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Motif of the prodigal son in Rembrandt's art Kruschen, Franziska Margarete Leopoldine 1973

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THE MOTIF OF THE PRODIGAL SON IN REMBRANDT'S ART by FRANZISKA M.L. KRUSCHEN M.A., Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Fine Arts We accept th i s thes is as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1973 In presenting th is thesis in par t ia l f u l f i l lmen t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shal l make i t f ree ly avai lable for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis f o r scholar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publ icat ion of th is thesis for f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of ^r\jr\& /Vy-tr The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date <XjprJL{ i 9 7 3 -{ \ i i ABSTRACT The fo l lowing study presents a v isua l ana lys is o f those works by Rembrandt associated with the Prodigal Son s to ry . E s s e n t i a l l y , they dep ic t one of two episodes from that s to r y ; the Prodigal Son among the har lo ts in the tavern and his return to h is f a the r ' s house. Tumpel, in h is d i s s e r t a t i on of 1968, parts of which have been publ ished in the Nederlands Kunsth is tor i sch Jaarboek of 1969, has presented the thes is that Rembrandt's i n te rp re ta t i on of the B ib le was not as subject ive as had been prev ious ly supposed, but was, in fac t heav i ly dependent on graphic works of the 16th and 17th Centur ies , which represent the new Baroque iconography. The pa int ing i n the Dresden Gema'ldegalerie, of h imsel f dressed as a c a va l i e r with a woman on h is knee, which at once represents a double p o r t r a i t and a scene of the Prodigal Son in the tavern , i s in i t s imagery s t rongly rooted in a northern t r a d i t i o n of mora l i s t i c tavern scenes. Th is t r a d i t i o n begins with pa i n t i ngs , such as Lucas van Leyden's "Ca rdp l aye r s " , in Munich, dated c. 1520, or Van Hemessen's "Prodigal Son" , signed and dated 1536, in the B russe l ' s Museum. While Rembrandt's pa int ing represents a scene from the B i b l i c a l s t o r y , i t s importance l i e s not in i t s narrat ive aspect , but in i t s m o r a l i s t i c message. Rembrandt, in his dep ic t ion of the Prodigal Son's r e t u rn , both in his 1636 etching and in h is l a t e r pa int ing in the Hermitage i s again with in a well es tab l i shed p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n , popular p a r t i c u i a r i l y in Counter-Reform-at ion I t a l y , but found a lso in Northern graphic works. Rembrandt uses a graphic example as a d i r e c t prototype fo r his e t ch ing . The changes that he makes in his model a re , however, s i g n i f i c a n t , fo r they suggest a conscious attempt to redef ine i t s iconographic imp l i c a t i ons . The Hermitage pa int ing incorporates even greater changes. In i t he has placed a f a r greater emphasis on the union of fa ther and son , by his choice o f composi t ion, the l i g h t i n g and by the expressions of peace and seren i ty in the faces o f the two f i g u r e s . He has a lso placed an unprecedented importance on a t h i r d f i g u r e ; a standing f i g u r e , dressed in r ed , to the r igh t of the main group, whose r e l a t i onsh ip to that group i s , however, ambiguous. He i s poss ib ly the older brother . H i s ' a t t r i b u t i o n to Rembrandt, as well as that of the other surrounding f i g u r e s , has been quest ioned. The changes may express Rembrandt's personal r e l i g i ous o r i e n t a t i o n , although more de f i n i t e conclusions on the pa in t i ng ' s subject a re , at th i s moment, immature. i v Table of Contents Page Introduction and Historical Perspective 1 Chapter I: Rembrandt's Dresden Painting 8 Chapter II: "The Return of the Prodigal Son" 24 Footnotes 38 Bibliography 56 Appendix 61 V L i s t of Abbreviat ions B. Adam Bar tsch , Catalogue Raisonne de Toutes les Estampes qui Forment 1 'Oeuvre de Rembrandt, et Ceux de ses  Pr incipaux Imitateurs , 2 v o l s . , Vienna: 1797. The numbers of the works given by Bartsch can be located in Chr istopher White and Karel G. Boon, Rembrandt E tch ings . An I l l u s t r a t ed C r i t i c a l Catalogue, 2 vo l s . Amsterdam: Van Gendt & C o . , 1969. Bauch Kurt Bauch, Rembrandt Gema*lde, B e r l i n : Walter de Gruyter & C o . , 1966. Ben. or Benesch Otto Benesch, The Drawings of Rembrandt, F i r s t Complete  E d i t i o n , 6 v o l s , London: Phaidon Press , 1954-57. Bergstrom Ingvar Bergstrom, "Rembrandt's Double Po r t r a i t of him-s e l f and Saskia at the Dresden G a l l e r y " , Nederlands Kunst- h i s t o r i s c h Jaarboek, #17, 1966, pp. 143-169. Br. The Paint ings of Rembrandt, ed. by A. B red ius , Vienna: Phaidon Press , 1936. Bredius-Gerson A. Bred ius , Rembrandt, The Complete Ed i t ion of the Pa int ings, Revised by H. Gerson, London: Phaidon, 1969. Gerson Horst Gerson, Rembrandt Pa in t ings . Trans lated by Heinz Norden, Ed. by Gary Schwartz. New York: Reynal in assoc ia t ion with W. Morrow, 1968. Haak Bob Haak, Rembrandt, His L i f e , Work and Times, London: Thames & Hudson, 1969. H. de Groot C. Hofstede de Groot , A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works v i of the most Eminent Dutch Painters o f the Seventeenth  Century. Trans lated and Edited by E.G. Hawke, 8 v o l s . , London: MacMillan and C o . , L t d . , 1916, V o l . VI. Tumpel Ch r i s t i an Tumpel, " Ikonographische Beitrage zu Rembrandt zur Deutung und In terpreta t ion se iner H i s t o r i e n " Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen XII I , 1968, pp. 95-126. Urkunden Die Urkunden uber Rembrandt 1575-1721 . Edited by Cornell 's Hofstede de Groot, The Hague: M. N i j h o f f , 1906. Va lent iner (1904) Rembrandt^ des Meisters Gem'dlde, S tu t tga r t : Deutsche Verlags A n s t a l t , 1904. Va lent iner (1908) Rembrandt des Meister GemcMde, 3rd E d i t i o n , S tu t tga r t : Deutsche, Verlags A n s t a l t , 1908. Va lent iner (1925) Rembrandt des Meisters Handzeichnungen, 2 v o l s . S tu t tga r t : Deutsche Verlags A n s t a l t , 1925. v i i I wish to express my apprec ia t ion to Professor G. Rosenberg fo r his encouragement and helpful c r i t i c i s m . 1. Introduct ion and H i s t o r i c a l Perspect ive ! A number o f works in the Rembrandt corpus have, at var ious t imes , been assoc iated with the theme of the Prodigal Son. These are : 1) a pa in t ing now in the Dresden GemSldegalerie^, which over the years has been va r ious l y 2 t i t l e d , and which in the l a t e s t complete catalogue of Rembrandt's works has been given as "Rembrandt and Sask ia " ("The Prodigal Son in the Tavern?" ) . It i s signed "Rembrandt f" on the l e f t at 1/2 height and, although there i s no documentary basis f o r i t s da t i ng , i t i s placed by most scholars somewhere 3 between the years 1634-1636 . 2) A pa int ing in the Hermitage, signed "R v Ryn f" at the lower l e f t beside the son 's l e f t f o o t , in an unusual f a sh ion , which makes Bredius-Gerson 4 quest ion the au then t i c i t y of the s igna tu re , although not that of the pa int ing . Its t i t l e has usua l ly been given as "The Return of the Prodigal Son" . Its 5 date i s a lso not f i x e d , but i s genera l l y placed near the end of the 1660's . 3) An e t ch ing , signed and dated 1636, represent ing "The Return of the S o n " 6 . 4) A number of drawings 7 , and 5) The pa in t i ng , usua l l y c a l l e d "The Po l i sh R ide r " , which has been in terpreted by Co l in Cambell as the Prodigal Son's departure from his f a t h e r ' s house . i* The parable of the Prodigal Son i s taken from St. Luke 15: 11-32: 11 12 And he s a i d , "There was a man who had two sons; and the younger of them sa id to his f a t he r , "Father give me the share of p ro -perty that f a l l s to me". And he d iv ided his l i v i n g between t h e m . ' 3 Not many days l a t e r , the younger son gathered a l l he had and took h is journey in to a f a r country , and there he squandered his property in loose l i v i n g . 14 And when he had spent every th ing , a ^reat famine * Note: A l l B i b l i c a l texts c i t ed are taken from the Revised Standard ve r s ion . 2. arose in that country , and he began to be in want. So he went and jo ined himself to one of the c i t i z ens of that country , who sent him into his f i e l d s to feed swine. ^And he would g lad ly have fed on the pods that the swine a t e ; and no one gave him anything. ^ B u t when he came to himself he s a i d , "How many of my f a the r ' s hired servants have bread enough and to spare , but I per ish here with hunger". 18l w i l l a r i se and go to my f a the r , and I w i l l say to him, "Father , I have sinned against heaven and before you ; 19I am no longer worthy to be ca l l ed your son; t rea t me as one of your hired se r van t s " " . 2D/\nc| n e arose and came to his fa ther . But while he was yet at a d i s t ance , his father saw him and had compassion, and ran and embraced him and kissed him. 2lAnd the son sa id to him, "Fa ther , I have sinned against heaven and before you; I am no longer worthy to be ca l l ed your son " . 22gut the fa ther sa id to his servants , "Br ing qu ick ly the best robe, and put i t on him; and put a r inq on his hand, and shoes on his f e e t ; l e t us eat and make merry; 2 4 f o r th i s my son was dead, and i s a l i ve aga in ; he was l o s t , and i s found" . And they began to make merry. 25 Now his e lder son was in the f i e l d ; and as he came and drew near to the house, he heard music and dancing. 26And he c a l l e d one of the servants and asked what th is meant. 27And he sa id to him, "Your brother has come, and your father has k i l l e d the fat ted c a l f , because he has received him safe and sound". 28But he was angry and refused to go i n . His father came out and entreated him, 29but he answered his f a t he r , " Lo , these many years I have served you , and I never disobeyed your command; yet you never gave me a k i d , that I might make merry with my f r i ends . 3%ut when th i s son of yours came, who has devoured your l i v i n g with h a r l o t s , you k i l l e d for him the fa t ted c a l f " . 3lAnd he sa id to him, "Son, you are always with me, and a l l that is mine is yours . 32i t was f i t t i n g to make merry and be g l a d , for th is your brother was dead, and i s a l i v e ; he was l o s t , and is found" . This well known story was to ld by Chr i s t as one of a ser ies of parables in response to the contemptuous remarks made by the Pharisees and \ scr ibes about his assoc ia t ion with sinners and publ icans . The f i r s t of the Parables (Luke 15: 4-7) t e l l s the story of the shepherd who had 100 sheep, and when he l o s t one of them, searched everywhere un t i l he had found i t , and the second (Luke 15: 8-9) t e l l s of the woman who had l o s t one of her ten s i l v e r coins and, l i k ew i se , searched everywhere un t i l she had found i t . Chr i s t then continues with the story of the Prodigal Son, which is again a story of f i nd ing what has been l o s t . This time i t i s the young man, who leaves his f a the r ' s house and goes into the wor ld , who is l o s t and in need of being found and brought back to God. His separat ion from his f a the r ' s house represents his separat ion f r o m G o d . 3. It i s not un t i l he recognizes his need to go back to his f a the r ' s house, that i s , by analogy, his need fo r God, and repents his separat ion from God, that he can be taken back. In th i s sense being found means being with God. ( The "Return" to God has with in i t two aspects. The one i s Man's act ive return and the other i s God's w i l l i n g acceptance of him. On the one hand, Man must recognize his need fo r God and repent his godless ways and then give himself to God. On the other hand, Man can never be worthy of God and, the re fo re , i t is only because of God's i n f i n i t e love and kindness that he takes Man back. These two aspects of C h r i s t ' s message are in terpreted d i f f e r e n t l y by Catho l i cs and Protestants and r e su l t in major dogmatic d i f fe rences between the two churches. While the Catho l i cs have placed a great emphasis on the aspect of Man's repentance, embodied d o c t r i n a l l y in the sacrament of penance, the Protestants have re jected th i s strong emphasis on Man's ac t ion and, with i t , th is sacrament. As Emile Male points out , the doc t r ina l d i f f e rence between the Cathol ics and the P rotes tants , at a time when the church was s t i l l an important patron g of the a r t s , expressed themselves in art . The Protestant h o s t i l i t y towards the sacrament of penance was r e f l e c t ed in an increased emphasis in Catho l i c ar t on the theme of repentance, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the formal statements on the funct ion of ar t which said that a r t was to i n s t ruc t and confirm the people in t he i r f a i t h ^ . Frequently represented, the re fo re , were the repentance of St . Peter , the penitent Magdalen, the psa lmis t , David, and the Prodigal S o n . 1 1 In th i s connect ion, we may see the numerous works on the subject of Penance by a r t i s t s who were themselves C a t h o l i c , or who had a s t rongly Catho l i c 12 13 14 15 c l i e n t e l e , such as Rubens , Anthony van Dyck , Guercino , or Mur i l l o . 4. The parable has been in terpre ted in a number of ways in p i c t o r i a l art \ s ince i t s f i r s t appearance in 11th century Byzantine manuscripts in which i t s purpose i s nar ra t i ve . The i l l u s t r a t i o n s serve to c l a r i f y , v i s u a l l y , the t ex t^ 7 . The miniatures of the Goslar Evangelium from the f i r s t ha l f of the 13th century emphasize the r i t u a l and symbolic aspect of the parable in which the feast 18 becomes the foca l point of the story . The 13th century B i b l i a Pauperum used 19 the parable in a t ypo log ica l sense , while Dtfrer, in his engraving of c .1496, chose the scene of the Prodigal Son among the swine as the most s i g n i f i c a n t moment of the story in which the son recognizes his need fo r God. This i s 20 represented by his gaze at the church steeple before him . In the North, by the mid-16th century , the parable was i l l u s t r a t e d extens ive ly in the graphic a r t s , often in the form of a se r ies of scenes. Hans S. Beham, fo r example, in four blocks dated 1540, i l l u s t r a t e s , 1, "The Departure of the Prodigal Son" , 2, "The Prodigal Son L i v ing with H a r l o t s " , 3, "The 21 Prodigal Son Among the Swine" and 4, "The Return of the Prodigal Son" . The aspect of the Prodigal Son story most f requent ly i l l u s t r a t e d in the l a t t e r ha l f of the 16th and in the 17th century in the graphic arts and pa i n t i ng , was the scene dep ic t ing the Prodigal Son's adventures in the tavern , an episode only a l luded to in the B i b l i c a l text with the words, "and the son took his journey into a fa r country , and there he squandered his property in loose l i v i n g " (Luke 15: 13), and the e lder bro ther ' s l a t e r accusat ion of the Prodigal Son having 22 devoured, with h a r l o t s , his f a t h e r ' s l i v i n g (Luke 15: 30) . Turnpel i l l u s t r a t e s 23 a ser ies of four scenes by the monogramist M.T. , two of which are dated 1541 and two 1543, e laborat ing on the Prodigal Son's experiences in the tavern and his subsequent expuls ion from i t . Other representat ions of th i s episode of the story in the graphic arts show, a l s o , in subs id ia ry scenes, other moments from the Prodigal Son's s to r y , but the tavern scene occupies the major p o s i t i o n . 5. Gerhard de Jode, fo r example, made an engraving of "The Prodigal Son in Luxury". It was designed by Marten de Cleve and depicts two couples seated outdoors at a t a b l e , while a musician plays at the l e f t . One of the young men has h is hand ra i sed holding a g l a s s , which i s being f i l l e d by a bare-breasted woman, while another serv ing maid keeps track of the drinks consumed on a scoreboard hanging from a t r ee . In the r i gh t background i s the Prodigal Son among the swine, and in the l e f t background, he i s shown on his knees before his f a the r . The tavern • \ scene i s fu r ther i d e n t i f i e d by the text at the bottom, "De l i t y s f r u i t e r veneris 24 patr isque l i e i prodiguis at premitur nox miser ecce fame. Luc. 15 . " . A somewhat l a t e r etching by Frans Francken, l ikewise depicts "Loose l i v i n g " , th i s time ins ide the tavern , while the Prodigal Son among the swine i s ind ica ted in 25 the nghthand corner , in the distance , Painted examples are a lso numerous. A pa int ing in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, a lso by Frans Francken, again shows th i s p r ed i l e c t i on fo r the tavern scene, f o r he makes th i s the subject of a large centra l f i e l d , which i s then surrounded by e ight smal ler rectangular f i e l d s i l l u s t r a t i n g other episodes from the s tory . These i nc lude ; the fa ther g iv ing his son his r i g h t f u l share of the i nhe r i t ance , the son 's departure, his expuls ion from the tavern , his wanderings as a beggar, his search f o r work, the Prodigal Son among the swine, the return home, the s l ay ing of the c a l f , and the ce lebra t ion of the feas t . The popu la r i t y of th i s choice of scene seems to have been a p a r t i c u l a r l y Northern phenomenon, fo r while tavern scenes were being done in I t a l y , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r Caravaggio, 27 they had l i t t l e assoc ia t ion with the Prodigal Son parable . The other scene from the parable f requent ly represented in the 16th and 17th cen tu r i e s , e i t he r in a pos i t i on o f importance or in i s o l a t i o n , was the scene of the Prodigal Son's return to his f a t h e r ' s house. It has a d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r y . 6. It was a popular subject in Catho l i c countr ies fo r i t i s the "Return" that ac tua l l y embodies the Prodigal Son's repentance. He has a l ready , e a r l i e r in the story when he was among the swine, made up his mind to go back to his f a the r ' s house. It i s , however, th i s moment when he ac tua l l y f a l l s down on his knees before his fa ther that he f i n a l l y breaks himself away from the things of -the world in his submission to God. It is the a c tua l i z a t i on of his repen-tance. The subject appears p a r t i c u l a r l y in the works of I t a l i an a r t i s t s of 28 the second ha l f of the 16th and 17th century . Domenico F e t t i , fo r example, who painted a ser ies of scenes from the parables of Ch r i s t chose th i s episode 29 in the Prodigal Son story . The se t t ing i s that of 16th century palace a r c h i -t e c tu re , s im i l a r to the a rch i tec ture in Veronese's pa i n t i ng , "Alexander before 30 the Family of Dar ius" , while the f igures are l i k e the actors on a large stage set . The f a the r , embracing his kneel ing son, leans s l i g h t l y forward as he looks compassionately down at him. The bearded man behind them, whom Pamela Askew i d e n t i f i e s as the e lder brother , i s gestur ing ag i t a ted l y as two other f igures come out of the large doorway at the r i g h t . A cur ious dog fo l lows . The father and son ha l f hide two younger f i g u r e s , one of whom holds a fa t ted pig which may a l lude to the son 's former l i f e as a swineherd. The l e f t hand group cons is ts of a beggar, who, leaning on a s t i c k , makes a broad gesture towards the reunited p a i r , while a seated c h i l d i s po int ing at the Prodigal Son's bare f ee t . A peasant has come to view the scene while a mother with her c h i l d expresses the theme of fami ly love and p ro tec t i on . A work by Guercino in T u r i n , s i m i l a r l y represents the kneel ing son before his f a the r , who, th i s t ime, welcomes him with open arms. In the back-ground, smaller f igures dressed in contemporary costume are looking on a r rogant l y , 31 one of them point ing at the repentant son . 7. Guerc ino, in two other pa in t i ngs , represents a d i f f e r e n t aspect of the Prodigal Son's return home, in which the idea of repentance no longer plays a major r o l e . Both paint ings represent the c lo th ing anew of the son, a gesture 32 i nd i ca t i ng that the father has taken him back as his lawful son and he i r . It is a symbolic gesture of the son's new s p i r i t u a l l i f e . Rembrandt's choice of subject in both the Dresden and the Hermitage pa int ing and in the e t ch ing , can , the re fo re , be seen in the l i g h t of a very strong p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n in the l a t t e r ha l f of the 16th and the 17th century. Chapter I  Rembrandt's Dresden Paint ing A young man, dressed in a red tunic with gold thread women into i t and white ru f f s on his l e f t s leeve with the buttons on the other sleeve undone and a large black plumed hat , i s seated with his legs p a r a l l e l to a t a b l e , in a sideways pos i t i on to the p i c tu re plane. He a lso wears red pants with a gold f r inge and heavy boots ; at his waist i s t i ed a pr inted sash covered by a wide gold be l t from which hangs a g i l t-hand led r ap i e r . He has turned h is head to the s ide so that he i s looking out of the p ic ture at the specta tor . His r i g h t hand, holding a dr ink ing glass ( f l u i t ) , i s ra i sed as i f proposing a t o a s t , while h is l e f t arm l i e s across the backside of the woman seated on his knee. She has her body turned completely in to the p i c t u r e , but her head i s twisted around in such a way that she, t oo , faces out at the viewer. The woman wears a pale blue gown and a short dark ve lvet bodice of the sor t worn in the North in the 16th century among the more common c l a s se s . The jewel led chain decorat ing i t , as well as the golden ha i r decorat ion and the pear ls hanging from her ea r s , suggest modest wealth. A t tent ion has of ten been drawn to the contrast between her calm, s t a t i c nature and the dynamic open gesture and exuberance of her male companion 1 . The table at which the pa i r are seated has been covered with a th ick rug , on which i s p laced , in such a pos i t i on that they are cut o f f by the edge of the p a i n t i n g , a k n i f e , a p l a t e , a g lass and a rumpled s e r v i e t t e . There i s , posed proudly above these u t e n s i l s , a peacock, in the form of a past ry . Its t a i l feathers extend across most of the pa i n t i ng ' s w id th , spreading them-2 selves out in g lory behind the young man's plumed hat and the upheld glass . On the couple ' s l e f t , protrudes part of a piece of fu rn i tu re which has been 3 suggested as a bed by Tumpel , and above i t hangs a heavy piece of drapery which may be assoc i a ted , at l eas t in i t s c o l o u r i n g , with the bed below. In the top l e f t hand corner , cut in ha l f by the edge of the p a i n t i n g , hangs what 4 has been i d e n t i f i e d by Weisbach, in 1926 , as a scoreboard, i den t i f y i ng a tavern as the loca t ion of the scene. One of the f i r s t problems with th i s p a i n t i n g , i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the subject . Its t i t l e has, over the yea r s , been va r ious l y g iven. Unfor tunate ly , we have no record of i t before 1749, when i t was bought fo r the Dresden Ga l l e ry 5 by Le Leu in Par is . Ttlmpel points out that in the 1754 inventory of the Dresden G a l l e r y , i t was c a l l ed "E in O f f i z i e r s i tzend welcher e in Frauenzimmer c a r e s f i e r t , in der Handein Glas mit B ier ha l t end " . 6 John Smith, in h is 1836 Catalogue Raisonng, c a l l s the pa int ing "Love and Wine" and i d e n t i f i e s the " c a v a l i e r " as the a r t i s t . It was, according to Smith, engraved by Riedel under the t i t l e of "La Double Jouisance" and etched by S. Fessard as "Les Oeuvres de l a Vigne" 1 . Later ar t h i s to r i ans have elaborated on th i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by Smith, seeing i t as a s e l f p o r t r a i t of the a r t i s t with his w i f e , Sask ia . Bode, in o 1899, gives i t the t i t l e "Rembrandt et Saskia a Tab le " , and Va l en t ine r , in g 1904, c a l l s i t " S e l b s tb i l dn i s des Kunst lers mit se iner Gatt in Sask ia" . Hofstede de Groot , in 1916, l ikewise e n t i t l e s i t "Rembrandt and S a s k i a " , 1 0 and in 1925, Va lent iner restates the subject as "Der Verlorene Sohn Verprasst se in Erbe" 1 1 . Bauch (1965), seems to ignore the B i b l i c a l a l l u s i o n , c a l l i n g i t "Rembrandt und Saskia in h i s to r i s chen Kostumen an der T a f e l " and Menz, in a recent catalogue of the Dresden G a l l e r y , l i s t s i t as " Se l f P o r t r a i t with Sask ia " 1 2 . Gerson c a l l s i t "The Prodigal Son in the Tavern" 1 3 . I f the two 1 0 . f igures are i d e n t i f i e d as Rembrandt and his w i fe , Sask ia , can the paint ing also represent the tavern scene in the Prodigal Son s to r y , fo r i f we accept Rembrandt as the Prodigal Son, we must see his wife as one of the ha r lo t s . How can we reconc i l e these two i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s and what could Rembrandt have meant by such a paint ing? Again, various in te rp re ta t ions have been suggested, a representat ive se l ec t i on of which Bergstrom has reproduced. He summarizes them in these ca tegor i es ; the happy and i d y l l i c representat ion of Rembrandt's newly married l i f e ; an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the l i b e r t i n e manners of bohemian a r t i s t ' s l i f e meant as a chal lenge to the burghers; o r , in connection with the Prodigal Son's s to ry , meaning e i the r that Rembrandt and Saskia are playing the characters of the s to ry , 14 or that a mora l iz ing content of a more general kind has been impl ied The problem of p o s i t i v e l y i den t i f y i ng the scene is compounded by the pa in t i ng ' s present, perhaps, incomplete cond i t i on . For , as Tumpel points out , i t i s poss ib le that the pa int ing has been cut down. For th i s suggest ion , he provides some ev idence, point ing to a shadow of some sor t f a l l i n g across the s t i l l v i s i b l e bottom of the scoreboard, and the fragmentary p l a t e , kni fe and 15 glass on the table . Dr. Mayer-Meintschel has noted that the pa int ing was t rans fer red to a new canvas in an 1860 r e s t o r a t i o n , so that i t is today, impossible to determine on technica l i n v e s t i g a t i o n , whether the pa int ing has 1 g been cut down . Evidence provided by an x-ray of the p a i n t i n g , may, however, give some clues as to the r e l a t i onsh ip of i t s present state to Rembrandt's o r i g ina l concept ion. The x-ray reveals tha t , o r i g i n a l l y , in the background a naked female l u t e n i s t was portrayed. 1 7 This evidence would give fu r ther weight to the suggestion that a Prodigal Son in the Tavern was intended. The question here is whether Rembrandt painted over the t h i r d f i g u r e , or whether i t was done by a l a t e r hand. Does th i s mean that in the o r i g i na l concept ion, there were three f igures instead of only two? 11. In a drawing, "The Prodigal Son with the Loose Women" dated by Benesch 18 c. 1642-1643 , we have the appearance of a naked female f igure with a l u t e , whq, standing behind the table in a ra ised p o s i t i o n , looks down on the amorously engaged couple beneath her. The young man, with a moustache and a large cap over h is l oose l y cur led shoulder-length h a i r , i s seated at a t ab l e . The cha i r i s pushed back from the table so that he i s s i t t i n g with h is legs almost p a r a l l e l to i t and his body i s turned outwards toward the specta tor . He i s dressed in a s h i r t with wide sleeves which come together t i g h t l y at the cu f f and square cut trousers which reach over the knees and poss ib l y boots , although th i s i s somewhat d i f f i c u l t to make out. A sword hangs from his wa is t . He i s caress ing the woman who, in a rather inelegant pose, i s s i t t i n g on his l e f t knee. The two are looking at each other with smi l ing faces . The ha i r of the woman i s fastened together at the top of her head, but s t ray cur l s f a l l in to her face . Small drop-l ike eairings hang from her ears . Her dress has a low-cut bodice exposing her breasts and, in her l e f t hand, she holds a dr ink ing glass balanced p a r t i a l l y on her ra i sed knee. A r a p i e r , or walking s t a f f , leans up against the table and a woman s i t t i n g behind the t a b l e , her arm res t ing on i t , has turned her head towards the couple. From the background on the l e f t , emerges a f igure ca r ry ing a great p l a t t e r o f food. Va lent iner sees th i s drawing as a study fo r the pa int ing which has then been much s i m p l i f i e d , and dates i t wi th in th i s context , as c. 1634. In making th i s statement, Va lent iner would not have been aware of the poss ib le t h i r d f igure which, i f not a c tua l l y part of the f i n i shed composi t ion, was at l eas t planned in the pre l iminary stages. 20 Meder, on the other hand, a t t r i bu tes the drawing to Rembrandt's school . In th i s context , i t might represent a copy a f t e r another study made by Rembrandt. Both suggestions seem to ind ica te t ha t , at some t ime, Rembrandt must have conceived a work of an amorous couple in the presence of a half-naked female f i g u r e ; which may, perhaps, r e fe r to the Dresden pa in t i ng . I t , and the x-ray 1 2 . ev idence, may, the re fo re , give some c lues as to the o r i g i na l nature of the pa in t ing . Both Bergstrom and Tumpel have attempted to secure the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the pa int ing as a representat ion of the Prodigal Son in the Tavern icon-ograph ica l l y by comparison with works that without doubt, represent th i s scene from the parable. They both draw up a l i s t of those elements which are common to the Dresden pa int ing and other works i l l u s t r a t i n g the parable . For compar-ison Tumpel uses an engraving by the Amsterdam engraver, done under the name 21 of "P.P. Rubbens" , which includes a l l the elements found in the Dresden pa in t i ng . A young man i s seated at a cha i r which i s pushed s l i g h t l y away from a table so that he i s not a c tua l l y s i t t i n g at the t a b l e , but r a the r , a l i t t l e to one side of i t . He wears a plumed beret and the c lothes of a Junker. In his l e f t hand, his elbow res t ing on the t a b l e , he holds a t a l l d r ink ing g l a s s , while his r i gh t arm is placed around the waist of the woman seated on his knee. Her low-cut dress reveals her bare breasts . Behind them, a servant woman i s t a l l y i n g up the drinks on a scoreboard hanging from the wa l l . In f ront of the table i s seated a woman, who while playing her l u t e , looks over at the couple. On the wall beside the scoreboard i s d isplayed a peacock, his t a i l feathers spread out. The s i m i l a r i t y of th i s engraving to the drawing suggested by Va lent iner 22 as a study fo r the Dresden pa int ing and a lso to the Dresden pa int ing i t s e l f , i s very s t rong. The Junker, the woman on his knee, the ra ised l e f t arm holding the g l a s s , the marked scoreboard, the peacock and the poss ib le female l u t e n i s t a l l appear. Another drawing, "The Prodigal Son with the Loose Women", suggested by 23 TUmpel as a copy a f t e r Rembrandt, again exh ib i t s many of the same elements. Here, we have a bare-breasted woman, th i s time in a plumed cap, seated on a 13. young man's knee beside a covered t a b l e , while a woman wri tes on the score -board in the background. Tumpel fur ther points out the s i m i l a r i t i e s between Rembrandt's pa in t ing and examples of the Prodigal Son belonging to the Utrecht School . He uses as an example, a Prodigal Son by Jan van B i j l e r t "festgelag van de Ver lo renzoon" , 24 which i s dated 1629. This pa in t ing represents the Prodigal Son, i d e n t i f i e d by the large plumed hat which he holds in his l e f t hand and the ra ised glass which he holds in his r i g h t , in a semi-rec l in ing pos i t i on on a draped bench-l i k e s t ruc tu re . He wears be-ribboned shoes and a s t y l i s h j a cke t . A woman holding a pipe and wearing a low-cut dress s i t s down behind him, while another woman approaches him from the rear . Separated from the Prodigal Son by the bench-l ike s t ruc ture are three mus ic ians , play ing t he i r instruments. Behind the two women, in the upper right-hand corner , stands another young man, his body turned into the p ic ture but his head twisted out of i t to catch the v iewer 's eye. While th i s pa int ing depic ts the parable scene, i t s recognizable elements have been reduced to a minimum; only the plumed hat , the ra ised glass and, perhaps, the elegant c l o t h e s , i d en t i f y the young man as the Prodigal Son. The Prodigal Son seems to be sometimes represented as a young, s t y l i s h dandy and, sometimes, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Utrecht Schoo l , in a more m i l i t a r y costume. The other de t a i l s depic t simply a scene of " loose l i v i n g " such as that found in the 25 "Musicerend Gezelschap" , a lso by Jan van B i j l e r t , which shows f i v e f igures p lay ing musical instruments, haphazardly grouped beside a table on which l i e abandoned p ipes . On the l e f t , at the end of the t a b l e , s i t s a young man dressed in the costume of a cavalryman, a rap ie r hanging from his s ide and spurs on his high boots. Across from him i s seated a bare-breasted woman who i s gestur ing to get his a t t e n t i o n , while beside him a f igure i s pouring wine from a f l a sk in to a g l a ss . This i s a scene a l l ud ing to a l l the elements of immoral l i v i n g -14. wine, women, tobacco and music - and i t s mora l iz ing in ten t ion i s very s t rong. B i j l e r t ' s "Prodigal Son" l ikewise depicts the wine, the women, the music and the smoking. In th i s l a t t e r p a i n t i n g , the re fo re , a mora l iz ing in tent ion cannot be over looked. The lone f igure in the background looking out at the viewer may serve as a commentator on the scene before him. A comparison of the Dresden pa int ing with a work given fo r th i s purpose by Bergstrom as an undisputable scene from the parable reveals s im i l a r con-c l u s i ons . He i l l u s t r a t e s a c i r c u l a r engraving a f t e r Marten de Vos from C. van de Passe, "Parabolarum Evangelicarum Typi E l egan t i s s ime" , dated 1604 . The three minor scenes in the background i l l u s t r a t i n g the Prodigal Son's expu l -s ion from the tavern , his work as a swineherd and the return of the son to his f a the r ' s house, i d en t i f y the s to ry . The main scene takes place in the arbour of a tavern in which f i v e f igures are seated around a t a b l e , three of them play ing musical instruments and the other two forming an amorous couple. The young man, dressed in a contemporary costume of e legance, i s caress ing the woman, who holds a goblet in her l e f t hand, and in the shadows in the back-ground, a woman is wr i t ing on a scoreboard. The i n s c r i p t i o n , forming a band around the narra t i ve scenes, reads "In grav ia es lapsus d e l i c t a ! Revertere 27 so ldes : moneterum ad mores est v i a sera bonos" , prov id ing the key to the understanding of th i s engraving. For while i t s reference " rever tere so ldes " re fers d i r e c t l y to the outcome of the B i b l i c a l s t o r y , i t must a lso be read in a more general way as a warning against immoral l i v i n g . The text of an emblem from Theodor de Bry 's Emblemata, publ ished in 28 1592 in Frankfurt a.m. again brings out the r e l a t i onsh ip of the Prodigal Son parable to a general mora l iz ing statement. It reads: Die Y ipp igke i t wie s i ch d ie Jugendt br ing zu spo t , und komt, in Armut, Angst und Not Wenn s ie durch a l l e Y i p p i g k e i t , s i ch se lber 15. br ingt in He r t zen l e id t , solchs l eh r t das Exempel schon, In der s c h r i f f t vom Verlohrnen Son. Drumb lehrn heirauss e in jeder wol. Wie er verwan se in Jugendt so l .29 I t ' s message i s obvious. Lucas van Leyden's woodcut of c. 1519, dep ic t ing the Prodigal Son in the tavern , bears with i t a strong mora l iz ing overtone, beyond the narrat ive 30 confines of the s tory . The a r t i s t has minimized the nar ra t i ve elements to a small c i r c u l a r table on which i s placed a cup, a g l a s s , some bread and a p l a t t e r with f r u i t , inc lud ing an app le , a pear and some che r r i e s . At the table i s seated an o lder woman in the act of dr ink ing from a glass while beside her s i t a young couple engaged in p lay fu l love-making. A f igure dressed in the costume of a j e s t e r looks through the window and points a f inger down at the coup le , while a s c r o l l l i nk i ng the j e s t e r with the scene i n s i d e , reads "acht. yon. waren. f a l . " . These words serve as a warning against such immoral l i v i n g from which the only sa l va t ion is avoidance. Rembrandt's Dresden pa int ing must be in terpre ted in the l i g h t of these previous works. It i s not a representat ion of the tavern scene from the Prodigal Son story in simply a nar ra t i ve sense of the word, but ca r r i e s with i t strong moral imp l i c a t i ons . Rembrandt has, however, made s i g n i f i c a n t formal-i s t i c changes. The most obvious is his minimizat ion of the tavern atmosphere. The f igure on the Son's knee i s no longer dressed in the seduct ive costume of the har lo t in the prev ious ly discussed pa int ing of B i j l e r t or the engraving of P.P. Rubbens on the same subject . She has, furthermore, turned her body away from the viewer who sees only her back and from her companion. The only remain-ing i nd i c a t i on that the scene does take place in a tavern , i s the p a r t i a l l y exposed scoreboard. If i t was Rembrandt's dec i s ion to exclude the naked l u t e n i s t , then th i s i s a fur ther i nd i ca t i on that his l im i t ed reference to the tavern set t ing was not un in ten t iona l . His choice of composition has, in f a c t , been re la ted to 1 6 . a paint ing by Terbruggen dep ic t ing a " V i o l i n i s t and G i r l with a G l a s s " , which 32 makes no reference to the B i b l i c a l s tory . The pa int ing in Krefe ld is signed and dated 1624, and is a genre scene in which two l a rge , ha l f- length f igures placed c lose to the p ic ture p lane, are shown together. The young man holds a v i o l i n while his female companion, whose c lothes are pul led back o f f her shoulders revea l ing her b reas ts , holds up the g l a ss . Both f igures are looking out at the viewer in the same way that Rembarndt's two f igures are . The v i o l i n i s t a lso wears a large plumed bere t , as does the young man in the Rembrandt p a i n t i n g , and the large puffed sleeve of his tun ic plays the same ro le of a v isual l i nk between the two f i gu r e s . Was th i s s i m i l a r i t y co inc identa l ? Whether or not he did a c tua l l y use the Terbruggen as a model for his own pa in t -ing is an open ques t ion , but i t serves to show that Rembrandt's v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the scene was with in the mora l iz ing genre t r a d i t i o n of the Utrecht school and not s t r i c t l y according to other prototypes of the Prodigal Son s to ry . A most s i g n i f i c a n t feature of the Dresden pa int ing i s the peacock head and the massive spread of peacock fea thers . This motif occurs in a number of Prodigal Son representa t ions , given both by Tumpel and Bergstrom, as well as 33 in some examples of mora l iz ing genre scenes . Bergstrom points to the pea-j cock as a symbol of pr ide (and voluptuousness) , reproducing in th i s connection a drawing by Jacques de Gheyn of " Superb ia " , in the Leiden Prentenkabinet dated before 1604, in.which the f igure of Superb ia , who represents P r i de , holds a 34 mirror decorated with the head and t a i l feathers of a peacock . Rembrandt would c e r t a i n l y have been f am i l i a r with th i s a s soc i a t i on . 35 As Panofsky has already shown, in connection with Rembrandt's "Dana'e" which was a work begun in the mid-30 's , emblematic mo t i f s , at th i s pe r i od , seem to play a key ro le in the i n te rp re ta t i on of some of Rembrandt's works . To 17. look at the peacock in terms of i t ' s wider emblematic in terpre ta t ion may, there fore , prove s i g n i f i c a n t , as Henkel and Schone show. It also represents "Verderbl iche Le idenscha f t " , that is des t ruc t i ve or per ishable pass ion, or pleasure which brings with i t sorrow. The peacock, the b i rd of Juno, shows a beaut i fu l t a i l with many eyes, but beneath, i t hides a monster's head. I t 's message i s that i f you choose a woman fo r her beauty and purchase her favours fo r much gold and g i f t s , you w i l l alway be preyed upon by the ugly side of 37 her character A second to th i s study, r e l evan t , emblematic i n t e rp re ta t i on of the peacock, i s "Schwacheit des Menschens", or the weakness of man, for the peacock has beaut i fu l t a i l f ea the r s , but ugly f ee t . As soon as he recognizes the u g l i -ness of his f e e t , his t a i l feathers f a l l ; that i s , as soon as man recognizes 38 his weakness, his pride and magnificence disappear . Both in te rpre ta t ions point to the f u t i l i t y and p e r i s h a b i l i t y of man's ear th ly pu r su i t s . This warning i s in keeping with the mora l i s t i c aspect of Rembrandt's Dresden pa in t ing . Why has Rembrandt represented only two f igures from the normally many f igured scene? This question has already been p a r t i a l l y answered by i t ' s assoc ia t ion with works from the Utrecht s choo l , e s p e c i a l l y as Tumpel has pointed out , with the prev ious ly discussed Terbruggen. With regard to th i s ques t ion , the poss ib le t h i r d f igure must not be fo rgot ten . A p laus ib le exp lanat ion , again given by Tumpel, i s the concept of "Heraus losung" , a device which Rembrandt uses in a number of works, and which appears in the medieval devotional p i c tu re . It involves the i s o l a t i o n of the main f igures of the s tory and the l i f t i n g of these f igures out of i t s mul t i- f igured narra t ive-context . He points to a s im i l a r phenomenon by which Rembrandt has represented his "Danae" in the Hermitage, 39 without her shower of gold , and his "Andromeda" in the Mauritshius without 40 her hero, Perseus . By concentrat ing only on the i so l a ted f i g u r e , Rembrandt 18. increases the psychologica l content of the p ic ture . In the Dresden painting he, in t h i s way, brings the f igures c l ose r to the viewer and increases the i r rapport with him. It a lso ra ises more v i v i d l y the question of i den t i t y of the two f i g u r e s , who are no longer simply two characters from a B i b l i c a l drama, act ing out the i r narrat ive pa r t , but real people. The p o r t r a i t aspect is very s t rong , f o r although the bodies have been turned in d i r ec t ions away from the viewer, t he i r heads are so placed to show the i r faces in an almost f ronta l view - in sp i te o f , in the case of the woman, i t s apparent unnaturalness. An i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the f igures as Rembrandt and Sask ia , which has 42 been suggested, must be made by a v isua l comparison with a number of other securely based po r t r a i t s of the a r t i s t and his wi fe . This i s usual ly made on 43 the basis of an etching signed and dated 1636 , in which Rembrandt represents himself in the foreground, his face f r o n t a l , looking with sever i t y out of the p ic ture d i r e c t l y at the viewer. His l e f t arm rests on a t a b l e , his pen s t i l l between his f i n g e r s , as i f only momentarily looking up. He wears a dark, wide brimmed hat and a s h i r t with wide puffed sleeves and a large white c o l l a r . Over i t he appears to be wearing a fur vest . His wife s i t s on a cha i r behind the wr i t ing t ab l e , her body turned at an angle towards Rembrandt, but her face also looking d i r e c t l y out of the p ic ture at the viewer. Her ha i r i s combed back and covered in a ve i l which hangs over her shoulders while a small f r inge of bangs f a l l s onto her forehead and stray strands frame her f ace . Her express ion , too , i s ser ious and somewhat heavy. The tone of the etching i s very d i f f e r e n t from that of the pa i n t i ng , as are the character types of the two f i g u r e s , which, in the e t ch ing , are much coarser and heavier . The two women, however, have the same high forehead and loose ly cu r l i ng h a i r , the same elongated nose, the same sad, rather inward looking eyes , puffy cheeks and double c h i n , and the two male f igures both have a square face w i th , aga in , a s l i g h t l y double c h i n , a moustache, 19. lumpy contours in the i r cheeks and c u r l e d , shoulder length ha i r . There i s , there fore , a " f ami l y " l ikeness between the f igures of the etching and those of the pa in t ing . Rembrandt has, perhaps, re f ined his f igures in the Dresden paint ing to s u i t h is narrat ive subject . It i s a lso poss ib le that the f igures in the pa int ing are not d i r e c t studies a f t e r l i f e , as the e t ch ing , in comparison with the e a r l i e r se r ies of small etched heads executed in the ear l y 3 0 ' s , in 44 which Rembrandt a lso represents himself more coa r se l y , seems to have been The f l e x i b i l i t y of Rembrandt's adoption of a f igure can be seen in a comparison of two works,-both represent ing Saskia in d i f f e r e n t gu ises . In both, Rembrandt has changed the features somewhat to serve d i f f e r e n t ends, although Saskia i s c l e a r l y recognizable in them. They are : the p o r t r a i t of Saskia in 45 Dresden, signed and dated 1633 , and the pa int ing of "Saskia as F lo ra " in the 46 Hermitage, again signed and dated 1634 . The Dresden p o r t r a i t represents a young, though not na'ive, g i r l , her face shown at three-quarters view, looking out coyly at the viewer, o r , in th i s case we may suppose at her husband the a r t i s t . She wears an e legant ly plumed hat , t i l t e d coque t t i sh l y , a s t r i ng of pearls around her neck, and gloves on her hands. Her s o f t l y curved mouth is opened s l i g h t l y to reveal a t iny part of her f ron t tee th . Her face is plump with rounded cheeks, but the general shape of i t is ova l . Her eyes are wrinkled forming t iny creases at the edges and her whole face is l i t up with a smi le . Her nose is long and s l i g h t l y rounded at the end, and she has a double ch in . In th i s p o r t r a i t , Rembrandt has sympathet ica l ly and d e l i c a t e l y represented the woman he loves as an outgoing woman of the wor ld , d ressed , however, not in 47 contemporary fashion but in that of Lucas van Leyden's day The s l i g h t l y l a t e r po r t r a i t of Saskia as F l o r a , represents her in a very d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t . Her f a ce , turned again at a three-quarter angle to the viewer, re ta ins the same s l i g h t l y plump oval shape, but i t s l i nes are much smoother and the features are much more regular and geometr ica l . Her double 20. chin i s formed by two s o f t l y curv ing a r c s , while the upper l i n e of the chin in the previous p o r t r a i t i s regular and the shadow across her face f a l l s in almost a s t r a igh t l i n e , unbroken by any surface i r r e g u l a r i t i e s . This i s qu i te d i f f e r e n t from the shadows f a l l i n g across the Dresden p o r t r a i t . Her eyes are much la rger and more open, g iv ing her the naive appearance of a young g i r l looking out shyly from under the costume. Her h a i r , aga in , f a l l s in loose cur l s over her shoulders and she wears a pearl-drop ea r ing . Her h a i r , garlanded with l a rge , b r i gh t l y coloured f lowers , i s in keeping with her dep ic t ion as F l o r a , the Roman goddess of spr ing and f lowers . The geometric s i m p l i c i t y o f the l i nes o f her face adds to the des i red e f f e c t of a s imple , una f fec ted , po t en t i a l l y f r u i t f u l g i r l . This d i f f e rence of concept i s again expressed in the representat ion of Saskia in the Dresden p a i n t i n g , which in i t s d e t a i l s reveals a strong a f f i n i t y with the other two painted po r t r a i t s d i s cussed , but which has been manipulated again to su i t i t ' s p i c t o r i a l context . She has a wide, oval f a c e , a s l i g h t l y open mouth, revea l ing her teeth as in the Dresden p o r t r a i t , a double chin and long nose s l i g h t l y rounded at the end, a high forehead and cu r l s loose ly framing her face . Aga in , she wears pearl-drop ea r ings , while her h a i r , in the p o r t r a i t , i s t i ed back and held in place by the t i a r a adorning her head. Her features are more geometric ized and regu la r ized as in her p o r t r a i t as F l o r a . This may be explained by the fac t tha t , in both cases , an imaginary, f i c t i t i o u s person i s being represented v i a an actual person's p o r t r a i t , to d i s t i ngu i sh i t from the more r e a l i s t i c p o r t r a i t which has no l i t e r a r y a s soc i a t i ons . With Rembrandt, the s i t ua t i on i s somewhat d i f f e r e n t , f o r in his s e l f -po r t r a i t s he has, throughout his l i f e , very often dressed himself up fo r a 48 p a r t i c u l a r ro le . In a " Se l f -Po r t r a i t " s i gned and dated 1661, fo r example, 49 he represents himself as S t . Paul . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the subject as S t . Pau l , i s based on h is costume and a t t r i b u t e s . It has been suggested that 21. the turban-l ike head dress re fe rs to his " o r i e n t a l " background, as he was born of Jewish parents in Tarsus . The h i l t of the sword, Paul ' s t r a d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e , can be seen from under his c loak , while the book, a l so t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated with St . Pau l , has been replaced by a bundle of l e t t e r s on which the word " E f e s i s " can be made ou t , r e f e r r i ng to Pau l ' s E p i s t l e to the Ephesians 5 0 . The s e l f - p o r t r a i t element of th i s pa int ing i s shown by a comparison with another s e l f - p o r t r a i t , t r a d i t i o n a l l y accepted as such, from the same per iod . The "Se l f-P o r t r a i t " signed and dated 1660 in the New York Metropol i tan Museum, whose 51 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n has not been questioned , represents a physica l type i den t i ca l to that of the "S t . Pau l " . Both f igures are seen from the same angle and wear s im i l a r f a c i a l expressions - ra ised eyebrows, a wrinkled forehead, hard-set chin and t i g h t l y sealed l i p s . Both men have the same square f a ce , sagging cheek muscles and c h i n , and the same large nose, wide at the base and s l i g h t l y curved so that i t appears crooked. L ikewise , both f igures have the same ear-length h a i r , bulging out from under t h e i r respect ive head gear. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the young man in the Dresden pa int ing can be l ikewise secured by a comparison with a genera l l y accepted s e l f - p o r t r a i t of the mid 30 ' s . The " S e l f - Po r t r a i t " dated 1634 5 2 in B e r l i n exh ib i t s the same broad nose, curved somewhat into a point at the t i p , large mouth, square face with high cheek-bones, s l i g h t l y f l eshy double chin and loose l y cur led ha i r . With Rembrandt, as with Sask ia , the features are s im i l a r enough to j u s t i f y the conc lus ion that Rembrandt has, in some way, used himself as the model fo r the Prodigal Son pa in t i ng . His expression in the B i b l i c a l pa int ing i s , however, very d i f f e r e n t from that of the s e l f - p o r t r a i t . A l though, at f i r s t g lance , i t seems more open, i t r e vea l s , in f a c t , less of his state of mind and appears almost f l a t and mask-like in comparison to the 1634 s e l f - p o r t r a i t . It i s a 22. r e c o l l e c t i o n of his features rather than a study of h imself or a r e f l e c t i o n of his cond i t i on . Neverthe less , an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the two f igures in the Dresden pa int ing under d iscuss ion can be made, revea l ing i t to be a double p o r t r a i t of the a r t i s t and his w i f e , in the guise of the Prodigal Son in the tavern. The phenomenon of a p o r t r a i t in the guise of a B i b l i c a l a l l e g o r i c a l or h i s t o r i c a l personage, was not an innovat ion in the work of Rembrandt, but 53 r a the r , a t r a d i t i o n a l feature of Dutch 16th and 17th century a r t . A n a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t was made fo r Charles I by Honthorst in 1628 on a t r i p to London. It represents a large cou r t l y a l l egory of "Apo l lo and D iana" , in which Charles I i s shown as Apol lo and Henr iet ta Maria i s seen as Diana, with 54 Lucy Percy, Countess of C a r l i s l e , in attendance Co rne i l l e de Vos, a noted Flemish p o r t r a i t i s t , in a pa int ing c a l l e d 55 "The Return of the Sacred Treasury of St . Norbert a f t e r the Heresy of Traucheln" 56 i s sa id to have represented the people in the form of po r t r a i t s . The pa int ing was, according to Wishnevski , done fo r the Funerary Chapel of the Snoeck fami ly in St . Michae l ' s Church in Antwerp, and represents members of the fami ly in the 57 guise of the pa r t i c ipan ts .in the 12th century event . v Wishnevski a lso points to a pa int ing by the p o r t r a i t i s t Dirck Direksz Santvoort of "Jacob and Rache l " , which represents a fami ly p o r t r a i t in the guise of B i b l i c a l characters . I t ' s s c r i p tu r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s made on the basis 59 of a comparison with a drawing in Ch r i s t Church, Oxford , by Hugo van der Goes , in which the same se t t i ng and poses of the main f igures are used. The p o r t r a i t nature of the pa in t ing i s suggested by the i nd i v i dua l i z ed features of the main couple and the two ch i ld ren and i s emphasised by t he i r f ronta l a t t i tude and the br ight l i g h t f a l l i n g on t he i r f aces . Rembrandt's "Jewish Br ide" 6 0 f a l l s in to the same category as the pa i n t -ing by D.D. Santvoort , prev ious ly mentioned. Rosenberg, among o the rs , sees th i s 2 3 . paint ing as a double p o r t r a i t commissioned by an actual coup le , a l luding to fil a B i b l i c a l pa i r . The i r costumes, which are not those of the 17th century, support such a suggest ion. Several people have been suggested as possible 62 models, although no pos i t i ve i d e n t i f i c a t i o n has been made From the l a s t years of his Leiden pe r i od , a number of general ly small etchings ex i s t which show that Rembrandt, by using his own face as a model, ft *3 studied many facets of human emotions . He appears to have been bu i ld ing up a vocabulary of expressions to be used in the imaginative characters of his narrat ive pa in t ings . The majority of these etchings are signed and dated in monogram, 1630, i nd i ca t i ng that th i s study of expression was, at one time, for Rembrandt a very conscious undertaking. He used the resu l t s of th is very subject ive study as a basis fo r a more un i ve rsa l i zed statement; that is a un i v e r sa l i z a t i on of his own exper ience. In the same way, Rembrandt studied the faces of other people around him as concrete models for the otherwise abstract emotions of the characters in his nar ra t i ve scenes, using p a r t i c u l a r l y those in the immediate environ-64 ment of his fami ly as models fo r the painted characters The s e l f - p o r t r a i t aspect of the Dresden pa int ing must be seen in the l i g h t of th i s aspect of Rembrandt's concept of p o r t r a i t u r e , of both h imsel f , and of his immediate fami ly . Rembrandt i s not simply represent ing himself and his wife in the guise of the Prodigal Son in the Tavern as a comment on his own s i t ua t i on or charac te r , as the other examples of po r t r a i t s in the form of B i b l i c a l , a l l e g o r i c a l or h i s t o r i c a l persons have done. He i s , ra ther , using himself in a more genera l ized sense as a model to convey a moral message It is the message which i s the most important aspect of the pa in t i ng . While Rembrandt and Sask ia , as the Prodigal Son with the h a r l o t , are the butt of the message, they are at the same time i t s most eloquent spokespeople. 24. Chapter II "The Return of the Prodigal Son" i The etching of the "Return of the Prodigal Son" , signed and dated 1636, i l l u s t r a t e s the other contemporaneously popular aspect o f the parable . Although i t represents a scene from the same story as that i l l u s t r a t e d in the Dresden p a i n t i n g , i t s impl i ca t ions as a scene on i t s own a r e , as has a lready been shown, very d i f f e r e n t . It may seem more than co inc identa l that Rembrandt has chosen to represent two scenes from the same story wi th in a r e l a t i v e l y short time span in his ca reer , but to l i nk them in any way more than s u p e r f i c i a l l y , i s to d i s t o r t t h e i r independent iconographic s i g n i f i c a n c e . Rembrandt himself has not t r i ed to unite the two works v i s u a l l y by the use o f any un i fy ing f ea tu re , such as in the type of the Prodigan Son. He seems, d e l i b e r a t e l y , to have explored the potent ia l of each episode of the story independent ly , i r r e spec t i ve of t he i r mutual o r i g i n s . Although the moti f o f the Prodigal Son's return was not as popular in the North as in I t a l y , an engraving by Lucas van Leyden provides an important 16th century v i s u a l i z a t i o n - o f the scene ^. Rembrandt, who owned a book of 2 pr in ts by Lucas van Leyden, was c e r t a i n l y f am i l i a r with th i s pa r t i cu l a r work . ) The scene takes place in the wide expanse of the count rys ide , on a promontory of broken, rocky ea r th , before a pa l a t i a l house. Out of i t has come the o ld man to greet his son who, walking s t i ck s t i l l under his arm, has j u s t a r r i ved home. He kneels before his fa ther in a s t a t e l y way, in sp i te of h is bare feet and ta t tered ha i r and c l o t h e s , v i s i b l e signs of the " l oose " l i f e that he has been l i v i n g . His hat i s tucked under his l e f t arm and h is hands are fo lded in supp l i c a t i on . He presents himself before his father to be taken i n . The old man, his eyes c l o s e d , touchingly bends forward and st retches out his hands to rece ive his son. Behind the main group a number of f igures look on. 25. One of them, wearing a turban and a beard, d isp lays a gesture of annoyance 3 as he exchanges comments with another . In the foreground, wel l-dressed townspeople have gathered to watch the event while two f i g u r e s , the one his i jaw hard set and robes draped over h is arm, come out of the b u i l d i n g . A f igure peers out of the window. The r e l a t i onsh ip of the fa ther and son seems to be formal and somewhat s t r a i n e d , and the surrounding f igures are in te res ted but not sympathetic. The Prodigal Son has come home, but the rocky barren land and the fo rma l i t y of the scene suggest that l i f e there is not promising. In the background, a farmyard i s depicted in which a f igure i s seen s l ay ing a c a l f , while another f igure looks on; a poss ib le a l l u s i o n to the coming feast in honour of the son 's r e tu rn , while in the r i gh t corner , below the promontory, a farmer, s t i c k in hand, i s seen walking alongside h is herd. Rembrandt's e t ch i ng , both in composition and in s p i r i t , bears very l i t t l e resemblance to the Lucas van Leyden p r i n t , which i s more s i m i l a r to the I t a l i an v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the scene. Rembrandt has, however, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y incorporated some of the elements of the p r in t in to his e t ch ing . 4 According to Arthur Hind , Rembrandt has used another 16th century i l l u s t r a t i o n of the scene.as a prototype; a woodcut of the same subject by 5 Maerten van Heemskerck . There are strong s i m i l a r i t i e s in the a r ch i t ec tu ra l se t t ing with i t ' s steps leading up to an arched doorway, out of which f igures are coming; in the arched v i s t a to the l e f t of i t through which background act ion on a miniature sca le can be seen and which leads the eye back in to the distance to landscape and bu i l d i ngs . The basic pos i t i on ing of the two pro tagon is t s , the fa ther and son and the abandoned walking s t i ck beside the kneel ing f i g u r e , are s i m i l a r as are the types of the two son f i g u r e s , although the ha i r o f the son in Heemskerck's work i s shor ter . They are both dressed in a piece of c lo th wrapped around t h e i r waists and they wear no shoes. Both hold t h e i r hands together in f ront of t he i r faces in an a t t i tude of prayer and 26. supp l i c a t i on . In the Heemskerck, the father i s in the act of stepping down from the top to the second step to reach his son. There is a strong element of motion which is l ikewise present , although to a l esse r degree, in Rembrandt's e tch ing . The movement represented by Rembrandt is a f r a c t i on of a second l a te r than that shown by Heemskerck, for the father has already reached his son. In both, the pos i t i on ing of the hands of the father is the same as he takes hold of the son 's r i gh t arm with his l e f t hand, although in Rembrandt's etching the contact is not yet qui te made, while the other hand i s placed around the bare shoulders of the respect ive son. A female f igure coming out of the door in Heemskerck's woodcut, is holding a pa i r of shoes and in Rembrandt's e t ch ing , the emerging male f igure l ikewise ca r r i e s shoes as well as robes. Despite these s i m i l a r i t i e s , the d i f fe rences between the two works are s i g n i f i c a n t . A transformation in Rembrandt's work has taken p l ace , which is e spec i a l l y evident in the spat ia l organizat ion producing a less compact and more atmospheric qua l i t y . It can a lso be seen in the placement of the two main f igures and in t he i r r e l a t i onsh ip to the whole. The protagonists now form an in te r lock ing unit wi th in a t r i angu la r shape. The steps have been enlarged and emphasized so that they form a s o l i d base supporting th i s t r i angu la r form which has, at i t ' s apex, the shoulders of the fa ther enc los ing the son. The arch on the l e f t , balanced with the open doorway on the r i g h t , together with the strong base h o r i z o n t a l s , give the whole a c l a s s i c a l strength and harmony that i s not present in Heemskerck's prototype. The walking s t i ck seems to be an almost se l f-consc ious attempt to introduce a diagonal into an otherwise s t a t i c composit ion. The sense of motion in the f a the r , although s t i l l p resent , has been great ly reduced. Instead of rushing out to meet the son as in the Heemskerck, the fa ther , as already i n d i c a t e d , i s there with the son. The impl i ca t ions of th i s change are very s i g n i f i c a n t to the message, for in Heemskerck's woodcut the son is s t i l l 27. begging his f a t h e r ' s acceptance of him as hired he lp , while the son in Rembrandt's e t ch ing , no longer has the need to ask - his father has already taken him into his arms and accepted him. In th is Rembrandt is more t ex tua l l y co r r e c t , for in the B i b l i c a l s tory the son does not have to ac tua l l y ask his father for fo rg ive -ness; he does so , but only a f t e r the father has already had compassion on him and embraced him ^. Rembrandt has changed the types of the f igures coming out of the doorway, showing them as short and squat types who rush out eagerly with the robes and shoes fo r the son. He has a lso placed a t h i r d f igure in a pos i t ion of immediacy and importance, at an open window above the main group. The f igure appears to have jus t opened the window, looking with c u r i o s i t y , but showing signs of resentment towards the scene below. The f i g u r e ' s i den t i t y i s uncer ta in , f o r while i t ' s dress resembles that of a woman, the short ha i r and hat suggest that he i s a man. 7 Both Rembrandt and Heemskerck have kaleidescoped into one scene, two consecutive events , by showing the servants carry ing out the c l o thes , while the o two f igures s t i l l embrance each other . This i s already present in Lucas van Leyden's p r i n t . By int roducing the o lder brother , they have a l luded to yet another moment in the B i b l i c a l s to ry . Rembrandt has a lso changed the small background scene, which in the Heemskerck i s c l e a r l y the s laughter ing of the c a l f fo r the f e a s t , to show a man with a s t i c k in his hand, leading his herd. T h i s , t oo , r e c a l l s a minor scene 9 from the Lucas van Leyden p r in t . These changes in the Heemskerck prototype are not a c c i d e n t a l , but rather express Rembrandt's d i f f e r e n t concept of the theme. They embody a change in emphasis from the son's search fo r forgiveness to the f a the r ' s ready acceptance of his wayward son. Rembrandt's etching i s not simply a copy of the o r i g i n a l , but an adaptation of the moti f which uses Heemskerck's woodcut as a s t a r t i ng point . 28. Hind sees a drawing in Haarlem (Ben. 641, cat. no. 519), as a study for the 1636 etching 1 0 . Benesch, however, dates i t 1644 on stylistic grounds 1 1 . It's possible relationship to the etching must, therefore, be examined crit ical ly ] on .purely visual grounds. If i t is a study for the etching, what is i t ' s relation-ship to the Heemskerck? Does i t , in any way, serve as a link between the two graphic works? The arched doorway and the steps leading up to it are a constant in all three works. So, likewise, is the beard of the old man, the bare feet of the son and the abandoned walking stick. The composition of the drawing is however, very different from either of the two finished versions: In the placement of the figures - the old man placed frontally and the son seen from the back at a slight angle; in the visible remains of the son's clothes, including a shirt with loose sleeves; in the positioning of the father's hands on the head, and the son's head on the lap of his father; in the monumentality of the two figures and in their calm and static nature. The walking stick in the drawing has been relegated to a position of non-compositional importance. On purely visual grounds, therefore, the drawing should be seen as a further development of Rembrandt's conception of the Prodigal Son's return, after 12 the 1636 etching and not a study for i t . It i s , in fact, more closely related in spirit in the composition of the main group, to the Hermitage painting of the same subject, done many years later. The youthful figure, leaning against the wall in the background who looks on with a quiet expression of curiousity, but acceptance, prefigures a similar figure in the background of the Hermitage painting. The drawing in Rotterdam (Ben. 695, cat. no. 562) dated by Benesch c. 1644-5, represents another experimental stage in Rembrandt's attempts to • 1 3 ' arrive at a personal conception of the "Return of the Prodigal Son" . The father is hurrying forward, his: hands stretched out in anticipation, to reach 29. the son who has f a l l e n down on his knees before him. The s t i c k , which seems to be in motion, forms a psychologica l l i nk between the father and son. The element of motion, f i r s t seen in the Heemskerck and ca r r i ed over to-some extent in the 1636 e t ch i ng , i s i n t e n s i f i e d which makes i t very d i f f e r e n t from the s t a t i c qua l i t y of the Haarlem drawing and the f i n a l pa in t i ng . The broader, more e laborate s e t t i n g , gives the drawing a more panoramic f e e l i n g , although the spa t i a l d e f i n i t i o n i s more ambiguous than in e i t he r the Haarlem drawing or the e t ch ing . A wall p ierced by an arched opening creates two separate spa t i a l areas. While the f a the r , rushing out to greet his son i s most c e r t a i n l y coming from the i n s i d e , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine from the angle of the son 's body, from which d i r e c t i o n he has come, which leaves the nature o f the space on the other s ide of the wall in quest ion . The greater number of f igures witnessing the scene deviates from the two prev ious ly d iscussed works by Rembrandt, but i s a motif which occurs in the van Leyden woodcut and in I t a l i an representa t ions . The kneel ing woman in the foreground i s , according 13 to Va l en t ine r , in the act of s lay ing a c a l f ( indoors? ) , a moti f again found in the woodcuts of Heemskerck and van Leyden, while the f igure in the broad brimmed f l a t hat behind the arched opening, has been in te rpre ted as the o lder 14 brother . Va lent iner points to the uncerta inty of the drawing in places and 15 to the many cor rec t ions made in i t I f we accept the drawing as genuine and there seems to be no ser ious quest ioning of i t ' s a u t h e n t i c i t y , then we must see i t as another attempt by Rembrandt to work out a su i t ab le form for th i s episode of the Prodigal Son s to ry . Two fu r ther drawings (Ben. 1231, ca t . no. 1017 and Ben. 1252, ca t . no. 1 fi 1037) are a s soc i a t ed , by Benesch with the Hermitage pa int ing . Both drawings represent the fa ther and son as a s i n g l e , i n t e r l ock ing v isua l uni t as the focal point in an expansive space; the a r ch i t e c tu ra l se t t i ng of the drawing in Dresden being f l a t and unstructura l , so that i t serves merely as a backdrop to the two f igures in f r o n t . Th is i n t e r l o ck ing of the f i g u r e s , which was a lready attempted by Rembrandt in the 1636 e t ch i ng , provides the key vech ic le o f psychologica l expression so important to the Hermitage pa in t i ng . The mot i f of the woman at the ha l f opened door to form a window, reappears in the pa int ing as do the steps leading up to the door. The walking s t i c k , which was so important composi t iona l ly to the 1636 etching and present in the Haarlem and Rotterdam drawings, i s now very simply integrated in to the to ta l space; in the Dresden drawing i t l i e s on the ground pa r a l l e l to the steps and i n the Vienna drawing, i t leans v e r t i c a l l y against the w a l l . A fu r the r deve l -opment has taken p l ace , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Vienna drawing, which serves as an important l i nk with the f i n a l pa in t i ng . The youth i s f u l l y dressed in a robe, reaching down to his ankles and t i ed together at the wa is t , and the father wears a small cap. Another drawing given by Benesch (Ben.1193, ca t . no. 983) 1 7 must be questioned as a scene from the Prodigal Son s t o r y , fo r the young man in i t i s dressed in the costume of a t r a v e l l e r and not in the rags of one who has l i v ed among the swine. The s i m i l a r i t i e s between the present drawing and that represent ing "Raguel Welcomes Tobias" , are too s t r i k i n g to be over looked: in ges ture , in the costume of the youth and in his sho r t , boyish h a i r . The o lder man in both cases , c a r r i e s a walking s t i c k and wears the same so r t of hat , although in the Tobias drawing the hat seems to be an af ter thought . A comparison, as Va lent iner has done, with the "Departure of Tobias " in the 19 Vienna A lbe r t i na may l ikewise be made, in which the o ld man represents T o b i t , the father of Tob ias . While none of the drawings can , t he re fo re , be seen as an actual study fo r the etching or the l a t e r Hermitage p a i n t i n g , they do reveal Rembrandt's pre-occupation with the mot i f and his attempts to a r r i ve at a su i t ab le rep -resentat ion of i t . They exh ib i t var ious aspects which w i l l be developed to 31. t h e i r f i n a l conclus ion in the pa i n t i ng , so that i t presents a very d i f f e r e n t concept of the Prodigal Son's return to that expressed in the 1636 e t ch ing . The Hermitage Pa int ing L ight from the l e f t f a l l s on the face of a bearded old man with grey whisps of ha i r coming out from under a t i g h t l y f i t t i n g cap. He wears a v ibrant red c l oak , with blue l i n i n g and red tass les hanging from the corners , over a yel low coat with a pleated s k i r t t i ed together at the waist with a sash. Under the coat i s a textured white blouse with small rows of r u f f l e s at the wr i s t s . His body, turned to face the viewer, i s bent s l i g h t l y forward over the young man kneel ing at his f e e t . The old man's shoulders are s i lhouet ted against the dark background in a diamond shape with his head forming the apex and his hands meeting at the bottom. The head of the younger man is enclosed with in th is shape and his body in enveloped by the standing f i g u r e . The l i g h t i l l umina t ing the o ld man also f a l l s across the young man's shoulders and back, c reat ing an aura of radiance and warmth around the kneeling 20 f i g u r e . He wears a loose ly f i t t i n g coarse l inen garment in tones of go ld , over a red s h i r t . T ied together at the waist with a co rd , i t i s patched on the shoulder below the o lder man's l e f t thumb. A knife in a sheath hangs at his s ide . His head is shaven l i k e that of a monk and his chin is covered with the stubble of a beard. The shoe on his r i gh t foot i s ta t tered and worn, while that on his l e f t has f a l l e n to the ground exposing the sole of his foot completely It is cut and b leed ing. The o ld man's expression is calm and his face i s f i l l e d with great kindness. He i s the father who i s welcoming home his wayward son. • C o l o u r i s t i c a l l y , as well as compos i t iona l l y , the two f igures form a v isual whole fo r they both r e f l e c t the red and gold of each o ther ' s c l o th ing in the i r own. They stand on a two stepped d i a s , i l luminated by the warm golden l i g h t 3 2 . In the background i s a wall extending ha l f way into the p i c tu r e . It is d iv ided into a number of hor izonta l bands, the highest of which is covered 21 with surface decorat ions of vegetal moti fs and r e l i e f sculpture and is then broken by a large arch f i l l i n g the other ha l f of the p i c t u r e ' s width. The open arch leads the eye back to a second wall which i s again pierced by a 22 window, probably forming the open ha l f of a door . The v i sab le rear wall is shaded in such a way that i t suggests surface a c t i v i t y of some sor t - perhaps 23 24 scu lptura l niches . The facade ind icates an e d i f i c e of some importance Four f igures witness the scene. A ve i l ed woman in the shadows behind the arch looks out of the open window (or doorway). She wears a low-cut dress with a scooped neck -and a black neckband from which hangs a sh in ing pendant. She seems perturbed. A young boy whose body is almost l o s t in the shadows leans against a protruding wa l l . His head and eyes are s l i g h t l y lowered, so that in view of the ambiguous space, his eyes would f a l l on the embracing f i gu r e s . His expression i s comparable to that of the youth in the Haarlem drawing; curious and puzz led , but accept ing . A f i g u r e , again blending colour-i s t i c a l l y into the background, i s seated to the r i g h t , h is l e f t leg res t ing on his knee and his l e f t hand holding the edge of his coat . His hat and pants are of a type contemporary to Rembrandt. He looks thought fu l , but not deeply in terested in the scene before him. His face has a vacant, mask-like qua l i t y made up of forms very much more b lock- l ike than the s o f t l y rounded modell ing of the f a the r ' s face . His body, which is done in an even cruder way than the head, appears non-structural so that his l e f t shoulder i s almost non-existant and his hands are l a rge , f l a t and express ion less . Beside him stands a f igure in f u l l l i f e s i z e . He i s i l luminated by the l i g h t which f a l l s on the fa ther and son. In contrast to the other on lookers , he i s c l e a r l y v i s i b l e and modelled with care. He is dressed in a long red cloak so tha t , c o l o u r i s t i c a l l y and in the s ty l e of 33. his costume, he belongs to the group of the fa ther and son. His hands, fo lded in f ront of him, rest on the walking s t i c k . A f l a t cap p a r t i a l l y covers his brown shoulder length ha i r which flows into a long beard. His head i s bent s l i g h t l y forward and his gaze i s d i rec ted downwards at the two main f i g u r e s . The strong l i g h t on his face reveals hollow cheeks and deeply sunken eyes. He i s moved by what he sees , but his expression is t roub led . The contras t between his face and the seren i ty in the face of the kneel ing f i g u r e , i s s t r i k i n g . 25 There are many problems with th i s pa int ing . It was bought by Prince Dmitry G o l i t s y n , the Russian ambassador to Par is and The Hague, fo r Catherine 11's p ic ture ga l l e r y in 1766 . No x-ray data on the pa int ing has, to my knowledge, been publ i shed. A s t r i p of approximately ten centimetres has been added to the r i g h t 27 and to the bottom of the pa int ing . The l i n e connecting the added part to the main part of the pa i n t i ng , i s c l e a r l y v i s i b l e although there i s no marked change in the co lour ing of the added part in the pa int ing technique. The change has a l t e red the composi t ion, f o r i t means that the standing onlooker in r ed , has been given more volume and that his back has been p a r t i a l l y freed from the p i c t u r e ' s edge, so that he has become a more independent and f u l l y rounded f i g u r e . The added space in f ron t of the feet of the genuf lected f i g u r e , adds depth to the p i c tu r e . A comparison with "The Apost le Peter Denying 28 C h r i s t " in which the person in the extreme l e f t i s cut ha l f o f f and the seated s o l d i e r i s very c lose to the p ic ture p lane, makes i t l ess d i f f i c u l t to v i s u a l i z e the Hermitage pa int ing without the added ten cent imetres. We a re , however, s t i l l l e f t with the quest ion whether Rembrandt added the two pieces to the edge, or whether i t was done by someone e lse and, i f so , by whom or why? It was suggested by the Par is s c u l p t o r , Fa l conet , in a l e t t e r of 1772 to Catherine II, as a companion piece to "Mordecai at the Feast of Esther and 34. Anasuerus", which is now ca l l ed "The Condemnation of Haman", but a comparison of measurements of the two paint ings does not expla in the added ten 31 centimetres . The added s t r i p s may ind ica te a process of r e s t o r a t i on , but we have no documentary material f o r v e r i f i c a t i o n . The second problem is one of qua l i t y . Bob Haak has suggested that the spec ta tors , which to him are q u a l i t a t i v e l y so much poorer , were not painted by Rembrandt, but were completed by another hand. As fu r ther evidence for such an assumption, he c i t e s the unusual s ignature whose au then t i c i t y has been quest ioned, and which he suggests might have been done by the same hand that 32 completed Rembrandt's pa in t ing . This would assume that Rembrandt had l e f t the pa int ing incomplete. The presence of the spectators i s i n t e r p r e t a t i v e l y problematic . The eyes of a l l four res t on the scene before them, a l l seeming to embody d i f f e ren t states of mind in r e l a t i on to the scene. They have no precedence in Rembrandt's drawings, at l eas t in t he i r present enigmatic form, and no textual explanat ion. The r e l i e f work on the wal ls of the b u i l d i n g , which cannot be presently read , may provide valuable mater ia l for the i n t e rp re ta t i on of the pa in t ing . A number of v isua l observations can , however, be made fo r the d i f f -erences between th i s pa int ing and the 1636 e t ch ing , i conograph ica l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y are cons iderab le , po int ing to the change which has taken place in Rembrandt's conception of the Prodigal Son's re tu rn . The strong geometric forms of the a r ch i t ec tu ra l se t t ing and the main f igure group in the e t ch i ng , are very important to the pa i n t i ng , while the sense of movement s t i l l found in the etching is now absent. This r esu l t s in a s t a t i c composi t ion, suggestive of calm, unwavering s t rength . The main group of the fa ther and son no longer forms a t r i ang l e in which the backs of the two f igures make up the two s i d e s , i nd i ca t i ng a more equal ized r e l a t i onsh ip between the two f i g u r e s , with the head and shoulders of the father forming i t ' s 35. apex. The f a t h e r ' s hands across his shoulders are expressive of the strong 33 emotion which he f ee l s towards his son . While the landscape in the etching ca r r i es the eye fa r into the distance into a d i f f e r e n t environment, there is no i nd i ca t i on of a space beyond that represented with in the p i c tu r e . The reference to the bu i ld ing in the background serves merely as a s t a b i l i z i n g f o r c e , a v i s i b l e s ign of the s o l i d i t y and secur i t y of the "home" to which the son has come. The only d i r e c t a l l u s ions to the son's former l i f e , that i s , the time outside that represented in the p i c t u r e , are the worn out shoes and cut feet and the kni fe hanging on his s i d e , which was used in the s laughter ing of p igs . The son has not a r r i ved in the rags of a swineherd, but with the shaven head and garment of a peni tent . He i s no longer bare foo t . Rembrandt's choice in his representat ion of the footwear has s i g n i -f i c an t iconographical imp l i c a t i ons . Although the son has both shoes, he i s only wearing one. The other has been consc ious ly taken o f f and placed beside his foo t . This may be interpreted in a number of ways. Ewald Vetter presents the idea that the "loosened sandal " i s an antique symbol of one searching fo r she l te r and suggests that the " loosen ing" of one shoe ind icates the son's 34 need fo r the safety and secur i t y of the home . It may, however, a lso be read as one bare and one covered foo t . H.S. Beham has shown his re turn ing 35 Prodigal Son in th i s manner, which in popular iconography was associated with the l i f e of poverty. In th is connection the vagabond in Peter Breugel 's "Rich Man's K i tchen" i s shown wearing only one shoe . A p r in t ascr ibed to P ie ter Corne l i sz Kunst of the "Prodigal Son Playing a Game of Dice" shows a pedlar standing at the table playing dice with the Prodigal Son. He i s shown with a shoe only on his r i gh t f o o t , while his l e f t leg and foot i s completely bare 36. The meaning of the son's footwear, however, may l i e in another d i r e c t i o n , for while the son is wearing only one shoe, the other shoe is c l e a r l y present and seems to suggest that the exphasis i s on the taking o f f of the shoe. The book of Exodus speaks of the removal of the shoes in connection with holy ground. For the Lord , speaking to Moses out of the burning bush, sa id " . . . p u t o f f your 38 shoes from your f e e t , fo r the place on which you are standing i s holy ground". The ground on which the son kneels may be seen as holy ground f o r , in his presence with his f a t he r , he i s , s ymbo l i c a l l y , in the presence of God. The problem, 39 however, s t i l l a r i ses why he has only taken o f f one shoe The standing f igure in red a lso presents iconographic d i f f i c u l t i e s . The prominence given to him suggests that he i s a f igure of some importance. Q u a l i t a t i v e l y , he i s , l i k e the other spec ta to rs , poorer than the main two f igures and may, the re fo re , not have been done by Rembrandt, although th i s does not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that he was part of Rembrandt's conception and, there fore , in accordance with the paint ings tota l iconographic statement. The o lder brother , although a more minor f igure in prev ious ly c i t ed 40 p i c t o r i a l works of t h i s subject , i s .never the less an important f igure in the B i b l i c a l s tory seen as a whole. It i s poss ib le that he does represent the older brother , who in the B i b l i c a l s tory acts as a f o i l to his younger brother , for while his brother had separated himself from his f a the r , he had remained f a i t h f u l to him and had worked hard for him throughout the years . A l though, in l i g h t of the many technica l d i f f i c u l t i e s and iconographical ambigui t ies , i t i s perhaps dangerous to make any statement as to the pa in t i ng ' s meaning, i t may, perhaps, be in terpreted so l e l y on the v isua l material at hand, as an expression of the Protestant concept of "g race " . The fa ther takes his "P rod iga l " son back so f r e e l y and completely that they have become one, even 37 before the son has had a chance to express his repentance, while the older brother who, through his serv ice and f i d e l i t y , had hoped to win a more favour-able pos i t ion in his f a the r ' s eyes, now stands apart . T h i s , however, requires fu r ther i n ves t i ga t i on . 38. Footnotes Introduct ion and H i s t o r i c a l Perspect ive 1. Br. #30; H. de Groot #334; Bauch #535. 2. Breduis-Gerson. 3. Va lent iner (1904) p.68, dates i t c. 1636-37; Va lent iner (1908) p.133, f ee l s that h is previous dat ing i s too la te and suggests an e a r l i e r date of c. 1634, which he bases on a Be r l i n drawing of 1633 (Benesch 483 cat . no. 437) and a study fo r Rembrandt's head of the same year at Warneck (Va len t ine r , 1908, p. 142 l e f t ) . H. de Groot #334 p.192 dates i t c. 1634-35; Bauch, Anmerkungen p.27 dates i t c. 1636; Bergstrom, p. 145 suggests a date of 1636; Breduis-Gerson p.549 gives no date. The-' present author has no basis fo r d isput ing a mid 30's da t ing . The p o r t r a i t character of the pa int ing reveals strong a f f i n i t i e s with other po r t r a i t s of the a r t i s t and his wife of that p e r i o d , although t h i s , in i t s e l f , i s f a r from conc lus ive as evidence. The dramatic hand gesture exh ib i ted by the man can be seen as a feature of a number of works of the. period (see a lso Br. #497; Br. #498; Br. #499). The c a l l i g r a p h i c l i n e of the young man's cap and the dramat ica l l y curved feather coming from i t , are features which may be assoc iated with his Baroque period of the mid-30's (compare the e laborate drapery of Br. #474). 4. Br. .#598; H. de Groot #113; Bauch #94. 5. Va lent iner (1908) p.471 dates i t c. 1668-69; H. de Groot , p.90, c. 1669; The Hermitage, Len ingrad, Dutch and Flemish Masters (London: Paul Hamlyn, 1964)* p.88 suggests a 1663 dat ing by comparing i t with a re la ted fami ly p o r t r a i t in Brunswick (Br. #417); Bauch, Anmerkungen p. 7, c. 1668 (? ) ; Breduis-Gerson, p.612, gives no date. Since the Brunswick p o r t r a i t i s not i t s e l f dated and s ince i t ' s r e l a t i onsh ip to the Hermitage pa int ing remains unc lear , i t cannot be considered substant ia l evidence as a basis fo r the dat ing of the Hermitage pa in t i ng . Compos i t iona l l y , i t belongs to the la te 1660's (c.1668-69). *N0TE: Throughout t h i s study l i t e r a t u r e f requent ly c i t ed w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d only once and l a t e r re fe r red to by the author 's name, the year of pub l i ca t i on and, in b racke ts , the number of the footnote where the t i t l e i s f i r s t g iven. 39. 6. B. #91. 7. Benesch in his catalogue of Drawings gives a number o f drawings re l a ted to the Prodigal Son theme. Ben. 85 , c a t . no. 81 , "The Departure of the Prodigal Son" in Dresden, Kupferst ich Kabinett dated by Benesch c. 1632^33. Va lent iner (1925) p.383, sees th i s drawing as a study f o r the Dresden pa int ing and dates i t 1633-34. Sumowski, in "Bemerkungen zu Otto Beneschs Corpus der Rembrandt Zeichnungen I", Wissenschaf l iche Z e i t s c h r i f t Der Humboldt -Un i ve rs i t a t zu B e r l i n . Gesse lschaf ts und Sprachwissenschaft l iche Reihe, VI , (1956-7), VII (1957-58), p.260, br ings convincing evidence fo r i t s a t t r i b u t i o n to Ph i l i p s Koninck. Ben. 108, ca t . no. 100 verso "3 Couples of So ld ie rs and Women" in B e r l i n , Kupferst ich Kabinet t , dated by Benesch, 1635, and assoc iated by him with the Prodigal Son in the tavern scene. Ben. 788, ca t . no. 651 "Departure of the Prodigal Son" in the Gronigen Museum. Benesch dates i t c. 1649-50 and sees the washes, which weaken the drawings as being by another hand. Va lent iner (1925) p.384, does not recognize the hand of Rembrandt in th i s drawing and be l ieves i t to be the work of a good p u p i l . Ben. 732, ca t . no. 601, "Prodigal Son among the Swine" in the B r i t i s h Museum, which Benesch dates 1647-48 while Va lent iner (1925) p.387, gives a date of c. 1635-40. Ben. 655, ca t . no. 528a, "Prodigal Son with the Loose Women" in Or leans , dated by Benesch c. 1642-43. Tumpel, p.118, sees i t as a copy a f t e r Rembrandt. Ben. 658, ca t . no. 529, "Prodigal Son with the Loose Women" in Base l , Benesch dates i t c. 1642-43; Va lent iner (1925) p.386 sees i t as a study f o r the Dresden pa int ing and dates i t c. 1634. Ben. 641, ca t . no. 519, "The Return o f the Prodigal Son" in Haarlem. Benesch dates i t 1644 and says that the washes, a rch i tec ture and se t t i ng are by another hand, an idea which Haverkamp-Begemann in "Review of Otto Benesch, The Drawings of Rembrandt, F i r s t Complete E d i t i o n " , Kunstchronik v o l . XIV, 1961, r e fu tes .Va l en t ine r (1925) #388 dates i t c. 1635, r e l a t i ng i t to the etching on the same sub jec t . Ben. 695, ca t . no. 562, "The Return of the Prodigal Son" , in Rotterdam, Benesch dates i t 1644-45. Va lent iner (1925) p.389, points out that 40. the execution has many cor rec t ions and i s , in p l aces , somewhat uncerta in. Haverkamp Begemann, (loc- cit.)says that another hand did the green and gray washes. Ben. 1193, cat . no. 983, "Return of the Prodigal Son" in the Hague, dated by Benesch 1655-56. Va lent iner (1925) p.228 sees i t as a "Departure of Tobias" (Ben. 727, ca t . no. 597) and dates i t 1645. Ben. 1225, ca t . no. 1011, "The Return of the Prodigal Son" in the V i c t o r i a and A lber t Museum is dated by Benesch 1656, while Va lent iner (1925) p.392, dates i t 1664, on the basis of composit ion. Ben. 1231, ca t . no. 1017, "The Return of the Prodigal Son" , in Dresden i s dated by Benesch 1656-57. Va lent iner (1925) p.391, re la tes i t to works from the mid-50's , on the grounds of i t s severe a r ch i t ec ton i c composi t ion, but fee l s that in i t s s i m p l i c i t y i t may a lso re la te to the Hermitage pa int ing of the same subject (Br. #598) and that would place i t in the la te 1660's . Ben. 1252, ca t . no. 1037, "The Return of the Prodigal Son" , in the A l b e r t i n a , i s r e l a t e d , according to Benesch, to the Hermitage pa int ing (Br. #598) and i s dated by him 1658-59. Va lent iner (1925) p.390. 8. Co l in Campbell , "Rembrandt's " Po l i sh Rider" and the Prodigal Son" , Journal of the Warburg & Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , 33, 1970, pp.292-303. For a d i scuss ion of th i s a r t i c l e see Appendix I. Br. # 279. 9. Emile MSle, L 'A r t Rel ig ieux Apres le Conci le de T rente , ( Pa r i s : A. C o l i n , 1932), p. 65-71. 10. R. K le in and H. Zerner , I t a l i an Art 1500-1600, Sources and Documents, (Englewood C l i f f s , N. Jersey: Prent ice Hal l Inc . , 1966) pp. 120-21. Canos & Decrees of the Council of Trent ( t rans , by J . J . Schroeder, London, 1941). The 25th Sess ion , Dec. 3 & 4, 1563 on the i nvoca t i on , venerat ion and r e l i c s of the sa ints and on sacred images. "Moreover, l e t the bishops d i l i g e n t l y teach that by means of the s to r i es of the mysteries of our redemption portrayed in paint ings and other representat ions the people are ins t ruc ted and confirmed in the a r t i c l e s of f a i t h which ought to be borne in mind and constant ly r e f l e c t ed upon* " . 41. 11. MSle, 1932 (9) pp. 66-70 gives a number of examples of pa int ings done in the 17th century on themes of penitence. 12. Rudolph Oldenbourg, P.P. Rubens^ Des Meisters Gem'alde ( S tu t tgar t : Deutsche Verlags A n s t a l t , nd.) p. 129, "The Madonna Adored by Four Penitents and S a i n t s " , 1615-17. (NOTE: The dates are those given by the author c i t ed in each case) The execution i s a t t r ibu ted to Anthony van Dyck; p. 176, " C h r i s t and the Four Pen i t en t s " , c. 1618; p. 104, "S t . Magdalen Repentant", c. 1635-38. 13. Gustav Gluck, Van Dyck; Des Meisters Gem'alde (New York: F. K le inburger , 1931), p. 10; "St . Mary Magdalene in Penance", p. 144; "S t . Mary Magdalene in Penance", p. 218; "S t . Mary Magdalene in Penance", p. 226; "St . Mary Magdalene in Penance", p. 62; " C h r i s t and the Penitent S inners " . 14. Nefta G r ima ld i , II Guerc ino; Gian Francesco B a r b i e r i ; 1591-1666 (Bologna: Ed iz ion i G.R., (pref . 1968) p. 136. "S. Maria Maddalena Piangente con due A n g i o l i " , 1622; p. 212. "Dav id " . 15. MuriHo*, L'Oeuvre du Mai t re ( Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette & C i e . , 1913) p. 36 "Le Repentir de Sainte Made la ine" , 1650-65; p. 100. "Le Repentir de Sainte Madela ine" , 1665-75. * 16. Ewald Ve t t e r , Der Verlorene Sohn, Lukas Bucherei zur Christ l ichen Ikonographie v o l . VII (Dusseldorf : Verlag L. Schwann, 1955) goes extens ive ly into the i n t e rp re t i v e h i s to ry of the parable in the v isua l a r ts and to a l esse r degree in l i t e r a t u r e . The parab le ' s l i t e r a r y h i s to ry i s d iscussed in A l i son Mary Turner , The Moti f o f the Prodigal  Son in French and German L i t e ra tu re to 1910. (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n on m i c ro f i lm , Univ. of N. C a r o l i n a , Chapel H i l l , 1966). 17. Miniature from the M.S. Grec. 74, P a r i s , B i b l . Nat. f o l i o 143r. 11th century. The scenes of the s tory are i l l u s t r a t e d in two narra t i ve bands and inc lude : the son asking his father fo r money; the son standing among the swine; he returns home and prostrates himself before h i s ' f a t h e r ; the two, s tand ing , embrace each o ther ; the son i s being dressed in new c l o thes . Ve t t e r , 1955 (16) p i . I, p. 38. 42. 18. The F. i n i t i a l of the Lukas evangelium of the Goslar Evangelary f o l i o 715, inc ludes with in i t two scenes from the Prodigal Son s t o r y ; the son 's a r r i v a l at his f a t h e r ' s house and above i t , the feas t in honour ! of his r e tu rn . Ve t t e r , 1955(16) p i . I l l , p. 38. 19. Ve t t e r , 1955 (16) p. 36, footnote 45 suggests H. Corne l l . B i b l i a  Pauperum (Stockholm: 1925) p i . 12 fo r i l l u s t r a t i o n . Vetter ( l o c . c i t . ) p. 16. In the B i b l i a Pauperum, the Return of the Prodigal Son i s juxtaposed with the reunion of Joseph and his brothers and the appearance of the r i sen Ch r i s t to his d i s c i p l e s . 20. Kar l-Adol f Knappe, Purer, The Complete Engravings, Etchings and  Woodcuts, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1965) p. 7, "The Prodigal Son amid the Swine", c. 1496. 21. F.W.H. H o l l s t e i n , German Engravings, Etchings and Woodcuts, c. 1400-1700 (Amsterdam: M. Hertzberger , 1954) V o l . I l l pp. 30-31. H.S. Beham, plates 1-4, dated 1540. F.W.H. H o l l s t e i n Dutch and Flemish Etchings Engravings and Woodcuts, c. 1450-1700 (Amsterdam: M. Hertzberger , 1949 --) (abbreviated he rea f te r , H o l l s t e i n , Dutch and Flemish) V o l . VII p. 77. P h i l i p Gal le produced s ix plates from the s tory a f te r designs by Heemskerck, dated 1562. H o l l s t e i n , Dutch and F lemish, Vo l . IX, p. 49. Rombout van der Hoeye executed four p lates designed by August Braun. 22. This scene appears f requent ly in the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n s ince the 13th century. L'Abbe y . Delaporte , Les Vi traux de l a Cathedrale de  Chartes (Chart res : E. Houvet, 1926) PI. CL-CLII shows that s ix f i e l d s out of twenty nine in the "Prodigal Son" window in Chartres Cathedral were devoted to th i s episode of the parable . 23. Tumpel, 1968, p. 120, f i g s . 27-30. 24. H o l l s t e i n , Dutch and F lemish, 1949 (21) IX, p. 200. Gerard de Jode b. 1509 (or 1517) at Nymegen, d. 1591 in Antwerp. 25. I b i d . , VI I , p. 9. Frans Francken the Younger's dates are 1581-1642. 43. 26. Kurt Bauch, Der Fruhe Rembrandt und seine Ze i t ( B e r l i n : Verlag Gebr. Mann, 1960) p. 32 i l l u s t r . #19. 27. Caravagg io ' s , "The Ca l l i ng of St. Matthew" in San Luig i de F r ances i , c. 1598-1601, (see Roger Hinks , Michelangelo Mer is i da Caravaggio -His L i f e , His Legend, His Works (London: Faber and Faber, 1953) PI. 38, ca t . no. 29, serves as a prototype fo r a number of works of f igures occupied in various pursui ts seated around a tab le . These were done by a r t i s t s both in I ta ly and in the North, who were st rongly inf luenced by Caravaggio 's s t y l e . For example: G e r r i t t van Honthorst, " M a h l z e i t " , F lorence , U f f i z i , see Arthur von Schneider , Caravaggio und  die Niederlander (Amsterdam: B.M. I s r a e l , 1967) p i . 2, b; Walter P ie te rsz Crabeth, "Der F a l s c h s p i e l e r " , Pr ivate C o l l e c t i o n , Germany, see Hermann Voss, Die Malerei des Barock in Rom, ( B e r l i n : Propylaen Verlag (1924) p. 135 and p. 470; Bartolomeo Manfred i , " M u s i c a l " , Florence U f f i z i , see A l f r ed Moir , The I t a l i an Followers of Caravaggio, 2 vo l s . (Cambridge, Mass. Harvard Un ivers i ty P ress , 1967) II. p i . 103, I. pp. 86-88; Va lent in de Boulogne, "Konversat ionstuck" , Par is Louvre, see Voss ( l oc . c i t . ) p. 100 and p. 453. 28. Examples of the moti f of the "Return of the Prodigal Son" are :-1. Annibale Ca r r a c c i : i ) A p a i n t i n g , now l o s t , was recorded in ear ly l i t e r a t u r e as a work by Annibale . It hung in the Zambeccari Chapel in the church of Corpus Domini in Bologna and was l a t e r sold to the Duke of Or leans. In 1786, the pa int ing was engraved. See Donald Posner, Annibale C a r r a c c i , A Study in the Reform in I t a l i an Paint ing  around 1590, 2 vo l s . (London: Phaidon, 1971) p. 62 and p i . 161, note 32. i i ) A pa int ing by Annibale l i s t e d in the 1743 Inventory of the Zambeccari Pa lace, or Casa Sampieri as given by Rudolph Wittkower, The Drawings of the Carracc i in the Co l l e c t i on of her Majesty the  Queen at Windsor Cas t l e , (London: Phaidon, 1952) p. 112. i i i ) Two drawings at Windsor corresponding to the engraving are by Agost ino. Wittkower ( l oc . c i t . ) p i . 30, ca t . no. 95 and f i g . 12, cat . no. 96 verso. 2. Bernardo Cava l l i no : A pa int ing in Naples, Capodimonte. See Moi r , 1967 (27) II no. 220. 3. Mattia P r e t i : A pa int ing in the Palazzo Reale in Naples, dated c. 1656. See Caravaggio e Caravaggeschi .Catalogo de l l a mostra, (Naples: Palazzo Reale, 1963). 44. 4. M u r i l l o : A ser ies of scenes from the Prodigal Son s to ry . A l l are dated 1660-80. See M u r i l l o ; L'Oeuvre du Maitre ( Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette & C i e . , 1913) nos. 109-115. A "Return of the Prodigal Son" dated 1671-74, ( l o c . c i t ) no. 126. i 5. T i n t o r e t t o : i ) A sketch fo r the "Return" in the U f f i z i , F lorence. See Hans T i e t z e , T i n t o r e t t o , The Paint ings and Drawings, (New York: Phaidon, 1948) no. 73. i i ) A c e i l i n g pa int ing in an octagon of the Sala degl i I nqu i s i t o r i in the Ducal Palace in Ven ice , dated c. 1560. T i e tze ( l o c . c i t . ) no. 74. E r i ch von der Bercken, Die Gem'alde des  Jacopo T in to re t to (Munich: R. P iper & C o . , 1942) gives i t as a c e i l i n g decorat ion of the Retrostanza dei Capi del Cons ig l i o dei D i e c i , Palazzo Ducale. 6. Bon i fac io Veronese: A pa int ing in the V i l l a Borghese, Rome. See Evelyn P h i l i p s , The Venetian School of Pa in t i ng , (London: MacMillan & C o . , 1912) p. 211. 29. Pamela Askew, "The Parable Paint ings of Domenico F e t t i " , Ar t B u l l e t i n 43, 1961, pp. 21-45. 30. Cec i l Gould, The Sixteenth-Century Venetian Schoo l , National Ga l l e ry Catalogues (London: The National G a l l e r y , 1959) no. 294, suggests a date at the end of 1570's . 31. G r ima ld i , 1968.(14) p i . 108, T u r i n , P inacoteca. Askew, 1961 (29) p. 31, note 29, connects Guerchino's Tur in "Prodigal Son" with F e t t i ' s rendering of the same sub jec t . She suggests a date of c. 1618. For i l l u s t r a t i o n see G r ima ld i , 1968 (14) f i g . 108. 32. G r ima ld i , ( l o c . c i t . ) f i g . 103, a pa int ing in the Borghese Ga l le ry dated c. 1618 and f i g . 137, a pa int ing in a pr ivate c o l l e c t i o n in Rome c. 1621. Chapter I 1. Bergstrom, pg. 145, "However a rhythmical dualism reigns in the conception of the two s i t t e r s . Saskia i s s t i f f and s t a t i c , a f i gure enclosed in i t s e l f , which could be insc r ibed wi th in an i sosce les t r i a n g l e . Rembrandt, on the other hand, i s a c t i v e , a f igure in move-ment, space demanding and open" . 45. Chr istopher White, Rembrandt and his World (London: Thames and Hudson, 1964) p. 34. "Her (Sask ia ' s )express ion i s dec idedly d i g n i f i e d and i s in marked contrast to that of her husband, whose coarse e b u l l i e n t ! features are wreathed in a g r i n . . . The i r d i f f e rences o f upbringing ! and temperament are c l e a r l y s t a t e d " . 2. Bergstrom, p. 143, footnote 3, i d e n t i f i e s the peacock feathers behind the man's head and arm as parts of an enormous fan held by the woman, although on P. 145, footnote 4, he says that there has been some d i scuss ion about the wheel, as to whether i t i s a fan or part o f the decorat ion of the past ry . He seems to prefer the f i r s t a l t e r n a t i v e , but leaves the quest ion unse t t l ed . The present wr i t e r f ee l s that the representat ion of a peacock f a n , as well as the peacock pas t r y , would be redundant and that a l l the peacock feathers in the pa int ing belong to the peacock on the past ry . 3. Tumpel, p. 118, re fe rs to i t as a bed. On iconographic grounds i t l o g i c a l l y represents a bed, f o r a bed i s a customary accessory in the tavern scene. Compare the etching by Jan Georg van V l i e t , a pupi l of Rembrandt, fo r i l l u s t r a t i o n . See Tumpel, p. 119, c f . p. 121, footnote 40, fo r the r e l a t i onsh ips of V l i e t ' s work to Rembrant's. 4. Werner Weisbach, Rembrandt ( B e r l i n : W. de Gruyter , 1926) p. 172. 5. Henner Menz, The Dresden Ga l l e ry (London: Thames and Hudson, 1962) Ga l le ry no. 1559, p. 208. 6. Tumpel, p. 123, footnote 88a. 7. John Smith, A Catalogue Raisonne o f the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch, Flemish and French Pa in te r s , 8 v o l s . , supp l . (London: Smith & Sons, 1836) VI I , p. 69. 8. Wilhelm von Bode and C. Hofstede de Groot , L'Oeuvre Complet de Rembrandt, 8 v o l s . ( Pa r i s : C. Sedelmeyer 1879-1906) I I I , p. 59, #157. 9. Va lent iner (1904) p. 68. Va lent iner (1908) p. 133. 10. H. de Groot , p. 192. 46. 11. Va lent iner (1925) p. 488, (no. 383), says that th i s drawing, repres -ent ing the "Departure of the Prodigal Son" , Ben. 85 , ca t . no. 81 and the drawing of the "Prodigal Son with the Loose Women", Ben. 658, ca t . i no. 529, were done at the same time as the Dresden pa in t i ng . Th is drawing embodies the t ype 'o f the Prodigal Son which Rembrandt uses in the pa int ing and the other drawing provides the bas ic composition fo r that pa i n t i ng . By a l l l o g i c , t he re fo re , the Dresden pa int ing represents the Prodigal Son theme. 12. Menz, 1962, (5 ) , p. 208. 13. Gerson, p. 323. 14. Bergstrom, pp. 145-150. 15. Tumpel, p. 116. 16. Tumpel, p. 126, note 97. A comparison of measurements, based so l e l y on the ava i l ab le l i t e r a t u r e , suggests that the pa int ing has been cut down. H. de Groot (64" x 52") and Gerson (approx. 63 1/4" x 51 1/2") approximate each other in t he i r dimensions. John Smith, 1836 (7 ) , however, in his catalogue wr i t ten before the 1860 r e s t au ra t i on , gives the dimension as 69" x 56" . Th is ind icates a d i f f e rence of c. 5 3/4" x 4 1/2" in the two sets of dimensions. ( 17. Ch r i s t i an Tumpel, " Ikonographische Beitrage zu Rembrandt zur Deutung und In terpreta t ion e inze lner Werke ( I I ) " , Jahrbuch der Hammburger  Kunstsammlungen, v o l . 16, 1971, p. 20, note 2. Dr. Annel ise Mayer-Meintschel presented the resu l t s of an x-ray at the Rembrandt Congress in Amsterdam in 1969. 18. Ben. 658, ca t . no. 529 (7, I n t rod . ) . 19. I b id . 20. According to Benesch, i b i d . 21. Tumpel, p. 118, note 73. Ac t i ve c. 1620-30 in Amsterdam. 22. See note 18, above. 23. Ben. 655, cat . no. 528a (7, Int rod) . 47. 24. G.J. Hoogewerff, "Jan van B i j l e r t " , Pud Ho l land , 80, 1965, p. 2-33. F i g . 19, Kerncat. no. 15. Jan van B i j l e r t , an Utrecht pa inter (1598-1671). 25. Ib id , f i g . 17, Kerncat no. 38 s'Gravenhage, Gemeentemuseum. 26. Bergstrom, p. 156. 27. "You have f a l l e n into grave cr ime! Return 0 s o l d i e r ! fo r there is no l a s t minute road to good mora ls " . 28. Bergstrom, pp. 160-61. 29. "The Extravagence with which youth brings i t s e l f to r i d i c u l e and comes to poverty , fear and need, when youth through a l l i t s ext rav -agence brings i t s e l f a troubled heart . This the s tory of the Prodigal Son has already taught us. Let t h i s , the re fo re , be a warning to each one in his youth " . 30. Jacques Lava l l eye , Peter Breugel and Lucas van Leyden: The Complete  Engravings, Etchings and Woodcuts, (New York: H.N. Abrams, 1967), No. 214. 31. Beware, (your) , true f a l l . 32. Benedict N icho lson , Hendrick Terbruggen (London: Lund Humphries, 1958) 35a, ca t . no. A20, p. 60. He makes the comparison between Terbruggen's genre scene and Rembrandt's pa in t i ng ; Tumpel, p. 126 sees the Terbruggen as a formal prototype which insp i red Rembrandt in his reduct ion of the scene to the two p r i n c i p l e f i g u r e s . 33. Works in which th i s motif occurs come from varying sources, represent ing not only the "Prodigal Son in the Tavern" but a lso more general moral -i z i n g and genre scenes. They i n c lude , fo r example: a drawing by Hans Bol in A l b e r t i n a , signed and dated 1588, see Bergstrom, p. 155; a drawing by David Vinckboons in the B r i t i s h Museum from a ser ies dated 1608, see Bergstrom, p. 158; the already discussed engraving by P.P. Rubbens; a pa int ing by Willem Buytewech in Be r l i n " B i u t enpa r t i j " dated c. 1616/17, see E. Haverkamp-Begemann, Willem Buytewech (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger , 1959), ca t . no. II; and a paint ing by Jacob van Velsen "Musizierende Gesel1schaft " in the National Ga l le ry in London, signed 48. J and dated 1631. See Walter Bernt , Die Niederlandischen Maler des 17. Jahrhunderts. 4 v o l s . (Munich: Ve r l ag , B isher F. Bruckmann, 1962) I I I , No. 893. 34. Bergstrom, p. 159, f i g . 8. 1 Tumpel, p. 124, l ikewise sees the peacock in connection with " supe rb i a " . 35. Br. #474; signed and dated 16(3)6. 36. Erwin Panofsky, "Der Gefesse l te E ros , (Zur Genealogie von Rembrandt's "Danae" ) " , Pud Ho l l and , 30, 1933, p a r t i c u l a r l y pp. 193-99 and 215-17. 37. Arthur Henkel and Albrecht Schone, Emblemata:Handbuch zur S innbi ldkunst  des XVI und XVII J ahrhunder ts , ( S tu t tgar t : T .B . Metzlersche Verlags-buchhandlung, 1967), pp. 808-809, "Empta Dolore Vo luptas " . S t e l l a t an ostentat caudam Iunonius a l e s , Sed natibus monstrum c a e l a t , inestque vorax. Duci tur a tergo v inctus qui pasc i t edacem, Quicquid erat l u c r i p rod id i t inque feram. Cui meretr ix forma p l a c e t , utque co la tu r i nesca t , Per petuo ad turpes l oge r i s esse nates. Has a l i s , et semper vene ra r i ' s donee abundas: Pauperior cum f i s , pe l l i t arnica f o ras . Heus fuge scorta p r o c u l , nocet empta dolore vo luptas . E venere et Baccho, semina mortis eunt. 38. I b i d . , p. 809, "Nosce te ipsum" A l e s , Juno tuus gemmantes exp l i c a t a l a s , Conspectis vero , d e j i c i t nas, pedibus. Dotibus ingen i j f i su s s i c t o ! l i t in altum C r i s t a s ! at meditans, depr imit has , homo, humum. 39. Br. #474. 40. Br. #462 41. Tiimpel, "Studien zur Ikonographie der H i s to r i en Rembrandts" Nederlands  Kunsth is tor i sch Jaarboek, 1969, pp. 160-61. 42. See pp. 9-10 of t ex t . 43. B. 19; Gerson, p. 232 juxtaposes the etching with the Dresden pa i n t i ng ; Tiimpel, p. 125, a lso reproduces th i s etching in connection with the Dresden pa in t i ng . 44. In p a r t i c u l a r two etched s e l f - p o r t r a i t s B. 15 " Se l f Po r t r a i t in a Cloak With a F a l l i n g C o l l a r " and B. 17, " Se l f Po r t r a i t in a Heavy Fur Cap" are signed in monogram and dated 1631. 45. Br. #97. This has not been questioned as a p o r t r a i t of Sask ia . Bredius-Gerson p. 555 descr ibes i t as being in exce l l en t cond i t i on . 49. 46. Br. #102. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as Saskia has not been quest ioned. 47. Otto Benesch, Rembrandt, (Skira, 1957), p. 47. 48. A s t r i k i n g example c lose to the Dresden pa in t ing in date , i s 1 Br. #31, " S e l f - Po r t r a i t with a Dead B i t t e r n " signed and dated, 1639; in Dresden, Gemaldegalerie. Rembrandt has dressed himself up as a hunter and holds in f ron t of him, a great dead b i r d . 49. Br. #59. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, signed and dated 1661. Bredius-Gerson, p. 552, places th i s s e l f - p o r t r a i t as a " d i sgu i sed " St . Paul in the ser ies of apost les to which Br. #615 "The Apost le Bartholomew" a lso signed and dated 1661, a lso belongs. However, on p. 613, he questions the genuineness of th i s l a t t e r pa in t i ng . H. de Groot , no. 575, " P o r t r a i t of the Pa inter " makes no reference to the B i b l i c a l a s soc i a t i on . 50. Rijsksmuseum, Rembrandt 1669-1969, (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1969) p. 94. 51. Br. #54. 52. Br. #21. Bredius-Gerson, p. 548. The pa int ing i s signed and dated, although the l a s t d i g i t i s not very c l e a r . 53. Rose Wishnevsky, Studien zum " P o r t r a i t H i s t o i r e " in den Nieder landen, (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Munich, 1967) c a l l s th i s phenomenon " p o r t r a i t h i s t o r i e " and traces i t s o r i g i n s , thematic p o s s i b i l i t i e s and development. P. 5, she def ines i t as "d ie Synthese von B i l dn i s und H i s t o r i e n b i l d (Sammelname fur b i b l i s c h e , mythologische und h i s to r i s che Su j e t s ) " . She sees the existence o f a pure autonomous l ikeness as the bas ic premise • and the ro l e in to which the person has been p laced , as secondary. The ) r e l a t i onsh ips of the p o r t r a i t to the r o l e , however, seems, to my mind, v> to be a more f l u c tua t i ng one, so that i t i s sometimes d i f f i c u l t to determine which o f the two aspects i s more important. The emphasis in the Dresden double p o r t r a i t , under d i s c u s s i o n , seems to be on the ro le that the two characters have assumed. 54. O l i ve r M i l l e r , "Char les I, Honthorst and van Dyck", Bur l ington Magazine, 96, 1954, pp. 36-42. The pa int ing i s signed and dated and hangs in the Queen's s t a i r case at Hampton Court . ) 50. Joachim von Sandrart , who accompanied Henthorst to England, mentions the pa int ing in Joachim von Sandrar t ' s Acadamie der Bau-, Bild-und  Mahlerey-Kunste von 1675, (Ed. A.R. Pe l tzer ) (Munich: G. H i r t h ' s ver lag A . G . , 1925) p. 173. "Seen Rhum wurde je langer je g rosse r , desswegen ! der Konig Carl Stuart in England im zu s i ch be ru f f en , urn e in sehr grosses werk z i e mahlen, wie nahmlich Appol lo und Diana (denen er des Konigs und der Konigin B i l dn i s se gegeben) beysammen hoch auf den Wolken s i t zen und Zusehen, wie Mercurius von der Erden, in Gesta l t des Herzogs von Buckingham, die sieben freye Kunste mit s i ch fuhret und den Konig vorsteut " . 55. Edith G r e i n d l , Co rne i l l e de Vos (B russe ls : La L i b r a i r i e Encyclopedique, 1944) p. 32. Pa int ing i s signed and dated 1630, in the Musee Royal des Beaux Arts in Anvers; Wishnevsky (53) p. 172, no. 30; however, places the pa int ing in the Royal Museum in Antwerp. Greindl ( l o c . c i t . ) p. 32, The present t i t l e was not given to the pa int ing un t i l the end of the 18th century. 56. G r e i n d l , 1944 (55) , p. 32. 57. Wishnevsky, 1967 (53) , p. 32. 58. I b i d . , p. 153, No. 1; For i l l u s t r a t i o n see Jakob Rosenberg, Rembrandt, L i f e and Work (London: Phaidon, 1968), p. 127. 59. For i l l u s t r a t i o n see Rosenberg ( l oc . c i t . ) , p. 127. 60. Br. #416, Rijksmuseum. Breduis-Gerson, p. 586. "The Jewish Bride (Isaac and Rebecca?)"which he claims Sumowski dates 1666. Tumpel, 1969 (41) , pp. 163-167, points to the connection between th i s pa int ing and a drawing (Ben 1202, Cat. No. 988) and then compares the two with a Raphael f resco in the Loggia of the Vat ican (v ia an engraving by S. Badalocchio) which represents "Isaac and Rebecca Watched by Abimelech" . On the basis of th i s compar-ison and the evidence provided by an x-ray, he es tab l i shes the subject of the pa int ing as "Isaac and Rebecca". Rosenberg, 1968 (58) , pp. 128-130, sees the subject as "Jacob and Rachel" and re la tes i t to the prev ious ly mentioned "Jacob and Rachel" by D.D. Santvoort and Hugo van der Goes. H. de Groot , No. 929, c a l l s i t simply "A Married Couple" . 51 61. Jacob Rosenberg, Seymour S l i ve and E.H. Ter K u i l e , Dutch Art and  A r c h i t e c t u r e , 1600-1800, (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1966), p. 269, f n . 21. 62. There have been a number of attempts made to i d en t i f y the couple. Bredius-Gerson, p. 586, gives some of the suggestions made. He points to Br. #296, "Young Man in a Red Coat" signed and dated 1659, in the New York Metropol i tan Museum of A r t , as a poss ib le source for iden -t i f i c a t i o n of the man in the Rijksmuseum. pa i n t i ng , but he questions the a t t r i bu t i on to Rembrandt of the New York pa in t i ng . Va lent iner (1908), pp. 482-483, suggests Br. #326, "A Man with a Magnifying Glass" again in the Metropol i tan Museum, as a p o r t r a i t of the model for the "Jewish Br ide" as well as Br. #401, "A Woman Holding a Carnat ion" in the Metropol i tan as a po r t r a i t of his female counterpart . 63. They i n c lude , f o r example: B.9; B.10; B.13; B.316; B.319; B.320; B.336. Seymour S l i v e , Rembrandt and His C r i t i c s , (The Hague: Hartinus N i j h o f f , 1953), pp. 30-31, too , re fe r s to these etchings as examples of the vogue that ex is ted fo r Rembrandt's work in the 1630 's , saying that they were probably co l l e c t ed by a r t i s t s as well as p r in t connoisseurs as sources fo r the study of the branch of pa int ing c a l l ed express ion. 64. Bauch, 1960 (26, I n t r o . ) , p. 168. Ludwig Munz, "Rembrandt's B i l d von Mutter und Va te r " , Jahrbuch der  Kunsthistor ischen Sammlungen, Wien. N.F. 14, 1955, p. 141 f f , in which he gives a number of examples e spec i a l l y of his mother, as a d i r e c t model fo r a B i b l i c a l character . See Br. #69,""Rembrandt's Mother" as a B i b l i c a l Prophetess (Hannah?)", in Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, signed and dated 1631. Tumpel, 1971 (41), p. 31. 65. J . A . Emmens, Rembrandt en de Reqels von de Kunst, (Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker and Gumbert, 1968), p. s t resses the mora l iz ing aspect of th i s pa i n t i ng , but overlooks i t ' s b i b l i c a l a l l u s i o n . 52 Chapter II 1. La Va l l eye , 1967 (30.1) no. 47 & 48, dated 1510. 2. Urkunden, no. 169, p. 200, item no. 198 "Een d i to met Kopere pr inten van Leyde soo dubbelt a ls enke l t " . 3. He i s poss ib ly the o lder brother . 4. Arthur H ind , A Catalogue of Rembrandt's Etchings Chrono log ica l l y  Arranged and Completely I l l u s t r a t e d , (London: Methuen & C o . , 1924) no. 147, p. 5. H o l l s t e i n (21, Introd.) VIII p. 235, nos. 1-4. Rembrandt has chosen one plate from a ser ies of four dep ic t ing scenes from the Prodigal Son s to ry : The Departure of the Prodigal Son; The Prodigal Son L i v ing With Ha r l o t s ; The Prodigal Son Eating With the Swine; The Return of the Prodigal Son. According to the 1656 Inventory Rembrandt possessed pr in ts of Heems-kerck 's work. See Urkunden, no. 169, p. 201, item no. 227, "Een d i to van Heemskerk, synde a l l werk van den se l ven " . 6. St. Luke 15:20. 7. The look on the f i g u r e ' s face r e f l e c t s the f ee l i ng expressed in Luke 15:28-30, which would suggest that the f igure represents the brother . The drawings, Ben. 1231, ca t . no. 1017 and Ben. 1252, ca t . no. 1037, and the Hermitage pa in t i ng , however, depic t a s im i l a r f igure standing at a window, which i s c l e a r l y female. In sp i te of the ambiguity, i f we see the f igure in the small background scene as the brother with his herd, the f igure at the window must be female. 8. Ch r i s t i an Tumpel, Rembrandt Legt d ie Bibel Aus ( B e r l i n : Verlag Bruno Hess l i ng , 1970) p. 85,says that Rembrandt wanted to ind ica te a l l the events of th i s part of the Prodigal Son story as Heemskerck had done before him, by represent ing the servants with the new c lothes as well as the o lder brother . Rembrandt has taken over both these elements. The f i g u r e , who coming out of the doorway in the Heemskerck, has turned his head away from the main scene and points his f i n g e r , poss ib ly represents the o lder brother , fo r in the Lucas van Leyden p r i n t , the older brother makes a s im i l a r gesture. 53. The motif of the f igure at the window appears in the van Leyden woodcut. H ind , 1924 (4) no. 147. See note 7, Introd. Benesch in his dat ing of the drawing a f t e r the e t ch ing , comes c lose r to the t r u t h , although i t would take a more thorough ana lys is of the drawing both on i t ' s own merits and in r e l a t i on to the res t of the corpus of Rembrandt drawings to e s t ab l i sh a d e f i n i t e date fo r the drawing. See note 7, Introd. Va lent iner (1925) no. 389, p. Ib id . Ben. 1231 ca t . no. 1017 (7, Introd.) and Ben. 1252, ca t . no. 1037 ( l oc . c i t . ) . Ben. 1193, ca t . no. 983, ( l o c . c i t . ) . Ben. 1082, cat . no. 871, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, dated by Benesch, c. 1651. Ben. 727, ca t . no. 597, Vienna, A l b e r t i n a , dated by Benesch, c. 1647-48. H. de Groot, p. 10, no. 113. The d e t a i l s , however, are unclear and require more prec ise v isua l material fo r a thorough ana l y s i s . It i s d i f f i c u l t to make out the lower boundaries of the window. It may ex i s t on i t s own, but more l i k e l y in l i g h t of the drawings (Ben. 1231 and Ben. 1252) in which a woman stands at open ha l f of a door , the pa int ing too represents a door. This i s , aga in , d i f f i c u l t to make out in the ava i l ab le reproduct ions. Urkunden, no. 169, p. 202, item no. 240 "Een d i to vol teeckeningen van a l l e Roomsche gebouwen en gesichten van a l l e de voornaemsche maesters". p. 203, no. 248, "Een d i to vol pr inten van a r ch i t e c tu r e " . p. 203, no. 253, "Een d i to vol pr inten van de a r ch i t e c tu re " . Kenneth C l a rk , Rembrandt and the I t a l i an Renaissance, (New York: New York Un ivers i t y Press , 1966) p. 204, note 240; suggests these above 54. en t r i es by H. de Groot as poss ib le sources fo r the e laborate a rch i tec ture which appears in the background of several of Rembrandt's pa int ings such as the Hermitage "Return of the Prodigal Son". 25. Gerson, p. 507, B ib l iography no. 170, l i s t s a work, in Russ ian, by E. Fechner, Rembrandt: The Prodigal Son, Leningrad-Moscow, 1964, which may, in f a c t , deal with some of the problems of the Hermitage pa in t ing . 26. V .F . Lev ison-Less ing, The Hermitage Leningrad, Dutch and Flemish Masters (London: Paul Hamlyn, 1964) p. VII and p. 89. 27. Bredius-Gerson, p. 612. 28. Br. #594; Bredius-Gerson, p. 611, signed and dated 1660 in the Rijksmuseum. 29. Lev ison-Less ing, 1964 (26) p. VI I I . 30. Br. #522; Bredius-Gerson, p. 601. The authorship of the pa int ing has been repeatedly questioned and has been a t t r ibu ted by Bredius-Gerson to Rembrandt's p u p i l , J . V i c t o r s . 31. Br. #522, is 235 cm. x 190 cm. ; The Hermitage pa int ing i s 262 cm. x ,. 206 cm. 32. Haak, p. 328. 33. For hands with a s im i l a r expressive qua l i t y see "The Jewish B r i de " . Br. #416 (note 60 ,1 ) . 34. Ve t t e r , 1955 (16, Introd.) p. XXXIV. 35. See In t roduct ion , p. 4. 36. Lava l l eye , 1967, (30,1) no. 118, dated 1563. 37. Konrad Regner "Versuch e iner neuen Deutung von Hieronymus Bosch's Rotterdamer Tondo", Pud Ho l l and , 84, 1969, p. 70, f i g . no 3; p r in t in Basel Kunstmuseum dated c. 1517. 38. Exodus 3:5. 39. A comparison with Rembrandt's pa int ing of "The Apost le Paul in P r i son" (Br. 601), S tu t tga r t , S t a a t sga l e r i e , signed and dated 1627, reveals a s im i l a r s i t ua t i on in which Paul i s l ikewise wearing only one shoe, in t h i s case his l e f t shoe, while h is bare r i g h t foot res ts on the shoe l y ing to the s ide of i t . The rock on which Paul has placed h is foot may, l i kew i se , be seen as holy ground, fo r s c r i p t u r a l l y the rock has been associated with the church of C h r i s t . See Matthew. 16:18. The same problem of only one bared foot i s present in th i s pa in t ing . For I t a l i an examples see p.6 of In t roduct ion , see a lso Rembrandt's Northern prototypes , p a r t i c u l a r l y Lucas van Leyden and Heemskerck and f i n a l l y , Rembrandt's 1636 e tch ing . 56. B ib l iography Askew, Pamela, "The Parable Paint ings of Domenico F e t t i " , Ar t B u l l e t i n , i 43, 1961 , pp. 21-45. Bauch, Kur t , Der Friihe Rembrandt und Seine Z e i t , B e r l i n : Ver lag Gebr. Mann, 1960. Bauch, Kurt , Rembrandt Gema'lde, B e r l i n : W. de Gruyter & C o . , 1966. Benesch, O t to , Rembrandt,Biographical and C r i t i c a l Study: Translated-, by J . Emmons), S k i r a , 1957. Benesch, O t to , The Drawings o f Rembrandt,First Complete E d i t i o n , 6 v o l s . London: Phaidon Press , 1954 r 57. Bercken, E r i ch von de r , Die Gemalde des Jacopo T i n t o r e t t o , Munich: R. P iper & C o . , 1942. Bergstrom, Ingvar, "Rembrandt's Double Po r t r a i t of Himself and Saskia at the Dresden Ga l l e r y : A T rad ia t ion Transformed", Nederlands Kunsthistor- isches Jaarboek, pp. 143-169. Bernt , Wal ter , Die Niederl 'andischen Maler des 17. Jahrhunderts, 4 v o l s . , Munich: Verlag Bisher F. Bruckmann, 1962. B i a l o s t o c k i , Jan , "Rembrandt's Eques Po lonus" , Pud Ho l l and , 84, 1969, pp. 163-176. Bode, Wilhelm von, and Hofstede de Groot , Cornel i s , L'Peuvre Complet de  Rembrandt, P a r i s : C. Sedelmeyer, 1897-1906. B red ius , A . , Rembrandt, The Complete Ed i t i on of the Pa in t ings . Revised by H. Gerson, London: Phaidon, 1969. Campbell , C o l i n , "Rembrandt's " Po l i sh Rider" and the Prodigal Son" , Journal  of the Warburg and Courthauld I n s t i t u t e s , 33, 1970, p. 292-302. C l a rk , Kenneth, Rembrandt and the I t a l i an Renaissance, New York: N.Y. Un ive rs i t y P ress , 1966. 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Laval 1 eye, Jacques, Peter Breugel the E lder and Lucas van Leyden: The Complete Engravings, Etchings and Woodcuts, New York: H.N. Abrams, 1967. Lev inson-Less ing, V . F . , The Hermitage Leningrad Dutch and Flemish Masters, London: Paul Hamlyn, 1964. MSle, Emi le , L 'A r t Re l ig ieux apres le Conci le de T ren te , Etude sur 1'Icon- ographie de l a Fin du XVI e S i § c l e , I ta l ie-Franco-Espagne-Flanders, P a r i s : A. C o l i n , 1932. Mander, Carel van, Dutch and Flemish Pa in t i ng , New York: Arno Press , 1969. Menz, Henner, The Dresden G a l l e r y , London: Thames & Hudson, 1962. M i l l e r , O l i v e r , "Char les I, Honthorst & Van Dyck", Bur l ington Magazine, 96, 1954, pp. 36-42. Munz, Ludwig, "Rembrandt's B i l d Von Mutter und Va te r , " Jahrbuch der Kunst- h i s to r i s chen Sammlungen, Wien, N.F. 14, 1955, pp. 141 -Nicho lson , Benedic t , Hendrick Terbruggen, London: Lund Humphries, 1958. Oldenbourg, Rudolph, P.P. Rubens; Des Meisters Gem'alde, Deutsche Verlags A n s t a l t , S tu t tga r t , n.d. Palazzo Reale, Caravaggio E Caravaggeschi , Catalogo d e l l a Mostra, Naples: Palazzo Reale, 1963. Panofsky, Erwin, "Der Gefessel te Eros (Zur Genealogie von Rembrandt's Danae)" Pud Ho l l and , 50, 1933, pp. 193-217. P h i l l i p s , E .V. , The Venetian School of P a i n t i ng , London: MacMillan & C o . , 1912. Posner, Donald, Annibale Ca r r a c c i : A Study in the Reform of I t a l i an Pa int ing  Around 1590, 2 v o l s . , London: Phaidon, 1971. Regner, K., "Versuch e iner neuen Deutung von Rieronymus Bosch's Rotterdamer Tondo" , Pud Ho l l and , 84, 1969. Rijksmuseum, Rembrandt 1669-1969, Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1969. 59. Rosenberg, Jacob, Rembrandt L i f e and Work, London: Phaidon, 1968. Rosenberg, Jacob, S l i v e , Seymour, Te rKu i l e , E .H . , Dutch Ar t and Arch i tec tu re 1600-1800, Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penquin Books, 1966. 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White, Chr i s topher , Rembrandt as an E tcher , a Study of the A r t i s t at Work, 2 v o l s . , London: A. Zemmer L t d . , 1969. White, C , and Boon, K., Rembrandt's E tch ings , An I l l u s t r a t ed C r i t i c a l  Catalogue, 2 vo l s . Amsterdam: Van Gendt & C o . , 1969. Wittkower, R., The Drawings of the Carracc i in the C o l l e c t i o n of her Majesty  the Queen at Windsor Cas t l e , London: Phaidon, 1971 Wishnevsky, Rose, Studien zum " Po r t r a i t H i s t o i r e " in den Nieder landen, Unpublished, Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Munich, 1967. Zygu l sk i , Zdz is law, J r . , "Rembrandt's L isowczyk". B u l l e t i n du Musee National  de Varsovie VI , 1965, pp. 43-65. Appendix The subject of Rembrandt's " Po l i sh R ide r " 1 has been a puzzle to scholars fo r many years . A number of attempts at an explanat ion have, however, been made. A. B red ius , r e f l e c t i n g the opinion of most Dutch and German scholars of the t ime, in te rpre ted i t , in 1910, as an equestr ian p o r t r a i t of a Pole 2 v i s i t i n g Holland . In 1944, Ju l ius Held argued against i t ' s i n t e rp re ta t i on as a p o r t r a i t , 3 suggesting that i t represented the un ind i v idua l i zed face of an " idea l hero" . He points to the East European o r i g i n of the costume of the r i d e r which, although homogeneous in i t ' s impress ion, i s l ikewise genera l ized and not representat ive of a p a r t i c u l a r na t ion . The importance of the costume is in i t ' s m i l i t a r y nature 4 fo r i t ind ica tes that the man wearing i t i s a so l d i e r . Held compares him to Du'rers "Kn ight , Death and the D e v i l " and to the "Bamburg R i d e r " 6 . He concludes that Rembrandt's r i d e r , t oo , expresses the idea o f the "Mi les C h r i s t i a n u s ; " the " g l o r i f i c a t i o n o f youthful courage and ded ica t ion to a worthy e n d " 7 . Va l en t ine r , in 1948, suggests the pa int ing as a h i s t o r i c a l p o r t r a i t 8 of Gisbrecht van Amste l , the mythical founder o f Amsterdam in the Middle Ages . Z y g u l s k i , on the bas is of a thorough study of the r i d e r ' s costume and weapons, concluded in 1965 that they were, indeed, of Po l i sh o r i g i n and that t he i r h i s t o r i c a l f i d e l i t y must have been the r e su l t of a d i r e c t study of a real 9 person; a Po l i sh r i d e r . In 1969, B i a l o s t o c k i , used Held 's and Zygu l sk i ' s conclusions as his s t a r t i ng po in t , asking why Rembrandt has expressed the ideal of the "Mi les Chr i s t i anus " through the image of an "Eques Polonus" or Po l i sh r i d e r 1 0 . T h i s , he expla ins in terms of Rembrandt's r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t a t i o n . The r i d e r i s an expression of Rembrandt's sympathies fo r Socin ian i deas , represented in the Soc in ian theologian Jonasz S z l i c h t y n g , who was of Po l i sh o r i g i n , not in the p o r t r a i t sense, but as an embodiment of the s p i r i t u a l hero. Co l in Campbell 's a r t i c l e , publ ished in 1 9 7 0 1 1 , must be seen against th i s background of in te rpre ta t ions of the pa in t i ng . He suggests that the 12 " Po l i sh Rider" represents the prodigal son 's journey into a f a r country . He 13 dismisses the n a t i o n a l i s t i c importance attached to the r i d e r ' s costume , and uses two drawings, t r a d i t i o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with the Prodigal Son theme, as 14 his s t a r t i ng po in t ; the one a s tudent ' s work and the other re jected by Benesch 62. as not authentic . From the two drawings, he cites elements which re-appear in the paintings: a sword, a slightly curved weapon, a quiver of arrows implying a bow, the rider's three-quarter length coat - all come from the f irst drawing, while the saddle cloth running over the horse's shoulders which re-appears in the painting as a leopard skin, comes from the second. He sees an anonymous Dutch painting of c. 1520, depicting the "Prodigal Son's Journey to a Far Country"16 as an iconographic prototype for Rembrandt's painting. The two works correspond in the passage of the horse from left to right, i t ' s gait, the direction faced by the rider and his pose 1 7; the landscape 18 19 setting and the direction of the light which illuminates the horseman . The horse's head is comparable to that represented in an engraving 20 by P. Galle after Heemskerck, of the "Prodigal Son's Departure" , which Campbell 21 feels Rembrandt knew . He sees the building in the background of the painting, which has 22 been identified as Hagia Sophia , as Rembrandt's visualization of a "far country". Although Campbell draws from a number of sources to give weight to his suggestion of the "Polish Rider" as an episode from the Prodigal Son story, they do not, without further evidence, point to the conclusion that he has made. 63. Footnotes fo r Appendix 1. Br. #279, Bredius-Gerson, p. 571, in the F r i ck C o l l e c t i o n . The pa int ing has been cut at the r i gh t edge, so that only the "Re_" of the s ignature remains. 2. A. B red ius , "Rembrandtiana", Pud Ho l land , 28, 1910, p. 194. 3. Ju l ius He ld , "Rembrandt's " Po l i sh R i d e r " " , Art B u l l e t i n , 26, 1944. pp. 246-65, esp. p. 253. 4. I b i d . , p.256. 5. Knappe, 1965, (20), no. 72, dated 1513. 6. He ld , 1944 (3) , p. 246. 7. I b i d . , p. 246. 8. W.R. Va len t ine r , "Rembrandt's Concept of H i s t o r i c a l Po r t r a i tu re " Art Quar te r l y , XI, 1948, pp. 116-135. 9. Zdzislaw Zygu l sk i , J r . , "Rembrandt's L isowczyk" , B u l l e t i n du Musee  National de Varsovie VI, 1965, pp. 43-65. 10. Jan B i a l o s t o c k i , "Rembrandt's "Eques Po lonus " " , Pud Ho l l and , 1969. pp. 163-176, esp. p. 169. 11. Co l i n Campbell , "Rembrandt's " Po l i sh Rider" and the Prodigal Son" , Warburg & Courtauld Ins t i tu te Jou rna l , 33, 1970, pp. 292-303. 12. Luke 15:13. 13. Campbell , 1970 (11), p. 294. 14. Ben. 788, cat . no. 651, "The Departure of the Prodigal Son" in Gronigen, a t t r ibu ted to Ph i l i p s Koninck (see note 7, In t rod . ) . 15. Va lent iner (1925) p. 384. "The Departure of the Prodigal Son". 16. Campbell , 1970 (11) PI. 38d. Its present whereabouts are unknown. It forms a pa i r with an extant pa int ing represent ing "The Prodigal Son Receiving his Inher i tance" , ( l o c . c i t . ) PI. 39b. 17. I b i d . , p. 298. 64. 18. I b i d . , p.298. 19. I b i d . , p. 298. 20. H o l l s t e i n , Dutch and Flemish (21, In t rod) , VI I , p. 77. 21. Rembrandt possessed a book of p r in ts by Heemskerck (see note 5, II). 22. Campbell , 1970 (11) p. 298 and f n . 26 i d e n t i f i e s the bu i ld ing by a comparison with that shown in a p r in t "View of Constant inople" by Melchior Lorsch which is dated c. 1559. It has been in the Leyden Univer -s i t y L ib ra ry s ince 1595 and i t i s , t he re fo re , poss ib le that Rembrandt saw Lorsch 's p r i n t . For i l l u s t r a t i o n see ( l o c . c i t . ) p i . 39a. 

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