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Voluntary associations in a Philippine municipality : Kabacan 1973

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VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS IN A PHILIPPINE MUNICIPALITYJ KABACAN t>y MANUEL P. DIAZ B. A 0, Ateneo de Manila U n i v e r s i t y A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the department of. of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission fo r extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date July 19> 1973 ABSTRACT The aim o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t o d e s c r i b e , i n a p r e l i m i n a r y way, the na t u r e o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n a peasant community i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , Kabacan. T h i s o b j e c t i v e i s d i s c u s s e d i n the i n t r o d u c t o r y c h a p t e r which a l s o p r e s e n t s a g e n e r a l background on the P h i l i p p i n e s . Chapter I I d i s c u s s e s some a s p e c t s o f the f i e l d w o r k , the problems the r e s e a r c h e r faced i n c o n d u c t i n g r e s e a r c h i n h i s own c u l t u r e , and a g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l procedures employed. Chapter I I I pr e s e n t s a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the community s t u d i e d , i t s r e c e n t h i s t o r y , growth, and development and some f e a t u r e s o f the s o c i a l and economic l i f e o f the p o p u l a t i o n . Chapter IV d i s c u s s e s and a n a l y z e s some a s p e c t s o f the c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h i s a n a l y s i s i s n e c e s s a r y as i t sheds l i g h t on a broader u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the form and c h a r a c t e r t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s take and the f u n c t i o n s they perform i n the community. Chapter V i s concerned w i t h an a n a l y s i s and d e s c r i p t i o n o f the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the community s t u d i e d . The a n a l y s i s here i s focused on p r o v i d i n g answers - i - t o the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s i Why do people j o i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s ? What r e l a t i o n s h i p s maintain v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and what undermine them? What types of a s s o c i a t i o n s are found i n the community? Chapter V I , f i n a l l y , d i s c u s s e s the f u n c t i o n s t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s serve i n a peasant community l i k e Kabacan. T h i s a n a l y s i s i s based on the f i n d i n g s reported and d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter V. - i i - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Dr. Blanca Muratorio who serves as a member of my committee and Dr. Graham E. Johnson, my adviser, who patiently guided me to complete this study. To Dr. Helga E, Jacobson, a friend and teacher, I owe an irrepayable "debt of gratitude" for favors and services too many to mention here. Louie Siojo of the University of Minnesota provided suggestions on how to make the thesis read smoothly. I thank him for this help. Many people helped me in Kabacan - among whom I must single out the mayor of the municipality and his wife, Mr. and Mrs. Armando S. Lagda. They helped me in innumerable ways during my stay in the community. The officers of the various associations were generous with their time and showed patience with my endless questioning. To them goes my sincere gratitude. F i n a l l y , I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to my mother, sisters, brother-in-law, and nieces for their financial and moral support. To them I dedicate this work. M. P. D. - i i i - TABLE. OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i Acknowledgements i i i C hapter I . I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 The Problem The P h i l i p p i n e s : The Background Geography H i s t o r i c a l Background The Governmental S t r u c t u r e P o p u l a t i o n Trends E t h n o - L i n g u i s t i c Groupings Chapter I I . E n t e r i n g the Communitya Some M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Comments 26 Chapter I I I . The Community! The Background 35 Chapter IV. C u l t u r e and S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 59 The A l l i a n c e System K i n s h i p Compadrazgo R e c i p r o c i t y H i y a S o c i a l Acceptance, Smooth I n t e r p e r s o n a l R e l a t i o n s , Pakikisama, I n t e r m e d i a r i e s , Amor Pro p i o Summary of Main Concepts Chapter V. V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s ?6 V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i Some Problems o f D e f i n i t i o n Why People J o i n V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s The "Ningas Kugon E f f e c t " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i Formation, Growth, and D e c l i n e ? Leaders and L e a d e r s h i p V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i Outside Pre s s u r e and P r e s t i g e Economic A s s o c i a t i o n s V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i A Typology Chapter V I . C o n c l u s i o n s 106 B i b l i o g r a p h y 113 - i v - LIST OF MAPS Map I The Philippines Map II Northern Cotabato LIST OF FIGURES Figure I Formal Philippine P o l i t i c a l Structure 1^ Figure II Major Ethno-Linguistic Groups 2k Figure III Physiography of Southwestern Mindanao 37 - v i - LIST OF TABLES Table I Table II Table. I l l Table IV Table V Table VI Population of the P h i l i p p i n e s , 1903 - I960 Population of the P h i l i p p i n e s , by- R e l i g i o n , i960 Population of the P h i l i p p i n e s , by Language Speakers, i960 Population of Kabacan, 1903 - 1970 Population of Kabacan, by Religious A f f i l i a t i o n , i960 Population of Kabacan, by Education, I960 16 21 23 48 - v i i - LIST OF PLATES Plate I The Old Kabacan Municipal Hall 52 Plate II The. Catholic Parish Church 52 Plate III Road Leading to a Barrio 53 Plate IV A Barrio School 53 Plate V Tha Kabacan Market 5k Plate VI Another View of the Market 5k Plate VII The Bus Terminal Building 55 Plate VIII A Tractor Along the Market Road 55 Plate IX A Typical Lower-Class Farmer's House 56 Plate X An Upper-Class House 56 Plate XI A Carabao-Drawn Carriage 57 Plate XII Horse-Drawn Carriages 57 Plate XIII Jeepneys 58 Plate XIV Tricycles 58 - v i i i - CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Problem Only a few a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have been concerned w i t h v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and have reco r d e d t h e i r presense and d e s c r i b e d t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i n p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t i e s , (e. g., Banton 1957l L i t t l e 1957; Lowie 1930? O l i v e r 1955) The reason f o r t h i s r e l a t i v e n e g l e c t i s the apparent l a c k o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n p r e l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s (Rose 195^* 53)» the t r a d i t i o n a l concern o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . S o c i o l o g y , on the oth e r hand, has been concerned w i t h v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s throughout i t s h i s t o r y , p u r s u i n g an i n t e r e s t stemming from Durkheim (1960t 28) and Simmel (1950? 1955) . In g e n e r a l , v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s tends t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h , and can be seen as the product o f , the u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , the t r a d i t i o n a l s e t t i n g o f s o c i o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y , and as a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i n c r e a s i n g l y t u r n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o - 1 - -2- urbanizing and i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t i e s , voluntary- associations w i l l become a s t r u c t u r a l phenomenon begging fo r t h e o r e t i c a l explanations as well as ethnographic documentation. At present, however, t h e o r e t i c a l work on voluntary associations i n anthropology i s l a r g e l y lacking, and the s o c i o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n has reached no agreement on the function of voluntary associations i n society as a whole. Lowie (19^8i 13) despairs of making any general statements whatsoever about the group or i n d i v i d u a l functions served by voluntary associations, which he terms " s o d a l i t i e s . " His l i s t of s o d a l i t i e s i s c l e a r l y a r e s i d u a l l i s t , i n cluding such diverse forms as obligatory age cl a s s e s , t r i b a l men's clubs, and economic s o c i e t i e s as well as voluntary secret s o c i e t i e s . As long as voluntary associations remain a r e s i d u a l category, we w i l l be greatly impaired i n our e f f o r t s to categorize t h e i r s o c i a l functions. This thesis provides information about voluntary associations i n a P h i l i p p i n e peasant community, Kabacan. It i s an area which has l a r g e l y been neglected and t h i s study begins to f i l l i n that gap.^ To answer and provide information on three related questions about voluntary associations are the primary objectives of t h i s t h e s i s . These arei why do people j o i n voluntary associations? What rela t i o n s h i p s maintain -3- voluntary associations and what undermine them? What functions do voluntary associations perform i n the community? To answer these and other related.questions, one must look at the la r g e r system of which voluntary associations are a part. And i n t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l argue that to he able to understand the character and form of, and the dynamics involved i n , voluntary associations, to be able to answer the question as to why they should occur, an analysis of the culture and s o c i a l organization of P h i l i p p i n e society i s c r u c i a l . The P h i l i p p i n e s t The Background Before discussion of the t h e s i s , some h i s t o r i c a l framework on the Philippines i s necessary as t h i s r e f l e c t s the relevance of and provides f o r the broader understanding and development of the following chapters. This i s the aim of t h i s section, with s p e c i a l considerations given to geography, governmental structure, population trends, and eth n o - l i n g u i s t i c groupings. Geography^ The Phil i p p i n e Archipelago, c o n s i s t i n g of approximately 7f083 i s l a n d s , i s l o c a t e d between the southern t i p o f Formosa and the n o r t h e r n p a r t s of Borneo and I n d o n e s i a , S i b u t u , the southernmost i s l a n d , i s l o c a t e d l e s s than f i v e degrees above the equator and Y'ami, the northernmost i s l a n d , l i e s a t around 21 degrees North L a t i t u d e . On the e a s t , the P h i l i p p i n e s i s bounded by the P a c i f i c Ocean; on the west, by the South C h i n a Sea. The combined area o f the P h i l i p p i n e s i s 115,600 square m i l e s , i s s m a l l e r than Japan, approximately the s i z e o f the s t a t e of A r i z o n a , and l a r g e r than t h a t o f the U n i t e d Kingdom. The c o a s t l i n e i s i r r e g u l a r , extending t o a d i s t a n c e o f 10,850 m i l e s i n comparison w i t h the 12,877 m i l e s o f c o a s t l i n e o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Of the 7,083 i s l a n d s , only ^63 have areas of one or more square m i l e s and o n l y eleven have areas o f over 1,000 square m i l e s . The two l a r g e s t islands', Luzon and Mindanao, account f o r over 70 per cent of the t o t a l l a n d a r e a . The twelve l a r g e s t i s l a n d s account f o r 95 per cent o f the t o t a l l a n d a r e a . The c l i m a t e o f the P h i l i p p i n e s i s t r o p i c a l and i t s most important t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by rugged and i r r e g u l a r c o a s t s p r o v i d i n g numerous harbors o f a l l s i z e s ; h i l l y and mountainous t e r r a i n , w i t h ranges g e n e r a l l y p a r a l l e l and i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the c o a s t l i n e s , a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s l a n d - f o r m b e i n g the mountainous s p i n e ; few l a r g e r i v e r s , but many streams which are s h o r t and s w i f t ; r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l number of -5- - 6 - l a k e s , with those formed "by lava-dams probably c o n s t i t u t i n g a m a j o r i t y ; h e a v i l y f o r e s t e d mountain ranges; c o m p a r a t i v e l y narrow c o a s t a l p l a i n s ; and broad and f l a t a l l u v i a l p l a i n s found between mountains though not s t r i c t l y inter-montane i n c h a r a c t e r . (Donaghue, Fox, and S i b l e y 1956t 11-12) H i s t o r i c a l Background3 The P h i l i p p i n e s has been changed by her l o n g c o n t a c t w i t h the west which s t a r t e d i n 1 6 t h c e n t u r y . S u p e r f i c i a l l y , i t i s the most w e s t e r n i z e d of A s i a n c o u n t r i e s . However, the F i l i p i n o s of today are b a s i c a l l y the r e s u l t o f pre-Spanish i n f l u e n c e s . As Lynch (1962: kl) has remarked t " I f the P h i l i p p i n e s i s a western n a t i o n , then i t has been f o r a l o n g , l o n g time - a l o n g w i t h a l l of Southeast A s i a . " The e a r l y h i s t o r y of the P h i l i p p i n e s i s fragmentary. However, i t i s g e n e r a l l y agreed t h a t the o l d e s t element i n the p o p u l a t i o n today are the N e g r i t o s (the term c o i n e d by the S p a n i a r d s ) who a r r i v e d perhaps 6,000 years ago. At one time, they are presumed to have occupied most o f the a r c h i p e l a g o , l i v i n g a p r i m i t i v e h u n t i n g and g a t h e r i n g l i f e 0 Today, they remain i n i s o l a t e d s p o t s , p r i m a r i l y i n the mountain r e g i o n s o f n o r t h e a s t e r n Luzon and the i n t e r i o r s o f the i s l a n d s of Panay and Negros. The next human m i g r a t i o n to the P h i l i p p i n e s came wit h the a r r i v a l of people of Malay sto c k , migrants from M a l a y s i a and Indonesia, They f o r c e d the N e g r i t o s back and - 7 - took over the best areas themselves. T h e i r c u l t u r e and a g r i c u l t u r a l economy are probably best preserved among the I g o r o t s , Ifugaos, and Bontocs of northern Luzon who have most s u c c e s s f u l l y avoided subsequent c o n t a c t s . T h e i r s i s the c u l t u r a l base upon which a l l subsequent i n f l u e n c e s f e l l . Most F i l i p i n o s today are of t h i s r a c i a l stock o r , at l e a s t , mixtures of i t and more recent migrants. A f t e r the p o p u l a t i o n of the i s l a n d s by the Malays and Indonesians, there were a s e r i e s of a l i e n c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e s w i t h v a r i o u s l y l a s t i n g e f f e c t s upon these e a r l i e r i n h a b i t a n t s . The o l d e s t of these i n f l u e n c e s came from I n d i a i n the form of Buddhism which f l o u r i s h e d i n Indonesia from about 500 B. G . u n t i l 500 A. D. Brahmanism, a l s o from I n d i a , r e p l a c e d Buddhism and was present u n t i l 1,000 A. D. These r e l i g i o n s l e f t no i n t e g r a t e d e f f e c t s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s but only b i t s and fragments such as place names and words. F o l l o w i n g these, another i n d i r e c t I n dian i n f l u e n c e was the Hindu r e l i g i o n . Although t h i s r e l i g i o n became entrenched i n southern Indonesia, the e f f e c t s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s were, aga i n , mostly fragmentary and unassociated. Metal working, v a r i o u s words, and S a n s k r i t w r i t i n g were the most t a n g i b l e e f f e c t s of Hinduism. Today, a v a r i a n t of I n d i a n s c r i p t i s i n use among the Bataks i n Palawan. -8- At about the same time, from the 9th to the 13th c e n t u r i e s A. D., the Chinese were c a r r y i n g on t r a d e with the P h i l i p p i n e s . The main i n f l u e n c e o f China on the P h i l i p p i n e s , however, was economic r a t h e r than c u l t u r a l . The Muslims came through I n d i a i n the 11th and 12th c e n t u r i e s and progressed eastward to M a l a y s i a and Sumatra where they e s t a b l i s h e d s u l t a n a t e s . Muslim c o l o n i s t s were sent from M a l a y s i a t o the P h i l i p p i n e s and made a s t r o n g and l a s t i n g i n f l u e n c e i n the 14th cen t u r y by c o n v e r t i n g to Mohammedanism the people they came i n c o n t a c t w i t h . They a r r i v e d f i r s t i n S u l u and Mindanao. T h e i r impact was g r e a t . The Moros (from the Spanish word "Moors" which i s a p p l i e d t o a l l Muslims) of S u l u and Mindanao appear today a c l o s e l y - k n i t and a v i d Muslim p o p u l a t i o n u n a f f e c t e d by more re c e n t c o n t a c t s . European c o n t a c t s began when Magellan o f S p a i n " d i s c o v e r e d " the P h i l i p p i n e s i n 1 5 2 1 . T h e r e a f t e r , the d u a l aims of Spanish r u l e i n the P h i l i p p i n e s were the " s a v i n g o f s o u l s " (the c o n v e r s i o n o f the people to C a t h o l i c i s m ) and the p r o d u c t i o n o f wealth f o r the Crown. In both endeavors, the Spaniards were remarkably s u c c e s s f u l - so much so t h a t today C a t h o l i c i s m i s the dominant r e l i g i o n i n the P h i l i p p i n e s and v e s t i g e s o f resentment a t Spanish p l u n d e r i n g a re s t i l l p r e s e n t . Spanish c u l t u r a l v a l u e s while e v i d e n t a r e l i m i t e d t o the wealthy descendants of Spanish -9- n a t i o n a l s . By I898, the F i l i p i n o s had t r i e d to throw o f f Spanish domination and were on the verge of success when, by a t u r n o f f o r t u n e , the Americans took over. P r i n c i p a l American i n f l u e n c e s have been i n p o l i t i c a l concepts, the s w i t c h to E n g l i s h as l i n g u a f r a n c a , and the development of economic dependence upon the U n i t e d S t a t e s . F o l l o w i n g the war w i t h Japan (1941-1945) and a f t e r a t e n year t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d as a Commonwealth, the R e p u b l i c o f the P h i l i p p i n e s came i n t o e x i s t e n c e and the P h i l i p p i n e s o b t a i n e d h e r l o n g awaited independence on J u l y 4 , 1946. B a s i c a l l y the modern F i l i p i n o s are the product o f t h r e e i n f l u e n c e s - the Malayan, the Spanish and the American. The r e s u l t i s an unusual s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n t h a t f i t s i n t o n e i t h e r an O r i e n t a l nor an O c c i d e n t a l s t r a i g h t j a c k e t . In the P h i l i p p i n e s , E a s t and West have met and blended. (Malcolm 1951* 38) The Governmental Structure** The P h i l i p p i n e s , then, was one of the f i r s t o f the new A s i a n n a t i o n s to a c h i e v e independence a f t e r the Second World War. I t s c o n s t i t u t i o n ^ p r o v i d e s f o r the s e p a r a t i o n of powers among the e x e c u t i v e , l e g i s l a t i v e , and j u d i c i a l branches of government. E l i g i b i l i t y to vote i s g i v e n to a l l male and female c i t i z e n s , over twenty-one years o f age, - 1 0 - and who a r e l i t e r a t e . E x e c u t i v e power i s v e s t e d i n the p r e s i d e n t . He i s e l e c t e d f o r a term o f f o u r years and may be r e - e l e c t e d . He a p p o i n t s the heads of the v a r i o u s departments, such as j u s t i c e , f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , e d u c a t i o n , n a t i o n a l defense, and l a b o r and ambassadors and o t h e r d i p l o m a t i c o f f i c i a l s , w i t h the a p p r o v a l o f the Commission on Appointments o f Congress, The Bureau o f C i v i l S e r v i c e , the Budget Commission and the N a t i o n a l Economic C o u n c i l a re among the many o t h e r o f f i c e s d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e t o the c h i e f e x e c u t i v e . The p r e s i d e n t i s a l s o the commander-in-chief of the armed f o r c e s and he can take almost d i c t a t o r i a l powers i n time o f emergency, i n c l u d i n g the power t o p l a c e any p a r t or a l l o f the i s l a n d s under m a r t i a l law - a power which was used by the incumbent P r e s i d e n t Marcos f o r the f i r s t time i n the cou n t r y ' s h i s t o r y l a s t September, 1 9 7 2 . He can suspend p r o v i n c i a l governors and mayors, grant pardons and commute sentences f o r almost a l l kinds o f o f f e n c e s . He can conclude t r e a t i e s , s u b j e c t t o the a p p r o v a l of Congress, with f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . The v i c e - p r e s i d e n t i s s i m i l a r l y e l e c t e d f o r a term o f f o u r y e a r s . He, however, has a l a r g e l y ceremonial f u n c t i o n . In the event o f the p r e s i d e n t ' s death, he assumes the p r e s i d e n c y d u r i n g the unexpired term of o f f i c e . When he belongs t o the same p o l i t i c a l p a r t y as the p r e s i d e n t , he i s -11- u s u a l l y appointed to a cabinet p o r t f o l i o . L e g i s l a t i v e power i s vested i n a bicameral congress which i s composed of the senate, the upper house, and the House of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , the lower house. The senate has 24 members e l e c t e d by general s u f f r a g e f o r a term of s i x yea r s . One t h i r d of the seats are contested every two y e a r s . The House of Representatives has 120 seats apportioned among the d i f f e r e n t provinces according to p o p u l a t i o n . A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i s e l e c t e d f o r a term of four years and may a l s o be r e - e l e c t e d . The congress normally convenes i n a r e g u l a r s e s s i o n o f 100 days on the f o u r t h Monday of January. The pr e s i d e n t . however may c a l l i t to s p e c i a l sessions t o co n s i d e r urgent l e g i s l a t i o n . The two houses e l e c t t h e i r own set of o f f i c e r s . The c h i e f o f f i c e r of the upper house i s the senate p r e s i d e n t and, i n the lower house, the speaker. Congress has the s o l e power to pass or amend laws w i t h the approval of the p r e s i d e n t . I f the president vetoes a b i l l , i t can s t i l l become a law i f i t i s passed f o r a second time by a two - t h i r d s m a j o r i t y of a l l the members of the two houses. J u d i c i a l power i s vested i n the supreme court and i n minor c o u r t s e s t a b l i s h e d by law. C o n s i s t i n g of a c h i e f and t e n a s s o c i a t e j u s t i c e s , the supreme court r u l e s upon the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of l e g i s l a t i v e and executive a c t s . I t , th u s , provides checks and balances a g a i n s t u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l -12- e x e c u t i v e and l e g i s l a t i v e o r d e r s . The p r e s i d e n t a p p o i n t s the j u s t i c e s of the supreme c o u r t w i t h the a p p r o v a l of the Commission on Appointments. I t f u n c t i o n s a l s o as the P r e s i d e n t i a l E l e c t o r a l T r i b u n a l . Moreover, t h r e e o f i t s j u s t i c e s serve on each o f the e l e c t o r a l t r i b u n a l s o f the Senate and House o f R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Below the supreme c o u r t are a c o u r t of a p p e a l s , c o u r t s o f a g r a r i a n and i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s , c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e , and m u n i c i p a l c o u r t s of c h a r t e r e d c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . At p r e s e n t , the P h i l i p p i n e s i s d i v i d e d i n t o f i f t y - s i x p r o v i n c e s which c o n s i s t o f c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The p r o v i n c e has i t s own governor who heads a p r o v i n c i a l board of two or more o t h e r members. The board f u n c t i o n s as the l e g i s l a t i v e organ o f the p r o v i n c i a l government. The governor and the board members are e l e c t e d f o r a term o f f o u r y e a r s . They, however, have l i m i t e d a u t h o r i t y s i n c e the c e n t r a l government makes the appointments t o the o f f i c e s of p r o v i n c i a l t r e a s u r e r , f i s c a l , h e a l t h o f f i c e r , e n g i n e e r , e t c . - a l l o f whom serve t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e departments of the c e n t r a l government. The governor e x e r c i s e s g e n e r a l s u p e r v i s o r y powers over the p r o v i n c e . He ensures t h a t laws and r e g u l a t i o n s of the c e n t r a l government are c a r r i e d out i n the p r o v i n c e . Each m u n i c i p a l i t y of every p r o v i n c e c o n s i s t s of a -13- town c e n t e r , c a l l e d the po b l a c i o n , and a surrounding area d i v i d e d i n t o u n i t s c a l l e d b a r r i o s . The t r e a s u r e r , j u s t i c e of the peace, and c h i e f of p o l i c e are the mu n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s appointed by the c e n t r a l government. The mayor, vice-mayor, c o u n c i l o r s , and b a r r i o l i e u t e n a n t s who are normally r e s p o n s i b l e t o i n d i v i d u a l c o u n c i l o r s i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e b a r r i o s are e l e c t e d f o r a term o f f o u r y e a r s . L y i n g outside of t h i s framework are the chartered c i t i e s which are "municipal c o r p o r a t i o n s possessing the power to sue and be sued, t o r a i s e money by t a x a t i o n , and t o e x e r c i s e the r i g h t of eminent domain." (Romani and Thomas 1954« 86) Chartered c i t i e s " d e r i v e t h e i r form of government and a u t h o r i t y from t h e i r c h a r t e r s , the p r o v i s i o n s of which d i f f e r but i n few res p e c t s from c i t y t o c i t y . " (Romani and Thomas 1954« 87) The c h a r t e r s of c i t i e s come from congress and congress can r e p e a l or amend them. At present, there are t h i r t y - n i n e chartered c i t i e s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . Each c i t y c o u n c i l l e v i e s and c o l l e c t s taxes i n accordance w i t h the law and makes by-laws. I t maintains a l o c a l p o l i c e f o r c e and i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p u b l i c works. Fi g u r e I d e p i c t s the i n t e r l o c k i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the v a r i o u s agencies and l e v e l s discussed above i n d e t a i l . I t i s best summarized by Jacobson (n. d.» 32-33)» The p r i n c i p a l p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n of the -14- BARRIO (usualy composed of small residential units called "sitios") F i g . I Formal P h i l i p p i n e P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e (Source: Nurge 1965* 17) -15- P h i l i p p i n e s i s the province. . . A province i s one whole a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t . • . d i v i d e d i n t o m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . . . B a r r i o s , f i n a l l y , are the s m a l l e s t u n i t s of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o which a l l areas of the P h i l i p p i n e s are d i v i d e d . . . Each a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and p o l i t i c a l l e v e l and u n i t d e f i n e d so f a r h a s . i t s own r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f f i c i a l s who are d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to the c e n t r a l government and to the sm a l l e r u n i t s and t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n s . . • Chartered c i t i e s stand o u t s i d e of t h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e h i e r a r c h y . T h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s are r e s p o n s i b l e d i r e c t l y to the c e n t r a l government and are not under the c o n t r o l of the p r o v i n c i a l government as a r e , u l t i m a t e l y , the other u n i t s . P o p u l a t i o n Trends Between 19^8 and i 9 6 0 , the p o p u l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e s grew at an average ga i n of 3 per cent a year. This represents a con s i d e r a b l e a c c e l e r a t i o n o f growth over the previous census i n t e r v a l s when the r a t e s of increase were approximately 2 per cent. (See Table I , below^ The present r a t e of increase i s one of the highest i n the world and, among A s i a n c o u n t r i e s , equals those of Ceylon, Taiwan, and M a l a y s i a . T h i s growth has been the r e s u l t of the excess of b i r t h s over deaths. The impact of modern means of disease prevention and cure has caused the m o r t a l i t y r a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y the i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e to drop s h a r p l y , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the Second World War. The b i r t h r a t e , however, has remained unchanged, c o n t i n u i n g a t a high and -16- r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e l e v e l . T a b l e It P o p u l a t i o n o f the P h i l i p p i n e s , 1903 - I960 Average Annual Rate o f Year P o p u l a t i o n I n c r e a s e from P r e v i o u s Census ( i n percentages) 1903 7,635,426 1918 10,314,310 1.90 1939 16 ,000,303 2.22 1948 19,234,182 1.91 I960 27 ,087,685 3 .06 Source: Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s , I 9 6 O 1 P o p u l a t i o n and Housing, Volume I I , Summary Report, p. 2 . There i s a s t r o n g l i k e l i h o o d t h a t the r a t e o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e w i l l c o n t i n u e to a c c e l e r a t e . In f a c t , i f the prese n t b i r t h and death r a t e s c o n t i n u e , the p o p u l a t i o n o f the P h i l i p p i n e s i s expected to double i t s e l f i n l e s s than 23 y e a r s . (Concepcion 19661 185) Surveys o f the p o p u l a t i o n have noted l i t t l e a p p r e c i a b l e d i f f e r e n c e i n f e r t i l i t y among socio-economic groups or between the r u r a l an urban a r e a s . In view of t h i s , a s i g n i f i c a n t d e c l i n e i n f e r t i l i t y does not seem l i k e l y f o r some y e a r s . On the o t h e r hand, the crude death r a t e , though d e c l i n i n g , remains h i g h . Continued advances i n p u b l i c h e a l t h programmes are expected to r e s u l t i n the f u r t h e r r e d u c t i o n o f m o r t a l i t y . Many of the d i s e a s e s now accompanied by h i g h m o r t a l i t y , f o r -17- example, pneumonia, t u b e r c u l o s i s , and b r o n c h i t i s , lend themselves to treatment w i t h modern drugs. (See Reyes I966) The i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e s has a l r e a d y r e s u l t e d , f i r s t , i n continued growth i n e s t a b l i s h e d p o p u l a t i o n c o n c e n t r a t i o n s and, second, i n a s i g n i f i c a n t r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of people w i t h i n the c o u n t r y . Throughout most of the area o f c o n c e n t r a t e d s e t t l e m e n t , the p o i n t o f p o p u l a t i o n s a t u r a t i o n i s near, i f i t has not a l r e a d y been reached. However, t h e r e are l a n d r e s o u r c e s which are not f u l l y u t i l i z e d . While the h i g h e r and rougher p a r t s of the country are s p a r s e l y populated, so a l s o are many of the p l a i n s and lowlands i n the more remote r e g i o n s . The l a r g e s t extent o f s p a r s e l y populated lowland i s on the i s l a n d of Mindanao. Other lowlands, a l t h o u g h s m a l l e r i n s i z e remain a v a i l a b l e i n o t h e r i s l a n d s . D e s p i t e the a v a i l a b i l i t y of these r e l a t i v e l y unused lowlands and the i n t e n s e p o p u l a t i o n pressure i n the t r a d i t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n c e n t e r s , o n l y a modest r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n by i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n had taken p l a c e p r i o r to the Second World War. The post-war p e r i o d , on the o t h e r hand, has been one of l a r g e s c a l e and r a p i d r e l o c a t i o n o f people. The c e n t r a l government has g r e a t l y expanded i t s road c o n s t r u c t i o n programme, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Mindanao, and much o f what was p r e v i o u s l y i n a c c e s s i b l e became more a t t r a c t i v e . -18- D u r i n g the i n t e r - c e n s a l p e r i o d from 19^8 to i 9 6 0 , the p o p u l a t i o n of almost a l l of the p r o v i n c e s gained i n numbers. However, t h e r e were s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the r a t e o f growth among the p r o v i n c e s . . G e n e r a l l y , the t r a d i t i o n a l c e n t e r s of p o p u l a t i o n grew l e s s r a p i d l y than the s p a r s e l y populated r e g i o n s . The areas o f l e a s t r a p i d growth were the c e n t r a l V i s a y a n i s l a n d s , the n o r t h e r n c o a s t a l f r i n g e of Mindanao, and the I l o c o s c o a s t of Luzon. Without e x c e p t i o n , the p o p u l a t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e s i n t h e s e r e g i o n s grew c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s r a p i d l y than the n a t i o n a l average, i n d i c a t i n g a c o n s i d e r a b l e o u t - m i g r a t i o n o f people. Such outward movement i s not unexpected. The c e n t r a l V i s a y a n - I l o c o s c o a s t a l areas c o n t a i n l i t t l e c u l t i v a b l e l a n d , not a l r e a d y under c u l t i v a t i o n , to absorb p o p u l a t i o n growth. D e n s i t i e s i n these r e g i o n s are h i g h , r e a c h i n g 2,000 persons per square m i l e of c u l t i v a t e d l a n d i n Cebu. With the e x c e p t i o n of the I l o c o s c o a s t a l r e g i o n and m e t r o p o l i t a n M a n i l a , most o f the p r o v i n c e s i n the deHsely s e t t l e d areas o f Luzon grew at or near the n a t i o n a l average between 19^8 and i 9 6 0 . However, th e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e i n growth p a t t e r n i n the areas o f dense s e t t l e m e n t i n Luzon. Of the nine p r o v i n c e s of c e n t r a l Luzon, f i v e had i n d i c a t e d net o u t - m i g r a t i o n w h i l e f o u r had an i n d i c a t e d net i n - m i g r a t i o n . However, i n o n l y two -19- p r o v i n c e s , C a v i t e and R i z a l , were the i n d i c a t e d i n m i g r a t i o n l a r g e which i s due to the suburban spread around M a n i l a , In the r u r a l areas of the C e n t r a l P l a i n and the B i k o l Region, o u t - m i g r a t i o n g e n e r a l l y dominated. While the expansion o f d o u b l e - c r o p p i n g of r i c e has p e r m i t t e d the a r e a to absorb a d d i t i o n a l people, the p r e s s u r e o f p o p u l a t i o n on land and the i n c r e a s i n g impoverishment o f the s o i l have encouraged a l a r g e number o f people to seek the urban c e n t e r s , the h i l l i e r margins o f the p l a i n , or the more remote but expanding a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of a g r i c u l t u r a l s e t t l e m e n t . N e a r l y a l l the l e s s d e n s e l y populated areas of Luzon experienced an i n d i c a t e d net i n - m i g r a t i o n between 19^8 and i960. The most impressive r a t e s of p o p u l a t i o n growth, apa r t from m e t r o p o l i t a n M a n i l a , o c c u r r e d i n Mindoro and southern Mindanao, Both areas grew at r a t e s more than twice the n a t i o n a l average. The f o u r p r o v i n c e s of southern Mindanao (Cotabato, Davao, Lanao, and Zamboanga) absorbed 30 per cent of the n a t i o n a l growth. The i s l a n d of Mindanao r e c e i v e d almost a l l o f i t s new s e t t l e r s between 19^8 and i960 from the V i s a y a n a r e a . The i s l a n d s of B o h o l , Cebu, Panay, and Leyte s u p p l i e d most of the immigrants. The urban p o p u l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e s grew a t a more r a p i d r a t e between 19^8 and i960 than the t o t a l -20- p o p u l a t i o n . Whereas the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d by 42,7 per cent d u r i n g the i n t e r - c e n s a l p e r i o d , the major urban c e n t e r s grew by 70 per c e n t . The growth by c l a s s and l o c a t i o n o f c i t i e s , however, was f a r from uniform. In g e n e r a l , the l a r g e r and s m a l l e r urban c e n t e r s r e g i s t e r e d the most r a p i d gains w h i l e the i n t e r m e d i a t e urban u n i t s grew q u i t e s l o w l y . Moreover c i t i e s l o c a t e d i n the more remote areas o f the P h i l i p p i n e s grew more r a p i d l y than the c i t i e s o f the t r a d i t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n c e n t e r s . The major e x c e p t i o n was t h a t o f suburban M a n i l a , the s a t e l l i t e c i t i e s and communities o f which have grown more r a p i d l y than any major c i t i e s i n the co u n t r y . E t h n o - L i n g u i s t i c Groupings When the term " F i l i p i n o " i s used, i t i m p l i e s a u n i f i e d people who possess a common h i s t o r y , belong t o the same r a c e , and e x h i b i t a common c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n . But, i f t h e r e are f a c t o r s such as these o p e r a t i n g to u n i f y , t h e r e a r e a l s o i n f l u e n c e s t h a t are d i v i s i v e o f the p o p u l a t i o n . There a r e , then, i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t y f a c t o r s c o n t i n u a l l y o p e r a t i n g t h a t make f o r both homogeneity and h e t e r o g e n e i t y . One o f the most g e n e r a l l y used broad c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f the P h i l i p p i n e p o p u l a t i o n i s by r e l i g i o n . The p o p u l a t i o n i s overwhelmingly Roman C a t h o l i c (Table I I ) ; but, " t h e r e - 2 1 - are f o u r s i g n i f i c a n t groupings i n which r e l i g i o n extends i n t o a way o f l i f e : pagan, Roman C a t h o l i c , P r o t e s t a n t and Moslem." (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967« 157-158) C l a s s i f i c a t i o n by r e l i g i o n , however, g i v e s o n l y a most g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n of the d i v e r s i t y of the P h i l i p p i n e p o p u l a t i o n . I t may a l s o not be a meaningful one s i n c e the C h r i s t i a n F i l i p i n o s are themselves heterogeneous. T a b l e I I : P o p u l a t i o n of the P h i l i p p i n e s by R e l i g i o n , i960 Number Percentage T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 27,087,685 100.00 Roman C a t h o l i c s 22,686,096 83.8 A g l i p a y a n s ( P h i l i p p i n e 1,414,431 Independent Church) 5 .2 I g l e s i a n i K r i s t o (Church o f C h r i s t ) 270,104 1.0 P r o t e s t a n t s ( i n c l u d e s P h i l i p p i n e E p i s c o p a l Church) 785.399 2.9 Muslims 1.317,475 4.9 Others 614,180 2.2 Source: Bureau of the Census and S t a t i s t i c s , Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s i 9 6 0 : P o p u l a t i o n and Housing, V o l . I I , Summary Report, T a b l e 19, p. 17. A more u s e f u l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s by l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l g r o u p i n g s . Whether or not language and c u l t u r e show a c l o s e c o r r e l a t i o n i n the P h i l i p p i n e s so t h a t we can r e f e r to them as d i s t i n c t e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups awaits the f i n d i n g s of f u r t h e r e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h . The evidence -22- we have a t present i n d i c a t e t h a t they do. (See, f o r i n s t a n c e , Lewis 1971.) More than e i g h t y languages and d i a l e c t s are l i s t e d i n the i960 census, a f i g u r e t h a t l e d P a s c a s i o (196?: 22) t o remark! ". . . we do have a complex language s i t u a t i o n . " A l l o f t h e s e languages and d i a l e c t s , however, are v a r i e t i e s o f the M a l a y o - P o l y n e s i a n l i n g u i s t i c f a m i l y , and I n d i v i d u a l s who move from one l i n g u i s t i c a r e a to another, even the uneducated, u s u a l l y a c q u i r e a r e a s o n a b l e f a c i l i t y i n h a n d l i n g the new v e r n a c u l a r w i t h i n a few weeks' or a month's time depending on the extent to which they use the language. ( P a s c a s i o 196?: 230) T a b l e I I I c o n t a i n s the i960 data o f the Eureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s f o r the number of n a t i v e speakers of the major languages and d i a l e c t s . T h e i r g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n i s shown i n F i g u r e I I . Of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f 27,087,685, 44.4 per cent can speak Ta g a l o g , 39*5 per cent can speak E n g l i s h , and 2,1 per cent can speak Spanish. Between 1948 and i960, t h e r e was an i n c r e a s e o f 2.3 per cent f o r E n g l i s h ; 7.3 per cent f o r Tagalog; and 0.3 per cent f o r S p a n i s h . P a s c a s i o (I967: 228) c o n j e c t u r e s t h a t the t o t a l number of T a g a l o g speaking i n d i v i d u a l s now exceed E n g l i s h speakers and t h a t the r a t e o f i n c r e a s e o f T a g a l o g w i l l c o ntinue t o exceed E n g l i s h . However, i t i s q u e s t i o n a b l e i f T a g a l o g w i l l supplement E n g l i s h i n f u n c t i o n s which i t now s e r v e s , a t l e a s t i n the near f u t u r e . -23- Tabl e I I I : P o p u l a t i o n by Language Speakers, i960 Languages Spoken E n g l i s h T a g a l o g Spanish Mother Tongue B i s a y a (Cebuano) Ta g a l o g B i s a y a ( H i l i g a y n o n ) I l o k o B i k o l B i s a y a (Samareno) Pampango Pangasinan Others Number 10,689,171 12,019,193 588,634 6,529,882 5,694,072 2,817,31^ 3,158,560 2,108,837 1,488,668 875,531 666,003 3,748,818 Percent o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 39.5 44.4 2.1 24.1 21.0 10.4 11.7 7.8 5.5 3.2 2.5 13.8 Source: Bureau of the Census and S t a t i s t i c s . S t a t i s t i c a l Handbook o f the P h i l i p p i n e s , M a n i l a , 1962, pp. 20-21. - 2 4 - F i g u r e I I i Major E t h n o - L i n g u i s t i c Groups -25- FOOTNOTES 1A n o t a b l e e x c e p t i o n i s H o l l n s t e i n e r ' s study of power i n a community on the i s l a n d of Luzon. Here, she i n c l u d e s a d i s c u s s i o n o f how power alignments and s p l i t s i n the community are manifested i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . See H o l l n s t e i n e r , 1963» e s p e c i a l l y pp. 111-130. There are o n l y two o t h e r s t u d i e s of P h i l i p p i n e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t I know o f . These are S t y s k a l ' s (1967) and S t a u f f e r ' s (1966). Both of these s t u d i e s , however, d e a l with urban based v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and a s e t of problems d i f f e r e n t from t h a t which this t h e s i s i s concerned. 2 Unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d , the summary da t a i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y statement are based on Donaghue, Fox, and S i b l e y (1956). 3unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d , the summary d a t a i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y statement are based on Berreman (1956). ^Unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d , the summary da t a i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y statement are based on Nelson (1968). ^The d e s c r i p t i o n presented here r e f e r s t o the s i t u a t i o n d u r i n g the t i m e ' o f f i e l d work. S i n c e September, 1972, the s i t u a t i o n has changed c o n s i d e r a b l y . ^Unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d , the summary da t a i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y statement are based on Simkins and V/emstedt (I963) and Wernstedt and Spencer (I967). CHAPTER I I ENTERING THE COMMUNITY t SOME METHODOLOGICAL COMMENTS When I l e f t Vancouver f o r the P h i l i p p i n e s , I planned to i n i t i a t e f i e l d w o r k f o r my r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t i n my own community, Midsayap. I d e l i b e r a t e l y worked q u i t e s l o w l y a t the o u t s e t , spending the b e t t e r p a r t of the f i r s t t h r e e weeks d o i n g t h i n g s t h a t may seem o n l y m a r g i n a l l y r e l a t e d t o my p r o j e c t i a t t e n d i n g p a r t i e s , some o f which were h e l d i n my honor? v i s i t i n g f a m i l y f r i e n d s , godparents? and so f o r t h . I n another sense, however, these a c t i v i t i e s were important f o r my p r o j e c t ? f o r , w h i l e I avoided t a l k i n g e x p l i c i t l y about i t f o r f e a r of " t u r n i n g people o f f " so e a r l y , i t was i n these s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s where I found out, and s e l e c t e d , who my informants were g o i n g to be, whom I should be t a l k i n g t o as sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n I would need e v e n t u a l l y . T h i s i n i t i a l s t r a t e g y a p p a r e n t l y became the vantage p o i n t o f a more f o r m a l i z e d and s y s t e m a t i c d e s i g n f o r c o l l e c t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n and, i n t h i s r e g a r d , was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n a c q u i r i n g a q u i c k overview o f the community's h i s t o r y , growth, and development. Because o f the almost t o t a l absence -26- - 2 ? - of w r i t t e n r e c o r d s , I had to r e l y on i n t e r v i e w s w i t h people who had l i v e d l o n g enough i n the community and had seen i t grow. I t was a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t the s o c i o l o g i c a l / a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l predicament o f c o n d u c t i n g i n t e r v i e w s i n a p a r t e i p a n t - o b s e r v e r r o l e became apparent. One of these problems s p r i n g s from the f a c t t h a t the w r i t e r i s s t u d y i n g a community of which he i s a p a r t . I t i s t r u e , as Graham Johnson experienced, t h a t "one o f the problems o f c o n d u c t i n g r e s e a r c h i n a s o c i e t y o t h e r than one's own, p a r t i c u l a r l y one t h a t i s c u l t u r a l l y q u i t e d i s t i n c t , i s a c e r t a i n i s o l a t i o n . " (Johnson 1970: 15) On the o t h e r hand, i t i s a l s o t r u e t h a t c o n d u c t i n g r e s e a r c h i n one's own s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e poses i t s own problems. Foremost i s the problem of f a m i l i a r i t y - one consequence of which i s the tendency to t r e a t as common sense what may, i n f a c t , be u n i t s o f s p e c i a l and c r u c i a l importance. Moreover, b e i n g p a r t of the community means t o occupy a p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n i n the sommunity s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Thus, i n accordance w i t h t h i s p o s i t i o n , the r e s e a r c h e r i s expected to behave i n p a r t i c u l a r , but not i n o t h e r , ways; he can t a l k t o some, but not to a l l people f r e e l y ; he may go to some p l a c e s , but must not be seen i n o t h e r s . In o t h e r words, w h i l e he has easy access to some sources of i n f o r m a t i o n , to others he does not . Conducting i n t e r v i e w s with people I can t a l k to a l s o -28- presented problems. These were mostly people who had known me as a " l i t t l e boy." Many of them simply found i t d i f f i c u l t t o b e l i e v e t h a t I had grown. They would, f o r i n s t a n c e , remark: "Ikaw nga ba? Ang l a k i - l a k i mo n a i " - t h a t i s , " I s i t r e a l l y you? My, you've grown so much!" And to some what was more u n b e l i e v a b l e was t h a t I was now i n the process of " w r i t i n g a book." They, then, would u s u a l l y end up i n t e r v i e w i n g me, i n s t e a d of me i n t e r v i e w i n g them. And, they conducted l e n g t h y i n t e r v i e w s indeed I I r e a l i z e d t h a t t h i s k i n d of s i t u a t i o n would d e f i n i t e l y slow down my data g a t h e r i n g . N e v e r t h e l e s s , I thought t h a t i t was s t i l l p o s s i b l e to c o l l e c t s u b s t a n t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h i n the p e r i o d o f my scheduled s t a y i n the community. But even before I c o u l d f i n d out whether i t was i n f a c t p o s s i b l e , I was " f o r c e d " to l e a v e , and cut s h o r t my s t a y i n , the community - at l e a s t f o r the purpose o f c o n d u c t i n g f i e l d w o r k and a l l what t h i s e n t a i l s . Among the persons I f e l t I had to i n t e r v i e w were the mayor o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y and, through him, o t h e r m u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s . Here, a g a i n , my b e i n g p a r t of the community posed i t s e l f as a problem. The mayor and my f a m i l y belong to two d i f f e r e n t and c o n f l i c t i n g " p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s . " In f a c t , i t i s common knowledge i n the community t h a t my f a m i l y had g i v e n not o n l y f i n a n c i a l support t o the mayor's opponent i n the l a s t -29- e l e c t i o n but had a l s o campaigned a c t i v e l y a g a i n s t him. N e v e r t h e l e s s , a f t e r the e l e c t i o n s were over, our r e l a t i o n s w i t h the members of the o t h e r f a c t i o n and the mayor h i m s e l f became c o r d i a l , I then thought t h a t he would be a v a i l a b l e f o r i n t e r v i e w and would a l l o w me to l o o k i n t o the m u n i c i p a l documents which may be important to my p r o j e c t . I had, o f course, been v/arned to the c o n t r a r y . Some people from my f a m i l y ' s f a c t i o n s a i d t h a t a s k i n g the mayor such q u e s t i o n s and p e r m i s s i o n to go over the m u n i c i p a l documents would only make him suspect t h a t I wanted such i n f o r m a t i o n so t h a t we c o u l d use them a g a i n s t him i n the coming e l e c t i o n s , and so f o r t h . But, I d i d not g i v e up hope so e a s i l y . I thought t h a t I j u s t had to v/ait f o r an opportune time. I had s t a r t e d to work toward t h a t g o a l - having met and t a l k e d to him c a s u a l l y on s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s . I t was j u s t a matter of time; then, I would win h i s " c o n f i d e n c e " and " t r u s t " . T h i s time, however, never came • While I was i n the community, the mayor was deeply i n v o l v e d i n a f u n d - r a i s i n g p r o j e c t f o r the improvement of the town p l a z a . He brought to the community a c i r c u s group from Cebu C i t y to perform i n the m u n i c i p a l gymnasium and i t was the proceeds from the show which he intended to use f o r the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n p r o j e c t . He r e a l i z e d , however, t h a t box o f f i c e s a l e s alone would not be s u f f i c i e n t t o r a i s e the -30- n e c e s s a r y amount. To do so (as he had always done p r e v i o u s to t h i s ) , he wrote form l e t t e r s s o l i c i t i n g support f o r the p r o j e c t . He d i s t r i b u t e d these l e t t e r s to i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s , accompanied by t i c k e t s to the c i r c u s . The amount o f the t i c k e t s he sent v a r i e d and was r e l a t i v e to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s and/or f a m i l y ' s f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l s t a n d i n g i n the community. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t people, and c e r t a i n l y the mayor, knew j u s t what the p o s i t i o n o f every f a m i l y (and i t s members) was and, t hus, how much i t c o u l d a f f o r d . In t h i s r e g a r d , i f an i n d i v i d u a l r e c e i v e d , say, t e n pesos worth o f t i c k e t s , he c o u l d , more o r l e s s a c c u r a t e l y , p r e d i c t how much o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s i n the community r e c e i v e d . These t i c k e t s were always c o n s i d e r e d s o l d . Some two weeks a f t e r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l e t t e r s and t i c k e t s , the mayor c o u l d then expect to c o l l e c t and s o l i c i t payment. He, however, does not do t h i s p e r s o n a l l y . As w i t h the d i s t r i b u t i o n , a m u n i c i p a l government c l e r k i s sent to c o l l e c t . I need not e l a b o r a t e on the p r e v a l e n c e of g r a f t and c o r r u p t i o n i n P h i l i p p i n e p o l i t i c s and government. The people know, and seem to a c cept the f a c t , t h a t t h e i r p o l i t i c i a n s are i n v o l v e d i n them. In my community, i t i s common knowledge t h a t the g r e a t e r p a r t of the money r a i s e d w i l l not be used f o r the improvement of the town p l a z a as c l a i m e d . Nobody, however, would dare open h i s mouth about -31- i t . One o f my r e l a t i v e s , however, d i d . And, t h i s i n c i d e n t became the axe t h a t l e d me to d e c i d e to move from my community and do f i e l d w o r k i n another. The d e c i s i o n was not an easy one to make p r i m a r i l y because when t h i s i n c i d e n t happened I had o n l y a l i t t l e o ver f i v e weeks l e f t . To t r a n s f e r t o another r e s e a r c h s i t e a t t h i s time meant t h a t I would have t o s t a r t a l l over a g a i n . To quote Graham Johnson (1970» 15-16) once more: "In o r d e r t o a c h i e v e whatever the r e s e a r c h o b j e c t i v e s happen to be the r e s e a r c h e r has t o r e l y on h i s own r e s o u r c e s t o e s t a b l i s h r e l a t i o n s w i t h e x i s t i n g networks of communication . . . Without the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f communications i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to conduct s o c i a l r e s e a r c h . . . I t i s e s s e n t i a l to d i s p e l an aura o f l e g i t i m a c y p r i o r t o embarking on the r e s e a r c h . " And, i t i s t h i s a s p e c t o f t h i s r e s e a r c h which i s so d i f f i c u l t to accomplish and which c o u l d take much of the r e s e a r c h e r ' s time. However, I f e l t t h a t the i n c i d e n t had b l o c k e d me o f f from an important and c r u c i a l source o f i n f o r m a t i o n - f o r i t i s not o n l y the mayor h i m s e l f who was i n v o l v e d but a l s o h i s f o l l o w e r s and most o f those who b e l o n g to h i s p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n - t h a t i s , h i s a l l i e s . I t was t h i s p o i n t t h a t e v e n t u a l l y l e d me to the d e c i s i o n to move. A f t e r I had made t h i s d e c i s i o n , the next problem i n view was where to go. C o n s i d e r i n g the time I had l e f t , the -32- community should "be one where I would have, more or l e s s , an easy time i n e s t a b l i s h i n g channels o f communication or know of someone who c o u l d f a c i l i t a t e i t . The c h o i c e f e l l on Kabacan, a m u n i c i p a l i t y which i s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 43 k i l o m e t e r s from Midsayap. The mayor of the m u n i c i p a l i t y i s a c l o s e f r i e n d o f the f a m i l y . I had a p r e l i m i n a r y t a l k w i t h him about the r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t o He was e n t h u s i a s t i c about i t and even o f f e r e d h i s p l a c e f o r me to s t a y f o r the d u r a t i o n . In r e t r o s p e c t o f my exper i e n c e i n Midsayap, what I had to watch out f o r now i s to a v o i d b e i n g too c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the mayor f o r , w h i l e he c o u l d open important channels of communication f o r me, he c o u l d a l s o b l o c k o t h e r s . A n t i c i p a t i n g o n l y a l i t t l e over f i v e weeks o f r e s e a r c h i n Kabacan, I decided t h a t I would focus my a t t e n t i o n o n l y on l o c a l h i s t o r y , growth, and development and, second, the emergence of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . P a r e n t h e t i c a l l y , some q u e s t i o n s of i n t e r e s t were apparent! a t what p o i n t s s i g n i f i c a n t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s emerged and, s p e c i f i c a l l y , i n r e l a t i o n t o what k i n d s o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l circumstances,. Working on l o c a l h i s t o r y , growth, and development was g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e d f o r me by the mayor o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y . S i n c e I s t a y e d a t h i s house, I had ample o p p o r t u n i t y t o t a l k w i t h him on t h i s aspect of the p r o j e c t . In t h i s -33- r e g a r d , he became my most important source of i n f o r m a t i o n . He a l s o i n t r o d u c e d me to the other m u n i c i p a l government o f f i c i a l s and to many of those whom he r e f e r r e d t o as the " p i o n e e r s " of the community - t h a t i s , i t s f i r s t C h r i s t i a n s e t t l e r s . Through i n t e r v i e w s w i t h these people, I was a b l e to b u i l d - u p a workable p i c t u r e of the r e c e n t h i s t o r y of Kabacan. S h o r t l y a f t e r I gained a c e r t a i n amount o f knowledge on t h i s aspect o f the community, I began working on the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . I thought t h a t the bes t way to f i n d out about t h e i r emergence, form, and f u n c t i o n s was, a g a i n , by i n t e r v i e w i n g - those who are most f a m i l i a r w i t h the a s s o c i a t i o n s themselves* the p r e s i d e n t s and/or founders. I n t h i s r e g a r d , I f i r s t drew up a l i s t o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the community, simply by a s k i n g people s i n c e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the P h i l i p p i n e s are not r e g i s t e r e d w i t h the government as they a r e , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n Hongkong. (See Johnson 1970.) And t h e r e were problems, foremost among which was what v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e . In any ca s e , I s t a r t e d w i t h those a s s o c i a t i o n s which people named most o f t e n . I thought t h a t i f people t h i n k they a r e , or c o n s i d e r them t o be, v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s ; then, they must be v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . A g a i n , I c o n t a c t e d and i n t e r v i e w e d many o f my informants on the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s through the mayor o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y and h i s -34- w i f e ( t h e l a t t e r f o r t h o s e a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r w o m e n , e s p e c i a l l y ) • T h e p r o c e s s o f s e t t i n g - u p i n t e r v i e w s a n d i n t e r v i e w i n g p r o p e r c o u l d b e h i g h l y f r u s t r a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s . F o r e x a m p l e , I t h o u g h t t h a t i t w a s o n l y p r o p e r t o make a n a p p o i n t m e n t b e f o r e I t a l k e d t o p e o p l e - e s p e c i a l l y i f I k n e w t h a t t h e i n t e r v i e w w o u l d l a s t l o n g . H o w e v e r , i t w a s n o t i n f r e q u e n t w h e n p e o p l e m i s s e d a p p o i n t m e n t s . T h i s s l o w e d my w o r k c o n s i d e r a b l y f o r m i s s e d a p p o i n t m e n t s m e a n t " w a s t i n g " p r e c i o u s t i m e a n d h a v i n g t o g o t h r o u g h s e t t i n g - u p a n e w a p p o i n t m e n t w h i c h a n u m b e r o f p e o p l e s t i l l m i s s e d ! S o m u c h s o t h a t e v e n w h i l e t r y i n g u n t i l a l m o s t o n t h e d a y o f my d e p a r t u r e , I w a s a b l e t o g a t h e r a m o r e o r l e s s d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n o n some t e n a s s o c i a t i o n s , o u t o f a t o t a l o f o v e r t w e n t y - f i v e . I n t e r v i e w s , t h e n , w e r e my m o s t i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e y w e r e b y n o means t h e o n l y s o u r c e s , h o w e v e r . L i v i n g i n t h e c o m m u n i t y f o r f i v e w e e k s a s a " p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r " w a s a l s o a n i m p o r t a n t o n e - a n i n v a l u a b l e s o u r c e , i n f a c t , f o r i t w a s t h r o u g h my d a i l y i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h p e o p l e i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s t h a t I w a s a b l e t o g a i n some v a l u a b l e k n o w l e d g e o n l i f e i n t h e c o m m u n i t y a n d w h a t l i f e f o r t h e p e o p l e o f K a b a c a n w a s a l l a b o u t . CHAPTER I I I THE COMMUNITY: THE BACKGROUND Kabacan i s a m u n i c i p a l i t y o f the p r o v i n c e o f Cotabato, one o f over a dozen p r o v i n c e s i n the i s l a n d o f Mindanao, the second l a r g e s t i s l a n d o f the P h i l i p p i n e s . The whole p r o v i n c e c o i n c i d e s w i t h the r e g i o n which Wernstedt and Spencer (1967) c a l l Southwestern Mindanao. (See F i g u r e I I I and Map I I ) The m u n i c i p a l i t y i s l o c a t e d i n one of the Cotabato lowlands, the Carmen B a s i n which, i n t u r n , i s l o c a t e d upstream from the main Cotabato V a l l e y i n the n o r t h e a s t e r n c o r n e r o f Cotabato p r o v i n c e . I t l i e s a l o n g the major trunk system s e r v i n g the r e g i o n , the Cotabato-Davao N a t i o n a l Highway, and the p o b l a c i o n , o r town c e n t e r , i s approximately 91 k i l o m e t e r s from the C i t y o f Cotabato, the c a p i t a l of the p r o v i n c e . Kabacan i s c r i s s c r o s s e d by the P u l a n g i , Kabacan, and Dalupuan r i v e r s which serve as i t s n a t u r a l d r a i n a g e . The t e r r a i n n o r t h o f the Dalupuan r i v e r i s h i l l y and mountainous, p a r t o f the C e n t r a l Mindanao H i g h l a n d s , where good timbers abound. The southern p o r t i o n , the Carmen B a s i n i t s e l f , i s f l a t . - 3 5 - LOCATION NORTH * Table 2 , Census of Population, gives the name of each barrio. The /lumber near csch barrio symbol in the map correspond?, io the number -and name given for the same barrio for (hat municipality in said Table. D E L 5 u V \ Y COTABATO (NORTHERN PART) S I .' K I L O M E T E R S O ". 5 S T A T U T E N I L E 5 LEGEND CITY. MUNICIPALITY . . . . . BARR IO* PROVINCIAL BOUNDARY. MUNICIPAL BOUNDARY — I Y \ 7 \ COTABA.TO^CITY®- • O ^ o ' 1 . : • l o g i • IA n , .f**° So ,?* u .1. «o - / ° Q PI6KAWAYÂ 35o7,0 4 | o ^ " \ „ 19"Ol / ' 0 O M 4? - ^ o ^ 2 - -°c ' X,- TUMBAO I'-/-- \ , , . ©IS °/. ° 4 7 3 2 "55 O 2 * • - 0 4 2 Q 4 0 Jo2 39 2 3 45 | " o ' PA"- 4 5 " O " " I T " . * * - CARMEN^., , \ •. \ . '» '• 3 ^ 0 K A B A C A N ° 8 " l \ 12 . x- n ' ° 0 j '''"oil 7 ° 0 4 \ JDATUPIANG , , 5 4 _ 2 8 •« . s ° , ° _ ."v 0 I 3 2 0 .0 O 612' ' 0>°_ o8 ® 3 ---^jO ., 15 3 3 - 0 3 5 " ' A o 4 3 0 2 " „o "M ° o A \ i o 1 ' d " i - °i* O 2 ^ o - .-I - .--35 o » ° 4 S \ ^ ' . 0 * 0 0 3 7 • il? * K I D A F KIDAPAWAN :. i. - 3 7 - F i g u r e I I I Physiography o f Southwestern Mindanao (Source* Wernstedt and Spencer I 9 6 7 : 5^3) -38- The name o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y , Kabacan, i s a Moslem word whose r o o t i s pag a t a c a n w h i c h means g r a n a r y o r , g e n e r a l l y , a p l a c e where one g e t s a n y t h i n g i n abundance. The r u l e r s o f t h e p r o v i n c e d u r i n g t h e e a r l y days s h o r t e n e d t h e name t o Kabacan. There a r e o t h e r s , however, who s a y t h a t t h e name o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y o r i g i n a t e d from t h e word a b a c a . Abaca p l a n t s (hemp) used t o be grown a b u n d a n t l y a l o n g t h e Kabacan r i v e r . The f i r s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y t h e more p o p u l a r one. Kabacan was c r e a t e d a m u n i c i p a l d i s t r i c t on March 8, 1917 under E x e c u t i v e Order No. 9 i s s u e d by t h e t h e n A c t i n g G o v e r n o r P o n c i a n o Reyes o f t h e Department o f Mindanao and S u l u , t h e government o f f i c e w h i c h a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e r e g i o n . I t was composed o f t h e b a r r i o s o f K a t i d t u a n , T i m b a l o d , and P e d t u l a s a n . I t was c r e a t e d a r e g u l a r m u n i c i p a l i t y on August 18, 19^7 by v i r t u e o f E x e c u t i v e O r d e r No, 82 i s s u e d by t h e t h e n P r e s i d e n t Manuel Roxas. I t s t e r r i t o r y c o v e r e d t h e m u n i c i p a l d i s t r i c t s o f Kabacan, Carmen, L i t u b u d , and B a n i s i l a n . P r e s i d e n t Ramon Magsaysay, by v i t r u e o f an e x e c u t i v e o r d e r i s s u e d on November 15 , 1956, c r e a t e d t h e m u n i c i p a l d i s t r i c t o f Carmen i n t o a r e g u l a r m u n i c i p a l i t y and on December 29 , I 9 6 I , P r e s i d e n t C a r l o s P. G a r c i a c a r v e d t h e b a r r i o s o f M a r b e l , Malamote, K i l a d a , and Kidama out o f Kabacan and t h e s e were annexed t o t h e new m u n i c i p a l i t y o f Matalam. Due t o t h e s e , t h e l a n d a r e a o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y o f - 3 9 - Kabacan has been, reduced to i t s present approximate a r e a of 2 5 , 0 0 0 h e c t a r e s , I t i s now o f f i c i a l l y composed of 2k b a r r i o s whose p o p u l a t i o n range from 185 (Salupangan) to 5 » 2 7 7 ( P o b l a c i o n ) . These r a p i d c i v i l d i v i s i o n s t h a t Kabacan has undergone has been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the whole p r o v i n c e - where tw e n t y - s i x new m u n i c i p a l i t i e s have been c r e a t e d s i n c e 19^8 i n response t o p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e r e s u l t i n g from l a r g e - s c a l e m i g r a t i o n . (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967* 555) The growth o f the Southwestern Mindanao r e g i o n i s indded phenomenal e s p e c i a l l y when one c o n s i d e r s t h a t the r e g i o n was i n i t i a l l y one o f sparse Moslem s e t t l e m e n t , w i t h a s c a t t e r i n g of n o n - C h r i s t i a n t r i b a l groups i n the uplands. S i n c e 1 9 ^ 3 , but p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e ±9k$, l a r g e numbers of. C h r i s t i a n F i l i p i n o s , migrants coming from a l l p a r t s of the P h i l i p p i n e s , have moved i n t o the r e g i o n , so t h a t now these migrants outnumber the o r i g i n a l Moslem s e t t l e r s . (Wernstedt and Spencer 1 9 6 7 : 5kk) Moslem F i l i p i n o s c o n s t i t u t e d approximately 35 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n of Cotabato i n i 9 6 0 , a decrease i n r a t i o o f n e a r l y 20 per cent s i n c e the 1939 census. C h r i s t i a n F i l i p i n o s now make up approximately 55 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n as compared to o n l y 35 per cent i n 1 9 3 9 . The n o n - C h r i s t i a n t r i b a l groups l i v i n g i n the T i r u r a y Highlands and o t h e r i n a c c e s s i b l e t e r r i t o r y c o n s t i t u t e d n e a r l y 9 per -40- cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n i 9 6 0 and. Chinese made up the "balance. Thus, as Wernstedt and Spencer (196?« 548-549) have remarked, "• 0 • i n a demographic sense the Southwestern Mindanao r e g i o n can be viewed as a s o r t o f P h i l i p p i n e m e l t i n g pot, where C h r i s t i a n , Moslem, and pagan l i v e together? one hopes i n peace." The l a r g e waves of m i g r a t i o n were f i r s t s e t i n motion by the s e l e c t i o n o f the Cotabato lowland as one o f the p r i n c i p a l s i t e s f o r a number of r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o j e c t s f i n a n c e d by the n a t i o n a l government. I t f e l t t h a t the i n c r e a s i n g l y acute problem of congested l a n d s e t t l e m e n t i n C e n t r a l Luzon, a l o n g the I l o c o s c o a s t , and the C e n t r a l V i s a y a n I s l a n d s c o u l d r e c e i v e some b e n e f i t from the opening o f new a g r i c u l t u r a l l ands i n Cotabato. In i t s e a r l y s t a g e s , the government-sponsored r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o j e c t s were g e n e r a l l y a f a i l u r e . The widespread pre v a l e n c e of m a l a r i a , the g e n e r a l i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f the r e g i o n , and the known or imagined h o s t i l i t y o f the Moslems combined t o d i s c o u r a g e s e t t l e m e n t . (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967» 5 5 0 , 551) The e a r l i e s t C h r i s t i a n s e t t l e r s of Kabacan, f o r example, r e c a l l t h a t they had to get under t h e i r mosquito nets as soon as darkness s e t i n so as to a v o i d b e i n g swarmed by mosquitoes. They a l s o remember the l a u n c h , s m a l l c r a f t s , barge, dugouts, and p a r t i c u l a r l y , the S. S. H a l l , a f l a t - b o t t o m e d boat, which n a v i g a t e d the r i v e r to and from Cotabato C i t y -41- and were used.to t r a n s p o r t people, s u p p l i e s , and much of the s u r p l u s r i c e , c o r n , and o t h e r produce. The r i v e r s were t h e i r primary, i f not the o n l y , means o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n u n t i l 1935 when the n a t i o n a l highway l i n k i n g the c i t i e s o f Davao and Cotabato was c o n s t r u c t e d . As l o n g as the above mentioned d e t e r r e n t s were present, Cotabato's p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d a t a r a t e c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s than t h a t of o t h e r p a r t s o f the i s l a n d 0 Between 1919 then and the b e g i n n n i n g o f h o s t i l i t i e s o f the Second World War i n 1941, the n a t i o n a l government made s e v e r a l attempts toward making the lands o f Mindanao more a t t r a c t i v e t o s e t t l e r s by embarking upon the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f major trunk roads t h a t would l i n k the major c i t i e s and s e t t l e m e n t areas of Mindanao. (Wernstedt and Spencer 19671 551) I t was between these years too when Kabacan r e c e i v e d i t s f i r s t migrant s e t t l e r s . I t was i n 1921, to be e x a c t , when the f i r s t group of C h r i s t i a n s e t t l e r s and homeseekers a r r i v e d i n Kabacan from A r i n g a y , La Union, and s e t t l e d i n the b a r r i o o f K a t i d t u a n which they l a t e r renamed A r i n g a y . A r i n g a y then became the s p r i n g b o a r d f o r the founding of o t h e r b a r r i o s - as the s e t t l e r s who a r r i v e d l a t e r had to s t a y f o r a y e a r or two i n A r i n g a y b e f o r e s e t t l i n g the lands they had a c q u i r e d . B e f o r e the f i r s t group of C h r i s t i a n homeseekers from Luzon a r r i v e d i n 1921, t h e r e were Visayans working f o r the -42- Rio Grande Rubber Es t a t e Company. There were a l s o a few Chinese t r a d e r s who were engaged i n the buying and s e l l i n g of r i c e , corn, copra, and other a g r i c u l t u r a l products. The Moslems who were the i n h a b i t a n t s of the area before the C h r i s t i a n s began to a r r i v e , s o l d t h e i r land to the l a t t e r and moved out of the town center. Mention has already been made of the acute problem of congested land settlement along the I l o c o s coast and other parts of Luzon and the Visayan i s l a n d s and the n a t i o n a l government's e f f o r t s to encourage out-migration i n t o the s p a r s e l y populated regions of Cotabato. The C h r i s t i a n s who came to Kabacan, then, d i d so, as one informant puts i t , " i n search of greener pastures." The n a t i o n a l government provided f r e e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and food up to t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n . They came i n groups composed p r i m a r i l y of f r i e n d s , r e l a t i v e s , and townmates. The husbands and male members of the f a m i l y u s u a l l y came f i r s t and a f t e r they had acquired a p a r c e l of land to farm, they fetched the r e s t of t h e i r f a m i l y members. Again, f r e e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and food up to the d e s t i n a t i o n were provided by the n a t i o n a l government. These e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s had to s t a r t from s c r a t c h . And, to make the b r i e f p eriod of pioneer l i f e l e s s d i f f i c u l t , they helped each other b u i l d houses and t i l l the farms. The importance of the various attempts to a t t r a c t -43- s e t t l e r s t o the empty lands of Southwestern Mindanao through government s u b s i d i e s l i e s not i n the a c t u a l numbers of people who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the programs but i n the tremendous s t i m u l u s t h e s e f i r s t p r o j e c t s gave t o subsequent v o l u n t a r y m i g r a t i o n s . L i t e r a l l y hundreds o f thousands o f F i l i p i n o s have migrated to Mindanao a t t h e i r expense s i n c e the i n i t i a l r e s e t t l e m e n t programs„ (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967« 551) To Kabacan, i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e r e were no more than two dozens f a m i l i e s who came to s e t t l e i n 1 9 2 1 . But these people demonstrated t h a t the r e g i o n was s a f e t o occupy, t h a t p i o n n e r l i f e was not to be f e a r e d , and t h a t the rewards o f i n d i v i d u a l l a n d ownership merited c o n s i d e r a b l e s a c r i f i c e and more f o l l o w e d them 0 T h i s growth may be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g census f i g u r e s t T a b l e IV t P o p u l a t i o n of Kabacan, 1903 - 1970 Year P o p u l a t i o n Percentage Increase 1903 78 - 1918 5,394 7000 1939 8,659 60 1948 13 ,119 51 I960 21,043 60 1970 23,293 10 Sources: Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s I 9 6 0 : P o p u l a t i o n and Housing. Volume I , Report by P r o v i n c e , Cotabato, p 0 2$ Census of the P h i l i p p i n e s 1970. Advance Report No. 22, Cotabato, p. 1. -44- Regarding the figures i n the above table, i t i s important to note that the 1948 figure includes the population of the barrios of Carmen, Kilada, Limayong, Libpas, and Malapog which were transferred to the municipality of Carmen i n 1 9 5 6 , In addition, the i 9 6 0 figure s t i l l includes the combined population of the barrios of Kidama, Kilada, Malamote, and Marbel which became part of the municipality of Matalam on December 2 9 , 1 9 6 1 , Thus, t h r growth of the municipality i n terms of population i s , i n f a c t , greater than what the fugures i n the table show. Approximately 70 per cent of the people of Kabacan are Ilocanosj 20 per cent are Moslems, Combined, Cebuanos, Ilongos, Tagalogs, and other e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups make up 10 per cent of the population. As i s the case with the re s t of the P h i l i p p i n e s , the Chri s t i a n s are predominantly Roman Ca t h o l i c , There are, however, other C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o u s sects i n the community» Methodist, I g l e s i a n i Kr i s t o (Church of C h r i s t ) , the United Church of C h r i s t i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , and Seventh Day Adventists, Table V shows t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n . -45- T a b l e Vt R e l i g i o u s A f f i l i a t i o n o f the P o p u l a t i o n , I96Q Number Percentage Roman C a t h o l i c 9,414 45 % P r o t e s t a n t 3.411 16 % A g l i p a y a n 1.299 6 # I g l e s i a n i K r i s t o 416 2 io Moslem 5.918 28 % Others 585 3 % T o t a l 21,043 100 % Sources Census of the P h i l i p p i n e s i960: P o p u l a t i o n and Housing. Vol-. I , Report by P r o v i n c e , Cotabato, p. 1? Ri c e farming i s the main o c c u p a t i o n o f the people; but c o r n , rubber, v e g e t a b l e s , and oth e r food crops are a l s o grown abundantly. A s m a l l percentage o f the p o p u l a t i o n i s i n the government s e r v i c e - as t e a c h e r s and c l e r k s , f o r example. A s i d e from the government s e r v i c e , t h e r e a re ve r y few employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s open i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y . And even those who are r e g u l a r l y employed, s t o r e owners, and those i n the p r o f e s s i o n s do some farming t o supplement t h e i r incomes. I n d u s t r i e s i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y are s m a l l and designed t o serve l o c a l needs. They i n c l u d e f a m i l y - o p e r a t e d shops which make f u r n i t u r e , hollow b l o c k s , and lumber. Around 4,300 h e c t a r e s o f the farm lands i n Kabacan r e c e i v e t h e i r source o f i r r i g a t i o n water from the N a t i o n a l I r r i g a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the es t a b l i s h m e n t o f which i n 1969 has r e s u l t e d i n i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y and, i n t u r n , was l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the r i s e o f Kabacan from a -46- f i f t h class municipality i n 1947 to a t h i r d class municipality i n 1969» with an annual income of 245,000 pesos. In addition to t h i s i r r i g a t i o n system of the National I r r i g a t i o n Administration, there are three communal i r r i g a t i o n systems operating i n the municipality. Combined, they i r r i g a t e an a d d i t i o n a l 700 hectares of farm lands. These communal i r r i g a t i o n projects were started by the P r e s i d e n t i a l Arm on Community Development, Since 1964, however, a l l three have been turned over to the barrios and have since then been managed by the barrio councils. The establishment of these i r r i g a t i o n projects resulted i n increased productivity since they made i t possible f o r farmers to plant two crops a year. Other factors instrumental to the growth i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y include the introduction of new high-yielding v a r i e t i e s of r i c e , the use of i n s e c t i c i d e s , modern farming methods, the u t i l i z a t i o n of modern, mechanized implements l i k e t r a c t o r s and threshers, and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c r e d i t f a c i l i t i e s • Kabacan has become an important educational center of the province since the establishment of the state-run Mindanao I n s t i t u t e of Technology i n 1954. The i n s t i t u t e o f f ers courses i n a g r i c u l t u r e , a g r i c u l t u r a l education, home economics, i n d u s t r i a l education, a g r i c u l t u r a l engineering, elementary education, technical trade, rubber production - 4 7 - t e c h n o l o g y , and farm mechanics. In 1 9 7 1i the i n s t i t u t e had a student p o p u l a t i o n of 2 , 3 0 1 . There i s , however, added p r e s t i g e f o r b e i n g a b l e t o send a c h i l d f o r a c o l l e g e e d u c a t i o n elsewhere and parents are w i l l i n g t o s a c r i f i c e - spend s a v i n g s , mortgage or even s e l l some p r o p e r t y , or borrow - to be a b l e t o send a c h i l d t o g r e a t e r urban e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g s , l i k e Davao C i t y , Cebu C i t y , o r even Ma n i l a f o r s c h o o l i n g . A s i d e from the Mindanao I n s t i t u t e o f Technology, the othe r h i g h s c h o o l i n the p o b l a c i o n i s the Notre Dame o f Kabacan which was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1 9 5 6 . I t s t a r t e d out as a p a r o c h i a l s c h o o l under the d i r e c t s u p e r v i s i o n o f the p a r i s h p r i e s t . In i 9 6 0 , the Oblates o f Notre Dame, a r e l i g i o u s c o n g r e g a t i o n f o r women, took over the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the s c h o o l . I n 1 9 7 1 . i t had a student p o p u l a t i o n o f around 450 boys and g i r l s . While the Mindanao I n s t i t u t e o f Technology a l s o operates a hig h s c h o o l , c h i l d r e n o f the u p p e r - c l a s s f a m i l i e s o f the community a t t e n d the Notre Dame s c h o o l . E v e r y b a r r i o i n Kabacan has a t l e a s t a primary s c h o o l (grades 1 to 4 )» a s u b s t a n t i a l number have a complete elementary s c h o o l (grades 1 t o 6 ) ; some even have b a r r i o h i g h s c h o o l s . The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e shows the e d u c a t i o n a l attainment o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y . -48- T a b l e V I : E d u c a t i o n a l Attainment o f the P o p u l a t i o n , i 9 6 0 Number Percent No Grade Completed 10 ,729 51% Elementary, 1 to 5 5,402 26% Elementary, 6 , to High S c h o o l , 3,328 16% j High S c h o o l Graduate t o 1,584 7% C o l l e g e Graduate T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 21,043 100% Source: Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s 1960» P o p u l a t i o n and Housing. Volume 1 , Report by P r o v i n c e , Cotabato, p. 1 3 . The above t a b l e shows t h a t more than 50 per cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n of Kabacan, i n i 9 6 0 , d i d not complete any grade a t a l l . However, 5 9 . 7 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n , 10 y e a r s of age and over, are a t l e a s t l i t e r a t e . T h i s f i g u r e f a r e s q u i t e w e l l i n comparison w i t h the o t h e r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f the p r o v i n c e - the h i g h e s t b e i n g 81 .5 per cent (Koronadal) and the lowest, 2 2 . 6 per cent (Tumbao). The p o b l a c i o n which i s , among o t h e r s , the seat of the m u n i c i p a l government as p r e v i o u s l y noted, was f o r m e r l y c a l l e d B a r r i o Sayugan. Before the outbreak o f the Second World War, the r e s i d e n t s of the b a r r i o renamed i t to O s i a s , t o commemorate the v i s i t o f Senator Osias to the b a r r i o . When the m u n i c i p a l d i s t r i c t of Kabacan was c r e a t e d a r e g u l a r m u n i c i p a l i t y on August 18, 1947 and a f t e r a survey of the a r e a was made by the Bureau of Lands, the s e a t of -49- t h e m u n i c i p a l government was e s t a b l i s h e d i n Osias which name was l a t e r changed to P o b l a c i o n . To r e t a i n the name of B a r r i o O s i a s , a settlement about a k i l o m e t e r east of the poblacion was c a l l e d B a r r i o Osias. I t i s i n the poblacion where the C a t h o l i c p a r i s h church, the p i l o t elementary s c h o o l , the Mindanao I n s t i t u t e of Technology, the Notre Dame of Kabacan, and the m u n i c i p a l h a l l are l o c a t e d . At present, however, the mayor and other m u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s hold o f f i c e i n the bus t e r m i n a l b u i l d i n g i n the market place w h i l e a w a i t i n g the completion of a new m u n i c i p a l b u i l d i n g being c o n s t r u c t e d . The other government o f f i c e s though, l i k e the Bureau of I n t e r n a l Revenue, the Post O f f i c e , and the Bureau of H e a l t h , continue to occupy the o l d m u n i c i p a l b u i l d i n g . While there are s t o r e s to be found a l l over the poblacion - s t o r e s s e l l i n g food, c l o t h i n g , hardware, and medicines - many are concentrated i n the market. The market i s open every day but on s o - c a l l e d market days, Sundays and Thursdays, i t i s b u s i e r than a l l o t h e r s . I t i s d u r i n g these days when vendors from other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s come. More people from the b a r r i o s too come to the poblacion d u r i n g these days. I t i s u s u a l l y a multi-purpose t r i p t h a t the b a r r i o people take: to s e l l chickens and vegetables; to buy s a l t , canned goods, d r i e d f i s h , kerosene, and other items which are not a v a i l a b l e or are more expensive i n the b a r r i o ; - 5 0 - to see the d o c t o r , d e n t i s t , lawyer, or a government o f f i c i a l ; t o v i s i t f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s r e s i d i n g i n the p o h l a c i o n j t o recreate} and so f o r t h . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n between p o b l a c i o n e s i s p r o v i d e d f o r by l a r g e p r i v a t e companies. W i t h i n the p o b l a c i o n and nearby b a r r i o s , people t r a v e l by means of motorized t r i c y c l e s and c a l e s a s . Jeepney s e r v i c e i s a v a i l a b l e f o r t r a v e l t o more d i s t a n t b a r r i o s where the roads are a c c e s s i b l e ; o t h e r w i s e , people use carabao-drawn c a r r i a g e s or simply walk t o the n e a r e s t jeepney s t o p . P r i v a t e l y owned automobiles are v e r y few and are l i m i t e d t o the u p p e r - c l a s s f a m i l i e s o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Many f a m i l i e s own t r a n s i s t o r i z e d r a d i o s or have easy access to them - t h a t i s , t h e i r n e i g h b o r s ' . T e l e v i s i o n has become a v a i l a b l e from Davao C i t y s i n c e 1971? hut very few own t e l e v i s i o n s e t s . One reason f o r t h i s i s t h a t v e r y few can a f f o r d t o buy them. On the o t h e r hand, those who can a f f o r d t o buy them g i v e the e l e c t r i c power problem as one important reason f o r not d o i n g so. The e l e c t r i c power i n the p o b l a c i o n i s p r o v i d e d f o r by a c o o p e r a t i v e . S e r v i c e i s l i m i t e d from e a r l y evening u n t i l e a r l y morning. The s e r v i c e , however, l e a v e s much to be d e s i r e d . The g e n e r a t o r i s not i n working c o n d i t i o n , more o f t e n than n o t . A l s o , the power generated i s v e r y low. Moreover, i t i s v e r y expensive. D a i l y newspapers are a v a i l a b l e i n the p o b l a c i o n . These - 5 1 - are flown from M a n i l a to Cotabato C i t y and a r e , i n t u r n , brought to the community by bus. The broad o u t l i n e I have sketched i n t h i s c h a p t e r i s a town c e n t e r , the p o b l a c i o n , o f 5 ,000 people s e r v i n g a s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a , the b a r r i o s , o f 1 6 , 0 0 0 . The major a c t i v i t y o f t h i s complex i s the p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food. Other major e n t e r p r i s e s are t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and e d u c a t i o n . In s p i t e of the busy round o f a c t i v i t y , the whole p i c t u r e i s one o f s u b s i s t e n c e marketing i n which i n d i v i d u a l s seek enough to c a r r y them through the day. There i s v i r t u a l l y no s a v i n g or growth i n these e n t e r p r i s e s . ( G u t h r i e 1970i 27) P l a t e H i The C a t h o l i c P a r i s h Church -53- P l a t e IVt A B a r r i o S c h o o l P l a t e V I i Another view of the Market - 5 5 - P l a t e V i l l i A T r a c t o r A l o n g the Market Road - 5 6 - -57- P l a t e X I I i Horse-drawn Carriages (Kalesas) P l a t e X I V J T r i c y c l e s CHAPTER IV CULTURE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION No d i s c u s s i o n of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y o f Kabacan i s p o s s i b l e without t a k i n g i n t o account the community's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . An a n a l y s i s o f the c r u c i a l a s p e c t s o f the c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s n e c e s s a r y . T h i s i s the ta s k o f the presen t c h a p t e r . The A l l i a n c e System F o r our purposes, a r e l e v a n t model to use i n v i e w i n g and d i s c u s s i n g P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s one which Lynch ( 1959) has formulated and c a l l e d the " a l l i a n c e system," Although the model i s based on e m p i r i c a l d a t a gathered from a d i f f e r e n t a r e a , the B i k o l r e g i o n i n Luzon, i t can be a p p l i e d t o Kabacan as w e l l . In d e f i n i n g the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e d i n the a l l i a n c e system, Lynch (1964» 19-20) f i r s t p o s i t s the p r i n c i p l e of segmentation which s t i p u l a t e s t h a t the s o c i a l w orld i s d i v i d e d by v a r i o u s c r i t e r i a i n t o segments. Segments are d e f i n e d e i t h e r a b s o l u t e l y o r i n r e l a t i o n to the - 5 9 - - 6 0 - i n d i v i d u a l . F o r i n s t a n c e , an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n s a n g u i n e a l kinsmen form one segment? h i s a f f i n e s a n o ther. Neighbors, speakers of the same mother tongue, and members of the same r e l i g i o u s group c o n s t i t u t e s t i l l o t h e r segments t h a t a re r e c o g n i z e d . These, however, do not exhaust a l l the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f a f f i l i a t i o n . On the oth e r hand, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t each i n d i v i d u a l i s a member of many d i f f e r e n t segments. While l o y a l t y t o the k i n d r e d i s n o r m a t i v e l y e n j o i n e d , a c t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s not c o n f i n e d e x c l u s i v e l y , t o kinsmen. On the c o n t r a r y , i n t e r a c t o r s come from d i f f e r e n t segments which i n c l u d e non-kinsmen. On a co n s c i o u s l e v e l , a p r e f e r e n t i a l judgement on an i n t e r a c t o r r e f l e c t i n g segmental l o y a l t y may be expressed by a remark such as "He i s my r e l a t i v e " o r "We are neighbors," Out o f a number of i n d i v i d u a l s who have shown mutual p r e f e r e n c e f o r each o t h e r as i n t e r a c t o r s , a new group then emerges whose members are bound by emotional t i e s o f c l o s e n e s s i To be c l o s e i s t o be on i n t i m a t e terms, f r i e n d l y , a f f e c t i o n a t e , a t t e n t i v e , and a c t i v e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n each o t h e r . I t i s the q u a l i t y o f a good f r i e n d . I t s o p p o s i t e i s to be d i s t a n t , which suggests a co o l n e s s o f f e e l i n g between the two, o r u n f r i e n d l i n e s s , u n e a s i n e s s , d i s i n t e r e s t , and perhaps even complete estrangement, whether the persons be b l o o d r e l a t i v e s or no t , (Lynch 1959» 53) E m o t i o n a l t i e s a r e , i n t u r n , maintained by f r e q u e n t i n t e r a c t i o n and by exchange of f a v o r s i n goods and s e r v i c e s -61- among members. T h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s are governed by a see-sawing "debt i n s i d e oneself" r e c i p r o c i t y . From the viewpoint of the i n d i v i d u a l i n t h i s group, the members are "one's a l l i e s . . . the people one can count on." Hence, Lynch a p p r o p r i a t e l y c a l l s the group the a l l i a n c e system. This model of the a l l i a n c e system can be a p p l i e d to Kabacan as w e l l . K i n s h i p provides the primary universe from which a l l i e s are s e l e c t e d ; f o r the stro n g c u l t u r a l emphasis on l o y a l t y t o the k i n group i s complemented by residence norms and pa t t e r n s t h a t f a v o r an i n d w e l l i n g extended k i n d r e d . But, the b i l a t e r a l k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e c r e a t e s o v e r l a p p i n g k i n s h i p t i e s among a great number of i n h a b i t a n t s i n the community and s m a l l e r groupings which develop must be r a t i o n a l i z e d on other bases. On the other hand, the same p r i n c i p l e s open up membership i n the a l l i a n c e system to non-kinsmen. And, While the boundaries between k i n and f a m i l y , and k i n and non-kin, may be c l e a r l y demarcated, they are not absolute i n the sense t h a t they do not always cover the same range i n the former case and tha t k i n s h i p models may be used f o r f r i e n d s h i p r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the l a t t e r . For example, c l o s e r e l a t i v e s can be de f i n e d to in c l u d e or exclude d i f f e r e n t ranges of co u s i n s , some people drawing the l i n e at the f i r s t c o u s i n range and others at second cou s i n s . I n the context of f r i e n d s h i p t i e s , some f r i e n d s are l i k e 'brothers and s i s t e r s . ' What t h i s means i n op e r a t i o n i s t h a t there i s a con s i d e r a b l e amount of f l e x i b i l i t y i n the mode of r e c o g n i t i o n of both k i n s h i p and f r i e n d s h i p t i e s . (Jacobson, n.d . t 36-37) -62- By the same p r i n c i p l e s , the l o w e r - c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s e e k i n g the f a v o r , a s s i s t a n c e , and p r o t e c t i o n , o f the wealthy i n d i v i d u a l i s p r o v i d e d w i t h a c o n s c i o u s l y p a l a t a b l e , c u l t u r a l l y approved r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n f o r . p r e f e r r i n g the wealthy i n d i v i d u a l as an a l l y . In o t h e r words, an i n d i v i d u a l forms h i s a l l i a n c e systems by s e l e c t i n g from among those a l r e a d y j o i n e d t o him by "bonds o f k i n s h i p , r i t u a l k i n s h i p (compadrazgo), r e c i p r o c a l , or a s s o c i a t i o n a l t i e s , " ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963« 83) Some o f these w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r below. K i n s h i p In the P h i l i p p i n e s , descent i s b i l a t e r a l l y reckoned which means t h a t a F i l i p i n o r e c o g n i z e s r e l a t i o n s h i p s v/ith both h i s f a t h e r ' s and mother's consanguine k i n . Thus, he has a v a s t number of r e l a t i v e s . When he gets m a r r i e d , he a c q u i r e s another k i n s h i p s e t as h i s w i f e ' s r e l a t i v e s become h i s as w e l l , and v i c e - v e r s a 9 and h i s number of r e l a t i v e s i s f u r t h e r augmented, F i l i p i n o s i n c u l c a t e a s t r o n g sense of f a m i l y l o y a l t y which spreads beyond the n u c l e a r f a m i l y of parents and c h i l d r e n . Family o b l i g a t i o n s extend t o cousins s e v e r a l times removed and to i n - l a w s . The t i e s are j u s t as s t r o n g whether the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s through males or females. No one, t h u s , a l o n e j r a t h e r , each stands ready to g i v e or r e c e i v e h e l p - 6 3 - from the members of t h a t group when he reckons h i s f a m i l y . I t i s important t o note, however, t h a t the k i n s h i p system i s f l e x i b l e , t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s e s p e c i a l l y , may be implemented or not as the i n d i v i d u a l chooses. Among c l o s e r e l a t i v e s , i t i s expected t h a t the o b l i g a t i o n system operate more or l e s s r i g o r o u s l y . With d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s , however, t h e r e i s a c h o i c e o f implementing o r not implementing the r e l a t i o n s h i p ; making i t a l i v e , so t o speak, or l e a v i n g i t i n a s o r t o f limbo. As H o l l n s t e i n e r (1963* 68) w r i t e s : In a system o f b i l a t e r a l d e s c e n t , the i n d i v i d u a l can t r a c e a blood r e l a t i o n s h i p to so many people t h a t t o care e q u a l l y about a l l o f them becomes i m p o s s i b l e . He must draw a l i n e somwhere and s e l e c t c o n s c i o u s l y or u n c o n s c i o u s l y those among h i s r e l a t i v e s w i t h whom he v / i l l a s s o c i a t e c l o s e l y . Those whom he chooses become members of h i s a l l i a n c e group. Lynch (19581 16) expresses t h i s s e l e c t i v i t y v e r y w e l l when he w r i t e s : " R e l a t i v e s are important, but t h e i r importance i s r e l a t i v e . " C'ompadrazgo v C'ompadrazgo " d e s i g n a t e s the p a r t i c u l a r complex o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s s e t up between i n d i v i d u a l s p r i m a r i l y , though not always, through baptism." (Mintz and Wold 1950) B r i e f l y , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s a re s e t up when parents o f a c h i l d who i s to be b a p t i z e d , confirmed, or married ask c e r t a i n -64- a d u l t s t o a c t a s t h e c h i l d ' s s p o n s o r f o r t h e e v e n t . B a p t i s m i s t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t e v e n t i n t e r m s o f c o m p a d r a z g o a n d m a r r i a g e , s e c o n d . C o n f i r m a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e l y u n i m p o r t a n t . A b o u t t h e s i t u a t i o n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , F o s t e r (1953*. 167) w r i t e s * T h e c o m p l e x i t y o f c o m p a d r a z g o i n t h e New W o r l d s u r p a s s e s t h a t o f S p a i n , a n d a p p e a r s i n v e r y / c o n s i d e r a b l e m e a s u r e t o b e t h e r e s u l t o f l o c a l e l a b o r a t i o n t o m e e t f e l t n e e d s i n t h e e m e r g e n t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f P o s t - C o n q u e s t A m e r i c a . T h e s t a t e m e n t m i g h t e q u a l l y a p p l y t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p a d r a z g o i n t h e P h i l i p p i n e s . A c c o r d i n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n t e a c h i n g , t h e s p o n s o r s o r g o d p a r e n t s a t b a p t i s m a r e s u p p o s e d t o make s u r e t h a t t h e c h i l d i s r a i s e d a s a C h r i s t i a n i n t h e e v e n t t h a t s o m e t h i n g s h o u l d h a p p e n t o h i s p a r e n t s . T h i s d o c t r i n a l a s p e c t o f c o m p a d r a z g o , h o w e v e r , s e e m s t o b e p o o r l y u n d e r s t o o d i n K a b a c a n ? a l t h o u g h t h e g o d p a r e n t s ' o b l i g a t i o n t o p r o v i d e t h e c h i l d ' s b a p t i s m a l c l o t h e s i s a l m o s t u n i v e r s a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d . T h e m a j o r r o l e o f t h e s p o n s o r s i s n o t a s g o d p a r e n t s , b u t a s c o - p a r e n t s o f e a c h o t h e r . T h u s , b e s i d e s t h e p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p , t h r e e k i n d s o f d y a d s a r e p r e s e n t i n c o m p a d r a z g o : g o d p a r e n t - g o d c h i l d , g o d p a r e n t - p a r e n t , a n d g o d p a r e n t - g o d p a r e n t . S p e c i a l t e r m i n o l o g y i s u s e d t o d e s c r i b e t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s a n d i s u s e d b y t h e p a r t i e s t o t h e m i n a d d r e s s i n g o n e a n o t h e r . T h e same t e r m i n o l o g y i s u s e d b y t h e p a r t i e s t o a m a r r i a g e c o m p a d r a z g o - 6 5 - r e l a t i o n s h i p . At "baptism, t h e r e are u s u a l l y j u s t two sponsors, one male and one female. At marriage, there are s e v e r a l sponsors. Although C a t h o l i c p r a c t i c e does not p r o v i d e f o r sponsors a t weddings, the i d e a of s p o n s o r s h i p seems to have extended t o wit n e s s e s so t h a t , as H o l l n s t e i n e r (1963* 65) p o i n t s out, the "wedding makes the w i t n e s s - c o u p l e r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t of go d p a r e n t - g o d c h i l d . " There can "be as many as twelve to s i x t e e n o f these sponsors, although s i x or e i g h t i s more common, u s u a l l y d i v i d e d "between the sexes. H o l l n s t e i n e r (1963* 70) s t a t e s t h a t "the compadre system i n the P h i l i p p i n e s p r o v i d e s an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means o f f o r m a l i z i n g a f r i e n d s h i p between s t a t u s equals or f o r b r i n g i n g c l o s e r t o g e t h e r sponsors, o f h i g h and low s t a t u s . By v i r t u a l l y i n c o r p o r a t i n g a n o n - r e l a t i v e i n t o one's k i n g r o u p i n g , one i s i n e f f e c t d i s p e n s i n g w i t h the need f o r extreme care i n one's d e a l i n g s w i t h t h a t i n d i v i d u a l , a l l o w i n g a more r e l a x e d a t t i t u d e i n h i s presence as one would with a s o c i a l l y c l o s e r e l a t i v e . " T h i s holds t r u e f o r Kabacan where compadrazgo p l a y s a r o l e i n g i v i n g the community s o c i a l u n i t y . The co-parent r e l a t i o n s h i p i n both i t s forms, parent- godparent and godparent-godparent, l i k e k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s , can be extended. Thus, a co-parent's k i n extedning out "as f a r as t h i r d c o u s i n s " are p o t e n t i a l co-parents or compadres, -66- showing t h a t s e l e c t i v i t y e n t e r s - i n among consanguine k i n as has been d i s c u s s e d above. As i n the case of k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s those persons must be a v a i l a b l e as neighbors or i n some othe r way i n order t o a c t i v a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p . The s e l e c t i o n of co-parents i s not r e s t r i c t e d to the community but r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h one's co-parents w i t h i n i t are more i n t e n s i v e and are c o n s i d e r e d more important. The compadrazgo t i e s w i t h i n the community are g e n e r a l l y between people o f more or l e s s equal s t a t u s . The people o f the community are more apt to ask a f a v o r i t e kinsman - a b r o t h e r , s i s t e r , or c o u s i n , o r a c l o s e f r i e n d , neighbor of more or l e s s the same age and s o c i a l s t a t u s - to be the sponsor a t baptism than t o ask the l a n d l o r d or some oth e r i n f l u e n t i a l p erson. F o r weddings, however, there i s more of a tendency t o ask n o n - k i n and persons of h i g h e r s t a t u s and i n f l u e n c e t o be the sponsors. T h i s bear out Arce's ( I 9 6 I : 26) f i n d i n g s t h a t marriage sponsors u s u a l l y come from a c l a s s h i g h e r than t h a t o f the parents of the b r i d a l p a i r , i n c o n t r a s t to b a p t i s m a l sponsors who may be of equal or s u p e r o r d i n a t e s t a t u s . The godparents has few o b l i g a t i o n s towards the c h i l d except, perhaps, to g i v e the c h i l d Christmas presents and a wedding p r e s e n t . The c h i l d a l s o has few o b l i g a t i o n s except to show r e s p e c t t o h i s godparents and to pay them a v i s i t - 6 7 - a t C h r i s t m a s t i f they a re a v a i l a b l e . Co-parents, however, can he c a l l e d upon to do f a v o r s and they must not r e f u s e . When the r e i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n s t a t u s , t h e r e i s a tendency toward e x p l o i t a t i o n . When the p a r t i e s are o f the same s t a t u s " e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p does not l u r k so pro m i n e n t l y as i t does i n c r o s s - c l a s s compadrazgo. S p e c i a l treatment i s s t i l l expected o f each o t h e r , hut the p o t e n t i a l r e c i p r o c a l f a v o r s tend to he more or l e s s of the same type." ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 19631 70) R e c i p r o c i t y Another r e l a t i o n s h i p which p r o v i d e s a v e h i c l e whereby important, c l o s e , and enduring l i n k s can be e s t a b l i s h e d i s the system o f r e c i p r o c a l o b l i g a t i o n s . Lynch (1964; 1970) i d e n t i f i e s i t as an o p e r a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t y and H o l l n s t e i n e r (1964; 1970) enumerates t h r e e b a s i c t y p e s , namely, c o n t r a c t u a l , q u a s i - c o n t r a c t u a l , and utang na l o o b . Because of i t s immediate importance and r e l e v a n c e f o r t h i s t h e s i s , o n l y the t h i r d type w i l l be d i s c u s s e d h e r e 0 I t i s important to note, however, t h a t a l l t h r e e types a re important mechanisms o f exchange i n P h i l i p p i n e s o c i e t y , in. g e n e r a l , and Kabacan, i n p a r t i c u l a r . H o l l n s t e i n e r (1964» 28) t r a n s l a t e s utang na l o o b as "a debt i n s i d e o n e s e l f or sense o f g r a t i t u d e . " She d e f i n e s i t as a s i t u a t i o n where "a t r a n s f e r o f goods or s e r v i c e s -68- takes p l a c e between i n d i v i d u a l s b e l o n g i n g to two d i f f e r e n t groups." S i n c e i n these s i t u a t i o n s one does not o r d i n a r i l y expect f a v o r s o f anyone not o f h i s own group, a s e r v i c e o f t h i s k i n d throws the norm i n t o b o l d r e l i e f . Furthermore, i t compels the r e c i p i e n t t o show h i s g r a t i t u d e by r e t u r n i n g the f a v o r w i t h i n t e r e s t to be sure t h a t he does not remain i n the ot h e r ' s debt. ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 196^1 28-29) I t should be emphasized t h a t Every F i l i p i n o i s expected to possess utang na l o o b : t h a t i s he should be aware o f h i s o b l i g a t i o n s t o those from whom he r e c e i v e s f a v o r s and should repay them i n an a c c e p t a b l e manner. S i n c e utang na l o o b i n v a r i a b l y stems from a s e r v i c e rendered, even though a m a t e r i a l g i f t may be i n v o l v e d , q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i s i m p o s s i b l e . One cannot a c t u a l l y measure the repayment but can attempt to make i t n e v e r t h e l e s s e i t h e r b e l i e v i n g i t supersedes the o r i g i n a l s e r v i c e i n q u a l i t y or acknowledging t h a t the r e c i p r o c a l payment i s p a r t i a l and r e q u i r e s f u r t h e r payment. Some s e r v i c e s can never be r e p a i d . S a v i n g a person's l i f e would be one o f theses g e t t i n g a steady j ob, e s p e c i a l l y f o r an u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r a t a time when employment i s s c a r c e and u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s abound, might be another. ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1964i 29) Utang na l o o b , thus, i s an o b l i g a t i o n which cannot be r e p a i d i n money, but which has to be p a i d i n s e r v i c e s and should be pa i d upon r e q u e s t . I f a person helps a f r i e n d ' s nephew t o go through s c h o o l , f o r example, he has a c l a i m , so to speak,, upon both the f r i e n d and h i s nephew. At some f u t u r e time, they can be asked to do something and they are expected t o comply. Because some s e r v i c e s , however, can never r e a l l y be r e p a i d . . . a s p i r a l o f r e c i p r o c a l f a v o r s i s b u i l t up -69- for when the favor done is a service which can not be repaid in kind or which can not be measured quantitatively, one cannot really t e l l when one's debt has been discharged. (Hollnsteiner 19631 66) According to Hollnsteiner (1964i 31-33)» utang na loob debts characterize intra-family as well as extra-familial and non-kin obligations and relationships. But, they tend to be extended selectively. Which relatives are closer than others are determined by such factors as geographical proximity, traditional family and personal preferences. It i s , thus, one means of implementing kinship with distant relatives. It is also a means of establishing working relationships with neighbors and with trading partners. It is also one basis for the landlord-tenant relationship and "one reason why the landlord-tenant relationship in areas where i t operates properly does not cause the d i f f i c u l t i e s that i t does in other areas." (Eggan 1968» 11) Hiya "Hiya," according to Lynch (1964J 17)» " i s a universal sanction in lowland Philippine society, for i t enforces conformity with a l l aspects of the social code, whether the end in view is acceptance by society in general or by the individual with whom one is dealing at the moment." The term is most commonly translated as "shame," but much is lost in the translation. It involves a feeling of - 7 0 - i n f e r i o r i t y , embarrassment, shyness, and of a l i e n a t i o n which i s experienced as a c u t e l y d e p p r e s s i n g by F i l i p i n o s , H i y a i s i n c u r r e d f o r f a i l u r e to ensure c o r r e c t r e c i p r o c a t i o n . (Jacobson, n.d.j 48) I t i s thus c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o utang na l o o b and both are moral f o r c e s which r e g u l a t e b e h a v i o r and keep the s o c i a l system i n good working order t Utang na loob d e f i n e s any s i t u a t i o n h a r b o r i n g i t s i n c e each person has an approximate i d e a of where he stands i n r e l a t i o n to the o t h e r . H i y a seems t o stem e i t h e r from the non-existence or non-observance of utang na l o o b . In the case o f n o n - e x i s t e n c e an undefined s i t u a t i o n i s c r e a t e d where each a c t o r i s not sure of what h i s responses ought t o be, w h i l e i n non-observance, h i y a develops or should develop from a person's sense o f not h a v i n g l i v e d up to the utang na l o o b e x p e c t a t i o n o f another. Both are powerful elements of the v a l u e system and p r o v i d e the s t r o n g moral compulsion which i n i t i a t e s a c t i o n s and maintains c u l t u r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s . ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963« 79) F o r a F i l i p i n o , h i y a i s a v e r y p a i n f u l r e a c t i o n . I t i s l e a r n e d i n the t h i r d to f i f t h year o f l i f e which can be a v e r y s e r i o u s experience i n a c h i l d ' s l i f e because i t may l e a d him t o l e a v e s c h o o l , a v o i d c e r t a i n d e s i r a b l e a c t i v i t i e s , or change h i s outlook on l i f e . The development of the c a p a c i t y f o r h i y a i s encouraged i n the f a m i l y and the t h r e a t of the experience i s h e l d over a c h i l d to o b t a i n approved b e h a v i o r . To suggest t h a t a c h i l d i s without h i y a i s a v e r y s e r i o u s reproach t o both parent and c h i l d . (Bulatao 1964; G u t h r i e I968) - 7 1 - H i y a can be p u b l i c l y o r p r i v a t e l y r e i n f o r c e d or both, and an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l always t r y to a v o i d the stigma of b e i n g r e c o g n i z e d as a person "without shame," walanghiya, who f a i l s t o meet o b l i g a t i o n s . (Jacobson, n.d.j 48) As the Ta g a l o g proverb puts i t : " H i n d i b a l e n g huwag mo akong mahalin; huwag mo l a n g akong h i y a i n " - t h a t i s , " I t does not matter i f you don't l o v e me; j u s t don't shame me." The s i t u a t i o n i s summed up by H o l l n s t e i n e r (19631 31) as f o l l o w s ! By not s e t t l i n g an o b l i g a t i o n when the o p p o r t u n i t y a r ' ; e s , the F i l i p i n o v i o l a t e s a h i g h l y valu?. o p e r a t i n g p r i n c i p l e and expe r i e n c e s a consequent h i y a 0 To a v o i d t h i s p a i n f u l experience he makes every e f f o r t t o repay h i s o b l i g a t i o n s . . S o c i a l Acceptance, Smooth I n t e r p e r s o n a l R e l a t i o n s , Pakikisama, I n t e r m e d i a r i e s , Amor Pro p i o A B a s i c p o s t u l a t e w i t h r e g a r d t o s o c i a l l i f e i n the P h i l i p p i n e s i s t h a t i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s should go on without too much f r i c t i o n . F i l i p i n o s have s e t up a s e r i e s o f c u l t u r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s , b e h a v i o r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s i n p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n s , and e n f o r c e , i n v a r y i n g ways, c o n f o r m i t y t o t h i s system. T h e r e f o r e , the attempt t o make r e l a t i o n s h i p s run smoothly i s a primary s o c i a l v a l u e i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . (Eggan 19681 9) Lynch (1964» 15) c a l l s t h i s theme i n P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e " s o c i a l acceptance" which i s -72- the desire "to be accepted by one's fellows for what one i s , or would like to be, and be given the treatment due to one's station." Lynch (1964; 1970) identifies "smooth interpersonal relations" as an intermediate value in the attainment of social acceptance. Abbreviated SIR, smooth interpersonal relations is defined by Lynch (1964i 8) as • • . a f a c i l i t y at getting along with others in such a way as to avoid outward signs of conflict» glum or sour looks, harsh words, open disagreement, or physical violence. It connotes the smile, the friendly l i f t of the eyebrow, the pat on the back, the squeeze of the arm, the word of praise or friendly concern. It means being agreeable, even under d i f f i c u l t circumstances and of keeping quiet or out of sight when discretion , passes the word. It means sensitivity to what other people at any given moment feel , and a willingness and a b i l i t y to change tack ( i f not direction) to catch the slightest favorable breeze. In turn, "SIR is acquired and preserved principally by three meansi namely, pakikisama, euphemism, and the use of the go-between." (Lynch 1964i 8) For our discussion, only pakikisama and the use of the go-between are relevant and w i l l be elaborated here. Pakikisama is a Tagalog word. Its root, sama, means "accompany" or "go along with." Lynch (1964t 9) formally defines the concept as "giving in, following the lead or suggestion of another; in a word, concession. It refers - 7 3 - e s p e c i a l l y t o the lauded p r a c t i c e of y i e l d i n g to the w i l l of the l e a d e r or m a j o r i t y so as to make the group d e c i s i o n unanimous. No one l i k e s a hold out." As Guthrie and Azores (1968J 22) put i t , an i n d i v i d u a l who i s "magandang makisama or mabuting makisama, who p r a c t i c e s pakikisama, i s game, 'okay,' not a k i l l j o y , f o l l o w s the w i l l of the group, shares h i s successes, helps on s p e c i a l occasions, and i s g e n e r a l l y good-natured and c h e e r f u l toward others." Because r e l a t i o n s h i p s among members of an a l l i a n c e group are h i g h l y p e r s o n a l i z e d , frequent use i s made of go-betweens or i n t e r m e d i a r i e s - another means by which SIR i s preserved or r e s t o r e d . Here, a t h i r d p a r t y i s used and c a l l e d upon "to assuage a b r u i s e , h e a l a wound or prevent i n j u r y . " (Lynch 1964t 13) The go-between i s a l s o used i n s i t u a t i o n s l i k e an embarrassing request or complaint t o a v o i d shame, h i y a , of f a c e - t o - f a c e encounter or bad f e e l i n g . Go-betweens and i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , f i n a l l y , are u t i l i z e d " to remedy an e x i s t i n g s t a t e of c o n f l i c t or t e n s i o n . " (Lynch 1964t 13) Thus, even when r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been severed, there i s always the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between the f e u d i n g p a r t i e s ; n e g o t i a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e and t h i s i s achieved through an intermediary or go-between. The same p a t t e r n obtains i n f a m i l y d i s p u t e s where a r e l a t i v e who i s not i n v o l v e d i n the d i f f i c u l t y becomes the middle-man f o r two fellow-kinsmen who are not on speaking terms -74- w i t h each o t h e r . T h i s i s c o n s i d e r e d h i s duty, p r o v i d e d he has the oth e r q u a l i t i e s t h a t make him d e s i r a b l e as a go-betweeni smooth speech and w i t above a l l . (Lynch 1964i 14) We have d i s c u s s e d h i y a as the u n i v e r s a l s a n c t i o n t h a t ensures proper r e c i p r o c a t i o n and en f o r c e s c o n f o r m i t y . Lynch (1964; 1970), however, i d e n t i f i e s another s a n c t i o n , "more l i m i t e d i n scope, a s p e c i a l defense a g a i n s t severe i n t e r p e r s o n a l unpleasantness." He c a l l s t h i s s a n c t i o n amor p r o p i o o r s e l f - e s t e e m which i s s e n s i t i v i t y t o p e r s o n a l a f f r o n t . " I t i s important t o note t h a t T h i s s e n s i t i v i t y i s not, l i k e smooth i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , f o r the attainment and enhancement o f s o c i a l acceptance} i t serves r a t h e r t o r e t a i n the acceptance one a l r e a d y has. I t i s an emotional h i g h - t e n s i o n w i r e t h a t g i r d s the i n d i v i d u a l ^ d e a r e s t s e l f , p r o t e c t i n g from disparagement o r q u e s t i o n the q u a l i t i e s he most j e a l o u s l y guards as h i s own bes t c l a i m t o o t h e r s 1 r e s p e c t and esteem. (Lynch 19641 1?) Although amor p r o p i o resembles l o s i n g f a c e i n the O r i e n t a l sense and s o c i a l i n s e c u r i t y i n the Western sense, i t s h o u l d not be equated w i t h e i t h e r . A c e n t r a l element o f amor p r o p i o i s the need of the F i l i p i n o t o be t r e a t e d as a person, not as an o b j e c t . H i s f r a g i l e sense o f p e r s o n a l worth and d i g n i t y l e a v e s him e s p e c i a l l y v u l n e r a b l e t o n e g a t i v e remarks from o t h e r s and l e a d him to be v i g i l a n t to the s i g n s o f s t a t u s which w i l l i n d i c a t e how he stands i n h i s group a t the moment. The v a r i o u s P h i l i p p i n e languages and d i a l e c t s a r e r e p l e t e w i t h numerous e x p r e s s i o n s which s t a t e t h a t almost any f a t e i s t o be p r e f e r r e d t o b e i n g -75- c r i t i c i z e d . Thus, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t such a person w i l l e xperience e x t r a o r d i n a r y d i f f i c u l t y i n a d m i t t i n g m i s t a k e s . S i n c e a l l members o f the s o c i e t y i s aware o f these c o n d i t i o n s , c r i t i c i s m i s o f f e r e d w i t h extreme d e f e r e n c e . I t i s tempting to equate amor p r o p i o w i t h i n s e c u r i t y , a rrogance, or i r r i t a b i l i t y s i n c e i t takes each of these forms on o c c a s i o n . The common element, however, i s a sense o f i n d i v i d u a l d i g n i t y and worth which one v i o l a t e s a t h i s p e r i l . ( G u t h r i e 1 9 6 8 1 61-62) Summary o f Main Concepts "An a l l i a n c e system may be h e l d t o g e t h e r by the framework o f k i n s h i p , compadrazgo, and r e c i p r o c a l o b l i g a t i o n s . " ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963« 66) Once formed, an a l l i a n c e system i s n u r t u r e d by f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t and r e c i p r o c a l s e r v i c e . I t s continuance i s guarded by s a n c t i o n s d i s c o u r a g i n g b e h a v i o r which i s d i s r u p t i v e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p . These s a n c t i o n s i n c l u d e h i y a and amor p r o p i o . The a l l i a n c e system m a n i f e s t s one o f the main themes i n P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e - t h a t o f s o c i a l acceptance which i s a c h i e v e d by means o f an i n t e r m e d i a t e v a l u e , smooth i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s (SIR). SIR, i n t u r n , i s achieved by means o f pakikisama and the use o f go-betweens and i n t e r m e d i a r i e s • CHAPTER V VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS One o f the c e n t r a l concerns of t h i s t h e s i s i s to d e s c r i b e the form and meaning o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n a P h i l i p p i n e r u r a l community. An u n d e r l y i n g assumption here i s t h a t , w h i l e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s have been found i n p r a c t i c a l l y a l l types of s o c i e t i e s , the form and meaning they take v a r y from one type o f s o c i e t y to a n o ther. To answer such q u e s t i o n s , f o r i n s t a n c e , as why people j o i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , what r e l a t i o n s h i p s m a i n t a i n a s s o c i a t i o n s or what undermine them o r , i n f a c t , why and under what circumstances they should o c c u r , an a n a l y s i s o f the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y ' s c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s i n o r d e r . The l a s t c h a p t e r d i s c u s s e s some a s p e c t s o f P h i l i p p i n e c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . F o r i t s p a r t , the p r e s e n t c h a p t e r w i l l do two t h i n g s . F i r s t , i t w i l l d e s c r i b e some a s p e c t s of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n a P h i l i p p i n e m u n i c i p a l i t y . T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s based on the r e s u l t s o f f i e l d work c a r r i e d out i n Kabacan. Second, i t w i l l answer some o f the problems r a i s e d and q u e s t i o n s asked -76- -77- above as w e l l as e a r l i e r i n t h i s t h e s i s . I should l i k e to emphasize a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t the amount o f time I spent i n the f i e l d was s h o r t - f i v e weeks. The account I w i l l present here t h e r e f o r e i s l a r g e l y i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c ; the c o n c l u s i o n s , t e n t a t i v e . I t i s hoped t h a t f u t u r e r e s e a r c h w i l l p r o v i d e q u a n t i t a t i v e d a t a t o check on c o n c l u s i o n s reached here by more q u a l i t a t i v e t e c h n i q u e s . V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s t Some Problems o f D e f i n i t i o n As has been noted, v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s are common to almost a l l types o f s o c i e t i e s . However, the frequency w i t h which they occur d i f f e r s from one s o c i e t y t o another. I t i s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d t h a t the more complex, western, i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s tend t o have the h i g h e s t number of a s s o c i a t i o n s . On the other hand, the simple i s o l a t e d s o c i e t i e s have the l e a s t . Thus, v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s have g e n e r a l l y been regarded as a product o f western c u l t u r e and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have s t u d i e d t h e i r occurrence i n t h i s a r e a where they are most numerous. D e f i n i t i o n s o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , as a r e s u l t , have been based on those types which are found i n western i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . A b r i e f review o f these d e f i n i t i o n s i s deemed n e c e s s a r y . Robert Lowie (1927), r e c o g n i z i n g the importance o f - 7 8 - t h a t cut across k i n s h i p l i n e s , used the term a s s o c i a t i o n t o represent these groupings and defined the term as " s o c i a l u n i t s not based on the k i n s h i p f a c t o r . " (Lowie 1 9 2 7 « 257) In a l a t e r work, he used " s o d a l i t y " as a d e s c r i p t i v e term f o r a s s o c i a t i o n s that would i n c l u d e " p a i r s of co n g e n i a l comrades and groups of noddledehoys, stock companies and trad e unions, s c i e n t i f i c s o c i e t i e s and the Y.M.C.A., congregations of churches and bridge c l u b s . " (Lowie 1948* 14) I t i s the former term that seems to have s u r v i v e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s , i n f a c t , t h i s term which H e r s k o v i t s (1952t 306) r e t a i n s i n d i s c u s s i n g some of the f a c t o r s t h a t draw the members together* namely, p r o p i n q u i t y , community of i n t e r e s t s , possession of the same s k i l l , and the establishment of s t a t u s by e x c l u s i v e n e s s . The i n t e r e s t here i n Kabacan a s s o c i a t i o n s i s i n the formal type, t h a t which s o c i o l o g i s t s l i k e W i l l i a m s (1959« 4 9 9 ) would c a l l " v o l u n t a r y f r a t e r n a l " or " c i v i c a s s o c i a t i o n s . " T h i s type of a s s o c i a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by contemporary s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s as f o l l o w s * Tsouderos ( 1958) d e s c r i b e s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s as a group of people having some s o r t of formal o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e w i t h membership open to a l l who have a p a r t i c u l a r occupation or profess a common a s p i r a t i o n or i n t e r e s t and i n which people become members of t h e i r own d e c i s i o n . G e n e r a l l y , these o r g a n i z a t i o n s are organized to achieve some go a l or to change i n a l i m i t e d way a segment of the community as a whole. - 7 9 - Nelson and h i s a s s o c i a t e s ( 1962t 225) s t a t e t As autonomous groups "become l a r g e r they tend to i n t r o d u c e f o r m a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h r o l e s d e f i n e d , w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n s , membership l i s t s and o f t e n a formal a l l i a n c e w i t h some s t a t e or f e d e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n with s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s . These groups are o f t e n ' r e f e r r e d t o as i n t e r e s t groups, v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s o r f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . F i n a l l y , Rose ( 195^: 5 2 ) d e f i n e s a v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n as a s m a l l group o f people f i n d i n g they have a c e r t a i n i n t e r e s t i n common, agree to meet and a c t t o g e t h e r i n order t o s a t i s f y t h a t i n t e r e s t or t o achieve t h a t purpose. As a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e they have d i s t i n c t f e a t u r e s of formal l e a d e r s h i p , s p e c i a l i z e d a c t i v i t i e s , r u l e s of o p e r a t i n g , p l a c e and time o f meeting. The most s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between fo r m a l a s s o c i a t i o n s and i n f o r m a l groups i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between members. The formal groups are o r g a n i z e d around a s p e c i a l purpose, f o r m a l l y chosen o f f i c i a l s , and w r i t t e n r u l e s . The i n f o r m a l groups have no w r i t t e n r e g u l a t i o n s a l t h o u g h the norms and s a n c t i o n s which guide them may be s p e c i f i c . They may have a r e c o g n i z e d s t r u c t u r e o f l e a d e r s h i p but l e a d e r s a r e not e l e c t e d nore r e f e r r e d t o as o f f i c i a l s . C l i q u e s , f r i e n d s h i p groups, and gangs are examples. (Loomis I 9 6 3 ) A l o n g these concepts, Anderson p o i n t s o u t i P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s c o n s i d e r e d formal when i n d i v i d u a l s a s s o c i a t e w i t h o t h e r s on a v o l u n t a r y d i r e c t e d b a s i s i n arranged s i t u a t i o n s t h a t i n v o l v e d e f i n e d i n d i v i d u a l r o l e s . . • In i n f o r m a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l s take p a r t on a v o l u n t a r y d i r e c t e d b a s i s but the r o l e s are not so d e f i n e d t h a t there i s a f i x e d p a t t e r n i n g , d e f i n i t e o b l i g a t i o n s o r - 8 0 - s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o f p a r t i c i p a n t s . Lundberg, Schrag, and L a r s e n (1954» 405) make a s i m i l a r d i s t i n c t i o n between the two types o f a s s o c i a t i o n ! In f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d groups e x p e c t a t i o n s as to b e h a v i o r o f members are p r e s c r i b e d and u s u a l l y d e f i n e d i n dependently o f the person who happens to be i n a g i v e n p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a group. That i s , r o l e p r e s c r i p t i o n s are formed around the p o s i t i o n and are a p p l i e d to any i n d i v i d u a l who happens to occupy i t . . . T h i s c o n t r a s t s w i t h i n f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d groups where s o c i a l r o l e s tend to develop around the p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l occupying a p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the group, and around the p o s i t i o n i t s e l f . When I f i r s t s t a r t e d to draw up a l i s t o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, I was guided by, and used, the c r i t e r i a and d e f i n i t i o n s d i s c u s s e d above t o d i s t i n g u i s h between v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and o t h e r k i n d s o f g r o u p i n g s . I t d i d not take me l o n g to d i s c o v e r , however, t h a t i f one f o l l o w e d such c r i t e r i a f o r d e f i n i n g v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , the one c o n c l u s i o n t h a t can be a r r i v e d a t i s t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s do not e x i s t i n Kabacan. There are a number o f reasons f o r t h i s . I would l i k e t o c o n s i d e r f o u r . F i r s t o f these i s the c r i t e r i o n which Lundberg, Schrag and L a r s e n (195^1 405) c o n s i d e r c r u c i a l to v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s - t h a t i s , ". . . e x p e c t a t i o n s as to b e h a v i o r o f members ar e p r e s c r i b e d and u s u a l l y d e f i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f the person who happens to be i n a g i v e n p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the group. That i s , r o l e p r e s c r i p t i o n s a r e formed around the p o s i t i o n and are a p p l i e d to any i n d i v i d u a l who happens to -81- occupy i t . . ." The implication here is that a change in the person who occupies a given position does not affect the nature of the role prescriptions formed around the position. This criterion, I found, is not applicable to the voluntary associations in Kabacan where, in fact, role prescriptions are formed more importantly around the individual who happens to occupy a given position rather than around the position i t s e l f . That i s , expectations as to behavior of officers, especially, change as individuals who occupy them change. In fact, as I w i l l show later, in many associations a change of officers often leads to the dissolution of the associations themselves. A second important criterion for defining voluntary associations is that "individuals associate with others on a voluntary directed basiso" (Anderson 1953» 28-29) In Kabacan, however, individuals, frequently, join associations not on a voluntary directed basis. Rather, they do so because of pressures that are a function of the social structure and culture, as discussed in the preceding chapter. It is interesting to note that only one individual I interviewed said that he joined associations because "he wanted to." Many joined for a variety of other reasons which one can hardly describe as voluntary. Again, I w i l l discuss and elaborate on these below. A third criterion in the definition of voluntary -82- a s s o c i a t i o n s which, i s not a p p l i c a b l e t o many of the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan i s t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s are o r g a n i z e d around a s p e c i a l purpose. Some a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, i n f a c t , are m u l t i f u n c t i o n a l . Many are even o r g a n i z e d without any d e f i n i t e aims and o b j e c t i v e s a t a l l . F i n a l l y , many a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan have no w r i t t e n r u l e s , c o n s t i t u t i o n s , or membership l i s t s - the e x i s t e n c e o f which i s another important c r i t e r i o n . There a r e a number of a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t do have these but they are not p u r e l y l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s but a r e p a r t o f a network s e t up on a n a t i o n a l b a s i s . P r e s s u r e , thus, i s b e i n g e x e r t e d on them from the o u t s i d e . I t i s apparent from the d i s c u s s i o n above t h a t one can not j u s t a p p l y d e f i n i t i o n s o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s based on those t h a t e x i s t and are found i n western, i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s to those t h a t a re found i n oth e r types o f s o c i e t i e s , i n t h i s case, Kabacan. F o r Kabacan, I c o n s i d e r e d as v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s those t h a t people thought a r e , and named as, such and are thought o f by t h e i r members and o f f i c e r s as more than c l i q u e s , f r i e n d s h i p groups, o r gangs. A primary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f these a s s o c i a t i o n s i s t h a t they are an i n t e r m e d i a t e k i n d o f grou p i n g . That i s , they a r e n e i t h e r p r i m a r i l y k i n based nor y e t predominantly a s s o c i a t i o n a l . Riggs (I954i 21), impressed w i t h t h i s p a r t i c u l a r b l e n d o f k i n and a s s o c i a t i o n t i e s i n the r u r a l - 8 3 - areas o f the P h i l i p p i n e s , coined a s p e c i a l term f o r i t i " e l e c t . " On t h i s s p e c i a l term, H o l l n s t e i n e r (19&3* 1 1 2 - 113) comments! "Primary t i e s do f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y i n the c o n t e x t of P h i l i p p i n e a s s o c i a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s . But whether they d e v i a t e so f a r from the pole o f non-kin, s t r i c t l y a s s o c i a t i o n a l b e h a v i o r as to warrant a s p e c i a l term i s d o u b t f u l . " I agree s i n c e "the common i n t e r e s t f a c t o r , a c o l l e c t i v e j o c k e y i n g f o r power, keeps f o r m a l l o c a l groups w e l l w i t h i n the range o f the s t a n d a r d d e f i n i t i o n o f an a s s o c i a t i o n . " ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963* 113) I t h e n r e t a i n the term v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n , w i t h the above-mentioned l i m i t a t i o n s , t o r e f e r t o the a s s o c i a t i o n a l groupings found i n Kabacan. Why People J o i n V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s One o f the q u e s t i o n s I was most i n t e r e s t e d i n w i t h r e g a r d to v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n membership i n Kabacan w a s t why do people j o i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s ? To e l i c i t responses t h a t would p r o v i d e answers t o , and shed l i g h t on, the q u e s t i o n , I f i r s t asked as many of the p r e s i d e n t s - h e a d s and/or o t h e r o f f i c e r s o f the v a r i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s as I c o u l d the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n ! how they r e c r u i t t h e i r members and how one c o u l d j o i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n s . I a l s o asked a number of the members of v a r i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s - 8 4 - t o d e s c r i b e the process by which they became members of the a s s o c i a t i o n s to which they now belong. F i n a l l y , I i n t e r v i e w e d some r e s i d e n t s o f the community who were not members o f any a s s o c i a t i o n s and asked them why they d i d not belong t o , or j o i n , any a s s o c i a t i o n s a t a l l . The common response g i v e n by the o f f i c e r s t o the q u e s t i o n , how they r e c r u i t t h e i r members or how one j o i n s t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s , was t h a t they i n v i t e people t o j o i n them and become members. The process by which t h i s done most i n t e r e s t i n g . Most a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan have a membership committee o f some s o r t t o which an o f f i c e r and present members can submit the name of a p o t e n t i a l member. The committee f i r s t screens the cand i d a t e b e f o r e h i s name i s p r e s e n t e d t o the a s s o c i a t i o n a t l a r g e f o r a vote on whether t o accept him or n o t . I f the a s s o c i a t i o n v o t e s p o s i t i v e l y , a group o f o f f i c e r s and members, i n c l u d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l who recommended him, approaches the p o t e n t i a l member who, o f t e n , i s not even aware t h a t he i s b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d f o r membership, to f o r m a l l y i n v i t e him t o j o i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n . Depending on a number o f f a c t o r s which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below, he may accept or r e f u s e the i n v i t a t i o n . - I t i s important to note here t h a t w h i l e " o r d i n a r y " members can suggest names of p o t e n t i a l members f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n by the membership committee, o f t e n , they do -85- n o t . Two reasons may "be g i v e n f o r t h i s . F i r s t , members are o f t e n not i n t e r e s t e d i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the a s s o c i a t i o n s to which they b e l o n g . They temselves may have j u s t been " f o r c e d " o r "p r e s s u r e d " t o j o i n or become members. Secondly, and r e l a t e d t o the f i r s t , a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, f o r the most p a r t , as I w i l l show, are typed by those who head them. The a s s o c i a t i o n s are t h e i r " c l u b i n a v e r y r e a l sense," as H o l l n s t e i n e r ( 1963* 125) puts i t . They run the a s s o c i a t i o n s by themselves. They make a l l the d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s a c t i v i t i e s and p r o j e c t s . They d e c i d e whom t o i n v i t e t o j o i n as members. The responses o f the members to the q u e s t i o n , how they became members o f the a s s o c i a t i o n s ) t o which they delong, c o n f i r m and support t h i s response from the o f f i c e r s - t h a t i s , they j o i n e d p r i m a r i l y because they were i n v i t e d t o j o i n . As I have noted e a r l i e r , only one i n d i v i d u a l I i n t e r v i e w e d responded t h a t he j o i n e d a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the community out of h i s own i n i t i a t i v e and v o l i t i o n - t h a t i s , he j o i n e d because he b e l i e v e d i n the a s s o c i a t i o n s ' aims and s t a t e d o b j e c t i v e s . What u s u a l l y happens then i s t h a t many i n d i v i d u a l s accept the i n v i t a t i o n and become members but do not p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s a c t i v i t i e s and a f f a i r s . The o f f i c e r s seem to be s a t i s f i e d w i t h the arrangement. There a r e , however, e x c e p t i o n s t o t h i s , depending on the type o f a s s o c i a t i o n i n v o l v e d . I - 8 6 - w i l l d i s c u s s t h i s i n the s e c t i o n s t h a t f o l l o w . Non-members responded t h a t they d i d not j o i n any a s s o c i a t i o n s a t a l l because no one asked them to o r because t h e y do not know the o f f i c e r s and members o f such and such an a s s o c i a t i o n . Thus, even when they meet and possess the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r membership and even i f they wanted t o j o i n a p a r t i c u l a r a s s o c i a t i o n , u n l e s s they a r e i n v i t e d t o do s o , they do n o t . I t i s important t o draw a t t e n t i o n here to the f o u r f a c t o r s o u t l i n e d by H e r s k o v i t s ( 1 9 5 2 : 306) t h a t draw people, t o g e t h e r t o form a s s o c i a t i o n s . These f a c t o r s do operate i n Kabacan. F o r i n s t a n c e , the P o b l a c i o n PTA (Parents and Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n ) r e s t r i c t s : i t s membership to the a d u l t s o f the p o b l a c i o n , to the parents o f the c h i l d r e n a t t e n d i n g , and the t e a c h e r s o f , the p o b l a c i o n elementary s c h o o l - p r o p i n q u i t y . I n t e r e s t i n cooking, sewing, and home improvement l e a d housewives and women o f the community t o j o i n the R u r a l Improvement Club - community o f i n t e r e s t s . S k i l l i n p l a y i n g a m u s i c a l instrument l e a d s t o the f o r m a t i o n o f a community brass band - p o s s e s s i o n o f the same s k i l l s . And, graduates o f the Notre Dame o f Kabacan and the p r o f e s s i o n a l s o f the community, the Y's Men - by which they e s t a b l i s h t h e i r s t a t u s by e x c l u s i v e n e s s . However, thes e f a c t o r s - p r o p i n q u i t y , community o f i n t e r e s t , p o s s e s s i o n o f the same s k i l l , and the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f s t a t u s by e x c l u s i v e n e s s - are onl y the minimum requirements f o r membership. Thus, one must f i r s t be a b l e to p l a y a m u s i c a l instrument b e f o r e he can j o i n the brass band or he must be a p r o f e s s i o n a l ( d o c t o r , lawyer,, o r u n i v e r s i t y graduate) b e f o r e he can become a member o f the Y's Men. A more important c o n s i d e r a t i o n , however, i s t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l , over and above the minimum q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r membership, must be i n v i t e d by the o f f i c e r s and members o f a p a r t i c u l a r a s s o c i a t i o n b e f o r e he can become a member. Thus, even i f he possesses the n e c e s s a r y minimum requirements such as p o s s e s s i o n o f the s k i l l , he w i l l not p e r s o n a l l y a p p l y f o r membership. He has to wait f o r the c r u c i a l i n v i t a t i o n . The importance o f t h i s i s emphasized by the f a c t t h a t t h e r e are i n s t a n c e s when i n d i v i d u a l s who do not possess the minimum requirements f o r membership have been i n v i t e d to become a member o f the a s s o c i a t i o n . The mayor of Kabacan, f o r example, i s a member of the P o b l a c i o n Parents and Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n , and he i s n e i t h e r a parent of a c h i l d a t t e n d i n g , nor a t e a c h e r i n , the elementary s c h o o l . Because o f the p r e s t i g e and i n f l u e n c e t h a t the mayor p o s s e s s e s , however, the requirement has been waived s i n c e t o have the mayor's name i n the l i s t o f members would b r i n g the a s s o c i a t i o n p r e s t i g e t o o . On the ot h e r hand, i n d i v i d u a l s p o s s e s s i n g the minimum q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r membership and who are extended an -88- i n v i t a t i o n do not, and u s u a l l y can not, r e f u s e the i n v i t a t i o n - even though they may p e r s o n a l l y be r e l u c t a n t t o j o i n . Many s t a t e d t h a t they j o i n e d a s s o c i a t i o n s p r a c t i c a l l y a g a i n s t t h e i r wishes; but, a g a i n , c o u l d not r e f u s e the i n v i t a t i o n . Very o f t e n , the persons e x t e n d i n g the i n v i t a t i o n were a compadre or comadre, a nei g h b o r , c l o s e f r i e n d , r e l a t i v e , o r one to whom he owes some "debt o f g r a t i t u d e , " utang na l o o b . To r e f u s e a person w i t h whom one i s i n such a r e l a t i o n s h i p means t h a t s a n c t i o n s would come i n t o p l a y . To r e f u s e , they responded, would be, f o r example, nakakahiya (shameful). In a d d i t i o n , they know t h a t i f they r e f u s e d , they would be branded as h i n d i marunong makisama or walang pakikisama (does not know how to get a l o n g w i t h o t h e r s ) or walang utang na lo o b (does n o t know how t o pay a debt of g r a t i t u d e ) . F e a r i n g these s a n c t i o n s , they a re then f o r c e d and p r e s s u r e d , though i n a s u b t l e way, to acc e p t the i n v i t a t i o n and become members. O f f i c e r s o f a s s o c i a t i o n s , i t must be emphasized, extend i n v i t a t i o n s f o r membership p r i m a r i l y t o those w i t h whom they a l r e a d y m a i n t a i n t i e s o f compadrazgo, k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p , and r e c i p r o c i t y . They i n v i t e those whom they know "they can count on." On the ot h e r hand, those who are i n v i t e d view t h e i r acceptance o f the i n v i t a t i o n as one means o f r e p a y i n g a debt o f g r a t i t u d e , o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g f u r t h e r bonds o f f r i e n d s h i p , k i n s h i p , - 8 9 - compadrazgo, and r e c i p r o c i t y . I t i s , i n s h o r t , the meachanisms of the a l l i a n c e system a t work. The "Ningas Kugon E f f e c t " Upon c l o s e examination of the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan t h a t people named and o f the dates they gave as t o when these a s s o c i a t i o n s were formed, one o f the most s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e s t h a t emerges i s t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s p r e s e n t l y found i n the community have been organized v e r y r e c e n t l y . They ar e v e r y "young," so t o speak. Many o f them were or g a n i z e d w i t h i n the l a s t f o u r or f i v e y e a r s . The Rio Grande Lodge (Masons), f o r example, was o r g a n i z e d o n l y i n 1968} the R y r a l Improvement Club i n 1 9 7 1 ; the C a t h o l i c : Women's League i n 1968 - to c i t e some examples. Only a few a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the community were org a n i z e d e a r l i e r i the League o f P u e r i c u l t u r e C e n t e r which was founded i n 1959 and the Boys S c o u t s , founded i n the e a r l y 1 9 5 0's, to name two. A t the same time, people r e c a l l and remember a number of a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t e x i s t e d i n the community i n the past and were a c t i v e f o r a w h i l e . But, they a l s o noted how these a s s o c i a t i o n s " d i e d " j u s t as q u i c k l y as they a r o s e . The q u e s t i o n t h a t poses i t s e l f then i s , how does one e x p l a i n t h i s phenomenon? H o l l n s t e i n e r (19631 126) c a l l s i t the "ningas kugon e f f e c t " which i s a term d e r i v e d from the way -90- cogon g r a s s burns v e r y b r i g h t l y and r a p i d l y when f i r s t put to the t o r c h , but then d i e s out almost immediately,"' a phenomenon which she a l s o found to be common to the a s s o c i a t i o n s o f a community i n Luzon which she s t u d i e d . One e x p l a n a t i o n may be found i n the na t u r e o f the l e a d e r s and l e a d e r s h i p o f the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, i n p a r t i c u l a r , and i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , i n g e n e r a l . To a d i s c u s s i o n o f these a s p e c t s , then, we now t u r n our a t t e n t i o n . V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s : Formation, Growth, and D e c l i n e ; Leaders and L e a d e r s h i p I have a l r e a d y noted b r i e f l y the f a c t t h a t most a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan are i d e n t i f i e d by those who head them. T h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i t must be emphasized, runs from the time o f the a s s o c i a t i o n s ' i n c e p t i o n u n t i l t h e i r d e c l i n e . But how, f i r s t o f a l l , a re a s s o c i a t i o n s formed i n Kabacan? The f o l l o w i n g seems to be the common p a t t e r n . The f i r s t s t e p i s u s u a l l y taken by a man who conceives o f the i d e a o f f orming aa a s s o c i a t i o n . H i s reasons f o r forming one are u s u a l l y l o f t y and q u i t e ambiguous - to improve o r change some asp e c t o f the community, f o r example, and a r e , almost always, never a c h i e v e d . T h i s person then t a l k s the i d e a over w i t h those whom he t h i n k s w i l l approve o f the i d e a -91- and w i l l j o i n him. I t i s important t o note here t h a t , a t t h i s s t a g e , the founder i n v i t e s o n l y those persons w i t h whom he a l r e a d y has e x i s t i n g or m a i n t a i n i n g t i e s - whether i t be compadrazgo, f r i e n d s h i p , r e c i p r o c i t y , o r k i n s h i p . And because, as has been noted e a r l i e r , a person i n such a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h another does not u s u a l l y r e f u s e the o t h e r o r h i s r e q u e s t s , the founder knows t h a t the people he chooses w i l l approve o f h i s i d e a and w i l l j o i n him. They then become the core group o f the a s s o c i a t i o n and the a s s o c i a t i o n w i l l draw i t s f u t u r e members from people w i t h whom they m a i n t a i n the same t i e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The core group o f the a s s o c i a t i o n u s u a l l y belong to the same s o c i a l c l a s s , "upper," and s t a t u s , " e l i t e . " The f u t u r e members, on the ot h e r hand, are drawn from the members o f the lower c l a s s . A s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, t h e n , assume the c h a r a c t e r o f an a l l i a n c e system and c r o s s - c u t the b a s i c a l l y t w o - c l a s s system o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , j o i n i n g s p e c i f i c u p p e r - c l a s s , w i t h s p e c i f i c l o w e r - c l a s s , i n d i v i d u a l s . I t i s a l s o from the core group t h a t the f i r s t s e t of o f f i c e r s o f the a s s o c i a t i o n i s chosen, w i t h the founder assuming the p o s i t i o n o f p r e s i d e n t . And, i f the a s s o c i a t i o n s h o u l d l i v e f o r a number o f y e a r s , the same s e t o f people are e l e c t e d o r r e - e l e c t e d to the p o s i t i o n s a v a i l a b l e . They j u s t r o t a t e the p o s i t i o n s among themselves. F o r i n s t a n c e , an i n d i v i d u a l may serve as the s e c r e t a r y f o r one year, -92- v i c e - p r e s i d e n t the next, and p r e s i d e n t f o r the t h i r d y e a r . Sometimes, new p o s i t i o n s are even c r e a t e d so t h a t a l l o f the core group members c o u l d assume an o f f i c i a l l e a d e r s h i p r o l e . E l e c t i o n s a re h e l d , o f course. But, who w i l l be e l e c t e d t o which p o s i t i o n i s known beforehand. The core group has a l r e a d y t a l k e d the matter over and agreed among themselves on t h i s w e l l b e f o r e the e l e c t i o n s . E l e c t i o n s , t hen, are h e l d o n l y as a f o r m a l i t y - to abide by the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n and r u l e s , f o r example, i f such e x i s t a t a l l . I t i s a l s o d u r i n g e l e c t i o n s when the m a j o r i t y o f the members, who may not have attended any meetings d u r i n g the year a t a l l , a r e p r e s e n t . E l e c t i o n s thus s e r v e the f u n c t i o n o f b r i n g i n g members and o f f i c e r s t o g e t h e r , f o r once. Before the meeting, however, members have been approached, t o l d o f the coming e l e c t i o n s and whom to vote f o r which p o s i t i o n by the same person(s) who i n v i t e d them to become members. T h i s p a s s i v i t y and non-involvement i n the a s s o c i a t i o n and i t s a c t i v i t i e s a r e seen by " o r d i n a r y " members as p a r t o f t h e i r r o l e , as " p a r t o f the d e a l . " They view t h e i r acceptance of the i n v i t a t i o n t o j o i n an a s s o c i a t i o n as a means o f r e p a y i n g a "debt of g r a t i t u d e " and a l l t h a t i s expected o f them i s to be p a s s i v e f o l l o w e r s o f t h e i r u p p e r - c l a s s a l l i e s , i n t h i s case, the o f f i c e r s o f the a s s o c i a t i o n . - 9 3 - From i t s i n c e p t i o n , then, an a s s o c i a t i o n e s s e n t i a l l y tends t o he i d e n t i f i e d by who l e a d s i t . And, " i t i s h i s c l u b i n a v e r y r e a l sense. F o r i f he should f o r some reason drop out o f i t , h i s f o l l o w i n g o f k i n , compadres, and f r i e n d s a l s o tends to go w i t h him. The e n t i r e o r g a n i z a t i o n then c o l l a p s e s . " ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963* 125) In c o n t r a s t t o the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the community which H o l l n s t e i n e r s t u d i e d , however, l e a d e r s h i p i n the a s s o c i a t i o n s o f Kabacan i s p l u r a l - t h a t i s , i t i s shared r a t h e r than l i m i t e d t o one i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the Kabacan I n t e r - F e l l o w s h i p C l u b . The c l u b ' s f o r m a t i o n was c o n c e i v e d by one man and i t s main m a n i f e s t o b j e c t i v e s to promote "brotherhood" and t o b r i n g t o g e t h e r people from the community's v a r i o u s church groups. T h i s purpose, l i k e those o f most oth e r a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, aimed at was q u i t e ambiguous. At t h a t time, however, ecumenism was a p o p u l a r word so t h a t the f o r m a t i o n o f the a s s o c i a t i o n was welcomed by the l e a d i n g members o f the v a r i o u s churches, who a l s o became the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s f i r s t s e t of o f f i c e r s . The a s s o c i a t i o n grew, drawing i t s members from the a l l i e s of the core group. I t was a c t i v e f o r a w h i l e - t h a t i s , meetings were h e l d r e g u l a r l y and these were w e l l a t t e n d e d . Ecumenical church s e r v i c e s , one of the major p r o j e c t s of the a s s o c i a t i o n , were w e l l attended t o o . F o r how l o n g t h i s was s u s t a i n e d , no one I -94- I t a l k e d to remembers f o r sure; but, i t s t a r t e d to f i z z l e out when the founder of the a s s o c i a t i o n found employment i n Davao C i t y and, s i n c e then, came to Kabacan onl y o c c a s i o n a l l y . Another example, a more t y p i c a l one, i s the Y's Men, an a s s o c i a t i o n o r g a n i z e d by a group o f , and open to a l l , male p r o f e s s i o n a l s ( u n i v e r s i t y graduates) of the community. I t was, l i k e the Kabacan I n t e r - F e l l o w s h i p C l u b , a c t i v e f o r a couple o f years but, as one former s a i d , " j u s t s t a r t e d to d i e a f t e r t h a t . " In i n t e r v i e w s , i t s founders and former o f f i c e r s t r a c e d the reason f o r the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s f a i l u r e to go on to the l a c k o f i n t e r e s t shown by the members. They s a i d t h a t "they j u s t got t i r e d o f d o i n g a l l the work o f the a s s o c i a t i o n and f o o t i n g the e x t r a b i l l s . " These e x t r a b i l l s were i n c u r r e d d u r i n g the f i r s t o f f i c e r s i n d u c t i o n b a l l - always a g a l a a f f a i r i n Kabacan. Monetary c o n t r i b u t i o n s f o r the a f f a i r were supposed to have been c o l l e c t e d from each and every o f f i c e r and member but a c t u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s were g i v e n o n l y by the o f f i c e r s . One member's reason f o r not c o n t r i b u t i n g h i s share wast " I a l r e a d y j o i n e d them; what more c o u l d they ask f o r ? " The o f f i c e r s , t h u s , not o n l y had to make t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l r e q u i r e d c o n t r i b u t i o n s but a l s o had to f o o t the amount which was supposed to have been c o l l e c t e d from the members. Non-involvement of the members i n the s c h o l a r s h i p f o r needy -95- but d e s e r v i n g s tudents p r o j e c t o f the a s s o c i a t i o n f u r t h e r d i s c o u r a g e d the o f f i c e r s and l e d to t h e i r own non- involvement and, e v e n t u a l l y , to the d e c l i n e o f the a s s o c i a t i o n . The f o l l o w i n g p a t t e r n then f o l l o w s i Rather than t r y to r e s u s c i t a t e a d y i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n which drew a l l i t s s t r e n g t h from the r e t i r i n g p r e s i d e n t ' s f o l l o w i n g , a s p i r i n g p r e s i d e n t s w i l l a l l o w the c l u b t o d i e and then c r e a t e a new one. In t h i s manner c r e d i t f o r the new o r g a n i z a t i o n w i l l go completely t o the new p r e s i d e n t , whereas i f he s u c c e s s f u l l y r e v i v e s the o l d c l u b , he must s t i l l share the honors w i t h the f i r s t p r e s i d e n t . F a r b e t t e r to have a new s e t of o f f i c e r s , a c l u b w i t h a new name, and no t a i n t o f f a i l u r e , even though i t s s t a t e s aims may be e x a c t l y the same as i t s p r e d e c e s s o r . ( H o l l n s t e i n e r 1963* 126) And indeed, from the ranks o f the Y's Men, s e v e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were formed: The Masons, the Kn i g h t s o f R i z a l , among o t h e r s . Another reason f o r the "ningas kugon e f f e c t " l i e s i n the n a t u r e o f the a l l i a n c e system i t s e l f . Membership i n a g i v e n a l l i a n c e system i s not permanent. I t i s , i n f a c t , c o n t i n u a l l y s h i f t i n g , as u p p e r - c l a s s l e a d e r s and l o w e r - c l a s s f o l l o w e r s a l i g n and r e - a l i g n themselves. S i n c e i t i s my argument t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n membership i s based on the a l l i a n c e system, then, any changes t h a t occurs i n the a l l i a n c e group membership b r i n g s a consequent change i n the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s - not onl y i n terms o f membership but, i n f a c t , as has been noted above, r e s u l t i n g i n the emergence and f o r m a t i o n o f a new a s s o c i a t i o n . - 9 6 - T h i s phenomenon i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the Kabacan M o t o r i z e d T r i c y c l e D r i v e r s and Operators A s s o c i a t i o n (KMTDO), headed by the mayor o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y . I t i s t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h whose members and, o f f i c e r s I had the most c o n t a c t d u r i n g my s t a y i n Kabacan f o r the simple r e a s o n t h a t the mayor i s i t s p r e s i d e n t and meetings were h e l d a t the mayor's house where I was a l s o s t a y i n g . The mayor i s n e i t h e r a t r i c y c l e d r i v e r nor o p e r a t o r . That he, a g a i n , belongs to an a s s o c i a t i o n whose minimum q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r membership he does not meet i l l u s t r a t e s the c l a s s b r i d g i n g a s p e c t o f the a l l i a n c e system. There was, b e f o r e t h i s new a s s o c i a t i o n under the mayor was formed, an a s s o c i a t i o n o f t r i c y c l e d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s . The d r i v e r s I t a l k e d t o , however, complained t h a t they had no i d e a where the dues c o l l e c t e d from them by t h e i r former p r e s i d e n t were spent. Moreover, they s a i d t h a t t h e i r former p r e s i d e n t was not much o f a h e l p i n s o l v i n g t h e i r problems and they, i n f a c t , would go t o the mayor f o r a s o l u t i o n t o these problems. I t was because o f thes e t h a t they got t o g e t h e r and d e c i d e d t o form a new a s s o c i a t i o n and to make the mayor h i m s e l f t h e i r p r e s i d e n t . The mayor agreed, r e a l i z i n g h i m s e l f how v i t a l the p o s i t i o n would be p o l i t i c a l l y . And a t the time of f i e l d work, a l l but two o f the d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s and members o f the former a s s o c i a t i o n had j o i n e d the new one under the mayor. - 9 7 - T h i s example b r i n g s out v e r y c l e a r l y s e v e r a l p o i n t s r e g a r d i n g the a l l i a n c e system. F i r s t i s t h a t the a l l i a n c e system j o i n s s p e c i f i c u p p e r - c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s (the mayor and the former a s s o c i a t i o n p r e s i d e n t ) w i t h s p e c i f i c lower c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s (the t r i c y c l e d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s ) . Secondly, a l l i a n c e s are n u r t u r e d by f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t and r e c i p r o c a l s e r v i c e which develop a b i n d i n g sense o f g r a t i t u d e between the p a r t i c i p a n t s . On the one hand, the members o f the a s s o c i a t i o n s must f a i t h f u l l y c o n t r i b u t e f e e s and show r e s p e c t to t h e i r p r e s i d e n t } on the o t h e r hand, the p r e s i d e n t must show a deep concern f o r h i s f o l l o w e r s , m a n i f e s t e d p r i m a r i l y by a s e r i o u s e f f o r t i n t r y i n g t o s o l v e t h e i r problems. F i n a l l y , f a i l u r e by one p a r t y t o the a l l i a n c e group t o l i v e up to the e x p e c t a t i o n s o f another c o u l d l e a d to the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the group and the f o r m a t i o n o f a n o ther. V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s : Outside P r e s s u r e and P r e s t i g e There are a number o f a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan, however, t h a t have e x i s t e d f o r as l o n g as they have d e s p i t e changes i n t h e i r o f f i c e r s . I have a l r e a d y mentioned the case o f the League o f P u e r i c u l t u r e C e n t e r and the Boys S c o u t s . To t h i s e x c e p t i o n , H o l l n s t e i n e r (1963* 126) suggests t h a t "one answer would be the i n s t i t u t i o n a l -98- n a t u r e of these c l u b s . They are p u r e l y l o c a l but are p a r t o f a network s e t up on a n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l b a s i s w i t h p r e s s u r e thus b e i n g e x e r t e d from o u t s i d e t o keep them going." Membership i n these a s s o c i a t i o n s i s a l s o h i g h l y p r e s t i g e f u l as i t i s r e s t r i c t e d to the e l i t e members o f the community. The R u r a l Improvement C l u b , f o r example, i s a l s o p r e s s u r e d from o u t s i d e - by p a i d agents o f the A g r i c u l t u r a l P r o d u c t i v i t y Commission of the n a t i o n a l government. Membership i n the R u r a l Improvement C l u b , however, b r i n g s l i t t l e p r e s t i g e to i t s members. The expenses i n v o l v e d a l s o d i s c o u r a g e many women from j o i n i n g - expenses f o r such t h i n g s as c l o t h , n e e d l e , t h r e a d , e t c . f o r sewing and the i n g r e d i e n t s needed f o r a c o o k i n g d e m o n s t r a t i o n . Because o f t h e s e , a s s o c i a t i o n s l i k e the R u r a l Improvement Club are e s p e c i a l l y v u l n e r a b l e to the "ningas kugon e f f e c t . " On the o t h e r hand, because the a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t grew out of the Y's Men, namely, the Masons and the K n i g h t s o f R i z a l , are l i n k e d to a n a t i o n a l network and membership i n them b r i n g s p r e s t i g e , I have reason t o b e l i e v e t h a t they w i l l c o n t i n u e to f u n c t i o n o r , a t l e a s t , s u r v i v e l o n g e r than the p u r e l y l o c a l ones. Membership i n these a s s o c i a t i o n s are s t i l l based on the a l l i a n c e system; but, the o u t s i d e p r e s s u r e s o f f s e t the d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t s t h a t may a r i s e from s h i f t s i n the a l l i a n c e group membership. -99- Econoinic A s s o c i a t i o n s I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e a s s o c i a t i o n s p r e s s u r e d from t h e o u t s i d e and membership i n w h i c h i s p r e s t i g e f u l , t h e r e i s a n o t h e r t y p e o f a s s o c i a t i o n i n Kabacan w h i c h do n o t d i s p l a y t h e p a t t e r n a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e " n i n g a s kugon e f f e c t . " An example i s t h e I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n . W h i l e i t i s a p u r e l y l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h p r e s s u r e b e i n g e x e r t e d from o u t s i d e , by t h e N a t i o n a l I r r i g a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , membership i n t h e I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n b r i n g s l i t t l e p r e s t i g e . On t h e o t h e r hand, i t has e x i s t e d f o r a number o f y e a r s and shows no s i g n o f d e c l i n e . The I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d by t h e p e r s o n n e l o f t h e Kabacan o f f i c e o f t h e N a t i o n a l I r r i g a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The p r i m a r y r e a s o n f o r i t s f o r m a t i o n i s t o r e g u l a t e t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f i r r i g a t i o n w a t e r from t h e main c a n a l s t o t h e i n d i v i d u a l farm i n l e t s . The major problem h i t h e r t o f a c e d by t h e N a t i o n a l I r r i g a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n p e r s o n n e l was "water s t e a l i n g " - t h a t i s , some f a r m e r s were d i v e r t i n g t h e f l o w o f w a t e r i n t o t h e i r farms b e f o r e o r a f t e r t h e y were s c h e d u l e d t o have done s o . T h i s r e s u l t s i n t h e d i s r u p t i o n o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e and, sometimes, t h e f a i l u r e t o p l a n t a l t o g e t h e r . W h i l e t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f w a t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n s h o u l d have been performed by t h e NIA p e r s o n n e l , t h e government o f f i c e s i m p l y do n o t -100- have enough men to do so e f f e c t i v e l y . Thus, the a s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d so t h a t i t s members cou l d take over some of these f u n c t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , the I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n a c t s as a l i a s o n between the NIA and the farmers. F o r example, r a t h e r than d e a l w i t h the problems o f the farmers w i t h r e g a r d t o i r r i g a t i o n i n d i v i d u a l l y , the a s s o c i a t i o n p u l l s these t o g e t h e r and p r e s e n t s them t o the NIA c o l l e c t i v e l y * i f the a s s o c i a t i o n i t s e l f i s unable t o s o l v e the problems. F i n a l l y , a g a i n due to the l a c k o f p e r s o n n e l , the NIA i s a b l e to m a i n t a i n o n l y the main i r r i g a t i o n c a n a l s . I t thus d e l e g a t e d to the a s s o c i a t i o n the maintenance and r e p a i r o f the i n l e t s t o the i n d i v i d u a l farms. To accomplish t h i s , the members work i n groups under an a s s i g n e d group l e a d e r . While the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n d i d not t o t a l l y e l i m i n a t e "water s t e a l i n g , " the problem has been g r e a t l y reduced which, i n t u r n , reduced unnecessary d e l a y s i n p l a n t i n g . Delays caused by damaged d i k e s and c a n a l s have a l s o been minimized. A l l farmers whose farms are i r r i g a t e d by the NIA are " f o r c e d " t o become members o f the a s s o c i a t i o n . The pr e s s u r e e x e r t e d on them t o j o i n i s g r e a t . The s a n c t i o n s used f o r a farmer r e l u c t a n t t o j o i n i s the b l o c k i n g o f water from h i s farm. The same s a n c t i o n i s a p p l i e d on members who r e f u s e t o do t h e i r expected share i n the maintenance and r e p a i r - 1 0 1 - o f the d i k e s and c a n a l s . (A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n occurs i n Taiwan. See Pasternak's ( 1 9 7 2 ) d e s c r i p t i o n . ) Another a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t i s s i m i l a r to the I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n i s the "new" Kabacan M o t o r i z e d T r i c y c l e D r i v e r s and Operators A s s o c i a t i o n , headed by the mayor, which has been d i s c u s s e d b r i e f l y e a r l i e r . The d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s claimed t h a t the new a s s o c i a t i o n had done them "a l o t of good" s i n c e the mayor was i n a p o s i t i o n t o h e l p and s o l v e many o f t h e i r problems. For i n s t a n c e , d u r i n g the time o f my f i e l d work, one o f the complaints brought up a t a p a r t i c u l a r meeting was t h a t the jeepneys were g i v i n g them s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n . The mayor, t h e i r p r e s i d e n t , brought t h i s matter up a t the m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l s e s s i o n immediately and an ordinance was consequently passed by the c o u n c i l t o the e f f e c t t h a t jeepneys would on l y operate between the jeepney t e r m i n a l i n the market and the b a r r i o s (not w i t h i n the p o b l a c i o n ) w h i l e t r i c y c l e s would operate w i t h i n the p o b l a c i o n (and not to and from the b a r r i o s ) . The ordinance was accepted by both jeepney and t r i c y c l e d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s a l i k e . Other problems which the d r i v e r s f a c e d and which they s a i d the mayor c o u l d , and d i d , e a s i l y s o l v e were a p e t i t i o n f o r f a r e i n c r e a s e s and problems w i t h the Land T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Commission. These two a s s o c i a t i o n s d i s p l a y a d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n -102- from those a s s o c i a t i o n s d e s c r i b e d e a r l i e r i n terms, f i r s t of a l l , o f the r e c r u i t m e n t o f members and:j s e c o n d l y , o f the nature o f the l e a d e r s and l e a d e r s h i p . They a r e , as a r e s u l t , not. v u l n e r a b l e to the "ningas kugon e f f e c t . " The rea s o n f o r t h i s i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y , however, does not l i e i n the f a c t t h a t they are p a r t o f a n a t i o n a l network of a s s o c i a t i o n s nor i n the f a c t t h at membership i n them i s p r e s t i g e f u l . They have s u r v i v e d , and I b e l i e v e w i l l c o n t i n u e t o f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y , because these a s s o c i a t i o n s p r o v i d e an i n s i t u t i o n a l framework whereby f e l t and r e a l needs c o u l d be f u l f i l l e d - i n the case of the I r r i g a t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n , f o r example, the need f o r water f o r the far m e r s ' r i c e f i e l d s . In oth e r words, i t i s on the a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t the members' l i v e l i h o o d and economic s u r v i v a l depend. In t h i s sense, these a s s o c i a t i o n s perform a c o n c r e t e and " r e a l " f u n c t i o n . Because of t h i s , the members i n t h i s type o f a s s o c i a t i o n are drawn not on the b a s i s o f the a l l i a n c e system - a l t h o u g h most o f the members are l i n k e d to each ot h e r by t i e s o f k i n s h i p , compadrazgo, r e c i p r o c i t y , and f r i e n d s h i p - but, p r i m a r i l y , on o c c u p a t i o n and l i v e l i h o o d . Thus, even i f an i n d i v i d u a l does not belong to the a l l i a n c e group to which most of the t r i c y c l e d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s b elong, he w i l l be pre s s u r e d t o j o i n the a s s o c i a t i o n i f he i s a d r i v e r or o p e r a t o r o f a t r i c y c l e . -103- V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s ! A Typology On the b a s i s of the preceding d i s c u s s i o n and a n a l y s i s , we may c l a s s i f y the vo l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s found i n Kabacan i n t o t h r e e main types. The f i r s t two types f a l l under the r u b r i c of c i v i c - r e l i g i o u s - f r a t e r n a l - n e i g h b o r h o o d a s s o c i a t i o n s . Combined, these two types are the most numerous i n Kabacan. They i n c l u d e , among o t h e r s , the Y's Men, the C a t h o l i c Women's League, the Legion of Mary, the Laymen, the Women's A u x i l i a r y Corps of the P h i l i p p i n e Independent Church, the Purok (neighborhood) Saranay A s s o c i a t i o n , the Parents and Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n , the Knights of R i z a l , and the Masons. These two types of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s draw t h e i r membership on the b a s i s of the a l l i a n c e system. T h e i r manifest o r g a n i z a t i o n a l aims and o b j e c t i v e s are " l o f t y " and ambiguous and, o f t e n , never achieved. What d i s t i n g u i s h e s these two types from each other i s t h e i r v u l n e r a b i l i t y t o the "ningas kugon e f f e c t . " The f i r s t type i s e s p e c i a l l y prone to i t . I t s membership, based on the a l l i a n c e system, c r o s s - c u t s the b a s i c a l l y two c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system of the community. Any s h i f t s i n the membership of the a l l i a n c e group, and i t i s c o n t i n u a l l y s h i f t i n g , t h e r e f o r e a f f e c t s the membership i n -104- these a s s o c i a t i o n s v e r y g r e a t l y - u s u a l l y l e a d i n g to t h e i r d i s s o l u t i o n and the f o r m a t i o n of new a s s o c i a t i o n s 0 The second type i s r e l a t i v e l y l e s s v u l n e r a b l e t o the "ningas kugon e f f e c t . " I t s membership w h i l e s t i l l based on the a l l i a n c e system does not c r o s s - c u t c l a s s e s . I t i s drawn from a l l i e s b e l o n g i n g to one c l a s s - u s u a l l y the u p p e r - c l a s s . Membership i n these a s s o c i a t i o n s , t h e r e f o r e , i s h i g h l y p r e s t i g e f u l . Moreover, these a s s o c i a t i o n s are s e t up on a n a t i o n a l b a s i s , w i t h pressure thus b e i n g e x e r t e d from the o u t s i d e to keep them g o i n g . T h i s o u t s i d e p r e s s u r e o f f s e t s the d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t s t h a t may a r i s e from s h i f t s i n the a l l i a n c e group membership. The t h i r d type o f a s s o c i a t i o n found i n Kabacan i s what I have c a l l e d the economic a s s o c i a t i o n s . They are d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the f i r s t two types on two f a c t o r s . F i r s t i s membership - t h a t i s , membership i n t h i s type of a s s o c i a t i o n i s based not on the a l l i a n c e system but, p r i m a r i l y , on o c c u p a t i o n . Most of the members o f the Kabacan M o t o r i z e d T r i c y c l e D r i v e r s and Operators A s s o c i a t i o n a r e l i n k e d t o each o t h e r by t i e s o f f r i e n d s h i p , compadrazgo, and r e c i p r o c i t y : however, i t i s not these t i e s t h a t have brought them t o g e t h e r to form the a s s o c i a t i o n but t h e i r common o c c u p a t i o n and source o f l i v e l i h o o d . S econdly, t h i s type o f a s s o c i a t i o n has v e r y s p e c i f i c aims and o b j e c t i v e s which are economic i n n a t u r e , -105- as discussed earlier. Because of these two factors, organizational basis and objectives, this type of association i s , I believe, less vulnerable to the "ningas kugon effect" than the f i r s t two types. They are, however, a very recent phenomenon in the community and this conclusion can only be validated in time. The implications of this typology and a discussion of the functions of voluntary associations in a community lik e Kabacan is discussed below. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS The main objective of t h i s thesis i s to describe, i n a preliminary way, the character of voluntary associations i n a P h i l i p p i n e peasant community, Kabacan. In t h i s way, i t hopes to make some contributions to the theories which have attempted to explain the development and nature of such a s s o c i a t i o n s . Among the more important of these theories i s the one according to which the development of voluntary associations i s r e l a t e d to the growth of such r e l a t e d processes as s o c i a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , urbanization, modernization, and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . This type of theory attempts to explain the functional place of voluntary associations undergoing or have undergone any or a l l of these processes. Kenneth L i t t l e (1954; 1957), f o r example, posits the hypothesis that i n a society experiencing i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization, voluntary associations play a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e as an adaptive mechanism. He writes i -106- - 1 0 7 - The newly a r r i v e d immigrant from the r u r a l areas has "been used to l i v i n g and working as a member of a compact group o f kinsmen on a h i g h l y p e r s o n a l b a s i s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p and m u t u a l i t y . He knows no o t h e r way o f community l i v i n g than t h i s , and h i s n a t u r a l r e a c t i o n i s to make a s i m i l a r adjustment to urban c o n d i t i o n s . ( L i t t l e 1957s 5 9 2 - 5 9 3 ) L i t t l e ( 1 9 5 7 « 593) then argues t h a t T h i s adjustment the a s s o c i a t i o n f a c i l i t a t e s by s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r the extended group of kinsmen a g r o u p i n g based upon common i n t e r e s t which i s capable of s e r v i n g many of the same needs as the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y or l i n e a g e . Graham Johnson's argument runs i n a s i m i l a r v e i n . To quote him a t l e n g t h J The emergence of an i n d u s t r i a l l y - b a s e d s o c i e t y i n v o l v e s a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the r u l e s of b e h a v i o r i n t o a more complex framework. Such a s o c i e t y i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the emergence o f d i s c r e t e s e t s o f norms which have a p a r t i c u l a r f o c u s - the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n , the a l l o c a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l power, e d u c a t i o n , r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the s u p e r n a t u r a l , and the l i k e . These s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t f o c i o r norms r e p r e s e n t s o c i e t a l problems t h a t are no l o n g e r capable o f s o l u t i o n w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s o f one a l l - embracing i n s t i t u t i o n a l a r e a . S i m i l a r l y , t h e r e emerge d i s t i n c t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s such as f a c t o r i e s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , s c h o o l s , churches and so on. With economic change the harmony o f the former system i s d e s t r o y e d or becomes i r r e l e v a n t . The 'family-community' complex i s no l o n g e r a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d whole but i s p a r t of a much wider s t r u c t u r e . And w i t h economic- change t h e r e i s a r e a l problem o f c o o p e r a t i o n between the v a r i o u s newly s p e c i a l i z e d segments. Given these new s e c t o r s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the former p r i n c i p l e s of i n t e g r a t i o n which i d e a l l y r e s t e d on the l o c a l k i n s h i p and community s t r u c t u r e no l o n g e r s u f f i c e s . In o t h e r words, th e r e i s a n e c e s s a r i l y wide gap between the - 1 0 8 - values and norms of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , on the one hand, and those of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , on the other, "There i s thus a need f o r b r i d g i n g mechanism across the gap which w i l l c a r r y groups from the o l d s o c i e t y Into the new," (Johnson 1 9 7 1 « 5) Using data gathered i n a r a p i d l y i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g area i n Hongkong, Johnson (1971* 5) argues t h a t " i t i s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d groups i n which membership i s a t t a i n e d by j o i n i n g - that are important as b r i d g i n g mechanisms and the f u n c t i o n of these a s s o c i a t i o n s i s overwhelmingly i n t e g r a t i v e , " S i m i l a r conclusions are reached by Manning Nash ( i 9 6 0 ) i n h i s study of k i n s h i p and v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n i n C a n t e l , Guatamela and J i n j a , Uganda, He w r i t e s * V o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s d i r e c t l y connected w i t h wage work, c h i e f l y l a b o r unions and r e c r e a t i o n a l clubs and sometimes p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , are important agents i n promoting i d e o l o g i e s and sentiments t h a t t i e workers to t h e i r jobs and make the new oc c u p a t i o n a l niche e s p e c i a l l y meaningful, A developed l a b o r f o r c e depends on the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of t i e s and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s connected w i t h i n d u s t r i a l work. Such t i e s are f o s t e r e d by v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , (Nash I 9 6 O 1 325) Kabacan, however, i s n e i t h e r an i n d u s t r i a l nor an i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t y . While f o r c e s of modernization such as the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new farming technology and methods, s c h o o l s , t e l e v i s i o n , r a d i o , newspapers, and more e f f i c i e n t means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communication are -109- e f f e c t i n g changes i n the society, t r a d i t i o n a l forms s o c i a l organization are s u f f i c i e n t and s t i l l e f f i c i e n t i n providing the necessary p r i n c i p l e s of in t e g r a t i o n . In view of t h i s , i t can he expected that the nature of voluntary associations i n such a society would d i f f e r greatly from the nature of voluntary associations i n mature i n d u s t r i a l and r a p i d l y i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t i e s . And, I argue that i n a society l i k e Kabacan, voluntary associations, i n f a c t , merely serve to reinforce the t r a d i t i o n a l bases of s o c i a l organization which are s t i l l f unctional integrative mechanisms i n contrast to the s i t u a t i o n i n mature i n d u s t r i a l and r a p i d l y i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t i e s where voluntary associations serve to integrate the s o c i a l structure which the forces of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n tend to di s l o c a t e and threaten to fragment. The discussion i n Chapter 5 makes t h i s a s s e r t i o n apparent where i t was shown that the recruitment of voluntary associations In kabacan i s based on t i e s that already bind people together - namely, kinship, compadrazgo, and r e c i p r o c i t y . What t h i s means i s that rather than create new l i n k s between people, voluntary associations merely provide an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d framework whereby l i n k s that already exist between people are formalized. Kinship, compadrazgo, and r e c i p r o c a l t i e s , however, -110- are i n themselves very s t r o n g bonds and they become s t r o n g e r when they culminate i n the s t r u c t u r i n g o f an a l l i a n c e network, the primary b a s i s o f a s s o c i a t i o n a l f o r m a t i o n i n Kabacan. I t i s because o f t h i s t h a t t h e r e i s o n l y minimal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s s i n c e the l i n k s between members and t h e i r common i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f i n t e r e s t s do not need t o be v a l i d a t e d or s t r u c t u r e d f u r t h e r . Thus, a p a t t e r n d e s c r i b e d i n the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r o b t a i n s - t h a t i s , the way a new group grows v e r y r a p i d l y when f i r s t formed, i s ve r y a c t i v e f o r a s h o r t time, then d i e s out almost as q u i c k l y as i t a r o s e . A c l o s e l y r e l a t e d cause o f t h i s phenomenon i s the f a c t t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Kabacan do not serve any needs t h a t a re not capable o f b e i n g s e r v e d by kinsmen, f r i e n d s , n e i g h b o r s , compadres, or the a l l i a n c e group. In the urban areas . . . the migrant's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n some o r g a n i z a t i o n such as t r i b a l union or a dancing compin not o n l y r e p l a c e s much o f what he has l o s t i n terms o f moral assurance i n removing from h i s n a t i v e v i l l a g e , but o f f e r s him companionship and an o p p o r t u n i t y o f s h a r i n g joys as w e l l as sorrows w i t h others i n the same p o s i t i o n as h i m s e l f . . • Such an a s s o c i a t i o n a l s o s u b s t i t u t e s f o r the extended f a m i l y i n p r o v i d i n g c o u n s e l and p r o t e c t i o n , i n terms of l e g a l a i d ; and by p l a c i n g him i n the company of women members, i t a l s o h e l p s f i n d him a w i f e . I t a l s o s u b s t i t u t e s f o r some o f the economic support a v a i l a b l e a t home by s u p p l y i n g him both s i c k n e s s and f u n e r a l b e n e f i t s , t h e r e b y e n a b l i n g him to con t i n u e h i s most important k i n s h i p o b l i g a t i o n s . F u r t h e r , i t i n t r o d u c e s him to a number of e c o n o m i c a l l y u s e f u l h a b i t s and - I l l - p r a c t i c e s s u c h a s p u n c t u a l i t y a n d t h r i f t a n d i t a i d s h i s s o c i a l r e o r i e n t a t i o n b y i n c u l c a t i n g new s t a n d a r d s o f d r e s s , e t i q u e t t e , a n d p e r s o n a l h y g i e n e . A b o v e a l l , b y e n c o u r a g i n g h i m t o m i x s o c i a l l y w i t h p e r s o n s o u t s i d e o f h i s own l i n e a g e , s o m e t i m e s t r i b e , t h e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n h e l p s h i m t o a d j u s t t o t h e m o r e c o s m o p o l i t a n e t h o s o f t h e c i t y . ( L i t t l e 1957» 593) I n k a b a c a n , m o s t o f t h e s e f u n c t i o n s o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e a n d c a n b e s e r v e d a n d f u l f i l l e d b y f r i e n d s , k i n s m e n , c o m p a d r e s , n e i g h b o r s , o r t h e a l l i a n c e g r o u p . T h u s , i n t h e a b s e n c e o f s e r v i n g a n y r e a l f u n c t i o n s o r f u l f i l l i n g f e l t n e e d s n o t a l r e a d y s e r v e d b y t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d i n d i v i d u a l s o r g r o u p , v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n K a b a c a n t e n d t o b e u n s t a b l e a n d c a n n o t a n d d o n o t m a i n t a i n t h e m s e l v e s f o r o v e r a l o n g p e r i o d . T h e r e i s , h o w e v e r , a new t y p e o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t i s e m e r g i n g i n t h e c o m m u n i t y - a t y p e w h i c h I h a v e c a l l e d e c o n o m i c a s s o c i a t i o n s . T h i s t y p e o f a s s o c i a t i o n r e c r u i t o n v e r y d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s f r o m t h e f i r s t t w o t y p e s o f a s s o c i a t i o n s d e s c r i b e d e a r l i e r . E c o n o m i c a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e o r g a n i z e d t o r e s o l v e a new s e t o f p r o b l e m s t h a t h a v e e m e r g e d a n d a r e n o l o n g e r c a p a b l e o f s o l u t i o n w i t h i n t h e c o n f i n e s o f t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . I n t h i s s e n s e , e c o n o m i c a s s o c i a t i o n s c a n b e s e e n a s a d a p t i v e o r i n t e g r a t i v e m e c h a n i s m s . W i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a n i r r i g a t i o n s y s t e m , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e r e a r o s e a n a c c o m p a n y i n g s e t o f p r o b l e m s v / h i c h - 1 1 2 - were not present when the farmers were s o l e l y dependent on r a i n f o r water. (See Wickham, 1 9 7 2 . ) To meet these problems, the farmers banded t o g e t h e r and formed an i r r i g a t o r s a s s o c i a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the i n t r o d u c t i o n and consequent r i s e i n the use o f motorized t r i c y c l e s as a means o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c r e a t e d a new form of work, not present b e f o r e - t h a t of t r i c y c l e d r i v e r s and o p e r a t o r s . To meet the problems t h a t stem from t h i s new o c c u p a t i o n a l group, the Kabacan M o t o r i z e d T r i c y c l e D r i v e r s and Operators A s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d . These two examples show t h a t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s can be "one important source f o r d e a l i n g w i t h the problem o f new t e c h n o l o g i e s and new methods o f work." (Johnson 1971' 9) T h i s seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t as the f o r c e s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n - such as new t e c h n o l o g i e s and new forms o f work - co n t i n u e to a f f e c t Kabacan and d i s r u p t the t r a d i t i o n a l bases and p r i n c i p l e s o f i n t e g r a t i o n o r make them l e s s e f f e c t i v e , t h i s new type of a s s o c i a t i o n w i l l m u l t i p l y and i t s f u n c t i o n w i l l predominantly be i n t e g r a t i v e a BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, W. W. 1953 R u r a l S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n and the Family L i f e C y c l e . I t h a c a , New York. C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y A g r i c u l t u r a l Experiment S t a t i o n Memoir 31^• A r c e , W i l f r e d o 1961 The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f R i t u a l Kinsmen i n a Sm a l l Community. Unpublished M. A. T h e s i s , Ateneo de M a n i l a . Banton, M i c h a e l 1957 West A f r i c a n C i t y : A Study o f T r i b a l L i f e i n Freetown. London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Berreman, G e r a l d 1956 The P h i l i p p i n e s : A Survey of C u r r e n t S o c i a l , Economic and P o l i t i c a l C o n d i t i o n s . New York: Southeast A s i a Program, Department o f F a r E a s t e r n S t u d i e s , Data Paper Number 1 9 . B u l a t a o , Jaime 1964 H i y a . P h i l i p p i n e S t u d i e s , V o l . 1 2 , No. 3 : 424- 4 3 8 . Bureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s i 9 6 0 Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s I 9 6 0 : A g r i c u l t u r e . Volmme I , Report by P r o v i n c e : Cotabato. M a n i l a : Bureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s . i 9 6 0 Census o f the P h i l i p p i n e s i 9 6 0 : P o p u l a t i o n and Housing. Volume I , Report bjp P r o v i n c e : Cotabato. M a n i l a : Bureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s . 1962 S t a t i s t i c a l Handbook of the P h i l i p p i n e s . M a n i l a : Bureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s . 1970 1970 Census o f P o p u l a t i o n and Housing. Advance Report No. 2 2 , Cotabato. M a n i l a : Bureau o f the Census and S t a t i s t i c s . - 1 1 3 - -114- Concepcion, Mercedes 1966 The P o p u l a t i o n o f the P h i l i p p i n e s . F i r s t Conference on P o p u l a t i o n , 1965* Quezon C i t y t U n i v e r s i t y o f the P h i l i p p i n e s Press f o r the P o p u l a t i o n I n s t i t u t e . Donaghue, John, Robert B. Fox and W i l l i s S i b l e y 1956 The Land. Area Handbook on the P h i l i p p i n e s , V o l . I . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago f o r the Human R e l a t i o n s A rea F i l e s . Durkheim, E m i l e i 9 6 0 The D i v i s i o n o f Labor i n S o c i e t y . Glencoe, 1 1 1 . : Free P r e s s . ( R e p r i n t e d Paperback E d i t i o n T r a n s l a t e d by G. S. Simpson) Eggan, F r e d 1968 P h i l i p p i n e S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e . S i x P e r s p e c t i v e s on the P h i l i p p i n e s . G u t h r i e , George, ed. M a n i l a : Bookmark. F o s t e r , George M. 1953 What i s F o l k C u l t u r e ? American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 55» No. 2 , P a r t I : 1 5 9 - 1 7 3 . Fox, Robert 1956 The F i l i p i n o Concept o f S e l f - E s t e e m . Area Handbook on the P h i l i p p i n e s . Chicago: Human R e l a t i o n s A rea F i l e s , V o l . Is 4 3 0 - 4 3 6 . G u t h r i e , George I968 The P h i l i p p i n e Temperament. S i x P e r s p e c t i v e s on the P h i l i p p i n e s . G u t h r i e , George, ed. M a n i l a : Bookmark. G u t h r i e , George and F o r t u n a t a M„ Azores I968 P h i l i p p i n e I n t e r p e r s o n a l B e h a v i o r P a t t e r n s . 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(IPC Papers No. 2) T h i r d E d i t i o n , R e v i s e d and E n l a r g e d . Lynch, Frank and A l f o n s o de Guzman I I , eds. Quezon C i t y t Ateneo de M a n i l a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Jacobson, Helga E . n. d. T r a d i t i o n and Change i n Cebu C i t y . Mimeo. n. d. P a t t e r n s o f F r i e n d s h i p i n a P h i l i p p i n e P r o v i n c i a l C i t y . Mimeo. Johnson, Graham E. . 1970 N a t i v e s , Migrants and V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i n a C o l o n i a l Chinese S e t t i n g . Unpublished Ph. D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y . 1971 V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s and S o c i a l Change* Some T h e o r e t i c a l I s s u e s . Mimeo. Lewis, Henry 1971 I l o c a n o R i c e Farmers 1 A Comparative Study o f Two P h i l i p p i n e B a r r i o s . H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y o f Hawaii P r e s s . L i t t l e , Kenneth 1957 The Role o f V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s i n West A f r i c a n U r b a n i z a t i o n . American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 5 9 . No. 4 : 5 7 9 - 5 9 6 . 1965 West A f r i c a n U r b a n i z a t i o n : A Study of V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n i n S o c i a l Change. Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Loomis, C h a r l e s P. and A l l a n J . Beegle 1963 R u r a l S o c i o l o g y . Englewood C l i f f s , N. J . : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc. Lowie, Robert 1927 P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y . New York: B o n i and L i v e r i g h t . - 1 1 6 - Lowie» Robert 1930 The Crow I n d i a n s . New York: F a r r a r & Ronehart. 1948 S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . New York: R i n e h a r t & Co. Lundberg, George, C l a r e n c e Schrag and Otto L a r s e n 1954 S o c i o l o g y . New York: Harper. & B r o t h e r s . Lynch, Frank 1958 A P h i l i p p i n e V i l l a g e : Report from the F i e l d . A n thropology Tomorrow, V o l . 6 , No. 2 : 1 3 - 2 9 , 1959 S o c i a l C l a s s i n B i k o l Town. Unpublished Ph. D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago. 1962 C o n t i n u i t i e s i n P h i l i p p i n e S o c i a l C l a s s . H i s t o r i c a l B u l l e t i n , V o l . 6 , No. 1: 4 0 - 5 1 . 1964 S o c i a l Acceptance. Four Readings on P h i l i p p i n e V a l u e s . (IPC Papers No. 2) Lynch, Frank, comp. Quezon C i t y : Ateneo de M a n i l a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1970* S o c i a l Acceptance Reconsidered. Four Readings on P h i l i p p i n e V a l u e s . (IPC Papers No. 2 , T h i r d E d i t i o n , R evised and Enlarged) Frank Lynch and A l f o n s o de Guzman I I , eds. Quezon C i t y : Ateneo de M a n i l a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Malcolm, George A. 1951 F i r s t Malayan R e p u b l i c : The S t o r y o f the P h i l i p p i n e s . Boston: C h r i s t o p h e r P u b l i s h i n g Co. Mintz S. W. and E . R. Wolf 1950 An A n a l y s i s o f R i t u a l Co-Parenthood (Compadrazgo) Southwestern J o u r n a l o f Anthropology, V o l . 6 : 341 -368. Nash, Manning i960 K i n s h i p and V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n . Labor Commitment and S o c i a l Change i n D e v e l o p i n g Areas. Moore, W i l b e r t and A r n o l d Feldman, eds. New York: S o c i a l S c i e n c e Research C o u n c i l . N e l s on, Lowrey, C h a r l e s P. Ramsey and C o o l i e Verner 1962 Community S t r u c t u r e and Change. New York: M a c M i l l a n Company. Nelson, Raymond 1968 The P h i l i p p i n e s . New York: Walker & Co. - 1 1 7 - O l i v e r , Douglas L. 1955 A Solomon I s l a n d S o c i e t y . Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . P a s c a s i o , Emy I 9 6 7 The Language S i t u a t i o n i n the P h i l i p p i n e s from the S p a n i s h E r a to the P r e s e n t . 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