UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Investigation of the relationship between cultural values and citizen opinions on growth of Greater Vancouver Oliver, Anita Louise 1973

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c  1  AN INVESTIGATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CULTURAL VALUES AND CITIZEN OPINIONS ON GROWTH OF GREATER VANCOUVER by ANITA LOUISE OLIVER B.A. , Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , 1970  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n t h e School of Community and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g  We a c c e p t required  t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o t h e standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA APRIL, 1973  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e  requirements  f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that  the L i b r a r y  s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and  study.  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes  may  by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be g r a n t e d by t h e Head of my I t i s understood  Department o r  that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t written  permission.  School of Community and R e g i o n a l  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Planning  Columbia  my  ii  ABSTRACT  The work undertaken i n t h i s t h e s i s was  f o r the purpose o f  examining t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e G r e a t e r Vancouver R e g i o n a l  District's  c o n c l u s i o n t h a t c i t i z e n s a r e a g a i n s t f u r t h e r growth o f t h e r e g i o n . Growth i n terms o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e , urban expansion,  and economic  p r o d u c t i v i t y has always been h i g h l y v a l u e d by N o r t h Americans, and i t was  felt  important  t h a t genuine r e j e c t i o n o f t h e growth e t h i c would imply an shift  i n the goal preferences of the s o c i e t y .  A r e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e growth e t h i c was d i s c u s s e d i n r e l a t i o n to the s t r u c t u r a l changes t h a t a r e becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y p r e v a l e n t i n our s o c i e t y , which some o b s e r v e r s i n t e r p r e t as t h e emergence o f a p o s t industrial society.  I t was  emphasized t h a t s u c c e s s f u l adjustment o f  t h e s o c i e t y to t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l i s m i s to a l a r g e e x t e n t dependent upon t h e a d o p t i o n of new, to  more a p p r o p r i a t e c u l t u r a l  r e p l a c e t h o s e which have e v o l v e d t o s u i t  t h e needs o f an  values  industrial  society. In  o r d e r t o de-emphasize c o n t i n u i n g growth as a major g o a l o f  t h e s o c i e t y , i t was  suggested  t h a t t h o s e c u l t u r a l v a l u e s which support  the growth e t h i c must f i r s t be m o d i f i e d . hypothesized  t h a t those i n d i v i d u a l s who  Specifically,  are i n favor of continued  w i l l have more t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s than t h o s e who c o n t i n u e d growth. of  i t was growth  a r e not i n f a v o r o f  Three v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s were chosen as  examples  t h e k i n d o f a t t i t u d e s which a r e r e l a t e d to d i s p o s i t i o n t o f a v o r or  iii  reject  growth. A q u e s t i o n n a i r e was d e v i s e d to determine p e r c e p t i o n s o f and  o p i n i o n s on f o u r a s p e c t s of growth, and t o a s c e r t a i n v a l u e on t h e t h r e e dimensions d e f i n e d .  I t was a d m i n i s t e r e d  preferences  i n p e r s o n to 159  Vancouver r e s i d e n t s . I n d i c e s of growth o r i e n t a t i o n and s c a l e s which aggregated t h e v a l u e p r e f e r e n c e s were c o n s t r u c t e d from t h e raw d a t a .  Correlation  c o e f f i c i e n t s were o b t a i n e d t o determine i f t h e r e i s a c o n s i s t e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s v a l u e s and h i s o p i n i o n on growth. A significant concluded  r e l a t i o n s h i p was shown to e x i s t , from which i t was  t h a t t h e h y p o t h e s i s was s u p p o r t e d .  The i m p l i c a t i o n of t h e s e  f i n d i n g s i s t h a t s h i f t s i n the g o a l p r e f e r e n c e s o f t h e s o c i e t y r e s t upon a t t e n d a n t  s h i f t s i n the supportive value s t r u c t u r e .  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page LIST OF TABLES . .  v i i  Chapter One  PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH A.  1  I n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e Problem  1  B. H y p o t h e s i s  2  C. Scope o f t h e Study  .  5  Chapter Two  THE GROWTH ETHIC OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY A. Roots o f t h e Growth E t h i c B. Problems  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . .  7  A s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e Growth E t h i c  C. R e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e Growth E t h i c .  .  .  6  . .  10 12  Chapt e r Three  THE EMERGENCE OF A POST-INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY  .  14  A. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y  14  B. The R o l e o f V a l u e Change i n t h e T r a n s i t i o n to P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l i s m .  .  .  21  Chapter Four  METHODOLOGY A. C l a r i f i c a t i o n  24 of the Value O r i e n t a t i o n s  B. O p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e H y p o t h e s i s .  .  . .  .  24  .  26  V  Page C. The Q u e s t i o n n a i r e  31  D. S e l e c t i o n o f t h e Sample  34  E. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e Sample  35  F. P r e p a r a t i o n o f t h e Data f o r A n a l y s i s G. S t a t i s t i c a l  .  .  .  37  Analysis  40  H. P r e - T e s t  41  Chapter Five  RESULTS I : CITIZEN PERCEPTION OF AND OPINIONS ON GROWTH A. Comments on P e r c e p t i o n of Growth B. Comments on O p i n i o n s  .  .  .  on Growth  C. R e l a t i o n s h i p Between O p i n i o n s D. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f O p i n i o n s  43 43 46  on Growth  on Growth  ~ ' .  .  48 .  49  Chapter Six  RESULTS I I : HYPOTHESIS VERIFICATION  53  A. R e s u l t s  53  B. D i s c u s s i o n o f R e s u l t s  56  C. Content V a l i d i t y  of t h e Value  Scales  .  .  .  D. Demographic C o r r e l a t i o n s  59 61  Chapter Seven  REFINEMENT OF THE MEASUREMENT TECHNIQUE  .  .  .  .  63  -  vi  Page Chapter Eight  CONCLUSION  .. .  67  A. Overview o f R e s u l t s  67  B. I m p l i c a t i o n s  69  FOOTNOTES  f o r Planning  .  73  BIBLIOGRAPHY  77  APPENDICES  .  A. Changes i n Emphasis  .  .  .  .  .  79  of S o c i a l Patterns i n the T r a n s i t i o n to P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l i s m . .  B. The Q u e s t i o n n a i r e C. L o c a t i o n  of Respondents by A d d r e s s and by Map  81 83  .  .  .  89  D. S c a l e Assignment o f A t t i t u d e Statements  92  E. Content V a l i d i t y o f A t t i t u d e Statements  94  F. A t t i t u d e Statements D e l e t e d  .  102  LIST OF TABLES  Table  V. l 2 VI. 1  2  Page  Summary o f P e r c e p t i o n s and O p i n i o n s on Growth  45  Growth S e c t o r C o r r e l a t i o n s  49  C o e f f i c i e n t s o f C o r r e l a t i o n s Between V a l u e S c o r e s and'Growth S c o r e s  53  P e r c e n t a g e O v e r l a p Between Growth B i a s e s and V a l u e O r i e n t a t i o n s  3 VII. l  Demographic C o r r e l a t i o n s Core A t t i t u d e Statements  55 61  f o r Improved V a l u e S c a l e s  65  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  Most o f a l l , s i n c e r e a p p r e c i a t i o n must be e x p r e s s e d t o Dr. W i l l i a m Rees f o r t h e time and e f f o r t which he spent h e l p i n g me w r i t e t h i s  thesis.  A l s o , I w i s h t o thank Dr. John C o l l i n s and Dr.  C r a i g Davis f o r t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s to c o n t r i b u t e t  t h i s work.  And, enjoyable  finally,  t h i s work was made much more  by t h e a s s i s t a n c e and i n t e r e s t  M i c h a e l Becker and Bo M a r t i n .  shown by  CHAPTER  ONE  PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH  A. The opinions The  Introduction  question addressed i n t h i s  associated with a s h i f t  initial  t o t h e Problem  interest i n this  thesis i s , are c i t i z e n s '  i n the c u l t u r a l values  "no-growth"  of t h e s o c i e t y ?  t o p i c stemmed from t h e f i n d i n g s o f a  p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n program ( t h e L i v a b l e Region Program) which has been c a r r i e d out over t h e p a s t y e a r by t h e P l a n n i n g Greater  Vancouver R e g i o n a l  District.  T h i s study c o n c l u d e d , from  t a l k i n g t o s e v e r a l hundred r e s i d e n t s o f G r e a t e r for  Department o f t h e  Vancouver about  goals  t h e f u t u r e of t h e r e g i o n , t h a t t h e r e a r e s t r o n g f e e l i n g s o f "no more  growth" p r e v a l e n t The  i n the general p u b l i c .  b a s i s f o r t h e f e e l i n g t h a t no-growth o p i n i o n s  are of p a r t i c u l a r  s i g n i f i c a n c e i s t h a t growth has always been an important g o a l o f N o r t h American s o c i e t y , and r e j e c t i o n o f c o n t i n u e d perhaps o t h e r  goals  growth suggests  a r e coming t o be o f more importance.  that  F o r example,  a g r e a t e r emphasis on q u a l i t a t i v e r a t h e r than q u a n t i t a t i v e and e f f i c i e n c y aspects f a v o r no-growth The an  o f urban l i f e might be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a tendency t o  goals.  possibility  that c o n t i n u a t i o n of present  r a t e s o f growth f o r  i n d e f i n i t e p e r i o d c o u l d l e a d t o s e r i o u s problems of r e s o u r c e  p o l l u t i o n , and i n a b i l i t y  to adjust  depletion,  t o t h e r a p i d change r a t e , s u g g e s t s  2  t h a t the q u e s t i o n of whether o r not t o pursue f u r t h e r growth i s , i n d e e d , a r e l e v a n t one.  I t i s o f v a l u e t o understand  as w e l l as p o s s i b l e the  c u l t u r a l r o o t s of t h e growth e t h i c , so t h a t t h i s can be t a k e n  into  account when a s s e s s i n g t h e a c c e p t a b i l i t y of a l t e r n a t e growth s t r a t e g i e s . I t i s most important  t h a t we  become aware o f t h e c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t i n  which a d o p t i o n o f p o l i c i e s to manage growth w i l l be  B,  undertaken.  Hypothesis  S p e c u l a t i o n as to the meaning of contemporary no-growth o p i n i o n s led  t o t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t , i n o r d e r to be genuine,  no-growth o p i n i o n s  s h o u l d be a r e f l e c t i o n of more fundamental changes of o u t l o o k . has  i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r any  f u t u r e attempt  to de-emphasize growth as  This an  * important  g o a l o f the s o c i e t y .  The  c o n t e n t i o n of t h i s work i s t h a t  we w i l l not be a b l e t o slow down or r e d i r e c t extent u n t i l modified.  growth t o any a p p r e c i a b l e  the v a l u e s which support t h e growth e t h i c a r e F u r t h e r , i t i s suggested  c o n s i d e r a b l y broader  first  that the r e l e v a n t values are  than t h e s i m p l e a f f i r m a t i o n t h a t "growth i s good";  t h a t the v a l u e s encouraging beyond t h o s e immediately  growth extend  t o p e r c e p t i o n s and  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p h y s i c a l and  attitudes  economic growth.  T h i s c o n t e n t i o n can be f o r m a l i z e d i n a h y p o t h e s i s as f o l l o w s : I t i s h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t those i n d i v i d u a l s who a r e i n f a v o r of c o n t i n u e d growth w i l l have more t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s than t h o s e who a r e not i n f a v o r o f c o n t i n u e d growth.  Chapter  Two  d i s c u s s e s why  t h i s might be  desirable.  3  Two important  c l a r i f i c a t i o n s of terminology  s h o u l d be made,  concerning  t h e usage of t h e term "growth" and t h e meaning o f " t r a d i t i o n a l Firstly,  f o r purposes o f t e s t i n g t h e h y p o t h e s i s ,  values".  t h e ambiguous  nature  of t h e term "growth" was reduced somewhat by s e p a r a t i n g growth activities  into four d i s t i n c t  components:  p o p u l a t i o n growth, p h y s i c a l  growth ( i n e f f e c t , growth o f t h e b u i l t - u p a r e a ) , growth o f economic a c t i v i t y , and i n c r e a s e i n t h e amount o f m a t e r i a l goods which we consume d o m e s t i c a l l y .  I t i s a n t i c i p a t e d that the hypothesis  w i l l be  most v a l i d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o economic growth. Secondly, i t i s n e c e s s a r y supporting  t o e x p l a i n what t h e r e l e v a n t  t h e growth e t h i c were d e f i n e d to be.  Three value o r i e n t a -  t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e a t t i t u d e t o growth were d e f i n e d . n e c e s s a r i l y t h e most important t h e o n l y ones; represents times,  values  They a r e n o t  i n f l u e n c e s , and t h e y ' r e c e r t a i n l y n o t  they were s e l e c t e d on t h e b a s i s t h a t each o f them  an i n t e r e s t i n g  social  (and p h i l o s o p h i c a l ) dilemma of t h e  and i t i s t h e purpose o f t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n t o demonstrate t h a t  d e s i r e f o r continued on t h e n a t u r e of the t h e s i s ,  growth i s r o o t e d  i n b a s i c p r e m i s e s , such as these,  of man and t h e g o a l s o f human e x i s t e n c e .  At t h i s  the r e l e v a n t v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s w i l l be expressed  form o f v a l u e n e u t r a l q u e s t i o n s .  stage i n the  How t h e v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s w i l l be  o p e r t a t i o n a l i z e d , and t h e i r r e f o r m u l a t i o n i n terms o f a t r a d i t i o n a l p r o g r e s s i v e dimension, w i l l be d e a l t w i t h  I  Our n o t i o n of human p r o g r e s s :  i n C h a p t e r Four.  do we view p r o g r e s s p r i m a r i l y  i n terms o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l advancement, o r i n terms o f  4  II  social  betterment?  How  view man  we  extent for  i n h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to nature:  a r e we w i l l i n g t o e x p l o i t  to what  the p h y s i c a l environment  human purposes o r , c o n v e r s e l y , what v a l u e s do we  place  upon maintenance of t h e p h y s i c a l environment i n i t s n a t u r a l state?  III  Our  p r e f e r e n c e f o r m a t e r i a l goods:  d e s i r a b l e and n e c e s s a r y ,  a r e a l l commodities  o r s h o u l d we  do w i t h o u t  a l o t of  them?  The  key v a r i a b l e s i n t h e t e s t i n g of the h y p o t h e s i s w i l l be  f o u r growth components and  the t h r e e v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n s .  undertaken f o r t h i s work w i l l  attempt  to f i n d out  i f the  The  the  research  hypothesized  r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e v a r i a b l e s a c t u a l l y e x i s t s .  In a d d i t i o n ,  the r e s e a r c h w i l l  contemporary  address  the f o l l o w i n g questions:  are  c i t i z e n s ' no-growth f e e l i n g s d i r e c t e d e x c l u s i v e l y toward p o p u l a t i o n and  p h y s i c a l growth, as r e p r e s e n t e d  by r e j e c t i o n of f u r t h e r u r b a n i z a t i o n ?  What a r e c i t i z e n a t t i t u d e s toward c o n t i n u e d and  commercial e n t e r p r i s e s , and  goods consumption?  And,  expansion  of  industrial  toward i n c r e a s e i n t h e r a t e of m a t e r i a l  more b a s i c a l l y , do c i t i z e n s i n f a c t  perceive  t h a t growth i s t a k i n g p l a c e i n each of t h e f o u r component s e c t o r s ? E x p l a n a t i o n of t h e r e s e a r c h t e c h n i q u e and  to t e s t  the h y p o t h e s i s , w i l l  employed to answer t h e s e  be preceded by  two  chapters  questions,  which  5  d i s c u s s the h i s t o r i c a l  and  t h e o r e t i c a l aspects  i n o r d e r t o f u r t h e r develop t h e c o n t e x t f o r m u l a t i o n of the  Scope of the  and  t h a t t h i s work i s concerned  f e e l i n g s of c i t i z e n s ,  s t a t e of no-growth.  The  t h e s i s i s that present cannot, and  i n the t o p i c  Study  s h o u l d be s t a t e d at the o u t s e t  w i t h the a n t i - g r o w t h  and  for interest  hypothesis.  C. It  of the growth e t h i c ,  and  not w i t h  the economic  b i a s which w i l l be apparent throughout  this  r a t e s of growth ( i n terms of a l l f o u r components)  should n o t ,  continue  forever;  and  that expectation  of,  d e s i r e f o r , i n d e f i n i t e c o n t i n u a t i o n of growth i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o  emerging s o c i a l and concern here i s w i t h experiencing  the c u l t u r a l m o t i v a t i o n  at p r e s e n t ,  might be l e s s e n e d question  environmental r e a l i t i e s .  and  For  t h i s reason,  f o r the growth we  the c o n d i t i o n s under which t h i s  or r e d i r e c t e d , r a t h e r than w i t h  the more t e c h n i c a l  b e l i e v e d t h a t the i n p u t of c i t i z e n s to the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g that, therefore, public  It is process  values  t h a t t h i s i s a problem) i s e s s e n t i a l .  r e q u i r e d to o b t a i n t h i s support  The  is  support  f o r s o l u t i o n s to the problem of c o n t i n u i n g growth ( i f , indeed, accepted  are  motivation  of the economic i m p l i c a t i o n s of a no-growth s t a t e .  becoming o f g r e a t e r importance, and  then,  i t is  change i n c u l t u r a l  i s of i n t e r e s t i n t h i s work.  CHAPTER  •THE GROWTH ETHIC OF  The  q u e s t i o n o f whether we  TWO  INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY  need more growth and,  whether more growth i s d e s i r a b l e , has years.  The  b a s i s f o r concern  obvious,  on a w o r l d  have c o n v i n c e d most p e o p l e human numbers do  become a s a l i e n t one  i n recent  about p o p u l a t i o n growth i s f a i r l y  s c a l e at l e a s t .  i n many p a r t s o f the w o r l d ,  especially,  The  r e a l i t y of f o o d s h o r t a g e  l a c k of s u f f i c i e n t  living  space as w e l l ,  t h a t n a t u r a l l i m i t s to the p r o l i f e r a t i o n  however.  The  e x p e c t a t i o n of c o n t i n u e d  p e r s i s t s among a m a j o r i t y o f N o r t h America s p r a c t i c e of e x t r a p o l a t i n g past performance and  recognized  economic growth  population.  The  rates of increase into  t h e f u t u r e encourages t h e b e l i e f t h a t economic p r o d u c t i v i t y can, s h o u l d , become even g r e a t e r than a t p r e s e n t . don't appear to be too many reasons o f m a t e r i a l goods can c o n t i n u e upgrading  On  the s u r f a c e ,  to doubt t h a t h i g h l e v e l  indefinitely.  and  there  production  Technology i s c o n s t a n t l y  the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y o f most e n t e r p r i s e s , and  there i s a  w i d e s p r e a d b e l i e f t h a t the problems r e s u l t i n g from i n t e n s i v e use of earth's resources  of  exist.  L i m i t a t i o n s to economic growth a r e not n e a r l y so w e l l o r accepted,  and,  can be s o l v e d by y e t f u r t h e r a p p l i c a t i o n o f  T h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l be l i m i t e d t o N o r t h American  context.  the  technology  7  i n a remedial  capacity.  A.  1  **  Development of the Growth E t h i c 2  The The  h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s of our  "growthmania"  a r e no  doubt deep.  p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r m a t e r i a l betterment have seemed v i r t u a l l y  s i n c e the time of the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , and e r a expansion of economic a c t i v i t i e s has i s l i k e l y that  throughout the  i n t h e development dynamic of the P r o t e s t a n t 3 Weber,  Ethic.  a s i g n o f wickedness.  Not  T h i s d o c t r i n e has  evolved  is s t i l l society.  a very  The  Materialism  become  through the  centuries  p r o d u c t i v i t y has a l l however,  i n the i n d u s t r i a l f o l k l o r e of N o r t h American  has  become, i n the words of one  credo of American l i f e " , w i t h "more" and i n that  entre-  e q u a t i o n of m a t e r i a l w e a l t h w i t h p r o g r e s s ,  r e a l one  of  to p r o s p e r became  ( p r o s p e r i t y ) had  so t h a t today the r e l i g i o u s b a s i s f o r growth and disappeared.  to be s t r i v e n  supported the d e v e l o p i n g  p r e n e u r i a l p a r t of t h e s o c i e t y , whose w e l f a r e  but  the  sustained motivations  upward m o b i l i t y .  These v a l u e s  o f c e n t r a l importance..  to  m a t e r i a l p r o s p e r i t y , which symbolized  i t c o u l d be a t t a i n e d o n l y by  achievement, a c q u i s i t i o n , and  It  contained  According  s p i r i t u a l p r o s p e r i t y i n the e a r l y days of c a p i t a l i s m , had f o r unceasingly;  industrial  been equated w i t h p r o g r e s s .  the i d e o l o g i c a l r o o t s of t h i s d r i v i n g f o r c e a r e  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Max  endless  4 quest. I t i s easy to a p p r e c i a t e  observer,  " b e t t e r " the g u i d i n g  symbols  t h e r e a l p h y s i c a l needs toward  F o o t n o t e s are used t o c i t e the s o u r c e of i n f o r m a t i o n , may be found f o l l o w i n g the t e x t .  and  "the  the  the  references  8  s a t i s f a c t i o n of which m e c h a n i c a l p r o d u c t i o n was f i r s t f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f p e o p l e has no doubt  directed.  Existence  been b o t h p r o l o n g e d and  enhanced by t h e i n i t i a l b e n e f i t s which t e c h n o l o g y was c a p a b l e o f bestowing. D i f f i c u l t i e s o r i g i n a t e d where t h e aroused momentum o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l machine began t o be d i r e c t e d towards p r o d u c t i o n o f goods which a r e n o t , strictly  speaking, necessary.  Many o f t h e s e may be c o n s i d e r e d u s e f u l ,  but a t some p o i n t a d d i t i o n a l goods become s u p e r f l u o u s , and t h e want f o r them must be manufactured  a l o n g w i t h t h e product."*  I t i s evident that  today a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f our economic p r o d u c t i v i t y — o r a t l e a s t t h e i n c r e a s e i n t h i s p r o d u c t i v i t y — c o n s i s t s of t h e l a t t e r c l a s s o f goods, which represent t r i v i a l  r a t h e r than b a s i c needs.  The assumption  of i n f i n i t e  wants, o r t h e " p o s t u l a t e of n o n s a t i e t y " as t h e m a t h e m a t i c a l call  it,^  supposed  i s t h e b a s i s f o r a l o t o f economic t h e o r y .  economists  "Economic man" i s  t o know h i s needs and t o know a l s o how to s a t i s f y  them;  this  i s presumed t o be a m a t t e r of p e r s o n a l freedom, r e g u l a t e d o n l y by t h e market.^ might  That t h e c o l l e c t i v e consequences  be a m a t t e r f o r concern i s seldom  of such i n d i v i d u a l  decisions  realized.  In s p i t e o f t h e apparent redundancy o f c o n t i n u i n g e f f o r t s t o maximize b o t h t h e s t o c k and t h e f l o w o f w e a l t h , t h e r e a r e numerous p r e s s u r e s to m a i n t a i n t h i s  situation.  i s a powerful f o r c e : marginally  As mentioned, t h e growth i d e o l o g y i t s e l f  even when a man as consumer stands t o b e n e f i t o n l y  ( i f a t a l l ) from f u r t h e r goods p r o d u c t i o n , he w i l l  nonetheless  s u p p o r t t h i s g o a l i f he b e l i e v e s t h a t t h i s i s the way p r o g r e s s i s made. From t h e o t h e r d i r e c t i o n , v e r y r e a l and s u b s t a n t i a l monetary b e n e f i t s a c c r u e t o t h o s e who, through a d v e r t i s i n g , b u i l t - i n o b s o l e s c e n c e and  9  minor product goods.  i n n o v a t i o n s , a r e encouraging  maximization  of t h e f l o w o f  T h i s c o n s t i t u t e s a s u b s t a n t i a l p r e s s u r e f o r the encouragement  of growth as a d e s i r a b l e end i n i t s e l f . A d d i t i o n a l p r e s s u r e s are a p p l i e d as w e l l from the n e g a t i v e a s p e c t s of non-growth: two  i f economic growth was  t o h a l t or slow down s i g n i f i c a n t l y ,  c l o s e l y r e l a t e d problems i n h e r e n t i n the p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e of  our  g economic and necessary  s o c i a l system would have to be f a c e d .  to m a i n t a i n f u l l  employment.  Only  First,  growth i s  i f i t i s possible for  n e a r l y everyone t o have a j o b can t h e i n c o m e - t h r o u g h - j o b s e t h i c d i s t r i b u t i o n remain workable. distributional c o n f l i c t s — i f  of  Second, growth takes the edge o f f of everyone's  i n c r e a s i n g , t h e r e i s l e s s of a tendency e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e such f i g h t s may  a b s o l u t e s h a r e of income i s to f i g h t o v e r r e l a t i v e  shares,  i n t e r f e r e w i t h growth and even l e a d  to a lower a b s o l u t e share f o r a l l .  These problems can o n l y be  at bay w h i l e growth i s t a k i n g p l a c e and, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , the of t h i s has o n l y r e i n f o r c e d t h e development o f expedient  kept  realization  p o l i c i e s which  emphasize growth as the s o l u t i o n , r a t h e r than f a c i n g t h e u n d e r l y i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n issues squarely. Perhaps the most u n f o r t u n a t e a s p e c t of growthmania i s the  feeling  o f i n e v i t a b i l i t y which accompanies i t .  Reisman r e c o g n i z e d as l o n g  as 1958  s t o p i n v e n t i o n s , cannot  that "the b e l i e f  t h a t one cannot  t e c h n o l o g i c a l p r o g r e s s , has  ago  stop  i t s e l f become a t r a d i t i o n , indeed a form  9 of r e a l i s t i c  insanity".  We  tend to take f o r g r a n t e d the n o t i o n t h a t  growth i n p o p u l a t i o n , m a t e r i a l a s s e t s , and  g r o s s n a t i o n a l product i s  i n e v i t a b l e , i n s p i t e of t h e f r e q u e n t r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t i t i s not  always  10  desirable.  The growth dynamic tends t o supercede o t h e r v a l u e s we  p o s s e s s , and once growth as such becomes a v a l u e , every  development  can be seen e i t h e r as growth o r as t h e n e c e s s a r y p r i c e of  B.  1  Problems A s s o c i a t e d With the Growth E t h i c  C o n t i n u a t i o n of the k i n d of economic may  growth. ^  growth  t h a t we have today  be l o g i c a l l y a b s u r d , even m o r a l l y r e p u l s i v e , but arguments a g a i n s t  growth  can be made on a more c o n c r e t e b a s i s than t h i s .  c o n c e r n i s b e i n g expressed e v e r more v o c a l l y  Fundamental  t h e s e days f o r t h e  e n v i r o n m e n t a l e f f e c t s of growth and r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s . the problem stems from t h e sequence o f a c t i v i t i e s which production e n t a i l s :  Basically,  1 1  economic  s i n c e m a t t e r and energy cannot be c r e a t e d , p r o d u c t i o n  i n p u t s must be taken from t h e environment, which l e a d s e v e n t u a l l y to depletion.  S i n c e m a t t e r and energy cannot be d e s t r o y e d , an equal  amount of m a t t e r and energy i n t h e form of waste must be r e t u r n e d t o the environment, l e a d i n g t o p o l l u t i o n .  C o m p l e t i o n o f t h e c y c l e through  r e c y c l i n g of i n d u s t r i a l output i s not a w i d e s p r e a d p r a c t i c e . r a t e s o f p r o d u c t i o n r e s u l t i n h i g h e r r a t e s of throughput.  Higher The  limits  r e g a r d i n g what r a t e s o f d e p l e t i o n and p o l l u t i o n a r e t o l e r a b l e a r e not p r e c i s e l y known—except  t h a t they cannot be i n f i n i t e .  e x i s t a r e s e t by e c o l o g i c a l t h r e s h o l d s which,  Whatever l i m i t s  i f exceeded, w i l l  cause  12 a breakdown o f the system. but t h e f a c t  T h i s i s , of c o u r s e , an  t h a t the l i f e c h a i n does o p e r a t e a c c o r d i n g t o such r u l e s  and r e l a t i o n s h i p s stands i n s t a r k c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o our assumption  oversimplification,  t h a t the e a r t h ' s bounty  is limitless.  implicit  11  J u s t p r e c i s e l y what the l i m i t s a r e i s a m a t t e r of c o n s i d e r a b l e debate today.  L i m i t a t i o n s to the c a p a c i t y of t h e p h y s i c a l environment  can be r e c o g n i z e d i n f i v e s e p a r a t e a r e a s .  13  The  r e l e v a n t areas  are:  population, p o l l u t i o n , n a t u r a l resources, a g r i c u l t u r a l production  and  14 i n d u s t r i a l production.  The C l u b o f Rome  s i m u l a t i o n model of the w o r l d  The  conclude  attempted  a  i n terms of t h e s e f i v e f a c t o r s .  have e x p e r i m e n t a l l y s e t v a r i o u s l i m i t s factors.  group has  They  to the c a p a c i t y of each of  these  t h a t , g i v e n t h e e x p o n e n t i a l n a t u r e of p r e s e n t  growth, no m a t t e r what the exact l i m i t s carrying capacity are i n r e a l i t y ,  to a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s  and  they w i l l be exceeded w i t h i n t h e  few decades i f p r e s e n t consumption p r a c t i c e s c o n t i n u e .  next  In o t h e r words,  growth cannot c o n t i n u e f o r e v e r . ^"^ In a d d i t i o n to environmental  problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  continued  economci growth, some w r i t e r s have r e c o g n i z e d l e s s t a n g i b l e s i d e - e f f e c t s of growth and m a t e r i a l i s m , i n r e l a t i o n t o the k i n d o f s o c i e t y we become.  We  have, f o r example, come t o d e f i n e " p r o g r e s s "  "civilization" itself,  i n terms of m a t e r i a l and  t h i s may  t e c h n o l o g i c a l achievement.  consequence of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of p r o g r e s s human endeavour have become l e s s important.  purpose and  and  appear to be j u s t i f i a b l e i n a c e r t a i n sense;  "gentle behaviour, conduct  humane laws,  have  but  By the  i s that other aspects  of  As Dubos put i t ,  l i m i t a t i o n s of war,  a high l e v e l of  have been f o r g o t t e n i n t h e bargain."*"^  This  i s a k i n to the d i s t i n c t i o n o f t e n made between q u a n t i t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t s of human endeavour.  Fromm extends the  suggestion  t h a t over-emphasis on m a t e r i a l growth and  consumption d i s c o u r a g e s more  12  meaningful  and p r o d u c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s :  i n our c u l t u r e "consumption  i s e s s e n t i a l l y the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a r t i f i c i a l l y / s i c / . . . a performance  stimulated phantasies  a l i e n a t e d from our c o n c r e t e , r e a l s e l v e s . " ^  He  c o n c l u d e s t h a t e c o l o g i c a l b a l a n c e , and h e a l t h f u l b a l a n c e between p r o d u c t i o n and consumption i n i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s , may There  be congruent  needs.  i s another aspect to t h e problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h economic  growth i n t h e developed n a t i o n s , t h a t i s one o f e t h i c s .  North  America  and European n a t i o n s a r e consuming and p o l l u t i n g a t l e v e l s f a r exceeding t h o s e of t h e underdeveloped b a s i s we  nations of the world.  On a per  consume c o n s i d e r a b l y more f o o d ( i n terms o f p r o t e i n  more energy,  capita particularly),  and more n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s than non-western p e o p l e s .  i s a s e r i o u s d i s t r i b u t i o n problem  i n a moral  sense, and a t t h e  This  political  l e v e l i t i s bound to become even more o f an i s s u e as awareness o f t h e s e d i s c r e p a n c i e s spreads.  I f i t were s i m p l y a q u e s t i o n o f p r o d u c i n g  and  o t h e r w i s e making a v a i l a b l e t o the r e s t o f t h e w o r l d the advantages which we  e n j o y , the s o l u t i o n would not be so d i f f i c u l t ;  t h a t enough r e s o u r c e s a r e now,  but i t i s d o u b t f u l  o r e v e r w i l l be, a v a i l a b l e t o p r o v i d e  t h e r e s t o f the w o r l d w i t h a s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g which approaches  C.  our  own.  R e d i r e c t i o n o f the Growth E t h i c  I f the p o s s i b i l i t y o f c o n t i n u i n g to f i g h t  environmental  l i m i t a t i o n s by t e c h n o l o g i c a l means i s not a f e a s i b l e one,  then i t would  seem d e s i r a b l e , even n e c e s s a r y , t h a t e x p e c t a t i o n s o f c o n t i n u e d growth be r e v i s e d b e f o r e n a t u r a l l i m i t s a r e imposed.  This w i l l  involve  fundamental  13  changes to most o f our c u r r e n t economic p r a c t i c e s and consumption h a b i t s . V a r i o u s s u g g e s t i o n s have been made as to t h e s h i f t which economic p r o d u c t i v i t y s h o u l d b e g i n to make. To i l l u s t r a t e t h e n a t u r e o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n which i s d e s i r a b l e , 18 we can ( t o use an analogy c o i n e d by D a l y )  compare t h e human economy  to an ecosystem moving from an e a r l i e r t o a l a t e r s t a g e of s u c c e s s i o n ; as w i t h the ecosystem, t h e n a t u r a l c o u r s e o f e v e n t s f o r the economy is  t h a t p r o d u c t i o n , growth and q u a n t i t y s h o u l d e v o l v e i n t o  maintenance, s t a b i l i t y , goals.  protective  and q u a l i t y , r e s p e c t i v e l y , as t h e major  social  The b a s i c needs which s t i m u l a t e d a demand f o r p r o d u c t i o n ,  and q u a n t i t y have been l a r g e l y s a t i s f i e d and we a r e i n a p o s i t i o n now  growth,  ( i n N o r t h America, a t l e a s t ) ,  to r e d e f i n e p r o g r e s s i n q u a l i t a t i v e terms.  What t h i s would i n v o l v e i s a change i n emphasis from economic growth c o n s i s t i n g of m a t e r i a l goods p r o d u c t i o n t o economic growth i n terms o f n o n p h y s i c a l goods.  19  of time-intensive a c t i v i t i e s  This i s , i n effect, a substitution f o r m a t e r i a l - i n t e n s i v e commodities.  Typical  20 of t h e former group a r e e d u c a t i o n and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s .  In  a d d i t i o n , h e a l t h c a r e and o t h e r s o c i a l s e r v i c e s would be emphasized. Economic p r o d u c t i v i t y and growth based p r i m a r i l y on p r o v i s i o n o f s e r v i c e s i n s t e a d of goods would have t h e advantage of b e i n g n o n - p o l l u t i n g , o f n o t consuming r e s o u r c e s w a s t e f u l l y , . a n d of p r o v i d i n g more m e a n i n g f u l work f o r a l a r g e r number o f p e o p l e .  T h i s r e d i r e c t i o n of economic growth  ( i n a t r a d i t i o n a l sense, i t i s "non-growth") would have e x t e n s i v e implications. about?  social  In what k i n d o f s o c i e t y c o u l d such r e d i r e c t i o n be brought  CHAPTER  THE  The  THREE  EMERGENCE OF A POST-INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY  changing emphasis of economic p r o d u c t i v i t y suggested i n  C h a p t e r Two  cannot l i k e l y he a c h i e v e d  w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r a l and  c u l t u r a l framework of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y .  Changes of t h i s magnitude  r e q u i r e r e l a t e d s h i f t s o f emphasis i n o t h e r a s p e c t s o f the as w e l l .  The  t r a n s i t i o n from an i n d u s t r i a l to a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l  s o c i e t y i s the c o n t e x t  A.  society  f o r the r e d i r e c t i o n s u g g e s t e d .  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l  Society  In t h e words o f Bertram Gross, one o f the s i l l i e s t of a l l American myths i s the p r e s e n t a s - c u l m i n a t i o n i l l u s i o n . . . T h i s i s the myth t h a t we i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s have a r r i v e d , t h a t c o u n t r i e s l i k e I n d i a and N i g e r i a a r e ' t r a n s i t i o n a l ' s o c i e t i e s c l o s e to the ' t a k e - o f f toward ' s e l f - s u s t a i n e d growth'. This misses a c e n t r a l f a c t of t h i s c e n t u r y : t h a t the U n i t e d S t a t e s i s i t s e l f a t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t y i n the t h r o e s of a g r e a t transformation from the l a s t s t a g e of i n d u s t r i a l i s m to the f i r s t s t a g e of post-industrialism.2j R e f e r e n c e s to r e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l change of t h i s n a t u r e becoming more p r e v a l e n t  i n the l i t e r a t u r e .  v a r i e t y of e x p l a n a t i o n s  f o r , and  there  i s considerable  t u r n i n g p o i n t , and  are  A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e a wide  d e s c r i p t i o n s o f , t h i s change  process,  consensus t h a t w e s t e r n s o c i e t y i s a t a major  that f u t u r e s o c i e t y w i l l  d i f f e r v a s t l y from contemporary  22 society.  B a s i c a l l y , the c o n c l u s i o n  that a transformation  of  such  15  s i g n i f i c a n c e i s a c t u a l l y occuring rests on two related perceptions: f i r s t , the observation  that c e r t a i n s o c i a l trends and other indications  of fundamental change are becoming more pervasive, and that persistence of these trends would constitute profound a l t e r a t i o n to the structure of the society; adjustment  second, the r e a l i z a t i o n that the c u l t u r a l values and  strategies which evolved to meet the needs of i n d u s t r i a l  society are inadequate for coping with these s t r u c t u r a l changes, and that the eventual adoption of new c u l t u r a l values to match the s t r u c t u r a l changes would constitute profound a l t e r a t i o n to the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the society. 23 Opinions vary as to the speed of t h i s transformation.  Trist  f e e l s that, s t r u c t u r a l l y , the existence of p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society i s already established.  His analysis of the nature of the s t r u c t u r a l  changes which have taken (or are taking) place i s probably the most thorough and comprehensive i n taking into account a l l aspects of society. For present purposes t h i s discussion w i l l be concerned mainly with providing an overview of the most common themes i n the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the nature of the s t r u c t u r a l changes. The underlying condition leading to this s o c i a l transformation i s the science-technology revolution, characterized by uneven, 24 accelerating, and changing rates of change. The rate of discovery and invention has been explosive during the past two decades, and we have 25 come to accept rapid change as a normal, no-change condition.  There  i s every i n d i c a t i o n that new technologies w i l l continue to be created and t h i s , coupled with expanding knowledge of physical, b i o l o g i c a l , and  16  s o c i a l systems, i s t r i g g e r i n g off a great increase i n our capacity to modify those systems.  The p o s s i b i l i t i e s extend beyond the l i m i t s of  our present a b i l i t y to cope with change, and r a i s e serious 26 concerning  the l i m i t a t i o n s of human adaptation.  questions  27 Trist  describes  t h i s environment of rapid change and i n s t a b i l i t y as a turbulent a r i s i n g from the increased complexity  field,  and s i z e of the t o t a l environment.  I t i s from t h i s technological revolution that changes to the structure of i n d u s t r i a l society are emanating. The change i n the character of the economy, from production of primarily material goods to a mix of material goods and services (discussed 28 previously), i s already beginning  to be evident.  This constitutes  one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t phase changes i n the t r a n s i t i o n from an i n d u s t r i a l to a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society;  quite l i t e r a l l y ,  the  designation " p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l " i s appropriate f o r a society whose economic a c t i v i t i e s are increasingly involving the provision of services rather 29 than the production of goods. and goods-related  As T r i s t  has pointed out, when goods  services are separated  from s e r v i c e - r e l a t e d services  and person-related services, the l a t t e r group now than half the GNP,  account f o r more  for more than h a l f of t o t a l employment, and for most  of the gains i n numbers employed (based on U.S.  data).  Related to  t h i s i s the emergence of the non-market sector as a major source of wealth—by some accounts the non-market sector i s beginning  to exceed the  30 market sector.  This trend w i l l no doubt increase as the need to  absorb s o c i a l costs i n addition to market costs becomes more unavoidable. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true for the public costs which w i l l necessarily be  17  i n c u r r e d i n the r e s t o r a t i o n of environmental  quality.  The changing n a t u r e of work i s one o f t h e most s a l i e n t s t i c s of the t r a n s i t i o n from an i n d u s t r i a l  characteri-  to a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l  stage  o f development, i n i t s r e p u r c u s s i o n s on t h e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the 31 society.  Many o b s e r v e r s a r e p r e d i c i t n g t h a t the time i s coming where 32  to work w i l l be the p r i v i l e g e of a w e l l - e d u c a t e d e l i t e . through which human s o c i e t y has  evolved i n t h i s regard i n d i c a t e  profound a change o f t h i s n a t u r e would be: work was  a necessity for l i f e ;  and now  we  i n pre-industrial  stages how  times  i n t h e e a r l y i n d u s t r i a l e r a work  c o n s i d e r e d to be man's duty and p r i d e ; became a r i g h t ;  The  was  i n the l a t e i n d u s t r i a l e r a work  a r e w i t n e s s i n g the b e g i n n i n g of a 33  situation  i n which work w i l l become not a r i g h t , but a s t a t u s symbol.  It i s  a l r e a d y e v i d e n t t h a t those who  have the  most i n t e r e s t i n g and do the working automation  a r e most h i g h l y educated  and who  important j o b s work c o n s i d e r a b l y l o n g e r hours  than  c l a s s and lower e c h e l o n s o f t h e w h i t e c o l l a r r a n k s .  which moved men  The  from t h e farms i n t o the f a c t o r i e s and, more  r e c e n t l y , from t h e f a c t o r i e s to o f f i c e s , w i l l  i n the near f u t u r e l i k e l y  take o v e r many of the r o u t i n e o f f i c e - b a s e d paper-work o c c u p a t i o n s as w e l l . The  onset o f t h e s e changes i s c u r r e n t l y r e f l e c t e d  r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t most o f t h e u n s k i l l e d  to be s e r i a l  o b s o l e s c e n c e of c e r t a i n j o b s and  p r o f e s s i o n a l and s e r v i c e s e c t o r s . system  o f the long-range  forecast  widespread  and under-educated  to be excluded from the l a b o r f o r c e today, and that careers are l i k e l y  i n the  the f u r t h e r  can  realization  r a t h e r than s i n g l e , due  the i n f u s i o n of new 34 The  expect  to the  ones i n the  i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r our v a l u e  t h a t i t w i l l not be n e c e s s a r y ,  and  18  indeed not possible, for everyone to work are enormous. Another s a l i e n t aspect of the t r a n s i t i o n process i s represented 35 by the information explosion.  The r i s e of cybernation and various  means of rapid e l e c t r o n i c communication have, i n e f f e c t , eliminated the space and time l i m i t a t i o n s which u n t i l this point i n h i s t o r y had i n h i b i t e d greatly the sharing of knowledge and information at the l o c a l as w e l l as the global l e v e l .  At the same time as these  techniques  are proving e f f e c t i v e i n disseminating information, they are the knowledge basis as well through advanced research and techniques.  strengthening  analytical  As mentioned above, this i s leading to many r e a l i s t i c  p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r intervention i n the l i f e support systems. r e s u l t of information becoming the most important new  Another 36  technology  is  the advancement of the. knowledge industry into the centre of influence and power, with s c i e n t i s t s and professionals coming to replace f i n a n c i e r s 37 and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s as the p o l i t i c a l l y most i n f l u e n t i a l  establishment.  This w i l l most l i k e l y have consequences f o r the type of goals which the society chooses to pursue i n the future. Fundamental s h i f t s i n the patterns of formal organizations can be 38 observed.  We are accustomed to think i n terms of large, s i n g l e -  purpose organizations which are f u n c t i o n a l l y e f f i c i e n t i n t h e i r concentration on i s o l a t e d problem areas.  The misconception  b e l i e f that any problem can i n fact be " i s o l a t e d " . described the emergence of an e s s e n t i a l l y new demands new  administrative approaches;  here i s the 39  Chevalier  has  kind of problem which  the meta-problem, as he defines  i t , i s the perception of c l u s t e r s of problem areas as a single, massive  19  problem, i n e f f e c t , an aggregation  composed of many dynamically  integrated elements or sub-elements.  To deal with these requires a  cooperative approach achieved  through increasing functional overlap  and administrative mergers.  This new  approach i s r e s u l t i n g i n the  t r a n s i t i o n from the i n i t i a l large-scale formal organization to s t i l l larger c l u s t e r s and c o n s t e l l a t i o n s composed of intertwined corporations, 40 associations, and agencies at a l l l e v e l s .  Resistance to the need  f o r adaptation of t h i s nature r e s u l t s i n the well-known symptoms of bureaucratic i n e f f i c i e n c y and ineffectiveness.  Recognition of the  existence of the meta-problem i s a hopeful i n d i c a t i o n that t h i s scale increase i s not simply a quantitative jump to yet larger bureaucracies, but rather a step i n the d i r e c t i o n of more comprehensive and relevant decision-making. Another d i s t i n c t i o n between i n d u s t r i a l and p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society i s i n terms of response to the future. i n d u s t r i a l age,  the future was  Through most of the  seen as c l o s e l y resembling  the  present;  where conditions and events would depart from the present, the response 41 was  to accommodate to those conditions and events.  The big change  i s the current s h i f t away from that image and accommodative response, and a greater willingness to acknowledge that a non-intervention approach w i l l not solve problems, as i t was  presumed to do i n the past.  With  the emergence of the p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l stage of development, the future i s coming to be seen by many to depart d r a s t i c a l l y from the present,  and  there i s increased i n t e r e s t i n designing the future, so to speak. There 42 has been a rapid r i s e i n the quasi-science of futurism and, s i m i l a r l y ,  20  i n the use of simulation models on a v a r i e t y of scales.  Forecasting  and planning of one sort or another are further encouraged  by the  a v a i l a b i l i t y of the expanded technology and knowledge base discussed above. That these trends are very much i n evidence i s seldom disputed; that, taken together, they s i g n i f y or constitute s o c i a l change of 43 revolutionary magnitude i s not so generally accepted.  Harman  has  made a study of h i s t o r i c a l occurrences of revolutionary c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l change, from which he has come up with the following l i s t of "lead indicators of revolutionary change", or t y p i c a l occurrences i n the period leading up to that change.  They are:  1) decreased sense of community 2) increased sense of a l i e n a t i o n and purposelessness 3) increased occurrence of v i o l e n t crimes 4) increased frequency of personal disorders and mental  illness  5) increased frequency and severity of s o c i a l disruptions 6) increased use of p o l i c e to control behaviour 7) increased public acceptance of hedonistic behaviour 8) increase i n amount of n o n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s  There i s an impressive coincidence between the behaviours l i s t e d and the increasing frequency with which occurrences of this kind have been reported i n the newspapers (for example) over the past decade, much more so i n the United States than i n Canada, however.  At any rate, there  21  i s no need to debate here the v a l i d i t y of the revolutionary change i n t e r pretation of the trends under discussion.  The point i s that profound  changes to the structure of i n d u s t r i a l society are becoming increasingly prevalent, that many observers f e e l we are i l l - p r e p a r e d to cope with these—and that the indications of s o c i a l unrest c i t e d above may may  or  not be the product of stresses related to these changes.  B. The Role of Value Change i n the T r a n s i t i o n to Post-Industrialism The importance of value change i n bringing about successful adjustment to the new  conditions cannot be emphasized too strongly.  For  one thing, " i t i s very nearly a truism that most of our severe s o c i e t a l problems are e s s e n t i a l l y the consequence of our technological 44 and i n d u s t r i a l successes."  The nature of these problems i s such that  many analysts seriously question whether those basic values and premises which have served to b u i l d up our present c a p a b i l i t i e s are now  technological and  industrial  suitable for the humane a p p l i c a t i o n , or even r a t i o n a l  control, of those powers.  Forms of adaptation, both personal  and  organizational, developed to meet a simpler type of environment no longer s u f f i c e to meet the higher l e v e l s of complexity now existence.  coming into  The s t r u c t u r a l emergence of the p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society  has not been accompanied by appropriate c u l t u r a l values to f a c i l i t a t e 45 adjustment to, and management of, the new  conditions.  To take just one example, an area of much p o t e n t i a l confusion c o n f l i c t i s i n the realm of the changing  and  nature of work, discussed above.  22  Under i n d u s t r i a l conditions, where jobs were a v a i l a b l e f o r most of the labour force,  the expectation that work was necessary, and that  individuals would support themselves market, was  a r e a l i s t i c one.  through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the job  As the work force shrinks to encompass  progressively smaller numbers of workers, two problems are i n sight: f i r s t , another means of income d i s t r i b u t i o n than through jobs w i l l have to be devised;  and, second, a new  ethic f o r use of l e i s u r e time w i l l have  to be created to replace the mores which have f o r so long assured us that work i s more virtuous than idleness. of  Today, with the f i r s t  indication  chronic unemployment, we see that public reaction does not appear to  favour a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l solution to either aspect of t h i s problem. Instead, as suggested i n Chapter Two,  "more growth" i s the s o l u t i o n  sought. Most observers do not go so f a r as to suggest i n s p e c i f i c terms j u s t what acceptable c u l t u r a l values might be; new  to use T r i s t ' s ^  analogy,  and appropriate trends are nearer the horizon than the main sky.  T r i s t ' s own paradigm of "changes i n emphasis of s o c i a l patterns i n the t r a n s i t i o n to post-industrialism" i s probably the most comprehensive and e x p l i c i t attempt be l i k e .  to suggest what c u l t u r a l values of the future might  His suggested trends are, indeed, very c r e d i b l e ones and the  d e t a i l s of t h i s paradigm are included i n Appendix A. Of more general i n t e r e s t , c e r t a i n suggestions found i n the l i t e r a t u r e might be i n d i c a t i v e of values which should be encouraged.  1)  greater emphasis on communal actions, more cooperation and  23  l e s s competition 48  2)  more time spent i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s and planning  3)  increasing interest i n humanistic and transcendental values  4)  greater demand f o r educational and c u l t u r a l  5)  greater acceptance of s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y and c u l t u r a l pluralism"*  6)  a f f i r m a t i o n of man as a part of nature  7)  declining interest i n a c q u i s i t i o n of material goods  facilities^  49  0  1  52 53  This i s not an exhaustive l i s t , nor are the items independent o one another.  I t i s simply a suggestion as to the d i r e c t i o n i n which  we may be heading.  To some extent these values are beginning to take  hold i n certain s t r a t a of contemporary society.  I t can be observed  that "the persistence of outmoded forms i s unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d among the many s t r a t a and sectors which make up a large p l u r a l i s t i c society" In the future i t w i l l be of some value to recognize the conditions under which the c u l t u r a l lag problem i s more or l e s s pronounced, i n order to a i d the change process.  CHAPTER FOUR  METHODOLOGY  The research technique employed to test the hypothesis was formulation and administration of a questionnaire to a sample of Vancouver residents.  This chapter w i l l d e t a i l , i n sequence, the  c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the value orientations referred to i n the hypothesis (Section A);  the formulation of the testing items (Section B); the  content of the Questionnaire  (Section C);  of the sample (Sections D. and E);  s e l e c t i o n and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  preparation of the data (Section F)  for s t a t i s t i c a l analysis (Section G);  and the pre-test of the Questionnaire  (Section H).  A.  C l a r i f i c a t i o n of the Value Orientations  The hypothesis u t i l i z e d a d i s t i n c t i o n between t r a d i t i o n a l and nont r a d i t i o n a l values.  For each suggested value o r i e n t a t i o n , a judgment  has been made as to what constitutes a t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n and what i s considered a progressive o r i e n t a t i o n .  The frame of reference f o r  t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the value o r i e n t a t i o n with either an i n d u s t r i a l or a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r a l outlook:  a value o r i e n t a t i o n  appropriate to a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l culture i s deemed to be progressive,' while a value o r i e n t a t i o n which i s generally associated with an i n d u s t r i a l society i s considered to be t r a d i t i o n a l .  Support f o r this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  25  i n the case of values II and I I I (man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to nature and preference for material goods) can be derived from the reference  to  these p a r t i c u l a r value orientations by several contemporary writers as s i g n i f i c a n t ones i n the t r a n s i t i o n to post-industrialism (see page 23).  Accordingly,  a judgment i s being made here as to which value-  set i s most desirable for the society to encourage.  Re-statement  of the value neutral questions posed i n Chapter One  are on the basis  of t h i s judgment i s as follows:  Value I:  The t r a d i t i o n a l emphasis i n i n d u s t r i a l society on technological advancement as an important c r i t e r i o n of human progress should be modified to emphasize s o c i a l betterment and c u l t u r a l improvement as the primary indicators of progress i n a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society.  Value I I :  Willingness to exploit the physical environment for human purposes i s a t r a d i t i o n a l tenet of i n d u s t r i a l society. It i s related to the view that man i s separate from nature, and that the natural environment exists primarily f o r man's benefit. This point of view should be replaced by a greater valuation of the physical environment i n i t s natural state, and an appreciation that i t s existence contributes to man's well-being i n more important ways than provision of material benefit.  Value I I I :  Emphasis on convenience, use of time- and laborsaving devices, and substitution of natural substances with manufactured ones, are basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i n d u s t r i a l society; willingness to adopt more "organic" and less complex modes of consumption i s a pre-requisite for r e j e c t i o n of further material growth  26  These value orientations w i l l at times be referred to by the assigned numbers, since the sense of each i s not e a s i l y condensed into a convenient word or phrase.  B.  Operationalizing the Hypothesis  Testing the hypothesis required a means of measuring the value orientations and a t t i t u d e toward growth. e a s i l y explained,  three  The l a t t e r i s most  and w i l l be dealt with f i r s t .  Measurement of a t t i t u d e toward growth consisted of, f i r s t , discerning a respondent's perceptions  of growth and,  out his opinion on t h i s growth or non-growth.  second, f i n d i n g  It was  considered  to  be of some i n t e r e s t and importance to f i r s t of a l l v e r i f y the assumption that everyone i s aware of the r e l a t i v e l y high growth rate of the Greater Vancouver region.  In order to obtain more accurate insight into what  c i t i z e n reactions are to p a r t i c u l a r aspects of growth, a d i s t i n c t i o n was made between population growth, physical growth, economic growth, and increase i n material goods consumption, as outlined i n Chapter This was  considered  One.  to be the f i n e s t l e v e l of d i s t i n c t i o n which could  made while s t i l l maintaining  be  recognition of the separate components  through the use of everyday descriptions thereof.  The t h i r d growth  sector, economic a c t i v i t y , i s , at t h i s l e v e l of generality, open to question  as to which type of economic a c t i v i t i e s i t implies.  t h i s enquiry was  Where  raised by those f i l l i n g out the questionnaire,  standard explanation  a  of "business i n general, meaning a l l types of  industry and r e t a i l a c t i v i t y " , was  used.  The intention was  to exclude  27  welfare, c u l t u r a l and service a c t i v i t i e s from consideration order to measure as accurately  here, i n  as possible orientation toward material  growth, which i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y the i n d u s t r i a l conception of economic activity.  The actual testing items (consisting of seven questions)  constructed to determine awareness of, and a t t i t u d e toward, these growth sectors are included  i n Appendix B.  Note that the fourth growth s e c t o r — m a t e r i a l  goods consumption—is  closely t i e d to growth of economic a c t i v i t y as defined  above.  The  query on material goods consumption i s i n a sense simply a d i f f e r e n t way of asking the same thing, except that i t i s more to the point and possibly w i l l provide responses which are a more accurate r e f l e c t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s material growth orientation.  P r a c t i c a l l y speaking,  material goods are i n many ways both the r e s u l t of and the impetus toward increased  economic a c t i v i t y .  For t h i s reason, then, desire f o r greater  consumption of material goods i s assumed to be c l o s e l y a l l i e d with an i n d i v i d u a l ' s d i s p o s i t i o n to favor economic growth. Operationalizing forward procedure.  the three value orientations was a l e s s s t r a i g h t -  Discerning  and measuring an i n d i v i d u a l ' s values  i s a d i f f i c u l t and complex task. seldom useful.  Direct questioning on the subject i s  Some means of i n d i r e c t assessment i s a more accurate  guage of p r i o r i t i e s and values.  For t h i s purpose, a series of a t t i t u d e  statements was constructed to form three measurement scales, one r e l a t i n g to each of Values I, I I , and I I I .  The intent was that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s  agree or disagree response to each a t t i t u d e statement would r e f l e c t to some extent h i s orientation on the related value, and that, cumulatively,  28  the  value scales (each of which was composed of a l l the a t t i t u d e state-  ments r e l a t i n g to that value) would r e f l e c t with some degree of accuracy a respondent's position on the values i n question. I n i t i a l l y , the idea of using a t t i t u d e statements to tap various aspects of more fundamental b e l i e f s was derived from a review of McKechnie's Environmental Response Inventory.**~*  His study employs  large numbers of such items, c a r e f u l l y chosen to measure the r e l a t i v e strength of various impulses and orientations on s p e c i f i c aspects of the  natural and c u l t u r a l environment.  The dimensions which McKechnie  was measuring are not s i m i l a r to the three with which t h i s study i s concerned (with the exception that the scale formulated to measure Value II overlaps somewhat with h i s Environmental Adaptation s c a l e ) , but examination of the l o g i c on which h i s study i s based was useful f o r deriving a procedure f o r t h i s work. The task of formulating appropriate and v a l i d a t t i t u d e statements was a laborious one.  On the f i r s t attempt to create a testing t o o l ,  most of the items were borrowed from McKenchnie.  Subsequently, a l l but  seven of these items proved to be i n s u f f i c i e n t l y related to the values being studies, to be of use.  The majority of the a t t i t u d e statements  ultimately used were formulated s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r t h i s study, by a process of  i n t u i t i o n and informal content analysis.  At f i r s t the procedure was  l a r g e l y guesswork, although as a core group of relevant a t t i t u d e statements evolved f o r each value orientation, i t became easier to make up additional related items. The a t t i t u d e statements are one-sentence value judgments with which  29  a respondent could agree or disagree on a five-point scale.  Condensation  of the wide spectrum of opinion which exists on any given issue to a choice of f i v e standardized responses to an unqualified statement i s a crude measure at best, but, f o r the sake of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n , t h i s s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of issues and opinions was necessary.  I t was  anticipated  (and substantiated by l a t e r observation) that many respondents i n the study would experience d i f f i c u l t y i n categorizing t h e i r response to some of the items, because of the fact that most of the statements are of a general nature.  In a sense i t i s true to say that everyone could  claim both agreement and disagreement with a large number of the a t t i t u d e statements, depending on what conditions and q u a l i f i e r s one thinks of when assessing the statement.  It i s maintained here that  t h i s generality does not i n v a l i d a t e the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a response:  the  choice of response ultimately made w i l l i n most cases r e f l e c t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r i o r i t i e s and h i s assessment of whether the p o s i t i v e or negative implications of the statement are most important.  Two  examples  from each scale w i l l help to c l a r i f y what i s meant here.  Value I:  You can't stop progress. Welfare benefits should be given to a l l those i n need, whether they are w i l l i n g to work or not.  Value I I :  Preservation of wilderness areas i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important where these are not accessible f o r enjoyment by the public. The best use f o r a piece of land can be determined by economic studies.  30  Value I I I : I would rather have a canoe than a motor boat. An e l e c t r i c can opener i s a desirable convenience to have i n a kitchen.  Note that, to be consistent, an "agree" response to the f i r s t statement of Value I would have to be matched by a "disagree" response to  the following attitude statement.  traditional.  This response set i s considered  By the same token, an "agree" response to the f i r s t  statement of Value I I I requires, f o r consistency, a "disagree" response to  the next statement;  progressive values.  this response set was judged to be i n d i c a t i v e of The loading or response bias of each a t t i t u d e state-  ment was taken into account i n the coding of responses to the item (see  Section F below). Notice also that the subject matter of the statements varies  widely.  While s u p e r f i c i a l l y i t may appear that a statement does not  have much i n common with the value o r i e n t a t i o n as described, i n fact the  subjective content of the statement i s i n most cases of l i t t l e  importance.  The basis f o r the usefulness of the item i s often not i t s  l i t e r a l meaning, but rather i t s inference, the underlying assumptions on which response to the manifest content i s made. The question of content v a l i d i t y of the value scales constructed was approached with formal s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. on which t h i s may be examined:  There are two l e v e l s  f i r s t , how does one know that the state-  ments which have been c l a s s i f i e d together are r e a l l y measuring the same thing?  Second, how can we know that t h i s "same thing" i s i n fact the  31  value orientation that i t i s purported to be?  To address the second  question f i r s t , the only v a l i d i t y c r i t e r i o n a v a i l a b l e i s to examine a l l the related statements  together and  above has been s a t i s f a c t o r i l y met) aggregated  (presuming the f i r s t  requirement  t r y to describe, on the basis of t h e i r  content, the value areas which are involved.  In the case  o f the three value scales used i n this study, i t i s believed that there i s s u f f i c i e n t l i t e r a l s i m i l a r i t y between the content of the  statements  and the sense of the respective value orientations, to c o r r e c t l y assume that the statements adequately delineate the p a r t i c u l a r value orientation. The f i r s t question raised was formally addressed by means of a pre-test, which i s described i n Section H of t h i s chapter.  C.  The Quest ionnaire  As mentioned at the beginning of t h i s chapter, a questionnaire was formulated to test the hypothesis. i n t h e i r homes, was  Personal interviews with  respondents,  the method chosen f o r administering t h i s questionnaire.  A mail survey could have been undertaken but, because of the importance  * of having each respondent  complete the questionnaire on h i s own,  the generally lower response rate and longer time requirement surveys of this sort, i t was f e l t i n person would be worthwhile.  and  of mailed  that time spent conducting the research An additional factor was  the d e s i r a b i l i t y  The controversial nature of many of the questions aroused the suspicion that t h i s requirement would not be f u l f i l l e d unless an interviewer was actually present.  32  of having the opportunity to observe f i r s t hand the responses and reactions to the questionnaire items, inasmuch as t h i s would contribute greatly to f a m i l i a r i t y with the data obtained. The complete questionnaire i s shown i n Appendix B.  I t w i l l be  r e c a l l e d that questions 1-7 on this questionnaire deal with perception of, and attitude toward, the four components of growth. consist of the attitude statements these were selected). for each respondent, sample.  Questions 8-68  (see Section H f o r discussion of how  In addition, c e r t a i n demographic data were noted i n order to determine the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the  What these items were, and why they were included, w i l l be  commented upon b r i e f l y .  1.  Sex: t h i s was included as a control item.  In a s i t u a t i o n where  the proportion of males and females i n the sample i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y (which was anticipated), i t i s important to know whether t h i s  unequal  imbalance  i s a source of bias i n the o v e r a l l r e s u l t s .  2.  Age:  i t was anticipated that a respondent's age would be  correlated with h i s values and l e v e l of awareness.  The actual age,  rather than an age category, was used.  3.  Education:  t h i s was included to test the prediction that low  formal education would be correlated with t r a d i t i o n a l values. point scale was used: 3—high  1—grade school;  school completion;  A six-  2—some high school;  4—some u n i v e r s i t y , nursing diploma, technical  33  or vocational t r a i n i n g beyond high school;  5 — u n i v e r s i t y degree;  6—post-graduate degree.  4.  Native Language:  an attempt was made, primarily by avoiding  certain parts of the c i t y , to exclude from the sample those persons whose mother tongue was not English.  The reason f o r t h i s i s that a  d i f f e r e n t native language almost always indicates a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l background and, hence, a d i f f e r e n t perspective on the values and opinions being studied here.  This study i s not of  s u f f i c i e n t scale to include such v a r i a b l e s .  Native English speakers  were coded  '0' on the questionnaire, and non-native English speakers  were coded '1', so that i t may be noted from response c o r r e l a t i o n s with t h i s v a r i a b l e i f any bias resulted from i n c l u s i o n i n the sample of a small number of non-native English speakers. language were asked;  the only c r i t e r i o n was whether or not an accent  could be detected i n the respondent's speech. was  No questions about native  I f the l e v e l of English  so low that the respondent would have d i f f i c u l t y with the questions,  only the f i r s t seven questions were asked (verbally) and the answers were not counted.  5.  Location i n the C i t y :  East were coded coded '0'.  respondents whose address was  labelled  '1', and those whose address was l a b e l l e d West were  In the case of non-numeric street names, Main Street  provided the East-West boundary l i n e .  This d i v i s i o n corresponds roughly  with the socio-economic d i s t r i b u t i o n of Vancouver residents.  As a  34  crude two-variable index i t i s possibly not very meaningful, but i t w i l l be of interest as a control variable.  The r e l a t i v e l y small  sample s i z e does not permit further areal breakdown.  A d i r e c t question  on income, to determine socio-economic status more accurately, was not asked because, f i r s t  of a l l , a simple income v a r i a b l e i s influenced by  many things (stage of the l i f e cycle, f o r example), to the point where i n many cases i t i s i n v a l i d as an indicator of socio-economic status, and the  trouble of obtaining a more complex index was not f e l t  worthwhile;  to be  and, secondly, asking personal questions such as t h i s can  make the interviewee uncomfortable and disturb the rapport.  D.  Selection of the Sample  The research objective was to administer the questionnaire to a sample of approximately 150 Vancouver residents. to be a need to obtain a rigorously random sample;  There did not appear the main concern was  that the sample contain d i f f e r e n t groups of age, socio-economic status, and l i f e s t y l e s .  The l a t t e r c r i t e r i o n i s believed to be associated with  value preferences and, therefore, i t was of importance, since testing the hypothesis required that there be a s i g n i f i c a n t number of respondents i n the sample who adhere to what has been designated non-traditional (progressive) values.  The method chosen f o r obtaining such a sample  was to select households, from which to obtain respondents, on the basis of  t h e i r location i n the c i t y . The actual s e l e c t i o n of households was done by designating major  d i s t r i c t s i n the c i t y , and then a r b i t r a r i l y choosing, i n advance,  streets  35  i n the d i s t r i c t .  One day per d i s t r i c t was the l i m i t set for interviewing  i n most cases, and every household on the block selected was approached. Whoever i n the household was w i l l i n g to be interviewed was used, provided that they could speak English.  When one block was exhausted,  the adjacent block was surveyed, as time permitted.  Appendix C contains  a map showing location of respondents within the c i t y , and includes the addresses of the blocks  surveyed.  Since most of the interviewing (roughly three-quarters) was done i n the daytime, a high rate of absenteeism was found. r e f u s a l rate was r e l a t i v e l y high.  Also, o v e r a l l the  No advance l e t t e r s were sent, so to  a c e r t a i n extent this was to be expected.  The r e f u s a l rate varied  widely, from three or more r e f u s a l s per completed interview i n some parts of the c i t y , to only one r e f u s a l i n ten completed interviews i n others. The r e f u s a l rate was consistently higher on the east side of the c i t y , but was considerably reduced when the introduction was prefaced with the announcement that " I am not s e l l i n g anything".  In addition, part  of the reason why there were fewer men than women i n the sample (gee Section E below) i s that there was a notably high r e f u s a l rate among men over age 40.  This pattern was found i n a l l parts of t h i s c i t y ,  and o v e r a l l i t i s estimated that the 40-50 age group, e s p e c i a l l y males, i s under-represented  E.  i n the sample.  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Sample  A sample of 159 respondents,  a l l l i v i n g i n the C i t y of Vancouver,  was obtained by the procedure described.  The sample eonsisted of the  36  following:  1.  106 women and 53 men,  2.  Average age of 38.8 years, with a range of from 17-82  3.  Average education  high school l e v e l .  a 2:1  ratio.  years.  of 3.3, which i s s l i g h t l y better than  Possibly  the average was skewed upwards somewhat  by the f a c t that the scale was not accurately weighted to the actual d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population:  the upper part of the scale made f i n e r  d i s t i n c t i o n s , by means of a larger number of categories, than the lower part and, therefore, higher deviation from the average was weighted more heavily than lower deviation from the average.  4.  20 respondents, or 12% of the sample, were non-native English  speakers, from a v a r i e t y of backgrounds  (not documented).  spoke English very well, and a l l were at least competent  5.  Most of these i n the language.  105 respondents were from the west side of the c i t y , and 54  were from the east side (again, see map and table i n Appendix C).  It w i l l be noted from Appendix C that one-third of the sample was from d i f f e r e n t parts of the K i t s i l a n o area.  This i s a d i s t i n c t over-  representation, but i t seemed desirable f o r two reasons: p r a c t i c a l i t y and convenience f o r interviewing;  first,  and, second, i n t e r e s t — a  37  greater d i v e r s i t y of l i f e styles i s found i n t h i s area than elsewhere i n the c i t y , and the aim was of respondents who  to include i n the sample a s u f f i c i e n t number  were l i k e l y to have non-traditional values, for the  sake of a more balanced comparison.  Because of t h i s , i t may  be less  v a l i d to generalize the r e s u l t s to the population at large, but f o r the purpose of t h i s study, the need to have a s i g n i f i c a n t number of respondents with non-traditional values, against whom to test the hypothesis, has been  F.  fulfilled.  Preparation of the Data for Analysis  Before s t a t i s t i c a l analysis could be undertaken to test the hypothesis, the raw data, f i r s t had to be aggregated into manageable variables.  To do t h i s involved deriving a value I, a value I I , and  a value I I I score for each respondent, and also deriving growth scores for  each of the component sectors. To deal f i r s t with the value scores, r e c a l l from Section B that  three value scales were formed, c o n s i s t i n g of the a t t i t u d e statements included i n the questionnaire.  Appendix D indicates to which value scale  each of the a t t i t u d e statements was  assigned.  These scales provided  the means of measuring each of the value orientations. To derive three measurements, or scores, for each respondent  was  a matter of summing h i s responses to the a t t i t u d e statements which r e l a t e to  each of the three scales.  coding as follows:  Responses were e a s i l y quantified, with  strongly agree=l;  and strongly disagree=5.  agree=2;  no opinion=3;  disagree=4;  For most of the statements, the code number  38  could be added i n a straightforward procedure, and the higher the r e s u l t i n g score, the less t r a d i t i o n a l the value o r i e n t a t i o n of the respondent.  This was so because the nature of most of the attitude  statements was such that they were affirming t r a d i t i o n a l values, and the respondent who  did not share the value expressed by the statement  obliged to disagree with i t .  was  For a disagreement response he would  receive 4 or 5 points, as compared with 1 or 2 points f o r the respondent who  agreed with the t r a d i t i o n a l value being expressed.  About three-  quarters of the attitude statements are biased i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n , simply because, on the whole, more subtle statements were produced by wording ideas t h i s way.  Those statements which are a p o s i t i v e affirmation of  progressive values (the opposite) were scored by reversing the code number and, f o r example, adding 2 points f o r a disagree response, etc. This procedure was used to obtain three scores f o r each of the 159 respondents. Growth scores were required f o r each respondent as w e l l .  Basically,  t h i s involved t r a n s l a t i n g each respondent's opinions on the d e s i r a b i l i t y or u n d e s i r a b i l i t y of population, physical, economic and material growth into a numerical equivalent.  Accordingly, responses to questions 1-6 of  the questionnaire were combined  1.  and coded as indicated below.  A respondent was said to be i n favor of growth i f he said  For t h i s procedure, responses to questions 1 and 2, 3 and 4, 5 and 6, had to be combined to determine the respondent's opinion, since i n each case the opinion response was contingent upon the answer to the preceding perception question.  39  that ( i ) a p a r t i c u l a r growth sector was desirable, or ( i i ) the growth sector was and that t h i s was  2.  undesirable;  A respondent was  increasing, and that this  d e c l i n i n g (or staying the same)  a pro-growth opinion was  undesirable, or ( i i ) the growth sector was  the same) and that this was  coded 1.  determined to be against continued  i f he said either that ( i ) a p a r t i c u l a r sector was t h i s was  desirable;  was  growth  growing, and  that  d e c l i n i n g (or staying  an anti-growth  opinion  was  coded 3.  3.  In a l l cases a noncomittal  opinion ("don't know") was  coded 2.  Responses to question 7, regarding material goods consumption, could be coded by a straightforward t r a n s l a t i o n : preference f o r use of more material goods was was  coded 1, use of the same amount of material goods  coded 2, and use of fewer material goods was  coded 3.  This i s  p a r a l l e l to the desirable/undesirable coding scale noted above. For i n t e r e s t , i t was decided  to measure o v e r a l l o r i e n t a t i o n to  growth as w e l l , by cumulating opinions on a l l four growth components to for a " T o t a l " growth index.  The code numbers assigned to the  separate  growth responses were summed to produce t h i s o v e r a l l i n d i c a t o r of o r i e n t a t i o n toward growth.  The " T o t a l " score which was  derived f o r each  respondent ranged from 4 (4 x 1 point) to 12 (4 x 3 p o i n t s ) .  And,  as  with the value scales, a higher score represents a l e s s t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n than does a lower score, since an anti-growth  o r i e n t a t i o n was  40  judged to be non-traditional. Derivation of a sixth growth score involved b a s i c a l l y the same procedure, the difference being that opinions on only two growth sectors were summed to make a p a r t i a l index--the economic a c t i v i t y and material goods consumption aspects of growth. to make a separate index (labelled material-economic  They were combined growth orientation)  because i n t u i t i v e l y i t was f e l t that these growth components would be the most salient i n terms of the hypothesis, and i t would be of interest to observe how their i n t e r a c t i o n affected the correlations obtained.  G.  S t a t i s t i c a l Analysis  The c a l c u l a t i o n s performed  on the aggregated  data (which, with  the raw data^made a t o t a l of 82 variables) were done by the computer, u t i l i z i n g a TRIP program. Regression Package.  This i s the shortened name f o r Triangular  The TRIP program consists of a number of d i f f e r e n t  routines, which w i l l perform very simple as well as very complex analysis problems.  The routine which s a t i s f i e d a l l the needs of this  analysis was the INMSDC routine.  The INMSDC routine i s used to read  raw data, weight observations, extract subsets of the observations, and produce means, standard deviations, and c o r r e l a t i o n s .  The l a s t  three calculations were the only ones required for present  purposes.  The c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s were most important.  They specified the  extent to which any combination of pairs from the 82 variables were related to each other.  41  H.  Pre-test  In the course of constructing an appropriate questionnaire, many d i f f e r e n t versions of the testing tool were t r i e d out.  Several informa  pre-tests were c a r r i e d out with "convenient" respondents (friends and acquaintances), and one formal pre-test was conducted by knocking on doors i n the K i t s i l a n o and Point Grey areas of Vancouver.  A sample of  17 was obtained i n this way and, while i t was by no means random, this procedure yielded a d i v e r s i t y of respondents. The primary purpose of carrying out a pre-test was to check the content v a l i d i t y of the attitude statements.  This was  i n response to  a question raised i n Section B of this chapter, which suggested the importance of v e r i f y i n g that those attitude statements grouped together are i n fact measuring the same value d i s p o s i t i o n .  The content v a l i d i t y  check f o r each attitude statement was made by noting i t s c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t with each of the value scale scores.  To be a v a l i d measure  i t was expected that each statement would (1) correlate better with the scale to which i t had been assigned than with the other two scales, and (2) correlate above the .05 significance l e v e l with the appropriate scale.  What this means, i n e f f e c t , i s that the statement i n question  has contributed more to items on i t s own scale than i t has to items on the other scales;  and, most important, that responses to that  Statement are not random, but are in fact associated with predictable responses to other statements on that scale. To summarize the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the pre-test analysis, several changes to the questionnaire were made on the basis of the content  42  v a l i d i t y check.  Of the s i x t y - f i v e o r i g i n a l pre-test attitude  statements, forty-nine were included i n the f i n a l questionnaire, some with minor modifications.  Other changes included switching  an item from one scale to another i f the correlations obtained warranted a reassignment.  Subsequently, twelve new attitude state-  ments were constructed and assigned, without benefit of pre-test, i n order to ensure that each value scale had approximately twenty items r e l a t i n g to i t .  CHAPTER FIVE  RESULTS I:  CITIZEN PERCEPTIONS OF AND OPINIONS ON GROWTH OF GREATER VANCOUVER  The responses to four of the f i r s t seven questionnaire items were r e a d i l y tabulated by simply taking t a l l i e s for questions 1, 3, 5 and 7 (the f i r s t three concerning perceptions of growth and the l a t t e r regarding preference f o r material goods).  Responses to questions 2, 4,  and 6 (the opinion questions) had to be compiled by the procedure described on pages 38 and 39.  Table V . l shows the r e s u l t s of these  tabulations.  A.  Comments on Perception of Growth  Perceptions of growth were on the whole r e a l i s t i c . percentage of respondents who  The small  appeared not to be aware of population and  physical growth i s probably the same proportion who unaware of what's happening i n t h e i r c i t y .  are generally  It i s of some interest to  note, however, that respondents were less l i k e l y to perceive growth i n the economic a c t i v i t y sector, than i n the population or physical growth sectors.  From verbal comments made by respondents during the interview,  three explanations are offered as to the basis f o r responses to question 5.  Detailed notes on t h i s were not made at the time of the interview,  so the extent to which each explanation i s v a l i d can only be 1. roughly half of the 77% who  perceive that economic  estimated.  44  a c t i v i t y i s increasing appeared to be quite c e r t a i n of t h i s , and  stated  so with no h e s i t a t i o n .  2. approximately the same number of respondents indicated that they were not sure what the state of economic a c t i v i t y was—not because i t was  d i f f i c u l t to f i n d out, but because they hadn't thought about i t  at a l l .  The l i n e of reasoning pursued by t h i s group i n choosing a  response was  that, since population  and built-up areas are growing,  then economic a c t i v i t y must be increasing as well.  3. the 23% of the sample who  did not perceive economic a c t i v i t y  as increasing were, from the interviewer's observation, a c t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f i e d with the state of the economy. of respondents stated that t h i s non-growth was  A l l but one of t h i s group undesirable.  Possibly  i t would have been i n t e r e s t i n g , for subsequent c o r r e l a t i o n s , to code t h i s group separately as being more i n favor of growth than those who merely s a t i s f i e d that the economy i s increasing. coding was  not made, however.  were  Such d i s t i n c t i o n i n  45  TABLE V . l SUMMARY OF PERCEPTIONS AND OPINIONS ON GROWTH  Respondent P e r c e p t i o n s of P o p u l a t i o n  Growth  No. o f Respondents increasing s t a y i n g t h e same decreasing  154 5 0  Respondent O p i n i o n s on P o p u l a t i o n desirable undesirable noncomittal  increasing s t a y i n g t h e same decreasing  Growth 32% 50% 18%  Growth 152 7 0  on P h y s i c a l  95% 5% -  Growth  desirable undesirable noncomittal  Respondent P e r c e p t i o n s o f Economic increasing s t a y i n g t h e same decreasing  97% 3% -  52 79 28  Respondent P e r c e p t i o n s o f P h y s i c a l  Respondent O p i n i o n s  Percentage of Respondents  60 86 13  _  38% 54% . 8 %  Growth  123 26 10  77% 16% 7%  46  Table V . l cont'd  6.  Respondent Opinions  on Growth of Economic A c t i v i t y  desirable undesirable noncomittal  7.  107 30 22  67% 19% 14%  Respondent Preferences f o r Use of Material Goods use more use same amount use fewer  B.  43 56 60  27% 35% 38%  Comments on Opinions on Growth  Opinions on the d e s i r a b i l i t y of increasing population, p h y s i c a l , economic and material growth varied widely. growth, approximately  For population and physical  the same proportion of respondents (50-54%) were  against further growth i n each case;  s i m i l a r l y , approximately  the same  proportion of respondents (32-38%) were i n favor of further growth i n each of these sectors.  However, observations made while interviewing  suggest, and c o r r e l a t i o n s shown i n Table V.2  confirm,  that s i m i l a r  opinions on the two sectors do not necessarily occur together:  i t was  quite possible f o r a respondent to be against population growth on the one hand, and at the same time be i n favor of increasing physical growth, or v i c e versa. Generally a respondent would know h i s opinion on population  and  physical growth without having to give too much thought to the question,  47  although i t i s of some importance to note that having an opinion on whether or not growth i s desirable was, i r r e l e v a n t , since the main point was case.  i n the view of some respondents,  the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of growth i n any  These respondents were reluctant to express any other  opinion  than that growth i s i n e v i t a b l e , although i t turned out that a decision, when f i n a l l y taken, was  not always "don't know".  By f a r the greatest support for more growth was a c t i v i t y sector;  f u l l y two-thirds  i n the economic  of a l l respondents supported t h i s  goal, i n the main without apparent h e s i t a t i o n .  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to  note that this i s 40% more than are i n favor of increasing further the use of material goods.  I f these two variables are related (as  suggested), and i f economic a c t i v i t y was goods production  perceived as including only  and r e t a i l a c t i v i t y (as was  there should not be such a wide discrepancy Two  explanations  a c t i v i t y was  are p l a u s i b l e .  considered  was  intended),  then l o g i c a l l y  between the two f i g u r e s .  F i r s t , i t could be that economic  to include a c t i v i t i e s not related to material  goods production  and marketing.  This i s a p o s s i b i l i t y , but i n my view  an u n l i k e l y one,  since the verbal explanation given excluded i m p l i c i t l y  other categories of economic a c t i v i t y .  Moreover, i t i s believed that  the majority of respondents were not s u f f i c i e n t l y sophisticated i n t h e i r conception  of the economy to think of including service a c t i v i t i e s as a  major component of economic a c t i v i t y . i s that the pro-growth response here was  The second, more l i k e l y ,  explanation  b a s i c a l l y j u s t a habitual  one,  based on the frequently unquestioned assumption that growth means progress, and progress i s always desirable.  A pro-growth o r i e n t a t i o n i s presumed  48  to follow the l a t t e r l i n e of reasoning,  and this i s the basis for the  hypothesized r e l a t i o n s h i p between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s concept of progress and h i s opinion on growth. One comment should be made regarding  the t a l l i e s f o r question  7.  It i s quite possible that the 38% f i g u r e for those i n favor of using fewer material goods i s higher than i t would be f o r the population of Vancouver'.  general  This could be one r a m i f i c a t i o n of the f a c t  that the K i t s i l a n o area was  over-represented  i n the sample.  The  i n c l u s i o n i n the sample of a r e l a t i v e l y large proportion of respondents with a more youthful l i f e s t y l e , which was  desired as a means of  obtaining a v a r i e t y of value orientations, probably i s related to the propensity  to r e j e c t consumption of material goods.  There i s no  reason to believe that t h i s sample bias affected the other growth opinions i n the same way,  C.  however.  Relationship Between Opinions on Growth Components  An attempt was  made to get an idea of how  opinions on one growth  sector were related to opinions on the other sectors.  Correlation  c o e f f i c i e n t s form the basis f o r comparison.  lists  c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s which were obtained analysis.  Table V.2  the  from the s t a t i s t i c a l  49  TABLE V.2 GROWTH SECTOR CORRELATIONS  Population Population  Physical Growth  Economic Activity  Material Goods Consumption  1.00  Physical Growth  .58  1.00  Economic A c t i v i t y  .39  .38  1.00  Material Goods Consumption  .26  .50  .40  1.00  No revealing pattern seems to emerge from these c o r r e l a t i o n s . One suggestion f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be made;  that i s that the  correlations are low enough to lead to the conclusion that "growth" i s not thought of as a single phenomenon, and that the separate components as defined here are perceived  D.  and evaluated i n d i v i d u a l l y .  Interpretation of Opinions on Growth  Except f o r the material included i n the questionnaire the hypothesis,  to test  t h i s research d i d not provide any data which would a i d  i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of opinions on growth.  For example, no questions  were asked as to the reasons which respondents had f o r desiring or r e j e c t i n g further growth.  The explanation  of the no-growth phenomenon  offered by those involved with the Livable Region Program i s included  50  here f o r purposes of discussion. The authors of A Report on L i v a b i l i t y " ^ r e a d i l y acknowledge that the strongest feelings about growth come from what people have experienced; i n other words, changes or threats of change i n h i s own neighborhood are the most s a l i e n t features of growth i n the mind of the i n d i v i d u a l expressing no-growth f e e l i n g s .  The term "growth" was often used to  summarize a l l the unpleasant changes i n the environment.  Many things  of importance to people are perceived as being threatened by growth i n i t s present f o r m — i n c l u d i n g the natural environment, clean a i r and water, maintenance of suburban r e s i d e n t i a l densities, preservation of h i s t o r i c places and communities of a scale where personal involvement i s possible. The speed with which many of these desirable amenities are transformed no doubt contributes to the f e e l i n g people have that growth i s getting out of c o n t r o l . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given by GVRD to the no-growth phenomenon i s that these anti-growth sentiments contrast with the more t r a d i t i o n a l view that growth means progress, that we should concentrate on keeping the community a t t r a c t i v e to development. This view i s s t i l l held by a minority of persons...who say growth i s inevitable...but f a r more say 'no more'...^^ The findings of t h i s research do not reveal such overwhelming support f o r no-growth as the Livable Region Program suggests. i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true f o r economic growth.  This  The Livable Region Program  did not make clear d i s t i n c t i o n s between the various aspects of growth, although i t i s probably true that most of the comments made by c i t i z e n s  51  were directed toward the population and physical components of growth. It i s l i k e l y that sample differences contributed to the discrepancy in assessment of the extent of no-growth f e e l i n g s :  the L i v a b l e Region  Program's sample consisted primarily of suburban residents ( i . e . those l i v i n g on the o u t s k i r t s of Vancouver) who were, moreover, mostly homeowners, whereas my sample were not necessarily homeowners, and a l l were residents of Vancouver proper.  Thus, since they are p h y s i c a l l y removed from  a l o t of the growth which i s taking place i n Greater Vancouver, they are l i k e l y to be l e s s aware of and l e s s concerned about the loss of r u r a l amenities  as urbanization proceeds up the Fraser Valley.  In addition, the method used to discover c i t i z e n opinions was probably a factor i n the d i f f e r e n t i a l r e s u l t s .  The dynamics of a  public meeting (which the L i v a b l e Region Program employed) can encourage p a r t i c i p a n t s to change t h e i r opinion, or to express an opinion more vehemently i f they are supported by others i n the group.  This i s not  to suggest that the opinions are i n v a l i d , only that the consensus and vehemence which appeared to exist may be exaggerated due to the circumstances.  Taking t h i s into account, then, the proportion of  respondents i n my study who favored no-growth i s probably a conservative estimation; i s probably  no encouragement was given to express t h i s opinion, and i t true that, i f a d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between population and  physical growth, as opposed to economic growth, a l a r g e r number of respondents would have chosen an anti-growth  response i f a suggestion had  been made as to why they should do so. This insight raises an i n t e r e s t i n g question as to the r e a l  52  nature of no-growth opinions. more growth" r e a l l y want?  That i s , what do those who  say  "no  Is the wish f o r no-growth s t r i c t l y a  negative  reaction to the undesirable s i d e - e f f e c t s of growth as we know i t today? To extend t h i s speculation further, perhaps i t i s true to say that i f we could have growth and control p o l l u t i o n , i f we could continue to urbanize and make our urban structure of a higher q u a l i t y , and  so  f o r t h , then c i t i z e n s might i n fact be i n favor of more growth. be the case, but there i s no way available.  This  may  of establishing t h i s with the data  I would suggest, however, that i f no-growth i s r e a l l y  j u s t "second best", a r e f u s a l to accept the negative  trade-offs  associated with growth, then i t ' s not r e a l l y genuine at a l l ;  desire  for no-growth should stem also from the recognition that further growth ( p a r t i c u l a r l y material growth) i s i n many ways unnecessary.  Where  there i s a recognition that the quantitative and material needs of the society have been l a r g e l y s a t i s f i e d , then "no-growth" becomes, i n e f f e c t , a p o s i t i v e desire f o r more q u a l i t a t i v e kinds of growth—an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n pursuing other goals, and not simply a reaction to a s t i l l cherished dream which has got out of hand.  Formulation of the  hypothesis, which w i l l be tested i n the next chapter, was  an attempt to  discover i f desire f o r d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l goals, as i n f e r r e d from the espousal of values contrary to those which encourage growth, was associated with the no-growth phenomenon.  CHAPTER  SIX  RESULTS I I : HYPOTHESIS VERIFICATION  A.  Results  The c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s which resulted from  statistical  analysis of each value score with each growth score are shown i n Table VI.1.  TABLE VI.1 COEFFICIENTS OF CORRELATION BETWEEN VALUE SCORES AND GROWTH SCORES (Concept of Progress) Value  I  (Man i n Nature) Value  II  (Consumption Preferences) Value I I I  Population Growth Score  .29  .30  .20  Physical Growth Score  .46  .49  .39  Economic Growth Score  .44  .36  .33  Material Consumption Score  .60  .62  .54  Total Growth Score  .60  .60  .49  Material-Economic Growth Score  .63  .59  .52  54  Accepting a c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t of .16 as being s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from chance at the .05 l e v e l (based on a sample s i z e of 150), then i t i s clear that there exists a highly s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between a respondent's value predispositions and h i s opinions on the growth of Greater Vancouver. On the basis of these figures, i t i s safe to say that higher scores on the value scales (indicating a preference f o r non-traditional values) are most often associated with higher scores on the growth indices (indicating an anti-growth bias) as w e l l .  Conversely,  individuals who, by agreement with t r a d i t i o n a l values, obtained lower scores on the value scales, are on the whole more i n favor of continued growth as well.  Note that the strength of the r e l a t i o n s h i p varies quite  a l o t , depending on the p a r t i c u l a r value scale and growth index involved. The strongest r e l a t i o n s h i p i s that between the combined  material-economic  growth o r i e n t a t i o n and concept of progress, which suggests, quite l o g i c a l l y , that interpretation of progress i n technological terms i s strongly associated with desire f o r more material goods and economic activity.  On the other hand, the weakest r e l a t i o n s h i p appears to be that  between preference f o r consumption of material goods and t o t a l growth o r i e n t a t i o n , although the c o r r e l a t i o n obtained here i s s i g n i f i c a n t nonetheless. The high c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s obtained suggest that the hypothesized relationship a c t u a l l y e x i s t s , and that i t i s consistently i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n .  But, by i t s e l f , t h i s does not y i e l d  information as to the p r e d i c t i v e strength of the r e l a t i o n s h i p .  The  55  question may be asked, what i s the actual r e l a t i o n s h i p between the phenomena being observed?  In other words, to what extent do these  phenomena co-exist i n r e a l i t y ? The standard manipulation used to quantify the degree of coincidence between two phenomena i s to derive the percentage overlap by squaring the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t .  This procedure applied here  y i e l d s the figures i n Table VI.2.  TABLE VI.2 PERCENTAGE OVERLAP BETWEEN GROWTH BIASES AND VALUE ORIENTATIONS  (Concept of Progress) Value Population Growth Score  I  (Man i n Nature) Value  II  (Consumption Preferences) Value I I I  8%  9%  4%  Physical Growth Score  21%  24%  15%  Economic Growth Score  19%  13%  11%  Material Consumption Score  36%  38%  29%  T o t a l Growth Score  36%  36%  24%  Material-Economic Growth Score  40%  35%  27%  While these figures are nowhere near 100%, they do nonetheless indicate  56  an appreciable l e v e l of strength of p r e d i c t i o n i n most of the r e l a t i o n ships i n question.  Note that the squaring procedure causes the l e v e l  of overlap to drop more r a p i d l y than the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t , and to approach zero with the minimum s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t . A c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t of .40, or 16% overlap, can be considered adequate for p r e d i c t i v e purposes.  I f t h i s i s used as a c r i t e r i o n ,  then i t i s c l e a r that the population growth score does not overlap with the value orientations to an acceptable degree.  In e f f e c t ,  these  figures denote the percentage of one phenomenon that can be accounted for by the other, and f o r these data most of the percentages are high. This does not imply a causal connection, however, and speculation on whether the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n f a c t a causal one w i l l not be attempted here.  B. Discussion of Results It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that three of the s i x growth indices obtain a noticeably higher l e v e l of c o r r e l a t i o n with the value scales than do the other three.  The material consumption index of growth c l e a r l y  shows a more r e l i a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p to the value scales than do the other three growth components and, approached from the other side, the population index i s undoubtedly the growth sector with the least reliable relationships.  What i s inferred from t h i s i s that being against  population growth does not necessarily imply adherence to n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l values, whereas being against material growth i s much more l i k e l y to  57  involve value change.  I t was  suggested  e a r l i e r that feelings of no-  growth i n terms of population increase may  be j u s t a negative reaction  to threats of change to valued amenities, such as low densities.  Use  of more material goods, on the other hand, i s probably not perceived by most people as leading to environmental deterioration or threats to valued amenities and, therefore, a no-growth stance i n terms of material goods i s much more l i k e l y to be based on an actual r e j e c t i o n of extraneous material consumption and, at the same time, a p o s i t i v e desire f o r alternate personal goals. To carry speculation on the meaning of the population correlations a step further, an i n t u i t i v e impression noted during the interviewing should be mentioned.  This i s that being against population growth  was not meaningfully associated with any of the other growth opinions or values being investigated, whereas being i n favor of population growth almost always seemed to be associated with pro-growth feelings on the other growth sectors as well and, most often, with t r a d i t i o n a l value orientations.  Although the analysis undertaken cannot support  such an interpretation, this d i s t i n c t i o n i s probably the basis f o r what l i t t l e overlap there i s between stance on population growth and value orientation. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to speculate on the basis f o r the overlap between a p a r t i c u l a r growth sector and the value scale with which i t correlates most highly.  For example, a high c o r r e l a t i o n was  shown between opinions  on growth of the b u i l t - u p area (physical growth) and the"man i n nature" value scale ( I I ) .  Since expansion of the b u i l t - u p area frequently  58  involves destruction of the natural environment, i t can be seen that, t h e o r e t i c a l l y at l e a s t , where a trade-off between increasing physical growth and preservation of the natural environment i s resolved i n favor of the former, i t i s usually at the expense of the l a t t e r .  In t h i s  sense, then, the more one i s i n favor of physical growth, the less one can be concerned about preservation of the natural environment.  The  data substantiates that t h i s seems to be the case, and t h i s i s i n fact the connection  on which the hypothesis was  One comment can be made regarding  based.  the coding of responses to the  question on material goods consumption.  It i s my  f e e l i n g i n retrospect  that the three options provided on the questionnaire do not constitute an equal-interval scale, i n the sense that preference  for use of the same  amount of material goods i s a t r u l y middle p o s i t i o n on an abstract scale measuring the importance of material goods to an i n d i v i d u a l .  It  would seem that the choice between using more material goods versus using the same amount of material goods i s not r e a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n of o r i e n t a t i o n toward materialism as much as i t i s , for example, a r e f l e c t i o n of the respondent's economic status.  The meaningful  d i s t i n c t i o n i s between choice of the f i r s t two options as opposed to preference  for use of fewer material goods.  It would have been of some  value to take t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n into account when coding, although not having done so could only mean that higher c o r r e l a t i o n s are obscured, and not that actual c o r r e l a t i o n s obtained To sum up, a comment may  are a r t i f i c i a l l y  high.  be made as to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the  two cumulative growth indices, represented  by the t o t a l growth score  and  59  the material-economic  growth score.  These, along with the material  consumption score, were the most s a l i e n t growth measurements i n terms of the hypothesis.  Why  should t h i s be so, when the t o t a l  score, for example, i s simply an unweighted aggregation of the four separate growth s e c t o r s — t h r e e of which obtained considerably lower correlations with the value scales? index may  This suggests that the t o t a l  be, by i t s e l f , the best o v e r a l l indicator of d i s p o s i t i o n to  favor growth.  P a r t i c u l a r cominations of "pro", " a n t i " , and  "don't  know" lose t h e i r importance, and the measure of strength of t h i s d i s p o s i t i o n becomes the t o t a l number of "pros" and " a n t i s " .  Possibly  t h i s i s because the range of scores (from 4 - 12) f o r the t o t a l index i s so much greater than, the range f o r any of the component indices (from 1 - 3 ) ,  and thereby f i n e r d i s t i n c t i o n s are made between  respondents' opinions.  There i s thus a greater p o s s i b i l i t y of accurately  measuring i n t e n s i t y of opinion.  I f the hypothesized r e l a t i o n s h i p  between growth orientation and value d i s p o s i t i o n s i s a v a l i d one,  then  the existence of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l be shown more d e c i s i v e l y where the growth orientations and value dispositions are measured accurately. For the same reason, i t was statements  important to have a large number of a t t i t u d e  (twenty per scale) to measure value biases:  each statement  by i t s e l f i s not a perfect measure, but a pattern can emerge from twenty or so estimations.  C.  Content V a l i d i t y of the Value Scales  Recall from Chapter Four the content v a l i d i t y technique which  60  was  employed i n the pre-test to v e r i f y that the attitude statements  grouped together consistently e l i c i t s i m i l a r responses from respondents. Forty-nine  of the sixty-one  attitude statements on the  questionnaire  were shown to be v a l i d on the basis of the pre-test analysis. big  increase i n sample s i z e , however, and  With a  the addition of a dozen  previously untested attitude statements, the pre-test v a l i d i t y of the items may  not have been maintained i n the f i n a l data.  Appendix E documents the r e s u l t s of the content v a l i d i t y check i n two ways:  f i r s t , a t t i t u d e statements are l i s t e d by scale, so  that a l l the statements which c o r r e l a t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y with a scale are shown i n rank order i n that scale's column; l i s t e d by number on the. questionnaire,  second, each statement i s  showing the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t  obtained with the value scale with which i t correlates best. To summarize these r e s u l t s , i t can be observed that (1) a l l attitude statements c o r r e l a t e with at l e a s t one scale (and usually a l l three scales) beyond .16, which i s the required and  .05 s i g n i f i c a n c e value;  (2) the range of acceptable correlations i s from .16 to .80,  although  a l l but f i f t e e n of the attitude statements correlate with the assigned scale above .45, which i s a very high l e v e l of c o r r e l a t i o n ,  Note also  that, although a l l but eight a t t i t u d e statements correlated best with the value scale with which they had been scored, the correlations obtained with e i t h e r or both of the other two scales are usually not a great deal lower than t h i s .  This suggests that the three value orientations  defined are not a l l that d i f f e r e n t from one another, or at l e a s t that they can be measured with the same testing items.  The  question of  how  61  d i s t i n c t i v e the value scales are was approached with further a n a l y s i s , which w i l l be described i n Chapter Seven.  D.  Demographic Correlations  Demographic variables were included i n the analysis p r i m a r i l y to ensure that the sample was f a i r l y well balanced according to the c r i t e r i a established.  Correlation of growth scores and value scores  with these variables i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n r e l a t i o n to hypothesis t e s t i n g , but i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note to what extent personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are associated with the values and opinions being measured.  Table VI.3 shows the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s obtained.  TABLE VI.3 DEMOGRAPHIC CORRELATIONS Sex  Age  -.08  -.19  .05  .01  -.02  Physical Growth Score  -.02  -.19  .24  -.13  •,14  Economic Growth Score  -.13  -.22  .20  .00  -.08  Material Score  -.10  -.21  .32  .08  -.22  Total Growth Score  -.04  -.27  .29  -.07  -.16  Material-Economic Growth Score  -.14  -.25  .33  -.05  -.20  Value I  -.16  -.38  .47  -.02  -.26  Value I I  -.19  -.42  .48  -.14  -.30  Value I I I  -.08  -.39  .42  .02  -.26  Population Growth Score  Education  Language  East or West  Consumptioi  62  Correlations on the basis of sex and language are generally of t r i v i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e or no s i g n i f i c a n c e at a l l .  The age and  education variables, however, have proven s i g n i f i c a n t i n the d i r e c t i o n anticipated:  younger and better-educated respondents have s i g n i f i c a n t l y  higher scores on a l l counts.  The east-west v a r i a b l e correlates  s i g n i f i c a n t l y with scale scores as w e l l , but inasmuch as t h i s v a r i a b l e i s a rather crude and i n s e n s i t i v e one ( r e c a l l discussion i n Chapter Four), possibly the differences are r e a l l y j u s t camouflaged differences i n education l e v e l (for example), since the west side does tend to be more highly educated (-.41).  A l l of these variables, i n f a c t ,  probably interact with each other to a considerable  extent, so that  not too much should be made out of any one piece of information. S u f f i c e i t to say that younger and better-educated respondents tend to be both l e s s t r a d i t i o n a l i n t h e i r value orientations, and more anti-growth as well. -  CHAPTER SEVEN REFINEMENT OF THE MEASUREMENT TECHNIQUE  It can be observed from Appendix E that there are large differences in the content v a l i d i t y of the sixty-one a t t i t u d e statements.  While  a l l are s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t correlations, the marginal c o e f f i c i e n t s obtained with a few of the statements confirms the impression I had when interviewing that these items are too vague to be of much use i n measuring the value orientations.  This raises a question as to whether  the statements with low content v a l i d i t y perhaps had a detrimental effect on the v a l i d i t y of the scale as a whole.  As an experiment, the  f i f t e e n Arbitrary) a t t i t u d e statements which were shown to be the l e a s t v a l i d measures, were deleted from the scale scores to determine the e f f e c t this would have on the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the scales.  Appendix  F l i s t s these items. To summarize the changes i n c o r r e l a t i o n which occurred between each of the remaining f o r t y - s i x statements and the scale scores, the following points are pertinent:  1. the content v a l i d i t y of the attitude statements, as measured by t h e i r c o r r e l a t i o n with the score of the value scale to which they had been assigned, was improved i n 31 cases, stayed the same i n 9 cases, and was decreased i n 6 cases.  64  2. the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s obtained between each statement and the other two value scores was  improved i n 8 cases,  Stayed the same i n 6 cases, and was decreased i n 29 cases.  C l e a r l y , then, removal of the l e a s t v a l i d a t t i t u d e statements  had  the effect of creating more unique scales, composed of items which r e l a t e more to each other, and l e s s to components of the other scales.  Further-  more, these deletions had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s obtained between the value scales and the growth indices. It appears that, although refinement of the value scales did not r e s u l t i n greater support f o r the hypothesis, i t would be worthwhile f o r future research of t h i s nature to select a t t i t u d e statements more rigorously, by means of the content v a l i d i t y tests, p r i o r to scale construction.  Correlations obtained from the analysis are bound to be  more useful i f one can say with accuracy j u s t what i t i s that's being correlated. Methodical scrutiny of the i n t e r - c o r r e l a t i o n s between the i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e statements revealed that a small number of the  statements  correlated with each other very highly (.30 or higher), and at the same time, t h i s group correlated at a much lower l e v e l (statement by statement) with another small c l u s t e r of statements which have high  inter-correlations.  What this means i s that, from the available pool of sixty-one a t t i t u d e statements, f i v e core items from scale I and eight from scale I I were found to be the most v a l i d and unique measures of the related values. These are shown i n Table V I I . l .  65  TABLE  VII.l  CORE ATTITUDE STATEMENTS FOR IMPROVED VALUE SCALES  Value I:  Concept of Progress  21.  Our society has progressed a l o t i n the l a s t century or so.  58.  If a better "mousetrap" can be b u i l t , then i t should be b u i l t .  64.  Jet a i r t r a v e l i s one of the great advances of our society.  65.  We are fortunate i n having more material advantages than our parents had.  67.  You can't stop progress.  Value I I ;  Man  i n Nature  13.  Wilderness areas would serve the public better i f they were provided with adequate auto access, commercial f a c i l i t i e s and t r a i l e r camps.  26.  G u l l i e s and ravines can sometimes be useful f o r the disposal of domestic refuse.  32.  Preservation of wilderness areas i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important where these are not accessible f o r enjoyment by the p u b l i c .  42.  A community whose population i s increasing i s probably more progressive than one whose population i s constant.  48.  P o l l u t i o n of a r i v e r i n an unpopulated of a r i v e r near a town.  51.  A beach or park i s of l i t t l e value i f the public can't drive to i t .  61.  Wherever possible swamps should be drained to make them useful f o r construction.  area i s not as bad as p o l l u t i o n  66  There are too few statements on these revised scales f o r purposes of testing the hypothesis;  the reason f o r including them here  i s to suggest that construction of a d d i t i o n a l , s i m i l a r items would produce scales which more accurately depict the p a r t i c u l a r value orientations.  The "fuzziness" of the o r i g i n a l scales employed to test  the hypothesis was not detrimental to the goal of showing that value orientations are related to growth biases, although i f i t was of importance to know p r e c i s e l y what the value orientations are, then the scales should be p u r i f i e d as suggested.  CHAPTER  EIGHT  CONCLUSION  A.  Overview of Results  The discussion i n t h i s work has ranged over a v a r i e t y of t o p i c s : from the hypothesis of a r e l a t i o n s h i p between attitude toward growth and personal values, through a discussion of the growth ethic i n a h i s t o r i c a l and a future context, including empirical investigation of c i t i z e n opinions of growth.  The suggestion was made that the  s t r u c t u r a l t r a n s i t i o n to p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l i s m (of which a r e d i r e c t i o n of the growth ethic was shown to be an important part) requires an appropriate s h i f t i n c u l t u r a l values as w e l l , i n order to f a c i l i t a t e adjustment to the new conditions.  This work was an attempt to support  t h i s contention by examining one aspect of the t r a n s i t i o n — r e d i r e c t i o n of growth—in  r e l a t i o n to the values which support i t .  r e l a t i o n s h i p was shown to e x i s t .  The hypothesized  To t h i s extent, then, i t may be  concluded that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s conception of what constitutes progress, h i s view of man i n relationship to the natural environment, and the extent of preference f o r material consumption, are associated with d i s p o s i t i o n to favor or reject further growth. Although the data i s not s u f f i c i e n t l y extensive to warrant broad generalization, a suggestion w i l l nonetheless be offered as to the meaning  68  of the findings. virutally  The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n placed on these findings i s that  a l l major s o c i a l goals and environmental attitudes are  c l o s e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d with basic assumptions and values regarding the nature of man and the goals of human existence.  The implication here  i s that s h i f t s i n the goal preferences of the society rest upon attendant s h i f t s i n the supportive value structure. Two  examples w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the relevance of t h i s insight to  contemporary problems (other than growth).  Preference f o r use of the  private automobile and f o r s i n g l e family houses i s deeply ingrained i n North American culture.  From a layman's point of view this i s not a  "problem", and this question i s not the debatable point here.  But i f  i t i s anticipated that, i n the future, continuing emphasis on t h i s mode of transport and t h i s housing s t y l e w i l l e n t a i l increasingly unacceptable consequences f o r the q u a l i t y of urban development, f o r example, then some means of encouraging s h i f t s i n consumption preferences w i l l be necessary.  A s t r i c t l y functional view of either cars or houses  i s l i k e l y to overlook the extent to which these assets f u l f i l l material needs as w e l l ;  non-  an automobile i s not simply a means of transport,  and a house i s more than just a place to l i v e .  And, as with growth,  desire f o r them w i l l not l i k e l y be diverted u n t i l an a l t e r n a t i v e value framework i s adopted which w i l l support the s h i f t i n consumption preferences to more appropriate modes.  Just what values are involved,  and i n what d i r e c t i o n they should be s h i f t e d , i s a matter f o r s o c i a l science research.  But the implications f o r planning are immediate  and readily discernable.  69  B.  Implications for Planning  On the basis of the conclusions derived from t h i s work, and i n l i g h t of the impending transformation our society (as discussed  of the i n d u s t r i a l structure of  i n Chapter Three),  i t i s maintained here  that the planning profession has a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to become a c t i v e l y involved i n the process of s o c i a l change, f o r the purpose of guiding the society towards an•acceptable future.  This involves two  things:  f i r s t , more future-oriented planning, and second, acceptance of planning as a p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y .  Amplification of t h i s w i l l involve,  first,  an examination of the adequacy of the f u t u r i s t t r a d i t i o n as the  planning  profession has t r a d i t i o n a l l y interpreted t h i s to be. Planning from the past.  i s most necessary where the future w i l l d i f f e r greatly There are many bases f o r the p r e d i c t i o n that future  society w i l l d i f f e r r a d i c a l l y from what we know today. a dilemma for the planner:  Yet t h i s creates  rapid change makes planning more necessary  and, at the same time, more d i f f i c u l t , since the future cannot be planned on the basis of the  present.  On what basis, then, should future plans be made? t r a d i t i o n a l l y used a v a r i e t y of forecasting techniques and methods to construct plans for the future.  Planners have extrapolative  Characteristically,  long-range plans and predictions have been based on present past performance of whatever system i s under review.  our  trends  and  This process i s  e s s e n t i a l l y looking toward the future i n the image of the past. be said that c i t y planning has never r e a l l y been oriented to future change. Despite the long range horizons and the U t o p i a n  I t may  70  t r a d i t i o n s that have marked t h i s f i e l d . . . i t has been guided by a future-directed ideology that has looked backwards. co  JO  Extrapolation of past trends i s no longer adequate to the task of planning  for the future, because extrapolation implies that past  determinants of trends w i l l p e r s i s t into the future, whereas i t i s very l i k e l y that they w i l l not.  S i m i l a r l y , i t cannot be assumed, as  i n the past, that s o c i a l organization and s o c i a l objectives w i l l remain stable during the time period under review, or that there i s a society59 wide consensus on development goals. Projections f o r the future w i l l have to take into account the precedence of q u a l i t a t i v e over quantitative change.  This w i l l require  innovative solutions to many of our current problems.  To avoid using  the past as a guideline f o r these changes requires that we have (1) more and better information;  (2) better methodologies and techniques of  forecasting and p r e d i c t i o n ;  and (3) new values on which to construct  models of a l t e r n a t i v e futures. recognized  The f i r s t two requirements are  to a c e r t a i n extent, and steady progress i s being made i n  expanding the knowledge base and p r e d i c t i v e techniques relevant to the planning process.  With regard to the t h i r d requirement, however, planning  which i s both a n t i c i p a t i v e and encouraging of alternate values, i s seldom done. The argument made above can be extended further: planning by i t s e l f i s not enough.  anticipative  I t i s also necessary for the planner  to " d i r t y h i s hands i n pushing f o r or s e l l i n g the plan to which he i s committed by influencing the values, biases, etc. of those who w i l l select  71  the plan to be implemented".  Irrespective of whether or not i t i s  a question of s e l l i n g a p a r t i c u l a r plan, the contention made here i s that the planning profession has a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to encourage a questioning a t t i t u d e toward current assumptions and values (many of which, as we have seen, are responsible f o r some of the problems that are faced now), and to suggest and promote alternate values which would f a c i l i t a t e adoption of innovative solutions to problems. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i t has been considered desirable f o r the planner 0  to maintain a "value-neutral" p o s i t i o n i n professional decision-making and dealings with the public.  This posture of n e u t r a l i t y was compatible  with a professional r o l e which saw the planner as an "expert", with technical knowledge which could be divorced from s o c i a l processes and value judgments.  The values and goals by which decisions were made  and plans were formulated were, i n theory at l e a s t , those of the c l i e n t group, usually by way of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l representatives. It i s a matter of debate as to whether t h i s supposed valuen e u t r a l i t y of planners has at any time been either accurate or appropriate. In any case, there are many reasons why such a professional r o l e i s inadequate to the needs of planning today.  The problems we face at this  point are not technical problems related to e f f i c i e n c y needs, rather they are p o l i t i c a l problems pertaining to d i s t r i b u t i o n of benefits and power to make decisions.  The public i n t e r e s t which the planner i s  supposed to serve consists of ever more diverse and f l u c t u a t i n g subgroups, many of whose " i n t e r e s t s " the planner i s not i n a p o s i t i o n to know.  72  Getting the planner away from the task of designing projects, and into the larger task of evaluating p o l i c i e s and proposing  innovative  a l t e r n a t i v e s , requires that he assume an a c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r influencing (but not dictating) the goals and values of the society. The  impetus f o r s o c i a l change w i l l hopefully be other than sheer  necessity, and i t i s believed that the planner i s i n a good p o s i t i o n p r o f e s s i o n a l l y to stimulate i n t e r e s t i n and awareness of a wide v a r i e t y of problems and issues.  Increasingly^the public w i l l take on a greater  r o l e i n decision-making, and i t i s to this amorphous public that planner has a d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide information and education.  the  civic  Doing t h i s properly requires that discussion and continuous  evaluation of values and goals be a necessary input into the decisionmaing process.  For, i n the long run, s o c i a l change, and not technical  solutions, i s required to solve, urban problems.  73  FOOTNOTES  ''"Willis Harman, "Alternate Futures and H a b i t a b i l i t y , " F i e l d s Within Fields...Within F i e l d s , Vol. 3, No. 1 (1970), pp. 23-24. 2 Use of t h i s term was borrowed from Herman Daly, "Toward a StationaryState Economy," i n Patient Earth, ed. by John Harte and John Socolow (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1971). 3 Max Weber, as adapted by E r i c T r a n s i t i o n to Post Western Management  The Protestant Ethic and the S p i r i t of Capitalism, T r i s t , The Relation of Welfare and Development i n the Industrialism (Socio-Technical Systems D i v i s i o n , Science I n s t i t u t e , UCLA, 1968), Appendix VII, pp. 58-59.  4 E.D. Eddy, Colleges f o r our Land and Time (1957), as quoted i n V. Potter, Bioethics, Bridge to the Future (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice H a l l , 1971), p. 44. ^Geoffrey Vickers, Freedom i n a Rocking Boat (London: A l l e n Lane, 1970). ^Daly, op. c i t . , p. 7  241.  V i c k e r s (1970), op c i t . , p.  22.  g Daly, op. c i t . , p.  239.  9 David Reisman, "Work and Leisure i n Post-Industrial Society," i n Mass Leisure, ed. by Rolf Meyersohn and E r i c Larrabee (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : Free Press, 1958), p. 366. 1 0  Vickers  (1970), op_. ext., p.  24.  "'""'"For example, see Ren£ Dubos, "The Despairing Optimist," i n American Scholar, Vol. 40, 1970 (Summer and Winter); Raymond Kohn, ed., Environmental "Education", published by the U.S. National Commission for UNESCO (Washington, 1971); Donella Meadows, et a l , The Limits to Growth, (New York: Potomac Associates, 1972). 1 2  D a l y , op_. c i t . , p.  232.  74  "^Meadows, O J J . c i t . . 1 4  Ibid.  15 This conclusion i s supported by Dubos, o p . c i t . ; Meadows, op_. c i t . and Vickers (1970), op_. c i t . 16 Dubos, op_. ext., p. 390. 1 7  A s quoted i n Kohn, op_. c i t . , p. 43.  18 Daly, op_. c i t . , p. 237. 19 See, for example, Daly, op_. c i t . ; also John Maddox, The Doomsday Syndrome (London: Macmillan, 1972). 2 0  D a l y , op_. c i t . , p. 238.  21 Bertram Gross, "The City of Man: A S o c i a l Systems Reckoning," i n Environment f o r Man: The Next F i f t y Years, ed. by Ewald, W.R. (Indiana University Press, 1967). 22 Melvin Webber, Planning i n an Environment of Change ( I n s t i t u t e of Urban and Regional Development, University of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley, 1969), p. 183. 23 E r i c T r i s t , "Urban North America - the Challenge of the Next T h i r t y Years," i n Plan Canada, V o l . 10, No. 3 (1970). 24„ Gross, o£. c i t . 25 Webber, op. c i t . , p. 179. 2 6  A l v i n T o f f l e r , Future Shock (New York: Random House, 1970).  2 7  Trist  (1968), op. c i t . , p. 37.  28 Maddox, op_. c i t . , p. 200. 29  Trist  (1970), op_. c i t . , p. 7.  75  3 0  Ibid.  31 Ibid., p. 9. 32 Reisman, op_. c i t . , p. 375. 33 Webber, op_. c i t . , p. 185. 3 4  Trist  (1970), op_. c i t . , p. 8.  Gross, o_p_. c i t . 3fi Trist 37  (1970), bp_. c i t . , p. 6.  Webber, op. c i t . , p. 184. T r i s t (1970), op_. c i t . , p. 11. 39 Michel Chevalier, Social Science and Water Management: A Planning Strategy (Policy and Planning Branch, Dept. of Energy, Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1969). 40„ .„ • Gross, op_. c i t . ^Hjebber, op_. c i t . , p. 180. 4 2  I b i d . , p. 181.  W i l l i s Harman, "Key Choices of the Next Two Decades," i n F i e l d s Within Fields...Within F i e l d s , V o l . 5, No. 1 (1972), p. 30. 44 Ibid., p. 26. 4 5  4  Trist  (1970), op. c i t . , p. 5.  ^ l b i d . , p. 12. Ibid.  4 8  Trist  (1970), op_. c i t . ;;Webber, op. c i t .  76  49  Harman (1972), op_. c i t . ;  "^Reisman, op_. c i t . ; ''"'"Gross, op_. c i t . ;  Reisman, op. c i t .  Webber, op_. c i t .  Webber, op_. c i t .  52 Harman (1972), op_. c i t . 53 Reisman, op_. c i t . ; 54 Trist  Vickers (1970), op_. c i t .  (1968), op_. c i t . , p. 21.  "*~*McKechnie, George. "Measuring Environmental Disposition with the Environmental Response Inventory." Edra I I . (Pittsburgh: 1970).  "^Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , A Report on L i v a b i l i t y (Vancouver, 1972), p. 4. " ^ I b i d . , p. 5. 58 Webber, op_. c i t . 5 9  Ibid.  ^Ronald Singer, "The Planner as Value-Neutral: A Useless Myth?" Plan Canada, Vol. 11, No. 2 (1970), p. 112.  77  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Baler, K. and Reschner, N. Free Press, 1969.  (eds.)-  Values and the Future.  New  B r i t t , S.H. Psychological Experiments i n Consumer Behavior. Wiley, 1970.  York: '  New  York:  Campbell, D.T. and Fiske, D.W. "Convergent and Discriminant V a l i d a t i o n by the Multitrait-Multimethod Matr ix.' Readings i n A t t i t u d e Theory and Measurement. Fishbein, Martin (ed.). New York: Wiley, 1967. pp. 282-289. 1  Chevalier, Michel. Social Science and Water Management: A Planning Strategy. Policy and Planning Branch, Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1969. Daly, Herman. "Toward A Stationery-State Economy." Patient Earth. Harte, John and Socolow, John (eds). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 1971. pp. 226-244. Dubos, Rene*. "The Despairing Optimist." American Scholar, V o l . 40, 1971 (Summer), pp. 389-394 and V o l . 40, 1971 (Winter), pp. 70-71. Forrester, Jay W.  World Dynamics.  Cambridge: Wright-Allen Press,  Gabor, Dennis. Innovations: S c i e n t i f i c , Technological, and S o c i a l . Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . A Report on L i v a b i l i t y . 1972. p. 5.  1971. London:  Vancouver  Gross, Bertram. "The C i t y of Man: A Social Systems Reckoning." Environment for Man: The Next F i f t y Years. Ewald, W.R. (ed.) Indiana: University Press, 1967. Harman, W i l l i s . "Alternate Futures and H a b i t a b i l i t y . " F i e l d s Within F i e l d s ...Within F i e l d s . The World I n s t i t u t e Council,Vol. 3, No.l, 1970. . "Key Choices of the Next Two Decades." F i e l d s Within Fields...Within F i e l d s . The World I n s t i t u t e Council, V o l . 5, No. 1972. pp. 82-92. Kohn, Raymond, (ed.). Environmental "Education". Published by the National Commission f o r UNESCO, Washington, 1971.  1,  U.S.  Leopold, Aldo. "Ethos, Ecos, and E t h i c s . " The Subversive Science. Shepard, Paul and McKinley, Daniel (eds,). Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1969. pp. 402-415. Maddox, John.  The Doomsday Syndrome.  London: Macmillan,  1972.  78  McKechnie, George. "Measuring Environmental D i s p o s i t i o n with the Environmental Response Inventory." Edra I I . Proceedings of the ' 2nd Annual Environmental Design Research Association Conference, Archea, John & Eastman, Charles (eds). Pittsburgh, October 1970. pp.320Meadows, Donella, et. a l . . The Limits to Growth. Associates, 1972.  New York: Potomac  P h i l l i p s , Bernard. Social Research: Strategy and T a c t i c s . Macmillan, 1971. Potter, Van Reusselaer. Bioethics, Bridge to the Future. C l i f f s , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971.  New  York:  Englewood  Reisman, David. "Work and Leisure i n Post-Industrial Society." Mass Leisure. Larrabee, E r i c and Meyersohn, Rolf, eds. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : Free Press, 1958. pp. 363-389. Shorter, Edward. " I n d u s t r i a l Society i n Trouble: Some Recent Views." American Scholar Vol. 40, 1971 (Spring), pp. 330-348. Singer, Ronald. "The Planner as Value-Neutral: A Useless Myth?" Canada. V o l . 11. No. 2. 1970. pp. 107-113. Toffler, Alvin.  Future Shock.  New York:  Plan  Random House, 1970.  T r i s t , E r i c . The Relation of Welfare and Development i n the T r a n s i t i o n to Post-Industrialism. Socio-Technical Systems D i v i s i o n , Western Management Science I n s t i t u t e , UCLA, 1968. _____  . "Urban North America - The Challenge 6f the Next Thirty Years." Plan Canada. V o l . 10, No. 3, 1970. pp, 4-20.  University of V i c t o r i a Biology Club, Environment Tomorrow, Vol. 1, No. (Autumn), 1971. Vickers, Geoffrey. Value Systems and Social Process. Publications, 1968. .  Freedom i n a Rocking Boat.  4,  London: Tavistock  London: A l l e n Lane,  1970.  Webber, Melvin. Planning i n an Environment of Change. I n s t i t u t e of Urban Change. University of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley, 1969.  ^  APPENDICES  APPENDIX A  81  APPENDIX A  Changes i n Emphasis o f S o c i a l P a t t e r n s i n the T r a n s i t i o n to P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l i s m "  Type  Cultural  From  achievement self-control independence endurance o f d i s t r e s s  self-actualization self-expression inter-dependence capacity f o r joy  Organizational philosophies  m e c h a n i s t i c forms competitive r e l a t i o n s separate o b j e c t i v e s own r e s o u r c e s regarded as owned a b s o l u t e l y  o r g a n i c forms collaborative relations linked objectives own r e s o u r c e s regarded a l s o as s o c i e t y ' s  Ecological strategies  r e s p o n s i v e to c r i s i s s p e c i f i c measures r e q u i r i n g consent short planning horizon damping c o n f l i c t detailed central control s m a l l l o c a l government units s t a n d a r d i z e d administration separate s e r v i c e s  anticipative of c r i s i s comprehensive measures requiring participation long p l a n n i n g h o r i z o n confronting c o n f l i c t generalized central control e n l a r g e d l o c a l government units innovative administration  from T r i s t  values  Towards  (1970).  See B i b l i o g r a p h y  f o r complete  co-ordinated  reference.  services  APPENDIX B  83  APPENDIX B  The  Questionnaire  Please indicate your answer to the following 1.  In your estimation  questions.  i s the population of Greater Vancouver  a) increasing b) staying the same c) decreasing 2.  In your opinion i s this a) desirable b) undesirable C ) don't know  3.  Do you believe that the built-up area of Greater Vancouver i s a) expanding b) staying the same c) decreasing  4.  Do you f e e l this i s a) desirable b) undesirable c) don 1 know 1  5.  To your knowledge i s the amount of economic a c t i v i t y taking in Vancouver a) increasing b) staying the same c) declining  place  84  6.  In your opinion i s this a) desirable b) undesirable c) don't know  Which alternative do you f e e l i s on the whole the best for Canadians? (For each alternative please assume we are talking i n terms of the average person.) a) to obtain more of the material goods which we have today b) to continue to use the same amount of material goods that we use today c) to use fewer material goods than we use today  The following items are statements of opinion, some of which you w i l l agree with and others of which you w i l l disagree with. Please read each one c a r e f u l l y and then determine your assessment of the statement according to the following scale: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)  strongly agree agree no opinion disagree strongly disagree  8.  Sooner or l a t e r , as t r a f f i c volume increases, most two-lane roads should become four-lane roadways.  9.  Natural resources are for man's benefit.  10. I would rather go f o r a walk than watch  television.  11. The opportunity for most people i n our society to own t h e i r own car i s an i n d i c a t i o n that we are more advanced than s o c i e t i e s where such widespread private car ownership i s not possible. 12. Even i f building a dam on a p a r t i c u l a r s i t e would cause ecological disruption, i t should be b u i l t anyway i f the power i s r e a l l y needed.  85  13.  Wilderness areas would serve the public better i f they were provided with adequate auto access, commercial f a c i l i t i e s and t r a i l e r camps.  14.  Minute r i c e i s bad food.  15.  It would be fun to have a skidoo i n the mountains.  16.  A colour t e l e v i s i o n i s a l o t more desirable than a black and white television.  17.  I would l i k e to see more of my tax money spent i n support of a r t i s t s , l i b r a r i e s and musicians, and less spent on b u i l d i n g new roads,  18.  I t would be fun to have a vacation i n Las Vegas.  19.  I t speaks well f o r our society that the average household i s able to have i t s own washer, dryer, vacuum cleaner, etc.  20.  Going to a health spa.is one of the best ways to get exercise.  21.  Our society has progressed a l o t i n the l a s t century or so.  .22..  I don't consider any plant to be a weed.  23.  B r i t i s h Columbians should t r y to cut down on the amount of e l e c t r i c i t y that they use i n t h e i r homes.  24.  I think i t ' s quite important that a person keep the lawn around h i s house cut short.  25.  Metrecal and other diet foods are good things f o r the person who wants to lose weight to use.  26.  G u l l i e s and ravines can sometimes be useful f o r the disposal of domestic refuse.  27.  Rising average incomes are a good indicator of the well-being of Canadians.  28.  Watching t e l e v i s i o n i s f o r me a pleasant passtime.  29.  A person has the r i g h t to do what he wishes with any property that he owns.  30.  I don't l i k e to see a wig on anyone except a person who i s balded by disease.  31.  Chemical f e r t i l i z e r s improve the quality of food.  86  32.  P r e s e r v a t i o n of w i l d e r n e s s areas i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important where t h e s e a r e not a c c e s s i b l e f o r enjoyment by the p u b l i c .  33.  M a k i n g r a i n by a r t i f i c i a l l y t e c h n o l o g i c a l advance.  34.  A d o p t i o n of a guaranteed annual income f o r a p r o g r e s s i v e measure.  35.  You c a n ' t  36.  -Deodorants are u n n e c e s s a r y .  37.  I  38.  G i v e n enough t i m e ,  39.  W e l f a r e should be r e s t r i c t e d  to  40.  Where p e s t s pesticides.  crops s h o u l d be p r o t e c t e d  41.  Plastic  42.  A community whose p o p u l a t i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g i s p r o b a b l y p r o g r e s s i v e t h a n one whose p o p u l a t i o n i s c o n s t a n t .  43.  Going to  44.  Modern communities  45.  Any m i n i n g v e n t u r e w h i c h i s  46.  Some o f as r e a l  47.  A p e r s o n s h o u l d spend t h e  48.  P o l l u t i o n of a r i v e r i n an unpopulated of a r i v e r near a town.  49.  I would r a t h e r  50.  T h e amount o f t a x e s w h i c h a p r o p o s e d d e v e l o p m e n t w i l l b r i n g i n i s important factor i n determining the d e s i r a b i l i t y of the project.  51.  A beach or a park  52.  I  don't  prefer  c h a n g e human  like  to  stimulating  eat prepared f r o z e n science w i l l  can b r i g h t e n  t h e moon i s  all  a  beneficial  Canadians would  dinners.  s o l v e m o s t human p r o b l e m s . t h o s e who a r e i n c a p a b l e o f  up a r o o m . more  the  greatness of American  are p l a s t i c  and  ugly.  t i m e and e f f o r t  camp i n a t e n t  a stick-shift  little car  society.  e c o n o m i c a l l y f e a s i b l e s h o u l d be e n c o u r a g e d .  C h r i s t m a s t r e e s you can buy a r e as  i s of  working.  with  a sign of  the synthetic trees.  be  nature.  are troublesome,  flowers  clouds i s  to  than  in a  value  if  to  look  their  area i s not  desirable  best.  as bad as  pollution  trailer.  the p u b l i c  one w i t h an a u t o m a t i c  can't  drive  to  transmission.  an  it.  87  53.  An e l e c t r i c can opener i s a desirable convenience to have i n a kitchen.  54.  I t ' s a l r i g h t to leave behind t i n cans when camping as long as they are buried i n the ground.  55.  Extension of welfare benefits could be disastrous f o r Canada.  56.  For the average city-dweller, a power lawn mower i s a b i g improvement over a hand mower.  57.  I would rather go to l i v e theatre than to a night club,  58.  I f a better "mousetrap" can be b u i l t , then i t should be b u i l t .  59.  I t ' s nice to have a new car every year or so.  60.  Most women should shave t h e i r legs.  61.  Wherever possible swamps should be drained to make them u s e f u l for construction.  62.  I would rather have a canoe than a motor boat.  63.  The best use f o r a piece of land can be determined by economic studies.  64.  J e t a i r t r a v e l i s one of the great advances of our society.  65.  We are fortunate i n having more material advantages than our parents had.  66..  Welfare benefits should be given to a l l those i n need, whether they are w i l l i n g to work or not.  67.  You can't stop progress.  68.  A woman i s n ' t properly dressed without her make-up on.  The age and educational attainment of the respondent were determined by o r a l questions on completion of the written questionnaire. The respondent's sex, address, and native language were noted by the interviewer.  APPENDIX C  89  APPENDIX C  Location of Respondents by Address  West Side District Wast End Kitsilano  Number of Respondents  Street Address 1800 - 1900 Nelson  11  1800 Trafalgar 3000 West 3rd 3000-3100 West 2900-3200 West 2600-2700 West 2300-2400 West 2300-2400 West  56 Ave. 7th Ave. 8th Ave. 11th Ave 13th Ave. 14th Ave. 19  Dunbar  2400-2500 West 18th Ave. 3600-3800 West 20th Ave.  Point Grey  4300 West 11th Ave.  8  South Cambie  500-700 West 50th Ave. 6600 T i s d a l l  9  Total  B.  105  East Side  District  Street Address  Number of Respondents  Sunset  000-100 East 56th Ave. 000-100 East 57th Ave. 000-100 East 58th Ave.  9  Grandview- Woodland  v i c i n i t y Adanac and V i c t o r i a Drive  7  90  . . .cont'd East Side Street Address  District Killarney  Kingsway and V i c t o r i a Drive  Number of Respondents  5800-5900 Lancaster 6000 Kerr 5800-6100 Rupert 3000 East 45th Ave.  9  2000 2000 2000 2000 2000  8  East East East East East  24th 25th 26th 27th 28th  Ave. Ave. Ave. Ave. Ave.  Mt. Pleasant  400 East 20th Ave.  9  Renfrew Heights  2700 Franklin  3  Riley Park  4700-5000 Quebec  9 Total  54  Location of Respondents by Map  1. U)ts4 £w<_  f— 1  APPENDIX D  92  APPENDIX D  S c a l e Assignment  Value S c a l e I .(concept of p r o g r e s s ) 11 16 17 19 24 27 33* 34 35 36 39 42 43 55 56 58 60 64* 65 66 67  (-)***  (-) (-)  (-)  21 items  of A t t i t u d e  Statements  Value Scale I I (man i n n a t u r e ) 8 9 12 13 22 (-) 23 (-) 25 26 29 31* 32 38* 40 44* (-) 45 48 50 51 54 61 63  Value Scale I I I (consumption p r e f e r e n c e s 10 14 15 18 20 21 28 30 37 41 46 47 49 52* 53 57 59* 62 68  (-) (-)  19  items  (-) (-)  (-) (-) (-) (-)  21 items  * items borrowed (some w i t h m o d i f i c a t i o n s ) from McKechnie's E n v i r o n m e n t a l Response I n v e n t o r y . ** t h e a t t i t u d e statements a r e r e f e r r e d  to by t h e i r number on t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e .  *** n e g a t i v e s i g n denotes t h a t the code number f o r t h e statement was r e v e r s e d when s c o r i n g w i t h the v a l u e s c a l e .  APPENDIX E  94  APPENDIX E  Content V a l i d i t y of A t t i t u d e Statements  I.  By Number on the Questionnaire  Question # 8  Scale with which i t correlates best  Correlation coefficient  Sooner or l a t e r , as t r a f f i c volumes increase, most two-lane roads should become four-lane roadways•  II  .56  Natural resources are f o r man's benefit.  II  ,28  III  .43  Question  10  I would rather go f o r a walk than watch t e l e v i s i o n .  11  The opportunity f o r most people i n our society to own t h e i r own car i s an i n d i c a t i o n that we are more advanced than s o c i e t i e s where such widespread car ownership i s not possible  .60  ;  12  Even i f b u i l d i n g a dam on a p a r t i cular s i t e would cause ecological disruption, i t should be b u i l t anyway i f the power i s r e a l l y needed.  II  .61  13  Wilderness areas would serve the II public better i f they were provided with adequate auto access, commercial f a c i l t i e s and t r a i l e r camps.  ,62  14  Minute r i c e i s bad food.  .35  * not the scale with which the question was scored  Ill  95  Question #  Question  Scale with which i t correlates best  Correlation coefficient  15  I t would be fun to have a skidoo i n the mountiains.  III  .39  16  A colour t e l e v i s i o n i s a l o t more desirable than a black and white television.  III*  .38  17  I would l i k e to see more of my tax money spent i n support of a r t i s t s , l i b r a r i e s and musicians, and l e s s spent on b u i l d i n g new roads.  18  It would be fun to have a vacation i n Las Vegas.  19  I t speaks well f o r our society that the average household i s able to have i t s own washer, dryer, vacuum cleaner, etc.  20  Going to a health spa i s one of the best ways to get exercise.  21  Our society has progressed a l o t i n the l a s t century or so.  I*  .64  22  I don't consider any plant to be a weed.  I*  .28  23  B r i t i s h Columbians should t r y to II cut down on the amount of e l e c t r i c i t y that they use i n t h e i r homes.  .30  24  I think i t ' s quite important that a person keep the lawn around h i s house cut short.  I  .71  25  Metrecal and other diet foods are good things f o r the person who wants to lose weight to use.  II  .53  26  G u l l i e s and ravines can sometimes be I I useful f o r the disposal of domestic refuse.  .55  I  III  I  III  .55  .60  .61  .46  96  Question #  Scale with which i t correlates best  Question  27  Rising average incomes are a good indicator of the well-being of Canadians.  28  Watching t e l e v i s i o n i s for me a pleasant passtime.  29  A person has the r i g h t to do what , 1 1 he wishes with any property that he owns.  .53  30  I don't l i k e to see a wig on anyone except a person who i s balded by disease.  III  .26  31  Chemical f e r t i l i z e r s improve the q u a l i t y of food.  II  .36  32  Preservation of wilderness areas i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important where these are not accessible by the public.  II  .68  33  Making r a i n by a r t i f i c i a l l y stimul a t i n g clouds i s a b e n e f i c i a l technological advance.  II*  .19  34  Adoption of a guaranteed annual income for a l l Canadians would be a progressive measure.  I  .39  35  You can't change human nature.  II*  .25  36  Deodorants  I  ,39  37  I don't l i k e to eat prepared frozen dinners.  38  39  are unnecessary  II*  Correlation coefficient  III  .49  .50  III  .51  Given enough time, science w i l l solve most human problems.  II  .46  Welfare should be r e s t r i c t e d to those who are incapable of working.  I  .51  97  Question #  Question  40  Where pests are troublesome, crops should be protected with pesticides.  41  P l a s t i c flowers can brighten up a room.  42  A community whose population i s increasing i s probably more progressive than one whose population i s constant.  43  Scale with which i t correlates best  Correlation coefficient  II  .49  III  .57  II*  .62  Going to the moon i s a sign of the greatness of American society.  I  .54  44  Modern communities are p l a s t i c and ugly.  II  .42  45  Any mining venture which i s economically f e a s i b l e should be encouraged.  II  .79  46  Some of the synthetic Christmas trees you can buy are as desirable as r e a l trees.  III  .60  47  A person should spend the time and e f f o r t to look t h e i r best.  48  P o l l u t i o n of a r i v e r i n an unpopulated area i s not as bad as p o l l u t i o n of a r i v e r near a town.  49  I would rather camp i n a tent than in a t r a i l e r .  50  I*  .57  II  .62  III  .57  The amount of taxes which a proposed development w i l l bring i n i s an important factor i n determining the d e s i r a b i l i t y of the project.  II  .42  51  A beach or a park i s of l i t t l e value i f the public can't drive to i t .  II  .71  52  I prefer a s t i c k - s h i f t car to one with an automatic transmission.  Ill  .60  98  Question  Scale with which i t correlates best  Correlation coefficient  III  .58  II  .37  An e l e c t r i c can opener i s a desirable convenience to have i n a kitchen. It's a l l r i g h t to leave behind t i n cans when camping as long as they are buried i n the ground. Extension of welfare benefits could be disastrous f o r Canada.  ,60  For the average city-dweller, a power lawn mower i s a b i g improvement over a hand mower  ,52  I would rather go to l i v e theatre •than to a night club.  Ill  .49  I  .63  It's nice to have a new car every y e a r l l l or so.  .61  Most women should shave t h e i r legs.  I  .46  Wherever possible swamps should be drained to make them useful f o r construction.  II  .80  I would rather have a canoe than a motor boat.  Ill  ,59  II  .64  If a better "mousetrap" can be b u i l t , then i t should be b u i l t .  The best use f o r a piece of land can be determined by economic studies. Jet a i r travel i s one of the great advances of our society. We are fortunate to have more material goods than our parents had.  .62  I  .54  99  Question #  Scale with which i t correlates best  Question  Welfare benefits should be given to a l l those i n need, whether they are w i l l i n g to work or not.  67  You can't stop progress  68  A woman isn't properly dressed without her make-up on.  II.  66  .56  I  .61  III  .59  By Scale* SCALE  Ques. #  24 45 61 21 58 64 19 67 63 55 11 42 47 66 8 17 13 43 68 65 56 52  Correlation coefficient  SCALE I I  I Correlation coefficient .71 .68 .68 .64 .63 .62 .61 .61 .61 .60 .60 .57 .57 .56 .55 .55 .54 .54 .54 .54 .52 .51  Ques. #  61 45 51 32 63 42 48 13 12 24 8 19 26 43 29 25 58 53 68 49 23 51  SCALE I I I  Correlation coefficient .80 .79 .71 .68 .64 .62 .62 .62 .61 .59 .56 .56 .55 .54 .53 .53 .52 .51 .51 .50 .50 .50  Ques. #  -  61 59 45 52 18 46 62 68 53 49 41 21 24 63 58 43 37 28 17 57 8 42  Correlation coefficient .63 .6.1 .60 .60 .60 .60 .59 .59 .58 .57 .57 .55 .54 .53 .51 .51 .51 .50 .50 .49 .48 .48  If a question did not correlate to a scale at the .05 s i g n i f i c a n c e l e v e l (.16) i t was not l i s t e d with that scale.  100  Ques. #  39 51 59 12 53 60 32 48 62 18 27 25 41 38 26 20 23 40 44 49 46 29 34 36 16 37 28 57 31 35 54 15 14 9 10  Correlation coefficient .51.50 .49 .46 .46 .46 .45 .45 .44 .44 .44 .43 .43 .42 .42 .41 .41 .41 .41 .41 .40 .39 .39 .38 .35 .35 .29 .29 .23 .21 .21 .20 .19 .18 .18  Ques. #  21 27 40 17 56 11 59 64 67 38 62 63 55 44 47 50 20 41 46 18 37 54 31 28 39 60 36 57 10 66 22 35 14 15 34 16 33  Correlation Coefficient .49 .49 .49 .48 .48 .47 .47 .47 .47 .46 .44 .44 .43 .42 .42 .42 .42 .41 .40 .39 .38 .37 .36 .35 .33 .32 .31 .30 .28 .28 .27 .25 .22 .22 .22 .19 .19  Ques. #  47 19 48 51 20 65 23 13 56 25 12 11 67 32 44 64 60 27 40 36 38 26 29 31 55 50 66 30 39 34 22 35  Correlation coefficient .48 .47 .47 .47 .46 .46 .46 .45 .45 .43 .42 .41 .41 .39 .39 .39 .38 .35 .35 .34 .34 .33 .33 .33 .31 .28 .27 .26 .26 .25 .21 .16  APPENDIX F  102  APPENDIX F  * Attitude Statements  From Scale I  . From Scale I I  Deleted  From Scale I I I  16  9  10  33  22  14  34  31  15  35  44  30  36  50 54  * l i s t e d by number on the questionnaire  

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