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A study of upper lip protrusion in French Cowan, Helen A. 1973

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A. STUDY OF UPPER LIP PROTRUSION IN FRENCH by Helen A. Cowan B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE i n the Department of P a e d i a t r i c s D i v i s i o n of Audiology and Speech Sciences We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. June, 1973 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT Th i s study i n v e s t i g a t e s upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g s e l e c t e d French u t t e r a n c e s as produced by s i x n a t i v e French speakers. A p h o t o c e l l , i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o a headpiece, was used t o transduce upper l i p movement i n t o an e l e c t r i c a l s i g n a l which was then a m p l i f i e d and d i s p l a y e d on a graphic r e c o r d e r . U t terances i n c l u d e d a) VCV u t t e r a n c e s ; b) u t t e r -ances c o n t a i n i n g the consonant c l u s t e r s / r s t r / , / r s k r / , / k s t r / and / s t r s t r / ; c) u t t e r a n c e s c o n t a i n i n g the segments / i / and / u / i n sequence or separated, i n v a r i o u s combinations, by a consonant and/or word boundary; d) u t t e r a n c e s produced w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g degree of emphatic s t r e s s ; and e) u t t e r -ances produced at an i n c r e a s i n g r a t e . Three aspects of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture are examined: extent of p r o t r u s i o n , v e l o c i t y , t r a n s i t i o n time, and the r e l a t i o n s between them. R e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d i f f e r e n c e s between these three measures f o r the p r o d u c t i o n of / u / as compared "to /y/, as w e l l as d i f f e r e n c e s when upper l i p movement i s d i r e c t e d away from t a r g e t p r o t r u s i o n p o s i t i o n as compared to when i t i s d i r e c t e d toward t a r g e t p r o t r u s i o n p o s i t i o n . R e s u l t s a l s o i n d i c a t e how the three measures are a f f e c t e d by the f o l l o w i n g : i n s e r t i o n of a consonant and/or word boundary between / i / and / u / i n the / i / - / u / u t t e r a n c e s ; i n c r e a s e i n l e v e l of s t r e s s on the s y l l a b l e c o n t a i n i n g the rounded vowel /u/; and i n c r e a s e i n r a t e of speaking. T h i s study a l s o i n c l u d e s an attempt to determine onset of p r o t r u s i o n i n a consonant c l u s t e r f o l l o w e d by a rounded vowel. I t i s hypothesized t h a t the extent of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n might p r o v i d e some u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n concerning a d i s c r e t e u n i t i n terms of which speech may be produced at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l . R e s u l t s show t h a t such a u n i t may be composed o f e i t h e r a VCC...V or CG...V group. The p o s s i b i l i t y of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n b eing language-dependent as w e l l as the p o s s i b i l i t y o f co-a r t i c u l a t i o n p a t t e r n s d i f f e r i n g f o r the upper and lower l i p i s d i s c u s s e d . R e s u l t s are a l s o r e l a t e d t o v a r i o u s models of speech p r o d u c t i o n although they do not appear t o s t r o n g l y support any one model. i i i TABLE OP CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OP CONTENTS i v LIST OP TABL3S v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i ACKNOWLEDGMENT i x Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 3 2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 3 2.2 Some P o s s i b l e U n i t s of Speech O r g a n i z a t i o n 3 2.21 S i z e of U n i t 3 2.22 Nature of U n i t 9 2.23 R e l a t i o n to Speech P e r c e p t i o n 10 2.3 C o a r t i c u l a t i o n S t u d i e s 12 2.4- Models of Speech P r o d u c t i o n ... 17 Chapter 3 AIMS OF THE EXPERIMENT 29 Chapter 4- EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES AND APPARATUS 31 4-.1 D e t e r m i n a t i o n of Upper L i p P r o t r u s i o n as the Parameter of I n v e s t i g a t i o n 31 4.2 S u b j e c t s 36 4.3 Recording of Data 37 4.31 Apparatus 37 4.32 Utterances 40 4.33 C a l i b r a t i o n of L i p P r o t r u s i o n S i g n a l 42 i v Page 4.4- A n a l y s i s of Data 4-3 Chapter.5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 4-6 5.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 4-6 5.2 I n t e r - and I n t r a - S u b j e c t D i f f e r e n c e s 4-6 5.3 Vowel-Consonant-Vowel Sequences 4-7 5.4- Aspects of the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture I t s e l f 4-8 5.5 The E f f e c t of S t r e s s on the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture 55 5.6 The E f f e c t of Rate of Speaking on the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture ..... 56 5-7 Onset of P r o t r u s i o n i n a Consonant C l u s t e r F ollowed by a Rounded Vowel 57 Chapter 6 SUMMARY 76 BIBLIOGRAPHY 79 APPENDIX 84-v LIST OP TABLES Table Page 5.1 Average v e l o c i t y ( i n percentage of maximum p r o t r u s i o n reached per u n i t of time) of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture over a l l s u b j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t to placement of word boundary and p r o d u c t i o n of / y / or / u / 50 5.2 Average t r a n s i t i o n time f o r the p r o t r u s i o n gesture over a l l s u b j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t t o placement of word boundary and p r o d u c t i o n of / y / or / u / 50 v i LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e Page 4.1 Comparison of upper and lower l i p p r o -t r u s i o n f o r one of the French speakers f o r the u t t e r a n c e " c e t t ( e ) goug(e) r o u g ( e ) " . (Data obtained from Roberts' (1972) f i l m s . ) . . . 32 4.2 Comparison, of upper and lower l i p p r o -t r u s i o n f o r the u t t e r a n c e "une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " . (Data obtained from Roberts' (1972) f i l m s . ) 34 4.3 Schematic diagram of the apparatus used f o r r e c o r d i n g the d a t a 38 4.4 Photographs of headpiece (above) and manner i n which i t was worn (below) 39 4.5 A t y p i c a l mingogram w i t h segmentation completed 41 4.6 Diagram of method of d e t e r m i n i n g onset of p r o t r u s i o n 44 5.1. CC...V r sequence superimposed on c o r r e s -ponding C C . V u sequence t o determine p o i n t a t which the two t r a c e s d i v e r g e d u r i n g the / r s k r / consonant c l u s t e r . . 58 5.2 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n ut t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r 59 5.3 Comparison, f o r s u b j e c t #5* of 26 u t t e r -ances i n v o l v i n g d i s t i n c t word breaks and 15 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g no word breaks 61 5.4 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r -ances i n v o l v i n g the / k s t r / consonant c l u s t e r 64 v i i F i g u r e Page 5.5 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r -ances i n v o l v i n g the / r s k r / consonant c l u s t e r 66 5.6 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r -ances i n v o l v i n g the / s t r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r 67 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENT I wish t o express my thanks t o a l l who had a p a r t i n t h i s t h e s i s : -To the members of my committee — e s p e c i a l l y to Dr. A.-P. Benguerel f o r the time and e f f o r t he gave as my t h e s i s a d v i s o r . -To my s u b j e c t s f o r t h e i r c o o p e r a t i o n . -To S c o t t f o r h i s p a t i e n t work on the f i g u r e s . -To my f e l l o w students f o r t h e i r encouragement. i x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Speech i s such a n a t u r a l and everyday a c t i v i t y t h a t people seldom, i f ever, give a thought to i t . Y e t , even b r i e f c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the matter r e v e a l s a m u l t i t u d e of questions and u n c e r t a i n t i e s concerning what, i n r e a l i t y , i s an extremely complex phenomenon. Speech organs must move r a p i d l y i n i n t r i c a t e time and space p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h each o t h e r . How does the b r a i n i n i t i a t e and c o o r d i n a t e these sequences of r a p i d a r t i c u l a t o r y movements t h a t produce speech? What i n d i v i d u a l steps combine t o culminate i n what appears t o be a continuous f l o w of speech? How does a c h i l d , i n a c o m p a r a t i v e l y s h o r t p e r i o d of time, g a i n t h i s d i f f i c u l t s k i l l ? The complexity of speech i s e s p e c i a l l y brought t o our a t t e n t i o n when a c h i l d f a i l s t o l e a r n to speak p r o p e r l y , o r , worse y e t , f a i l s t o l e a r n at a l l l I t would appear reasonable t o assume t h a t the continuous f l o w of speech can be broken down i n t o s m a l l d i s c r e t e u n i t s at some l e v e l of f u n c t i o n i n g . S e v e r a l i n v e s t i g a t o r s have attempted t o do j u s t t h i s . The continuous f l o w of speech has been broken down i n t o sentences, phrases, words, morphemes, phonemes and f e a t u r e s . There have been attempts to uncover u n i t s w i t h i n the a c o u s t i c wave i t s e l f as w e l l as w i t h i n the movements of the speech organs. There has been a great d e a l of t h e o r i z i n g concerning f u n c t i o n i n g at the h i g h e r l e v e l s of b r a i n a c t i v i t y . - 1 --2-The present study i s concerned w i t h p o s s i b l e u n i t s at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l , i . e . w i t h i n the movements of the speech organs. P r e v i o u s s t u d i e s i n t h i s area have f a c e d s e v e r a l problems. Techniques a v a i l a b l e f o r data c o l l e c t i o n o f t e n r e q u i r e d t e d i o u s and time-consuming a n a l y s i s . There-f o r e , most experiments i n v o l v e d a v e r y s m a l l number of sub-j e c t s — g e n e r a l l y as few as one or two. The present experiment has employed a technique v/hich a l l o w s f o r r e l a t i v e l y q u i ck data a n a l y s i s . Thus d a t a has been c o l l e c t e d on more s u b j e c t s than i s u s u a l i n most c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s . The primary aims of t h i s experiment are to d e s c r i b e v a r i o u s aspects of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n and e s p e c i a l l y t o i n v e s t i g a t e the e x i s t e n c e of a d i s c r e t e u n i t of speech p r o -d u c t i o n at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l — i n v o l v i n g upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n — and t o e x p l o r e the boundaries of such a u n i t . CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OP LITERATURE 2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n S e c t i o n 2.2 d e a l s w i t h p o s s i b l e u n i t s i n terms of which speech may be o r g a n i z e d . S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n i s gi v e n to the problem of d e f i n i n g one l i k e l y u n i t of o r -g a n i z a t i o n — the s y l l a b l e . A l s o c o n s i d e r e d i s the l i n g u i s t i c nature of t h i s u n i t , as w e l l as i t s r e l a t i o n to speech p e r c e p t i o n . S e c t i o n 2.$ reviews c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s which attempt to d e l i n e a t e a b a s i c u n i t of speech p r o d u c t i o n . S e c t i o n 2.4- p r e s e n t s some c u r r e n t models of speech p r o d u c t i o n and d i s c u s s e s how w e l l these models e x p l a i n the r e s u l t s of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s . 2.2 Some P o s s i b l e U n i t s of Speech O r g a n i z a t i o n 2.21 S i z e of U n i t S e v e r a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s come to mind when one c o n s i d e r s the type of u n i t i n terms of which speech may be o r g a n i z e d . Promkin (1971), i n a study i n v o l v i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of speech e r r o r s , found t h a t e r r o r s of s u b s t i t u t i o n i n v o l v e d u n i t s of v a r y i n g s i z e s : the f e a t u r e , phone, s y l l a b l e , morpheme, and word. T h i s suggests t h a t a l l of these u n i t s c o u l d be con-s i d e r e d t o be b a s i c u n i t s of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n . -3-_4-Any attempt to uncover a b a s i c u n i t of speech o r g a n i -z a t i o n should c o n s i d e r the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h i s u n i t may var y a c c o r d i n g t o the l e v e l at which i t i s s t u d i e d . One c o u l d c o n s i d e r p o s s i b l e u n i t s at the n e u r a l l e v e l — the l e v e l at which speech u n i t s are s t o r e d . A second l e v e l i s the neuromuscular l e v e l at which commands are sent t o muscles v i a n e u r a l pathways. The a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l , at which the n e u r a l commands are t r a n s l a t e d i n t o muscle movement, i s yet a t h i r d l e v e l . And a f o u r t h l e v e l i s the a c o u s t i c l e v e l at which movement of the a r t i c u l a t o r s s e t s up sound waves i n the a i r . The b a s i c u n i t of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n may d i f f e r at these d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . Let us c o n s i d e r , f o r example, two l e v e l s — the a r t i c u l a t o r y and the n e u r a l l e v e l . I t seems u n l i k e l y t h a t speech at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l i s o r g a n i z e d i n terms of u n i t s as s m a l l as the f e a t u r e or the phone. A g i v e n f e a t u r e i s manifested o n l y i n combination w i t h other f e a t u r e s and cannot be teased out of the complex of r e l a t i o n s t h a t e x i s t s between f e a t u r e s . Most phonemes can be r e a l i z e d o n l y i n combination w i t h a vowel. A more l i k e l y u n i t of o r g a n i z a t i o n may be a u n i t something l i k e a s y l l a b l e . As w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n f u s i o n as to the d e f i n i t i o n of the term " s y l l a b l e " . Thus, i t may be b e t t e r to r e f e r to t h i s " p o s s i b l e u n i t of o r g a n i z a t i o n " as a " s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t " , and t o d e f i n e i t as a u n i t g e n e r a l l y l a r g e r than a phone but s m a l l e r than a word. The two l a r g e r p o s s i b l e u n i t s , the morpheme and the word, seem l e s s l i k e l y t o form a u n i t of o r g a n i z a t i o n at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l as n e i t h e r of these are c o n s i s t e n t i n s i z e or form, nor can they be d e f i n e d i n terms of common a r t i c u l a t o r y f e a t u r e s . I n c o n s i d e r i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of speech at the n e u r a l l e v e l , i t seems p o s s i b l e t h a t the b a s i c u n i t of o r g a n i z a t i o n may be as s m a l l as the f e a t u r e or the phoneme. I t a l s o seems p o s s i b l e t h a t a s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t c o u l d be the b a s i s of o r -g a n i z a t i o n , although t h i s would r e q u i r e the storage of a somewhat g r e a t e r number of u n i t s . That the b a s i c u n i t may be of even l a r g e r s i z e , such as the morpheme or the word, seems u n l i k e l y due t o the v a s t number of such u n i t s which would then have t o be s t o r e d . The e x p e r i m e n t a l p o r t i o n of the pre s e n t work i s con-cerned w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n of speech at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l . As d i s c u s s e d above, i t seems l i k e l y t h a t , a t the a r -t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l a t l e a s t , speech i s or g a n i z e d i n terms of a s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . R e c a l l t h a t the term " s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t " r e p l a c e s the term " s y l l a b l e " because the o n l y p o i n t of gen-e r a l agreement concerning the d e f i n i t i o n of the term " s y l -l a b l e " i s t h a t i t i s u s u a l l y l a r g e r than a phone, but s m a l l e r than a word. A review of some of the attempts t o d e f i n e t h i s term w i l l make the l a c k of agreement e v i d e n t . Jones (1956) d e s c r i b e d the s y l l a b i c or peak of the s y l -l a b l e as t h a t p o r t i o n which v/as more prominent or had more "carrying-power" than adjacent p o r t i o n s . B l o o m f i e l d (1953) s i m i l a r l y d e s c r i b e d the s y l l a b i c as a c r e s t of s o n o r i t y and c l a s s i f i e d vowels as those sounds which were used o n l y as s y l l a b l e s ; consonants as those used only as -6-n o n - s y l l a b i c s ; and sonants as those which may be used as both. There were as many s y l l a b l e s i n a word as there were promi-nent peaks or c r e s t s of s o n o r i t y . Jakobson and H a l l e (1968) viewed the s y l l a b l e as a b a s i c p a t t e r n u n d e r l y i n g the grouping of phonemes. I t s s t r u c t u r e , a c c o r d i n g t o them, i n v o l v e d c o n t r a s t between s u c c e s s i v e f e a -tures,those of the vowel and the consonant. T h i s caused one p a r t of the s y l l a b l e to be more prominent. They termed the phonemes i n v o l v e d i n the vowel p o r t i o n of the s y l l a b l e , " c r e s t phonemes" and those i n v o l v e d i n the consonant p o r t i o n , "slope phonemes". They s t a t e d t h a t the c r e s t was u s u a l l y more i n t e n s e and had a h i g h e r fundamental frequency than the s l o p e . The above d e f i n i t i o n s , which were based upon p o i n t s of maximum energy, were not i n agreement w i t h the d e f i n i t i o n g i v e n by S c r i p t u r e (1904). He d e f i n e d the s y l l a b l e as a por-t i o n of speech i n which a c e n t r o i d was l o c a t e d . The c e n t r o i d he d e f i n e d as the p o i n t at which the whole mass of the u t t e r -ance was cent e r e d . He s t a t e d : ...the c e n t r o i d treatment of speech d i f f e r s from what may be c a l l e d the 'maxima-minima,' or 'apex-d e p r e s s i o n , ' treatment mainly i n c o n s i d e r i n g the whole mass of speech — p h y s i c a l l y , p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y or p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , as may be d e s i r e d — i n l o c a t i n g the c r i t i c a l moment, i n s t e a d of l o c a t i n g i t at the moment of g r e a t e s t energy. The c e n t r o i d w i l l r a r e l y c o i n c i d e w i t h the maximum of energy, (p. 451) The terms (ex. prominence, s o n o r i t y , c e n t r o i d ) used t o d e f i n e the s y l l a b l e i n the above s t u d i e s are vague terms. How are they to be measured? A f u r t h e r d i f f i c u l t y i s t h a t - 7 -these authors speak of c e n t r a l aspects and n e g l e c t t o mention p o s s i b l e boundaries of the s y l l a b l e . I n c o n t r a s t to the above d e f i n i t i o n s , S t e t s o n (1951) claimed t h a t the s y l l a b l e was an a r t i c u l a t o r y u n i t i n v o l v i n g r a p i d , b a l l i s t i c chest movement t h a t f o r c e d a p u f f of a i r through the v o c a l t r a c t . T h i s elementary movement of speech, the chest p u l s e , was r e l e a s e d and a r r e s t e d by the i n t e r c o s t a l chest muscles or by the complete or le a k y c l o s u r e of an a r -t i c u l a t e d consonant. The r e l e a s e and a r r e s t formed the boun-d a r i e s of the s y l l a b l e and S t e t s o n s t a t e d t h a t : I t s Cthe s y l l a b l e 1 s ] d e l i m i t a t i o n i s not due to a " p o i n t of minimum s o n o r i t y " but to the c o n d i t i o n s which d e f i n e a movement as one movement. (p. 33) Between r e l e a s e and a r r e s t the v o c a l t r a c t took on a vowel shape f o r the outgoing p u f f of a i r . A c c o r d i n g to S t e t s o n , f o u r types of s y l l a b l e s were p o s s i b l e : -V- r e l e a s e d by chest muscles; a r r e s t e d by chest muscles -VC r e l e a s e d by chest muscles; a r r e s t e d by consonant GV- r e l e a s e d by consonant; a r r e s t e d by chest muscles CVC r e l e a s e d by consonant; a r r e s t e d by consonant P i k e (1943) i n c o r p o r a t e d i n h i s d e f i n i t i o n f e a t u r e s of Stetson's d e f i n i t i o n as w e l l as c e n t r a l f e a t u r e s d i s c u s s e d at the beg i n n i n g of t h i s s e c t i o n . He d e f i n e d the s y l l a b l e as a s i n g l e u n i t of l u n g - i n i t i a t e d movement which i n c l u d e d o n l y one c r e s t of speed. The segment d u r i n g which speed was the g r e a t e s t was the s y l l a b i c , w h i l e a l l other segments were non-s y l l a b i c s . P i k e d i s t i n g u i s h e d between two types of s y l l a b l e s . Closed or checked s y l l a b l e s were those which ended i n a " c o n t o i d " (a consonant which u s u a l l y f u n c t i o n e d as a non-s y l l a b i c ) ; open or f r e e s y l l a b l e s were those which ended i n -8-a "vocoid" (a vowel or g l i d e which u s u a l l y f u n c t i o n e d as a s y l l a b i c ) . De Saussure ( t r a n s . 1959) d e f i n e d the s y l l a b l e as the b a s i c u n i t i n which the phoneme had a f u n c t i o n . He d e s c r i b e d the s y l l a b l e , not i n terms of c e n t r a l f e a t u r e s , but i n terms of i t s boundaries. The s y l l a b l e boundary, a c c o r d i n g t o de Saussure, was marked by the p a s s i n g from i m p l o s i o n ( p r o -g r e s s i v e c l o s i n g of the v o c a l t r a c t by one or more phonemes) to e x p l o s i o n ( p r o g r e s s i v e opening of the v o c a l t r a c t by one or more phonemes). Hooper (1972) a l s o d e f i n e d the s y l l a b l e i n terms of i t s boundaries. She p o s t u l a t e d a r u l e f o r i n s e r t i n g s y l l a b l e boundaries between c e r t a i n sequences of segments and d e f i n e d the s y l l a b l e as the sequence of segments between the s y l -l a b l e boundaries. Yet another d e f i n i t i o n was Haugen's ( 1 9 5 6 ) . To Haugen, the s y l l a b l e was "...the s m a l l e s t u n i t of r e c u r r e n t phonemic sequences" (p. 216) and the most e f f e c t i v e framework i n which to d e s c r i b e the d i s t r i b u t i o n of phonemes. Haugen termed the " i r r e d u c i b l e minimum" of the s y l l a b l e the n u c l e u s , and the o p t i o n a l remainder, which may precede and/or f o l l o w the n u c l e u s , the margin. Both nucleus and margin may c o n t a i n one or more phonemes. The nucleus u s u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of a vowel and the margin of a consonant, though consonants c o u l d a l s o be i n c l u d e d i n the nucleus i f no vowels occurred i n i t i a l l y or f i n a l l y . I n Hockett's (1958) d e f i n i t i o n of the s y l l a b l e , the peak, onset and coda corresponded r e s p e c t i v e l y to Haugen's nu c l e u s , - 9 -p r e - n u c l e a r margin, and p o s t - n u c l e a r margin. As i s e v i d e n t , the terms used t o d e f i n e the s y l l a b l e are d i v e r s e and vague. T h e r e f o r e , f o r the purposes of t h i s paper, the term " s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t " , d e f i n e d as a u n i t g e n e r a l l y l a r g e r than a phone, but s m a l l e r than a word, w i l l be adopted. I t i s hy p o t h e s i z e d t h a t speech, at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l , i s orga n i z e d i n terms of a s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . Thus the extent of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n determines the boundaries of t h i s s y l l a b l e -l i k e u n i t . 2.22 Nature of U n i t We have co n s i d e r e d the p o s s i b l e s i z e of the u n i t i n terms of which speech may be or g a n i z e d a t the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l . Now we w i l l c o n s i d e r the p o s s i b l e l i n g u i s t i c nature of t h i s s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . One p o s s i b i l i t y i s t h a t t h i s u n i t i s u n i v e r s a l — the same f o r a l l languages. Pulgram (1965) spoke of "...a poss-i b l e u n i v e r s a l phonetic tendency toward open s y l l a b l e s , . . . " (p. 79). T h i s would imply t h a t h i s s y l l a b l e c o u l d be d e f i n e d by c e r t a i n u n i v e r s a l p h y s i c a l r u l e s . Hooper (1972) and Pudge (1969), on the other hand, f e l t t h a t t h e r e may be a u n i v e r s a l r u l e f o r the p h o n o l o g i c a l s y l l a b l e , but not f o r the phonetic s y l l a b l e . Thus a l l p h o n o l o g i c a l systems need the s y l l a b l e t o e x p l a i n the c o n s t r a i n t s on p o s s i b l e phoneme sequences. How-ever, the above w r i t e r s , those a d v o c a t i n g a u n i v e r s a l phonetic s y l l a b l e as w e l l as those a d v o c a t i n g a u n i v e r s a l p h o n o l o g i c a l s y l l a b l e , agree t h a t t h i s u n i v e r s a l s y l l a b l e may need t o be -10-q u a l i f i e d somewhat depending on r u l e s i n h e r e n t i n the v a r i o u s languages. I f c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the u n i t i n -v o l v e d i n speech o r g a n i z a t i o n was the same f o r a l l languages, i t c o u l d then be p o s s i b l e t h a t these c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s were due to common f a c t o r s such as the mechanical i n e r t i a of the v o c a l t r a c t , l i m i t a t i o n s i n the response c a p a c i t y o f the muscular system, and o v e r l a p p i n g of the e f f e c t s of s u c c e s s i v e c ommands. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s t h a t t h i s u n i t i s s p e c i f i c t o a language or a group of languages. I f c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s were seen t o extend over d i f f e r e n t u n i t s f o r d i f f e r e n t l a n -guages, i t i s not l i k e l y t h a t these c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s are due t o mechanical e f f e c t s such as d e s c r i b e d above. A more l i k e l y e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t c o a r t i c u l a t i o n i s due t o hi g h e r order e f f e c t s i n v o l v i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of speech. II Ohman (1966) found some evidence f o r t h i s p o i n t of view. H i s s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d t h a t c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s observed i n vowel-consonant-vowel u t t e r a n c e s were d i f f e r e n t f o r R u s s i a n , as opposed t o E n g l i s h and Swedish. Most other c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s have i n v o l v e d one language o n l y . 2.2$ R e l a t i o n to Speech P e r c e p t i o n A b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of speech p e r c e p t i o n may y i e l d some f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of speech p r o d u c t i o n . Liberman et a l (1964-) s t a t e d t h a t p e r c e p t i o n of i n d i v i d -u a l phonemes i n a stream of speech was not p o s s i b l e due t o l i m i t a t i o n s i n the temporal r e s o l v i n g power of the e a r . For t h i s reason cues f o r the phonemes v/ere overlapped and encoded i n t o u n i t s of approximately s y l l a b l e s i z e . They s t a t e d : The encoding of phoneme s t r i n g s i n t o s y l l a b i c u n i t s reduces s i g n i f i c a n t l y the number of d i s c r e t e a c o u s t i c segments (per u n i t time) the l i s t e n e r must hear. (p. 75) Thus p e r c e p t u a l l i m i t a t i o n s may n e c e s s i t a t e the o r g a n i z a t i o n of speech i n t o s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s . The motor theory of speech p e r c e p t i o n s t a t e d t h a t a r -t i c u l a t o r y movements and t h e i r sensory feedback mediated between the a c o u s t i c s i g n a l and the p e r c e p t i o n of speech. Thus a person p e r c e i v e d a sound because he knew what a r t i c -u l a t o r y movements produced t h a t sound. T h i s would imp l y t h a t the u n i t s of speech p e r c e p t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n are s i m i l a r . Ladefoged and Broadbent (1960) presented extraneous sounds d u r i n g u t t e r a n c e s and asked l i s t e n e r s t o t e l l e x a c t l y where these sounds had o c c u r r e d . They found t h a t e r r o r s i n placement of the extraneous sounds were l a r g e r than the dura-t i o n of a s i n g l e phone. They concluded t h a t the s u b j e c t s must have been p e r c e i v i n g i n terms of groups of sounds, not s i n g l e phones and t h a t the b a s i c u n i t of speech p e r c e p t i o n was probably l a r g e r than the phone. I f u n i t s of speech p e r -c e p t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n are s i m i l a r , then the b a s i c u n i t of speech p r o d u c t i o n i s p r o b a b l y a l s o l a r g e r than the phone. -12-2.3 C o a r t i c u l a t i o n S t u d i e s The phenomena of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n i n v o l v e s the i n f l u e n c e of c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s of one sound on other adjacent sounds. I t i s h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t the range of i n f l u e n c e of a g i v e n f e a t u r e may mark out b a s i c u n i t s of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n . Thus the i n f l u e n c e of a f e a t u r e w i l l be g r e a t e s t w i t h i n the u n i t of o r g a n i z a t i o n and l e a s t a c r o s s boundaries between such u n i t s . A study of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n phenomena i s an attempt t o d i s c o v e r and. d e l i n e a t e a p o s s i b l e b a s i c u n i t of speech organ-i z a t i o n . I t i s p o s s i b l e , as d i s c u s s e d above, t h a t t h i s u n i t v a r i e s a c c o r d i n g t o the l e v e l at which c o a r t i c u l a t i o n phenom-ena are s t u d i e d . The f o l l o w i n g r e v i e w of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s d e a l s w i t h the phenomena as s t u d i e d i n f o u r areas: the a c o u s t i c a l , the a r t i c u l a t o r y , the p h y s i o l o g i c a l and the t emporal. Stevens and House (1963) measured the e f f e c t s of d i f f e r -ent phonetic c o n t e x t s on the formant f r e q u e n c i e s of vowels u s i n g b i s y l l a b i c nonsense u t t e r a n c e s i n which the f i r s t un-s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e v/as /he/ and the second s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e was CYC w i t h the f i r s t consonant the same as the second. They r e p o r t e d t h a t : ...the consonantal context causes systematic s h i f t s i n the vowel formant f r e q u e n c i e s de-pending upon the p l a c e of a r t i c u l a t i o n of the consonant, i t s manner of a r t i c u l a t i o n , and i t s v o i c i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . (p. 119) Stevens, House and P a u l (1966) extended the above study and examined formant f r e q u e n c i e s d u r i n g the e n t i r e vowel por-t i o n of the CVC u t t e r a n c e r a t h e r than j u s t at the boundaries -13-and at the c e n t e r of the formants. They also attempted to use a s m a l l number of parameters to d e s c r i b e continuous f o r -mant movement. The parameters s t u d i e d were i n f l u e n c e d by f e a t u r e s of the vowel and the adjacent consonants. Ohman (1966) s t u d i e d A m e r i c a n - E n g l i s h , Swedish and R u s s i a n V 1 G V 2 u t t e r a n c e s where G was a stop consonant, and found t h a t the formant t r a n s i t i o n s V 1 C and C V 2 d i f f e r e d , depending on the t r a n s c o n s o n a n t a l vowel. Ohman d e s c r i b e d the u t t e r a n c e as c o n s i s t i n g of a d i p h t h o n g a l gesture on whose t r a n s i t i o n a l p a r t s a stop consonant gesture was superimposed. S t u d i e s of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n on the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l have i n v o l v e d p r i m a r i l y the study of l i p and jaw movement and v e l o p h a r y n g e a l f u n c t i o n . Kozhevnikov et a l (1965) s t u d i e d the f e a t u r e l i p rounding i n GV and GOV R u s s i a n u t t e r a n c e s and found t h a t l i p rounding began s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the a r t i c u l a t o r y c o n t a c t f o r the f i r s t consonant of the sequence. They found t h a t t h i s e f f e c t was independent of s y l l a b l e or word boundaries. I n experiments i n v o l v i n g delayed a u d i t o r y feedback, they found t h a t complex GCV combinations broke down i n t o a s e r i e s of GV s y l l a b l e s . Thus they concluded t h a t a GV type of s y l l a b l e may be the most b a s i c a r t i c u l a t o r y u n i t . D a n i l o f f and M o l l (1968) extended the above study t o E n g l i s h and found t h a t l i p rounding s t a r t e d d u r i n g the ap-proach to the c l o s u r e phase of the consonant. T h i s d i f f e r s somewhat from the r e s u l t s of Kozhevnikov et a l who found t h a t l i p rounding s t a r t e d w i t h the c l o s u r e phase of the f i r s t con-sonant. D a n i l o f f and M o l l a l s o found t h a t l i p rounding ex-tended over up t o f o u r consonants p r e c e d i n g the vowel. -14--Again, word and s y l l a b l e boundaries appeared to have no e f -f e c t on l i p rounding. Note, however, t h a t D a n i l o f f and M o l l used the consonants / l / and / r / i n some u t t e r a n c e s . Although they c l a i m t h a t the amount of l i p p r o t r u s i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these consonants i s s m a l l , they do admit the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t . . . l i p p r o t r u s i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of these consonants and i s i n c r e a s e d i n magnitude i n rounded vowel c o n t e x t , (p. 7^7) D a n i l o f f and M o l l found no l i p p r o t r u s i o n before unrounded vowels f o r the other consonants used. P e r k e l l (1969), however, d i s a g r e e d , s t a t i n g t h a t l a b i a l and v e l a r consonants a f f e c t p r o t r u s i o n . P e r k e l l (1969) analyzed u t t e r a n c e s composed of an un-s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e f o l l o w e d by a s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e (ex. /he'OV/) and found t h a t l i p p r o t r u s i o n began befor e the u t t e r a n c e , s t a r t i n g not o n l y at the f i r s t consonant sequence before a rounded vowel, but e a r l y enough t o a f f e c t the p r e -ceding vowel. Maximum p r o t r u s i o n o c c u r r e d on the rounded vowel, Amerman, D a n i l o f f and M o l l (1970) s t u d i e d <jaw l o w e r i n g and l i p r e t r a c t i o n i n E n g l i s h sequences of up t o f o u r conson-ants p r e c e d i n g the vowel. These two gestu r e s extended over two and sometimes three consonants p r e c e d i n g the vowel. Amerman et a l f e l t t h a t both gestures might have extended over f o u r consonants i f the presence of an / s / had not r e s u l t e d i n a movement a n t a g o n i s t i c t o the g e s t u r e s . Pujimura (1961) s t u d i e d l i p movement of b i l a b i a l stops and b i l a b i a l n a s a l s i n d i f f e r e n t p h o n e t i c c o n t e x t s and found t h a t context had an e f f e c t on the i n i t i a l speed of l i p opening. -15-it Carney and M o l l (1971) extended Ohman's s p e c t r o g r a p h i c study of vowels and stop consonants t o a c i n e f l u o r o g r a p h i c study of vowels and f r i c a t i v e s i n VCV u t t e r a n c e s . They found t h a t the d i p h t h o n g a l gesture and superimposed consonantal tt gesture d e s c r i b e d by Ohman f o r stop consonants a l s o a p p l i e d to f r i c a t i v e consonants. Carney and M o l l found t h a t the GV por-t i o n of the VCV segment was more cohesive than the VC p o r t i o n . M o l l (1962) s t u d i e d 60 CVC s y l l a b l e s i n v o l v i n g s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t consonants i n c l u d i n g /n/. He found t h a t vowels ad-ja c e n t t o the n a s a l consonant showed incomplete v e l o p h a r y n g e a l c l o s u r e w h i l e non-nasal consonants seemed to have no s i g n i f i -cant e f f e c t on vowel c l o s u r e . He a l s o found t h a t vowels p r e -ceding / n / were more a f f e c t e d than those f o l l o w i n g . T h i s would suggest t h a t the VC segment i s more cohesive than the CV segment. M o l l and D a n i l o f f (1971) measured v e l a r movement and velo p h a r y n g e a l opening f o r d i f f e r e n t combinations of n a s a l consonants, non-nasal consonants and vowels. Word and s y l -l a b l e boundaries were v a r i e d . They concluded t h a t : Undoubtedly the major f i n d i n g of t h i s study i s t h a t , i n sequences where a n a s a l consonant i s preceded by one or two vowel sounds, the ve l a r - o p e n i n g gesture f o r the n a s a l i s i n -i t i a t e d near the b e g i n n i n g of primary a r -t i c u l a t o r y movement toward the f i r s t vowel i n the sequence. F u r t h e r , the presence of a word boundary w i t h i n the sequence does not a f f e c t the r e l a t i v e t i m i n g of the v e l a r g e s t u r e . (p. 683) C o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s observed i n the motion of the l a t e r a l pharyngeal w a l l d u r i n g speech were s t u d i e d by K e l s e y , Woodhouse and M i n i f i e (1969). They were concerned w i t h the -16-e f f e c t of v a r y i n g i n i t i a l and f i n a l vowels on the t r a n s i t i o n s between the vowels and the consonant d u r i n g VCV u t t e r a n c e s . They found t h a t the d i s t a n c e the l a t e r a l pharyngeal w a l l moved between p r o d u c t i o n of the vowel and consonant or the consonant and vowel d i f f e r e d depending on the t r a n s c o n s o n a n t a l vowel. MacNeilage and DeClerk (1969) s t u d i e d E n g l i s h OVC u t t e r -ances u s i n g electromyographic t e c h n i q u e s . They found t h a t although i n i t i a l and f i n a l consonants d i d not a f f e c t each o t h e r , adjacent phonemes d i d . Two major e f f e c t s were noted. The f i r s t was termed " l e f t - t o - r i g h t " or " c o m p a t i b i l i t y " e f f e c t . MacNeilage and DeClerk s t a t e d : The electromyograms showed t h a t t h e r e was a d i f f e r e n c e i n some aspect of the motor con-t r o l of every vowel and f i n a l consonant i n the study depending, on which of the p o s s i b l e phonemes preceded i t . (p. 1222) The second e f f e c t was termed " r i g h t - t o - l e f t " or " a n t i c i p a t o r y " e f f e c t . The authors s t a t e d : The electromyograms showed t h a t t h e r e was a d i f f e r e n c e i n some aspect of the motor c o n t r o l of i n i t i a l consonants and vowels depending on which of the p o s s i b l e phonemes f o l l o w e d them (p. 1225) They a l s o found t h a t the e f f e c t of the vowel on the i n i t i a l consonant was more marked than the e f f e c t of the f i n a l conson-ant on the vowel and suggested t h a t CV i s a more cohesive seg-ment than VC w i t h i n a CVC u t t e r a n c e . Promkin (1966) used electromyography to study the neuro-muscular a c t i v i t y of the o r b i c u l a r i s o r i s muscle f o r CVC m o n o s y l l a b l e s . She found t h a t the neuromuscular c o r r e l a t e of a g i v e n phoneme was d i f f e r e n t i n d i f f e r e n t p h o netic c o n t e x t s . -17-L e h i s t e (1971) used monosyllabic and d i s y l l a b i c E n g l i s h words and s t u d i e d the time c o r r e l a t i o n s between s u c c e s s i v e segments of words i n an attempt to uncover a u n i t over which temporal compensation took p l a c e . She found a s t r o n g degree of temporal compensation between the vowel and the f o l l o w i n g consonant, suggesting t h a t VC forms a b a s i c and cohesive u n i t which i s u n a f f e c t e d by s y l l a b l e b oundaries. I n r e v i e w i n g the above s t u d i e s , one f i n d s t h a t the u n i t over which c o a r t i c u l a t i o n o c c u r s , at a l l f o u r l e v e l s d i s c u s s e d , i s a s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . However, th e r e i s disagreement as to whether t h i s u n i t i s o f the CV or VC t y p e . There i s a l s o no c o n s i s t e n t r e s u l t w i t h r e g a r d t o the extent of the i n f l u e n c e o f a vowel on a p r e c e d i n g consonant sequence, though some s t u d i e s show t h a t the i n f l u e n c e extends up to as many as f o u r consonants p r e c e d i n g the vowel. The number of s u b j e c t s used i n the s t u d i e s i s v e r y s m a l l and i t i s necessary t h a t much more d a t a be c o l l e c t e d b e f o r e d e f i n i t e c o n c l u s i o n s can be drawn. 2.4 Models of Speech P r o d u c t i o n S e v e r a l models of speech p r o d u c t i o n have been proposed and attempts have been made to use these models to e x p l a i n c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s . These models are concerned w i t h : 1) the s i z e and nature of the u n i t of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n at the n e u r a l l e v e l ; ( t h i s was d i s c u s s e d , i n p a r t , above i n S e c t i o n 2.21 and two p o s s i b i l i t i e s were suggested — the phoneme arid the s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . ) -18-2) how these u n i t s are or g a n i z e d ; 3) the manner i n which commands to the motor system are r e l a y e d ; and 4) p o s s i b l e m o d i f i c a t i o n of these commands at the motor l e v e l . Ladefoged (1967) claimed t h a t t h e r e was l i t t l e evidence t h a t speech o r g a n i z a t i o n i n v o l v e d d i s c r e t e u n i t s c o r r e s p o n d i n g to phonemes. He f e l t , r a t h e r , t h a t s y l l a b l e s were the s t o r e d u n i t s which were programmed d u r i n g speech p r o d u c t i o n . He c i t e d s e v e r a l s t u d i e s , most of which were concerned more w i t h motor s k i l l s i n g e n e r a l than w i t h speech s k i l l s i n p a r t i c u l a r , and s t a t e d : Judging from these d a t a i t would seem l i k e l y t h a t the s m a l l e s t u n i t s which correspond t o s i n g l e c e n t r a l l y s t o r e d commands and which are t r i g g e r e d o f f as a whole are gestures of the s i z e of at l e a s t two phonemes; something l i k e a s y l l a b l e seems a probable candidate f o r the b a s i c s m a l l e s t u n i t . (p. 170) The model of speech p r o d u c t i o n s e t f o r t h by Kozhevnikov et a l (1965) proposed an " a r t i c u l a t o r y s y l l a b l e " of the CC...V type as the b a s i c u n i t of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n . The motor command f o r the whole s y l l a b l e was g i v e n to the a r t i c -u l a t o r s a t the s t a r t of the f i r s t consonant u n l e s s t h a t com-mand was a n t a g o n i s t i c t o a gesture i n the s y l l a b l e i n which case the c o a r t i c u l a t i o n gesture o c c u r r e d immediately upon completion of the a n t a g o n i s t i c g e s t u r e . Thus there were maximum c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s w i t h i n the s y l l a b l e and minimum c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s between s y l l a b l e s . F r y (1964-) appeared to support the i d e a t h a t the b r a i n organized speech p r o d u c t i o n i n terms of u n i t s l a r g e r than the -19-phoneme. He s t a t e d : . . . i t i s at l e a s t p l a u s i b l e t h a t ... s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s one f e a t u r e of the b r a i n ' s c o n t r o l of motor speech a c t i v i t y and t h a t the t r u e f u n c t i o n of the s y l l a b l e ... i s t o form the u n i t of n e u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h i s would mean t h a t d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n of speech the b r a i n mechanism r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t i m i n g the a c t i o n of a l l the muscles used i n b r e a t h i n g , phonation and a r t i c u l a t i o n arranges the time schedule f o r a complete s y l l a b l e as a u n i t and the o p e r a t i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s are then f e d forward t o the muscles i n accordance w i t h t h i s scheme w h i l s t the t i m i n g f o r the next s y l l a b i c u n i t i s be i n g o r g a n i z e d . (p. 219) Fromkin (1966),in her electromyographic study of the o r b i c u l a r i s o r i s muscle, found t h a t t h e r e was no one-to-one correspondence between phonemes and motor commands. She i n f e r r e d t h a t : One p o s s i b l e c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t the minimal l i n g u i s t i c u n i t corresponding t o the motor commands which produce speech i s l a r g e r than the phoneme, perhaps more of the order of a s y l l a b l e , (p. 196) However, Fromkin d i d not r u l e out the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t motor commands c o u l d be r e l a t e d t o phonemes and these commands a l t e r e d i n d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s by feedback i n f o r m a t i o n or by i n f o r m a t i o n s t o r e d i n the short-term memory. A model based on s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s as the prim a r y i n p u t f o r the programming of speech has a number of weaknesses. O r g a n i z a t i o n a t the n e u r a l l e v e l i n terms of s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s would r e q u i r e the l e a r n i n g and storage of a v a s t number of such u n i t s . I t would seem more reasonable t o assume i n -stead t h a t the b r a i n s t o r e s a l i m i t e d number of phoneme-like u n i t s . Kozhevnikov et a l ' s model, d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e c e d i n g paragraphs, may a c t u a l l y be d e s c r i b i n g the i n p u t u n i t s t o a -20-l e v e l of o r g a n i z a t i o n lower than the n e u r a l l e v e l . Thus, i t would s t i l l be p o s s i b l e f o r the b a s i c u n i t at the n e u r a l l e v e l to be phoneme-sized. I f t h a t i s the case, t h e r e are two poss-i b i l i t i e s f o r the f u r t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n of these phoneme-sized u n i t s : 1) they c o u l d be o r g a n i z e d i n t o s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s at some lower l e v e l and then sent i n t h a t form as commands to the motor system; ( T h i s would correspond to Kozhevnikov et a l ' s model as i t was m o d i f i e d above.) 2) they c o u l d be sent t o the motor system as i n v a r i a n t phoneme commands w i t h no r e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o s y l l a b l e -l i k e u n i t s at any l e v e l above the motor l e v e l . T h i s second p o s s i b i l i t y forms the f o u n d a t i o n of a number of other models of speech p r o d u c t i o n . Henke,as c i t e d by D a n i l o f f & Moll(1968),, proposed a b a s i c phoneme-sized u n i t which had a f i n i t e s e t of f e a t u r e s t h a t v a r i e d d i s c r e t e l y i n time and were independent of c o n t e x t . Thus each a r t i c u l a t o r i n v o l v e d i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of a given phoneme had a c e r t a i n v a l u e , w h i l e those u n i n v o l v e d were of n e u t r a l v a l u e . Henke hypot h e s i z e d a forward-scanning system to account f o r some c o a r t i c u l a t i o n phenomena. When an a r t i c -u l a t o r concluded an a c t i v i t y , the n e u r a l system looked ahead t o determine the next r e q u i r e d p o s i t i o n of t h a t a r t i c u l a t o r and then began to move toward t h a t p o s i t i o n as l o n g as i n t e r -v e n i ng phonemes had no s p e c i f i e d v a l u e as f a r as t h a t a r t i c -u l a t o r was concerned. I n t h i s way, the manner i n v/hich a p a r t i c u l a r phoneme was r e a l i z e d a f f e c t e d the manner i n which -21-the immediately p r e c e d i n g phonemes were r e a l i z e d . The system was a l s o . a f f e c t e d by the i n e r t i a of the a r t i c u l a t o r s which c o u l d not move from past p o s i t i o n s t o new r e q u i r e d p o s i t i o n s q u i c k l y enough. I n t h i s way, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e a l i z a -t i o n of the pr e c e d i n g phoneme a f f e c t e d the r e a l i z a t i o n of the f o l l o w i n g phonemes. Another c o n s i d e r a t i o n was t h a t not a l l the a r t i c u l a t o r s c o u l d move, at the same time , from the p l a c e of a r t i c u l a t i o n of one phoneme t o t h a t of another. Thus t h e i r movements had t o be sequenced. The above-mentioned f a c t o r s r e s u l t e d i n c o n s i d e r a b l e o v e r l a p p i n g of a r t i c u l a t o r movement and t h e r e f o r e i n a l a c k of a one-to-one correspondence between a r t i c u l a t o r movement and the phone produced. Henke claimed t h a t t h e r e was never any b l e n d i n g of f e a t u r e v a l u e s . Henke's model appears t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the hy p o t h e s i s t h a t phoneme commands t o the motor system are i n v a r i a n t and t h a t t h e r e i s no, r e o r g a n i z a t i o n a t h i g h e r l e v e l s i n t o s y l l a b l e -l i k e u n i t s . Any m o d i f i c a t i o n of the phoneme command took p l a c e a t the motor l e v e l and Henke claimed t h a t the u n i t s of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n would v a r y depending on the a r t i c u l a t o r s and f e a t u r e s i n v o l v e d . Amerman, D a n i l o f f and M o l l (1970) supported Henke 1s model i n h i s p o s t u l a t i o n of d i s c r e t e - v a l u e d a r t i c u l a t o r y f e a t u r e s . They found t h a t the jaw c o u l d take on thr e e d i s -c r e t e degrees of opening. T h e i r d a t a was a l s o f a i r l y w e l l p r e d i c t e d by Henke's model w h i l e o n l y p a r t i a l l y supported by the model proposed by Kozhevnikov et a l . M o l l and D a n i l o f f (1971) found t h a t t h e i r d a t a on the -22-t i m i n g of v e l a r movements was a l s o b e t t e r p r e d i c t e d by Henke's model than by Kozhevnikov et a l " s model. I n f a c t , M o l l and D a n i l o f f f e l t t h a t t h e i r r e s u l t s l e d them t o qu e s t i o n very s e r i o u s l y the v a l i d i t y of u s i n g a CV type of s y l l a b l e as the b a s i c u n i t of speech o r g a n i z a t i o n a t the n e u r a l l e v e l . They f e l t t h a t a model based on phoneme-sized u n i t s was of. g r e a t e r v a l u e . flhman (1966) r e p o r t e d , as s t a t e d above (p. U ) , t h a t a VCV (C — a stop consonant; V — a vowel) u t t e r a n c e c o n s i s t e d of a dip h t h o n g a l g e s t u r e , from the i n i t i a l to the f i n a l vowel, on which was superimposed an independently processed consonant g e s t u r e . Thus the vowel and consonant gestures were the r e s u l t of separate and i n v a r i a n t phoneme commands w i t h m o d i f i c a t i o n s II o c c u r r i n g a t the motor l e v e l . Ohman (1967) s t a t e d : ...the same motor command may be used t o b r i n g about the consonant gesture i n the d i f f e r e n t vowel c o n t e x t s , but the d i v e r s e VT [ v o c a l t r a c t ] shapes t h a t r e s u l t are mi x t u r e s of those of the consonant w i t h those of the v a r y i n g vowel c o n t e x t , (p. 310) Thus w h i l e the stop gesture was bei n g produced, the p a r t s of the v o c a l t r a c t unnecessary f o r i t s p r o d u c t i o n took on the shape of the i n i t i a l and f i n a l vowels. MacNeilage and DeClerk (1969) a l s o p o s t u l a t e d t h a t the phoneme commands t h a t reached the motor system were i n v a r i a n t . I n c a r r y i n g out these commands, the motor system produced modi-f i c a t i o n s a c c o r d i n g t o c o n t e x t u a l d i f f e r e n c e s v i a t h r e e poss-i b l e mechanisms. The a n t i c i p a t o r y mechanism would account f o r the r i g h t - t o - l e f t context e f f e c t s mentioned b e f o r e . I n t h i s mechanism, the amount of muscle c o n t r a c t i o n produced d u r i n g a -23-phoneme was m o d i f i e d i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the amount of con-t r a c t i o n which would be r e q u i r e d by the f o l l o w i n g phoneme command. They a l s o suggested t h a t t h i s a n t i c i p a t o r y a c t i o n c o u l d i n v o l v e i n h i b i t i o n of some muscles i n so f a r as they were a n t a g o n i s t i c to l a t e r movements. The c o m p a t i b i l i t y mechanism would e x p l a i n l e f t - t o - r i g h t context e f f e c t s . T h i s mechanism would modify the amount of muscle c o n t r a c t i o n p r o -duced d u r i n g a phoneme t o make i t compatible w i t h the amount of c o n t r a c t i o n which had been r e q u i r e d by the p r e c e d i n g pho-neme command. A t h i r d mechanism, the gamma-loop mechanism, i n v o l v e d muscle s p i n d l e s which would cause a muscle to be ad-j u s t e d to a c e r t a i n l e n g t h by a g i v e n command r e g a r d l e s s of how lon g the muscle was before the command was g i v e n . I n t h i way, phoneme t a r g e t p o s i t i o n s c o u l d be approximated r e g a r d l e s Of p r e v i o u s p o s i t i o n s . MacNeilage and DeClerk f e l t , however, t h a t t h e i r model of i n v a r i a n t phoneme commands m o d i f i e d a t the motor l e v e l by the above t h r e e mechanisms, c o u l d not account f o r a l l t h e i r d a t a . They suggested t h a t somesthetic feedback i n f o r m a t i o n may be another mechanism of m o d i f i c a t i o n . They a l s o acknow-ledged the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the commands r e a c h i n g the motor system may be organ i z e d t o some degree i n terms of s y l l a b i c f a c t o r s . They f e l t , however, t h a t i f t h i s were p o s s i b l e , i t would be more l i k e l y t h a t CV, and not OVC, would be produced by means of s y l l a b i c commands. Supposing t h a t the u n i t s s t o r e d at the n e u r a l l e v e l are phoneme-sized, there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y , not mentioned i n the -24-above models, t h a t phoneme-sized u n i t s are organ i z e d i n t o l a r g e r u n i t s at some l e v e l above the motor system. Thus the commands r e a c h i n g the motor system would not be " i n v a r i a n t phoneme commands" but r a t h e r commands i n v o l v i n g s e v e r a l pho-nemes org a n i z e d as u n i t s , perhaps s i m i l a r t o those found i n the c o a r t i c u l a t i o n s t u d i e s mentioned i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t the commands f o r these l a r g e r - t h a n -phoneme-sized u n i t s t h a t r e a c h the motor l e v e l may be s l i g h t l y m o d i f i e d a t the motor l e v e l . At any r a t e , t h i s suggests an a l t e r n a t i v e t o the model t h a t proposes t h a t commands r e a c h i n g the motor system are i n terms of phoneme-sized u n i t s . The s i z e of the b a s i c u n i t of speech p r o d u c t i o n i s one f a c t o r t o c o n s i d e r i n the development of a model of speech p r o d u c t i o n . A second f a c t o r i s concerned w i t h the c o n t r o l o f n e u r a l commands. Two systems i n v o l v i n g t h i s aspect of pro -d u c t i o n have been suggested. One i s comb or open-loop c o n t r o l and the other i s c h a i n or cl o s e d - l o o p c o n t r o l . I n open-loop c o n t r o l , n e u r a l commands t o the a r t i c u l a t o r s are sent out a t c e r t a i n s e t i n t e r v a l s p r e v i o u s l y determined by the c e n t r a l nervous system and c a r r i e d out without i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the r e s u l t s o f p r e v i o u s commands. Kozhevnikov et a l (1965), who claimed t h a t the " a r t i c u l a t o r y s y l l a b l e " was the b a s i c u n i t of a r t i c u l a t i o n , suggested t h a t the commands f o r s y l l a b l e s were sent out i n t h i s manner. T h i s would r e q u i r e the storage of i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g every p o s s i b l e s e r i e s of movements an a r t i c u l a t o r may be c a l l e d upon t o make. MacNeilage, Krones and Hanson (1969) commented: -25-...a s o l e l y open-loop p r o d u c t i o n system -would r e q u i r e the a p r i o r i storage of an i m p l a u s i b l y l a r g e amount of movement con-t r o l i n f o r m a t i o n . (p. 2) I n c l o s e d - l o o p c o n t r o l , feedback i n f o r m a t i o n i s used to r e g u l a t e the t i m i n g w i t h which n e u r a l commands are i s s u e d . Feedback i n the form of a f f e r e n t impulses r e t u r n i n g w i t h somesthetic i n f o r m a t i o n from the a r t i c u l a t o r s would then be-come the s i g n a l f o r the i s s u i n g of the next command. ( I t seems u n l i k e l y t h a t a u d i t o r y feedback i n f o r m a t i o n i s used i n the c o n t r o l of running speech s i n c e speech movements begin before t h e i r a c o u s t i c e f f e c t s and the n e u r a l impulses con-t r o l l i n g muscles occur before speech movements.) I t has been ob j e c t e d t h a t an e f f e r e n t n e u r a l impulse leaves the c e n t r a l nervous system before the a f f e r e n t impulse has time t o r e t u r n w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the f u l l r e s u l t s of the p r e v i o u s e f f e r e n t impulse. However, i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the c e n t r a l nervous system can a c t on the b a s i s of p r e l i m i n a r y i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e before the completion of the p r e c e d i n g movement. A f u r t h e r o b j e c t i o n t o c l o s e d - l o o p c o n t r o l i s t h a t i t does not f u l l y e x p l a i n c o a r t i c u l a t i o n phenomena. Closed-loop c o n t r o l would e x p l a i n how a phoneme may be m o d i f i e d by f e e d -back i n f o r m a t i o n concerning the immediately p r e c e d i n g phone, but would not e x p l a i n how phonemes are m o d i f i e d by a f o l l o w i n g phoneme. However, the above o b j e c t i o n a p p l i e s o n l y i f coar-t i c u l a t i o n phenomena are due to h i g h l e v e l e f f e c t s and not i f they are due t o f a c t o r s such as mechanical i n e r t i a , l i m i t a t i o n s i n the response c a p a c i t y of the muscle system, or o v e r l a p p i n g i n time of the e f f e c t s of s u c c e s s i v e commands. -26-R e s u l t s of the study by MacNeilage, Krones and Hanson (1969), which was c i t e d above, lend some support t o the hy-p o t h e s i s of c l o s e d - l o o p c o n t r o l f o r the i n i t i a t i o n of jaw movement d u r i n g speech. But evidence f o r continued c l o s e d -loop c o n t r o l throughout an u t t e r a n c e i s weak. There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t both systems may be i n opera-t i o n s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . T h i s i d e a c o u l d be a p p l i e d t o the " a r -t i c u l a t o r y s y l l a b l e " of Kozhevnikov et a l (1965). Glosed-loop c o n t r o l may be i n e f f e c t w i t h i n the s y l l a b l e , i n the sequencing of i t s i n d i v i d u a l movements, w h i l e open-loop con-t r o l a f f e c t s the g e n e r a t i o n of the s y l l a b l e as a whole. MacNeilage's (1970) h y p o t h e s i s may a l s o be i n t e r p r e t e d as i n -v o l v i n g both systems. An open-loop mechanism may i s s u e a context-independent command f o r an a r t i c u l a t o r t o r e a c h a c e r -t a i n p o s i t i o n w h i l e a c l o s e d - l o o p mechanism may sample the on-going p r o g r e s s of t h a t a r t i c u l a t o r and a d j u s t the command ac-c o r d i n g l y . Although evidence f a v o r i n g e i t h e r open- or c l o s e d - l o o p c o n t r o l d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n of speech i s minimal, t h e r e i s some evidence f o r the use of feedback i n g e n e r a l . Fromkin (1966) found l e s s electromyographic a c t i v i t y f o r rounded vowels f o l l o w i n g the b i l a b i a l stop /b/ than when f o l l o w i n g the n o n - b i l a b i a l stop /d/. Feedback may have been used t o d e t e r -mine t h a t the o r b i c u l a r i s o r i s muscle was a l r e a d y p a r t i a l l y i n p o s i t i o n f o r the vowel. Ohala (1970), i n a study of jaw movement, found t h a t the r e t u r n v e l o c i t y of the jaw was not j u s t an automatic r e s u l t of how f a r open the jaw was, but a l s o depended on the nature of the f o l l o w i n g consonantal c l o s u r e . He p o s t u l a t e d the use of short-term feedback to make quick adjustments of a r t i c u l a t o r y movement. Kozhevnikov et a l (1965) suggested the probable use of shor t - t e r m k i n e s t h e t i c and s u r f a c e s e n s a t i o n feedback. I n measuring the i n t e r v a l between two s u c c e s s i v e , n o n - c o n t r a d i c t o r y consonant stops (ex. VptV) they found t h a t the i n t e r v a l c o u l d be ve r y s m a l l but t h a t the two c l o s u r e s never oc c u r r e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y or out of sequence. They concluded t h a t the p r e c i s e t i m i n g and the maintenance of c o r r e c t order suggested t h a t the n e u r a l impulses f o r the two c l o s u r e s were not independent, but t h a t the p r o d u c t i o n of the second c l o s u r e depended on feedback i n -f o r m a t i o n concerning the f i r s t c l o s u r e . L e h i s t e ' s (1971) f i n d i n g of temporal compensation between the two p o r t i o n s of a VC u n i t i n m o n o s y l l a b i c words c o u l d a l s o be i n t e r p r e t e d i n terms of feedback, i . e . the l e n g t h of the second p o r t i o n may be a d j u s t e d a c c o r d i n g t o feedback i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the l e n g t h of the f i r s t p o r t i o n i n such a way t h a t the u n i t as a whole i s of r e l a t i v e l y i n v a r i a n t l e n g t h . A f u r t h e r f a c t o r t o c o n s i d e r i n the development of a model of speech p r o d u c t i o n i n v o l v e s the t i m i n g of n e u r a l commands t o the motor system. I n c o n s i d e r i n g a s i n g l e n e u r a l pathway, i t i s evident t h a t n e u r a l impulses along t h a t p a t h -way must be i s s u e d s e q u e n t i a l l y . C o n t r o l of t h i s may be v i a e i t h e r an open- or c l o s e d - l o o p system. Movement of any a r t i c -u l a t o r i n v o l v e s , however, the t r a n s m i s s i o n of impulses al o n g many paths. C o o r d i n a t i o n of impulses then becomes imp o r t a n t . Two p o s s i b l e t i m i n g mechanisms come t o mind. I n synchronous t i m i n g , a l l impulses are i s s u e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . Due t o -28-d i f f e r e n c e s i n the l e n g t h of the pathways and the speed w i t h which impulses can t r a v e l along them, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t these impulses would a r r i v e at t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n simultaneous-l y . Thus i t would seem improbable t h a t they c o u l d produce a u n i f i e d and s p e c i f i c a r t i c u l a t o r movement. I n s e q u e n t i a l t i m i n g , impulses are not i s s u e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , but are tem-p o r a l l y spaced i n such a manner t h a t they r e a c h t h e i r d e s t i n a -t i o n s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o produce the d e s i r e d a r t i c u l a t o r move-ment. T h i s second p o s s i b i l i t y seems more l i k e l y . However, ver y l i t t l e r e s e a r c h has been conducted i n t h i s a rea and much more knowledge i s r e q u i r e d before the b r a i n ' s t i m i n g of n e u r a l impulses i s understood. CHAPTER 3 AIMS OP THE EXPERIMENT The major aims of t h i s experiment are as f o l l o w s : 1 . To i n v e s t i g a t e v a r i o u s aspects of the upper l i p p r o -t r u s i o n gesture as i t occurs d u r i n g s e l e c t e d Prench u t t e r a n c e s . I n c l u d e d are such f a c t o r s as extent of p r o t r u s i o n ; v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e ; time r e q u i r e d f o r completion of the g e s t u r e ; comparison of / u / and / y / w i t h r e g a r d to the above f a c t o r s ; d i f f e r e n c e s i n movement toward the p r o t r u s i o n t a r g e t and r e t r a c t i o n from the p r o t r u s i o n t a r g e t ; and the e f f e c t of s t r e s s and r a t e of speech on the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . 2. To determine where, i n a consonant c l u s t e r p r e c e d i n g a a rounded vowel, the p r o t r u s i o n gesture b e g i n s . As d i s c u s s e d i n S e c t i o n 2.3, some s t u d i e s had shown t h a t the i n f l u e n c e of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began at some p o i n t w i t h i n the f i r s t consonant o f the consonant c l u s t e r . (Kozhevnikov et a l , 1 9 6 5 ; D a n i l o f f and M o l l , 1 9 6 8 . ) These s t u d i e s were c a r r i e d out i n Ru s s i a n and E n g l i s h . Another study ( P e r k e l l , 1 9 6 9 ) , i n E n g l i s h , showed t h a t the i n f l u e n c e of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began e a r l i e r — w i t h the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant. (Note, however, t h a t the "consonant c l u s t e r " i n v o l v e d o n l y one consonant.) The pre s e n t experiment i s an attempt t o determine the extent of the i n f l u e n c e of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture on a p r e c e d i n g consonant c l u s t e r i n French. I t w i l l -29--30-be of i n t e r e s t to note whether or not the r e s u l t s w i l l be s i m i l a r t o those found i n the other languages mentioned above. An attempt w i l l a l s o be made to r e l a t e any co-a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s found t o p o s s i b l e models of speech p r o d u c t i o n . CHAPTER 4 EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES AND APPARATUS 4.1 Determination of Upper L i p P r o t r u s i o n as the Parameter  of I n v e s t i g a t i o n P i l m s from a p r e v i o u s c o a r t i c u l a t i o n study, done by Roberts (1972) and i n v o l v i n g measurement of lower l i p p r o -t r u s i o n , were a v a i l a b l e . Segments from a number of these f i l m s were analyzed t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n about upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n and t o determine whether t h i s measurement c o u l d p r o v i d e d a t a not o b t a i n a b l e from measurements of lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n . Segments from f i l m s of two French speakers were chosen and upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n was measured u s i n g the same method Roberts used t o measure lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n . Comparison of the two methods of measurement and the r e s u l t s obtained by them are d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n . For the two French speakers, upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n appeared t o be a b e t t e r measurement i n t h a t the upper l i p p r o t r u d e d f u r t h e r than d i d the lower l i p . F or example, i n one i n s t a n c e , the upper l i p p r o t r u d e d 17 mm. w h i l e the lower l i p p r o t r u d e d 9.6 mm. T h i s d i f f e r e n c e between.the two l i p s i s i l l u s t r a t e d f o r one speaker i n F i g u r e 4 . 1 . For t h i s same speaker, p r o t r u s i o n of the lower l i p f o r / s / and / z / was seldom accompanied by p r o t r u s i o n of the upper l i p . F i g u r e 4.1 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s l a t t e r p o i n t f o r / s / . The f i r s t measurements were c a r r i e d out on the u t t e r a n c e s -31-upper l i p lower l i p : : 1 t (sec) F i g u r e 4-.1 Comparison of upper and lower l i p p r o -t r u s i o n f o r one of the French speakers, f o r the u t t e r a n c e " c e t t ( e ) goug(e) r o u g ( e ) " . (Data o b t a i n e d from Roberts' (1972) f i l m s . ) •52-P (mm) -33-"une s i n i s t r e s t r i c t u r e " ( / y n s i n i s t r s t r i k t y r / ) and "une s i n i s t r e s t r u c t u r e " ( / y n s i n i s t r s t r y k t y r / ) as produced by the two speakers, and attempted to determine where i n a consonant c l u s t e r the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r the f o l l o w i n g rounded vowel began. A c c o r d i n g t o Roberts' lower l i p measurements of the above u t t e r a n c e s as produced by one of the speakers: ...rounding does not s t a r t at the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r ^ p r e c e d i n g the vowel but at some p o i n t w i t h i n the c l u s t e r , (p. 69) A c c o r d i n g t o upper l i p measurements, however, i t began e a r l i e r : w i t h i n the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r f o r the speaker d i s c u s s e d by Roberts above (see F i g u r e 4.2) and d u r i n g the vowel p r e c e d i n g the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r f o r the second speaker. These r e s u l t s suggest t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r a rounded vowel preceded by a consonant c l u s t e r may begin even e a r l i e r than was found by Kozhevnikov (1965) and D a n i l o f f and M o l l (1968). There i s a l s o the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t a VCV u n i t may be the b a s i c u n i t of speech p r o d u c t i o n at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l . (A b a s i c VCV u n i t has been h y p o t h e s i z e d by P e r k e l l (1969) and by Carney and M o l l (1971)). The above r e s u l t s , however, show o n l y the e f f e c t of a rounded vowel on pr e c e d i n g consonants and i n d i c a t e n o t h i n g of i t s e f f e c t on f o l l o w i n g consonants. A f u r t h e r problem v/ith t h i s h y p o t h e s i z e d VCV u n i t i s t h a t many u t t e r a n c e s cannot be segmented i n t o d i s c r e t e VCV u n i t s without c e r t a i n vowels o v e r l a p p i n g and appearing i n adjacent u n i t s . The / s t r s t r / c l u s t e r i n t h i s i n s t a n c e . -34--p (mm) upper l i p — — lower l i p X |y|n| s | i | n | i |s |t| r | s |t (r| y | k |fc| y | r -| t (sec) F i g u r e 4-.2 Comparison of upper and lower l i p p r o -t r u s i o n f o r the u t t e r a n c e "une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " . (Data, o b t a i n e d from R o b e r t s 1 (1972) f i l m s . ) -35-The second set of measurements i n v o l v e d the e f f e c t of s t r e s s on the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . Roberts concluded t h a t : 1. Amount of p r o t r u s i o n , d u r a t i o n of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e , and d u r a t i o n of the vov/el a l l i n c r e a s e d w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n s t r e s s . 2. Exifcremum p r o t r u s i o n time was u n a f f e c t e d by s t r e s s and always occurred w i t h i n the vowel. A n a l y s i s of upper l i p measurements r e s u l t e d i n s i m i l a r con-c l u s i o n s r e g a r d i n g the e f f e c t of s t r e s s on the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . Although a l i m i t e d number of u t t e r a n c e s were s t u d i e d , t h e r e appeared t o be some advantages t o u s i n g upper l i p measurements r a t h e r than lower l i p measurements. The problem of i n t e r f e r i n g p r o t r u s i o n on / s / , v/hich occurs f o r lower l i p measurement, was avoided. There were a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r -ences i n the r e s u l t s o b t a i n e d from the two measurements when c o n s i d e r i n g the p o i n t , d u r i n g a p r e c e d i n g consonant c l u s t e r , at which the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r a rounded vowel began. However, t h e r e appeared t o be no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the r e s u l t s obtained from the measures when c o n s i d e r i n g the e f f e c t of s t r e s s . The above r e s u l t s suggested t h a t i t would perhaps be more p r o f i t a b l e t o i n v e s t i g a t e upper, r a t h e r than lower, l i p p r o t r u s i o n . There was one f u r t h e r t e c h n i c a l reason f o r the choice of i n v e s t i g a t i n g upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n . Lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n has t o be measured r e l a t i v e t o a moving jaw. The apparatus designed f o r measurement of lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n was h e l d on -36-the jaw by a s t r a p around the top of the head. T h i s e x e r t e d a f o r c e on the jaw, p r e v e n t i n g i t from moving f r e e l y at the m a x i l a r a r t i c u l a t i o n . T h i s was judged to be u n d e s i r a b l e and p o s s i b l y harmful t o the r e s u l t s of the experiment. The ap-para t u s a v a i l a b l e f o r measurement of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n avoided these d i f f i c u l t i e s . I t was h e l d i n p l a c e by a s t r a p around the forehead and l i p p r o t r u s i o n was measured r e l a t i v e t o the head, which was s t a t i o n a r y . S u b j e c t s were asked not to r a i s e t h e i r eyebrows as t h i s s h i f t e d the p o s i t i o n of the apparatus. 4.2 S u b j e c t s S i x s u b j e c t s , a l l n a t i v e speakers of French, were i n -v o l v e d i n t h i s experiment. Subject #1 was born and l i v e d i n Lausanne, S w i t z e r l a n d , u n t i l coming t o No r t h America 13 years ago. S u b j e c t #2 was born near P a r i s and l i v e d t h e r e u n t i l she came t o Canada a few weeks before p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h i s experiment. Subject #3 was born i n Northern Prance, but had spent most of her l i f e i n Southern Prance. She had been i n Canada f o r 6 months. Su b j e c t #4 was born and l i v e d i n Northern France u n t i l coming t o Canada 6 months ago. Subject #5 was born i n the South-West of France and had l i v e d i n s e v e r a l p a r t s of Southern France before coming to North America 8 years ago. Subject #6 was a l s o born i n the South-West of France and l i v e d t h e r e u n t i l coming t o North America 1# years ago. Three of the s u b j e c t s were l i n g u i s t i c a l l y n a i v e w h i l e the other t h r e e a l l had some t r a i n i n g i n l i n g u i s t i c s and p h o n e t i c s . -37-4.3 Recording of Data 4.31 Apparatus F i g u r e 4.3 shows a schematic diagram of the apparatus used f o r r e c o r d i n g the d a t a . S u b j e c t s were p l a c e d i n a wooden frame w i t h head h e l d i n p o s i t i o n to minimize movement. A 4" by p h o t o c e l l (Vactec S50 LB) was i n c o r p o r a t e d , i n t o a headpiece, worn by the s u b j e c t i n the manner i l l u s t r a t e d i n F i g u r e 4.4. The p o s i t i o n of the p h o t o c e l l c o u l d be a d j u s t e d f o r each s u b j e c t i n a plane p a r a l l e l t o the s a g i t t a l p l a n e , on the s i d e of the s u b j e c t ' s head, i n such a way t h a t the l o n g i -t u d i n a l a x i s of the p h o t o c e l l was i n the plane of upper l i p movement. A 35 Dim. s l i d e p r o j e c t o r , p l a c e d approximately 8 f e e t from the s u b j e c t , p r o j e c t e d a beam of l i g h t through a .5 mm.by .5 mm. hole i n a s l i d e . T h i s beam of l i g h t was focused i n the plane of the p h o t o c e l l . Upper l i p movement, ca u s i n g v a r i a t i o n s i n the amount of l i g h t f a l l i n g on the p h o t o c e l l , produced v a r i a t i o n s i n the c u r r e n t e m i t t e d by the p h o t o c e l l . The amount of c u r r e n t present at the n e u t r a l or r e s t p o s i t i o n of the upper l i p was c a n c e l l e d by an a d j u s t a b l e c u r r e n t i n j e c t o r at the i n p u t of the DC a m p l i f i e r which thus gave a zero output v o l t a g e f o r an upper l i p p o s i t i o n corresponding r o u g h l y t o r e s t p o s i t i o n . The e l e c t r i c a l s i g n a l was a m p l i f i e d by the DC a m p l i f i e r and then recorded on one channel of a s i x - c h a n n e l Siemens O s c i l l o m i n k l i q u i d j e t r e c o r d e r . The speech wave was p i c k e d up by a dynamic microphone p l a c e d approximately 12" from the s u b j e c t ' s mouth, and, a f t e r P r o j e c t o r Microphone Wooden Frame P h o t o c e l l DC ^ A m p l i f i e r Duplex O s c i l l o g r a m Speech Power C i r c u i t 7» O s c i l l o m i n k Graphic Recorder 1 2 i CO I F i g u r e 4.3 Schematic diagram of the apparatus used f o r r e c o r d i n g the da t a . - 4 0 -s u i t a b l e a m p l i f i c a t i o n , was d i s p l a y e d on another channel of the O s c i l l o m i n k graphic r e c o r d e r . Two more speech s i g n a l s , d e r i v e d from the microphone s i g n a l , were a l s o d i s p l a y e d by the graphic r e c o r d e r . They were the duplex o s c i l l o g r a m and the l o g i n t e n s i t y of the speech s i g n a l . The purpose of these two s i g n a l s was t o help i n the segmentation of the mingograms. The speech wave was a l s o recorded on one channel of a two-channel Revox tape r e c o r d e r at 7#" P e r sec. and was l a t e r used to a i d i n t r a n s c r i p t i o n of the u t t e r a n c e s . Thus the mingogram obtained d i s p l a y e d the f o l l o w i n g f o u r signals*. Channel 1 - speech wave Channel 2 - duplex o s c i l l o g r a m Channel 3 - p h o t o c e l l s i g n a l , i n d i c a t i n g r e l a t i v e amount of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n . Channel 5 - l o g i n t e n s i t y of the speech s i g n a l A t y p i c a l mingogram o b t a i n e d i n t h i s experiment i s shown i n F i g u r e 4.5- The h i g h frequency o s c i l l a t i o n v i s i b l e i n the p r o t r u s i o n t r a c e was due t o the f a c t t h a t the p r o j e c t o r operated on an AC power supply. A l i n e was drawn through the midpoint of the o s c i l l a t i n g t r a c e . 4.32 Utterances The u t t e r a n c e s which each s u b j e c t was asked t o produce f e l l i n t o 5 c a t e g o r i e s : 1. Vowel-consonant-vowel sequences i n v o l v i n g a l l p o s s i b l e combinations of the 3 vowels / i , u , y / and the 12 consonants /p,b,t,d,k,g,s,z,m,n,r,l/. 2. " S t r e s s " u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g 4 sentences repeated 4 times, each time a t an i n c r e a s e d l e v e l of s t r e s s . -41-Speech Wave Duplex Oscillogram P h o t o c e l l S i g n a l Log I n t e n s i t y of Speech S i g n a l Figure 4 . 5 A t y p i c a l mingogram with segmentation completed. -42-3. "Rate" u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g 2 sentences repeated 4- t i m e s , each time at an i n c r e a s e d r a t e . 4. Utterances i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r s / s t r s t r , r s k r , r s t r , k s t r / f o l l o w e d by e i t h e r a rounded or an unrounded vowel. Word boundaries were p l a c e d at v a r i o u s p l a c e s w i t h i n the c l u s t e r s and u t t e r a n c e s were randomized. S u b j e c t s repeated each u t t e r a n c e at l e a s t t w i c e . 5. Utterances i n v o l v i n g the sequence / i u / , w i t h i n the same word or separated (a) by a word boundary, (b) by a s i n g l e consonant, or (c) by both a consonant and a word boundary, i n e i t h e r o r d e r . The Appendix c o n t a i n s a l i s t of a l l the u t t e r a n c e s , except f o r the vowel-consonant-vowel sequences. 4.33 C a l i b r a t i o n of L i p P r o t r u s i o n S i g n a l L i n e a r i t y between the l i g h t i n p u t and the p h o t o c e l l out-put was checked by c o r r e l a t i n g changes i n the amount of l i g h t f a l l i n g on the p h o t o c e l l w i t h changes i n the p h o t o c e l l output as measured on the mingogram p r o t r u s i o n t r a c e . Value of the Pearson Product-Moment C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t between these two measures was .999. Onset time of the p h o t o c e l l was l e s s than .5 msec, and the alignment of the 4 mingogram t r a c e s was w i t h i n .5 msec. A photographic method of measuring changes i n l i p p r o t r u s i o n would i n v o l v e measuring the d i s t a n c e between two p o i n t s of extremum p r o t r u s i o n . The o b j e c t i o n t o t h i s method was t h a t the p o i n t on the l i p t h a t i s at the p l a c e of extremum p r o t r u s i o n -43-a t one time, may not be the same as the p o i n t - t h a t i s a t the p l a c e o f extremum p r o t r u s i o n a t ano t h e r t i m e . The p h o t o c e l l t e c h n i q u e used i n the p r e s e n t experiment appeared t o reduce the p r o b a b l e e r r o r o f the above method s i n c e i t i n t e g r a t e d o r averaged l i p p o s i t i o n r a t h e r than r e s p o n d i n g o n l y t o a s i n g l e v a r i a b l e p o i n t o f extremum p r o t r u s i o n . Thus, measurements of changes i n l i p p r o t r u s i o n i n t h i s experiment were a c t u a l l y measurements o f changes i n averaged l i p p r o t r u s i o n . 4.4 A n a l y s i s o f Data F o l l o w i n g the r e c o r d i n g s e s s i o n , u t t e r a n c e s were f i r s t t r a n s c r i b e d , u s i n g the tape r e c o r d i n g and the mingogram. Segmentation of the u t t e r a n c e s , as t h e y appeared g r a p h i c a l l y on the mingogram, was a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h the a i d o f the speech s i g n a l , the d u p l e x o s c i l l o g r a m , and the speech power s i g n a l . Once segmentation was completed, the r e l a t i v e amount o f upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g each p a r t o f the u t t e r a n c e was d i r e c t l y e v i d e n t on t h e mingogram, s i n c e the d i s p l a y o f upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n was s y n c h r o n i z e d w i t h the t h r e e o t h e r d i s p l a y s . F i g u r e 4 .5 shows a .mingogram w i t h segmentation completed. The p o i n t o f p r o t r u s i o n onset was determined by f i t t i n g a 5-segment l i n e (aAOEFf) t o the p r o t r u s i o n curve i n the f o l l o w i n g manner: ( F i g u r e 4.6) 1. Two p a r a l l e l b a s e l i n e s , one a t the minimum and the o t h e r a t the maximum p o i n t o f p r o t r u s i o n , were drawn. ( L i n e s a and b) 2 . A l i n e t a n g e n t t o the p r o t r u s i o n c u r v e , a p p r o x i m a t e l y h a l f -44-l i n e f i t t e d t o p r o -t r u s i o n curve (aACEFf) — p r o t r u s i o n curve c f F i g u r e 4.6 Diagram of method of d e t e r m i n i n g onset of p r o t r u s i o n . -45-way through the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e , was drawn. ( L i n e c) 3. The b i s e c t o r of the angle ADO was drawn. ( L i n e d) 4. A l i n e p e r p e n d i c u l a r t o d and tangent t o the lower p a r t of the p r o t r u s i o n curve was drawn. ( L i n e AG) 5- A second l i n e p e r p e n d i c u l a r t o d and tangent t o the upper p a r t of the p r o t r u s i o n curve was drawn. (Li n e EP) 6. P o i n t A was taken as the p o i n t of p r o t r u s i o n onset. I t was f e l t t h a t the above method r e s u l t e d i n a r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e approximation t o the p r o t r u s i o n curve and a more o b j e c t i v e i n d i c a t i o n of p r o t r u s i o n onset than would have been obtained by v i s u a l i n s p e c t i o n of the curve. I n a d d i t i o n , t h i s procedure can be r e p l i c a t e d by another observer w i t h good r e l i a b i l i t y . CHAPTER 5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 5.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s chapter p r e s e n t s and d i s c u s s e s the f i n d i n g s of the present experiment. S e c t i o n 5*2 d i s c u s s e s d i f f e r e n c e s among the s u b j e c t s and r e p e a t a b i l i t y w i t h i n s u b j e c t s . S e c t i o n 5.3 d i s c u s s e s i n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d from the VCV sequences. Va r i o u s aspects of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i t s e l f are d i s -cussed i n S e c t i o n 5*4. S e c t i o n s 5«5 and 5.6 d e a l , r e s p e c t i v e l y , w i t h the e f f e c t of s t r e s s and the e f f e c t of r a t e of speech on the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . S e c t i o n 5.7 d i s c u s s e s the p o i n t where p r o t r u s i o n began d u r i n g u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g consonant c l u s t e r s . 5.2 I n t e r - and I n t r a - S u b j e c t D i f f e r e n c e s Placement of the p h o t o c e l l was a d j u s t e d f o r each s u b j e c t as d e s c r i b e d i n S e c t i o n 4 .31. Due t o i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n amount of l i p movement, the g a i n f o r the p r o t r u s i o n s i g n a l was a d j u s t e d d i f f e r e n t l y f o r each s u b j e c t . Thus measures of amount of p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y of the movement were not d i r e c t l y comparable across s u b j e c t s , and no a n a l y s i s which r e q u i r e d d i r e c t comparison acr o s s s u b j e c t s was under-taken. Each s u b j e c t repeated each u t t e r a n c e an average of three times and, i n a l l cases, a t l e a s t two times. The p r o t r u s i o n -46--4-7-curves f o r repeated p r o d u c t i o n s of the same u t t e r a n c e were g e n e r a l l y the same w i t h o c c a s i o n a l minor v a r i a t i o n s i n amount of p r o t r u s i o n and i n time r e q u i r e d f o r completion of the whole u t t e r a n c e . 5.3 Vowel-Consonant-Vowel Sequences The main purpose of the VCV sequences was t o determine which, i f any, consonants had a s s o c i a t e d upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n . I t was found t h a t a l l s u b j e c t s e x h i b i t e d c o n s i d e r a b l e p ro-t r u s i o n f o r the b i l a b i a l consonants /p,b,m/. G e n e r a l l y , however, the amount of p r o t r u s i o n on these consonants was approximately 25-50$ l e s s than the amount of p r o t r u s i o n f o r the two rounded vowels, / u / and /y/. For the other con-sonants, any s l i g h t p r o t r u s i o n which was present was g e n e r a l l y w i t h i n the range of normal v a r i a b i l i t y as determined f o r each s u b j e c t on / u / and / y / of the VGV sequences. Since no b i - • l a b i a l consonants o c c u r r e d i n the segments of i n t e r e s t i n the u t t e r a n c e s used i n t h i s experiment, i t was assumed t h a t any p r o t r u s i o n movements observed d u r i n g these segments were due t o the rounded vowels / u / and /y/, and not t o any con-sonant w i t h i n the segment. The above r e s u l t s are i n agreement w i t h P e r k e l l ' s (1969) f i n d i n g s c oncerning upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n f o r b i l a b i a l con-sonants, but di s a g r e e concerning upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n f o r v e l a r consonants such as /k/. P e r k e l l had found a tendency toward p r o t r u s i o n f o r the u t t e r a n c e /heke/. I t must be noted, however, t h a t P e r k e l l ' s d a t a p e r t a i n t o E n g l i s h and are based on o n l y one s u b j e c t . -4-8-5.4- Aspects of the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture I t s e l f Maximum p r o t r u s i o n f o r /u/ and /y/ was measured on the VCV sequences. I t was found t h a t the maximum p r o t r u s i o n f o r /u/ was s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r than t h a t f o r /y/ as evidenced by a t - t e s t (p < .001). Measurements of the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture were made,on the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r s , by two d i f f e r e n t methods f o r each s u b j e c t . Measurements were taken u s i n g p a r t s of the 5-segment l i n e which had been f i t t e d t o each curve as d e s c r i b e d i n S e c t i o n 4-.4-. Absolute v e l o c i t y , as measured by method 1, was simply the change i n extent of p r o t r u s i o n per u n i t of time (v = A p / A t ) . ( See Fi g u r e 4-.6) R e l a t i v e v e l o c i t y , as measured by method 2, was more complex and i n d i c a t e d the percentage of maximum p r o t r u s i o n f o r a p a r t i c u l a r s u b j e c t which was reached per u n i t of time (v = ~ 2 — / A t ) . A p m a x was the value which ^Pmax had been obtained above f o r /u/, u s i n g the VCV sequences. I t was found t h a t the v e l o c i t y v a l u e s r e s u l t i n g from the two d i f f e r e n t measurement methods were h i g h l y c o r r e l a t e d f o r each s u b j e c t . P earson-r c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s were a l l s i g n i f i c a n t at or beyond the .001 l e v e l . T h e r e f o r e , f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture w i l l not d i s t i n g u i s h between the two methods of measurement. R e s u l t s of a t - t e s t (p < .05) showed t h a t the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r /u/, over a l l s u b j e c t s , was s i g n i f i c a n t l y l a r g e r than t h a t f o r /y/. However, a s i g -n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e was not always e v i d e n t when s u b j e c t s -49-were co n s i d e r e d i n d i v i d u a l l y . S i g n i f i c a n c e l e v e l s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t s were as f o l l o w s : Subject #1 N.S. Subject #4 p<.05 Subject #2 p< .1 S u b j e c t #5 p<.001 Subject #3 N.S. Subj e c t #6 N.S. Table 5.1 shows average v e l o c i t y v a l u e s over a l l s u b j e c t s f o r / u/ and / y / f o r the two consonant c l u s t e r s / r s t r / and / k s t r / . With the e x c e p t i o n of the / r # s t r / c l u s t e r , movement of the word boundary c l o s e r t o the end of the consonant c l u s t e r appeared to be accompanied by an i n c r e a s e i n the v e l o c i t y , of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . (See Table 5.1) A p o s s i b l e e x p l a -n a t i o n f o r the e x c e p t i o n i s the f a c t t h a t the / r # s t r / c l u s t e r was embedded i n an a d j e c t i v e + noun noun phrase w h i l e the other c l u s t e r s were embedded i n a noun + a d j e c t i v e noun phrase. I n t u i t i v e l y , an a d j e c t i v e + noun noun phrase would appear to be more cohesive than a noun + a d j e c t i v e noun phrase which c o u l d reasonably end a f t e r the noun. Perhaps t h i s cohesiveness has some e f f e c t on the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . At any r a t e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v e l o c i t y and placement of word boundaries has not been examined s t a t i s -i c a l l y and a l a r g e r sample s i z e w i l l be necessary before any c o n c l u s i v e statement can be made. The time r e q u i r e d f o r the upper l i p to reach the p o i n t of maximum p r o t r u s i o n was termed " t r a n s i t i o n time" and was measured, on the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g consonant c l u s t e r s , by A t . (See F i g u r e 4.6) Note t h a t t r a n s i t i o n time i n c l u d e d the major p o r t i o n of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e , though i t d i d not -50--Vr#stry- v = .385 - V r # s t r u - No Data - V r s # t r y - v = .321 - V r s # t r u - v = = .434 -Vrst#ry- V = .363 - V r s t # r u - V = = .520 -Vk#stry- V = .357 -Vk#stru- No Data -Vkstr#y- V = .419 -Vkstr#u- = .580 Table 5.1 Average v e l o c i t y ( i n percentage of maximum p r o t r u s i o n reached per u n i t of time) of t h e ' p r o t r u s i o n gesture over a l l s u b j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t to placement o f word boundary and p r o d u c t i o n of / y / or /u/. -Vr#stry- t = .171 sec. - V r # s t r u - No Data - v r s # t r y - t = .179 sec . - V r s # t r u - t = .195 sec. - V r s t # r y - t = .174 sec. - V r s t # r u - t = .182 sec. -Vk#stry- t = .177 sec . -Vk#stru- No Data -Vkstr#y- t = .150 sec. -Vkstr#u- t = .161 sec. Table 5-2 Average t r a n s i t i o n time f o r p r o t r u s i o n gesture over a l l s u b j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t to placement of word boundary and p r o d u c t i o n of / y / or /u/. -51-i n c l u d e approach to the p r o t r u s i o n gesture or l e v e l l i n g o f f of the p r o t r u s i o n curve at i t s maximum. Although the mean t r a n s i t i o n time f o r / u / was very s l i g h t l y l a r g e r than t h a t f o r / y / (.179 sec. as opposed to .168 sec.) the d i f f e r e n c e was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . With the e x c e p t i o n of the / r # s t r / c l u s t e r , movement of the word boundary c l o s e r to the end of the consonant c l u s t e r appeared t o be accompanied by a decrease i n the time nec-essary f o r the completion of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . (See Table 5*2) . The f a c t t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t r a n s i t i o n time and placement of the word boundary was the r e v e r s e of t h a t between v e l o c i t y and placement of the word boundary suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t r a n s i t i o n time and v e l o c i t y may be n e g a t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d . However, as was the case f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v e l o c i t y and placement of word boundaries, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t r a n s i t i o n time and placement of word boundaries has not been examined s t a t i s t i c a l l y and no d e f i n i t e c o n c l u s i o n s can be drawn. Pearson-r c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s were c a l c u l a t e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e p o s s i b l e c o r r e l a t i o n s among the f o l l o w i n g : - e x t e n t of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture - v e l o c i t y of the gesture - t r a n s i t i o n time of the gesture These measurements were a l l taken on the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r s . Extent of p r o t r u s i o n c o r r e l a t e d p o s i -t i v e l y w i t h v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . The Pearson-r c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t was s i g n i f i c a n t at the .001 l e v e l . However, t h e r e was no s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between extent -52-of p r o t r u s i o n and t r a n s i t i o n time. These r e s u l t s help t o e x p l a i n the p r e v i o u s f i n d i n g s f o r / u / and /y/ — namely t h a t p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y are s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r f o r /u/ than f o r /y/, w h i l e t h e r e i s no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the two f o r t r a n s i t i o n time. Thus the upper l i p would have the same l e n g t h of time i n which to reach.the two d i f f e r e n t t a r g e t s . Since the t a r g e t l i p p o s i t i o n f o r /u/ i s more protruded than t h a t f o r /y/, the v e l o c i t y r e q u i r e d t o reach i t i n the same l e n g t h of time would have to be g r e a t e r . C o r r e l a t i o n between v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time was n e g a t i v e . The Pearson-r c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t was s i g -n i f i c a n t at e i t h e r the .01 or .001 l e v e l f o r a l l but one s u b j e c t . The p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s c o r r e l a t i o n was p r e v i o u s l y suggested i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the e f f e c t of the placement of the word boundary on v e l o c i t y and on t r a n s i t i o n time. T h i s f i n d i n g , however, does not appear t o t i e i n w i t h some of the above r e s u l t s and i s not r e a d i l y e x p l a i n e d . One would not expect t r a n s i t i o n time t o be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h v e l o c i t y , s i n c e p r e v i o u s comparison of / u / and / y / i n d i c a t e d t h a t the v e l o c i t y of the two gestures was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t w h i l e the t r a n s i t i o n time was no t . Perhaps t h i s d i s c r e p a n c y i s somehow due t o the f a c t t h a t , i n one ca s e , u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g /u/ and /y/ were compared a g a i n s t each o t h e r , w h i l e i n the other case, no d i s t i n c t i o n was made as t o which of the two vowels the ut t e r a n c e c o n t a i n e d . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s some complex r e l a t i o n between v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time which was not evident when u t t e r a n c e s c o n t a i n i n g / u / and /y/ were compared. -53-The above d i s c u s s i o n has d e a l t w i t h the' p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n terms of i t s movement toward a t a r g e t . The d i s c u s s i o n below compares the movement toward a t a r g e t w i t h the r e t r a c t i o n from t h a t t a r g e t as i t was observed r e s p e c -t i v e l y i n the two u t t e r a n c e s : 1. une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e - / y n s i n i s t r s t r y k t y r / 1 2. une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r i c t u r e - / y n i l y s t r s t r i k t y r / A t - t e s t , i n v o l v i n g a l l s u b j e c t s , showed t h a t the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n the f i r s t case was s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r than i n the second case (p < .01). T h i s would appear t o be reasonable s i n c e , i n the f i r s t case, a c e r t a i n v e l o c i t y i s r e q u i r e d to r e a c h the t a r g e t l e v e l of p r o t r u s i o n by a c e r t a i n time w h i l e , i n the second case, the t a r g e t has a l r e a d y been reached and t h e r e would appear to be no p a r t i c -u l a r need to move away from the t a r g e t at an e q u a l l y h i g h v e l o c i t y , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the next r e q u i r e d p r o t r u s i o n of the upper l i p i s s t i l l some d i s t a n c e away. T r a n s i t i o n time f o r the p r o t r u s i o n gesture was s i g n i f i -c a n t l y l o n g e r , as shown by a t - t e s t ( p < . 0 1 ) , f o r r e t r a c t i o n from a t a r g e t than f o r movement toward a t a r g e t . A gain, t h i s would appear reasonable s i n c e a t a r g e t l e v e l of p r o t r u s i o n had a l r e a d y been reached and the time r e q u i r e d f o r r e t r a c t i o n from t h i s t a r g e t would not appear to be of great importance. I t i s noted once more t h a t v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time Note t h a t f o r t h i s u t t e r a n c e a l l measurements — extent of p r o t r u s i o n , v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time — were taken on t h a t p a r t of the p r o t r u s i o n t r a c e which r e p r e s e n t e d movement away from the t a r g e t l e v e l of p r o t r u s i o n . -54-appear to be n e g a t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d . Although the extent of p r o t r u s i o n was s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r f o r the movement toward' t a r g e t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y the d i f f e r e n c e was not s i g n i f i c a n t . The consonant c l u s t e r / s t r s t r / i s q u i t e l o n g and was somewhat d i f f i c u l t f o r some s u b j e c t s t o say. A common " e r r o r " made v/as the omission of one of the / s t r / groups. For the u t t e r a n c e "une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r i c t u r e " , i n which the d i r e c t i o n of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture was away from t a r g e t p o s i t i o n , t h i s o mission seemed to r e s u l t i n a r e d u c t i o n of a l l t h r e e measures — extent of p r o t r u s i o n , v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time — i n comparison w i t h t h e i r v a l u e s when the utterance, was c o r r e c t l y produced. For the u t t e r a n c e "une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " , i n which the d i r e c t i o n of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture was toward t a r g e t p o s i t i o n , t h i s o m i s s i o n appeared to r e s u l t i n reduced v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n t i m e , but i n c r e a s e d extent of p r o t r u s i o n . However, these r e l a t i o n s h i p s have not been examined s t a t i s t i c a l l y and t h e r e f o r e no c o n c l u s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the e f f e c t of the o m i s s i o n of an / s t r / group can be drawn. The r e s u l t s of t h i s next s e c t i o n are based on u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the sequence / i u / . When a consonant was i n s e r t e d between / i / and /u/, t r a n s i t i o n time was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t e d . However, ex t e n t of p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y of the gesture were a f f e c t e d w i t h t - t e s t s showing a s i g n i f i c a n c e l e v e l of .001 and .05 r e s p e c t i v e l y f o r the two measures: i n s e r t i o n of the consonant r e s u l t e d i n a r e d u c t i o n o f both the extent of p r o t r u s i o n and the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . -55-A word boundary p l a c e d between / i / and L/u/ had no s i g -n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on extent of p r o t r u s i o n , v e l o c i t y or t r a n -s i t i o n t i m e . However, t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case i n v o l v e d a r a t h e r s m a l l number of u t t e r a n c e s . A word boundary, p l a c e d e i t h e r before or a f t e r the consonant, i n an ut t e r a n c e i n -v o l v i n g / i O u / d i d have an e f f e c t on t r a n s i t i o n t i m e . A t - t e s t (p<.001) showed t h a t i n s e r t i o n of a word boundary r e s u l t e d i n a s i g n i f i c a n t i n c r e a s e i n t r a n s i t i o n t i m e . V e l o c i t y and extent of p r o t r u s i o n were not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t e d . Note, however, t h a t extent of p r o t r u s i o n was gr e a t e r when a word boundary was i n s e r t e d and t h a t the d i f f e r e n c e was almost s i g n i f i c a n t , w i t h the t - v a l u e f a l l i n g between the ,05 and .10 l e v e l s of s i g n i f i c a n c e . 5.5 The E f f e c t of S t r e s s on the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture S u b j e c t s were asked t o repeat each " s t r e s s " u t t e r a n c e — "c'est outrageux" and"c'est courageux" — f o u r t i m e s , each time w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n emphatic s t r e s s on the s y l l a b l e c o n t a i n i n g the rounded vowel. S u b j e c t s o f t e n d i d not pr o -duce f o u r d i s t i n c t l e v e l s of s t r e s s and even when they d i d so, there was no way t o ensure t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n s t r e s s occurred i n equal increments. The on l y assumption was t h a t s t r e s s d i d not decrease from r e p e t i t i o n t o r e p e t i t i o n . An a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e r e v e a l e d t h a t s t r e s s had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on t r a n s i t i o n time of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . However, another a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e showed t h a t s t r e s s d i d have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t (p<.005) on the extent of the p r o t r u s i o n -56-g e s t u r e . Increased s t r e s s r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e i n . the extent of p r o t r u s i o n , w i t h an average i n c r e a s e i n p r o t r u s i o n , from lowest l e v e l of s t r e s s t o h i g h e s t l e v e l of s t r e s s , of approximately 50$. Another a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e a l s o showed t h a t s t r e s s had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t (p<.025) on the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . Increased s t r e s s r e s u l t e d i n an in c r e a s e i n v e l o c i t y . Since i t was p r e v i o u s l y found ( S e c t i o n 5.4) t h a t extent of p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y of the gesture are p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t both i n c r e a s e w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n s t r e s s . 5.6 The E f f e c t of Rate of Speaking on the P r o t r u s i o n Gesture Por the u t t e r a n c e i n v o l v i n g r a t e of speaking — " i l e s t t r e s decu" — the s u b j e c t s were asked t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r r a t e on each s u c c e s s i v e r e p e t i t i o n of the u t t e r a n c e , although, here a l s o , the increments were u n c o n t r o l l e d except f o r the d i r e c t i o n of change. An a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e showed t h a t r a t e of speaking had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on extent of pr o -t r u s i o n , v e l o c i t y or t r a n s i t i o n time of the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e . One would have expected t h a t at l e a s t the t r a n s i t i o n time o f the p r o t r u s i o n gesture would be reduced by an i n c r e a s e i n r a t e . However, i t may be t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n r a t e reduces the time d u r i n g which maximum p r o t r u s i o n i s maintained, and leave s u n a f f e c t e d the t r a n s i t i o n time — the time necessary f o r the p r o t r u s i o n gesture to reach i t s maximum. I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t an i n c r e a s e i n r a t e r e s u l t s i n s h o r t e r pauses between words o r a s m a l l e r number of pauses w i t h i n the u t t e r a n c e as a whole, and not i n a f a s t e r r a t e of a r t i c u l a t o r y movement. 5.7 Onset of P r o t r u s i o n i n a Consonant C l u s t e r Followed by  a Rounded Vowel The p o i n t at which the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began f o r a CC...V r sequence was determined, f o r the consonant c l u s t e r s / r s t r / , / k s t r / and / s t r s t r / , by u s i n g the 5-segment l i n e con-s t r u c t e d as d e s c r i b e d i n S e c t i o n 4-.4. However, t h i s method cou l d not be used w i t h the / r s k r / c l u s t e r s i n c e i t was p r e -ceded, i n a l l u t t e r a n c e s , by the vowel / 0 / which had a s s o c i -ated p r o t r u s i o n and thus obscured the p o i n t a t which the p r o -t r u s i o n gesture began f o r / u / and /y/. The r e f o r e , the CC...V r sequences f o r t h i s c l u s t e r were superimposed on the correspon d i n g CG...VU sequences and the p o i n t at which the two t r a c e s d i v e r g e d was taken as the p o i n t at which the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r / u / or / y / began. (See F i g u r e 5.1) I n some of the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the f o u r consonant c l u s t e r s , onset of p r o t r u s i o n began a t , or extremely c l o s e t o , the boundary between two segments of the u t t e r a n c e . I n these cases, onset o f p r o t r u s i o n was ass i g n e d , on a 50-50 b a s i s , t o the segment on e i t h e r s i d e of the boundary. F i g u r e 5.2 summarizes the dat a on p r o t r u s i o n onset f o r the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r / r s t r / . The consonant c l u s t e r f o l l o w e d by the rounded vowel / u / or /y/. consonant c l u s t e r f o l l o w e d by the unrounded vowel / i / . CC...V r = CC...V U = -58-l a mort s c r u t a t r i c e l a mort s c r i p t r i c e 1 | a | m | o |r|s |k |r|y 11 | a | t | r | i | s l | a | m | o |r|s M r | i | p |t | r | i | s F i g u r e 5*1 GG...Vr sequence superimposed on c o r r e s -ponding CC...V U sequence to determine p o i n t a t which the two t r a c e s d i v e r g e d u r i n g the / r s k r / consonant c l u s t e r . -59-# u t t e r a n c e s ( S i x s u b j e c t s ) 50 4-4-0 30 20 10 0 Cumulative % Utterances 100 80 60 40 20 .. 0 IS il • / S i x s u b j e c t s (88 u t t e r a n c e s ) F i v e s u b j e c t s (72 u t t e r a n c e s ) (Subject #5 omitted) -T v F i g u r e 5-2 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r . -60-a b s c i s s a on both the upper and lower graphs i n d i c a t e s which ph o n e t i c segment of the sequence of i n t e r e s t i s be i n g con-s i d e r e d . (The f a c t t h a t these p h o n e t i c segments are e q u a l l y spaced on the graph should not be taken to mean t h a t they were e q u a l l y spaced on the mingogram.) The o r d i n a t e on the upper graph shows i n how many u t t e r a n c e s the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began d u r i n g the phonetic, segment under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The o r d i n a t e on the lower graph shows i n what percentage (cumulative) of the u t t e r a n c e s the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began on or before the pho n e t i c segment under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Of the 88 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r and produced by a l l s i x s u b j e c t s , 54 (61.4$) showed the p r o t r u s i o n gesture b e g i n n i n g d u r i n g the vowel (/£/) p r e -c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r . (See upper graph of F i g u r e 5-2) For 80.2$ of the u t t e r a n c e s , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was beg i n n i n g a t the time / r / , the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r , was produced. (See lower graph of F i g u r e 5.2) The p o i n t at which the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began appeared t o be u n a f f e c t e d by the placement of the word boundary w i t h i n the consonant c l u s t e r . I t was found t h a t f o r s u b j e c t #5 onset of p r o t r u s i o n occurred c o n s i s t e n t l y c l o s e r t o the rounded vowel than i t d i d f o r the other f i v e s u b j e c t s . I t was f e l t t h a t t h i s may have been due, at l e a s t i n p a r t , to the f a c t t h a t he o f t e n made ver y d i s t i n c t pauses at word boundaries w i t h i n the consonant c l u s t e r . These pauses were ev i d e n t p e r c e p t u a l l y and, i n some cases, on the mingogram as w e l l . F i g u r e 5«5 compares 15 -61-Cumulative % Utterances 100 4-80 60 4-0 •» 20 0 / / /A // / / / — Utterances i n v o l v i n g word breaks - • Utterances not i n v o l v i n g word breaks 0"1 G2 O3 C4 y/u F i g u r e 5«3 Comparison, f o r s u b j e c t #5» of 26 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g d i s t i n c t word breaks and 15 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g no word breaks. -62-u t t e r a n c e s i n which s u b j e c t #5 d i d not pause n o t i c e a b l y at the word boundary w i t h 26 u t t e r a n c e s i n which he made a d i s t i n c t pause at the word boundary. The u t t e r a n c e s compared i n v o l v e d the consonant c l u s t e r s / r s t r / , / k s t r / and / r s k r / . I t i s evi d e n t t h a t f o r the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g d i s t i n c t word breaks, onset of p r o t r u s i o n occurred c l o s e r to the rounded vowel than f o r the u t t e r a n c e s not i n v o l v i n g word breaks. For the u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g d i s t i n c t word breaks, onset of p r o -t r u s i o n was completed, i n a l l u t t e r a n c e s , by the t h i r d con-sonant of the c l u s t e r , w h i l e f o r the u t t e r a n c e s not i n v o l v i n g word breaks, i t was completed, i n a l l u t t e r a n c e s , by the second consonant of the c l u s t e r . Because s u b j e c t #5's p r o -d u c t i o n of many of the u t t e r a n c e s d i f f e r e d markedly from t h a t of the other s u b j e c t s as w e l l as from the e x p e c t a t i o n s of the experimenter, and because t h i s d i f f e r e n c e a f f e c t e d onset of p r o t r u s i o n , i t was decided t h a t r e s u l t s which were obtained when data from s u b j e c t #5 was omitted should a l s o be p r e s e n t e d . Thus the lower graphs of F i g u r e s 5-2, 5-4-, 5-5 and 5-6 d i s p l a y r e s u l t s o b t a i n e d when s u b j e c t #5 was omitted as w e l l as when s u b j e c t #5 was i n c l u d e d . For the consonant c l u s t e r / r s t r / , when s u b j e c t #5 was omitted , 95*9$ (as opposed t o 80.2$ when s u b j e c t #5 was i n -cluded) of the u t t e r a n c e s showed t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was be g i n n i n g at the time / r / , the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r was produced. (See lov/er graph of Fi g u r e 5-2) A l s o , when s u b j e c t #5 was om i t t e d , 75$ (as opposed to 61.4-$ when s u b j e c t #5 was i n c l u d e d ) of the -63-u t t e r a n c e s showed onset of p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g the vowel (/£/) pre c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r . F i g u r e 5.4 summarizes the r e s u l t s obtained from 65 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r / k s t r / . When a l l s u b j e c t s were i n c l u d e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began d u r i n g the vowel (/£/ or /e/) p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r f o r 29 (44.6$) o f the u t t e r a n c e s . (See upper graph of F i g u r e 5-4.) By the time /k/, the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r , was produced, the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was beginni n g f o r 79.2$ of the u t t e r a n c e s . (See lower graph of Fi g u r e 5«4.) Once a g a i n , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture appeared t o be u n a f f e c t e d by placement of the word boundary. For t h i s s e t of u t t e r a n c e s , s u b j e c t #3 as w e l l as su b j e c t #5 d i f f e r e d markedly from the other s u b j e c t s i n t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began c l o s e r t o the rounded vowel f o r both of them. T h i s set of u t t e r a n c e s was the o n l y one i n which s u b j e c t #3 d i f f e r e d from s u b j e c t s #1, #2, #4 and #6, and i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h i s d i f f e r e n c e was caused by the d i f f i c u l t y she had i n producing s e v e r a l of the u t t e r a n c e s c o n t a i n i n g the / k s t r / consonant c l u s t e r . The lower graph of F i g u r e 5.4 shows the r e s u l t s when both s u b j e c t s #3 and #5 were omitted: 64.4$ (as opposed t o 44.6$ when s u b j e c t s #3 and #5 were i n c l u d e d ) of the u t t e r a n c e s began w i t h i n the vowel (/<£/ or /e/) p r e -ceding the consonant c l u s t e r , and 97.8$ (as opposed t o 79.2$ when s u b j e c t s #3 and #5 were i n c l u d e d ) of the u t t e r a n c e s showed t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was beginni n g by the time /k/, the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r , was produced. -64-# u t t e r a n c e s ( S i x s u b j e c t s ) 50 I 4-0 30 •-20 10 .. o i — i — i 1 1—- 1 1 — i • — ^ d/m £/e k s t r y/ Cumulative % u t t e r a n c e s 100 1 / 80 4-0 --60 S i x s u b j e c t s (65 u t t e r a n c e s ) Four s u b j e c t s (4-5 u t t e r a n c e s ) ( S u b j e c t s #3 & #5 omitted) 20 --o k s t r y/u F i g u r e 5-4 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / k s t r / consonant c l u s t e r . -65-F i g u r e 5.5 summarizes the r e s u l t s obtained from 90 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r / r s k r / . When a l l s u b j e c t s were i n c l u d e d , 4-9 (54-.4-$) of the u t t e r a n c e s showed t h a t onset of p r o t r u s i o n occurred w i t h i n the vowel (/o/) pr e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r . (See upper graph of F i g u r e 5.5.) When su b j e c t #5 was omi t t e d , 65.2$ of the u t t e r a n c e s showed t h a t the onset of p r o t r u s i o n occurred at t h a t same p o i n t . When a l l s u b j e c t s were i n c l u d e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was be g i n n i n g , f o r 84-.5$ of the u t t e r a n c e s , by the time / r / , the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r , was pr o -duced. (See lower graph of F i g u r e 5*5.) When s u b j e c t #5 was omit t e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r 100$ of the u t t e r a n c e s had a l r e a d y begun or was beg i n n i n g at t h a t same p o i n t . (See lower graph of F i g u r e 5«5-) Here a g a i n , placement of the word boundary appeared t o have no e f f e c t on onset of p r o t r u s i o n . F i g u r e 5.6 summarizes the r e s u l t s o btained from 22 u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the consonant c l u s t e r / s t r s t r / . Subjects; #3 and #4- omitted an / s t r / group i n each of the u t t e r a n c e s they produced and t h e r e f o r e are not i n c l u d e d i n the r e s u l t s . When s u b j e c t s #1, #2, #5 and #6 were c o n s i d e r e d , i t was found t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began w i t h i n / s / , the f i r s t con-sonant of the c l u s t e r , f o r 19 (86.4-$) of the u t t e r a n c e s . (See upper graph of F i g u r e 5«6.) When s u b j e c t #5 was o m i t t e d , 88.2$ of the u t t e r a n c e s showed t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began v / i t h i n the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r . When sub-j e c t s #1, #2, #5 and #6 were c o n s i d e r e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began w i t h i n / i s / f o r 93.2$ of the u t t e r a n c e s . When su b j e c t #5 -66-j}~ u t t e r a n c e s ( S i x s u b j e c t s ) 50 4-40 30 20 10 0 m/1 y/u Cumulative % u t t e r a n c e s 100 4-80 --60 40 --20 0 / , A I, It 7 / » f m/1 S i x s u b j e c t s (90 u t t e r a n c e s ) F i v e s u b j e c t s (75 u t t e r a n c e s ) (Subject #5 omitted) H h r s y/u F i g u r e 5.5 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / r s k r / consonant c l u s t e r . #• u t t e r a n c e s (Four, s u b j e c t s ) (Subject #3 & #4 omitted) 50 -67-40 .-30 20 10 0 Cumulative % u t t e r a n c e s 100 80 60 40 20 --0 "A" // // I II il I Four s u b j e c t s (22 u t t e r a n c e s ) ( S u b j e c t s #3 & #4 omitted) Three s u b j e c t s (17 u t t e r a n c e s ) ( S u b j e c t s #3, #4 omitted) & #5 F i g u r e 5*6 Onset of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture i n u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / s t r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r . -68-was o m i t t e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began w i t h i n / i s / f o r 100$ of the u t t e r a n c e s . The major p a r t of t h i s s e c t i o n has d e a l t w i t h onset of p r o t r u s i o n f o r a C0...V r sequence. I t may be of i n t e r e s t t o b r i e f l y examine onset of movement away from the p o i n t of maximum p r o t r u s i o n as seen i n a VrCO...O sequence. T h i s was done by superimposing mingograms of the two u t t e r a n c e s "une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r i c t u r e " and "une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " . Onset of movement away from maximum p r o t r u s i o n was taken as the p o i n t at which the two t r a c e s d i v e r g e d . I t should be noted t h a t i t was d i f f i c u l t to a c c u r a t e l y superimpose the two t r a c e s . A f u r t h e r problem v/as t h a t the number of u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v e d was s m a l l — no data was a v a i l a b l e f o r s u b j e c t #3 and s u b j e c t s #2 and #4 both omitted an / s t r / group i n each of the u t t e r a n c e s they produced and t h e r e f o r e are not i n -cluded i n the a n a l y s i s . For reasons mentioned e a r l i e r , r e -s u l t s which omitted as w e l l as i n c l u d e d d a t a from s u b j e c t #5 are p r e s e n t e d . The sample analyzed c o n s i s t e d of 14- u t t e r -ances when s u b j e c t #5 was i n c l u d e d and 11 u t t e r a n c e s when he was o m i t t e d . By the time / s / , the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r , was produced, the movement away from the p o i n t of maximum pr o -t r u s i o n had begun or was b e g i n n i n g f o r 71*5$ ( i f s u b j e c t #5 i s i n c l u d e d ) or 90.9$ ( i f s u b j e c t #5 i s omitted) of the u t t e r -ances. By the t h i r d consonant of the c l u s t e r , the movement away from the p o i n t of maximum p r o t r u s i o n had begun f o r a l l u t t e r a n c e s . When these r e s u l t s are compared to those f o r -69-onset of p r o t r u s i o n , i t i s evident t h a t onset of the move-ment away from maximum p r o t r u s i o n o c c u r r e d by the f i r s t con-sonant of the c l u s t e r f o r fewer u t t e r a n c e s than d i d onset of p r o t r u s i o n . A l s o , onset of the movement away from max-imum p r o t r u s i o n had begun f o r a l l u t t e r a n c e s at a p o i n t f u r t h e r i n t o the consonant c l u s t e r , i . e . at the t h i r d con-sonant as opposed t o the second f o r onset of p r o t r u s i o n . I t would appear t h a t onset of movement away from the p o i n t of maximum p r o t r u s i o n need not occur as c l o s e to the begin n i n g of the consonant c l u s t e r as onset of p r o t r u s i o n . T h i s would seem reasonable s i n c e t a r g e t p o s i t i o n , a s f a r as the upper l i p i s concerned, has a l r e a d y been reached and the t i m i n g of movement away from t a r g e t p o s i t i o n would not appear t o be. as c r u c i a l as t i m i n g of movement toward t a r g e t p o s i t i o n . For the u t t e r a n c e "une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " s u b j e c t s , on o c c a s i o n , had d i f f i c u l t y p r o d u cing the e n t i r e / s t r s t r / c l u s t e r and omitted one / s t r / group. For 50$ of the 8 u t t e r a n c e s i n which t h i s " e r r o r " o c c u r r e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began d u r i n g the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r , i . e . c l o s e r t o the p r e c e d i n g ' vowel than i t had occurred when the e n t i r e / s t r s t r / c l u s t e r was produced. Although t h i s r e -s u l t i s based on only 8 " e r r o r " u t t e r a n c e s , i t suggests t h a t the onset of p r o t r u s i o n may be somewhat a f f e c t e d by the l e n g t h of the consonant c l u s t e r . T h i s i s supported by the f a c t t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n g e s t u r e , over a l l s u b j e c t s , g e n e r a l l y began c l o s e r to the p r e c e d i n g vowel i n the u t t e r a n c e s con-t a i n i n g c l u s t e r s o n l y 4- consonants l o n g , than i n the - 7 0 -u t t e r a n c e s c o n t a i n i n g c l u s t e r s 6 consonants l o n g . The r e s u l t s of t h i s present experiment i n d i c a t e t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r the CC...V r sequence begins con-s i d e r a b l y i n advance of the rounded vowel i t s e l f . I n 7 9 . 2 $ - 9 3 . 2 $ of the u t t e r a n c e s , when a l l 6 s u b j e c t s were i n c l u d e d , and i n 95*9$ - 100$ of the 'utterances, when s u b j e c t #5 was omitted and s u b j e c t #3's r e s u l t s f o r the / k s t r / c l u s t e r were omitt e d , the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had a l r e a d y begun or was be g i n n i n g at the time the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r was produced. The above statement a p p l i e s t o a l l f o u r consonant c l u s t e r s i n v o l v e d . For the th r e e c l u s t e r s which co n t a i n e d 4- consonants each, 4-9.2$ - 6 3 - 7 $ of the u t t e r a n c e s , when a l l 6 s u b j e c t s were i n c l u d e d , and 6 7 . 2 $ -7 7 . 8 $ of the u t t e r a n c e s , when s u b j e c t #5 was omitted and s u b j e c t #3's r e s u l t s f o r the / k s t r / c l u s t e r were o m i t t e d , i n d i c a t e d t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture had begun or was be-g i n n i n g by the time the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r was produced. Onset of p r o t r u s i o n appeared t o be u n a f f e c t e d by placement of the word boundary w i t h i n the c l u s t e r . These r e s u l t s suggest t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture may begin more i n advance of the rounded vowel than has been found i n ot h e r s t u d i e s . Kozhevnikov et a l (1965) and D a n i l o f f and M o l l (1968) have shown, f o r R u s s i a n and E n g l i s h r e s p e c t i v e l y , t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began at some p o i n t w i t h i n the f i r s t consonant of a GC...Vr sequence. Thus c o a r t i c u l a t i o n extended over a CG...V u n i t . The present experiment suggests t h a t c o a r t i c u l a t i o n may be j u s t as l i k e l y to extend over a VCC...V" u n i t . ( T h i s type of a c o a r t i c u l a t i o n -71-u n i t was a l s o suggested, f o r E n g l i s h , by P e r k e l l (1972). However, h i s "consonant c l u s t e r " c o n s i s t e d of one consonant only and t h u s , s t r i c t l y speaking, i s not comparable to the consonant c l u s t e r s i n v o l v e d i n the pre s e n t experiment.) However, the d i f f e r e n c e s between r e s u l t s may i n s t e a d be due to the language i n v o l v e d and the p a t t e r n of c o a r t i c u l a t i o n f o r French may be d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of Russ i a n and E n g l i s h . I f t h i s i s the case, then c o a r t i c u l a t i o n of upper l i p p r o -t r u s i o n i s language-dependent. F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h , u s i n g the same expe r i m e n t a l techniques on d i f f e r e n t languages, may y i e l d i n t e r e s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h i s a r e a . Roberts' (1972) study i n v o l v e d c o a r t i c u l a t i o n of lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n i n French. She found, f o r one u t t e r a n c e ( i n v o l v i n g the / s t r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r ) of one s u b j e c t , t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture began at some p o i n t w i t h i n the consonant c l u s t e r . As d i s c u s s e d i n S e c t i o n 4-.1 of t h i s paper, remeasurement of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n f o r the same i n s t a n c e of the same u t t e r a n c e produced by t h a t s u b j e c t , r e v e a l e d t h a t upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n began w i t h i n the f i r s t consonant o f the c l u s t e r . T h i s agrees w i t h the pre s e n t experiment's r e s u l t s c o n c e r n i n g onset of upper l i p p r o -t r u s i o n d u r i n g u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g the / s t r s t r / consonant c l u s t e r . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s d i f f e r somewhat f o r the upper and the lower l i p , a t l e a s t f o r the one s u b j e c t d i s c u s s e d by Rob e r t s . F u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n comparing the c o a r t i c u l a t i o n p a t t e r n s of upper and lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g the same u t t e r a n c e i s necessary. A theory -72-s i m i l a r i n i t s formalism to t h a t of d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s would seem to be supported i f , d u r i n g the same segments of an u t t e r a n c e , the c o a r t i c u l a t i o n p a t t e r n s of d i f f e r e n t a r t i c u l a t o r s (the two l i p s ) were found to f o l l o w d i f f e r e n t time courses,although not always d i s t i n c t on any p a r t i c u l a r segment. Then f o r a g i v e n segment, d i f f e r e n t f e a t u r e s such as upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n and lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n , c o u l d have d i f f e r e n t v a l u e s (as evidenced by the non-synchronous onset or o f f s e t of these f e a t u r e s ) and the u n i t as a whole would be composed of a group of d i s t i n c t c o a r t i c u l a t i o n p a t t e r n s . I n Chapter 2, i t was suggested t h a t speech, at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l , may be organized i n terms of a s y l l a b l e -l i k e u n i t . I t was h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t the extent of c o a r t i c -u l a t i o n would determine the boundaries of t h i s s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t . R e s u l t s of the p r e s e n t experiment seem t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t may c o n s i s t of e i t h e r a CC...V or VCC...V group, s i n c e onset of p r o t r u s i o n v a r i e d between the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r and the vowel p r e c e d i n g t h a t consonant. Future r e s e a r c h should attempt to f i n d reasons f o r t h i s v a r i a t i o n and thus determine which of the two groups i s , i n f a c t , the u n i t over which c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s take p l a c e . Onset d i f f e r e n c e s may be speaker-dependent or may vary w i t h f a c t o r s such as r a t e , s t r e s s , rhythm, e t c . None of these f a c t o r s were s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d d u r i n g the present experiment and t h e i r e f f e c t on onset of p r o t r u s i o n may prove t o be a u s e f u l t o p i c f o r f u t u r e i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Onset of p r o -t r u s i o n may a l s o be a f f e c t e d by c o n s t r a i n t s such as: - 7 3 -1 . the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r . I f t h i s vowel r e q u i r e s an a r t i c u l a t o r y movement which i s a n t a g o n i s t i c . t o t h a t of the rounded vowel, onset of p r o t r u s i o n may he delayed or somewhat m o d i f i e d u n t i l t h a t a n t a g o n i s t i c movement i s completed or at l e a s t near completion. 2 . the consonants of the c l u s t e r . Onset of p r o t r u s i o n may be a f f e c t e d by c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by the s p e c i f i c con-sonants which make up the c l u s t e r . As seen p r e v i o u s l y , the l e n g t h of the consonant c l u s t e r may a l s o a f f e c t onset of p r o t r u s i o n . I t must be noted t h a t t h i s experiment has d e a l t w i t h co-a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s i n one d i r e c t i o n o n l y — the e f f e c t on segments p r e c e d i n g the rounded vowel. The c o a r t i c u l a t i o n e f f e c t s on segments f o l l o w i n g the rounded vowel have not been i n v e s t i g a t e d . Thus one cannot, i n f a c t , s t a t e t h a t YCG...V or CC...V forms a completed c o a r t i c u l a t i o n u n i t . F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i s necessary t o determine the complete u n i t over which c o a r t i c u l a t i o n of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n t akes p l a c e . Chapter 2 a l s o d i s c u s s e d v a r i o u s models d e a l i n g w i t h the form i n which the b r a i n t r a n s m i t s i t s commands t o the a r t i c -u l a t o r s . Some models propose t h a t the u n i t s of storage at the n e u r a l l e v e l c o n s i s t of s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s and t h a t commands t o the a r t i c u l a t o r s are g i v e n i n terms of the whole u n i t . (Ladefoged, 1967 ; Kozhevnikov et a l , 1 9 6 5 ; F r y , 1 9 6 4 . ) Thus the p r o t r u s i o n gesture would be programmed f o r the u n i t as a whole. Other models propose t h a t the u n i t of storage at the n e u r a l l e v e l i s phoneme-sized and t h a t the a r t i c u l a t o r s -74-r e c e i v e a separate, i n v a r i a n t command f o r each phoneme. (Ohman, 1967; MacNeilage and DeOlerk, 1969; Henke, as c i t e d i n D a n i l o f f and M o l l , 1968.) Then, at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l , these phonemes would be grouped i n t o s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s by i n e r t i a l e f f e c t s o r , more l i k e l y f o r the present case, a n t i c i p a t o r y mechanisms by which an a r t i c u l a t o r moves to i t s next r e q u i r e d p o s i t i o n as l o n g as there are no i n t e r -vening a n t a g o n i s t i c movements. Thus, onset of p r o t r u s i o n would be a f f e c t e d by at l e a s t the two c o n s t r a i n t s , the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r and the consonants of the c l u s t e r , d i s c u s s e d above. I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t a com-b i n a t i o n of these two types of models can e x p l a i n the present s i t u a t i o n . A t the h i g h e s t n e u r a l l e v e l , the u n i t of storage may be phoneme-sized and i n v a r i a n t phoneme commands may be the output a t t h i s l e v e l . However, these phoneme commands may be grouped i n t o s y l l a b l e - l i k e u n i t s at some p o i n t before the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l i s reached. As i s e v i d e n t , the r e s u l t s of t h i s experiment can be e x p l a i n e d u s i n g a number of models of speech p r o d u c t i o n . Future r e s e a r c h should attempt t o determine which, i f any, of the above models best e x p l a i n s speech p r o d u c t i o n . F u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n of l i p p r o t r u s i o n c o u l d employ the e x p e r i m e n t a l technique developed f o r the present r e s e a r c h . T h i s technique proved to be a r e l i a b l e and e f f i c i e n t means of c o l l e c t i n g d a t a on upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n and co u l d a l s o be adapted f o r use w i t h the lower l i p . Continued i n v e s t i g a t i o n at other l e v e l s , such as the a c o u s t i c a l and the neuromuscular, i s of prime importance. Perhaps, at -75-some f u t u r e date, the i n t e g r a t i o n of r e s u l t s from v a r i o u s areas of i n v e s t i g a t i o n may l e a d to a c l e a r e r understanding of how speech i s i n i t i a t e d and c o n t r o l l e d . CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY P i l m s from a p r e v i o u s study of lower l i p c o a r t i c u l a t i o n by Roberts (1972) were remeasured t o compare upper and lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n . I t was found t h a t onset of p r o t r u s i o n occurred c l o s e r to the rounded vowel i n a CC...V r sequence f o r the lower l i p than f o r the upper l i p and i t was hypot h e s i z e d t h a t the two a r t i c u l a t o r s may f o l l o w d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s of co-a r t i c u l a t i o n . I t was decided t h a t upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n should be the parameter of i n v e s t i g a t i o n f o r the present experiment s i n c e i t was as good, or i n some r e s p e c t s even a b e t t e r , measure than lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n and a l s o because the appa-r a t u s a v a i l a b l e f o r measurement of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n avoided some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s p r e s e n t i n the apparatus a v a i l a b l e f o r measurement of lower l i p p r o t r u s i o n . It.was found t h a t , f o r French, upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g consonants was e v i d e n t o n l y f o r the b i l a b i a l s . Since b i l a b i a l consonants were not i n c l u d e d i n the sequences ex-amined, i t was assumed t h a t any p r o t r u s i o n d u r i n g these sequences was due t o the rounded vowel / u / or /y/. Comparison of /u/ and / y / r e v e a l e d t h a t maximum p r o -t r u s i o n as w e l l as v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture were s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r f o r / u / than f o r /y/, w h i l e t h e r e was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the two as f a r as t r a n s i t i o n time was concerned. A s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n was -76--77-a l s o found between extent of p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y . I t seems l i k e l y , s i n c e t a r g e t l i p p o s i t i o n f o r /u/ i s more pr o -t r u d e d and yet i s reached i n the same p e r i o d of time as f o r /y/, t h a t the v e l o c i t y of the p r o t r u s i o n gesture must be g r e a t e r f o r /u/. However, the f i n d i n g of a h i g h n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time d i d not f i t i n w i t h t h i s proposed model. I t was f e l t t h a t t h i s apparent d i s c r e p a n c y c o u l d be due t o the f a c t t h a t , i n one case, u t t e r a n c e s i n v o l v i n g / u / and / y / were compared to each o t h e r , w h i l e i n the other case, no d i s t i n c t i o n was made as to which of the two vowels was contained i n the u t t e r a n c e s . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t v e l o c i t y and t r a n s i t i o n time are r e l a t e d i n a complex manner which was not e v i d e n t when u t t e r a n c e s c o n t a i n i n g / u / and / y / were compared. Movement away from the p r o t r u s i o n t a r g e t ( i n the u t t e r -ance "une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r i c t u r e " ) was compared to movement toward the p r o t r u s i o n t a r g e t ( i n the u t t e r a n c e "une s i n i s t r ( e ) s t r u c t u r e " ) . I t was found t h a t movement away from the t a r g e t i n v o l v e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduced v e l o c i t y and i n c r e a s e d t r a n s i -t i o n time as compared t o movement toward the t a r g e t . T h i s d i f f e r e n c e would appear reasonable s i n c e t i m i n g of movement away from the t a r g e t would not seem to be as c r u c i a l as t i m i n g of movement toward the t a r g e t . The e f f e c t of i n s e r t i n g a consonant between / i / and / u / i n c e r t a i n u t t e r a n c e s was t o s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduce p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y w h i l e l e a v i n g t r a n s i t i o n time u n a f f e c t e d . The e f f e c t of i n s e r t i n g a word boundary on e i t h e r s i d e of the -78-consonant i n a / i G u / sequence, was to s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n c r e a s e t r a n s i t i o n time. V e l o c i t y was u n a f f e c t e d ; extent of p r o -t r u s i o n was i n c r e a s e d but not enough to reach an acceptable l e v e l of s i g n i f i c a n c e . Increase i n s t r e s s on the s y l l a b l e c o n t a i n i n g the rounded vowel /u/ had no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on t r a n s i t i o n time, but d i d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n c r e a s e extent of p r o t r u s i o n and v e l o c i t y . Increase i n r a t e of speaking had no e f f e c t on the th r e e measures of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n . As w e l l as i n v e s t i g a t i n g v a r i o u s aspects of the p r o -t r u s i o n gesture i t s e l f , t h i s experiment attempted t o d e t e r -mine onset of p r o t r u s i o n i n a consonant c l u s t e r f o l l o w e d by a rounded vowel. I t was hyp o t h e s i z e d t h a t the extent of co-a r t i c u l a t i o n of upper l i p p r o t r u s i o n might p r o v i d e some use-f u l i n f o r m a t i o n concerning a d i s c r e t e u n i t i n terms of which speech may be produced at the a r t i c u l a t o r y l e v e l . I t was found t h a t the p r o t r u s i o n gesture f o r the OC...Vr sequence began c o n s i d e r a b l y i n advance of the rounded vowel i t s e l f . I n the great m a j o r i t y of the u t t e r a n c e s i t had a l r e a d y begun or was be g i n n i n g at the time the f i r s t consonant of the c l u s t e r was produced. I n over h a l f of the u t t e r a n c e s i t had begun by the time the vowel p r e c e d i n g the consonant c l u s t e r was produced. There was some i n d i c a t i o n t h a t onset of pr o -t r u s i o n was a f f e c t e d by the l e n g t h of the consonant c l u s t e r . 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"Transducer f o r Measuring L i p Movements D u r i n g Speech," J . Acoust. Soc. Amer. 48, 858-860. Sweet, H. (1908). The Sounds of E n g l i s h : An I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Ph o n e t i c s (The Claredon P r e s s , O x f o r d ) . -84--85-S t r e s s 1. ( e t ) c'est outrageux 2. ( e t ) c'est i r r i t a n t 3- ( e t ) c'est courageux 4- . ( e t ) c'est enquiquinant Rate 1. i l e s t t r e s d ' i c i 2. i l e s t t r e s decu / i u / sequence 1. a. l a mi-aout 2. une demie outre 3. emmitoufle 4-. une marmite ouverte 5. un demi t o u r -86-Consonant C l u s t e r s / r s k r / lorsqu(e) R i r i viendra lorsqu(e) Ruth viendra lorsqu(e) Roussin viendra l'amorc(e) c r i t i q u e l'amorc(e) cruciforme l'amorcCe) croupissante l a mort s c r i p t r i c e l a mort s c r u t a t r i c e / r s t r / / k s t r / / s t r s t r / l a v e r s t ( e l a v e r s t ( e l a v e r s t ( e ) 1'avers(e^ 1'avers(e ( l'avers(e, une sever(e une sever(e r i d i c u l e rudimentaire rouspeteuse t r i b a l e truquee troublee s t r i c t u r e structure l a dextr(e) i n i m i t a b l e l a dextr(e) u n i v e r s e l i e l a dextr(e) outragee c'est un mec s t r i c t u r e c'est un mec structure une s i n i s t r ( e } une s i n i s t r ( e ) une i l l u s t r ( e ) une i l l u s t r ( e ) s t r i c t u r e structure s t r i c t u r e structure 

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