termed the 'Prophet Dance'. This name was coined to subsume the various dances which Spier saw as belonging to the one northwestern cult, yet which were differently described in the ethnographic accounts: "dream dance, ghost dance, - 30 -religious dance, praying dance, etc." (Spier, 1935: 5). Spier's work on the Prophet Dance attempts to demonstrate that the Ghost Dance movements of 1870 and 1890, which until then had been seen as deriving from the Paviotso of western Nevada, can i n fact be traced to an origin i n the Northwest among the tribes of the interior plateau (1935: 5). In connec-tion with the old belief i n the impending destruction and renewal of the world, Spier indicates that ... there was a dance based on supposed imitation of the dances of the dead, and a conviction that intense preoccupation with the dance would hasten the happy day (1935: 5). In addition, there were inspired leaders who made prophecies obtained from visions, men who from time to time 'died' and "... returned to l i f e with renewed assurances of the truth of the doctrine" (1935: 5). Spier's main concern is to show that the roots of the Prophet Dance lay deep i n the aboriginal beliefs of the Indians of the Northwest. ... i t can be shown that the Prophet Dance was thoroughly at home i n the cultures of the northwest.... It is also evident that basic elements of the complex were an integral part of Northwest Coast culture as well as that of the Plateau, which i n turn argues for their antiquity (Spier, 1935: 13). With respect to the distribution of the Prophet Dance in the area under study, Spier notes that A l l the tribes through the plateaus of British Columbia from the Thompson northward to the Sekani and Babine had the Prophet Dance (1935: 59). and It had penetrated to the tribes of the lower Fraser River and had reverberations among the coastal peoples of British Columbia as far as the Tlingit of southern Alaska (1935: 5-7). - 3.1. -While not d i s a g r e e i n g w i t h S p i e r on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the so-c a l l e d Prophet Dance, we may question the assumptions which u n d e r l i e h i s main argument. He argues that the Prophet Dance complex e x i s t e d before contact w i t h the White man, but as Walker p o i n t s out, Spier claims to have demonstrated the ' a b o r i g i n a l ' e x i s t e n c e of a c u l t movement i n the plateau using almost e n t i r e l y documentary m a t e r i a l s (1968: 31). This supposed demonstration of the a b o r i g i n a l i t y of the Prophet Dance r e s t s on the apparent s i m i l a r i t y of b a s i c elements of the cult- and f e a t u r e s of indigenous c u l t u r e . Rather than assuming, as does S p i e r , that t h i s argues f o r the a n t i q u i t y of the Prophet Dance complex, a l l we can note (as we d i d e a r l i e r ) i s that changes i n r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s are g e n e r a l l y i n f l u e n c e d by autochthonous b e l i e f s , and t h i s would account f o r apparent c o n t i n u i t i e s . Another s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t which r e l a t e s t o the question of whether or not the Prophet Dance may be presumed to be a b o r i g i n a l i s that of the time of occurrence of the c u l t . Spier i s concerned to show that the Prophet Dance antedated the i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t o the area, p o i n t i n g out that ... the Prophet Dance i n i t s northern form... i s known to have f l o u r i s h e d at l e a s t as e a r l y as the opening of the nineteenth century... (1935: 7). But, by t h i s time, as we have pointed out, Indians had already been con-t a c t e d by the White man, and the f u r trade was having f a r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s . As Walker has r e c e n t l y pointed out (1969: 247), by using ethnographic, e t h n o h i s t o r i c and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence, i t i s p o s s i b l e to show th a t Indians of both the p l a t e a u and the Northwest coast were s h a r p l y a f f e c t e d by White i n f l u e n c e before 1800. Such a s i t u a t i o n cannot be ignored i n a t t e m p t i n g t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e development o f a r e l i g i o u s movement s u c h as t h e P r o p h e t Dance. W h i l e S p i e r d i s m i s s e s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h e P r o p h e t Dance c o u l d have r e p r e s e n t e d a r e a c t i o n t o W h i t e c o n t a c t , A b e r l e s u g g e s t s t h a t t h i s may w e l l have been t h e c a s e . I n commenting on t h e work o f S p i e r and a l a t e r a r t i c l e by S u t t l e s on t h e P r o p h e t Dance among t h e C o a s t S a l i s h ( 1 9 5 7 ) , A b e r l e i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e P r o p h e t Dance can be i n t e r p r e t e d as a r e a c t i o n t o i n d i r e c t W h i t e i n f l u e n c e . He s t r e s s e s ... t h e i m p o r t a n c e of c o n s i d e r i n g m e d i a t e , as w e l l as immediate c o m m u n i c a t i o n , m e d i a t e as w e l l as immediate t r a d e , and d e p r i v a t i o n s o t h e r t h a n t h o s e o c c u r r i n g when a group i s o v e r -whelmed, c o n q u e r e d , and t o t a l l y t r a n s f o r m e d by c o n t a c t (1959: 7 6 ) . A b e r l e s u g g e s t s t h a t i n d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h W h i t e c u l t u r e c o u l d have p r o d u c e d s e v e r a l t y p e s o f d e p r i v a t i o n , w h i c h i n o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e w o r l d have been shown t o f i g u r e l a r g e l y i n p r o d u c i n g movements l i k e t h e P r o p h e t Dance (1959: 78-81). Of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h e p r e s e n t c o n t e x t i s what A b e r l e c i t e s as h i s f o u r t h p o s s i b l e r e a c t i o n t o change i n e x t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s , a f a c t o r he h e s i t a t e s t o c a l l a d e p r i v a t i o n , namely:. When a n a t i v e group h e a r s o f a s t r a n g e , m a t e r i a l l y and m a g i c a l l y p o w e r f u l new group w h i c h i s h a v i n g . a v a r i e t y o f f o r t u n a t e and u n f o r t u n a t e e f f e c t s on o t h e r and more remote t r i b e s , t h i s knowledge can s c a r c e l y f a i l t o p roduce an i m p a c t on t h e group. The p r o b l e m f o r t h e group i s t h a t o f a s s i m i l a t i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g i l l - u n d e r s t o o d b u t p o t e n t i a l l y p o w e r f u l f o r c e s w h i c h may a f f e c t one's own f a t e (1959: 8 0 ) . A b e r l e ' s i d e a s f i t w e l l w i t h t h o s e o f B u r r i d g e . I n e x p l a i n i n g how t h e mere s i g h t i n g of an a i r c r a f t s t i m u l a t e d a c a r g o c u l t among a t r i b e i n New G u i n e a , B u r r i d g e s t a t e s t h a t t h i s r e p r e s e n t e d "... a d e m o n s t r a t i o n - 33 -of c a p a c i t i e s and power which they had to absorb and explain to themselves i f they were to continue to r e t a i n their i n t e g r i t y as men" (1969: 35). It was also "... a manifestation of a power outside current comprehensions" (1969: 143). Both writers stress the importance of growing awareness of an apparently powerful new people, an i l l - u n d e r s t o o d yet p o t e n t i a l l y imminent force, as giving r i s e to c u l t a c t i v i t y , which seeks to a s s i m i l a t e and explain to i t s adherents the new s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n . In connection with the p o s s i b i l i t y of i n d i r e c t White contact causing c u l t a c t i v i t i e s , we may note a point made by KBbben i n a d i s -cussion of prophetic movements and a c c u l t u r a t i o n (1960: 156ff). He indicates that most prophetic movements are the r e s u l t of a c c u l t u r a t i o n , but stresses that t h i s does not ne c e s s a r i l y imply western influence but many include other external factors such as epidemic diseases or domination by another group. Thus i t i s possible to f i n d , through o r a l t r a d i t i o n s , prophetic movements which existed before d i r e c t White contact. The main point to note here i s that prophetic movements are observed to occur when a group i s exposed to a l i e n influences, whether before or a f t e r contact with western c u l t u r e , which upset the s o c i a l status quo. We may pursue this reason ing further and ask why the r e a c t i o n to such influences often seems to take the form.of prophetic movements. This involves looking at the nature of prophetic thinking and i t s implications for social change. Bastide notes that prophetism, messianism and millenarianism r e f l e c t a sharp break with t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y , representing a growing awareness on the part of subordinate groups i n a s i t u a t i o n of contact (1961: 470-471). He contrasts t h i s with mythical thinking, which he states i s a - 34 -... c y c l i c a l k i n d o f t h i n k i n g . . . t h a t c o n s e -q u e n t l y imposes a r e p e t i t i o n of t h e same g e s t u r e s and r i g i d t y p e s of b e h a v i o u r . . . m e s s i a n i s m r e p r e s e n t s i n many r e s p e c t s a d e f i n i t e b r e a k w i t h t h i s k i n d of t h i n k i n g . But i t i s m e r e l y t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f a l o n g c y c l e f o r s h o r t e r ones. The c y c l i c a l f a c t o r r e m a i n s . The c o n t a c t between i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n s and the w h i t e man p r o d u c e d s u c h a s t a t e of s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y t h a t t r a d i -t i o n a l c r e e d s and r i t u a l s were f o u n d i n c a p a b l e of r e e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e f o r m e r s o c i a l e q u i l i b r i u m . The need a r o s e t o i n v e n t new g e s t u r e s , new r i t e s and c e r e m o n i e s , i n o r d e r t o escape f r o m s o c i a l chaos. I t was n e c e s s a r y t o r e c r e a t e the w o r l d once a g a i n . That i s why m e s s i a n i s m abandons t h e s h o r t c y c l e w h i c h , y e a r a f t e r y e a r , r e p e a t s t h e myths o f one's o r i g i n s (1961: 4 7 4 ) . Cohen a l s o c o n t r a s t s m y t h i c a l b e l i e f s w i t h p r o p h e c y i n a t t e m p t i n g to a c c o u n t f o r t h e emergence of t h e l a t t e r . I f myth a n c h o r s t h e p r e s e n t i n t h e p a s t , t h e n prophecy a n c h o r s i t i n t h e f u t u r e . P r o p h e c y i s a s o r t o f myth i n r e v e r s e . So p r o p h e c y s h o u l d emerge i n t h o s e s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s where t h e b a s i s of t r a d i t i o n a l l e g i t i m a t i o n i s weak and where t h e r e has been, i n any c a s e , a weakening o f o t h e r bonds o f t r a d i t i o n a l , m u l t i -p l e x s t r u c t u r e s of r e l a t i o n s h i p . The d i s -r u p t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e p r o m o t i o n o f t e n s i o n between i t s s e c u l a r and r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t y , may g i v e r i s e t o t h e / k i n d o f d e s p a i r w h i c h p r o d u c e s a l o n g i n g f o r an e a r l i e r c o n d i t i o n , o r f o r a t r a n s c e n d e n c e o f p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s : t h i s e n c ourages a f o c u s i n g o f a t t e n t i o n on t h e f u t u r e and away f r o m t h e p a s t (1969: 351-352). The m a i n p o i n t w h i c h emerges f r o m b o t h t h e s e s t a t e m e n t s i s t h a t c o n t a c t w i t h a n o t h e r s o c i e t y , w h e t h e r t h i s i s a w e s t e r n one o r n o t , c a u s e s a r e - f o c u s i n g o f t r a d i t i o n a l t h i n k i n g towards t h e f u t u r e . M e s s i a n i c movements may thus be s e e n t o b e g i n when a p r e v i o u s l y c l o s e d s y s t e m becomes an open one, when s o c i a l h o r i z o n s a r e expanded and t h e r a n g e o f c u l t u r a l - 35 -awareness i s increased. With t h i s broadening of the s o c i a l 'space' i n t o an openness hi t h e r t o unknown and possibly beyond comprehension, there i s room, so to speak, for a more open r e l i g i o u s sytem. Prophets who a r t i c u l a t e notions about the new found 'openness' and the place of native people i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to the new c u l t u r a l group are given credence. It i s hard to conceive of a self-contained, 'closed' society producing prophets who d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n towards the future. Various factors can be seen as contributing' d i r e c t l y to the development of c u l t a c t i v i t i e s i n t h i s area, i n addition to the general s i t u a t i o n which encouraged prophetic thinking. Walker argues that population decimation most probably brought about c u l t a c t i v i t y on the coast as w e l l as i n the plateau (1969: 247). Spier himself, as noted, had emphasized the importance of r e l a t i o n s of the living] with the dead i n both a b o r i g i n a l c u l t ure and i n the Prophet Dance (1935: 13-16). Walker stresses the p o s s i b i l i t y that population decrease r e s u l t i n g from epidemic diseases did i n t e n s i f y the concern with death, and he gives s p e c i f i c examples from h i s own informants and one of Boas' to show the l i n k e x p l i c i t l y made between death from disease and c u l t a c t i v i t y . He also c i t e s a Nez Perce t r a d i t i o n that the f i r s t knowledge of White men came from the prophecy of an old man who sa i d that they would come as a disease (1969: 246). Another factor which Walker sees as contributing to the p a r t i c u l a r type of c u l t movement which emerged i n t h i s area was the emphasis i n indigenous cu l t u r e on the a c q u i s i t i o n and display of wealth. He observes that Spier's hypothesized Prophet Dance possessed features reminiscent of cargo c u l t s , with prophecies of the a r r i v a l of a strange new people with - 36 -miraculous possessions (1969: 252). Aberle had previously made a s i m i l a r observation (1959: 79). I t becomes c l e a r when one considers the b a s i c features of Spier's 'a b o r i g i n a l ' Prophet Dance c u l t , the d e t a i l s of which w i l l be discussed s h o r t l y , there i s a very strong case for agreeing with Walker and Aberle that the prophet movements were i n i t i a l l y a response to i n d i r e c t White influence. As has been i n d i c a t e d , the very notion of prophecy implies an increased c u l t u r a l awareness and a n t i c i p a t i o n of future changes. In the l i g h t of the preceding discussion, Spier's a s s e r t i o n that the Prophet Dance was wholly a pre-contact phenomenon seems untenable. I t i s now appropriate to examine the content of the prophecies, to see what they revealed about Indian reactions to. contact, t h e i r expectations and perception of changes to come. ^ Walker indicates that the predictions contained i n the Prophet Dance c l e a r l y reveal a n t i c i p a t i o n of the a r r i v a l of.the Whites and the imminence of great c u l t u r a l changes (1968: 35). Mention i s frequently made of ... 'dying' and r e s u r r e c t i o n , a v i s i o n a r y experience, p r e d i c t i o n of great c u l t u r a l changes, and the a r r i v a l of strange new people (1969: 36). Most of the t r i b e s i n the area are recorded as having t h e i r v i s i o n a r y , prophet or dreamer who, before the a r r i v a l of the White man, prophesied the coming of a new race who possessed wonderful implements. Such statements, which were c o l l e c t e d a f t e r contact, may be regarded as f a b r i c a t i o n s of prophecy a f t e r the f a c t . If t h i s i s the case, then such statements which create a myth of prophecy may be regarded as an a s s e r t i o n - 37 -by the informant that his people, through the prophecies, did have some control over the situation. Alternatively, and possibly more l i k e l y , native prophets did exist in the time immediately.before direct contact, emerging as a reaction to indirect contact and having some limited know-ledge of the White man and his possessions. The basic prophecies no doubt became more detailed and elaborated as knowledge of the White man increased. The prophecies reflect ambivalent feelings towards the poten-t i a l i t i e s of the whites. While indicating the desire of the Indians to share i n the material goods to be brought, the prophecies refer to the demise of the Indian. Quoting from Teit's information on the Prophet Dance among the Thompson Indians, Spier records that Occasionally prophets made their appearance among the tribe. They generally bore some message from the s p i r i t world... and would travel throughout the country, escorted by Indians, and would be listened to with great respect.... These prophets, or others with similar visions, predicted the coming of the whites with their novel possessions and the extinction of the Indians. One such was a Lower Thompson chief, Pe'lak, who about 1855 or earlier predicted the advent of white settlers (1935: 59-60). Also, citing information from a Tenino source, Spier records: A very old man, long, long ago, used to dream at night and t e l l the people of his dreams the next day. He dreamed of a different race of men who lived across the ocean and would come some day, bringing things that the Indians had never seen or even imagined. Here follows the prediction of new devices and utensils, new laws, and the driving away of the Indians (Spier, 1935: 22). This ambivalence is also apparent i n the prophecy revealed i n a vision to a man near Agassiz i n about 1840. - 38 -Someone w i l l come a l l dressed in black, dressed up like a woman, to teach you. These men who come with black suits on w i l l be half  bad and half good* (Duff, 1952: 121). * My emphasis. As previously mentioned, the content of the prophecies and associated movements, with their strong emphasis on acquisition of the material possessions of the Whites, are reminiscent of Melanesian cargo cults. The a b i l i t y of the traders to satisfy new wants was not necessarily accepted without question. A Kutenai woman prophet declared i n 1811 that ... the whites had cheated the Indians by trading whereas i t had been intended by 'the great white chief' that presents alone should be made (Spier, 1935: 26). The following account, reported by Sir John Franklin i n 1820 concerning a group of Chipewyan Indians, reflects a similar attitude. \ This fellow had prophesied that there would soon be a complete change in the face of their country; that f e r t i l i t y and plenty would succeed to the present s t e r i l i t y ; and that the present race of white inhabitants, unless they became subservient to the Indians, would be removed, and their place be f i l l e d by other traders, who would supply their wants i n every possible manner (Spier, 1935: 25). Spier's accounts of various prophet movements provide evidence for the view that acquisition of the material possessions of the Whites was a significant feature of these a c t i v i t i e s . He refers to an Upper Chinook prophet who supposedly made his appearance "... long before the coming of the Whites". This man dreamed he saw strange people and heard new songs. Everyone, young and old, gathered to hear him and then danced for joy - 39 -'every day and every night'. He predicted the arrival of the whites and their marvellous possessions (Spier, 1935: 16-17). Mcllwraith also reports the news of a vision which he calculates reached the Bella Coola i n about 1800. Strange people, somewhat resembling yourselves, are approaching from the far east. They w i l l help you out of your plight. You w i l l find them cooking without the cumbersome boiling box; their houses w i l l be warm and they w i l l even have smooth coverings to their floors; there w i l l be special places for sleeping and wonderful cooking-pots. Though a l l w i l l be warm in these houses, yet the f i r e w i l l be invisible (1948, Vol.1: 589). As well as referring frequently to the goods and possessions of the incoming whites, a number of the prophecies contained moral teachings and also prescribed correct behaviour and conduct to the White man. Certain individuals among the Lillooet who had the g i f t of prophecy "... cured the sick, and told how to l i v e and act" (Spier, 1935: 61). Deans gives an account of a Haida prophet, Skaga Belus, which contains several significant points. After disappearing for a year, Skaga Belus returned to his people. Deans writes: S t i l l anxious to teach them everything good, the more earnest was he to urge them to love and help each other, and above a l l to keep from in t e r - t r i b a l wars. He further told them, i f they did so they would become a great, a happy and a prosperous people. If... they fought tribe against tribe... they would become weak, because few i n numbers, and at last a f a i r complexioned race of people from the land of the ; rising sun would come and take possession of their country and a l l their belongings, u n t i l their existence as a people would cease.... When these people came, they (the Haidas) were neither to k i l l nor i l l treat them, because they would bring among them implements far better than the rude stone ones then i n use. - 40 -And he also told them that these people would give them a new and better food... with his latest breath could be heard to say, "Be kind to each other" (Deans, 1891: 81-84). Spier points out that prophets in the Southern Okanagon area "... preached a more righteous and God-fearing l i f e " in addition to the other typical prophetic pronouncements. They "... exhorted the community not to fight, l i e , steal, commit rape, or sin i n other ways..." (Spier, 1935: 8). Such moral teaching is characteristic of millenary prophets and i t has been suggested that this moral code introduced by the prophets, as well as rejecting certain kinds of conduct, demonstrates "... the concern of the prophets with the i l l s of everyday l i f e , such as sickness, and tension within small groups..." (Mair, 1959: 128). Concerned as they were with the place of native people i n the future and with their relationship to the White man, the early prophet movements are significant for what they reveal about the supposed connections between Indians and White men. A Fraser Lake woman prophet named Bopa taught, among other things, that ... the dead become white men on the far side of a great sea, and that the whites, who were then beginning to enter the country of the Carrier, were their own kinsmen returning to their old homes (Jenness, 1943: 549). The belief that White men were Indians returning from the dead or creatures from the supernatural world is also found i n connection with some of the early explorers. When Simon Fraser and his party reached Fraser Lake in 1806, the local Indians... looked upon them as the reincarnated shades of cremated - 41 -Indians, because they not only came from the east, up the Nechako river, but they blew smoke from their mouths (Jenness, 1934: 257). A similar reception was accorded the f i r s t missionaries by the Shuswap Indians, as Spier notes. The Shusxjap... believed that f i r s t priests who arrived were Coyote and his assistants presaging the great event [i.e. Doomsday] CSpier, 1935: 18). Such beliefs can be seen as attempts to explain the presence of White men in terms which placed both Indian and White men i n the same conceptual scheme of things. The intrusion of the White man brought about a funda-mental change i n the closed cultural system of the Indians. They were now exposed to a social group impinging on their narrow world and f i r s t attempts to accommodate these aliens placed them in the Indians' traditional cultural context. They were a l l part of the same order; the White men were not an anomalous singularity, they were dead Indians, ancestors, returning home. Such a belief 'explained' the White man and at the same time asserted the equivalence of Indians and Whites. That these i n i t i a l beliefs did not last for long does not affect the premise on which they were founded. Similar attitudes underlay the development of the prophet movements, which sought accommodation to the new cultural presence. A significant feature in the development of messianic movements in this area is what Spier termed "the Christianized form of the Prophet Dance1'1 (1935: 30ff) . Spier i s concerned to show that a phase of the Prophet Dance which emerged i n the 1820's and 1830's having a strong Christian emphasis was an overlay of the 'original form'. He endeavours to point out that what historians have regarded as the 'self-Christianization' of many of the Indians of the interior plateau was i n fact the super-imposition of various elements of Christianity on the original Prophet Dance. While we have disagreed with Spier that the so-called Prophet Dance was an entirely indigenous phenomenon, supporting the view that i t con-stituted an i n i t i a l reaction to contact, we do not have reason to disagree with his view that \ ... i t was the prior existence of the Prophet Dance which explains both the ready acceptance of Christianity at i t s point of introduction and i t s rapid spread (1935: 30). In fact, we can go as far as to say that, in the light of what we have discussed about the conditions surrounding the emergence of the prophet movements, the acceptance of elements of Christianity was a logical development i n the social and religious change in the area. While Spier's answer to the question of "why Christianity should have taken so strong a hold upon these particular natives" (1935: 30) is found in reference to the prior existence of Prophet Dance, our focus encourages us to enquire further. We can see the interest i n Christianity in terms similar to those which stimulated the actual prophet movements. Spier's focus precludes him from asking why the 'Indians were interested i n Christianity, and why elements of Christianity were included i n the basic r i t u a l of the Prophet Dance. In the category of 'indisputably Christian elements' i n the Prophet Dance Suttles includes the observance of a Sabbath, the use of written documents for preaching, the sign of the cross and Christian terms such as Jesus Christ and amen (1957: 386). Elements which may have been - 43 -native as well as Christian include a belief in a supreme being, group worship and confession (1957: 376). These elements combined with the earlier movement to produce the so-called 'Christianized Prophet Dance'. Spier notes that this version began in the Columbia-Snake country and diffused northward, affecting the Salish tribes, Athapaskans, Tsimshian, Tlingit and Haida (1935: 36-39). The Carrier prophet of the Bulkley river, Beni, was typical of this particular phase of the general movement. Morice recorded that he taught a series of beliefs, including the sign of the cross, songs, a doctrine of repentance and atonement, and a code of morality (1904: 234-236). The incorporation of such overt symbols of Christianity as mentioned reveal an attempt to absorb the new cultural force impinging on the Indians from the outside. The rituals and gestures were practised, but not necessarily understood. These elements of Christianity did not, however, conflict with the changing assumptions. As Spier pointed out, So far as the natives were concerned then the new religion from the east was confirmation and stimulus to existing beliefs (1935: 35). This interest i n Christianity, or at least elements of i t , which became apparent i n the later stages of the prophet movements, was to be more clearly shown in the acceptance of the new religion as presented by the incoming missionaries. In a sense, this 'imported millenialism' offered a ready-made pattern for a religious movement (Wilson, 1963: 105). The expression of Christianity was quickly imitated by the Indians and, as w i l l be seen, appeared to substitute for or function as a sort of native millenarian movement. - 44 -CHAPTER 3 MISSIONARIES, MESSAGES, AND MEDIA It has been shown how pre-missionary contacts with the White man were responsible for changes in religious a c t i v i t i e s , and that the prophet movements which developed in the Pacific Northwest area i n the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries constituted an i n i t i a l reaction to contact with the White man. We have examined some' of the conditions which led to the development of these prophet movements and some of the typical expectations which were revealed in them. We now turn our attention to the arrival of missionaries in the area and w i l l examine interpretations given by the Indians to Christianity. The significance of early interest in elements of Christianity, which became apparent in the later stages of the prophet movements, has previously been mentioned. Available missionary literature records some of the Indian attitudes and ideas prevalent both at the time of the missionaries' arrival and during their subsequent work. It is possible to examine these attitudes and ask to what extent they are comparable to those expressed i n the earlier prophet movements, and to what extent they are a development of the overall trend of native thought. Missionary activity i s , needless to say, a significant factor in bringing about social and religious change. Indeed, i t has been noted that the main aim of the missionary is ... to transform the inner l i f e of the tribe and of the individual. They are cooperating in creating a new religious, moral and often social order (Westermann and Thurnwald, 1948). - 45 -In view of the importance of missionary work in i t s attempt to bring about change in the social and religious spheres, i t is necessary to examine briefly some relevant aspects of the social and theological background of the missionary movement i t s e l f , i t s aims and methods, to see what results these had i n practical terms. Of particular significance i n the discussion of the philosophy and ideals of missionary movements is the part played by millenial expectations in their own development. This is pertinent because of the effect which millenial expectations, inherent in missionary thinking, may have had on the native population. The missionaries' enthusiastic hopes for the future may have been readily conveyed to the Indians, who were becoming more and more concerned about their own future and their relation-ship with the White man. De Jong Q.970) discusses the importance of biblically-based, millenial expectations i n the rise of the Anglo-American missionary movement in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. These expectations largely consisted of a vision of the global diffusion of Christian knowledge in an era when faith i n Christ would become universal. De Jong explains the nineteenth century surge in Protestant missions from Britain and America as partially the result of this earlier vision which was inspired by the hope for world-wide Christianity. He notes that "... often a strong desire to realize the promised age of glory for the church motivated mission work" ( 1 9 7 0 : 2 ) , and ... i t was the belief in the approach of an era when the gospel would be universally proclaimed which motivated the formation of missionary societies and revitalized existing missions ( 1 9 7 0 : 3 ) . - 46 -An indication of the stimulus provided by such millenial expectations is provided in a statement by an early Protestant missionary who visited the Northwest coast i n 1829; Will not a l l who watch the dawn of millenium day, pray and labor, that on these shores and upon these h i l l s , the voice of the Christian ambassador may be heard...? (J. S. Green, 1915: 105). Universal knowledge of Christ had to be achieved through preaching and teaching and therein lay the missionary task. Large scale evangelistic efforts began in the late eighteenth century i n Britain, the Church Missionary Society for example, being founded by the Evangelicals i n 1799. De Jong notes that this particular society relied on millenial expectations for missionary vision and inspiration both before and after 1800 (1970: 114). The emphasis on the proliferation of knowledge of Christ during the millenium led the new societies to understand that their major responsibility was the proclamation of that knowledge. It also encouraged the emergence of figures willing to undertake missionary work (De Jong, 1970: 198). Conversion to Christianity involved more than a change of religion. As far as the missionaries were concerned, i t also involved the substitution of elements of western culture for traditional culture. Everywhere, missionaries attempted to persuade the natives to 'settle down' and adopt new ways of l i f e i n order to preach to them more success-f u l l y . 'Christianization' thus came to^be inextricably linked with ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' , the one necessitating the other. North American Indians were among the primary targets of Anglo-American missionary work concerned with the salvation of the native. One - 47 -of the main stated objectives of early colonization on the eastern sea-board was to impart the gospel to the heathen and to create an orderly Christian society among the settlers which would so impress the natives that they would be encouraged to join the Christian faith (De Jong, 1970: 31). Earliest English mission efforts were rooted in decades of theorizing about heathens and England's responsibility towards them. Many social movements of the age were dominated by ideas of reform and Christian humanitarianism, and i t was generally held that western culture was superior and should be the possession of a l l people. Colonization would provide centres from which English trade and customs, and then the gospel, would penetrate a l l nations of the earth (De Jong, 19 70: 31). As indicated earlier then, missionary act i v i t i e s were only part of the various forces of colonialism, experienced collectively by native peoples (Balandier, 1966: 39). Another minor but interesting aspect of the millenial expec-tations in the missionary movement may be noted. This concerns the old notions about the Jewish origin of North American Indians, supposed descendants of the ten lost tribes of Israel. De Jong (1970: 224) recalls the belief held by some Christian groups that conversion of the Jews would herald the beginning of the millenium, with i t s vision of world-wide Christianity. At least one missionary to the Pacific Northwest, Samuel Hall Young, who arrived i n Fort Wrangell, Alaska i n 1878, held the belief about the Jewish origin of the Indians. In attempting to account for the apparent similarities between certain Bible stories and Alaskan native legends, as well as for the ready acceptance by the Indians of the doctrines concerning the Holy Spirit and blood-atonement, Young points out that these provide striking evidence "... in proof of their derivation from the same generic stock as the ancient Jews" (Young, 1927: 101). For those who held such views, conversion of Indians, supposed descendants of the Jews, was perhaps even more directly linked to the hastening of the millenium. In examining the role of the missionaries in the general context of Indian and'White relations and as part of the larger colonial presence, i t w i l l help to take account of at least two main points to understand how the missionary was perceived by the Indians and to assess the extent o his representativeness vis-a-vis other Whites. F i r s t l y , the missionaries were not typical White men. Brown has pointed out that missionaries represent a western sub-culture (1944). Stressing theology and moral taboos more than his fellow country-men, the missionary is distinguished by the intensity of his belief and more ri g i d adherence to a particular theological code. It seems that missionaries themselves were at some pains to point out that they were different from most other Whites already encountered by native peoples. An example is found in the journal of the Protestant missionary, J. S. Green. In explaining his reasons for coming to v i s i t them, Green expli c i t l y told some of the Indians, of the Queen Charlotte Islands that "... trade is no part of my object" (1915: 64). Such assertions were no doubt designed to arouse the curiosity of the Indians, as well as stress the uniqueness of the missionaries' purpose. Missionaries were aware that they represented only a part of western culture. In the missionary literature, reference is frequently made to the debauching effects of f i r s t contact with 'unscrupulous Whites' to their 'coarse vices' and 'foul habits' and the consequent need to - 4 9 -counteract such influence. In drawing attention to the necessity of establishing a mission as quickly as possible on the Northwest coast, J. S. Green states: How desirable then that the natives of this wilderness should hear the Gospel, before they are prejudiced against i t by the fraud, injustice and dissolute lives of men, who give up the blessing of Christianity, that they may not be troubled with i t s restraints (1915: 18). This problem was perhaps most imminent for Green, who was trying to teach the blessing of Christianity from a trading vessel, whose crew was hardly a paragon of Christian virtue. This may have been the source of the doubt apparently expressed by some of the Indians about Green's sincerity (Green, 1915: 71). Yet, despite his avowedly different purpose, the missionary was s t i l l a White man and part of the colonial power, and this point indicates the second aspect of how the missionary could have been perceived by -i Indians. The native population had come to have certain expectations of Europeans' behaviour and their attitudes. Hence, the Indians may not have found i t easy i n i t i a l l y to regard the missionary outside of the usual frame of reference to which they were already accustomed. The missionary would have to behave differently and reveal divergent attitudes before the i n i t i a l perception of the Indians would be modified. The aim of the missionary was to teach those elements of his culture which were of primary importance to him. While noting the lack of collected material on how missionaries present a new religion, Peel (1967: 127) indicates that there are two broad approaches apparent in this. One emphasizes the discontinuity involved i n adopting a new - 5 0 -religion, while the other emphasizes the continuity between old and new. Both approaches are evident in the presentation of Christianity to the Indians of British Columbia. For the most part, missionaries were oppor-tunistic, for while condemning most aboriginal beliefs and practices and therefore emphasizing discontinuity and the need to reject the past, at the same time they utilized any similarities and themes of continuity which suited their aims (e.g. William Duncan of Metlakatla, Usher, 1969). It is apparent that the missionaries' task was made easier i n i t i a l l y by virtue of the fact that in certain areas the ground was prepared for them by native prophets. Thought not necessarily aware of i t at the time, missionaries entered a situation of change which was favourably disposed to what they had to offer. Leaders of the later prophet movements modelled themselves on the missionaries, and their activities and behaviour reveal something of the image they f i r s t had of these new men of religion. As well as 'preparing the way' for the incoming missionaries, these later prophets, as harbingers, symbolized the meaning of early interest i n Christianity. As previously indicated, they anticipated the changes to come, the power of the Whites and the need to accommodate to the changing situation. The later prophet movements, particularly the more Christianized forms, developed after missionaries had travelled through the area. Almost a l l the native prophets imitated aspects of Christian r i t u a l , including the role of the priest. These Christianized movements cannot be understood outside the frame of reference of contact with Christianity, for they indicate the i n i t i a l interpretation given to the new religion. - 51 -An example of the way i n which a native prophet prepared the ground for a particular missionary is given i n a study of William Duncan, an Anglican missionary who began work in Port Simpson in 1857. The incident was related to Duncan by local Indians and offleets of the Hudson's Bay Company. An Indian from the interior had appeared i n Port Simpson prior to Duncan's arrival and promised that a teacher would be sent. Duncan later reported: The sum total of his teaching amounted to a few popish ceremonies, mixed with Indian customs. Crossing - bowing - wearing crosses around the neck - singing and dancing without laughing were a l l he demanded. The enthusiasm of the man was so great and his appearance and tenets so startling that the Indians almost to a man welcomed him and obeyed his injunctions.... The officers in charge of the Fort were astounded to see how readily they responded to this man's c a l l (Usher, 1969: 117). Another case of a native prophet imitating a Christian priest is provided by Beni, a prophet among the Bulkley river Carrier. Various accounts of this prophet's act i v i t i e s have been written, giving different versions of the story (Barbeau, 1923; Jenness, 1943). A l l agree, however, that having disappeared for a while, Beni returned to teach his followers to say prayers, make the sign of the cross, repent and lead a new l i f e . The puzzle presented by this story was that, despite the obvious similarity between Beni's teaching and that of a Christian missionary, the activities of the native prophet antedated the appearance of missionaries i n his area. An interesting clue to the puzzle is provided by G. H. Raley, which indicates a possible connection between the early Russian missionaries i n Alaska and Indians of the northern interior and coast of British Columbia. - 52 -In d i s c u s s i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the work of Veniaminoff, a Russian missionary, Raley quotes the f o l l o w i n g s t o r y . A b r i g h t o l d man, Absileahkus, r e l a t e d the f o l l o w i n g to me about three years ago:- "In my fa t h e r ' s days, the S t i k i n e Indians came across the country to trade w i t h us at Kitamaat f o r the o i l of the o o l i c a n f i s h . They t o l d my f a t h e r that the great s p i r i t had sent B e n i * (* Short f o r Veniaminoff. The nearest approach to the name co n t r a c t e d , as pronounced by the Coast Indians) w i t h a strange and wonderful message to t h i s e f f e c t that the c h i e f of the above i s our f a t h e r . He wishes us to be good, i f we do good and l i v e at peace he w i l l reward us; i f we do e v i l he w i l l punish us." Raley goes on to say, Veniaminoff 1 i n h i s t r a v e l s by canoe, v i s i t e d v a r i o u s t r i b e s on the S t i k i n e . The S t i k i n e Indians contacted the Tsimpsheans on the Skeena. This missionary's i n f l u e n c e had a permanent e f f e c t , through h i s i n s p i r e d message, on the Kitamaat people who, on t h e i r t r a v e l s met many C h r i s t i a n s . . . (undated MS, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , V i c t o r i a , pp.2-3). This s t o r y o f f e r s an i n t r i g u i n g view of the h i s t o r y of the prophet Beni. I t seems q u i t e p o s s i b l e that during h i s disappearance, Beni heard of the "strange and wonderful' message of the missionary Veniaminoff through contact w i t h the S t i k i n e Indians, gave himself the cont r a c t e d v e r s i o n of the missionary's name and went back to teach h i s people the new r e l i g i o n . Hence the C h r i s t i a n elements i n h i s r i t u a l . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n l i e s i n the e f f e c t which missionary a c t i v i t y had on the n a t i v e prophet movements and the d e s i r e of the n a t i v e prophet to i m i t a t e the preaching of the missionary. Before examining aspects of Indian i n t e r e s t i n C h r i s t i a n i t y , we w i l l d e s c r i b e and consider the a r r i v a l of m i s s i o n a r i e s i n t o the area. - 53 -A l l the f i r s t missionary contacts with Indians of the North Pacific coast were made during the voyages of the early explorers and maritime fur traders. Priests accompanied many of the early vessels and although directly concerned with the spiritual needs of the crew, they did contact the native population. In 1774 two Franciscan friars arrived at Nootka Sound with Juan Perez's expedition and in 1789 four Franciscans accompanied Martinez on his voyage to the Northwest coast. The settlement established i n 1789 at Nootka Sound included a Catholic church. In most of the literature in English relating to early missionary contact i n the area l i t t l e mention is made of the significance and effect of Russian missionaries i n Alaska. This may be partially a result of the fact that studies relating to early contact in British Columbia have tended not to extend the limits of their information beyond the boundaries of the present province and have generally omitted reference to contacts in neighbouring areas. We have noted i n the story of Beni just quoted the significance of a possible connection between Russian missionaries i n Alaska and the emergence of 'Christianized' native prophets. In his Brief History of the Early Days of the Kitamaat Mission (MS, nd., Provincial Archives of B.C.), the Rev. George Henry Raley indicates the importance of the early Russian missionaries on the Northwest coast, noting that the Empress Catherine of Moscow declared as early as 1793 that missionaries should be sent to the new colonies to spread Christianity among the heathen. In particular, Raley recalls the Russian Orthodox missionary, Veniaminoff, as one of the remarkable men i n the early history of mission work on the Northwest coast. Veniaminoff's work apparently - 54 -... either directly or indirectly affected powerfully the early days of Christianity at . Kitamaat... for he was one of the church to leave a lasting impression on whites and Indians i n Alaska and i n communities on the Northwest coast of the Pacific (Raley, nd., p.2). Further reference is made to the presence and significance of Russian missionaries i n Alaska i n reports documented i n J. S. Green's Journal of a Tour on the North West coast... (1915). These reports reached the American Mission at the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) via trading ships which were returning from business on the Northwest coast. In October 1821 the crew of a ship gave the information that at Norfolk Sound, Alaska ... is a small Russian settlement, a fort, a church and a school under the care of two competent instructors and" open for the recep-tion of native youths along the coast (1915: 9). A letter from the Russian Governor of the area dated September 5, 1820 informed the American missionaries ... that, except a few wandering tribes, a l l the Aborigines enjoy the sweet blessing of the Gospel of our Lord, and even these wandering tribes are visited by our priests, to recommend to them the principles of Christianity (1915: 13). This statement may overestimate the extent of influence of the missionaries, but i t does serve to indicate a firm beginning to their a c t i v i t i e s . A Protestant missionary, J. S. Green was sent, in February 1829 by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, to investigate the need for a mission in the Pacific Northwest. He accompanied the trading vessel 'Volunteer' and travelled from the Russian settlement at Norfolk Sound in the north, to the Queen Charlotte Islands and other trading stops on the mainland, as far south as Oregon and California. His - 55 -journal is valuable for the references he makes to the reaction of the Indians both to himself and other Whites, and also for the indication i t gives of the message he attempted to convey to the Indians and the reasons he gave for coming to them. The f i r s t missionaries to set up permanent missions in the southern part of the area, working from the mainland rather than the coastal trading vessels and more concerned with the needs of the native population, were Roman Catholics. In 1838 the Oblate'missionaries, Demers and Blanchet, arrived at Fort Vancouver on the lower Columbia river from St. Boniface, Manitoba. In 1841, Demers visited Fort Langley, preaching, performing baptisms and marriages. Apparently, he found the Indians there eager for instruction in Christianity, already being familiar with the sign of the cross and some hymns which they had learned from contact with the tribes of Puget Sound previously visited by the Oblates. Demers taught elements of Catholicism using Blanchet's 'Catholic Ladder', a device which was popular with the Indians, consisting of a long sheet of paper on which was drawn in symbolic form the history of the church, significant events from the Bible and important days in the church calendar. After the v i s i t to the Fraser valley, Demers returned to Fort Vancouver and the following year he travelled north to New Caledonia, v i s i t i n g Fort Kamloops, Fort Alexander and Fort St. James. Chapels were constructed at Fort Alexander and Williams Lake, and Demers returned to Fort Vancouver in 1843. The southern interior of British Columbia was visited i n 1840 by a Jesuit missionary, De Smet, and when James Douglas established Fort Victoria i n 1843 he was accompanied by the Rev. John Bolduc, another - 56 -Oblate missionary from Quebec, who subsequently baptised many children in the area and celebrated mass with Songhees, Clallam and Cowichan Indians. In 1845 and 1846, another Jesuit missionary, John Nobili, also travelled to the northern interior of British Columbia, v i s i t i n g most of the Carrier Indians. In 1847, Demers was consecrated Bishop of the diocese of Vancouver Island, and i n the same year four more Oblate missionaries arrived i n Oregon Territory from France to establish missions among the Yakima and Cayuse Indians. These missions were to encounter d i f f i c u l t i e s because of the h o s t i l i t i e s developing in the area between Indians and Whites, and so i n 1858 the Oblates withdrew from Oregon Territory, leaving only their missions at Olympia and Tulalip. They moved north into British Columbia, founding a mission at Esquimalt in 1858. From this point priests were sent out to investigate possible sites for establishing further missions, to survey the extent of Protestant missionary activity and the degree of interest on the part of the Indians. A need was recognized for setting up permanent missions, following the earlier, more exploratory journeys undertaken by Catholic missionaries. The Okanagan mission was established in 1859 by Father Pandosy, and another Oblate missionary, Father Chirouse, began extensive expeditions among the tribes of Vancouver Island, to determine the disposition of the natives. Chirouse was eagerly received by the Indians near Nanaimo in 1860 on another journey, and also travelled as far north as Fort Rupert and Milbanke Sound, baptizing many children on the way. The Oblates extended their missionary work. In 1861, St. Mary's Mission was established on the Fraser river; in 1863 a mission was - 57 -consecrated at Fort Rupert; and in 1864 churches were built i n Nanaimo and Victoria. Apart from the 1829 v i s i t of J . S. Green, the f i r s t Protestant missionaries on the Northwest coast were Anglicans, the Rev. and Mrs. Beaver who arrived at Fort Vancouver on the Columbia river i n 1836.. The Rev. Beaver was ostensibly chaplain to the Hudson's Bay Company's employees at the fort, l i t t l e contact was apparently made with the Indians of the surrounding area and the Beavers l e f t after two years. An Anglican mission was established at Fort Victoria i n 1849, and the well-known mission station among the Tsimshian at Port Simpson was established by William Duncan i n 1857, the new Christian community at Metlakatla being formed i n 1862. By 1864, Anglican missionaries were also working from sites at Fort Langley, Nanaimo, Hope, Yale, Lillooet, Douglas and Sapperton. Further north, missionaries were established on the Nass river and during the 1870's extended their f i e l d to include the upper Skeena river and the Queen Charlotte Islands. The f i r s t Methodist missionaries arrived i n the lower mainland area i n 1859, working among both Whites and Indians. They established missions at Victoria, Nanaimo and Hope, and with the ar r i v a l in 1862 of Rev. Thomas Crosby, work on Vancouver Island and i n the Fraser valley was extended. In the 1870's, Methodist missionary work on the northern coast increased as a result of conversions of Indians who acted as native preachers i n several villages. One such native preacher was W. H. Pierce, a converted Tsimshian, who records the arrival of Christianity in several villages on the coast i n his autobiography (1933). Other Methodist - 58 -missions were located on the Nass river, on the Skeena river and on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Some fr i c t i o n existed between these and the Anglican missions which were in close proximity. Most of these missionaries were eagerly received, in fact there were a number of instances of requests from Indians for missionaries to v i s i t or stay with them permanently. Evidence of this early interest in Christianity is found in 1821, when Rev. Green noted in reference to Indians of the northern part of the coast, A desire for instruction begins to be manifest among them.... Some of the savages when they heard of missionaries being sent to teach the Sandwich Islanders, inquired why they were not sent to them (1915: 9). In the same year, a letter was sent from the missionaries at the Sandwich Islands to 'the head chief of the most important tribe on the Northwest coast, called Captain Skittegates', who had enquired why the missionaries did not come to him. These missionaries attempted to explain the intention of the mission to the chief and suggested that he send some of his own children to them to be educated, 'with a view to their future usefulness to the tribe'. This, the missionaries expected, would prepare the way for a mission among the Indians of the Northwest coast (Green, 1915: 14-15). In 1841, when the Catholic missionary Demers visited Fort Langley, hundreds of Indians apparently came from many parts of the southern coast to hear the 'blackrobe' speak. Morice records that one Yooklta chief assured Demers that he would carry the 'wonderful message from heaven' to his people (1910: 301). This same author records that four tribes, the Carriers, Chilcotins, Babines and Sekanais, had heard directly or indirectly of the 'man of God' and were clamouring for the - 59 -favour of a v i s i t from him. As news of the missionaries spread, requests were more frequently made for them to v i s i t different groups of Indians. In 1867, a Carrier chief went to Quesnel to ask for a priest (Morice, 1910: 334). The Methodist mission i n Port Simpson was o f f i c i a l l y established as a result of a strong petition from the Tsimshian (Pierce, 1933: 14), and W. H. Collison, an Anglican missionary who had been working at Metlakatla, crossed to the Queen Charlottes i n 1876 at the request of one of the Haida chiefs to announce the opening of a mission there (Collison, 1916). Such enthusiastic interest was very gratifying to the missionaries, but rather than simply noting i t we need to explain i t . Different writers have stressed various reasons for this interest in Christianity i n explaining the enthusiastic acceptance of the new religion. Morice indicated that i t was necessary to keep up missionary efforts among Indians because "... much of their f i r s t fervour is usually attributable to enthusiasm consequent on novelty" (1910, Vol,2: 317). Rather than attributing the appeal to novelty, however, Spier stresses links between Christianity and the old beliefs apparent in the Prophet Dance: The doctrines are parallel; the rites are not in conflict. Both t e l l of an apocalyptic end with the return to earth of i t s pristine happiness and the resurrection of the dead, the way prepared by a righteous l i f e and a s t r i c t adherence to devotions; in both prophets bring affirmation (1935: 35). This explanation of the ready acceptance of Christianity accords well with the point made earlier concerning native prophets preparing the way for the missionaries. But Spier's position rests on the assumption that the Prophet Dance was not a reaction to White contact and i n his - 60 -analysis of the so-called 'Christianized Form of the Prophet Dance' his main concern is to segregate native ingredients from Christian ones in order to show indigenous roots (1935: 35). The relationship between the Prophet Dance and Christianity is regarded as coincidental and Spier does not carry his analysis further and ask why the Indians were interested i n incorporating Christian elements into their r i t u a l and why they became more interested i n accepting Christianity as presented by the missionaries. Alternatively, accepting that the Prophet Dance was a reaction to White contact, yet recognizing the significance of parallel doctrines as an important factor in f a c i l i t a t i n g acceptance of the new religion, we are in a better position to assess the interest which the Indians showed in Christianity. Spier's explanation is only partial, the main objection to i t being that similarity of doctrine and r i t e alone cannot explain the ready acceptance of Christianity. The same line of reasoning could well be used to explain why a group of people chose to retain their indigenous beliefs. Other explanations need to be taken into account to give a more complete understanding of the phenomenon. Suttles suggests another reason for the acceptance of and interest i n Christianity, which, he states "... is the one so often given for a primitive people's conversion"; The whites are more powerful, therefore i t must be that their religion is more powerful. Let us accept their religion and gain their power. Further, In the native system, success was usually inter-preted as resulting from the possession of some sort of power. The whites were certainly more powerful, and the whites themselves argued that conversion was the f i r s t step i n becoming like whites (1954: 70). - 61 -This reasoning is not disputed, but again, dealt with separately, only offers a partial explanation. While mentioning the significance of parallels between the new religion and native beliefs, Suttles does not make clear the connection between changing assumptions about power and changing religious a c t i v i t i e s , the effect of disruptive culture contact and the significance of the desire for the power of the Whites. A f i n a l suggestion as to the reason for Indian interest in Christianity is that previous culture contact had been detrimental to Indian social systems and that the Indians were 'unsettled' (Barnett, 1942). The missionaries are said to have arrived at an opportune time, for the Indians were prepared to accept the teachings of the missionaries as the promise of something better. The success of the missionaries is attributed mainly to the nature of the social situation and their a b i l i t y to take advantage of i t . But we need to know more about the reasons for the 'unsettiement1, why the a r r i v a l of the missionaries was 'opportune', and what i t was that the missionaries were giving which appealed to the Indians. In combination, these various explanations provide a more satis-factory interpretation of Indian interest in Christianity. This interest can best be understood as part of an overall process of post-contact religious activity in the area and as a continuation of the interest shown in the preceding prophet movements. But there is another point which is relevant and needs stressing, largely because i t appears to have been underestimated, yet provides a framework for analysing the appeal of missionary Christianity. This involves what can be termed 'messages and - 62 -media1, and focuses on the content of what the missionaries were offering the Indians. It is necessary to distinguish the actual messages of the missionaries from the media they used, to show whether there was any difference in the reactions of the Indians to what was being communicated and how i t was being communicated. The message of the missionaries largely concerned the need for. sp i r i t u a l enlightenment, love and goodness. But abstract ideas had to be conveyed in terms meaningful to the native population, and together with the emphasis on both 'Christianization' and ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' , this led missionaries to give attention to the material welfare of potential converts in order to save them. Thompson (1962) has noted that evangelical benevolence was not preoccupied with s p i r i t u a l welfare at the expense of physical welfare and that the missionaries were well acquainted with the difference between saving souls and saving people. The missionaries attempted to convey their Christian messages in different ways. The media took various forms and the activities of native prophets revealed what aspects of Christianity were i n i t i a l l y absorbed -crossing, proselytizing as well as some moral concepts. These were some of the i n i t i a l media perceived. Later, missionaries offered the Indians the same education as the White man. Schools would be provided where Indians could learn to read and write: Christianity was presented through the medium of r i t u a l and organizational forms; material items were offered to the Indians as incentives to becoming converted. A l l these things were media for the Christian message, yet i t is apparent on further analysis that by becoming involved i n the media, the message was scarcely compre-hended by the Indians; the media used by the missionaries in fact - 63 -constituted the message of Christianity to the majority of Indians. At this point, therefore, i t is relevant to examine more closely the message and preaching of the missionaries, before outlining the significance of the various media which were used. This should enable a more complete understanding of the appeal of missionary Christianity. One of the main themes stressed by missionaries in their preaching to various groups of Indians concerned in general 'the future'. This theme f i t t e d well into the prophetic ambience already established. The missionaries frequently contrasted the present ' e v i l ' and 'corrupt' l i f e of the Indians with the happy and prosperous l i f e of the future i f they became converted to Christianity. William Duncan, the Anglican missionary at Metlakatla illustrated to the Tsimshian their present and possible condition by showing them a rotten stick and a healthy stick (Usher, 1969: 126). Further, he tried to point to their misery by t e l l i n g them Tsimshian are not happy, but poor-miserable and diseased. Why so? Because their way is not God's way. You see misery follows sin here. Why do you stick to your sins then? (Usher, 1969: 231). Having tried to convince the Indians of their sinfulness, Duncan offered them an alternative i n the Christian way of l i f e . The theme contrasting the present and future of the Indians is further indicated in the early preachings of J. S. Green on his journey in 1829. In August of that year he was able to record: I have been able to t e l l them in their own tongue, the object I have in view in coming hither, and the wishes of the Christian public in my own country to do them good. I have told them of God and their duty and - 64 -with some of them have had a very pleasant intercourse... I labored to the extent of my abil i t y to show them their necessitous circumstances, and the inestimable value of Christian instruction (1915: 33-34). Further indications of the message which Green conveyed to the Indians of the Northwest coast are revealed i n the following: ... through my interpreter, I told them my object, what had been done at the Islands, and what the gospel could do for them. I told them of the Bible, which disclosed the character of God, and Jesus Christ, which taught men to be good, made them happy in . . this world, and prepared them for heaven; and I asked them i f they did not wish to be instructed, to receive teachers, have the Bible, learn to read, and become good and happy (1915: 56). According to the Russian Governor at Sitka, the Indians reacted favourably to Green's v i s i t . "The intelligence of my a r r i v a l and object w i l l , he thinks, spread widely among different tribes" (1915: 57). R. C. L. Brown, an Anglican missionary who worked among the Lillooet and Chilcotin Indians in the 1860's also stressed the changed conditions of the future. The following quotation represents a conver-sation which Brown had with a group of Indians sentenced to death for the murder of some White men, but can be taken as indicating the nature of the message regularly conveyed to the Indians in the area: After the present race of whites had passed away, I said, there would come a better generation. Indian children would be educated and taught to understand the mysteries of reading and writing. They would also learn trades. Their people would be raised above the low and sensual l i f e they now led, and learn to find pleasure in useful work. They would no longer li v e an unsettled and roving l i f e , a l i f e i n which virtue and - 65 -religion were alike impossible. They would build good houses and t i l l the s o i l , and wear respectable clothing; each having his own separate dwelling, being each the head of his own family, having but one wife, as the Lord had ordained. A race of Indian priests should be trained up who should understand as well as the white priests the knowledge of the Highest, and proclaim i t i n the Indian language to the Indian tribes. Then they would no longer be at constant war with other Indians. Whites and Indians, too, would live together in peace and righteousness (1873: 114-115). This passage reveals several aspects within the general theme of 'the future', which may be presumed to have had considerable appeal to the Indians. F i r s t l y , the missionary's prophesy of s p i r i t u a l and material comforts i f the Indians followed the Christian way of l i f e and secondly, the assertion of the equivalence of the Indians and White men. Chris-tianity would enable the Indians to become the moral equals of the White man, with the same a b i l i t i e s , possessions and way of l i f e . This change would involve a repudiation of Indian identity, a phenomenon which became more apparent i n the later mass conversions to Christianity. The stress on the future in the missionaries' message had particular significance when coupled with their attempt to 'save' Indians. Guiart has stressed "... an essential aspect of the symbolism of conversion in Oceanian thought", namely that of ' l i f e versus death' (1962: 131). He points out that acceptance of Christianity came to be considered as a total choice, "... adherence to the more important aspects of paganism inevitably spelling death". The same theme is apparent in the area under study. The ' l i f e versus death' theme had a l i t e r a l meaning, for missionaries often encouraged the belief that epidemics and - 66 -other misfortunes were punishment for non-believers. Krause notes that in 1834 Veniaminoff had tried without success to persuade the Indians at Sitka to use smallpox vaccine. In 1835, the smallpox epidemic came and decimated the Indian population, while none of the Russians contracted the disease. Now they saw that the Russians had greater knowledge than they, and their own cures of ice and snow and the shamans' practice had not helped them.... So, as Veniaminoff thinks, the smallpox epidemic of 1835, since i t convinced the Tlingit of the obviously superior knowledge of the whites and shattered their faith in the shaman, became the turning point i n their s p i r i t u a l development (1956: 223-224). Duncan's move to Metlakatla from Port Simpson i n 1862 provides another example. It has been noted that this missionary's converts escaped the smallpox epidemic while the heathen who remained at Port Simpson suffered badly (Duff, 1964: 93). No doubt this incident was taken as showing that 'death' was the fate of non-believers. Raley records an event which illustrates the misfortunes held to be in store for the heathen, and the good fortune for the Christians. No date is given for the incident, which occurred i n connection with the work of a missionary, Miss Lawrence, at Kitamaat, but i t probably took place in the late nineteenth century. The oolachan or small fish was the essential food supply of the Kitamaat people. The day when the swarm was expected was Sunday. Miss Lawrence exhorted the Christian people not to break the Sabbath assuring them that she believed God would protect them i f they obeyed his commandments. They resolved to do so. The heathen made a l l preparations and on midnight Saturday they started to set out and fixed their nets in the river, work which occupied the greater part of the Sabbath. - 6 7 -Their nets were soon f i l l e d but at n i g h t a b l a c k f i s h , a species of whale, at high t i d e broke the net and ate the f i s h . The broken nets were c a r r i e d out to sea and the t i d e receded, thus i t was that the heathen people l o s t both nets and f i s h . When the promised l i g h t i n Miss Lawrence's window i n d i c a t e d the Sabbath was passed, the C h r i s t i a n s r e p a i r e d to the r i v e r , f i x e d t h e i r nets during the n i g h t and on Monday were rewarded by a great catch of f i s h . This t e s t of f a i t h had a remarkable e f f e c t on the heathen who decided that the C h r i s t i a n God the Great S p i r i t must be on the s i d e of h i s people and many were converted (Raley, nd., MS i n P r o v i n c i a l Archives). Apart from these l i t e r a l ' l i f e versus death' aspects of the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' message, i t i s apparent that a f u r t h e r theme was t h a t of 'the new versus the o l d ' . M i s s i o n a r i e s r e g u l a r l y presented the choice as being one of adopting the 'new way' and abandoning the ' o l d way'. There was r a r e l y room f o r compromise, and the 'new way' was i n v a r i a b l y presented as being the only v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e . Thus we f i n d Samuel H a l l Young, a P r o t e s t a n t missionary i n A l a s k a , presenting the choice i n the f o l l o w i n g terms: ... I t o l d the people that we were met to decide the question as to whether the Stickeens were to remain a heathen t r i b e h o l d i n g to the old - f a s h i o n e d b e l i e f s . . . or whether they were to take the new way as b e l i e v e r s i n God and f o l l o w e r s of Jesus C h r i s t . . . (1927: 138). The question i s whether you are to f o l l o w your o l d f a s h i o n s , b e l i e v e i n your medicine-men and do as they say, or f o l l o w the new way... (1927: 139). Are you going forward to l e a r n C h r i s t i a n ways and b r i n g your t r i b e s up to the l i g h t , or are you going to s i t i n darkness? (1927: 142). And the r e p l y that Young r e c e i v e d from one of the- most i n f l u e n t i a l c h i e f s of the t r i b e was phrased i n the f o l l o w i n g way: - 68 -... he agreed to the fact that their ways and their old teachings and customs had brought them only war, trouble and dissension. He pointed out the superior!,;' of the white men, their weapons, their great steamboats and their manufactures, and said: "Mr. Young has told us what is for our good... I here give up my old fashions, and declare for the new ways. I am going to learn about God and a l l good ways" (1927: 142). The fact that this aspect of the Christian message was perceived in terms of a mutually exclusive choice is further shown in the case of Wahuksgumalayon (later Charlie Amos), a Kitamaat Indian. Raley describes how Wahuksgumalayon travelled to Victoria to procure whisky, heard the 'story of the Cross' and wanted to repeat the news to his own people. He returned to Kitamaat, stating that 'the new way' was the better and he had finished with 'the old way' (Raley, nd. MS). A millenial-style of preaching the Christian message no doubt encouraged Indian expectations about the happy future awaiting converts, both on this earth and after death. Usher (1969: 234) indicates that on at least one occasion William Duncan warned the Indians of 'the coming destruction of the world', and hence by implication, the need to repent and prepare. A native preacher, W. H. Pierce, had been working at Port Essington for several months when he told the Indians the story 'The Half was never told', concerning the v i s i t of the Queen of Sheba to King Solomon. The Indians later came to ask Pierce the rest of the story. "You have told us of King Solomon and a l l his riches, but as we have only heard the half, you w i l l please t e l l us the other half"... At last I replied; "Dear friends, keep on praying and believing, serve God fa i t h f u l l y to the end of your lives, and then when you reach heaven you w i l l hear the other half" (1933: 21-22). - 69 -There is no doubt that missionaries fostered a millenarian attitude among converts through some of the methods they used. As Guiart has pointed out . in relation to the situation in the South Pacific: ... the early missionaries were moreover respon-sible for creating the hope among the natives that they in turn could become rich through Christianization, for they doled out material goods as rewards for conversion and religious zeal (1962: 125). In British Columbia, a similar situation developed. Not only did material goods offer an incentive to potential converts, but they also constituted one of the most significant media used by the missionaries. Missionaries offered tangible rewards and this was early recognized by many Indians in the area. Green noted on his voyage in 1829 that one chief remarked that he would protect a missionary who came to liv e with his people, saying that "they were a l l ignorant and wished to have teachers sent to them" (1915: 57). Interestingly enough, the missionary made the following remark concerning this incident: S t i l l I am aware that they have no correct idea of the nature of instruction, and are thinking of deriving pecuniary benefit from a plan of this kind. The activities of an early Russian priest at Sitka also indicate the sorts of gifts offered i n encouragement of interest i n Christianity. This missionary "... persuaded the Indians, through a g i f t of a new shirt with a red cross, to allow themselves to be baptized two and three times" (Krause, 1956: 229). The drawbacks to this sort of activity were recognized by some of the missionaries, but the pattern was already established. Samuel Hall - 70 -Young notes that one of their big blunders was that "... we gave the natives too many pre:-ants" (1927: 109). He recalls that Duncan freely distributed gifts to people at Port Simpson and Old Metlakatla before he learned the art of leading the Indians to self support. The Methodist missionaries who succeeded Duncan at Port Simpson pursued the same policy of distributing g i f t s . Although missionaries complained about the materialistic motives of some of their converts, such attitudes were hardly surprising in the circumstances. Various incidents indicate that the medium of material offerings in large measure became the message of Christianity to many Indians. Regarding g i f t s , Young points out: Naturally, the natives thought of these as their right and reward for embracing Christianity ... they looked upon their acceptance of Chr i s t i -anity as a distinct favor conferred upon us! Many a time when urging an old savage to come to church, he would ask: "How much you pay me?" (1927: 109). Usher notes that, rather than freely helping Duncan i n the i n i t i a l stages of his work, the Indians expected some reward. One chief apparently asked the missionary i f he (Duncan) intended to pay the parents to send their children to his school (1969: 132). Krause also indicates a similar attitude i n the following incident concerning the Chilkat Indians. ... after they had gone to church for half a year and sent their children to school, [they] went to the • missionary and complained that they had not been rewarded for their virtue and had not received boards to build their houses as the Tsimshian had (1956: 230). A last example serves to show that the Christian message of brotherly love and goodness was scarcely comprehended by many Indians. - 71 -Christianity appears to have been understood as an enterprise consisting of the distribution of material items. An event described by Young clearly demonstrates this point. States Young: Many of the natives s t i l l hold the same attitude as one of my men: I found him very i l l and helpless, suffering from a form of rheumatism. I cared for him for more than a year; gave him a room in one of our houses within the fort, and my wife and I tended him and nursed him as i f he were a brother. We expended upon him more than a hundred dollars i n medicine, food and clothing. After... he was able to return to his home and do some work, I found him standing by his small canoe on the beach one day and I said: "Charlie, I wish you would take me in your canoe over to Shustaak's point", half a mile distant. He looked at me for a moment then said: "How much you goin' to pay me?" "Have you no shame?" I asked. "Have you for-gotten a l l that I have done and spent for you in the past year?"... "That's your business", he said i n Thlingit. "My canoe i s my business" (1927: 111). Another form of media used by the Christian missionaries involved the teaching of reading and writing. Indians were generally very eager to acquire these s k i l l s . Usher notes that according to Duncan, there was "... a general belief among Indians that whites do possess some great secret about eternal things and they are gasping to know i t " (1969: 118). Possibly because they saw the importance of reading and writing i n White man's culture, Indians may well have presumed that this knowledge would unravel the secret. Furthermore, Duncan had observed that the Indians "... are brought so much into contact with the whites that they naturally desire to acquire their learning and language" (Usher, 1969: 235). While questioning how 'natural' this desire for knowledge was, we -72 -can recognize the importance of the f a c t that the m i s s i o n a r i e s were to become i n s t r u m e n t a l i n imparting i t . The j o u r n a l of one of Duncan's Indian p u p i l s r e v e a l s , among other t h i n g s , the importance attached to becoming l i t e r a t e . Shooquanaht wrote; "When we understand to read and w r i t e , then i t w i l l very easy ( s i c ) . . . " (Usher, 1969: 121). Berkhofer pointed out i n connection w i t h North American Indian groups that "... many parents and c h i l d r e n expected much more concrete r e s u l t s from the 'magic' of reading than mere l i t e r a c y a f t e r attainment of such an arduous mystery" (1965: 18). The b e l i e f h e l d by some Sioux that w r i t i n g a request f o r a g i f t and the p r e s e n t a t i o n of a s l i p of paper to the missionary would make him grant t h e i r wish i s reminiscent of feat u r e s of some cargo c u l t s . Reading and w r i t i n g , i t seems, were regarded by Indians i n the P a c i f i c Northwest as the key to some of the White man's s k i l l s . An i n c i d e n t recorded by the missionary Tate r e v e a l s the symbolic importance attached by some Indians to w r i t i n g , and the value accorded to i t . The i n c i d e n t took p l a c e i n Pop-cum i n 1877. Tate w r i t e s : ... I was i n v i t e d i n t o a house where s e v e r a l people were congregated w a i t i n g f o r God to r e v e a l h i s presence by w r i t i n g on papers which they h e l d i n t h e i r hands. '. . . The w r i t i n g they speak of comes i n the form of round sp o t s , as though drops of water had f a l l e n on i t . I sat down i n the midst of them, and asked f o r a paper which was handed to me. I discovered a spot of grease on i t which they s a i d was w r i t i n g . . . . They then commenced a hum-drum k i n d of s i n g i n g which afterwards became a loud' scream... they held the papers c l o s e to t h e i r f a c e s , and i n the midst of t h e i r screaming drops of s a l i v a from t h e i r mouths touched the paper making i t almost transparent, t h i s they c a l l e d w r i t i n g . I s e c r e t l y touched my f i n g e r to my mouth and pressed i t upon the paper, when I h e l d i t up where they c o u l d see i t . - 73 -They became very much excited at this and said that I would become great among them and a l l the Indians would follow me... (Tate, Diary, June 25, 1877). Tate then proceeded to expose the 'writing' and t e l l the Indians of their so-called foolishness. The Indians refused to believe Tate and became very angry. It appears that this writing was attributed some sort of supernatural significance, and the Indians wanted to write. To a certain extent the various missionary groups themselves represented different media for the Christian message. Although in their long-term aims there was l i t t l e difference, i t is apparent that aspects of the doctrine and practice of the several missionary groups operating in the area were perceived differently by some Indian groups. Relationships between the missionaries and the denominational groups to which they belonged were not always amicable, and some Indians found that they could play one denominational group off against another to their own advantage (Kxause, 1956: 229). Protestants were c r i t i c a l of Catholic missionary methods. In April 1859, the Methodist Robson who was working at Hope pointed out that Roman Catholic missionaries ... have been a l l through this country and have succeeded in teaching almost a l l the natives how to make the sign of the cross which appears to be the sum total of their religious knowledge. They have been baptized and taught the sign but haven't abandoned the pagan customs (W. D. Young, 1955: 7). An Anglican missionary, Brown, while i n the Williams Lake area i n 1861 also pointed out that Some twenty years previously, certain Roman Catholic missionaries had crossed over from Canada into Br i t i s h Columbia, and with their wonted zeal had preached to the natives. Probably from want of time, they did not teach - 74 -them very much of r e l i g i o n , but what they d i d teach had been r e c e i v e d w i t h ardour and r e t a i n e d w i t h amazing f i d e l i t y (Brown, 1873: 6). Both these m i s s i o n a r i e s seem to be c r i t i c i z i n g Roman C a t h o l i c s f o r not conveying the tr u e C h r i s t i a n message, but only g i v i n g the Indians a s u p e r f i c i a l knowledge of some of the C h r i s t i a n media such as the s i g n of the cross and the gesture of praying. Yet Anglicans and Methodists were a l s o c r i t i c a l of each other's methods and i l l - f e e l i n g e x i s t e d at times between them. F r i c t i o n was caused by the d e c i s i o n of the A n g l i c a n missionary group to set up a sc h o o l i n Nanaimo, thus d u p l i c a t i n g the schoo l s e r v i c e already provided by the Methodists. Robson accused the Anglicans of i n j u r i n g work among the Indians by ... d i v i d i n g t h e i r a t t e n t i o n by causing them to a t t a c h themselves to the party from whom they hope to d e r i v e the gr e a t e s t w o r l d l y advantage (Robson's d i a r y ; quoted i n W. D. Young, 1955: 56). As' t h i s statement shows, m i s s i o n a r i e s were w e l l aware that they were competitors f o r Indian converts and that the Indians were a l s o aware of t h i s r i v a l r y . Duncan had noted i n h i s j o u r n a l i n 1863 that The progress of the Tsimshian i n c i v i l i z a t i o n under our guidance goes a long way i n impressing the Indians favourably w i t h P r o t e s t a n t ' s m i s s i o n s , i n o p p o s i t i o n to Romish, f o r i n v a i n do they look f o r any s o c i a l advancement among Indians where Romish missions are e s t a b l i s h e d (Usher, 1969: 174). However, i n commenting on the f a c t that the Thompson Indians had shown themselves ' e x c e p t i o n a l l y slow i n accepting the yoke of C h r i s t i n exchange f o r t h e i r heathen r i t e s ' , Father Morice, a C a t h o l i c missionary, notes that these Indians accepted an A n g l i c a n m i n i s t e r because t h i s was an e a s i e r o p t i o n than Roman C a t h o l i c i s m (1910, Vol.2: 360). - 75 -In the f i e l d of r i t u a l and s e r v i c e s , missionary groups d i f f e r e d somewhat. The appeal of elaborate r i t u a l was recognized f a i r l y e a r l y by d i f f e r e n t m i s s i o n a r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y by the C a t h o l i c s working among the S a l i s h . Lemert notes that Father Durieu encouraged church pageantry, r i t u a l s and processions among the Sechelt I n d i a n s , as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonials (1954). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the medium of church r i t u a l , the degree of i t s v a r i a t i o n between d i f f e r e n t missionary groups and i t s appeal to Indians are shown i n the f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n from a missionary superintendent f o r the Methodists, J . S. Woodsworth, who v i s i t e d P o r t Simpson i n 1896. Woodsworth s t a t e s ... the noisy and s p e c t a c u l a r methods of the S a l v a t i o n Army appealed s t r o n g l y to many of the Indians. Some of them detached themselves from the Methodist Church and j o i n e d the Army. A s e c t i o n of those who remained l o y a l to the church were anxious to adopt some of the Army methods i n the r e g u l a r church s e r v i c e s . This was deemed unwise, but they were allowed the i n t r o d u c t i o n of brass band music i n s e r v i c e s h e l d i n the s c h o o l house.... There was animation enough to s a t i s f y the most emotional and demonstrative (1917: 197). While the m i s s i o n a r i e s were prepared to a c e r t a i n extent to modify t h e i r methods to s u i t the needs of t h e i r I n d i a n congregations, i t i s apparent t h a t Indians s e l e c t e d the aspects of C h r i s t i a n i t y which had most meaning f o r them. The pre-missionary prophet movements had emerged i n response to a p a r t i c u l a r set of circumstances and, whether they r e a l i z e d i t or not, the m i s s i o n a r i e s e x p l o i t e d t h i s messianic 'ambience' i n t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y . This p o i n t r e l a t e s to something which was mentioned e a r l i e r , that i s , the n o t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y not being a n e a t l y - 76 -wrapped p a r c e l . Rather, i t contains a number of elements which can be i n t e r p r e t e d d i f f e r e n t l y by d i f f e r e n t people and which do not a l l have to be absorbed simultaneously f o r the r e l i g i o n to be meaningful to any i n d i v i d u a l . Thus the p a r t i c u l a r elements of C h r i s t i a n i t y which were accepted by the Indian groups d e s c r i b e d , i n a d d i t i o n to being dependent on what the m i s s i o n a r i e s a c t u a l l y d i d and taught, were l a r g e l y dependent on what the e a r l i e r n a t i v e prophets had taught the Indians to b e l i e v e and expect. The 'imported m i l l e n i a l i s m ' which the m i s s i o n a r i e s brought o f f e r e d the Indians a meaningful p a t t e r n f o r r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l change. As Wilson has pointed out w i t h respect to the work of some missions i n A f r i c a , they ... o f f e r e d new o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n f o r indigenous peoples, and they q u i c k l y took over, or i m i t a t e d , t h e i r s t y l e . They became important new s o c i a l forms f o r peoples faced w i t h the breakdown of k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e , and they o f f e r e d greater v i a b i l i t y to contend w i t h the i n f l u e n c e s and pressures of western c i v i l i z a t i o n on i t s own terms. Thus the missions provided not only i d e o l o g i c a l e x p r e s s i o n , but they a l s o provided the model f o r s o c i a l r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n (1963: 105). I t i s to t h i s f e a t u r e of missions as models f o r s o c i a l r e -o r g a n i z a t i o n that we can now t u r n , having discussed some of the main reasons f o r the immediate appeal of the m i s s i o n a r i e s , t h e i r messages and media. - 77 -CHAPTER 4 CONVERTS AND COMMUNITIES Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y formed pa r t of the o v e r a l l process of r e l i g i o u s change i n the area, which began w i t h the prophet movements as a r e a c t i o n to contact. Having o u t l i n e d some of the main features of the message and media of the m i s s i o n a r i e s , we now t u r n our a t t e n t i o n more d i r e c t l y to the conversion process i t s e l f . S p e c i f i c a l l y , we w i l l be l o o k i n g at the f o l l o w e r s of the m i s s i o n a r i e s and at some of the C h r i s t i a n communities which were e s t a b l i s h e d . By examining some of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of those who became converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y , we w i l l be able to suggest reasons f o r the appeal of the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' teaching both to groups of Indians and to i n d i v i d u a l s . A l s o , an a n a l y s i s of the new C h r i s t i a n communities or model v i l l a g e s w i l l r e v e a l the nature of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s which the m i s s i o n a r i e s sought to create. These communities represented i n concrete form evidence of the appeal of missionary C h r i s t i a n i t y and the a s p i r a t i o n s of Indians. The e a r l i e r prophet movements were i n d i c a t i v e of the expectations of many Indians and i t w i l l be shown that these same expectations were l a r g e l y f u l f i l l e d through the a c t i v i t i e s of v a r i o u s m i s s i o n a r i e s . Kttbben notes that ' e s c h a t o l o g i c a l - a d o p t i v e movements' may end through repeated f a i l u r e s of prophecies, but that the expectations may be r e s u r r e c t e d a f t e r a time, although under d i f f e r e n t l e a d e r s h i p and w i t h a ^ l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t emphasis (1960: 125). This p o i n t has s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given here. We can see how the ambience of b e l i e f s - 78 -generated during the phase of prophet movements could have been sustained and given new impetus in the missionary phase of religious change. The missionaries, in a sense, were the new 'prophets', acting as religious leaders. They gave direction to the general expectations and i t is apparent that to many Indians, the missionaries were some sort of superior beings who were going to lead them to a new way of l i f e . With reference to the role of a prophet i n millenarian ac t i v i t i e s Burridge notes that for the action to become coherent a prophet is necessary. He focuses attention on the meaning of the millenium and brings order to the inchoate a c t i v i t i e s , . . , he succeeds or f a i l s to f u l f i l his role i n terms of his own personal qualities, the content of his revelation, and the history and experience of the people to whom he communicates. He claims to be able to realize and order the power which seems currently unrealized and unordered: the new ordering promises a satisfactory way of measuring meaningful qualities, a new redemptive process (1969: 172). In British Columbia the missionary f u l f i l l e d i n large measure such a role. His message, and the media he used to transmit i t , were relevant i n terms of the past experience of the people and appeared to show the way to a more coherent existence. A missionary with charismatic qualities was more assured of successfully f u l f i l l i n g the role of prophet, guiding the people and showing appreciation of the situation. There is some evidence that missionaries were indeed credited with prophet-like qualities. Recording the attitudes of Indians to missionaries in about 1860, Morice states that they thought of him as a 'man of God', a being apart in creation who was greeted with great ceremony (1910, Vol.2: 310). One particular chief welcomed the 'envoy' from heaven in the name - 79 -of his people. Similar attitudes were prevalent well after i n i t i a l contact with missionaries. Usher notes that i n the transitional situation of the Tsimshian Indians much of their religious faith rested on the missionary William Duncan himself. Quoting from Duncan's journal dated December 23, 1860, Usher points out The Indians certainly appeared to feel Duncan had particular s p i r i t u a l powers. One of the old chiefs remarked to him... "you see they follow you - they want to see you - they are learning from you about God and regard you as the same as God to them" (1969: 127). Furthermore, according to Usher (1969: 150), the increased scale of social problems following culture contact meant that an Indian solution to problems was no longer viable. Many Tsimshian apparently recognized that they could no longer control their own society and hence the significance of the missionary, who offered a different way of l i f e with happiness and prosperity, was greatly magnified. William Duncan had an exceptionally strong personal influence on the Tsimshian. He assumed leadership i n many areas of Tsimshian l i f e . A further indication of the qualities of this missionary is found in a remark made by one of Duncan's followers. The Tsimshian people say that Mr. Duncan was a more eloquent orator i n their language than the orator of their people (Diary of Mathilde . Munthorn, New Metlakatla, 1945. Quoted i n Usher, 1969: 136). Duncan's success seems at least partially due to his capacity of leadership and a b i l i t y to organize activities i n terms meaningful to the Indians. In fact, his leadership went further than that desired by the Church Missionary Society, to which Duncan belonged. CMS policy stated - 80 -that "prompting to self-action is more important than inducing men to follow a leader" (Venn quoted in Usher, 1969: 54). This policy reflected the society's general goals of self-help and the establishment of native churches, yet i n the practical circumstances which a missionary faced, his chances of success i n establishing a mission would have been considerably diminished i f he had not assumed the role of leader. Recognizing that traditional leaders i n Indian society might resent White usurpers, the Church Missionary Society, under Venn's direction, explicitly instructed missionaries to convince chiefs that there was no intention to decrease their authority. As Usher has stressed, the influence of chiefs was important to a European who wanted to introduce a new set of beliefs to their people. "Respect was due to the chiefs partly to prevent a breakdown of society, and partly because the power they wielded could be of value to the missionary" (1969: 65). Realizing this, Duncan attempted to treat the chiefs as they were treated by their own people. This point is of significance i n analysing the association between leaders i n traditional society and f i r s t followers of the missionaries. We can begin our examination of the status of the converts to Christianity by looking at the leaders i n traditional societies. It is important to note, as does Kobben, that a movement may have a different appeal to different sections of a community (1960: 153). That is to say, the leaders may be attracted by certain aspects, and the followers by others. Hence the appeal of Christianity as propounded by missionaries was not necessarily the same to a l l adherents. To this we may add that the appeal of missionary Christianity seems to have varied - 81 -over a period of time. I n i t i a l disinterestedness or h o s t i l i t y i n some cases was subsequently followed by enthusiasm and acceptance. It is apparent from the literature on the prophet movements that leaders of the various cults were generally persons of prominence in the group. 'Superior' religious knowledge was likely to give a person an increased amount of power and authority. Before the actual a r r i v a l of missionaries, some shamans increased their prestige as religious leaders through their visions and prophecies of impending changes. An example of such a shaman is Beni, described by Barbeau (1923: 17), who attracted a large following after announcing the content of his visions and acting in the manner of a Catholic priest. Other examples of shamans who initiated prophet movements among their followers are given by Deans for the Haida (1891), and Mcllwraith for the Bella Coola (1948, Vol.1: 588). With increased knowledge of the new religion and the a r r i v a l on the scene of the missionaries themselves, the pattern of leadership seemed to change. Shamans maintained their traditional methods of dealing with the supernatural, seeing the missionaries as r i v a l s , while the chiefs, the p o l i t i c a l leaders, sought to increase their power by aligning themselves with the new religion, becoming converted and assisting the missionaries. This change of leadership pattern is noted by Walker. He records as one feature of an early Nez Perce cult "... a new religious leadership status (priest) specifically distinguished from that of the shaman" (1968: 34). Bonneville had observed in 1832 that i t was "... the principal chiefs who officiate as priests..." - 82 -(Spier, 19 35: 32). Following this, Walker points out "... the apparent eagerness of chiefs and headmen to become religious leaders during the later missionary period..." (1968: 38). He connects this with the distinction made earlier in the prophet movement between the aboriginal status of shaman and the new status of priest. But he then goes on to explain this eagerness to become religious leaders in terms similar to Suttles (1957: 393), who refers to a 'poverty of p o l i t i c a l institutions'. Walker suggests that because of the limited amount of power available to aboriginal Nez Perce leaders, they seized on this new status as a means of buttressing their positions. This interpretation may well be correct, but does not take into account the point that rather than seeking power in their own traditional terms, chiefs were seeking power i n terms of the White man. It was an attempt to absorb and participate in the new power being demonstrated by the incoming Whites. The appeal of the new religion to these indigenous leaders was not only i n the form of drawing on a 'superior' supernatural power, but a way to achieve equal power with the Whites. This explanation enables us to understand the eagerness of many chiefs to act as priests and receive instructions from the missionaries. This f i t t e d well with the missionaries' aim of u t i l i z i n g the prestige of the chiefs within their own communities. Neither was ful l y aware of the position of the other, yet, to an extent, the situation was mutually beneficial. Hanley has pointed out i n connection with the teachings of the f i r s t Catholic missionaries at Fort Nisqually and elsewhere i n the Puget - 83 -Sound area that these missionaries concentrated on teaching the chiefs elements of Catholicism^. These chiefs were eager to learn from the 2 'sahali stick' , and to learn the sign of the cross and simple hymns; then, acting as priests, they taught their own people about the new religion. Indian chiefs used the 'sahali stick' and the Catholic Ladder to instruct their followers, and according to Hanley, the teaching carried more weight by virtue of the fact that i t came from the chiefs. Walker also points out that missionary activity in outlying areas was not conducted by the White missionaries, but remained largely in the hands of native chiefs and headmen, who "... were the f i r s t acceptors of Christianity..." (1968: 40). Some of the chiefs and headmen among the Nez Perce became teachers and preachers and together with their respective families "... constituted the bulk of the approximately twenty converts made during the f i r s t period" (i.e. 1836-1847. Walker, 1968: 43). In describing Prophet Dance-like activity among the Lummi Indians, Suttles mentions a particular leader, Davy Crockett, who was the f i r s t to be converted after the priests came and also helped convert others (1957: 354). Davy Crockett was the chief i n the 1860's and led the Lummi in Catholic worship. Chiefs did not always show such readiness to accept Christianity. Some were more cautious. Usher notes that while no Tsimshian chief entirely committed himself to Duncan at f i r s t , none prevented him from 1. - •« Father Philip Hanley in a lecture at the Centennial Museum, Vancouver, March 2, 1972. 2. The 'sahali stick' (stick from heaven), invented by the Catholic missionary, Blanchet, was a carved stick simply representing key points from the Bible and the history of the Catholic church. Later drawn on paper, i t became known as the 'Catholic Ladder'. - 84 -going about his work (1969: 136). Missionaries gave a community a certain prestige, and once there Indians did not seem to want them to leave. Walker states that the Nez Perce were very fearful that the missionaries might not like them or their country and leave (1968: 40). A similar point i s made by Usher concerning the Tsimshian. Duncan had apparently become a source of prestige to the Tsimshian and they f e l t a group pride in the fact that "... they had been chosen before other tribes to receive the Book from this messenger of God" (1969: 137). Because many other tribes along the coast knew of his presence at Port Simpson, the chiefs i n particular f e l t the Tsimshian would be shamed i f Duncan ever l e f t them. The chiefs were quick to realize the advantages of association with missionaries. When Duncan f i r s t addressed the Indians in June 1858, i t was in the house of a chief, with an audience of about one hundred. According to Barnett William Duncan... preached his f i r s t sermon i n the house of a chief who was looking for an opportunity to get even with a r i v a l . The Indian sought to make p o l i t i c a l capital of Duncan's patronage and succeeded i n doing so. First his r i v a l , then other chiefs invited Duncan to preach in their homes... they were attempting to use him rather than understand him (1953: 362). Usher also indicates that when the chiefs "... saw that he [Duncan] had gained some influence among their own people... they sought to use his influence for their own ends" (1969: 136). While some chiefs were eager to accept both missionaries and Christianity, and others were prepared at least i n i t i a l l y to accommodate to them, others were less than enthusiastic. Pierce mentioned a particular "Chief Skadeen" i n the Nass river area who, i n about 1880, - 85 -... strongly objected to having a missionary in the village, or to any of his people becoming Christians. He knew that this would change a l l his old heathen customs and, i n his opinion, weaken his power as chief (1933: 35). And another example i n Bella Coola in 1883. "... the chiefs and older people were strongly opposed to having any change whatever" (Pierce, 1933: 45). Duncan also encountered a certain amount of resistance from the chiefs and had trouble with them. He noted that almost a l l of them were opposed to change - to any "progress". Barnett cites Duncan to the effect that this was because the chiefs did not want the White man's customs (1953: 405). Such different attitudes on the part of the traditional leaders of Indian society seem to represent various themes. On the one hand, those who were enthusiastic about the new religion seem to have been the more progressive, attracted by the opportunity to share in the leadership of the new way of l i f e that was being offered. On the other hand, those who were either disinterested or opposed seem to have been asserting in a more conservative way a degree of Indian control over the situation, wishing to retain cultural dominance. Such resistance did not last for long, especially when i t was realized that those chiefs who did not lis t e n to the missionaries' teachings might soon be l e f t without any followers. We can now examine more closely the characteristics of some of the other followers of the missionaries. Without attempting to explain the reasons, Usher indicates that youth was the main characteristic of - 86 -Duncan's followers (1969: 128). She bases this on the information that of the fifty-eight Tsimshian who were either baptized or who were candidates for baptism between J u l y 1861 and J u l y 1862, twenty-two were under the age of twenty, twenty-seven were between the ages of twenty and thirty, nine were over thirty, of which four were over forty. The appeal of Christianity to the young is further substantiated by some of Pierce's descriptions of the f i r s t converts to the new religion. He notes that in Bella Coola in 1883 "... the young people were anxious to have a missionary and learn the new way..." (1933: 45). In 1885 at Kitsegukla on the upper Skeena, Pierce records that young people had requested missionaries by writing to Thomas Crosby, the Methodist missionary at Port Simpson (1933: 51). Pierce further notes that at a Christmas feast at Kitsegukla ... two of the chiefs Cooksun and Haask, made speeches. Both urged the young people to do their utmost to learn the white man's ways and become clever... the increased attendance at school after Christmas was no doubt due to the effect of these two speeches (1933: 54). A similar statement was made by a Haida chief to the Anglican missionary, Collison, on his f i r s t v i s i t to the Queen Charlottes i n 1876. Collison records the following words from the chief: We have heard of the white man's wisdom. We have heard that he possesses the secret of l i f e . He has heard the words of the Chief above. We have seen the change made in the Tsimshians. But why did you not come before.?... You have come too late... you can lead our children in the new way, but we do not desire to abandon the customs of our forefathers. We cannot give up the old customs (1916: 106-108). - 87 -The reason for the appeal of Christianity to young people among Indian groups seems to have two aspects. F i r s t l y , both missionaries and Indian leaders seem to have encouraged the teaching of Christianity particularly among the youth. Older Indians found i t more d i f f i c u l t to change their beliefs, but thought their young people should benefit by learning the 'new way'. In their turn, younger Indians had no power or authority in the traditional system and i t may be expected that they might be more amenable to change, especially when the change promised a better way of l i v i n g , prosperity and happiness. Usher (1969: 128) finds no evidence to support Barnett's claim that Duncan's early followers were "... older people, among them orphans, slaves, third cousins and i l l e g i t i -mate children, for whom the future held no prospect of emancipation or gratification of the social ambitions accredited i n the Tsimshian scheme of values"(1953: 405). Apart from the youthfulness of some of the missionaries' early followers, another significant feature was that of community conversion. Frequent mention is made in the literature of complete villages or tribes becoming converted and desiring to lead a new l i f e . Such mass conversions showed a strong degree of group solidarity, an attempt by the society as a whole to meet the new demands being made of i t . The collective rejection of the old ways revealed a desire for a complete break with the past and the establishment of new norms. Beynon states that when Duncan moved with his converts to establish the Christian village of Metlakatla "... the Gyitl i ' n tribe went almost intact" (1941: 83). Pierce notes that when he arrived i n Port Essington in 1877, - 88 -Everybody gave me a glad welcome. The two tribes of Kit-sumkalum and Kitselas, having now moved down from their old villages in a body, renounced heathenism and became Christianized and c i v i l i z e d , thus forming a Christian village (1933: 18). In his description of how the Bella Bellas accepted Christianity, Pierce recalls how a council meeting was held to decide whether the Bella Bellas would accept Christianity or not (1933: 40-41). When a l l were agreed and united i n their decision, Chief Charley told Pierce, the native evangelist, of the group decision i n favour of giving up the old ways and becoming Christians. Lemert also indicates the rapid group conversion of the Sechelt Indians, noting that by 1871 the entire tribe was confirmed in the faith (1954). Mass conversions under the guidance of the missionaries were followed by significant changes i n almost every aspect of l i f e for the Indians. The break between the old ways and the new ways, a theme continually stressed by most missionaries, often took the i n i t i a l form of destroying the symbols of traditional culture. Guiart mentions an incident in the South Pacific when a l l the new converts rejected their idols and received instead copies of the gospels and elementary books (1962: 135-136). In British Columbia, a similar incident is recorded by Pierce concerning Chief Tom of Bella Coola. After this chief's conversion, Pierce notes, he was "... anxious to burn a l l his idols" (1933: 45). Hall Young also recalls that after the Stickeen Indians had resolved to accept Christianity and formed a council, they presented him with "... a multitude of old dance implements, pipes, stone axes and other r e l i c s of their past l i f e . . . " (1927: 143-144). Cronin also records a similar event involving - 89 -a C a t h o l i c missionary and Indians on Vancouver I s l a n d . In 1859 ... he baptised about 400 Indian babies and persuaded over 2000 ad u l t s to renounce gambling, s o r c e r y , and murder. They d i d t h i s p u b l i c l y a pparently, d i v e s t i n g themselves of a l l t h e i r d i a b o l i c a l instruments of w i t c h c r a f t and t o r t u r e and l o a d i n g them i n Fr. Chirouse's canoe... (Cronin, 1960: 77). As w e l l as r e j e c t i n g the t a n g i b l e objects of t h e i r previous l i f e , new converts to C h r i s t i a n i t y r e j e c t e d most of the o l d system of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The enthusiasm of many Indian c o n v e r t s ' f o r j o i n i n g the new C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s which the m i s s i o n a r i e s began o r g a n i z i n g showed a d e s i r e to forsake t h e i r past methods of o r g a n i z i n g s o c i e t y i n favour of the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' method. Kb'bben pointed out i n connection w i t h p r o p h e t i c movements that The emphasis i n many movements i s on a t o t a l r e j e c t i o n of the o l d norms as no longer appropriate to the changed circumstances and the conscious c r e a t i o n of new ones (1960: 153). The same emphasis seems apparent i n the process of conversion to C h r i s t i -a n i t y i n t h i s area, w i t h the missionary p r o v i d i n g the g u i d e l i n e s f o r the c r e a t i o n of the new norms. What the m i s s i o n a r i e s were o f f e r i n g the Indians came to be c a r r i e d out through the medium of model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s . O r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms, r i t u a l and m a t e r i a l goods of a new k i n d could be achieved i n the m i s s i o n a r y - i n s p i r e d communities and i t i s apparent that these media l a r g e l y c o n s t i t u t e d the a c t u a l message to most of the Indians i n v o l v e d . The establishment of model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s had a precedent i n the J e s u i t 'reductions' i n Paraguay i n the seventeenth century. The J e s u i t s had planned s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e , v i l l a g e s , church-centred, - 90 -c o n t r o l l e d by the p r i e s t s , and aimed at making model C h r i s t i a n s of the nomadic Indians. Sundkler p o i n t s out that t h i s method was a l s o used by Roman C a t h o l i c s i n A f r i c a , where the C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e became a new s o c i o l o g i c a l phenomenon, a refuge from t r i b a l paganism (1965: 200-201). The f i r s t C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e e s t a b l i s h e d among Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia was M e t l a k a t l a . Duncan organized the m i g r a t i o n of h i s Tsimshian converts from P o r t Simpson to M e t l a k a t l a , an o l d w i n t e r v i l l a g e s i t e of the Tsimshian, i n 1862 - f i v e y e a r s - a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l on the Northwest coast. The apparent success of t h i s venture encouraged other m i s s i o n a r i e s to f o l l o w . Duncan's idea was to segregate h i s converts from the i n f l u e n c e of the heathen Indians i n order to achieve a b e t t e r environment i n which to c i v i l i z e and C h r i s t i a n i z e h i s f o l l o w e r s . The suggestion of c r e a t i n g a model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e had been f i r s t mentioned i n the summer of 1859. Usher records that Duncan h i n t e d about The good going away to some good land and e s t a b l i s h i n g a v i l l a g e f o r themselves where they could be f r e e from the drunkenness and the bad ways (1969: 155). The plan was discussed between the missionary and the Indians f o r n e a r l y two years. Duncan was o f f e r i n g them a set of r u l e s to f o l l o w , p r o s p e r i t y and a new way of l i f e . In a l e t t e r w r i t t e n s h o r t l y before the group moved, Duncan expressed a d e s i r e to ... place our example of order and i n d u s t r y i n the shape of a model Ind i a n v i l l a g e before the numerous Indian t r i b e s around here, shewing them the proper road to improvement, wealth and happiness ( C i t e d by Usher, 1969: 154). In terms of what has p r e v i o u s l y been discussed about Indian expectations concerning the f u t u r e and the d e s i r e of Indians to share i n - 91 -the power of the Whites, we can readily appreciate the appeal of such villages. Under the missionary's guidance the Indians were to achieve equality with the Whites, by making a new kind of society and suppressing most of their own heritage. Dissatisfaction with the old form of society was beginning to lead, in Burridge's words, to ... the adoption of new assumptions, a new redemptive process, a new politico-economic framework, a new mode of measuring the man, a new integrity, a new community... (1969: 13). The new community represented aspects of the White man's society desired by the Indians, for the introduction of community supporting industries brought material benefits. As Beynon states, Duncan's small industries kept his converts employed: ... a sawmill, a salmon and clam cannery, and a trading post. They purchased a small schooner and marketed their products themselves, in the markets of Victoria, and even in London, England. These industries took the place of the former t r i b a l activities (1941: 83). Other industries were gradually added - blacksmith's and carpenter's shops, a soap-house, a brick manufactory and cooperage. As well as keeping the Indians busy, these industries provided many of the goods directly necessary for a 'Christian, c i v i l i z e d l i f e ' , and their profits enabled purchase of other items. Progress and social advancement were among Duncan's goals and he sought to impress other Indians with the Metlakatla community, and thus encourage them to join the village on his terms. As i t happened, other missionaries followed his example and Indians had the chance of joining similar schemes in other locations. The similarity of motivation i n these cases is made apparent i n a report of the Superintendent of Northwest - 92 -missions of the Methodist Church who v i s i t e d Port Simpson i n 1896. A f t e r Duncan had l e f t Port Simpson i n 1862, no m i s s i o n a r i e s had been r e s i d e n t there u n t i l the Methodists e s t a b l i s h e d a mis s i o n at the s i t e i n 1873. I n 1896, J . S. Woodsworth found the Indians a t Po r t Simpson comparing them-selves to other Indians and to t h e i r previous s i t u a t i o n . They claimed that they were not so prosperous as they used to be, and t h e r e f o r e wanted a preacher who would b u i l d them a cannery, or a steamboat, or a s a w m i l l , or to do something e l s e to help them along m a t e r i a l l i n e s . Further they wanted t h e i r young men to have power, t h i s d i d not mean s p i r i t u a l power, but a u t h o r i t y , e s p e c i a l l y i n church government C1917: 193). This r e p o r t gives a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of what the preacher was expected to o f f e r the Indians. The i n d u s t r i e s , businesses and schools being e s t a b l i s h e d by the m i s s i o n a r i e s i n C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s provided not only economic p r o s p e r i t y to those i n v o l v e d , but encouraged adoption of new standards of measuring themselves - White standards. M e t l a k a t l a , the model community c o n s i s t i n g of neat houses and gardens, a l a r g e church and a v a r i e t y of growing i n d u s t r i e s , represented a changed s o c i a l system. Membership i n the M e t l a k a t l a community r e q u i r e d conformity to f i f t e e n laws of conduct which r e q u i r e d g i v i n g up many s i g n i f i c a n t aspects of the t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e " ' " . C h i e f l y rank was no 1. The f i f t e e n r u l e s were: C I ) Give up Indian d e v i l t r y . (2) Cease c a l l i n g i n conjurors when s i c k . (3) Cease gambling. (4) Cease g i v i n g away property f o r d i s p l a y . (5) Cease d r i n k i n g a l c o h o l . (6) Cease face p a i n t i n g . (7) Rest on the Sabbath. (8) Attend r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . (9) Send c h i l d r e n to sc h o o l . (10) Be c l e a n . (11) Be i n d u s t r i o u s . (12) Be p e a c e f u l . (13) Be l i b e r a l and honest i n trade. (14) B u i l d neat houses. (15) Pay the v i l l a g e tax. - 9 3 -longer recognized, and Duncan aimed to place a l l the Tsimshian people on an equal f o o t i n g . "Thus an abrupt change had come over the whole s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of these M e t l a k a t l a Tsimshians..." (Beynon, 1941: 84). Clan o b l i g a t i o n s and t r i b a l d i v i s i o n s were a b o l i s h e d and the o l d m a t r i l i n e a l r u l e of i n h e r i t a n c e was changed to a p a t r i l i n e a l one. The i n t e r e s t s of the community as a whole took precedence over k i n s h i p a l l e g i a n c e s . The v i l l a g e was organized i n t o ten companies, each w i t h i t s own headman, two e l e c t e d e l d e r s , two constables, three c o u n c i l l o r s and t e n firemen. The c o u n c i l e l e c t e d by the group governed the a f f a i r s of the community and the church, but Duncan "... c o n t r o l l e d everything as a f a t h e r l y a u t o c r a t " (Beynon, 1941: 84). Despite the f a c t that Duncan attempted to suppress almost a l l aspects of the Indians' previous way of l i f e , i t seems that some of the new i n s t i t u t i o n s that the missionary introduced were at l e a s t f u n c t i o n a l s u b s t i t u t e s f o r the o l d i n s t i t u t i o n s . Usher notes that the p o t l a t c h was s u b s t i t u t e d by the communal c e l e b r a t i o n s of Christmas, New Year and the Queen's b i r t h d a y (1969: 213). F u r t h e r , on the New Year's Day c e l e b r a t i o n s , the c o n s t a b l e s , f i r e brigade and band assembled i n uniforms, w h i l e the c h i e f s and c o u n c i l members d i s p l a y e d t h e i r badges of o f f i c e and speeches were made i n order of importance (1969: 215). A l l t h i s represented a demonstration of rank, wealth and s t a t u s i n a manner s i m i l a r to the t r a d i t i o n a l one. The main d i f f e r e n c e was that new r u l e s were o p e r a t i v e i n d e f i n i n g p o s i t i o n s of power and a u t h o r i t y and i n d i v i d u a l s were using new methods of measuring worth. Other m i s s i o n v i l l a g e s were e s t a b l i s h e d on the same p r i n c i p l e s as M e t l e k a t l a . In the 1860's, the v i l l a g e of K i n c o l i t h was formed among - 94 -the Nishga. I t a l s o presented the same outward appearance as M e t l a k a t l a , w i t h i t s s a w m i l l , church and neat white houses. In the 1870's, C o l l i s o n opened a m i s s i o n s t a t i o n at Massett f o r the Haida and proceeded to c r e a t e a new s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and new i n d u s t r i e s based on the model devised by Duncan. Pr o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s were not the only ones i n v o l v e d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g model communities f o r t h e i r C h r i s t i a n converts. The C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r y , Durieu, i n i t i a t e d a system to be used i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of newly-converted Indian groups. By 1871, a l l the Sechelt Indians had become converted to C a t h o l i c i s m and t h e i r community became a model of the Durieu-system. These Indians had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been l o c a t e d at a number of v i l l a g e s i t e s , and as w i t h Duncan's M e t l a k a t l a community, an important f e a t u r e of the new Sechelt community, was t h e i r p h y s i c a l r e l o c a t i o n at a d i f f e r e n t and s t r a t e g i c s i t e . The Durieu-system a l s o r e q u i r e d c e r t a i n r u l e s of conduct, i n c l u d i n g g i v i n g up a l l Indian dances, p o t l a t c h e s , patronage of the shaman, d r i n k i n g and gambling. P o s i t i v e compliances i n c l u d e d l e a r n i n g prayers, observing the Sabbath, being c l e a n , neat and i n d u s t r i o u s . The missionary had e f f e c t i v e and p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y , supplemented w i t h c h i e f s and watchmen to r e p o r t on the conduct of the people, and s o l d i e r s to act as policemen and administer punishment. New houses and a l a r g e church were b u i l t . Lemert i n d i c a t e s that the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e imposed by the C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s allowed s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s to be recognized (1954). Wealth could s t i l l be used to s i g n i f y high s t a t u s by making donations to the church, and f e a s t s enhancing s o c i a l s t a t u s could s t i l l be given. Church pageantry, dramas and processions r e p l a c e d the l o s s of winter ceremonials and dances, but - 95 -t h e r e was l e s s emphasis on t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of i n d u s t r i e s i n t h e S e c h e l t community compared t o t h e P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n v i l l a g e s . A g a i n , t h e a p p e a l of t h i s system can be a t t r i b u t e d n o t o n l y t o t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s ' a b i l i t i e s t o c r e a t e a new s o c i e t y and new s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n terms r e l e v a n t t o I n d i a n a s p i r a t i o n s , but a l s o t o t h e I n d i a n d e s i r e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n a new way of l i f e . P r e v i o u s a s s u m p t i o n s about t h e o r d e r i n g o f s o c i e t y were no l o n g e r r e l e v a n t a f t e r c o n t a c t w i t h t h e W h i t e man and t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f new w e a l t h , gun's, a l c o h o l and d i s e a s e . Many I n d i a n s t h r o u g h o u t B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a sought h e l p and p r o t e c t i o n f r o m t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s i n o r d e r t o - r e - o r g a n i z e t h e i r s o c i a l l i v e s . C h r i s t i a n i t y was l a r g e l y p e r c e i v e d by t h e I n d i a n s i n i t s m i l l e n i a l d i m e n s i o n , and i t was t h i s p a r t i c u l a r a s p e c t o f m i s s i o n a r y C h r i s t i a n i t y w h i c h formed t h e b a s i s f o r c o n v e r s i o n and l e d t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f model v i l l a g e s . - 96 -CHAPTER 5 SHAKERS, POLITICIANS AND SPIRIT DANCERS Model Christian communities established by various missionaries continued to be viable for a number of years, but their appeal gradually decreased. The villages described proved to be temporary phenomena, but they were a significant phase i n the overall process of religious change in the area. A number of writers have suggested reasons for the waning interest in Christianity (e.g. Walker, 1968; Usher, 1969; Lemert, 1954) and almost a l l of these reasons relate to the ultimate failure of the missionaries' Christianity to meet the religious, social and economic needs of Indian communities. This line of reasoning is derived from the immediate situation of Indian groups at the time of declining interest in Christianity. It is possible, with the advantage of hindsight, to suggest another set of related reasons to explain the apparent d i s i l l u s i o n -ment of many Indians with missionary Christianity. These reasons relate more exp l i c i t l y to the nature of the colonial situation and focus on a growing sense of Indian identity, a form of emergent Indian nationalism. It is suggested that reaction to contact and colonization followed a processual pattern, linking the earlier phases of religious change, including prophet movements, conversion to Christianity, with later developments which have included the Shaker.Church, p o l i t i c a l organizations, s p i r i t dancing and other forms of Indian ceremonies. It can be demonstrated from the data available on religious and p o l i t i c a l movements i n British Columbia that developments here have followed a pattern similar i n many - 97 -ways to that described for other .ethnographic areas which have undergone colonial experience (Bastide, 1966; Bodrogi, 1951; Guiart, 1951; Kobben, 1960). Walker attributes the failure of the missionaries among the Nez Perce to the varying functions of religion i n Euro-American and Nez Perce cultures. Whereas in the Indian culture, religion was at the basis of secular success, for the missionaries: ... the functions of religion were moralistic and otherworldly i n orientation, and they failed entirely to satisfy the complex mixture of religious and economic needs apparently responsible for early Nez Perce interest in Christianity (1968: 44). According to Walker, i n i t i a l enthusiasm for Christianity only lasted for about three years. The Nez Perces apparently came to the realization that "... the presence of missionaries and acceptance of Christianity were not going to bring the desired goods" (1968: 44). For other Indian groups, the period of enthusiasm for the new religion was considerably longer. Even i f the message of the missionaries was not clear, the media were and i t seems that the duration of interest in Christianity was directly proportional to the amount of tangible rewards received. Where immediate economic and social needs were better met, as in model communities, interest lasted longer. Usher puts forward several reasons for the breakdown of William Duncan's Metlakatla community, a l l of which relate to the particular details of the Tsimshian situation and do not take account of the overall trend of developments (1969). The breakdown of the model village is related both to Duncan's conflict with church authorities and to his - 98 -a p p a r e n t f a i l u r e t o c o n t i n u e t o s a t i s f y t h e needs o f t r a d i t i o n a l T s i m s h i a n l e a d e r s . I n t h e d i s p u t e between Duncan and t h e A n g l i c a n C h u r c h , t h e M e t l a k a t l a n s were f o r c e d t o t a k e s i d e s . A t f i r s t , Usher p o i n t s o u t , M e t l a k a t l a n s a d h e r e d to Duncan be c a u s e i n t h e p a s t "... h i s p o l i c i e s had b r o u g h t h i s f o l l o w e r s s e c u l a r b e n e f i t s " (1969: 298). B u t e v e n t u a l l y , some o f t h e I n d i a n s went a g a i n s t Duncan. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e m i s s i o n a r y , t h e s e were ... t h r e e o r f o u r I n d i a n s who had been c h i e f s under t h e o l d t r i b a l a r rangement, b u t who had l o s t t h e i r p r e s t i g e by t h e p r o g r e s s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n ( U s h e r , 1969: 300). A p p a r e n t l y t h e y r e s e n t e d Duncan f o r u s u r p i n g t h e i r power. They were u n a b l e t o f i n d an a c c e p t a b l e p l a c e i n t h e new s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e c r e a t e d by t h e m i s s i o n a r y , f o r , d e s p i t e c e r t a i n c o n c e s s i o n s t o p o s i t i o n s of s t a t u s , M e t l a k a t l a demanded a s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l needs o f a l l t h e T s i m s h i a n . The s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e o f t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n s o c i e t y , t h a t r e v o l v i n g a r o u n d s t a t u s , r a n k and p r i v i l e g e , was s e e m i n g l y a c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n the d i s s e n s i o n w h i c h d e s t r o y e d t h e o r i g i n a l model community. The breakdown o f t h e M e t l a k a t l a community r e p r e s e n t e d n o t so much a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f , b u t r a t h e r a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n on t h e p a r t o f some I n d i a n s w i t h the b a l a n c e o f power, a s e n t i m e n t w h i c h became a n t i - m i s s i o n a r y . The m a j o r i t y o f I n d i a n s r e m a i n e d l o y a l t o Duncan and accompanied him on a second m i g r a t i o n t o r e - c r e a t e t h e Utopia t h e y l e f t . I n t h e summer of 1887, w i t h renewed i d e a l i s m , about sev e n hundred I n d i a n s moved t o A n n e t t e I s l a n d i n A l a s k a t o f o r m New M e t l a k a t l a . Usher p o i n t s out t h a t - 99 -The Ind ian u top ia had depended f o r i t s s u r v i v a l on i t s dynamism, and on i t s c o n t i n u a l at tempts to c l o s e the ever -w iden ing economic gap between wh i tes and Ind ians (1969: 341) . She i n d i c a t e s tha t dur ing the p rev ious f i v e years of c o n f l i c t there had been no growth i n the economic l i f e of the v i l l a g e and hence M e t l a k a t l a was unable to a t t r a c t sur round ing heathen Ind ian groups. Whi le i t i s c l e a r tha t Duncan had he lped the Ts imsh ian to ach ieve a l a r g e degree of economic independence, i t was predominant ly on h i s own i n i t i a t i v e . Convers ion to C h r i s t i a n i t y had i n v o l v e d both suppress ion of I nd ian i d e n t i t y and a d e s i r e to. be l i k e the White man. There was now becoming apparent a r e v e r s a l of t h i s a t t i t u d e , which I n i t i a l l y took the form of a s tance aga ins t the p a t e r n a l i s t i c gu idance of the m i s s i o n a r y . I t was no co i nc i dence that developments i n c l u d i n g the Shaker Church and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s began i n the same decade as the breakdown of the model I nd ian v i l l a g e s , f o r s i m i l a r elements were p resen t i n the d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s and s i m i l a r processes were o p e r a t i v e . Wi th regard to the Dur ieu-sys tem i n s t i t u t e d among the S e c h e l t I n d i a n s , Lemert i n d i c a t e s s e v e r a l immediate f a c t o r s which c o n t r i b u t e d to i t s d e c l i n e i n the e a r l y 1890 's (1954). He s t r e s s e s the encroachment of government a u t h o r i t y on the power of the p r i e s t s , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s c h o o l i n g , a g radua l r i s e of a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m and i n c r e a s e d m o b i l i t y on the par t of the I n d i a n s . Whi le e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s such as these mentioned by Lemert no doubt c o n t r i b u t e d to the decay of the sys tem, he a t taches l i t t l e , i f any, s i g n i f i c a n c e to f a c t o r s ope ra t i ng w i t h i n the Ind ian community i t s e l f . D i s rega rd f o r the p r i e s t ' s a u t h o r i t y i s mentioned and i n connec t ion w i t h the r i s e of ' a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m ' , Lemert i n d i c a t e s tha t - 100 -the p r i e s t s could not help i n economical, medical and educational matters and t h i s l e d to feelings of b i t t e r n e s s on the part of some Indians. An underlying f a c t o r which was c l e a r l y operating i n the decline of these missionary-led communities was that r e l a t i n g to the desire of various Indian groups to con t r o l t h e i r own a f f a i r s . The missionaries had been responsible for teaching the Indians not only how to read and write, but also how to operate businesses and organize for p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . I t was seemingly an i n e v i t a b l e outcome of such learning that Indians would no longer desire to be i n subordinate positions and would wish to manage things f o r themselves. Among c o l o n i a l peoples i n general Balandier notes "... the quest for norms coincides with the quest f o r autonomy" (1966: 52). This f e e l i n g was apparent and recorded by Woodsworth i n 1896 at Port Simpson, when he noted that the Indians there "... wanted t h e i r young men to have power, t h i s did not mean s p i r i t u a l power, but authority, e s p e c i a l l y i n church government" (1917: 193). A f t e r Duncan had moved to Old Metlakatla, Methodist missionaries established themselves i n Port Simpson. According to Beynon (1941: 86), the Methodist missionary set up the C h r i s t i a n Band of Workers "... as a unit of the Church and a safety valve where r e l i g i o u s enthusiasm could be given free vent without hurting the d i g n i t y of the parent body" (1941: 86). A development followed t h i s move which resembles the formation of s e p a r a t i s t churches i n N i g e r i a and South A f r i c a where there was a desire f o r independence, to break away from the o f f i c i a l C h r i s t i a n churches to form t h e i r own 'church'" (KBbben, 1960: 143ff). Beynon notes that Differences of opinion over the proper conduct of church members led to the severance of the Band of Workers from the Methodist Church, and - 101 -under native leaders'" they established them-selves as an independent group which kept the name and imitated what they had learned but allowed freedom of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and emotional expression (1941: 86). * My emphasis In a d dition, a f a c t i o n within the Band of Workers gained the authority of the Salvation Army to set up another na t i v e - l e d organization (Beynon, 1941: 87). The Shaker Church began as a prophet movement and l a t e r became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as a C h r i s t i a n s e p a r a t i s t church among various Indian groups i n the P a c i f i c Northwest. Minor d e t a i l s concerning the beginnings of the church d i f f e r , but Gunther provides an account generally agreed upon which i s paraphrased from an informant: In 1881 an Indian by the name of John Slocum died at Shelton, Washington. His r e l a t i o n s went to Olympia i n a canoe.to buy a casket, . and while they were gone he came back to l i f e again. He t o l d the people that he had died and gone to the gates of heaven, but could not get i n because he had not l i v e d the r i g h t kind of C h r i s t i a n l i f e , so that he was sent back to be reborn. He was t o l d to t e l l the people that they too must confess and be reborn, so that when they go to heaven they can get i n . This man spent h i s l i f e as a preacher among the Indians and founded the Shaker Church (1949: 38). Sometime a f t e r h i s f i r s t 'death' Slocum f e l l i l l . His wife i n mourning began to tremble, and the 'shaking' seemed to bring about h i s cure. 'Shaking' over s i c k people thus became one of the main a c t i v i t i e s of the Shaker Church. From the various accounts of the Shaker r e l i g i o n s e v e r a l s i g n i f i c a n t points emerge which are p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to the present - 102 -study (Gunther, 1949; Collins, 1950; Smith, 1954; Barnett, 1957). Gunther notes that the f i r s t Indians who turned to the Shaker religion in the Puget Sound area had a l l had some experience of the Christian faith (1949: 57-58). Some, like Slocum, had been baptized in the Catholic Church while others were members of the Congregational Church. According to Gunther, missionaries of the established churches noticed that their congregations were diminishing as more Indians joined the Shakers (1949: 60). This would seem to indicate that the phase of conversion to Christianity was more important in the circumstances surrounding the formation of the Shaker Church than most accounts would recognize. Those becoming converted f i r s t to orthodox Christianity can be presumed to have found something more satisfactory in their subsequent conversion to the Shaker religion. Apart from the fact that i t was a wholly Indian inspired movement, a point which w i l l be developed shortly, the Shaker religion had an additional appeal in terms of i t s r i t u a l . Gunther indicated that ... a well-developed Catholic mission w i l l stop the spread of the Shakers more readily than the presence of any Protestant denomination (1949: 75). Both Catholic Church and Shaker Church incorporate more r i t u a l and ceremony in their services than do Protestant Churches, and the Indians' apparent love of overt r i t u a l could be better expressed in one or other of the former churches. With regard to the ceremonial side of the religion, Gunther also notes that the new Indian religion had more appeal when shaking was included in the r i t u a l (1949: 42). It called attention to the individual religious experience in the same way that the old religion had done. A feature which emphasized the separation of the Indian - 103 -Shaker Church from the orthodox C h r i s t i a n churches i n v o l v e d the r i t e of baptism. Since most of the o r i g i n a l members of the Shaker Church had already been b a p t i z e d i n one of the other C h r i s t i a n churches, they e x p l i c i t l y avoided t a k i n g over t h i s r i t e , b e l i e v i n g "... that a person must come i n t o the church through h i s own confession of f a i t h " (Gunther, 1949: 58). Another aspect r e l a t e s to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f a c t that the Shaker Church was a movement begun by an Indian. Gunther s t a t e s that the God of the C h r i s t i a n ... had been t a l k e d about by both C a t h o l i c and P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s , but i n terms not r e a d i l y understandable to the Indian. At l a s t one of t h e i r own people had t a l k e d to Him and had been t o l d what to do. Slocum's v i s i t to heaven and h i s i n s t r u c t i o n s can e a s i l y be compared to the s p i r i t quest, d i f f e r i n g i n that i t was not the r e s u l t of a d e l i b e r a t e venture (1949: 59). Such a statement i n d i c a t e s the importance to the Indians of one of t h e i r 'own people' communicating d i r e c t l y w i t h the God of the C h r i s t i a n s . Smith makes a s i m i l a r p o i n t . She s t r e s s e s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the new power introduced by the C h r i s t i a n s , and the p o i n t that i t could be obtained by c e r t a i n ways of l i f e . A person had or he d i d not have the o l d types of power and that was the end of i t . But the t i e between the s u p e r n a t u r a l and e t h i c s , presented to the Indians f o r the f i r s t time, o f f e r e d an opportunity by which anyone could o b t a i n c u r i n g power. The f i r s t demonstration proving beyond doubt that such power would lodge i n an Indian occurred on the Squakson r e s e r v a t i o n . This was the beginning of the Shaker c u l t now a c t i v e and widespread among the Indians of the Northwest (1940: 30-31). - 104 -The Shaker r e l i g i o n had a strong appeal by v i r t u e of i t s 'Indianness'. Although adopting many elements of C h r i s t i a n i t y , i t was an I n d i a n - i n s p i r e d movement which would give c e r t a i n powers to i t s f o l l o w e r s i f they l e d a C h r i s t i a n way of l i f e . I t seemed as i f Indians themselves could now have access to the same powers as the White men, without , i n v o l v i n g the i n t e r v e n t i o n of m i s s i o n a r i e s or anyone e l s e . According to Gunther, one White o f f i c i a l i n the 1890's observed that the Shakers ... do not seek to convert people who c l a i m to understand the white man's r e l i g i o n (1949: 73). I t would thus seem that those Indians who were converted to Shakerism from one of the e s t a b l i s h e d C h r i s t i a n churches had e i t h e r not understood the r e l i g i o n that the m i s s i o n a r i e s preached or t h e i r expec-t a t i o n s had not been f u l f i l l e d . I t could a l s o have been that a new r e l i g i o n begun by an Indian f o r other In d i a n s , combining elements of C h r i s t i a n i t y and features of the o l d r e l i g i o n had a greater appeal, because i t provided a greater degree of autonomy. Various accounts of the Shaker r e l i g i o n a t t a c h c o n s i d e r a b l e importance to the f a c t that the Shaker Church was a 'blend' of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the o l d r e l i g i o n . Both C o l l i n s (1950) and Smith (1954) s t r e s s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of l i n k s between the o l d r e l i g i o n and the Shaker r e l i g i o n - i n seeking to e x p l a i n the appeal and success of the l a t t e r . As C o l l i n s puts i t : The success of the church i s due on the one hand to p a r a l l e l s between i t and the pre-white r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s and on the other, to resemblances between i t and the C h r i s t i a n churches of the whites (1950: 399). Fu r t h e r , C o l l i n s sees the development of the Shaker Church as an outcome of the suppression of Indian r e l i g i o u s ceremonies by the laws of the White man. - 105 -In order to s u r v i v e , C o l l i n s i n d i c a t e s , the Shakers had to meet w i t h White approval and make themselves acceptable to C h r i s t i a n s . When t h i s was done, the Shaker Church could become f o r m a l l y incorporated. In c o n c l u s i o n , C o l l i n s s t a t e s that the Shaker Church represented a ' t r a n s i t i o n a l step' i n r e l i g i o n f o r the Indians accepting i t , because both o l d and new were inc o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n i t . While r e c o g n i z i n g the importance of c o n t i n u i t y between autochthonous r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and newer modified ones, such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Shaker r e l i g i o n only e x p l a i n s part of the r e a l i t y . By saying that the Indian s o c i e t y was i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l phase, as represented through the Shaker Church, i s not e x p l a i n i n g very much. As Kobben i n d i c a t e d w i t h respect to cargo c u l t s being connected w i t h a 'h a l f way s i t u a t i o n ' , we can then only recognize the ' h a l f way s i t u a t i o n ' or ' t r a n s i t i o n a l step' through the cargo c u l t (1960: 132-133). The same can be s a i d of the ' t r a n s i t i o n a l ' e x p l a n a t i o n of the Shaker Church. What needs to be explained i s the need f o r such a t r a n s i t i o n a l step and why i t took the form i t d i d . I t i s necessary to account f o r i t s appeal not only as a ' t r a n s i t i o n a l s t e p ' , but i n the whole process of r e l i g i o u s change i n the area. To be able to observe evidence of syncretism i n a new r e l i g i o n i s not ' p r o o f that the new r e l i g i o n i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a t r a n s i t i o n a l step. C o l l i n s does not attempt to e x p l a i n the nature of the assumed t r a n s i t i o n beyond the statement that i t i n c o r p o r a t e d o l d and new b e l i e f s . We do not know from t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n what the t r a n s i t i o n was from, nor how i t ended. Some s o r t of complete c y c l e i s i m p l i e d , w i t h the Shaker Church a c t i n g as the agent of adjustment. Why has the Shaker Church thus p e r s i s t e d i f i t was only a t r a n s i t i o n a l step? And why have other developments occurred more r e c e n t l y , o f t e n i n v o l v i n g r e v i v a l of - 106 -t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , which might a l s o be s a i d to have represented a t r a n s i t i o n a l step? While these questions present t h e o r e t i c a l problems which anthropology may not be equipped to answer, we can turn to an assessment of the p o s i t i o n of Indians i n developing Canadian s o c i e t y to see i f such an assessment provides a s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n . The assumed t r a n s i t i o n which has been mentioned i n f a c t has never occurred, Indians have not abandoned a l l t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l values and b e l i e f s and become, to a l l i n t e n t s and purposes, White C h r i s t i a n s . They have remained Indians and thus we cannot adequately d i s c u s s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Shaker Church i n terms of i t s being a ' t r a n s i t i o n a l step'. Although the chronology of events i s not simple, w i t h some developments overlapping o t h e r s , i t i s s t i l l p o s s i b l e to regard the Shaker Church as c o n s t i t u t i n g a phase, though of a d i f f e r e n t type than that i m p l i e d by C o l l i n s . KBbben notes that one f u n c t i o n of pr o p h e t i c movements i s that they pave the way f o r "... movements of a more p o l i t i c a l or economic c h a r a c t e r " , and that they ... may be regarded as a phase, which, provided the c u l t u r e i n question remains i n e x i s t e n c e , are f o l l o w e d by movements of a more r a t i o n a l k i n d sooner or l a t e r (I960: 153). Rather than regarding the development of the Shaker Church as c o n s t i t u t i n g a t r a n s i t i o n a l step simply i n r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , i t seems more appropriate to regard i t as a 'phase' i n KBbben's terms. I t was one type of movement, which was preceded by movements of one k i n d and followed by other movements, not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l i g i o u s ones. In the process of s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s change i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t can be seen that the various movements fo l l o w e d a p a t t e r n which commenced w i t h m i l l e n a r i a n - s t y l e - 107 -prophet c u l t s , l a t e r i n c l u d e d conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y under the guidance of m i s s i o n a r i e s and continued i n the form of Indian i n s p i r e d r e l i g i o u s movements and movements of a more ' p o l i t i c a l and economic c h a r a c t e r ' . A broader time p e r s p e c t i v e permits a more general understanding of the nature of the processes i n v o l v e d i n r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l changes. In r e t r o s p e c t , 'short term' explanations are only p a r t i a l . I t cannot be disproved that a p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a development such as the Shaker Church has some v a l i d i t y , but i t does not take us very f a r . Barnett favours such an e x p l a n a t i o n , n o t i n g that Slocum "... was i m p e l l e d by a personal need f o r greater s e c u r i t y than h i s s o c i e t y c o u l d at that time o f f e r him " (1957: 352). Barnett s t a t e s that Slocum was not alone i n h i s a n x i e t y , f o r others were g r a t e f u l f o r the 'escape' which he o f f e r e d them. The same author a l s o p o i n t s out t h a t ... f o r many i n d i v i d u a l s the emotional experience of shaking i s a h e a l i n g instrument. I t _is a medicine, the f u l f i l m e n t of a prophecy f o r the a f f l i c t e d and the oppressed, an unmeasured g i f t to the f a i t h f u l (1957: 353). Gunther sees the Shaker Church both as an i n t e r e s t i n g and completely indigenous example of o l d and new b e l i e f s and as the r e s u l t of a "... constant search f o r what the Indian c a l l s 'help'" (1949: 37). The I n d i a n , apparently, "... not knowing how to improve h i s economic c o n d i t i o n , turns to r e l i g i o n " (1949: 76). This e x p l a n a t i o n draws too c l e a r a d i s t i n c t i o n between the various components of such a c t i v i t i e s , i . e . r e l i g i o u s , economic and p o l i t i c a l . As Sundkler showed i n h i s study of s e p a r a t i s t churches i n South A f r i c a , the problems r a i s e d are not only of a r e l i g i o u s k i n d , but i n c l u d e the whole question of r e a c t i o n to White domination, and s o c i a l - 108 -problems t r a d i t i o n a l l y t r e a t e d as i n the economic and p o l i t i c a l spheres (1948). Rather than viewing the Shaker Church as a p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a c t i o n to anxiety or economic d e p r i v a t i o n , or as a t r a n s i t i o n a l stage between o l d and new b e l i e f s , a more complete understanding of the new r e l i g i o n can be achieved by viewing i t as an attempt to achieve a degree of independence and autonomy i n r e l i g i o u s matters. In t h i s sense, the newly formed Indian C h r i s t i a n Church represented a p r e - p o l i t i c a l phenomenon. Gu i a r t (1951) sees the various c u l t s and movements which developed i n Melanesia a f t e r the impact of the White man as 'forerunners of Melanesian n a t i o n a l i s m ' . Cargo c u l t s and independent sects a l l seem to r e v e a l "... the wish f o r independence i n r e l i g i o u s as w e l l as s e c u l a r a f f a i r s . . . " (1951: 89). Worsley (1957) regards m i l l e n a r i a n movements as i n c i p i e n t n a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l movements and'Talmon (1962: 138) i s of the same o p i n i o n , seeing them as p r e - p o l i t i c a l phenomena. Talmon i n d i c a t e s that' they f u n c t i o n as agents f o r the t r a n s i t i o n to other p o l i t i c a l forms which can develop i n various ways. I t i s i n t h i s framework of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that the r e l i g i o u s changes i n B r i t i s h Columbia are best understood. New p o l i t i c a l forms i n the area, preceded by r e l i g i o u s changes, were s t i m u l a t e d i n i t i a l l y by the m i s s i o n a r i e s . Usher notes that under the m i s s i o n a r i e s the Indians had become p o l i t i c a l l y aware (1967: 324). Duncan and h i s f o l l o w e r s were i n v o l v e d i n a controversy over land ownership, p e t i t i o n i n g f o r r e c o g n i t i o n of the a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e to the land. Kopas a l s o p o i n t s out that "... the m i s s i o n a r i e s gave the Indians t h e i r f i r s t lessons i n the techniques of European p o l i t i c s " (1972: 41), a s s i s t i n g them i n d r a f t i n g p e t i t i o n s about the l a n d q u e s t i o n , and forming delegations and deputations to various l e v e l s of government. The advent of European - 109 -s e t t l e r s had begun to turn Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y away from t r i b a l and i n t e r - t r i b a l a f f a i r s to r e l a t i o n s w i t h the White man, which i n v o l v e d mainly the land i s s u e and the r i g h t to r e t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s such as the p o t l a t c h . One outcome of t h i s change of focus of p o l i t i c a l activities was the beginning of protest and even though one significant f e a t u r e of Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y has been i t s l a c k of u n i t y , p a r t i c u l a r i ssues u n i t e d Indians i n a common concern over t h e i r r i g h t s and created an i d e n t i t y f o r Indians which had not p r e v i o u s l y e x i s t e d . During the 1870's, land grievances were the main reason f o r Indian unrest on the north coast of B r i t i s h Columbia, and e v e n t u a l l y Indians of the Nass r i v e r formed the Nishga Land Committee, r a i s i n g money to send delegations to V i c t o r i a and Ottawa to present t h e i r claims (Kopas, 1972: 62). Further south, K w a k i u t l , Nootka and Coast S a l i s h Indians were p r o t e s t i n g the law against the p o t l a t c h . In 1916, the A l l i e d c Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia was organized a f t e r a meeting of s i x t e e n d i f f e r e n t Indian groups, r e p r e s e n t i n g i n t e r i o r and coast t r i b e s . Main concerns of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n were the demand f o r more reserve l a n d and the r e c o g n i t i o n of Indian t i t l e to the land . A f t e r a few year s , t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n c o l l a p s e d a f t e r a S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Fe d e r a l Government r e j e c t e d t h e i r claims. But, a f t e r a pause, r a t h e r than d e c l i n i n g , p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l awareness were i n c r e a s i n g . P o l i t i c a l movements i n the economic f i e l d a l s o began at about the same time. F i s h i n g unions were organized i n the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century, i n c l u d i n g Indians on the Fraser r i v e r , Skeena r i v e r and c e n t r a l coast. The- Indian missionary, W. H. P i e r c e organized the - 110 -f i r s t Indian fisherman's union on the Skeena r i v e r i n 1914, but i t apparently c o l l a p s e d when he moved to another mi s s i o n . The Nass R i v e r Fisherman's A s s o c i a t i o n was al s o s u c c e s s f u l f o r a number of year (Kopas, 1972: 103). In 1931, w i t h the e f f e c t of the depression beginning to be f e l t , the Indians organized on an i n t e r - t r i b a l b a s i s to p r o t e c t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . As Beynon i n d i c a t e d ; ... through t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e and that of other n a t i v e s , they have organized the Nati v e Brotherhood of B.C., which i s endeavoring to organize a l l the n a t i v e t r i b e s f o r f r a t e r n a l and economic purposes (1941: 88n). Again, the s t r e s s i s on Indian i n i t i a t i v e i n o r g a n i z i n g the movement. Although based on the model of economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s d e r i v e d from western c u l t u r e , the movement was l e d by Indians to f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s of the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n . The c o n s t i t u t i o n of the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia s t r e s s e d the need f o r Indians to communicate and cooperate w i t h each other, to organize f o r the betterment of t h e i r s o c i a l , mental and p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s and to in c r e a s e t h e i r l e a r n i n g (Drucker, 1958: 178). I t has been noted t h a t even though the leaders of the Nativ e Brotherhood were unable to u n i t e the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia i n one p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , they were s u c c e s s f u l i n b u i l d i n g an a s s o c i a t i o n which served a number of Indian i n t e r e s t s (Kopas, 1972: 115). These i n c l u d e d p r e s s i n g Indian i n t e r e s t i n such issues as t a x a t i o n , enfranchisement, v o t i n g r i g h t s , exemption from m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , f i s h i n g and t r a p p i n g r i g h t s . The North American I n d i a n Brotherhood, formed i n 1944 i n Ottawa and i n c l u d i n g members from across Canada, expressed i n i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n a theme which was becoming c l e a r e r i n the development of various I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l and economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t i n d i c a t e s - I l l -the nature of emergent Indian n a t i o n a l i s m and the form i t was beginning to take. A c o n s t i t u t i o n of the Brotherhood w r i t t e n i n 1947 s t a t e d : The solemn object and aim of the North American Indian Brotherhood i s to give l e a d e r -ship to the Indian n a t i o n w i t h i n the sovereignty of the British Crown, a nation, by t r e a t y o b l i g a t i o n , under a p r o t e c t i v e government. I t aims to salvage m a t e r i a l from the ashes of the p a s t , and thereby awaken the Indian race i n the dormant n o b i l i t y which i s , by h e r i t a g e , r i g h t f u l l y t h e i r s . . . ( S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee Report, 1947, p.853; quoted i n Kopas, 1972: 117). Subsequent Indian p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the most recent, have not only forwarded t h e i r claims to a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e and expressed o p p o s i t i o n to the Federal Government's p o s i t i o n on matters a f f e c t i n g I n d i a n s , but have a l s o s t r e s s e d the importance to Indians of r e t a i n i n g and r e v i v i n g aspects of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e and h e r i t a g e The emergence of these p o l i t i c a l and economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a s s o c i -ations has revealed a theme of p r o t e s t among the Indians of the P a c i f i c Northwest. This was the same element that KBbben found to be s i m i l a r and comparable i n a l l of the p r o p h e t i c movements which he discussed (1960: 148). This element of p r o t e s t has emphasized a d e s i r e by Indians to achieve independence i n the c o n t r o l of t h e i r own a f f a i r s and to f u r t h t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s i n the face of White governmental o p p o s i t i o n . This trend can be i n t e r p r e t e d as the outcome of the events and process of change i n the area. E a r l i e r prophet movements had given the Indians c e r t a i n expectations of the White man, the goods that he would b r i n g and the good l i f e that would f o l l o w . The a r r i v a l of the m i s s i o n a r i e s had f i t t e d w e l l i n t o t h i s ambience of expectations and at f i r s t i t seemed that prophecies were being f u l f i l l e d w i t h the changes brought about by - 112 -conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y . But something was apparently not being s a t i s f i e d , and the developments which followed revealed what t h i s was. Indians began a s s e r t i n g t h e i r r i g h t s and s t r e s s i n g t h e i r d e s i r e to administer t h e i r own a f f a i r s . Under the guidance of the White man they were suppressed, p a t e r n a l i s t i c a l l y l e d and f r e q u e n t l y misguided. The power d e s i r e d was not j u s t i n the management of t h e i r own a f f a i r s , but a l s o to enable them to be l e s s subordinate to Whites. Despite f a c t i o n a l i s m and c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t groups which e x i s t e d among the Indian p o p u l a t i o n , i t seemed that b e t t e r r e s u l t s could be achieved f o r Indians i f they had power to manage t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . The r e c e n t l y formed Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs (formed i n November 1969) i s the f i r s t Indian o r g a n i z a t i o n to t r y to gain the r i g h t to administer the a f f a i r s of the n a t i v e s (Kopas, 1972: 193). The p e r s i s t e n c e and r e v i v a l of s p i r i t dancing and other cere-monial complexes among the Coast S a l i s h has r e c e i v e d a t t e n t i o n i n s e v e r a l recent s t u d i e s ( S u t t l e s , 1963; Robinson, 1963; Kew, 1970). A l l three accounts s t r e s s the same reasons i n e x p l a i n i n g why the S a l i s h continue s p i r i t dancing and why i t seems to be undergoing a r e v i v a l . These reasons lend support to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of processual changes given here, and emphasize the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a growing sense of Indian i d e n t i t y . S u t t l e s s t a t e s : Perhaps most im p o r t a n t l y being a dancer i s the most unequivocal symbol of being I n d i a n . . . . Both the dancing i t s e l f and the p o t l a t c h i n g that forms a p a r t of the b i g dance may thus be seen as attempts by i n d i v i d u a l s and k i n groups to maintain psychic i n t e g r i t y and s o c i a l s t a t u s . Underlying both dancing and p o t l a t c h i n g i s the theme of r e a f f i r m a t i o n of shared i d e n t i t y as Indians (1963: 519). - 113 -While many d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s can be seen as a search f o r ' i d e n t i t y ' and i t i s not always easy to a s c e r t a i n e x a c t l y what i d e n t i t y i s being sought, i t may be noted that various kinds of i d e n t i t y may be being sought at d i f f e r e n t times. In the case of the a c t i v i t i e s discussed here the i d e n t i t y a f f i r m e d or sought i s one of belonging to Indian s o c i e t y , as opposed to the dominant White s o c i e t y . S u t t l e s notes that on at l e a s t one occasion i n the speechmaking which u s u a l l y accompanies these a c t i v i t i e s , r eference was made to the Whites as enemies ( i n 1962 on Vancouver I s l a n d ) . The g i s t of one speech was that a u n i t e d e f f o r t might get the 'enemies' removed from t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . . . on t h i s occasion f o r a few moments, the gathering was l e s s a dance than a p o l i t i c a l r a l l y (1963: 520). Robinson mentions that i n the l a s t years of the nineteenth century, there was a 'rash' of i n i t i a t i o n s to s p i r i t dancing, and t h a t p o t l a t c h i n g , f e a s t i n g and dancing were combined i n one ceremonial a c t i v i t y i n the p e r i o d up to about 1920 (1963: 130). A f t e r a d e c l i n e i n the 1920's, s p i r i t dancing gathered increased momentum during the 1950's and-at the time of her f i e l d w o r k i n the e a r l y 1960's, one t h i r d of the S a l i s h Indians on Vancouver I s l a n d p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the s p i r i t dances. She notes: The r e v i v a l of p o t l a t c h i n g and dancing c o i n c i d e because both are aimed at estab-l i s h i n g Indianness... r e c e i v i n g an Indian name, d i s p l a y i n g wealth and a sense of o b l i g a t i o n by p o t l a t c h i n g b r i n g honor and p r e s t i g e the Indian way... (1963: 134-135). Kew a l s o i n d i c a t e s that the ceremonial complexes of the Musqueam Indians, which i n c l u d e w i n t e r s p i r i t dances, Shaker Church s e r v i c e s , f u n e r a l s and canoe r a c i n g , have been r e t a i n e d because - 114 -... they provide the one area i n which expec-t a t i o n s of status can s t i l l be s a t i s f i e d w i t h i n the Indian community. Indian s t a t u s has no meaning i n the white community (1970: 350). S a l i s h ceremonies... s t r i v e f o r a symbolic s e p a r a t i o n of the Indian s o c i a l system from the white and a consequent a f f i r m a t i o n of the Indians as the meaningful reference group. They could a p p r o p r i a t e l y be termed r i t e s or ceremonies of s e p a r a t i o n i n which the p a r t i c i p a n t s a f f i r m an i d e n t i t y as Indians C1970: 351). I t would seem, t h e r e f o r e , that t h i s growing' sense of Indian i d e n t i t y , a form of emergent Indian n a t i o n a l i s m has been manifested i n v a r i o u s forms. The Shaker Church, p o l i t i c a l and economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s , s p i r i t dancing and other ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s a l l r e v e a l t h i s theme. R e v i v a l of i n t e r e s t , i n Indian a r t a l s o expresses the same sense of i d e n t i t y . Further research might show how.and why t h i s a s s e r t i o n of Indianness has taken the v a r i o u s forms i t has. D i f f e r e n t types of organ-i z a t i o n or ceremonial a c t i v i t y have had a stronger appeal to some groups of Indians than others. They would seem to be f u n c t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s , but p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n any one i s not mutually e x c l u s i v e . Some Indians may be simultaneously i n v o l v e d i n Shaker a c t i v i t i e s , s p i r i t dancing and other ceremonial forms. - 115 -CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION In r e t r o s p e c t , i t i s p o s s i b l e to view r e l i g i o u s changes which have occurred i n B r i t i s h Columbia as f o l l o w i n g a general p a t t e r n , each phase developing as p a r t of a process and being more r e a d i l y understandable when seen i n h i s t o r i c context. A s i m i l a r comment has been made about the Melanesian s i t u a t i o n . The process of change e x h i b i t e d by these movements has been continuous, c a r r y i n g forward the past, and yet i n some ways breaking w i t h i t to form something new (Cochrane, 1970: 170). Although the processes of change have been continuous, i t is p o s s i b l e to d i s t i n g u i s h a p a t t e r n or model of s e q u e n t i a l phases. This has been i m p l i c i t i n the foregoing a n a l y s i s and i t i s appropriate to review these phases and a b s t r a c t a simple model of development from the data considered. We can d i s t i n g u i s h four p a r t i a l l y overlapping phases: 4. Contemporary o r g a n i z a t i o n s - separatism and n a t i v i s m . In c o n c l u s i o n we w i l l examine b r i e f l y each of these phases, w i t h p a r t i c u l a r reference to the n o t i o n of power as o u t l i n e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n . M a i n t a i n i n g that the v a r i o u s changes are the r e s u l t s of c o n d i t i o n s created by contact and c o l o n i z a t i o n , we are i n t e r e s t e d i n showing how Indian r e a c t i o n s to the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n have changed and developed and how these r e a c t i o n s are r e l a t e d to assumptions about power and i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n . 1. 2. 3. Prophet movements. Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y . P r e - p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and movements - developing Indian n a t i o n a l i s m . - 116 -Prophet Movements Prophet movements were a widely spread i n i t i a l Indian r e a c t i o n s to contact and c o l o n i z a t i o n . The f i r s t encounter w i t h a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y s u p e r i o r c u l t u r e produced "... a mixture of doubt, anxiety and hopeful e x p e c t a t i o n " (Burridge, 1969: 106). T r a d i t i o n a l assumptions about power, p r e s t i g e and s t a t u s were undermined and contact w i t h the White man brought about fundamental changes i n Indian experiences and t h i n k i n g . There was very l i t t l e r e s i s t a n c e to the White man, however, and t y p i c a l prophecies expressed a d e s i r e to adopt the c u l t u r e of Whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s m a t e r i a l aspects. An apparently s u p e r i o r system of o r d e r i n g power began impinging upon that of the Indians, and having recognized t h i s , Indians attempted to comprehend and p a r t i c i p a t e i n these new assumptions. Prophets gave expression to the problems experienced and a r t i c u l a t e d a p p r o p r i a t e responses. At t h i s stage, although i n a r e l a t i v e l y dependent p o s i t i o n , Indians expressed a d e s i r e to understand the White man's ways and h i s o r d e r i n g of power i n order to be able to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the same system. The c o l o n i a l experience was j u s t beginning. Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y Indian r e a c t i o n to the a r r i v a l of m i s s i o n a r i e s was g e n e r a l l y very favourable and converts were soon made. Following the n a t i v e prophets, m i s s i o n a r i e s communicated some understanding of the assumptions of the dominant group and of t h e i r system of redemption, whereby a more s a t i s f a c t o r y s o c i a l i n t e g r i t y seemed to be achieved. They preached e q u a l i t y of a l l men and Indians were prepared to become part of "... a - 117 -s i n g l e s o c i a l order i n which the moral q u a l i t i e s of a l l men are measured against commonly accepted and acknowledged c r i t e r i a " (Burridge, 1969: 113-114). Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y i m p l i e d involvement i n the same s o c i a l order as the White man and promised the experience of h i s power. This involvement meant a r e j e c t i o n of Indian t r a d i t i o n s i n favour of new ways of measuring p r e s t i g e and s t a t u s . Model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s gave expression to the adopted values and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , which f o r a time proved s a t i s f a c t o r y to the Indians i n v o l v e d . P r e - p o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t i e s and Movements I n t e r e s t i n missionary C h r i s t i a n i t y g r a d u a l l y began to decrease, and the phase which followed conversion to the White man's r e l i g i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a r e a c t i o n on the part of a subordinate group i n a c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . Although conversion had o f f e r e d t a n g i b l e rewards and the p o s s i b i l i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the same s o c i a l order as the White man, the widening c o l o n i a l experience was presenting a c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n terms of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and a c c e s s i b i l i t y to i t . White c o l o n i s t s began a r r i v i n g i n i n c r e a s i n g numbers and the a u t h o r i t y of government, commercial e n t e r p r i s e , and unscrupulous i n d i v i d u a l Whites, as w e l l as the benevolent missionary were a l l e n t e r i n g more areas of Indian l i f e . Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y had not given Indians e q u a l i t y w i t h the White man and they a t t a i n e d l i t t l e power and c o n t r o l over t h e i r own l i v e s . I n t e r e s t s of the White man took p r i o r i t y over Indian i n t e r e s t s i n such areas as l a n d , resources and l e g a l i s s u e s . L e g i s l a t i o n outlawed c e r t a i n Indian a c t i v i t i e s such as the p o t l a t c h and Indians were s u b j e c t to a - 118 -p a t e r n a l i s t i c a u t h o r i t y which t r e a t e d them'as i n f e r i o r . The emergence of movements such as the Shakers, r e l i g i o u s sects l i k e the Band of Workers and the formation of the Nishga Land Committee, va r i o u s f i s h i n g unions and p r o t e s t s against the p o t l a t c h law a l l represent v a r i a n t s of t h i s phase of r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l change. The theme common to these a c t i v i t i e s was the attempt to r e g a i n c o n t r o l over a f f a i r s concerning Indians. These a c t i v i t i e s created an awareness of common i n t e r e s t s among Indians and i n t h i s sense were ' p r e - p o l i t i c a l ' . Again, assumptions, about power were changing as the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n was changing. The apparent d e s i r e f o r independence i n c e r t a i n r e l i g i o u s , economic and ceremonial matters was an attempt to reformulate assumptions about power to "... account f o r the widening experience of everyday l i f e . . . " ( B urridge, 1969: 8). This phase i n the model of development i s charac-t e r i z e d by Indian attempts to g a i n power w i t h i n the White man's i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework. Contemporary Organizations and A c t i v i t i e s The f o u r t h phase i n the model represents a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the theme which had become apparent i n the e a r l i e r phase. This l a s t phase has two main v a r i a n t s which c o - e x i s t but have d i f f e r e n t f o c i . The f i r s t c o n s i s t s of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s which have emerged i n response to p a r t i c u l a r issues and s o c i a l needs. These o r g a n i z a t i o n s are not p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n any n a t i o n a l i s t sense, but f u n c t i o n as pressure groups, being run by Indians and a r t i c u l a t i n g Indian needs to v a r i o u s l e v e l s of govern-ment. Such o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n c l u d e the North American Indian Brotherhood - 119 -and the more r e c e n t l y formed Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian C h i e f s . Representing the Indian viewpoint, o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as these attempt to defend Indian r i g h t s , modify government p o l i c y r e l a t i n g to Indians and b e t t e r the p o s i t i o n of Indians i n Canadian s o c i e t y . While r e p r e s e n t i n g a developing Indian n a t i o n a l i s m , they do not c o n s t i t u t e a r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l movement i n t e n t on g a i n i n g p o l i t i c a l power. Rather, they r e f l e c t an attempt w i t h i n the present system to achieve a more s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n to Indian problems. But to the extent that these o r g a n i z a t i o n s s t r e s s the c o n t i n u a t i o n and even strengthening of Indian i d e n t i t y , t h e i r e f f o r t s can be regarded as s e p a r a t i s t . The second main v a r i a n t of t h i s l a s t phase of change c o n s i s t s of a c t i v i t i e s i n the r e l i g i o u s sphere. R e v i v a l of i n t e r e s t i n I n d i a n s p i r i t dancing, ceremonials and other c u l t u r a l forms a l s o c o n s t i t u t e a response to the subordinate p o s i t i o n of Indians i n contemporary s o c i e t y . Being excluded from making d e c i s i o n s concerning t h e i r own l i v e s and from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the same s o c i a l order as the White man, Indians can only achieve i n t e g r i t y as a s o c i a l group when they p a r t i c i p a t e i n a c t i v i t i e s meaningful to them. In such a c t i v i t i e s , Indians r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own measures of power and p r e s t i g e , c r e a t i n g p e r c e i v a b l y separate and autonomous f i e l d s of experience c o n t r o l l e d and run by Indians. Such a c t i v i t i e s are a c o n s e r v a t i v e , n a t i v i s t i c f o r c e i n t h a t , w h i l e p r o v i d i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n to i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s , they do not seek to change the subordinate p o s i t i o n of Indians i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . - 120 -Conclusion The nature of the h i s t o r i c c o l o n i a l process i n B r i t i s h Columbia has a f f e c t e d the development of s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s change among Indians, change which has been summarized i n the model presented. The e a r l y stages had p a r a l l e l s i n other c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n s , but the subsequent phases r e f l e c t a d i f f e r i n g set of c o n d i t i o n s f o r the n a t i v e people of B r i t i s h Columbia. Whereas the d e s i r e f o r independence and s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n n o n - s e t t l e r , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o l o n i e s such as found i n parts of Melanesia and A f r i c a c o u l d , at some time i n the f u t u r e , be r e a l i z e d by indigenous peoples, t h i s was not so f o r the n a t i v e people of B r i t i s h Columbia. In the s e t t l e r colony of B r i t i s h Columbia there could be no p o s s i b i l i t y of dominant p o l i t i c a l power f o r the Indians. P r o t e s t s and a g i t a t i o n , although apparent i n the t h i r d and. f o u r t h phases d e s c r i b e d , f a i l e d to b r i n g the subordinate p o l i t i c a l group, the Indians, any independent c o n t r o l over t h e i r own a f f a i r s . 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