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Social change and high school opportunity in Guyana and Jamaica: 1957-1967 Bynoe, Jacob Galton 1972

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SOCIAL CHANGE AND HIGH SCHOOL OPPORTUNITY IN GUYANA AND JAMAICA: 1957 - 1967 by Jacob Galton Bynoe B.A. (External), University of London, 1957 Dip. Ed., University of the West Indies, 1959 M.A. (Ed.), University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n the Department of EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1972 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of j^dA.vc./f77Ty^'/yO. '^Sl^A^cLatZ^i^ The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date JO ft Hj^JL} / ? 7 V i i ABSTRACT The approach to nationhood and democratic government i n Guyana and Jamaica during the 1950's and 1960's was characterised by a determination to reduce i n e q u a l i t i e s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and services among various socio-economic groups. The thesis examines e f f o r t s made to lessen i n e q u a l i t i e s i n educational opportunity, and assesses the r e s u l t s achieved. S p e c i f i c a l l y i t enquires into the r e s u l t s of measures i n s t i t u t e d during 1957 to 1967 to reduce i n e q u a l i t i e s i n representation of d i f f e r e n t groups among high school free-place winners. The hypothesis examined i s that despite l e g i s l a t i v e and organisational changes, formerly deprived groups s t i l l remain at a considerable disadvantage i n t h e i r chances for high school s e l e c t i o n . For both countries, groups are c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of four separate d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : parental occupation, regional background, sex, and type of previous school attended. For Guyana ethnic background i s included because of peculiar ethno-h i s t o r i c a l problems i n that country. Analysis of Ministry of Education records of a l l free-place winners i n 1967 reveals that the po s i t i o n of i i i the t r a d i t i o n a l l y less p r i v i l e g e d r u r a l , and s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and u n s k i l l e d groups remained far below public expectations and o f f i c i a l claims. However, the disadvantages suffered i n Guyana by East Indians as a group were r a p i d l y and almost completely eliminated with increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of t h i s group i n the governmental machinery. The thesis also seeks to explore some of those s o c i a l and economic factors that seemed h i s t o r i c a l l y to have frustrated e f f o r t s for the general expansion and equalisation of high school opportunity i n the two t e r r i t o r -i e s . A study primarily of o f f i c i a l records, speeches, reports, and other documentary evidence suggests that not only the s c a r c i t y of economic resources but the system of rewards, the kinds of employment opportunities available, and commitment on the part of various sections of the community to t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t educational values were contributory f a c t o r s . Equalizing educational opportunity requires not merely increasing the quantity of school places available, but d i v e r s i f y i n g the school programme to r e l a t e to various c u r r i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s and occupational a s p i r a t i o n s . The success of such d i v e r s i f i e d programmes i s affected by the actual patterns of c u r r i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s and occupational i v a s p i rations. The success of such d i v e r s i f i e d programmes i s affected by the actual patterns of c u r r i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s and occupational aspirations of students, the investigation of which forms a subsidiary part of the t h e s i s . Implications of findings for the further expansion and equalisation of high school opportunity i n the two countries are discussed, and proposals for promoting these objectives outlined. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page L i s t of Tables v i i Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION - PURPOSE AND SCOPE 1 2 A NOTE ON EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY 9 3 SOME HISTORICAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES 26 4 INEQUALITIES IN EDUCATIONAL PROVISION IN THE POST-EMANCIPATION PERIOD - SOME CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS 37 5 SOME HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS Review of H i s t o r i c a l Origins 75 Some Developments i n Guyana from 1840 - 1957 82 Guyana after 1957 92 Jamaica - Government, P o l i t i c s , Economy and Society 110 6 THE EDUCATION SYSTEMS OF GUYANA AND JAMAICA IN THE LATE 1950*s Guyana's Educational System 130 Jamaica's Educational System 151 7 THE DISTRIBUTION OF HIGH SCHOOL OPPORTUNITY IN GUYANA: 1957 - 1967 161 8 HIGH SCHOOL OPPORTUNITY IN JAMAICA, 1957 -1967: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PRESSURES FOR EXPANSION 200 9 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND, OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS, AND CURRICULAR INTERESTS OF FOURTH-FORM STUDENTS IN GUYANA AND JAMAICA 245 Procedure of Enquiry 247 Analysis of Results 250 v v i Chapter Page 10 SUMMARY AND PROPOSALS FOR REFORM 276 A Closing Note on Problems of Educational Change i n Guyana 299 BIBLIOGRAPHY 309 APPENDICES (1) Map of Commonwealth Caribbean 317 (2) Map of Guyana 318 (3) Map of Jamaica 319 (4) Questionnaire Results - Summary of 2 Tables 320 (5) Copy of Questionnaire 331 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Ethnic breakdown of Guyana's population, 1967 26 2. Ethnic breakdown of Jamaica's population, 1967 30 3. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of selected domestic exports, 1957 - 1960 (Guyana) 94 4. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of selected factors i n Gross Domestic Product, 1957 - 1960 (Guyana) 95 5. Ethnic composition of pensionable C i v i l Servants i n 1940 and 1960 (Guyana) 102 6. R a c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i n 1960 (Guyana) 104 7. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of p r i n c i p a l sectors of domestic exports i n 1950, 1956 and 1960 (Jamaica) 116 8. Percentage contribution of various i n d u s t r i a l groups to the G.D.P. 1950, 1957 and 1960 (Jamaica) 117 9. Di r e c t i o n of foreign trade, 1950, 1957, 1960 and 1965 (Jamaica) 119 10. Composition of labour force by i n d u s t r i a l group i n 1960 (Jamaica) _ 121 11. Alloc a t i o n s among selected education sectors from public recurrent and development expendi-ture, 1957 (Guyana) 149 12. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners according to parental occupation, sex, and race (Guyana) 193 v i i v i i i Table Page 13. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners according to the type of previous school attended, r a c i a l group, and sex (Guyana) 196 14. Social differences i n size of entry and success i n the 1959 Common Entrance Examination (Jamaica) 203 15a. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by region, of 1967 free place winners (Jamaica) 228 15b. D i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners i n Jamaica by type and location of previous school attended 230 16. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners by occupational group and region (Jamaica) 234 17 . Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n oir occupational choices ( f i r s t job) by region - Guyana 252 18. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational choices (job expectations) by region - Guyana Boys 253 19. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational choices (ultimate preference) by region -Guyana Boys 2 54 20. Chi-square values of t e s t s of independence between regional background and occupational aspirations ( f i r s t - j o b choice, job expectation, and ultimate occupational preference) - Jamaica Boys 256 21. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n , by region, of students opting for at least one technical subject - Guyana Boys 259 22. Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n , by region, of students opting for at least one technical subject - Jamaica Boys 259 i x Table Page 23. Chi-square r e s u l t s of tests of independence between regional background and choice of farming - Guyana and Jamaica Boys 260 24. Chi-square r e s u l t s for t e s t s of independence between parental occupational background and students' occupational aspirations - Guyana Boys 261 25. Chi-square r e s u l t s for tests of independence between parental occupational background and students' occupational aspirations - Jamaica Boys 263 26. Chi-square r e s u l t s for tests of independence between regional background and occupational aspirations - Guyana G i r l s 264 27. Chi-square r e s u l t s for t e s t s of independence between regional background and occupational aspirations - Jamaica G i r l s 265 28.. Results of chi-square tests of independence between parental occupational background and occupational aspirations - Guyana and Jamaica G i r l s 267 29. Summary of r e s u l t s of hypotheses tested 268 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to thank the Chairman of h i s supervisory committee, Dr. J . Katz, and the other members, Drs. H. B. Hawthorn, R. J . Rowan, and L. C. Marsh for the i r guidance, patience, and encouragement, without which neither the e f f o r t to complete t h i s work nor the v i s i o n of an ultimate ending could have been sustained. Thanks are also due to o f f i c i a l s of the M i n i s t r i e s of Education i n Guyana and Jamaica who made available important records and documents, and to those headteachers, teachers, and pupils who i n severay ways participated i n the research. Special gratitude i s extended to the t y p i s t s , Miss J . Grant and Miss D. Dyer, who painstakingly saw the work through i t s various stages of production. x CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION - PURPOSE AND SCOPE The l a s t two decades are an important period i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development of the Commonwealth Caribbean. Within t h i s period four of the major t e r r i t o r -i e s , including Guyana and Jamaica, made a rapid t r a n s i t i o n through various forms of semi-colonial rule to f u l l p o l i t i c a l independence. But changes i n the p o l i t i c a l and governmental systems of these countries were not the c r u c i a l developments occurring between 1950 and 1970. What was equally important, and indeed much related, was the e f f o r t of the democratically elected leaders to respond to the r i s i n g clamour by the masses for improved material conditions of l i v i n g and for the reduction of s o c i a l i n -e q u a l i t i e s . The approach to nationhood i n Guyana and Jamaica from the e a r l y 1950*s coincided with an 'explosion of f a i t h ' i n education as a means of improving the national economy and the well-being of the i n d i v i d u a l . i n t h i s context i t was not surprising that i n the two countries under i n v e s t i -g a t i o n — a s i n most other developing as well as economically advanced s t a t e s — t h e pattern of d i s t r i b u t i o n and expansion 1 2 of educational opportunities became a major concern of the national government, p o l i t i c a l parties vying for power, uni v e r s i t y researchers, and the general p u b l i c . Indications are that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of educational services w i l l remain a matter of intense public i n t e r e s t for some time to come. In response to t h i s concern, however, two grave kinds of errors could be perpetrated. The f i r s t i s that vast sums of money and resources of human energy could be dissipated i n pursuit of an elusive and questionable i d e a l of equal opportunity; the second i s that s u p e r f i c i a l adjustments of a country's educational system, or dramatic instances of outstanding s o c i a l and educational achieve-ments by a few poor children, could r e s u l t i n a complacency and delusion that worthwhile e g a l i t a r i a n objectives are being s u b s t a n t i a l l y attained. The educational researcher can play a useful r o l e not only i n c l a r i f y i n g and examining premises, meanings and objectives embodied i n the i d e a l of equal opportunity but also i n finding out through empirical inves t i g a t i o n whether pa r t i c u l a r educational practices and innovations achieve t h e i r intended s o c i a l objectives. I t i s t h i s second r o l e that i s s p e c i f i c a l l y undertaken i n t h i s t h e s i s . A study i s made of changes designed to reduce inadequacies and 3 i n e q u a l i t i e s i n secondary school provision i n Guyana and Jamaica during the period 1957-1967, i n order to evaluate the success achieved and the d i f f i c u l t i e s that remain. Related studies on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school opportunity i n these two countries were c a r r i e d out by Manley (1963) i n Jamaica and Bacchus (1966) i n Guyana. Both researchers investigated the s o c i a l class background of students winning free places to Government-owned or Government-aided secondary schools on the basis of open secondary school entrance examinations. The findings i n both cases indicated that urban children and children whose parents were i n "white-collar" occupations had much better chances of selection than r u r a l children and children of s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and manual workers. Eyre (1966:94) also noted the advantages gained by urban children i n Jamaica, pointing out that children from the c a p i t a l c i t y Kingston and i t s environs won 56 percent of the 1964 free place awards to secondary schools although t h i s area contained approximately only 26 percent of the relevant age group i n the national population. These findings are consistent with the r e s u l t s of similar investigations i n other developing as well as more developed countries. P h i l i p Foster (1965:241-244) found 4 that i n Ghana i n 1961 there was a d e f i n i t e association between parental occupational c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and access to secondary school education. Children of professional, technical, administrative and c l e r i c a l workers enjoyed over f i v e times the chances of entering a secondary school as children of s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and u n s k i l l e d workers. Also, there was a " f a i r l y consistent pattern between secondary school access and urban o r i g i n . " Banks (1968:57) showed that i n those developed countries such as Germany and B r i t a i n where most primary school graduates enter high school, but where secondary education i s of d i f f e r e n t types, working-class children are less l i k e l y than middle-class children to enter the more academic types of secondary school, and even i f they do so they are le s s l i k e l y to complete the course. In the United States of America the comprehensive school i s the normal pattern of secondary school organisation, and most students enter the f i r s t form of high school; but i n the late 1950's the r e -tention rate of students i n t h i s country varied for d i f f e r -ent socio-economic groups. Prom a study of the r e s u l t s obtained i n a national sample survey of 35,000 twelfth grade students i n 1955, Ramsay (1967:71) estimated that children of non-manual workers comprised 43.2 percent of 5 the student population and only 32.6 percent of the relevant age cohort, while corresponding figures for children of manual and farm workers were 53.2 and 61.2 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y well established that high school opportunities vary for d i f f e r e n t regional and socio-economic groups i n many so c i e t i e s , developed and under-developed. The main purpose of t h i s study, then, i s not merely to examine whether t h i s phenomenon pre v a i l s i n Guyana and Jamaica, but to investigate the e f f e c t s of changes i n p o l i c i e s and practices d e l i b e r a t e l y i n s t i t u t e d to reduce i n e q u a l i t i e s acknowledged to e x i s t i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school free places. Such an investigation would be incomplete without some attempt to i d e n t i f y and discuss the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic factors, both contemporary and h i s t o r i c a l , that seemed to f a c i l i t a t e or hinder the attainment of the objective of equal opportunity during the period specified—Chapters 3 to 5 are devoted to t h i s task. Also i n order to assess whether changes i n the pattern of d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity represent a reduction of i n -e q u a l i t i e s or not, i t would be necessary to formulate and apply some c r i t e r i a of equal opportunity. Such c r i t e r i a are defined and examined i n Chapter 2. Data for the p a r t i c u l a r problem of the thesis i s presented and discussed i n 6 Chapters 7 and 8. I t i s now almost a truism that the provision of equal educational opportunity for students with d i f f e r e n t talents, backgrounds, and aspirations e n t a i l s , among other conditions, the organisation of varied school c u r r i c u l a . Two important factors that help to determine not only the effectiveness of d i v e r s i f i e d school opportunities, but the very decisions as to what c u r r i c u l a r opportunities are to be provided, are students' occupational aspirations and t h e i r attitudes to various school subjects. Chapter 9 reports the r e s u l t s of a survey on the occupational aspirations and the attitudes to s p e c i f i c technical subjects of a group of Jamaican and Guyanese high school students. F i n a l l y , the closing chapter of the thesis contains recom-mendations for the reform of the school systems i n the two countries i n order to provide for extended and more equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school opportunity. An explanation of the reason for selecting two countries for study i s appropriate at t h i s point. The thesis i s focussed primarily on Guyana, the writer's country of o r i g i n . Apart from the f a c t that the writer has acquired deep i n t e r e s t i n Jamaica from l i v i n g and working there for a number of years, t h i s country has been included i n the 7 investigation for three main reasons. F i r s t l y , i t was f e l t that conditions and events i n Guyana could be better under-stood by being considered against the background of another country such as Jamaica, with a p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l h i s t o r y similar enough to make cross-references meaningful. Secondly, important differences between the two countries, such as the difference i n the ethnic composi-t i o n of th e i r populations, provide a s i g n i f i c a n t contrast which could throw into r e l i e f some of the s o c i a l problems pr e v a i l i n g i n Guyana. Lastly, Jamaica introduced s p e c i f i c and unique l e g i s l a t i o n to l i m i t the attainment of high school free places by p a r t i c u l a r groups. I t would be int e r e s t i n g to see what difference t h i s innovation made for the reduction of educational i n e q u a l i t i e s i n that country. I t i s these considerations, rather than the desire to es t a b l i s h or refute general theories about change and educational opportunity on the basis of two case studies, that have motivated and guided t h i s comparative approach. The l a t t e r objective would have involved a r r i v -ing at conclusions beyond what was j u s t i f i e d by the a v a i l -able evidence. D i f f e r e n t facets of t h i s study required the application of d i f f e r e n t research techniques and 8 organisational procedures. There was heavy reliance on documentary material and interviews for the h i s t o r i c a l sections of the study, while two d i f f e r e n t survey proced-ures were required for the analyses of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of free place winners among various socio-economic groups and the occupational aspirations of high school students. To f a c i l i t a t e continuity of discussion, the method used i n each survey i s described i n Chapters 7 and 9 where the r e s u l t s of the survey are presented. CHAPTER 2  A NOTE ON EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY In educational discourse, statements about the d i s -t r i b u t i o n of school opportunity are not normally intended to be purely descriptive but always carry an e x p l i c i t or i m p l i c i t value judgement. One p r i n c i p a l ingredient of the c r i t e r i a of judgement i s the concept of equality, or more s p e c i f i c a l l y that of equal opportunity. A detailed examination of the idea of equal educational opportunity as well as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s i d e a l was attempted i n a previous study by the present writer (1964). The general conclusion reached was that equal educational opportunity i s a dynamic concept requiring continual r e -interp r e t a t i o n for d i f f e r e n t places, periods and circumst-ances, and that the concept needs to be analysed i n terms of i t s r e l a t i o n to other fundamental s o c i a l ideals such as s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l equality, j u s t i c e , brotherhood, human happiness and s e l f - a c t u a l i s a t i o n . A similar point of view was expressed by J u l i a Evetts i n her discussion of the recent h i s t o r y of the concept of equal educational opportun-i t y . Evetts concluded (1970:430): A l l we can say i s that i t /equal educational opportunity/ continues to be based on a moral premise of s o c i a l 9 10 j u s t i c e ; beyond t h i s i t i s a p r i n c i p l e ever-changing i n i t s implications and i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . In what follows, our intention w i l l be not to provide absolute d e f i n i t i o n s of the idea of equal opportunity i n education, but to propose three c r i t e r i a that seem to form relevant bases for an empirical investigation of i n e q u a l i t -ies i n educational opportunity i n contemporary Western s o c i e t i e s . The three dimensions, a l l i n t e r - r e l a t e d , i n t o which the problem of equal opportunity can be broken down are: the mathematical, the l o g i c a l , and, put quite vaguely for the moment, the socio-philosophical. The mathematical notion of use i n t h i s discussion of equality i s the idea of p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y . The achievement of equal educational opportunity depends p a r t l y on the proportionate representation of d i f f e r e n t groups i n the country's educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . 1 Evetts observed: I m p l i c i t i n the current i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of equal opportunity i s the p r i n c i p l e of equal or rather pro-portionately equal outputs, i n terms of the achieve-ments of groups, not i n d i v i d u a l s . The working classes have the same proportions of bright children as the professional class, but because of their large numbers, there are many more bright working class children i n absolute terms. The extent to which equal opportunity i s achieved i s the extent to which groups do achieve proportionately equal success r a t e s . (Ibid., 429) Applicable where demand for opportunity exceeds supply. 11 This int e r p r e t a t i o n of equality has, i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t -l y , formed the basis of a l l the studies of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity c i t e d i n the previous chapter, and w i l l indeed be central to our own investigation, though not ex-c l u s i v e l y so. I t w i l l be noted that Evetts i d e n t i f i e d one factor of s o c i a l grouping, namely, occupational c l a s s . Other factors of contemporary relevance are commonly sex, ethnic o r i g i n , r e l i g i o u s , geographic and parental education-a l background. The demand for equal opportunity i n terms of equal group representation i s i n many countries today gradually compelling a modification of t r a d i t i o n a l l y respectable s o c i a l p o l i c i e s . One such p o l i c y i s that of d i s t r i b u t i n g opportunity according to proven merit. Experiments i n u n i v e r s i t y selection i n the United States to allow for i n -creased opportunity for underprivileged groups often require a relaxation of t r a d i t i o n a l admission standards and proced-ures. I t w i l l be seen also that i n Jamaica, i n d i v i d u a l performances at a sel e c t i v e secondary school entrance examination are p a r t i a l l y ignored, where necessary, i n order to permit given percentages of s p e c i f i c groups of children to win school places. The relaxation of the p o l i c y of opportunity according 12 to proven merit i s due not merely to the i n s i s t e n t demand for equality but to two other factors at l e a s t . The f i r s t i s the recognition that 'merit' i s often a function of the very conditions of s o c i a l inequality that i t i s f e l t increased opportunity can eradicate. In more s p e c i f i c terms, "the close connection between measured a b i l i t y and s o c i a l background i s one of the major s o c i a l discoveries of the twentieth century" (Vaizey, 1967:166). To continue to d i s t r i b u t e educational opportunity then on the basis of demonstrated educational merit i s to perpetuate i n -equal i t y . But to apply the p r i n c i p l e of proportionate group representation makes sense only i f Evett's theory of proportionately equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of latent a b i l i t y among the various groups i s assumed, or i f some notion of an almost universal a b i l i t y for given l e v e l s of learning i s accepted. I t i s t h i s l a t t e r b e l i e f that constitutes the second factor contributing to the decline of achieved i n t e l l e c t u a l merit as an adequate basis of d i s t r i b u t i o n of educational opportunity. A look at three a b i l i t y models disgrammatically depicted by Boyer and Walsh (1968) w i l l help to elucidate t h i s theory of a common human po t e n t i a l : Models showing: a. r e l a t i o n s h i p between e s s e n t i a l a b i l i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d -uals ( v e r t i c a l lines) 13 b. r e l a t i o n s h i p between a b i l i t y and demands of s o c i a l l i v i n g (broken lines) H igh l y ' v/arj Labi e • Equ a l *P .1 .A. *P .1 .A. Model I Model II Va r i a Lbl< 5, b ut ec fun [ual c t i ona] Lly *P .1 .A. Model III P.I .A. - Potential Individual A b i l i t y (Broken l i n e s represent the demand of s o c i a l l i v i n g ) 14 In Model I, the pot e n t i a l a b i l i t i e s of individ u a l s vary, and not a l l indiv i d u a l s are capable of the basic kinds of learning necessary for e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l l i v i n g . In Model II potential i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t i e s are a l l equal (and adequate for es s e n t i a l learning tasks). Hardly anyone w i l l accept t h i s model. In Model III potential i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t i e s are unequal but are a l l adequate for es s e n t i a l learning tasks. This i s the model of human a b i l i t y to which Boyer and Walsh subscribe and which the proportional representation theory of equal opportunity can u s e f u l l y accommodate. Even i f one were to accept the proportional repre-sentation theory of equality i n order to come to terms with the conditions of s c a r c i t y i n society (which preclude the provision of adequate educational goods and services for a l l ) c e r t a i n problems s t i l l remain. Equal opportunity i s not automatically attained even by ensuring that a l l students secure places progressively i n various l e v e l s of educational i n s t i t u t i o n s , for the experiences gained i n these i n s t i t u -tions could y i e l d v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t benefits for d i f f e r e n t students. The mathematical c r i t e r i o n of propo r t i o n a l i t y must be supplemented by the q u a l i t a t i v e c r i t e r i o n of " f i t -ness" . Really, the notion of proportionateness could be retained but i n a d i f f e r e n t sense. In the s t r i c t l y mathe-matical sense the terms of equation are quantitative, and the formula to be applied i s : T o t a l Urban School-age Cohort T o t a l Urban School-population To t a l Rural School-age Cohort T o t a l Rural School-population In the new sense of proportionality the terms are l a r g e l y q u a l i t a t i v e — i . e . programs organised for various groups are designed to s u i t t h e i r special circumstances and to maximise th e i r achievements. This demand of 'fitn e s s ' and relevance of provision may well require the inversion of numerical p r o p o r t i o n s — that i s , more money may have to be spent on a c u l t u r a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y deprived c h i l d with a lower measured I n t e l l i -gence Quotient or educational attainment than on a budding young genius possessed of a l l the advantages of b i r t h , biology, and environment. The e s s e n t i a l point, however, i s that d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s may have to be treated d i f f e r e n t l y i f each i s to u t i l i s e h i s resources f u l l y . As Tawney (1961) observed, equality of provision i s to be achieved not by treating d i f f e r e n t needs i n the same way, but by devoting equal care to ensuring that they are met i n the d i f f e r e n t ways most appropriate to them. Halsey (1961:17) s i m i l a r l y explained: 16 . . . the influence of s o c i a l factors on measured i n t e l l i g e n c e and on educational attainment are such that the moral conclusion i s drawn that equality of opportunity must be redefined i n a strong sense to include also the opportunity to overcome such obstacles to the development of one's a b i l i t y . The argument could be advanced, however, that although equality of educational opportunity does not mean complete i d e n t i t y of provision or the opportunity to achieve i d e n t i -c a l educational goals, i t may be that a common minimum provision should be made to a l l on the basis of some funda-mental concept of common humanity and of fundamental s k i l l s , knowledge, and attitudes needed to cope with the problems of s o c i a l l i v i n g . And beyond t h i s minimum attainment equality of opportunity further requires that each i n d i v i d u a l be afforded the chance of maximising h i s capacity for s e l f -improvement and for making the greatest possible contribu-t i o n s to the common good. The foregoing i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the idea of equal opportunity c l e a r l y leaves many questions unanswered. What, for example i s the 'common good'? What constitutes material and s p i r i t u a l improvement? We s h a l l return to these problems i n a while, but must deal next with the second measure of equality, the l o g i c a l c r i t e r i a . The l o g i c a l aspect of equality has been very e f f e c t i v e l y expressed i n Tussman and ten Broek's notions of relevant 17 and forbidden c l a s s i f i c a t i o n outlined i n a penetrating discussion of "The Equal Protection of the Law" (1949). Rejecting the necessity for, or even the d e s i r a b i l i t y of, i d e n t i t y of treatment the authors argue the importance of the p r i n c i p l e of selection and discrimination between groups or i n d i v i d u a l s "on relevant grounds." The problem of equality reduces to that of f a i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of groups or i n d i v i d u a l s to be allowed to excluded from a given p r i v i l e g e or to suffer a given penalty. And "the measure of the reasonableness of a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s the degree of i t s success i n treating s i m i l a r l y those s i m i l a r l y situated" (p.344). A relevant c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a t i s f i e s t h i s p r i n c i p l e , a forbidden c l a s s i f i c a t i o n v i o l a t e s i t . Applying t h i s theory we could assert that i n the best s p i r i t of modern democracy exclusion from educational benefits on the ground of race or sex w i l l be forbidden, for sex and race w i l l as a general rule be considered i r r e l e v a n t to the problem of determining how educational opportunities are to be divided. I t must be noted, however, that the reasonable-ness or unreasonableness of a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n w i l l depend on the objectives pursued and might be seen d i f f e r e n t l y i n d i f f e r e n t circumstances and by d i f f e r e n t parties involved. In the h i s t o r i c a l process c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that were once 18 forbidden can la t e r become relevant, and vice-versa. In Jamaica and Guyana, indeed i n the educational h i s t o r y of most countries, the wealthy and the poor or the members of various r e l i g i o u s denominations were not considered to be s i m i l a r l y situated with respect to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of secondary education services. Religious and socio-economic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were held to be educationally relevant. In theory such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of persons who are e n t i t l e d to secondary education opportunity have been formally rejected as forbidden and replaced by some such classes as 'the i n t e l l e c t u a l l y meritorious' and the ' i n t e l l e c t u a l l y u n f i t ' . Further, as indicated e a r l i e r , even t h i s l a t t e r c l a s s i f i -cation i s increasingly being challenged and condemned as a means of perpetuating i n e q u a l i t i e s . Whatever the sub-stance of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , however, the idea p r e v a i l s of treating similar people s i m i l a r l y , or of not excluding some groups from the enjoyment of benefits enjoyed by other groups i n similar s i t u a t i o n without good and relevant grounds being produced. C r i t e r i a of relevance and s i m i l a r -i t y i n s i t u a t i o n have continually to be reappraised, but t h i s l o g i c a l aspect of equality cannot be ignored. The t h i r d measure of equal opportunity, referred to as the socio-philosophical c r i t e r i a , i s the most elusive to 19 define. One could probably best regard t h i s t h i r d measure as the t e l e o l o g i c a l dimension of equality, for the c r u c i a l question that remains after the mathematical and l o g i c a l issues i n selection are resolved i s , equal opportunity for what, or to what end? In fact t h i s might even be the basic question, the answer to which determines how matters of the l o g i c and mathematics of selection are to be s e t t l e d . I t i s t h i s aspect of equality that engages the deepest atten-t i o n of philosophers, who i n t h e i r analysis of the concept in e v i t a b l y struggle to get beyond (or away from) s t r i c t l y l o g i c a l problems, problems of l e g a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , of economic e f f i c i e n c y , and of numerical r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Plamenatz (1956:105) for instance declares that the supreme object of s o c i a l p o l i c y i s equality of opportunity which "connotes a society i n which each man i s free and able to seek the good l i f e as he sees i t . . ." Again, "our equality i s rooted i n freedom, and i s not to be under-stood apart from i t . I t i s not equality of status, but equality of opportunity, and the opportunity i s to 'be o n e s e l f , to l i v e as one pleases" ( i b i d . , 94) . There are obvious d i f f i c u l t i e s i n Plamenatz's statement, not the least of which i s the problem that Tawney perhaps had i n mind when he wrote: What i s freedom for the pike i s death for the minnows. In some ways Plamenatz may be considered to have met t h i s d i f f i c u l t y by h i s demand for the equality  of freedom and h i s insistence that equal opportunity e n t a i l s not only equal opportunity of freedom but also equal opportunity of service. For Dorothy Lee (1956) equality must derive from some notion of i n f i n i t e i n d i v i d u a l human worth or human dign i t y ; i f not, by being based on comparisons by measure-ment or on a u t i l i t a r i a n calculus can run counter to the drmocratic i d e a l of freedom. Recurrent themes i n the discussion of the ultimate ends to which the provision of equal opportunity must be directed and the attainment of which determines the f a i r -ness of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity, are the notions of freedom, i n d i v i d u a l dignity, s o c i a l service and s e l f -r e a l i s a t i o n . P r a c t i c a l r u l e s for the assessment of the fu l f i l m e n t of these ends are not so easy to come by as i n the case of the l o g i c a l and mathematical objectives describ-ed. The reason for the d i f f i c u l t y i n formulating such rules i s that analysis of the philosophical (or t e l e o l o g i c a l ) dimension of equal educational opportunity involves a con-sideration not merely of the nature and purpose of education, but of such metaphysical issues as the nature of man and of society, and the purpose of human existence. The inference to be drawn from a l l t h i s i s that the c r i t e r i a of equal opportunity cannot be wholly reduced to l o g i c a l and quant-i t a t i v e terms. Perhaps the ultimate appeal must be to some presumed capacity i n man for s p i r i t u a l insight into the conditions necessary for i n d i v i d u a l human fulfi l m e n t , and a capacity for detecting when such conditions are s a t i s f i e d , or are v i o l a t e d . F i n a l l y , the problem of the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the general i d e a l of equality must receive some attention i n order to make t h i s analysis of equal educational opportunity complete. Put i n a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t way the problem i s , on what grounds can the concern for equality be j u s t i f i e d ? I f the i d e a l of equality could be shown to be indefensible, then e f f o r t s to equalise educational chances, and research i n t o educational inequality, are pointless or s o c i a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t ; for our contention i s that equal educational opportunity i s desirable c h i e f l y as a means of achieving wider s o c i a l e quality. The attempts made i n n a t u r a l i s t i c and pragmatic philosophies to j u s t i f y the i d e a l of equality are either f u t i l e or inadequate. The n a t u r a l i s t i c argument asserts that men are equal as men and should therefore be given 22 equal treatment. There are two kinds of c r i t i c i s m against t h i s p o s i t i o n . F i r s t l y , the proposition, ' A l l men are equal', i f intended as a f a c t u a l l y descriptive statement i s either t r i v i a l l y true or s i g n i f i c a n t l y unprovable. The proposition i s true i f what i s intended i s the t r i v i a l and t a u t o l o g i c a l statement that a l l men are equal by vi r t u e of belonging to the same class of l i v i n g things. In terms of any attribute of i n d i v i d u a l members of the class, fundamental differences can be found. Secondly, even given that i n some serious sense men are i n fact equal, the pr e s c r i p t i v e r u l e , "Men should be treated as equals", i s either redundant or l o g i -c a l l y contingent. Redundant, because i f men are equal that i s a l l that i s required; i n other words the desired p o s i t i o n obtains. L o g i c a l l y contingent, because there i s no demonstrably necessary connection between the fact of the equality of men and a pr e s c r i p t i o n for equal treatment; IS_ does not l o g i c a l l y imply OUGHT. The pragmatic p o s i t i o n i s that equality i s an i n s t r u -mental i d e a l for which men have constantly fought because i t s f u l f i l m e n t has led to s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development— the i d e a l i s j u s t i f i a b l e on the ground that i t i s instrumental for achieving desired s o c i a l objectives. This statement i s inadequate because i t r a i s e s more questions than i t answers, 23 questions concerning the nature of 'social and p o l i t i c a l development' and of 'desired s o c i a l objectives'. There can be no incontrovertible and conclusive argu-ment for the i d e a l of equality on mere r a t i o n a l and empirical grounds. Reason and reference to man's h i s t o r i c a l experience i n the struggle for equality need to be supple-mented by such eloquent and s t i r r i n g emotional appeals as comes from Maritain (1941:17-18), quoted at length i n order to convey the f u l l impact of Maritain's message: The equality i n nature among men consists of t h e i r concrete communion i n the mystery of the human species; i t does not l i e i n an idea, i t i s hidden i n the heart of the i n d i v i d u a l and of the concrete, i n the roots of the substance of each man. I t i s the natural love of the human being for h i s own kind which reveals and makes r e a l the unity of species among men. As long as love does not c a l l i t forth, that unity slumbers i n a metaphysical r e t r e a t where we can perceive i t only as an abstraction. In the common experience of misery, i n the common sorrow of great catastrophes, i n humiliation and d i s t r e s s , under the blows of the executioner or the bombs of t o t a l war, i n concentration camps, i n the bowels of starving people i n great c i t i e s , i n any common necessity, the doors of solitude open and man recognises man. Man also recognises man when the sweetness of a great joy or of a great love for an instant clears h i s eyes. Whenever he does a service to h i s fellowmen or i s helped by them, whenever he shares the same elementary actions and the same elementary emotions, whenever he t r u l y con-siders h i s neighbour, the simplest action discovers for him, both i n others and i n himself, the common resources and the common goodness—primitive, rudimentary, wounded, unconscious and repressed—of human nature. At once the realness of equality and community i n nature i s 24 revealed to him as a very precious thing, an unknown marvel, a fundamental basis of existence, more important than a l l the differences and i n e q u a l i t i e s superimposed upon i t . When he w i l l have returned to h i s routine pleasures, he w i l l have forgotten t h i s discovery. Rational and empirical modes of argument are necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t for j u s t i f y i n g any fundamental human i d e a l . Commitment to an i d e a l i s secured p a r t l y by emotional persuasion, p a r t l y by what one may c a l l an " i d e a l i s t i c leap", that i s , the acceptance of an ide a l through f a i t h or e x i s t -e n t i a l choice when l o g i c a l and empircistic arguments are seen to be reasonable but inconclusive. To sum up, the argument of t h i s chapter has been that c r i t e r i a for evaluating the extent to which equal opportunity i s attained must incorporate a mathematical notion of proportionality, including the q u a l i t a t i v e idea of f i t n e s s , the l o g i c a l concept of relevant c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , and the philosophical dimension of socio-personal f u l f i l m e n t . While the quantitative aspect and to some extent the q u a l i -t a t i v e and l o g i c a l c r i t e r i a form the p r i n c i p a l bases of our investigation, the importance i s recognised of e s t a b l i s h -ing an ultimate purpose against which the effectiveness of available educational opportunities, or the fairness of d i s t r i b u t i o n of such opportunities, can be evaluated. I t i s further claimed that n a t u r a l i s t i c and pragmatic arguments for equality are inadequate, and that the i d e a l of equality i s j u s t i f i a b l e not merely on r a t i o n a l and empirical grounds but on the basis of emotional appeal, f a i t h , and e x i s t e n t i a l choice. CHAPTER 3 SOME HISTORICAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES GUYANA (formerly B r i t i s h Guyana) l i e s i n the northeast region of the South American continent, flanked by Surinam on the east, Venezuela on the west, B r a z i l on the south, and the A t l a n t i c ocean on the north. Currently engaged i n t e r r i t o r i a l disputes with Venezuela and Surinam i t has an area of 83,000 square miles and a population which was e s t i -mated at over 720,089 i n December 1968 (Guyana Handbook 1971:61). The ethnic composition of the population i n December 1967, the l a s t year for which detailed estimated figures are available, was as follows: Table I - Ethnic breakdown of Guyana's population, 1967 Ethnic Group Number Percent East Indians Africans Mixed 352,000 212,300 84,500 50.8 30.6 12 .2 Amerindians 32,180 4.6 Portuguese Chinese Other Europeans 6, 200 4,400 1,200 0.9 0.7 0.2 Tota l 692,780 100.0 26 27 Most of the inhabitants reside along a narrow coastal b e l t c o nstituting about four percent of the t o t a l area of the country. The hinterland i s peopled c h i e f l y by the native Amerindians, who proved less vulnerable to elimination than the autochthonous Indians of the B r i t i s h West Indian i s l a n d s . E a r l y expeditions by Dutch, French and English explorers were prompted by the lure of a myth about a c i t y of gold, E l Dorado, and by the desire to counteract Spanish influence i n the Americas and the West Indies. Settled by the Dutch shortly before the end of the 16th century Guyana experienced v i c i s s i t u d i n o u s i n t e r n a t i o n a l fortunes, changing captors several times u n t i l i t was o f f i c i a l l y and f i n a l l y ceded to the B r i t i s h i n 1814. Raymond Smith (1962:19) points out, however, that the colony had come under the i n -fluence of B r i t i s h privateers more than t h i r t y years e a r l i e r . The deterioration of economic conditions i n the West Indies and the a t t r a c t i o n of f e r t i l e unexplored regions i n Guyana contributed to a steady i n f l u x of immigrants from the West Indian islands, p a r t i c u l a r l y from Barbados and Trinidad. After emancipation labour was imported from these two islands and from Jamaica. Between 1835 and 1841 over 10,800 immigrants came from the West Indies (Dwarka 28 Nath, 1950:179). Immigration from t h i s source v i r t u a l l y ceased between 1846 and 1863, but by 1928 amounted to a t o t a l of 42,562 (Raymond Smith, 1962:19). There were also about 31,628 Portuguese immigrants from Madeira, the Azores and Cape Verde between 1838 and 1882; but by far the largest group of immigrants were East Indians—between 1838 and 1917 nearly 239,000 East Indian indentured labourers were imported from India. In recent times the integrative forces i n t h i s society have been severely disrupted by p o l i t i c a l r i v a l r y between the major ethnic groups, the Blacks and the East Indians. The Caribbean islan d of JAMAICA was discovered i n 1494 by Christopher Columbus. Columbus's exploration was sponsored by the Spanish Government eager to improve i t s foreign trade and expand i t s int e r n a t i o n a l influence. The native population of Jamaica consisted of Arawaks and Caribs. The former t r i b e , usually described by h i s t o r i a n s as peace-f u l and f r i e n d l y , was quickly eliminated; the warlike Caribs r e s i s t e d the invaders for a while u n t i l they too were eventually overrun by superior weaponry. The beginning of foreign rule i n Jamaica, as i n Guyana, was characterised by conditions of expl o i t a t i o n , the country being used s o l e l y as a means of procuring the greatest wealth i n the cheapest way for the Imperial power. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, too, who were the f i r s t European s e t t l e r s i n the i s l a n d . These comprised criminal elements from the invading country; the unemployed, soldi e r s , p r i e s t s , and a few Spanish gentlemen and merchants seeking the status and wealth that eluded them i n th e i r homeland. Spanish influence and i n t e r e s t s i n the West Indies widened s t e a d i l y u n t i l checked by the r i v a l powers of France, Holland and England. Jamaica was captured by the English i n 1655 and successfully defended against repeated attacks. Important demographic movements and other develop-ments begun during the Spanish reign continued. Local c l i m a t i c and other conditions proved h o s t i l e to the Spanish and English landlords, who returned home leaving t h e i r sugar estates to be run by second rate agents. The few native Indians who survived the foreign invasion could not adapt to new conditions of work and l i v i n g imposed by t h e i r masters, and those who were not k i l l e d for sport died from other causes. The r e s u l t was an acute demand for labour which was met by a burgeoning Af r i c a n slave trade i n the West Indies . Jamaica became a centre for t h i s trade and by 1807 when slave t r a f f i c k i n g became i l l e g a l over a m i l l i o n slaves were transported to the 30 i s l a n d . Of these, 20,000 were shipped to other Caribbean islands and the remainder provided the much needed manpower for Jamaica's sugar estates. Health standards must have been low and disease rampant among the slave population, for by 1835 only about 312,000 remained (Gordon, 1963:26), a loss of over 480,000 i n 28 years'. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate the size of the white population for t h i s period. I t seems, though, that the whites were outnumbered at l e a s t ten to one by the mulattos who were themselves a very small minority compared with the black masses. The Jamaican population i n 1965 was estimated at 1,808,700 (Jamaica Department of S t a t i s t i c s , 1968). The 1960 Census shows the ethnic composition as follows: Table 2 - Ethnic breakdown of Jamaica's population, 1967 Ethnic Group Number Percent A f r i c a n 1,236,706 76.8 Afro-European 235,494 14.6 East Indian 27,912 1.7 Afro-East Indian 26,354 1.6 European 12,428 0.8 Chinese 10.267 0.7 Afro-Chinese 9,672 0.6 Table 2 (Continued) 31 Ethnic Group Number Percent Syrian 1, 354 0.1 Other 49,627 3.1 Tot a l 1,609,814 100.0 Some Aspects of Ea r l y S o c i a l Structure Before emancipation there were three main d i s t i n g u i s h -able groupings i n Caribbean slave s o c i e t i e s : In Jamaica and Guyana the white English s e t t l e r s , d i s t i n -guished by th e i r colour, wealth, and c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s , constituted a r u l i n g upper c l a s s . The middle class consisted of the coloured population, descendants of white planters and negro women, whose freedom was bought by t h e i r fathers. Some owned land, some were semi-skilled or white-collar workers, and some were small merchants. A few of t h i s middle class coloured group also bought and sold or h i r e d slaves. I t i s doubtful whether there was much integration between the coloured group and the white population, for u n t i l 1830 there were discriminatory laws forbidding the ( i ) the whites; ( i i ) the free coloureds and free blacks; ( i i i ) the black slaves. 32 free blacks and coloureds from sending th e i r children to schools attended by the whites (Augier et a l , 1960:160-161). At the lowest rung of the s o c i a l ladder were the slaves. This structure remained e s s e n t i a l l y unaltered after emancipation. While agreeing with t h i s basic c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme M. G. Smith (1965:Chapter V) gives a f u l l e r account of the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within each s o c i a l stratum. Thus he observes that among the upper class whites there were the " p r i n c i p a l whites" with the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : a. generally estate owners; b. controlled p o l i t i c a l and economic l i f e of the colony; c. white fa m i l i e s ; d. children educated i n England. The "secondary whites" were la r g e l y merchants and traders or high l e v e l employees, and generally were not wealthy enough to have the i r children educated i n England. Of the middle class free coloureds M. G. Smith writes (ibid:98): Acculturation by adaptation of white behaviour and i n s t i t u t i o n s was a prominent aspect of . . . pre-occupation with improvement of status for coloured males, and contributed to the great emphasis they l a i d on th e i r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n as a group from black people, whether slave or f r e e . 33 Smith also notes that shortly before emancipation d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was greatest within the lowest c l a s s : "Of a l l sections of c o l o n i a l society at t h i s period, the slaves probably showed the highest degree of i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " (ibid:101). Some of the groups comprising the various ranks are described as: domestic slaves, estate craftsmen, s k i l l e d and semi-skilled f i e l d negroes, jobbing gang slaves, town negroes. Raymond Smith (1956:28) mentions too that there was d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the l o c a l born (Creole) slave and the recently imported negro These patterns of s o c i a l structure had important consequences for the l a t e r development of education i n the colonies. Early attempts to i n s t i t u t e a system of popular education r e a l l y aimed at perpetuating the d i v i s i o n s i n society. The schooling provided for the masses was l a r g e l y intended to keep them s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r e x i s t i n g s o c i a l r o l e and s o c i a l status. Education for the upper classes was intended to reinforce B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l values. For the A similar s t r a t i f i c a t i o n among indentured Indians i n F i j i i s described by Adrian C. Mayer (1963). One i s reminded as well of Viktor Frankl's account (1959) of the emergence of ranking systems among victims i n concentration camps of H i t l e r ' s Germany. 34 coloured middle class, patterns of the dominant B r i t i s h culture served as r i g i d models to be imitated and acquired, since status varied with the degree of learning and display of these models. The kind of education offered to the whites was therefore much sought after by the coloured middle c l a s s . Some exception to t h i s general practice of c u l t u r a l adoption must be made with regard to the early attitude to education of the East Indian population i n Guyana. I t i s generally held that the East Indians did not eagerly seek to adopt the B r i t i s h culture but preserved much of t h e i r own customs. Certain conditions, too, favoured the preser-vation of Indian c u l t u r e . Estate owners assisted East Indian workers with resources for the building of mosques and temples. Moreover, the Indians were clustered i n spe c i a l areas, sometimes on land which they received i n l i e u of return passages to India. The c u l t u r a l tenacity of the Indian population and thei r resistance to the dominant culture were not without some temporary disadvantages. Suspicious of missionary attempts to destroy their culture by p r o s e l y t i s i n g them the Indians were much slower than the blacks to recognise the s o c i a l and economic importance of education and to u t i l i s e 35 available educational f a c i l i t i e s . I t must not be over-looked, however, that a large percentage of the black popu-l a t i o n were concentrated i n urban areas, which usually were the f i r s t to benefit from any educational provision. Dwarka Nath (ibid:207) notes for instance that i n 1891 East Indians made up 79 percent of the population on the sugar estates, 23 percent i n the v i l l a g e s , and 3 percent i n the c i t i e s of Georgetown and New Amsterdam, and t h e i r environs. This b r i e f description of the h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n of the two s o c i e t i e s provides a background against which the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and educational developments to be described i n subsequent chapters must be seen. Both Guyana and Jamaica were c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s whose resources were exploited by imperial powers with the assistance of imported slave and indentured labour. The two s o c i e t i e s were similar i n economic as well as s o c i a l structure, except for some important differences i n the ethnic composition of t h e i r population occasioned by a massive i n f l u x of East Indians i n Guyana during the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century. Modest missionary a c t i v i t y i n the f i e l d of education begun before emancipation assumed more ambitious proportions 36 after the Emancipation Act was passed. Motives for the new thrust i n educational provision during the immediate post-emancipation period and the consequences for the d i s t r i b u -t i o n of opportunity w i l l be p r i n c i p a l concerns i n the following chapter. CHAPTER 4 INEQUALITIES IN EDUCATIONAL PROVISION IN THE POST-EMANCIPATION PERIOD - SOME CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS Equality of educational opportunity was not a major concern of the c o l o n i a l administrations i n Guyana and Jamaica i n the post-emancipation period, any more than i t was a guiding p r i n c i p l e for educational p o l i c y i n B r i t a i n . The objectives of ea r l y c o l o n i a l education were often e x p l i c i t l y stated i n Imperial Government commission reports; sometimes they were subtly implied. Besides examining what these objectives were, we s h a l l consider what conditions of inequality could be in f e r r e d from references made i n the reports to exis t i n g educational provision, what were some public reactions to these conditions, and what were some factors promoting and l i m i t i n g the extension of edu-cat i o n a l opportunity to wider sections of the community. The year of emancipation, 1834, represents an import-ant water-shed i n the development of education i n the •^These reports constitute the p r i n c i p a l records of early West Indian education e f f o r t and commentary. Extracts of a l l the reports c i t e d are presented i n S h i r l e y Gordon's "A Century of West Indian Education" 1963, and "Reports and  Repercussions on West Indian Education", 1968. 37 38 B r i t i s h Caribbean. As Gordon observes (1963), u n t i l Emancipation Day i n 1834 there was no question of an education system, for the vast majority of residents were slaves who were c e r t a i n l y not encouraged to secure education. In fact missionaries were e x p l i c i t l y forbidden by the white planters to teach the slaves to read and write, and there are reports of a few p r i e s t s being persecuted for disregard-ing t h i s i n j u n c t i o n . After emancipation, however, there was growing tolerance and some measure of support for the education of the labouring class, as well as i n t e r e s t i n a widespread organised school system, stimulated by the Imperial Government's provision of the Negro Education Grant. I t i s argued here that t h i s i n t e r e s t i n the expansion of education provision i n the post-emancipation era should be attributed at least i n part to motives other than the securing of s o c i a l j u s t i c e for the c o l o n i a l population through the agency of formal schooling. Two suggested motives are: a. the desire to c h r i s t i a n i s e the native population, and, b. the anxiety to reduce the imagined threat to l i f e , property, and the s t a b i l i t y of plantation society, presented by a large mass of newly freed unschooled people. 39 These two reasons are not unrelated. A document of 1834 e n t i t l e d , "Heads of a Plan for Promoting the Education of Youth i n the B r i t i s h West Indies," stipulated that the Negro Education Grant was to be used "for the purpose of promoting C h r i s t i a n education i n those B r i t i s h colonies i n which slavery has hitherto existed . . ." In the appro-p r i a t i o n of the funds the Minister of the Crown was to be guided by "the p r i n c i p l e that i n s t r u c t i o n i n the doctrines and precepts of C h r i s t i a n i t y must form the basis and must be made the inseparable attendant of any such system of education" (Gordon, 1963:20). Again the Reverend John S t e r l i n g i n h i s report to the B r i t i s h Government i n 1835 on the need for education i n the colonies writes: The peace and prosperity of the Empire at large may be not remotely influenced by t h e i r moral condition . . . For although the negroes are now under a system of limited control, which secures to a c e r t a i n extent t h e i r orderly and industrious conduct, i n the short space of f i v e years . . . t h e i r performance of the functions of a labouring class i n a c i v i l i s e d community w i l l depend e n t i r e l y on the power over t h e i r minds of the same prudential and moral,motives which govern more or less the mass of people here, i f they are not so disposed as to f u l f i l these functions, property w i l l perish i n the colonies for lack of compulsion; the whites w i l l no longer reside there; and the liberated negroes themselves w i l l probably cease to be progressive. (Ibid:20-21) There i s a suggestion i n t h i s and other extracts of an i n t e r e s t i n the improvement of the circumstances of the 40 i n d i v i d u a l ex-slave, and of the twentieth century b e l i e f i n education as a means of national economic productivity, but one wonders whether the s t a b i l i t y and economic prosper-i t y of the Empire were not the dominant and d i r e c t concerns. One f i n a l i l l u s t r a t i o n of the thinking that inspired the provision of the Negro Education Grant w i l l s u f f i c e . The B r i t i s h Prime Minister E a r l Grey i n h i s l e t t e r to the Treasury (21 July, 1835) supported the view of the Secretary of State that the grant should be made to the r e l i g i o u s bodies working i n the Caribbean "because of the i r past success i n d i f f u s i n g education among the negroes and having regard to . . . the 'religious and moral' character of the education to be provided" (Ibid:22). I t would be reasonable to assume that the i n s t i t u t i o n of slavery l e f t i n i t s wake conditions of inequality i n educational opportunity which could not be removed overnight. No elaborate references are therefore needed to i l l u s t r a t e the point that some groups were affected by discriminatory regulations and practices, or deprived altogether of the chance for l i f e improvement through education. As noted i n the previous chapter, plantation society i n the l a s t days of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d slavery i n Guyana and Jamaica could be broken down i n the following groups: 41 a. a r u l i n g upper class of white English s e t t l e r s with exclusive c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s ; b. a subordinate class of free blacks and of coloured inhabitants, descendants of white planters and negro women, whose freedom was bought by t h e i r fathers—some of these were semi-skilled or white c o l l a r workers, some owned land, and some were small merchants; and c. the slaves. I t was also stated that u n t i l 1830 there were discriminatory laws forbidding the free blacks and coloureds to send t h e i r children to schools attended by whites. After emancipation, as w i l l be shown i n Chapters 7 and 8, socio-economic circum-stances and the prejudices of i n d i v i d u a l school masters, rather than overt l e g i s l a t i o n , were some of the factors that li m i t e d the attendance by the poorer classes at certain educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . After i t was accepted i n p r i n c i p l e that the newly freed slaves should be given some kind of education, the resources and e f f o r t s expended i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n were i n -adequate to cope with the r e a l i t i e s of the s i t u a t i o n . Shortly after emancipation figures supplied by the r e l i g i o u s bodies engaged i n educational work i n the West Indies 42 indicated that there were about 54,000 children receiving some kind of teaching. This estimate i s generally regarded by h i s t o r i a n s to be much i n f l a t e d . Even allowing i t as a f a i r approximation, however, one must i n f e r that popular education was far from r e a l i s e d i n the early post-emancipa-t i o n period, since the population between the ages of 3 and 12 was estimated at around 112,000. I t must be further noted that there were no references to the indigenous population i n Guyana i n the various Commission reports on education during the nineteenth century. Those Amerindians who survived the European invasion of B r i t i s h Guiana by f l e e i n g into remote hinterland areas remained for many decades completely outside the pale of plantation society and i t s c u l t u r e . I t could be reasonably assumed that the school was one of the important instruments of d i f f u s i o n of the dominant culture, that an ex-slave i n i t i a t e d into t h i s culture was at an advantage over one who was not, i n terms of s o c i a l acceptance by the dominant group, and that such acceptance led to the enjoyment of s o c i a l and economic benefits. One could therefore conclude that the f a i l u r e to provide school opportunity for every group i n the society helped to perpetuate the unjust s o c i a l and economic d i v i s i o n s that prevailed before emancipation. 43 Factors R e s t r i c t i n g Educational Expansion So far we have outlined b r i e f l y some motives for the earl y attempts at developing a system of mass education i n the West Indies and have argued that educational opportunity was not u n i v e r s a l l y a v a i l a b l e . We now go on to discuss some factors l i m i t i n g the expansion of educational services and consequently creating or perpetuating conditions of ine q u a l i t y . These factors are: a. the absence of a national system of education; b. ' the geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population; c. lingering resistance of the white planters to the education of the negro, including t h e i r unwilling-ness to provide funds; d. the increasing demands of other s o c i a l services; e. economic reverses; f . public i n e r t i a and lack of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the administrative process; g. educational and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l problems. a. The absence of a national system of education: We have seen that e a r l y education was organised and administ-e r e d mainly by r e l i g i o u s bodies and that i t was to these bodies the Imperial Government entrusted i t s grant for education. Both Latrobe i n h i s Report on Jamaica (1838), 44 and S t e r l i n g (1835) commented on the tendency for d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s denominations to concentrate t h e i r e f f o r t s on the same populated areas, each tryi n g to win i t s own converts. The r e s u l t was a duplication of services i n areas f a i r l y well provided for and a neglect of sparsely populated or remote regions. Following the S t e r l i n g Report the i n i t i a l wrangle among the churches seemed to be resolved, at least i n p r i n c i p l e or temporarily, by a mutual agreement to respect t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t s . S t e r l i n g also recommended that no funds should be made available for new church schools i n areas which were adequately provided. b. The geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population; In Jamaica many of the emancipated slaves r e j o i c i n g i n th e i r new freedom sought to secure i t by taking to remote, mountainous, forested parts of the country. The r e s u l t was the dispersion of a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the population over wide, inaccessible areas, a condition that imposes great r e s t r i c t i o n s on the provision of s o c i a l services. (In Guyana, however, many of the freed slaves pooled t h e i r money and bought large areas of land which they organised into v i l l a g e s and administered themselves (R. Smith, 1962). This circumstance should have f a c i l i t a t e d educational 45 organisation and development i n some d i s t r i c t s . ) Showing concern l e s t large sections of the population should remain deprived, the Imperial Government from time to time urged the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s to provide educational services i n those areas neglected by the church, to pass compulsory education laws, and to supplement the finances of education from c o l o n i a l taxation (Gordon, 1968). But the lack of commitment and resources rendered such pleadings i n e f f e c t u a l . c. Lingering resistance of the white planters: Latrobe noted i n h i s Report on Jamaica, 1837: " I t cannot be said that there i s not a numerous class yet ex i s t i n g i n the is l a n d whose opinions are s t i l l tinctured with the prejudices of the old time . . ." Part of the reason for lack of f i n a n c i a l support from the l o c a l administration for negro education, Latrobe thought, was the b e l i e f that the kind of i n s t r u c t i o n offered ' f a i l e d to embrace lessons of labour or industry'. I t i s l i k e l y that the planters thought that a l i t e r -ate population might develop an aversion to estate work thus creating a labour shortage. As late as 1894 an inspector of schools noted i n h i s report that there were some who were not i n sympathy with the movement for compulsory 46 education, "who think i t i s a mistake to teach children to read and write, and one of them went so far as to t e l l my Educational D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r from h i s seat on the Bench that he was 'spoiling a good shovelman'" ( i b i d , 1963:121). I t i s worth noting too that i n 1832 a serious large scale uprising took place i n Jamaica, led by an i n t e l l i g e n t slave who was a prominent adherent of the Baptist church. The committee of the House of Assembly appointed to inquire into the cause of the r e v o l t deemed that main contributory factors were: a. the interference of the Imperial Government with the colony's l e g i s l a t u r e i n regard to the passing of laws for the government of the slaves, and b. 'wicked reports of the Anti-Slavery Society' c i r c u l a t e d by the aid of the press, and mischievous practices and teaching of the r e l i g i o u s sects (Burns, 1954:621-622). I t i s not d i f f i c u l t to understand then why the l o c a l l e g i s -lature was reluctant to finance an education plan which was proposed by the Imperial Government and was to be administer-ed and executed by the r e l i g i o u s sects. Also, i t does not seem that at t h i s early period the average English landlord i n the West Indies had any ideas for the modernisation of 47 sugar production or saw any l i n k between increased product-i v i t y and formal schooling. In B r i t i s h Guiana, however, Latrobe observed that there was a much more favourable attitude towards popular education, and that the l e g i s l a t u r e r e a d i l y voted funds and took other instant measures for developing a school system. One wonders though whether t h i s support did not i n part ar i s e from a greater fe e l i n g of security, since i n B r i t i s h Guiana the proportion of the ex-slave to the t o t a l population was, i n comparison with Jamaica for example, r e l a t i v e l y small. And there would have been le s s anxiety over the possible resultant shortage of labour, for there was a steady i n f l u x of immigrants from other West Indian t e r r i t o r i e s to swell the labour force. B r i t i s h Guiana too, unlike Jamaica, was well on the way towards implementing an intensive p o l i c y of importation of indentured labour from India and other overseas t e r r i t o r i e s . (It i s estimated that during 1841-1847 about 50,000 persons were brought i n from India, A f r i c a and the West Indies at a cost of about 360,655 pounds (Parry and Sherlock, 1963:202). d. Increasing demand of other s o c i a l services, and e. Economic reverses: With slavery o f f i c i a l l y out-lawed, attitudes towards the health and general welfare of 48 the working class gradually became more humanitarian. Public funds were beginning to spread quite t h i n l y over a wide f i e l d of s o c i a l services, e.g. health, sanitation and trans-portation. Besides, the 1840's were lean years for the B r i t i s h economy and aus t e r i t y at home affected spending abroad. West Indian sugar l o s t i t s p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment on the world market, producing serious consequences on the c o l o n i a l economies. In addition to these d i f f i c u l t i e s there was a series of epidemics i n the 1850's i n most of the West Indian t e r r i t o r i e s , and a severe drought i n Jamaica rendered t h i s country's economic s i t u a t i o n p a r t i c u l a r l y acute. Besides, under the system of early c o l o n i a l economic organisation and administration—notably the pattern of absentee owner-ship of property and control of p r o d u c t i o n — p r o f i t s which could be ploughed back into the c o l o n i a l business enterprise to rescue i t from adversities and secure i t s expansion were remitted to B r i t a i n instead. Under these circumstances education financing and consequently the extension of edu-cational opportunity were sure to be affected. f . Public i n e r t i a : We learn from the various reports that even such opportunities as were provided were not f u l l y u t i l i s e d . Gordon suggested that the f a i l u r e of sections of 49 the working class to support t h e i r children's education must be explained p a r t l y by the fact that they could see no point i n schooling, the nature of the courses offered being i r r e l e v a n t to t h e i r needs and conditions. In seeking to account for h i s t o r i c phenomena one needs to guard against the danger of mistakenly applying notions acquired from contemporary experience, or of making too f a c i l e a use of theories about human behaviour to derive an account of how humans behaved at a given time and place. However, by taking into account the t o t a l set of circum-stances—as far as these can be ascertained—surrounding the phenomena rather than r e l y i n g on a single factor, we may be able to minimise error, claiming of course no more than some degree of p r o b a b i l i t y for the v a l i d i t y of our conclu-sions. With these considerations i n mind we would wish to supplement Gordon's explanation by drawing attention to some other features of the s i t u a t i o n that may be considered relevant. F i r s t , though, l e t us examine some of the evidence on which Gordon probably based her judgement. The B r i t i s h missionaries and teachers engaged i n educational work i n the West Indies adopted educational practices and material with which they were familiar i n England. Keenan (1869) 50 reported, "The books which I found i n use were c h i e f l y the publications of the I r i s h National Board . . . notwith-standing their excellence and reputation, I should desire to see them superseded by a set of books whose lessons would be racy of the colony." The content of education from the kindergarten to the univ e r s i t y l e v e l remained, well into the present decade, dominated by the requirements of overseas examination. A high school graduate could recount episodes about English kings and conquests and know l i t t l e , i f anything, about the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development of h i s own country. The primary school c h i l d could r e c i t e long poems about snow and d a f f o d i l s experienced only through the printed page. I t i s u n l i k e l y that such educational transplant could have withstood r e j e c t i o n by vast sections of the early ex-slave population. So Gordon's hypothesis does indeed seem reasonable. Yet, given a more suitable system of schooling, a neglect to u t i l i s e the opportunities provided would s t i l l have been possible. We must seek, then, some further element to strengthen Gordon's theory. We know that the newly freed slaves rejo i c e d i n t h e i r freedom and that the immediate response of some was to run o f f i n remote h i l l s or r i v e r a i n areas. I t i s not 51 u n l i k e l y that even those who remained near the plantations would harbour mistrust for programs i n i t i a t e d , planned, organised and executed by their former masters with very l i t t l e i n i t i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n on t h e i r own part, however p r a c t i c a l l y useful these programs appeared to be. There was, for that matter, very l i t t l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the masses i n the general administration of c o l o n i a l a f f a i r s . In Guyana for example there were 561 q u a l i f i e d voters i n 1847 out of a t o t a l population of about 130,000. And much la t e r i n Jamaica, 1864, of a population of about 450,000 the number of registered voters was 1,903. I t was p a r t l y the desire to encourage greater concern and p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the part of parents that prompted l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s to impose a small fee on parents for t h e i r children's primary school education—a measure, i n c i d e n t a l l y , that missed the point e n t i r e l y and that was quickly abandoned after f a i l i n g to achieve the desired e f f e c t . Further, i t requires much patience, d i s c i p l i n e , and long term planning and foresight for a parent to send a c h i l d to school punctually and r e g u l a r l y for a number of years i n order to achieve some distant reward. The immediate benefits of an extra pair of hands on the farm might have blocked a l l thinking about the possible returns that could 52 accrue from releasing a pot e n t i a l worker for an extended period of schooling. (It i s doubtful, as we suggested e a r l i e r , whether the planters themselves established t h i s connection between schooling and productivity.) I t requires also strong motivation to keep a c h i l d wanting to go to school. Such patience, d i s c i p l i n e , and motivation might have been d i f f i c u l t to acquire by a people enjoying freedom for the f i r s t time. g. Educational problems; Educational techniques and knowledge of organising useful learning experiences for a large number of c u l t u r a l l y deprived children were not developed enough to cope s i g n i f i c a n t l y with the demands of a suddenly expanded system of popular education. Rote-learning, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the penny pamphlet days i n early i n d u s t r i a l B r i t a i n , was prevalent and frequently c r i t i c i s e d i n education reports. Once a large mass of children were lured into the schoolhouses the c h i e f l y untrained and poorly educated teaching s t a f f might have had l i t t l e experience i n keeping them a l l interested, amused, and p r o f i t a b l y occupied; for t h i s reason, gaining a school place, then, would not necessarily have meant b e n e f i t t i n g from school. The seriousness of the language problem too must not be overlooked. During the days of slavery landlords developed 53 a strategy of l i m i t i n g communication between slaves by putting to work together members of d i f f e r e n t t r i b e s who spoke d i f f e r e n t languages. The Africans gradually l o s t t h e i r languages and much of t h e i r native culture generally. There was l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y then of using a common language in the early stages of i n s t r u c t i o n . Consequently, those ex-slaves who got much opportunity to hear English spoken from day to day or generally to experience aspects of B r i t i s h culture on which i n s t r u c t i o n was based, were at a d i s t i n c t advantage, educationally, over those who worked i n remote f i e l d s . In countries such as B r i t i s h Guiana and Trinidad where the ethnic composition of the labour force was more varied t h i s c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c problem was accentuated. A Commission on Education i n B r i t i s h Guiana wrote i n 1851, "Serious d i f f i c u l t i e s present themselves. F i r s t may be men-tioned the v a r i e t y of races composing the population, and the d i v e r s i t y among them of language and creed . . . " (Gordon, 1963:50). This Commission, i n c i d e n t a l l y , considered that the d i v e r s i t y of creed presented the greatest obstacle to education. Our discussion so far as been concerned mainly with 54 educational opportunity at the primary l e v e l at which the f i r s t wide-scale organised e f f o r t s were d i r e c t e d . We s h a l l now take a b r i e f look at opportunities provided at the secondary l e v e l using the same categories of analysis, v i z . , conditions of inequality, emphasis placed on the i d e a l of equality, and conditions l i m i t i n g the spread and just d i s -t r i b u t i o n of educational services. Of great significance for the course of educational development i n the West Indies i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century was the cessation of the Imperial Government's grant i n 1845. Experiencing grave economic d i f f i c u l t i e s and i n d u s t r i a l upheaval at home the B r i t i s h Government terminated i t s financing of primary education i n the colonies. The burden of providing education then f e l l h eavily on the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s and the r e l i g i o u s bodies. This s h i f t of f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y led to more frequent and vigorous educational debates and c r i t i c i s m of the school system. The c r i t i c s now were not only o f f i c i a l -l y appointed commissions, but members of the teaching body, the press, and the p u b l i c . The main themes raised were the i r r e l e v a n t and dysfunctional q u a l i t y of the school curriculum, the r i s i n g cost of education, and the i n e q u a l i t i e s i n the 55 d i s t r i b u t i o n of secondary education among various socio-economic and ethnic groups. Before presenting some d e t a i l s of the issues debated, l e t us f i r s t comment on the or i g i n s and early purpose of secondary education. Few expatriate B r i t i s h businessmen, landowners, and c i v i l servants sought permanent residence i n the colonies. Instead, generous leave and passage r i g h t s were i n i t i a t e d to enable overseas employees to return home p e r i o d i c a l l y . ^ In many other ways the expatriate sought to r e t a i n h i s cu l t u r e . The wealthier classes sent t h e i r children to school i n England while those who could not afford to do so organised or supported private secondary schools to provide the kind of education that might be obtained i n the mother country. The free coloured middle class strove to imitate models of the dominant culture as f a i t h f u l l y as they could, with the expectation that their successful imitation of these models might improve th e i r s o c i a l status. For some time they could not l e g a l l y send their children to schools attended by the whites, so they This practice persisted long after circumstances ceased to j u s t i f y i t . As late as i n the 1950's the native Guyanese senior c i v i l servant enjoyed six months' leave with f u l l pay every three years to holiday i n B r i t a i n , with f u l l return passages for himself and h i s family. 56 organised similar private i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n many cases with the help of charitable endowments or through the i n i t i a t i v e of the missionaries, who sought to c u l t i v a t e a l o c a l l a i t y . ("What we want", counsels Stephen Sutton, a Methodist missionary writing to the Methodist Missionary Society i n 1879, " i s a f a i r l y educated middle class from which we s h a l l get our own chief and most e f f i c i e n t supply of leaders and l o c a l preachers and stewards thoroughly to do our work and man our s o c i e t i e s . . ." (ibid:248) .) As i n B r i t a i n , therefore (and i n fact i n a l l the B r i t i s h , Asian and A f r i c a n colonies), the school systems i n Guyana and Jamaica comprised two l a r g e l y i s o l a t e d sectors: primary schools for the masses, and secondary grammar schools with primary and even kindergarten sections for the 3 p r i v i l e g e d . In the colonies the purposes of the two types of i n s t i t u t i o n s were as varied as t h e i r structure. The J 0 f the 19th century B r i t i s h s i t u a t i o n David Glass, (1961:394) writes: " . . . educational developments r e f l e c t -ed two d i s t i n c t sets of considerations, one r e l a t i n g to the mass of the population and the other to the middle classes . . ." The e x p l i c i t purposes of elementary education were to 'gentle the masses', to ensure d i s c i p l i n e and obtain respect for private property and the s o c i a l order, and to provide that kind of i n s t r u c t i o n which was indispensable i n an i n d u s t r i a l and commercial nation; secondary education existed for the middle class who could afford i t , and pro-vided an avenue for entrance to the u n i v e r s i t i e s . 57 secondary school was intended mainly to i n i t i a t e children into the B r i t i s h culture and to c u l t i v a t e a leadership e l i t e . The purposes of the primary school have already been detailed; chief among these seems to have been the creation of a peaceful labour force. This two-fold organisation of the school system had, as we s h a l l see l a t e r , serious consequences on the subsequent development of popular education and on the f a i r d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school opportunity. Having depicted t h i s background of development of the secondary school system i n the West Indies l e t us now see how the system operated during i t s expansion i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century—mainly how i t selected i t s pupils, what c r i t i c i s m s were l e v e l l e d at i t c h i e f l y with respect to the concern shown for the i d e a l of equality, and what public attitudes tended to r e s t r i c t i t s expansion. F i r s t l y , the schools were established as grammar schools to off e r i n s t r u c t i o n i n the c l a s s i c s ; the curriculum was predominantly determined by u n i v e r s i t y entrance require-ments, and examinations. Consequently, as Hammond .(1946) observed, the education of the great majority of pupils who would not be going to a u n i v e r s i t y was 'tied to the chariot' 58 of the small number who would. This was one way i n which secondary education provision f a i l e d to of f e r equal oppor-tunity for i n d i v i d u a l advancement even for those who were lucky to obtain the very limited school places. As the secondary school system grew attempts were made to d i v e r s i f y the curriculum to include, for example, a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l subjects, but p a r t l y through lack of public support and i n some cases through vigorous opposition these e f f o r t s were on the whole abortive. This phenomenon w i l l receive more extensive treatment when we come to discuss the si t u a t i o n i n 1957-1967. I t has already been explained that the primary school provided opportunity for the black masses, while the secondary school catered mainly for the white and coloured population. Administrators, however, seemed to be fond of boasting that the system allowed the poorest c h i l d to get r i g h t through from the elementary school to a uni v e r s i t y i n B r i t a i n at public expense i f he showed a b i l i t y . Yet as late as 1946 Hammond remarked that although the system of scholarships from elementary schools to secondary schools provided an educational ladder and had enabled some children of poor parents to r i s e considerably i n the s o c i a l and economic scale, i t had not integrated the elementary and 59 secondary systems into a single whole (ibid:442). This was a natural r e s u l t of the e l i t e s t pattern of secondary education (which only the p r i v i l e g e d could afford) and the i n e f f i c i e n c y of the elementary system. Note that i n B r i t i s h Guiana S i r Charles Major (1925) reported: "The number of Government Primary Scholarships appears to be s u f f i c i e n t to meet present requirements. Five are provided for Demerara, four for Berbice, and three for Essequibo—twelve i n a l l . " No further comment i s needed except that only six primary school students q u a l i f i e d for these scholarships'. Apart from race and socio-economic class, sex and cu l t u r o - r e l i g i o u s factors served as bases for d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the process of secondary school s e l e c t i o n . (Discussion of the sex factor w i l l be incorporated i n the section to follow that deals with c r i t i c i s m s of the school system.) We comment now on how a ch i l d ' s c u l t u r a l background tended t o a f f e c t h i s chances for high school selection There i s evidence that i n the various colonies, including Jamaica, there was some reluctance to admit i l -l egitimate children into the secondary school. In Barbados (1873) a p r i n c i p a l — a reverend g e n t l e m e n — j u s t i f i e d to an Education Committee the exclusion of two i l l e g i t i m a t e boys from h i s school on the grounds that: 60 whatever a man's present r e s p e c t a b i l i t y may be, I cannot think that he has any claim to honorary a s s i s t -ance from the Legislature i n the education of a c h i l d whom he has p u b l i c l y disowned by withholding from i t h i s name i n a Parish Register, and allowing i t s Mother whether or not since married to him, to bear alone the shame of i t s parentage . . . And moreover, unless a l i n e be drawn between legitimacy and i l l e g i t i m a c y i n the admission of Candidates for the Exhibitions, permit me to ask the Committee . . . at what point i n the s o c i a l scale they would f i x the lower l i m i t of the respectable middle class for whose benefit the E x h i b i -tions were designed. (Gordon, 1963:250) In Trinidad, Queen's Collegiate School, a government financed i n s t i t u t i o n , did not accept i l l e g i t i m a t e children, while i n Jamaica i n 1877, a school committee readmitted two i l l e g i t i m a t e brothers expelled by the p r i n c i p a l because their mother gave b i r t h to a t h i r d i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d . The committee found i t necessary to declare that " i n future the circumstance of a c h i l d being of parents l i v i n g together, but not married, s h a l l not, of i t s e l f , be considered a bar to admission." (Ibid:251). Several c r i t i c i s m s were l e v e l l e d against the secondary school system. These c r i t i c i s m s included: i . too much money spent on too few children; i i . the masses unequally represented; i i i . g i r l s not properly provided f o r ; i v . Indians neglected, and v. curriculum unsuitable and system i n e f f i c i e n t . 61 i . Too much for too few; The l a s t two decades of the nineteenth century were periods of severe economic depression throughout the colonies and d r a s t i c e f f o r t s were made to tighten the national purse s t r i n g s . Ill-conceived economies were effected i n the Education Budget g e n e r a l l y — i n B r i t i s h Guiana the teachers' college was closed and the number of primary school teachers reduced (Cameron, 1968); i n many of the colonies teachers' s a l a r i e s were reduced and i n some cases a few schools were closed. There were i n addition frequent complaints that too much money was spent on too few secondary school p u p i l s . The generous scholar-ship awarded annually to one secondary school graduate i n Guyana (and i n Jamaica) to pursue studies at a B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t y came under severe attacks. In Barbados the Governor i n h i s opening speech to the Legislature (February 2, 1891) expressed concern that about one-third of the education budget provided for the ' i n t e l -l e c t u a l wants' of 500 or 600 students who attended the higher grade schools, while the remaining two-thirds were spent on over 23,000 of the 'children of the people*. The Assembly defended t h i s system by claiming that i t was possible for children to pass from the elementary to the highest grade schools at the expense of the Colony. 62 In Guyana a Daily Chronicle a r t i c l e (August 1, 1889) stated that from a f i n a n c i a l point of view every item i n the expenditure of Queen's College was extravagant, teachers' s a l a r i e s were too high, and the Guiana scholarship worth two hundred pounds a year and granted to one candidate should be stopped. Besides, the college had not given r e s u l t s to warrant a continuance of the heavy outlay by the Government. In Jamaica a Committee on Retrenchment (1898) recommended that secondary schools grants should be gradually reduced each year and the schools organised on a self-supporting b a s i s . The Committee declared: "As regards the Jamaica and other Scholarships we do not consider that they i n any way benefit the general body of taxpayers, and we do not think they can afford t h i s expenditure." I t must be noted that i n a l l the t e r r i t o r i e s these c r i t i c i s m s d i d not come from members of the House of Assembly who voted the funds and whose children stood to benefit most from secondary provision. We s h a l l see that i n 1957-1967 the l e g i s l a t i v e body, now elected under adult suffrage, was to lead the f i g h t for the democratisation of the entire school system. i i . The masses unequally represented: On the whole the cost of secondary education was too great for the poor 63 classes to afford even i f they were eager to a v a i l them-selves of i t and had the prerequisite educational a t t a i n -ments. In some cases headteachers who were a l i v e to the problem started secondary l e v e l classes i n t h e i r primary schools (Cameron, 1968) and enterprising i n d i v i d u a l s opened private i n s t i t u t i o n s of varying quality, where the fees were much cheaper than i n the established schools. In B r i t i s h Guiana an Education Commission (1875) recommended ten exhibitions i n open competition to Queen's College but t h i s p o l i c y was rejected by the L e g i s l a t u r e . And i n 1886 the P r i n c i p a l , d i s s a t i s f i e d with the reluctance to i n t r o -duce these exhibitions, granted three at h i s personal expense. In Trinidad Keenan observed: The f i r s t thing l i k e l y to s t r i k e a person who has con-sidered these reports from the headmasters of the two secondary schools i s the strangeness of the fact that whilst the white population which i s only between 5,000 and 6,000 furnishes 142 pupils to the c o l l e g i a t e establishments, the coloured population, which, exclusive of the coolies, numbers from 60,000 to 70,000 furnishes only 37 p u p i l s . (Gordon, 1963:242). The P r i n c i p a l of one of the colleges also noted i n 1889, What i s done . . . for secondary education i n t h i s colony amounts to t h i s , that i n i t s chief town only professional men, Government o f f i c e r s , ministers of r e l i g i o n and business men are able to get for their sons a f a i r l y good Grammar School education at a comparat-i v e l y cheap r a t e . (Ibid: 244) 64 In Barbados, one contributor to the l o c a l newspaper, the A g r i c u l t u r a l Reporter, protested that the sons of the wealthy won the exhibitions and further that the exhibitions were accepted. "We are somewhat surprised", t h i s contributor stated, "to f i n d gentlemen of such c a l i b r e lending them-selves to the perpetration of such jobbery." (March 28, 1873) Not a l l public opinion, however, was directed against the system. In the same issue c i t e d we f i n d one writer defending the ex i s t i n g s i t u a t i o n : The Board i s bound to protect the schools against the admission of such boys as exhibitioners as would be obnoxious to the sons of gentlemen who attend the school as paying pupils; otherwise the committee w i l l wreck the vessels which the State has entrusted them to steer. E a r l i e r i n the same colony ( i n 1852) i t seems as though there was some plan to e s t a b l i s h separate schools for the coloured population, but a prominent Bishop rejected the p o l i c y s t a t i n g : The p r i n c i p l e of providing a separate education for the free coloured population of the West Indies, we consider here a very objectionable one, as teaching to perpetrate the antipathy of race, which i t i s a primary object with us to eradicate . . . I t would be, as i t appears to me, a retrograde movement to e s t a b l i s h exclusive schools for either white or coloured. (Gordon, 1963:230) i i i . G i r l s not properly provided f o r : The r e l i g i o u s denominations seemed not to favour having adolescent g i r l s 65 attend the same school as boys or taught by male teachers. Thus secondary g i r l s ' and boys' schools developed separately, and i n the e a r l y stages the education of g i r l s received less attention. But with the growing demand for educational expansion at the primary l e v e l the inadequate supply of female teachers became noticeable. Keenan i n h i s Trinidad report expressed the view that the unequal representation of g i r l s was due to the shortage of school mistresses and lack of suitable programmes of i n s t r u c t i o n . A Methodist Missionary i n Jamaica wrote to h i s Society (1877) : We have a l a r g e l y increasing middle class, black and coloured population, and for g i r l s of t h i s class e s p e c i a l l y , we have no suitable schools i n the country. The consequence i s that a vast number of g i r l s , who might, at t h e i r parents' expense, have a suitable education to f i t them for the p o s i t i o n of wives of educated Native Teachers, and to become teachers them-selves, are obliged to be content with the elementary education which, as l i t t l e children, they obtain i n the Day Schools . . . (Ibid:248) i v . Indians neglected: The East Indian population i n B r i t i s h Guiana showed l i t t l e i n t e r e s t during the e a r l y stages i n primary education organised by the r e l i g i o u s bodies. Later they seemed to oppose sending t h e i r children to schools taught by the negroes. I t i s worth mentioning too that the Indians were concentrated not i n the urban areas but around the sugar estates, and, unlike the negroes, 66 never l o s t t h e i r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y as a group but took positi v e steps to r e t a i n t h e i r customs, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r r e l i g i o u s practices and b e l i e f s . Small wonder therefore that they were apathetic, and even opposed, towards a system of education established primarily for the purpose of C h r i s t i a n i s i n g the masses and sought instead to organise t h e i r own schools, ill-equipped though these were i n most cases. However as i t became apparent that c e r t a i n s o c i a l benefits attended i n i t i a t i o n into the C h r i s t i a n culture, they learned to e f f e c t the compromise of accepting schooling and even much of the r e l i g i o u s trappings while e s s e n t i a l l y s t i c k i n g to th e i r own r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . (Even today i t i s quite common to find East Indians o f f i c i a l l y j o i n i n g C h r i s t i a n churches while observing t h e i r own r e l i g i o u s customs. In many cases, too, middle class Indians go through two forms of marriage ceremony—in Hindu or Muslim r i t e s and the r i t e s of the Ch r i s t i a n denomination to which they belong.) From time to time various Inspectors i n t h e i r reports spoke of the indifference of the Indians to education and of the need to bring them within the public education system. And i n Trinidad Keenan urged "the propriety of 67 extending to the Coolies", as Indian labourers were ca l l e d , "an opportunity of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the advantages of the public system of education." The expressed motive for Keenan's concern for Indian education was not a passion to equalise opportunity, but a desire to inculcate "a respect for truth and other virtues which are at present wanting i n the Coolie character." One wonders whether such ethnocentricity as displayed by Keenan did not serve to delay rather than promote r e a l educational advancement of a l l sections of the labouring c l a s s . v. Curriculum unsuitable; C r i t i c i s m of the content, method, purpose and success of i n s t r u c t i o n i n formal educational i n s t i t u t i o n s has been a common phenomenon at a l l times i n a l l the West Indian t e r r i t o r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y with these i n s t i t u t i o n s becoming public concerns. What i s even more s t r i k i n g i s the fact that nearly everywhere and through d i f f e r e n t periods the jargon employed has been funda-mentally the same; curriculum unsuited to l o c a l needs; learning verbal and bookish; not enough attention paid to p r a c t i c a l (or technical) and science subjects; a g r i c u l t u r a l subjects neglected i n a predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l community; not enough d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n to s a t i s f y d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s and c a p a b i l i t i e s . 68 There were of course a few who defended c l a s s i c a l learning, e s p e c i a l l y the study of Greek and Lat i n , as the supreme and proper objective of the secondary school, but these were a small, though vocal, minority. And as indicated e a r l i e r others viewed with suspicion attempts to introduce a g r i c u l t u r a l subjects i n t o the curriculum. B a s i c a l l y , for reasons that w i l l be explored l a t e r i n t h i s study, the c l a s s i c a l , l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n , surviving both verbal attacks and f i t s of innovative endeavour, persisted i n the secondary schools well into the present century. We now comment b r i e f l y on how the spread of secondary school opportunity was r e s t r i c t e d by attitudes not i m p l i c i t -l y suggested i n the preceding analysis or c l e a r l y stated i n the early section dealing with the expansion of the primary system. Then to complete t h i s picture of the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f educational services i n the nineteenth century we must also examine some special conditions that f a c i l i t a t e d the growth of these services. Among the attitudes a f f e c t i n g the speed and d i r e c t i o n of educational growth, of p a r t i c u l a r importance were the doubts entertained by some about the negro's i n t e l l e c t u a l capacity, and the c u r i o s i t y of others over h i s poten t i a l for academic learning of the t r a d i t i o n a l v a r i e t y . On the one 69 hand those who were curious or convinced about the negro's a b i l i t y sought to demonstrate that the black c h i l d could match white i n t e l l e c t u a l achievement, by putting him through the same kind of academic programmes as obtained i n B r i t i s h schools. On the other hand, the b e l i e f i n black i n f e r i o r i t y led to the p o s i t i o n that secondary school opportunity should be r e s t r i c t e d to the exceptional minority. In both cases the r e s u l t was the f a i l u r e to formulate v a l i d purposes and clear p o l i c i e s for secondary education, to devise suitable c u r r i c u l a to meet the demands of c i t i z e n s h i p , and to cater for the i n d i v i d u a l needs of a l l but a s o c i a l and economic e l i t e . In Jamaica (1882) a school board governor wrote of a black student, "He i s a black lad but has an i n t e l l e c t and smartness which show that the A f r i c a n with advantages and application may be quite equal to h i s Caucasian Brother . . ." In Barbados the Mitchenson Report, 1875, recommended the opening of avenues to professional positions through higher education for bright primary school pupils; but the report also stated: There w i l l probably be but very few i n each generation who are worth t h i s exceptional treatment, and even of those some w i l l turn out f a i l u r e s after promise. I t i s , however, an experiment worth tryi n g , and the e x i s t -ence of even one such exh i b i t i o n per annum from primary 70 to f i r s t grade schools, w i l l have a wholesomely stimulating e f f e c t on primary education generally. (Gordon, 1963:247) A contributor to the Barbados A g r i c u l t u r a l Reporter, September 1891, vigorously atte s t i n g the value of Greek, notes ". . . i t i s from the point of view of i t s peculiar value to the few out of every hundred boys at school who are capable of receiving i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t i v a t i o n , that i t i s of advantage to the West Indian communities." Three years l a t e r , though, we f i n d i n the Barbados Times a comment about "the fond delusion of inequality of i n t e l l e c t -ual capacity of the masses with the classes having been blown to the winds." I t should be observed also that many blacks themselves entertained doubt about t h e i r capacity for the mental tasks which they perceived secondary and higher education to involve. Those who successfully crashed through the c u l t u r a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l barrier were considered phenomenal and i n many cases regarded as heroes i n th e i r v i l l a g e of o r i g i n . (Some successful black scholars also tended to nurture these attitudes i n themselves and others.) The present writer r e c a l l s h i s own school days when determined hard-working school boys were warned by t h e i r parents to take care l e s t they 'go mad' by 'bursting t h e i r brains' with 71 'the white man's books'. Certain superstitious remedies, negative and posi t i v e , mostly i n the form of foods to be taken or avoided, were recommended as means of sharpening the brain and o f f - s e t t i n g i t s inherent d i s a b i l i t i e s . Factors f a c i l i t a t i n g growth Many powerful forces served p a r t i a l l y to counteract these r e s t r i c t i v e influences on the expansion of secondary education. The writer does not f i n d that a passion for providing equal opportunity was s i g n i f i c a n t i n the context of the f i r s t few decades of the establishment of secondary education. Equality, national unity and awareness, and decolonisation were pressing concerns only i n the twentieth century. But for our e a r l i e r period i t i s plausible to account for the extension of secondary opportunity i n the following ways: 1. The l o g i c of development of a primary system of popular education required extensive opportunities at a higher l e v e l for a l l sections of the masses—East Indians, g i r l s , poor blacks, persons of a l l r e l i g i o u s persuasions. The primary system, that i s , could not expand without some growth i n the secondary schools and teacher t r a i n i n g colleges through which primary school teachers are produced. Various education commissions were keen to detect t h i s l o g i c 72 though less w i l l i n g or shrewd to devise ways and means of working i t out i n p r a c t i c e . 2. With increased freedom came more rapid c u l t u r a l d i f f u s i o n . Values of the dominant white culture were learned and adopted, and the benefits of t h i s i n i t i a t i o n became noticeable. The secondary school was r i g h t l y seen as a main avenue to the rewards of acculturation. 3. The need to create a l o c a l group of middle order o f f i c i a l s i n the growing state and church could not be met by the very d e f i c i e n t o f f e r i n g of the primary school. Higher quality and more widely d i s t r i b u t e d opportunities were i n e v i t a b l e . 4. The increasing number of black secondary school graduates rescued many of the poor labouring class from th e i r i n e r t i a and feelings of i n f e r i o r i t y by providing new models and demonstrating what was attainable. The import-ance of t h i s factor seems to have been under-estimated i n much of the l i t e r a t u r e on s o c i a l development i n the Caribbean. In the writer's informal discussions with many s o c i a l l y successful persons from small v i l l a g e communities on possible factors contributing to t h e i r success, frequent and enthusiastic references were made to a. the influence and dedicated concern of a p a r t i c u l a r 73 person—usually mother or teacher, and b. the value of e x i s t i n g ego-ideals i n the community, usually outstanding persons who had made good. 5. The C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o u s teachings that men are equal i n the sight of God may have had repercussions quite contrary to the expectations of the e a r l y purveyors of r e l i g i o n . One purpose of e a r l y r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y among the slaves was undoubtedly to divert attention from t h e i r worldly woes and towards a heavenly hope. Instead, r e l i g i o u s teachings about human equality may have served to create or reinforce i n the freed masses the f e e l i n g that they had a r i g h t to, and the capacity for, a q u a l i t y of l i f e similar to that enjoyed by their former masters. From the end of the nineteenth century s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s evolved r a p i d l y i n B r i t i s h Guiana and Jamaica. The franchise was extended, governmental and bureaucratic structures became more democratised, economies expanded, and the masses grew more p o l i t i c a l l y aware and better equipped to react to s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e . Highlights of these developments w i l l be presented i n the following chapter. Formal education eventually came to be regarded as an 74 i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t and as a major requirement for economic development. Responsible surveys and assessments by l o c a l educators exposed shortcomings of the educational system. P o l i t i c a l p arties made education a c r u c i a l issue i n e l e c t i o n campaigns. Government organisations, p o l i t i c a l leaders and the masses grew increasingly sensitive to i n e q u a l i t i e s of educational provision. One of the f i r s t concerns of p o l i t i c a l leaders i n both countries after the attainment of f u l l i n t e r n a l self-government i n the 1950's, was the i n s t i t u t i o n of measures intended to redress the imbalance i n high school representation of various socio-economic groups. CHAPTER 5 SOME HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS In the following b r i e f review of h i s t o r i c a l develop-ments i n Guyana and Jamaica up to the late 1950*s p a r t i c u -l a r attention i s paid to s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic changes which helped to i n t e n s i f y discontent over s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s , including the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of education opportunity, and to create an awareness of the general l i m i t a t i o n s of the educational systems for coping with national and i n d i v i d u a l aspirations. Guyana's si t u a t i o n receives more exhaustive treatment because of s p e c i a l demographic and e t h n o - p o l i t i c a l features to which reference has already been made, and which w i l l be described i n further d e t a i l . Review of h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n s a. C u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s : Both Buyana and Jamaica came under B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l rule very early i n t h e i r h i s t o r y . The B r i t i s h planter, missionary and c i v i l servant transplanted B r i t i s h s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and culture i n t o the colonies, while most of the t r a d i t i o n s of the A f r i c a n slaves were either suppressed or destroyed through the r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed on t h e i r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . b. S o c i a l and economic structure: The colonies were 76 e s s e n t i a l l y plantation s o c i e t i e s with the following main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : i . The economy rested on one main a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-duce, sugar. For some time the sugar industry depended for survival on p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment i n the B r i t i s h market and operated with very limited e f f i c i e n c y . After t h i s concession was withdrawn the fortunes of sugar fluctuated r e s u l t i n g i n a reduction i n educational expenditure. i i . S o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were pervaded with the i n i q u i t i e s of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of slavery i n which some men were the chattels of others. After slavery was abolished, the manual worker, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n agriculture, remained lowest i n the s o c i a l hierarchy i n terms of status, respect, and remuneration for work done. True, t h i s phenomen was not peculiar to Guyana and Jamaica, but i t assumed special s i g n i f i -cance i n these and other West Indian colonies since the labouring class was v i r t u a l l y co-extensive with the class of black-skinned people. i i i . The day to day administration of the colonies was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a few B r i t i s h land owners concentrated mainly i n the c a p i t a l c i t y , with major p o l i c y directed by the Imperial Government acting through the c o l o n i a l governor, "very much the monarch of h i s l i t t l e kingdom". There was l i t t l e d e c e ntralisation of governmental organisations and no p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the masses i n the public decision making processes or i n the e l e c t i o n of public o f f i c i a l s . In such a s i t u a t i o n s o c i a l l i f e was characterised by an "absence of an ideology of national i d e n t i t y that could serve as a goal for mass acculturation" (Mintz, 1966), or that could ins p i r e co-operative e f f o r t towards community improvement. c. Population; In Jamaica the native Indian population was exterminated; i n Guyana a few survived conquest, but only by seeking refuge into the remote i n t e r i o r of the country. In both countries Chinese, Portuguese and East Indian indentured labourers were imported to augment the predominantly black labour force. In Jamaica the increment from these groups was modest, but i n Guyana the importation of East Indian labour remained a major p o l i c y for decades and d r a s t i c a l l y altered the ethnic composition of the population. The East Indians i n Guyana l i v e d c h i e f l y on the sugar estates while the main urban centres were populated mostly by Blacks, Chinese, Portuguese and other Europeans. 78 d. Educational organisation, administration and finance: Educational i n s t i t u t i o n s were i n i t i a l l y controlled and financed by Catholic and Protestant missionary bodies with support from charitable endowments and educational grants from the B r i t i s h Government. Later, s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l changes brought about a gradual erosion of h o s t i l i t y and the end of indifference of the r u l i n g class towards the education of the masses. Consequent developments were the introduction of f i n a n c i a l support for missionary educational a c t i v i t i e s by the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e , and the development of a separate but by no means extensive system of primary and secondary schools financed and controlled e n t i r e l y by the cen t r a l government i n Guyana. The costs of p u b l i c l y financed education were met out of the current national budget, with no s p e c i f i c source of educational funding such as an education tax. Generally, t u i t i o n fees were charged for secondary and higher, but not primary, education. A very limited scholarship system enabled a n e g l i g i b l e number of poor g i f t e d primary school students to win free places at second-ary schools. Secondary education f a c i l i t i e s provided by Church and Government could not meet the r a p i d l y growing demand even of those middle class parents who were w i l l i n g 79 and able to pay t u i t i o n fees. The r e s u l t was a burgeoning of wholly private secondary schools of varying quality and l i f e span, most of them run by enterprising i n d i v i d u a l s . As Guyana and Jamaica grew p o l i t i c a l l y , l o c a l communities were vested with some degree of municipal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , but even i n the c a p i t a l c i t i e s where the municipal organisation was strongest v i r t u a l l y no attention was paid to educational matters. Public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the educational process was therefore r e s t r i c t e d to the u t i l i s a t i o n of f a c i l i t i e s provided or, negatively, to the r e j e c t i o n of these f a c i l i t i e s . The e a r l y purposes of education were narrowly con-ceived by administrators, parents and pupils a l i k e , This matter has already been dealt with i n the preceding chapter. In b r i e f , the r e s u l t of decades of educational e f f o r t was to provide a means of s o c i a l mobility for a few people (Braithwaite, 1968) by affording them access to the c l e r i c a l occupations, but without seriously disturbing the e l i t i s t structure of society. Educational strategies for f a c i l i t a t i n g economic growth, promoting national s o l i d a r i t y and co-operation, and for preparing the young for c i t i z e n -ship roles and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n a democratic community were never seriously a r t i c u l a t e d , adopted, or put into p r a c t i c e . Major emphasis was placed on the learning of an 80 array of facts and to a less extent on the a c q u i s i t i o n of a set of moral precepts and d i s p o s i t i o n s . Classroom o f f e r -ings seemed to s k i r t v i t a l p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic issues. e. Teachers; The teachers i n the post emancipation period were i n the main missionaries and lay expatriates, most of whom had no special teaching q u a l i f i c a t i o n s or experience. These were assisted l a r g e l y by l o c a l p u p i l teachers poorly paid and i n most cases poorly educated. The school system extended very r a p i d l y without any determined wide scale e f f o r t to ensure even a barely adequate supply of teachers. Such e f f o r t s as were made towards educating teachers embodied a l l the defects of the r e s t of the education system—lack of broad and relevant goals, inadequate physical provision, a limited c l a s s i c a l curriculum, and unimaginative methods o f i n s t r u c t i o n . One notable feature, however, was that the se l e c t i o n of t r a i n i n g college students seemed to be less i n -fluenced by socio-economic circumstances than was selection for entry to the reputable secondary schools. The normal school was an important, a l b e i t narrow, avenue of education-a l opportunity and s o c i a l mobility for working class c h i l d r e n . I t prepared teachers for the primary schools, se l e c t i n g i t s entrants from the ranks of apprentice teachers passing 81 through the primary school system. In Guyana the East Indian population was very poorly represented i n the teaching profession. Their concentration i n the r u r a l areas, t h e i r e a r l y indifference to formal education provided by the C h r i s t i a n missionaries, and the dominance of the school administrative system by non-Indian groups, mainly the Blacks, were factors that con-tributed to t h e i r under-representation. The Chinese and Portuguese inhabitants l a r g e l y confined t h e i r attention to trading i n the urban areas and showed l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the teaching profession p a r t i c u l a r l y at the primary school l e v e l . f . Evaluation procedures; Educational systems have, u n t i l recently, been notorious for t h e i r lack of objective evaluative devices. The systems i n Guyana and Jamaica were no exception. On a microcosmic l e v e l the e f f e c t of education was measured i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l student performance at terminal written examinations administered i n t e r n a l l y by the school or, more c r u c i a l l y , externally by an overseas u n i v e r s i t y or a central governmental authority. There was an almost t o t a l absence of a macrocosmic study of what the educational system as a whole was achieving i n s o c i a l or i n economic terms. Evaluation often consisted almost e n t i r e l y 82 of impressionistic observations about poor teaching of t r a d i t i o n a l subjects or the i n e f f i c a c y of the moral i n s t r u c t i o n provided, and usually was carr i e d out i n times of economic stress or s o c i a l upheaval. There seems to have been no attempt to encourage the people to whom the edu-cational e f f o r t was directed even to express t h e i r views on the adequacy of the system to which they were exposed. Further, quantitative methods of planning educational p o l i c y and evaluating the returns from the output on education, i n th e i r infancy i n more developed areas, were long absent i n our two t e r r i t o r i e s . Some Developments i n Guyana from 1840 to 1957 During Guyana's emergence from colonialism to p o l i t i -c a l independence the composition of opposing forces i n the struggle for s o c i a l equality became increasingly complex. After emancipation the predominantly Black working class population agitated against oppression by the White r u l i n g c l a s s . Changes i n the demographic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure of the society widened the dimension of the s t r u g g l e — t h e r a p i d l y growing section of East Indian workers found a common cause with the Blacks, but these two groups were eventually engaged i n a b i t t e r r i v a l r y for p o l i t i c a l power and s o c i a l rewards. Some of the main features 83 of these demographic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l developments w i l l now be discussed. Demographic changes: The f i r s t basic demographic change was the rapid growth of the population, mainly through immigration, u n t i l the end of the f i r s t two decades of the twentieth century and thereafter through natural increase. The population rose from 90,000 i n 1941 to approximately 127,700 i n 1851 and 402,600 i n 1948—more than a fo u r f o l d increase i n just under a hundred years.* Other important changes occurred i n the ethnic and geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population. East Indians, who comprised only about 0.32% of the t o t a l population i n 1841, rose to 6% i n 1851, over 25% i n 1883, and 44.7% i n 1948. The Blacks on the other hand constituted over 90% of the population just after emancipation, but eventually f e l l to 36% i n 1948. Between 1838 and 1917 East Indian immigrants t o t a l l e d 283,960. (See page 27 for immigrants' country of origin.) Besides t h e i r greater increase through immigration, the East Indians achieved the highest b i r t h rate by the 1940's, and by 1960 t h e i r crude b i r t h rate reached 48.5 per 1,000, compared with the general rate of 43.5 per thousand. •From Census data, various years. 84 Of great importance for the development of education was the change i n the age d i s t r i b u t i o n of the general population. In 1921 the population over 15 was twice that below 15; i n 1946 and 1960 the r e l a t i v e proportions were 4:3 and 1:1 r e s p e c t i v e l y . (Between 1946 and 1960 the t o t a l population under 14 increased by 86 percent.) There was also a steady s h i f t of the Indian popu-l a t i o n from the sugar estates to surrounding r u r a l areas as well as increasing mobility of the general population from the r u r a l areas to the two main urban centres, George-town and New Amsterdam. In 1891 there were 71, 813 Indians l i v i n g on the sugar estates while 33,650 l i v e d i n the c i t i e s and v i l l a g e s . By 1911 the figures were 60,707 and 65,810 res p e c t i v e l y . In 1921, 21.9% of the t o t a l popula-t i o n was urban, but by 1960 t h i s figure reached 29%. East Indians constituted 8% of the urban population i n 1891, 16% i n 1964 and 22% i n 1960. The Black urban population rose from 47% i n 1891 to 54% i n 1960. Of the remaining ethnic groups, the Amerindians stayed mainly i n the h i n t e r -land areas, while the Europeans and Chinese dwelt c h i e f l y i n the towns, without any dramatic increase i n t h e i r numbers. The t o t a l picture one gets from a l l t h i s , then, i s a rapid r i s e i n the t o t a l population c h i e f l y through immi-gration i n the 19th century and through a sharp increase i n 85 the b i r t h rate after the 1940's, greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n urban l i f e by Blacks than by Indians but increasing p a r t i -c i p a t i o n by both, and a phenomenal r i s e i n the school-age population. Changes i n s o c i a l r elationships; Both i n the urban areas and more p a r t i c u l a r l y i n those r u r a l v i l l a g e s where substantial numbers of Blacks and East Indians l i v e d t o -gether, intermarriage and other forms of s o c i a l integration took place between the two main ethnic groups, but the East Indians by and large retained t h e i r i d e n t i t y as a group and much of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n . In the urban region, however, a new economic and s o c i a l e l i t e was emerging; and i t was one that cut across ethnic boundaries. Nevertheless there was evidence of some reluctance by the middle class Coloured population and the Europeans to admit East Indians into t h e i r s o c i a l ranks. R. T. Smith and C. Jayawardena (1959: 326) observed: When Indians found themselves unable to secure entry to established clubs they formed t h e i r own p a r a l l e l organisation and began to emphasise the value of the culture of Mother India. I t does not seem reasonable to hold without q u a l i f i -cation, as do Smith and Jayawardena, that separate East Indian organisations were formed as a defence against non-acceptance on the part of other Guyanese. The fact i s , as 86 was noted i n the previous chapter, that the East Indians made conscious e f f o r t s from the very beginning of their l i f e i n Guyana to maintain t h e i r own culture. But s o c i a l discrimination probably did help to delay c u l t u r a l i ntegra-t i o n and to promote the kind of ethnic i n s u l a r i t y which encouraged the establishment of such exclusive groups as the East Indian Association, Portuguese Club, Chinese Association, and the League of Coloured Peoples. The patterns of economic s p e c i a l i s a t i o n and geograph-i c residence also m i l i t a t e d against greater s o c i a l i n t e -gration among the various ethnic groups. U n t i l the 1940's East Indians remained mainly a r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l people. Constituting about 42% of the population i n 1931 they supplied only 100 of the country's 1397 teachers and 8% of public servants. But some were st e a d i l y gaining economic power by acquiring land and c u l t i v a t i n g r i c e . The c l e r i c a l services and the teaching profession were c h i e f l y manned by the Blacks and Coloured population but r e a l executive power remained i n the hands of Europeans. I t was evident that the various ethnic groups were conscious of and sensitive to the r e l a t i v e positions they occupied i n the mixed community. As far back as 1856, and la t e r i n 1889, there were anti-Portuguese r i o t s by the Blacks 87 who protested what they believed to be e x p l o i t a t i o n by the Portuguese immigrants who controlled the r e t a i l trade (Burns, 1954). The f i r s t of these r i o t s seems to have been led by a coloured man, John Orr, who had inspired a n t i -Catholic r i o t s i n Boston, New York. 1 On the whole, c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n s t e a d i l y increased through the years, but serious problems of s o c i a l integration p e r s i s t e d . Levels of socio-economic status remained roughly c o r r e l a t i v e with shades of skin colour and ethnic o r i g i n . The dominant white-oriented c u l t u r a l group maintained t h e i r s o c i a l distance from the other groups. In times of peace the Guyanese society assumed an appearance of s o l i d a r i t y . This s o l i d a r i t y proved tenuous and super-f i c i a l during moments of stress induced by r i s i n g aspirations of the disadvantaged groups and t h e i r r e a l i s a t i o n that they had the power to do something about t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l and governmental changes; U n t i l the 1850's the franchise depended on ownership of property only. Additional income q u a l i f i c a t i o n s introduced l a t e r were high x I n l a t e r p o l i t i c a l developments i n the 20th century too, some important leaders of mass p o l i t i c a l movements i n Guyana were, as Dr. Jagan (19 54) noted, Guyanese who had returned from the United States where they came i n contact with American democratic ideas. 88 enough to deny the r i g h t to vote to non-white c i t i z e n s even i n middle and high l e v e l professional occupations. The f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t change occurred i n 1891 when the income q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were lowered, r e s u l t i n g i n the development of a p o l i t i c a l e l i t e of Portuguese and middle class Blacks (R. T. Smith, i b i d ) . During t h i s period East Indians formed about 37% of the population but they were p o l i t i c a l l y apathetic. By 1909, however, the B r i t i s h Guiana Immigration Agent General noting that East Indians were becoming uneasy at the way i n which power was passing i n t o the hands of the Blacks, urged c e r t a i n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes to allow an o f f i c i a l majority on a l l public p o l i t i c a l decision-making bodies. I t was labour unrest, the r i s i n g cost of l i v i n g compared with s t a t i c low wages, and the r i s e of trade union a c t i v i t y more than anything else that provided the major f i l l i p to the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Black and Indian masses i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . As B e l l (1967:18) states: The modern p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h West Indies began i n the l a t e 1930*s when outbreaks of poverty-induced s t r i k e s and r i o t s spread throughout most of the (Caribbean) area. The economic discontent of the West Indian people was given voice by new labour leaders and n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s , and led to a series of con-s t i t u t i o n a l advances which got underway i n the mid 40's. Ayearst also wrote (1960:39): 89 Previously (to the 1930*s) the p o l i t i c a l l y conscious and active group i n any of the colonies was very small, and consisted of a few members of the coloured middle class wanting a r e a l share i n government for themselves, but d i f f e r i n g l i t t l e from the white o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r view of the Negro working class as s t i l l unready for self-government. The labour disturbances were to usher i n a new era. Some of the returned labourers had become familiar with trade unions i n other places as well as ideas, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l , i n sharp contrast with those current i n the i s l a n d s . The Negro working class had been compelled by economic d i s t r e s s to look for leader-ship to give d i r e c t i o n to t h e i r e f f o r t s and to s p e l l out th e i r needs and objectives. The ethnic and geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of B r i t i s h Guiana's work force at f i r s t led to the development of separate trade unions representing East Indian sugar workers' inte r e s t s and the i n t e r e s t s of Black urban i n d u s t r i a l labourers. The f i r s t serious labour unrest among East Indian sugar workers occurred i n 1896 when the reduction of wages on a sugar estate led to a r i o t . In 1937 a sugar workers' union was firmly established, and i n 1947 Dr. J . P. Lachmansingh, an active East Indian trade unionist, formed a predominantly Indian working class p o l i t i c a l party. The father of trade unionism i n Guyana was the Black working c l a s s leader, Hubert Critchlow, who led a strike of Black dock workers i n 1906 and formed the B r i t i s h Guiana Labour Union i n 1919. Black workers seemed generally to support the e x i s t i n g middle class p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Despite e f f o r t s 90 at u niting the working class by the formation of the B. G. Trades Union Council i n 1941, i t was only i n the 1950's that the dual development of trade unionism and p o l i t i c a l parties along r a c i a l l i n e s was temporarily arrested. The 1940"s were years of intense and vigorous labour agita t i o n i n which dominant figures were Cheddi Jagan (Indian), by now active i n a sugar workers union, and Forbes Burnham (Black) a lawyer i n the B r i t i s h Guiana Labour Union. In 1950 the Peoples' Progressive Party was formed by Cheddi Jagan, by t h i s time a s e l f - s t y l e d Marxist. Jagan grew up on a sugar estate and received h i s higher and profes-sional education i n Dentistry i n the United States, where, according to h i s own account, he got h i s " p o l i t i c a l awaken-ing" . Burnham joined forces with him, and the Black and Indian masses, united for the f i r s t time for the purpose of f i g h t i n g imperialism, swept the p o l l s i n the f i r s t e l e c t i o n under adult suffrage i n 1953. Guyana's f i r s t popularly elected government was shortlived, for less than s i x months after i t assumed o f f i c e the B r i t i s h Government suspended the country's constitution because of the r a d i c a l p o l i c i e s of the r u l i n g party which i t accused of trying to set up a communist government. The Imperial Government dissolved the country's l e g i s l a t u r e and 91 nominated an Interim Government mainly from conservative leaders of the middle and upper classes, some of whom had unsuccessfully contested the 1953 e l e c t i o n s . This new Government lasted for four years u n t i l 1957 when a new constitution was granted. During i t s regime vigorous attempts were made to woo the electorate by developing the s o c i a l services such as health, transportation and housing, by embarking upon an extensive primary school building pro-gramme and approving f i n a n c i a l aid to private secondary schools f u l f i l l i n g s p e c i f i e d requirements. By 1957 Burnham had established h i s own p o l i t i c a l party after he and Jagan had f a i l e d to reconcile differences between them. The ad hoc unity of the Indian and Black working classes thus proved tr a n s i t o r y , and with t h e i r p o l i t i c a l consciousness awakened the stage was set for a struggle for power. In t h i s climate a new s e n s i t i v i t y to i n e q u a l i t i e s i n the society was aroused and found expression i n the p o l i c i e s of the r u l i n g working class party as well as i n the protest of the other mass party out of o f f i c e . Let us turn to the s i t u a t i o n after 1957 and expand our discussion to include selected aspects of the country's economic structure and employment opportunities. 92 Guyana After 1957 Government: New elections were held i n August 1957 under a revised c o n s t i t u t i o n which offered l i t t l e more than a modified form of Crown Colony Government. Real executive power rested f i r m l y with the Governor and h i s Se c r e t a r i a t . The Legislature was composed of a Lower and an Upper House each with a mixture of Governor's nominees, e x - o f f i c i o members, and elected representatives. The Governor nominated to the Lower House enough members considered to be l o y a l to the r u l i n g party i n order to give i t a working majority. Yet a l l l e g i s l a t i v e decisions had to be approved by the Governor-in-council. The r u l i n g party was soon to complain and to adopt t a c t i c s to demonstrate that i t could not govern e f f e c t i v e l y under these c o n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements. The two major parties, led by Jagan and Burnham, now agitated for f u l l independence. In 1961 the colony gained f u l l i n t e r n a l s e l f -government, the Colonial O f f i c e r e t a i n i n g control over foreign p o l i c y and defence matters. Three years l a t e r complete p o l i t i c a l independence was granted. The M i n i s t e r i a l form of government introduced i n 1953 was retained i n the 1957 constitution, one of the Ministers being responsible for Community Development and Education. 93 The Indian-backed Peoples' Progressive Party led by Dr. Cheddi Jagan formed the Government, having won 9 of 13 seats, while the predominantly Black party led by Mr. Burnham, winning 3 seats, constituted the o f f i c i a l Opposition. The right-wing party representing conservative and business i n t e r e s t s won one seat. The elected L e g i s l a t i v e members were therefore mainly representative of the Black and Indian masses, while at least some of the members nominated by the Governor could claim to speak for the European and other upper class segments of the society. The e x i s t i n g l o c a l government system consisted of about 94 separate l o c a l authorities under the supervision of a statutory board working through a central government department. Smith (1962) wrote about the l o c a l government organisation: This system of l o c a l government i s i n e f f i c i e n t , and although i t gives some appearance of a democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l a f f a i r s , the v i l l a g e councils are too small and impoverished to be e f f e c t i v e , (p.186-187) The functions of these l o c a l a u t h orities had not gone much beyond the 19th century r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c o l l e c t i n g rates, mending roads and bridges, and executing modest i r r i g a t i o n schemes. The Guyanese economy: For most of the 19th century sugar production formed the only important industry i n the 94 country. Sporadic and abortive attempts at r i c e farming had been made by Black freedmen as e a r l y as i n the 17th century, but i t was not u n t i l l a t e i n the 19th century after the great i n f l u x of East Indian immigrants and the r i s e of a sizeable peasantry that the r i c e industry was s o l i d l y established. Other industries that were either founded or developed i n the 20th century were c h i e f l y bauxite, gold and diamond mining, and timber production. Within the past few decades sugar, bauxite, r i c e and timber have formed the major export products of the country. Between 1957 and 1960 these items constituted more than f o u r - f i f t h s of the t o t a l value of domestic exports. The i n d i v i d u a l percentages were as follows: Table (3) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of selected domestic exports, 1957-1960 Export Commodity Average %, 1957 - 1960 Sugar, molasses and rum 54.8 2 Rice 9.7 Metalliferous ores and metal scraps 24.9 Timber 3.2 Other exports 7.3 This figure does not t r u l y represent the r e l a t i v e importance of r i c e because of a disastrous crop f a i l u r e i n 1957. 95 Following i s a l i s t of selected a c t i v i t i e s i n the economy and their average percentage contribution to the G.D.P. over the same period. (The percentages for the four major export industries are much smaller here because the G.D P. incorporates such background services as dist r i b u t i o n . ) Table (4) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of selected factors i n Gross Domestic Product, 1957-1960 A c t i v i t y Average %, 1957-1960 Sugar growing and m i l l i n g 18.0 Mining 7.7 Rice growing and m i l l i n g 4.3 Forestry 5.2 Other Agriculture, including processing 5.8 Professions and personal service 5.9 D i s t r i b u t i o n 13.9 Manufacturing, engineering, chemicals 3.2 Building and construction 10.2 Government 10.0 Other 16.3 Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i s the fact that the manufacturing industry not related to the processing of the main export 96 crops accounted for only 3.2% of the G.D.P. The importance of the four main export industries, p a r t i c u l a r l y sugar, i s again evident. Other sizeable contributions come from the d i s t r i b u t i o n and government s e r v i c e s — t h i s fact, together with other evidence on employment opportunities which w i l l 3 l a t e r be presented, makes understandable the bias towards white c o l l a r jobs and the preference for secondary education of an academic nature. Trade: The B r i t i s h Guiana economy depended heavily on foreign trade. In 1957 exports accounted for 56.9% of the national income (Newman, 1964:55). O'Loughlin (1959:7) estimated that imports i n 1955 were 42% of the G.D.P. at market price compared with 35% for Jamaica. Governments tended to concentrate development e f f o r t s on the four major export industries, neglecting to formulate clear p o l i c i e s for encouraging the growth of small i n d u s t r i e s . The r e s u l t was large scale importation of food-stuff and manufactured a r t i c l e s that could be l o c a l l y produced, as the Jamaican experience has demonstrated. Other factors such as limited entrepreneurship a b i l i t y and appropriate technical s k i l l s may have contributed to the slow development and d i v e r s i f i -cation of small industries i n Guyana. 3See page 98 below. 97 The most important single import areas were the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. Towards the end of the 1960*s the United States and Canada played i n -creasingly s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s not only i n Guyana's foreign trade but, along with i n t e r n a t i o n a l agencies, i n the financing of development projects (including educational expansion) through loans and grants. In the years immediate-l y following h i s r e - e l e c t i o n to o f f i c e i n 1957, the l e f t -wing leader Dr. Cheddi Jagan t r i e d i n vain to obtain economic assistance from these Western sources, while the B r i t i s h Government, exercising the control i t retained under Guyana's new constitution, blocked attempts to seek c a p i t a l loans from Eastern countries. A t y p i c a l c o l o n i a l and undeveloped economy, B r i t i s h Guiana generally exported i t s raw material cheaply and paid comparatively high prices for import products some of which were manufactured from i t s crude exports. Benefits derived from the bauxite trade with Canada were minimal i n terms of r o y a l t i e s and duty c o l l e c t e d from the ore exported to the parent company (Smith, 1962:69); corporate income taxes were a function of the a r b i t r a r y 'price' of the ore, fixed by the parent company (Reno, 1964:100). Besides, the industry being heavily mechanised, and what with the then p r e v a i l i n g 98 attitude of reserving executive posts for Canadian personnel, employment benefits were not as great as a s u p e r f i c i a l look at the volume of the bauxite trade would suggest. The Bauxite Companies showed no i n t e r e s t for a long time i n developing subsidiary industries or e s t a b l i s h -ing l o c a l r e f i n e r i e s , measures which would have benefitted 4 the Guyana economy. However i n 1957 plans were well on the way for substantial c a p i t a l investment i n an alumina plant. With t h i s expansion of operations, the Bauxite Company extended i t s technical t r a i n i n g programme. Employment; Many factors i n the employment s i t u a t i o n of a country have a d i r e c t bearing on the provision and u t i l i s a t i o n of educational opportunity. Not least among these are the extent to which work opportunities are open to a variety of talents and are obtainable on a basis of achievement rather than ascription, the tangible rewards offered for service i n various f i e l d s , knowledge of these opportunities and rewards, and attitudes to the various occupations. Similar projects were i n i t i a t e d i n Jamaica much e a r l i e r than i n Guyana, although mining operations commenced much l a t e r i n the former country. The lack of adequate power i n Guyana may have been one of the reasons for delay-ing the expansion of Bauxite operations. 99 In 1956 unemployment was estimated between 16.4 and 18 percent i n an International Labour O f f i c e survey (1957) . Some other noteworthy findings i n t h i s survey were: a. greater urban than r u r a l unemployment; b. greater unemployment rate for men than for women; c. 43% of t o t a l unemployed under 21; d. an unemployment rate of 17.2% for s k i l l e d factory workers and 23.2% for s k i l l e d workers i n the building and construction industries compared with 8.1 and 12.1% i n the c l e r i c a l and sales services respectively; e. 22.6% of the t o t a l labour force were a g r i c u l t u r a l workers, 8.9% s k i l l e d b u i l d i n g and factory workers, and 10.6% c l e r i c a l and sales workers. A Manpower Survey by O. C. Francis (1965) e s t i -mated that craftsmen and technicians accounted for 21% of the labour force i n 1965, manual work-ers 38%, and c l e r i c a l sales and service workers 34%. These figures, together with the unemploy-ment rates mentioned above, indicate that the white c o l l a r occupations offered the greatest work opportunities for high school graduates. With c l e r i c a l and service workers accounting for 100 such r e l a t i v e l y large percentages of the labour force i n comparison, say, with craftsmen and technicians, and with t h e i r rate of unemployment lower, the common c r i t i c i s m of Guyanese high school students for shunning technical subjects and seeking white c o l l a r jobs i s not wholly j u s t i f i e d . The Ghana experience has shown, as P h i l i p Foster (1965) pointed out, that with limited expansion of the economy the mere p r o v i -sion of technical programmes i n high school does not solve the problem of increasing educa-t i o n a l opportunity. Prior to the movement towards democratic government i n the 1950's ce r t a i n appointments to both public and private o f f i c e at a l l l e v e l s were made lar g e l y on p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c and a s c r i p t i v e c r i t e r i a . Despress writing i n 1967 on "Cultural Pluralism and N a t i o n a l i s t P o l i t i c s i n B r i t i s h Guiana" stated: U n t i l very recently, as a matter of policy, p r a c t i c a l l y a l l of the senior s t a f f personnel on the sugar estates had been rec r u i t e d i n Europe or from among the Portuguese or light-coloured group i n Guyana. As a r e s u l t of pressures generated by n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s ( p a r t i -c u l a r l y Jagan and Burnham) t h i s p o l i c y has been under-going change. (1967:142) Black workers were denied cert a i n junior executive positions 101 on the sugar estates with a predominant Indian labour force, while the very small percentage of Indian workers i n the bauxite industry (well under 5%) occupied menial posts. Women were denied some executive positions altogether or were paid lower s a l a r i e s than men for similar duties. In the d i v i l service women had to resign from their jobs as soon as they got married. Census figures for 1946 show that the Public Service executive was dominated by Europeans and the lower l e v e l s by Blacks. As Despress was car e f u l to observe, however, i n some cases a s c r i p t i v e c r i t e r i a were not the sole determinants i n the selection of employees for various occupations. Other factors such as ethnic attitudes to s p e c i f i c jobs and lack of appropriate q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , for example, played their part. While a s c r i p t i v e patterns of employment had not d i s -appeared by 1957, there was a growing confidence that one could a t t a i n formerly exclusive positions on the basis of educational merit. Moreover, during the 1960's i n pa r t i c u l a r not only was there a d e f i n i t e drive towards Guyanisation of the public services, but some of the major companies—Booker Brothers (sugar), Alcan (bauxite), and to a less extent the commercial banks—embarked upon a deliberate p o l i c y of training, providing with scholarships, and employing at 102 d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s groups that were previously discriminated against. Improvements i n employment opportunities and practices i n the Government Services between 1940 and 1960 are r e f l e c t e d i n the following table, adopted from Despress (ibid:163); the table shows the r e l a t i v e representation of the various ethnic groups i n two d i f f e r e n t categories of o f f i c e i n the C i v i l Service. Table (5) Ethnic composition of pensionable C i v i l Servants i n 1940 and 1960 Ethnic Group Departmental Heads Pensionable Staff (percent) (percent) 1940 1960 1940 1960 Europeans 79.4 38.6 14.1 12 .0 Afro-Guianese (Blacks) 14.7 45.6 66.6 58.0 East Indians 0.0 10.5 10 .0 16.1 Portuguese 5.9 1.8 6.4 3 .6 Chinese and others 0.0 3.5 2 .9 10.3 To t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 A survey carried out by the International Commission of J u r i s t s (1965:33) indicated that i n 1965 East Indians comprised 33.16% of C i v i l Service employees, and the Blacks 53.05%. (East Indians made up about 48% of the t o t a l popu-l a t i o n and the Blacks 33%). In the teaching profession too 103 East Indians were making s i g n i f i c a n t gains, r i s i n g from 21% of primary school teachers i n 1956 to 41% i n 1965. I t i s clear that employment opportunities i n the government services requiring educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s beyond the primary school l e v e l were becoming increasingly opened to various sections of the community. The awareness that the highest posts were open to those who possessed appropriate educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s must have helped i n no small way to stimulate the demand for equal educational opportunity. Society; This analysis of p o l i t i c a l trends and socio-economic opportunities i n Guyana has so far been dominated by considerations of the position of the East Indian and Black population. This pre-occupation was not intended to suggest that members of other ethnic groups were not victims of s o c i a l discrimination at one time or another. We j u s t i f y t h i s focus of attention on the position of the Blacks and East Indians on two main grounds: i . p o l i t i c a l events during the period under study (1957-1967) p i t t e d the two groups against each other, and i i . h i s t o r i c a l l y , the s o c i a l conditions of these two groups and the Amerindians have been the most 104 severe. Any account of the development of educational opportunity must trace the events that contributed to the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of these groups i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s of the country. In the 1950's and 60*s the main population and c u l t u r a l trends that were described for the period 1850-1950 continued. However, some s p e c i f i c data for the period w i l l be b r i e f l y presented and two unique developments discussed. Between 1957 and 1967 the Indian b i r t h - r a t e continued to be the highest and by 1957 East Indians were about 50% of the t o t a l population estimated at 522,670. Census data for 1960 showed the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the various ethnic groups as follows: Table (6) Ra c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i n 1960 (from 1960 Census data) Group Number Percent East Indians 267,840 47.8 Blacks 183,980 32.8 Mixed 67,189 12.0 Amerindians 25,450 4.5 Others (including Chinese, Portu- 15,947 2.9 guese and other Europeans T o t a l 560,406 100.0 105 The trend towards increasing urbanisation either ceased or slowed down i n the 1960's when r i o t s and the threat to l i f e and property caused some East Indians to move to safer r u r a l areas where t h e i r numbers predominated. Aspects of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ; While some sets of circumstances tended to bring about greater s o c i a l cohesion i n Guyana i n the 1950's and 1960's, others operated to produce i s o l a t i o n and the hardening of differences among various groups. On the one hand the geographic mobility of the population, the increasing access by d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups to formerly exclusive occupations and positions, and the common educational experience of wider sections of the community were factors that served to f a c i l i t a t e the pro-cess of s o c i a l integration and c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n . On the other hand the struggle for p o l i t i c a l power by the two major ethnic groups and a t h i r d group generally comprising Portuguese, Chinese, Europeans, and upper class Blacks and Indians, tended to foment s o c i a l disruption and perpetuate a p l u r a l i s t i c society. Renewed intere s t i n the reinforcement of ethnic i d e n t i t y and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s was p a r t l y a r e s u l t of e f f o r t s by the East Indians and the Blacks to maintain group s o l i d a r i t y . This r i v a l r y between the two major groups was 106 not without i t s benefits. As w i l l be argued i n a la t e r chapter, a new fervour was displayed for the ac q u i s i t i o n of educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s requiref for entry to several occupational p o s i t i o n s . Two other developments took place from 1957 onwards that had an impact on educational p o l i c y and debate. The Roman Catholic and Protestant- as well as Hindu and Muslim r e l i g i o u s organisations had for a long time previously worked i n clandestine fashion to support special groups ei t h e r a c t ually holding p o l i t i c a l power or seeking i t . With p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t now open and severe and polarisations c l e a r l y drawn, the support of r e l i g i o u s groups and leaders for favoured p o l i t i c a l p arties became less v e i l e d . By and large the Roman Catholic and some of the Protestant churches supported conservative p o l i t i c a l parties while the Hindu and Muslim organisations supported Jagan*s People's Progressive Party. The Black masses generally rejected the p o l i t i c a l leadership of the C h r i s t i a n organisations and backed Burnham's party. (Their consciousness of the absence of a c u l t u r a l r a l l y i n g point other than a p o l i t i c a l party, such as East Indians found i n their Hindu or Muslim r e l i g i o u s organisations, has probably contributed to the adoption with-i n recent times of symbols and concepts of the Black Power 107 movement which originated i n the United States of America.) The country's primary schools had been peacefully administ-ered under a system of dual control by Government and the Chri s t i a n Churches, but after 1957 the educational scene was a very stormy one with the Jagan government committed to a p o l i c y of sec u l a r i s a t i o n of the entire school system. The other new development was equally important. The Amerindians were always on the fringes of Guyanese society, so much so that they were often excluded from national records (demographic s t a t i s t i c s for example). Consequent on the introduction of adult suffrage p o l i t i c a l parties t r i e d to win t h e i r votes. The Roman Catholic and Anglican Bodies, however, had been for a long time engaged i n educational and other s o c i a l services i n the i r midst and no doubt exercised great influence among them. This fact, together with Venezuela's meddling on Guyana's f r o n t i e r s where the Amerindians l i v e d , forced the Guyana governments after 1957 to pay attention to Amerindian education and other s o c i a l welfare services. Well-advised or not, a department of Amerindian a f f a i r s was set up and educators turned t h e i r attention for a moment to devising a suitable education system for Amerindian c h i l d r e n . From t h i s b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l background i t i s now 108 possible to summarise the main features of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic s i t u a t i o n i n Guyana as i t was around 1957: a. A new constitu t i o n allowed the Guyanese people some measure of control over their a f f a i r s , but f i n a l executive authority rested with the Colonial Governor. The p o l i t i c a l party that came to power was predominantly representative of the East Indian masses, and the leader of the party was of r a d i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . b. Some important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the economy were: a high degree of unemployment both among un-s k i l l e d workers and various categories of s k i l l e d workers; the heavy reliance on the export of a few primary products; a low l e v e l of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n ; a high volume of r e t a i l trade i n manufactured import a r t i c l e s and foodstuff; and foreign ownership and control of major industries from which the benefits to Guyanese were minimal i n comparison with t o t a l p r o f i t s y i e l d e d . c. The growth rate of the population followed the high pattern of other poor countries. d. East Indians, a minority group i n the mid-109 nineteenth century almost outnumbered the r e s t of the population by 1957, p a r t l y through immigration i n the early years and later through t h e i r higher b i r t h - r a t e . e. The introduction of adult suffrage and democratic government i n 1953 helped to unite the Black and Indian masses against the country's e l i t e mainly composed of European elements. By 1957, through a variety of circumstances, the Black and Indian masses were divided and a b i t t e r struggle for power between the two groups ensued. In t h i s context the Amerin-dians, generally neglected by past governments, began to receive more attention as various p o l i t i c a l groups courted t h e i r support. The e f f e c t s of these s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l factors on edu-cational p o l i c y and debate w i l l become evident l a t e r . What we contend at t h i s point i s that economic conditions played a major part i n stimulating p o l i t i c a l awareness and a c t i v i t y , which i n turn led to an increased popular concern for edu-cational expansion. I t w i l l be seen later how the economic, demographic and c u l t u r a l features described above operated as inputs into the educational system influencing the d i s -t r i b u t i o n of educational opportunity. 110 Jamaica - Government, P o l i t i c s , Economy and Society Government: From the beginning of the B r i t i s h occupation i n the 17th century u n t i l 1866 Jamaica had what i s commonly referred to as the Old Representative System of government. The basic pattern of administration under t h i s system was that executive authority resided with the Governor assisted by an Executive Council (both nominated by the Crown), while some degree of l e g i s l a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y rested with a L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly elected by a very r e s t r i c t e d group of land-owners. Major landmarks i n the island's c o n s t i t u t i o n a l development were: a. the introduction of Crown Colony government i n 1866, marked by the t o t a l absence of elected members; i n 1884 elected members were added but their number and the voting procedures kept the power of the nominated o f f i c i a l s i n t a c t ; b. an elaborate modification of the c o n s t i t u t i o n i n 1944 to allow for a form of m i n i s t e r i a l government involving a minority of elected members; and the i n -s t i t u t i o n of a bicameral l e g i s l a t u r e consisted of a nominated L e g i s l a t i v e Council and a House of Repre-sentatives elected under adult suffrage; c. reforms i n 1953 e s t a b l i s h i n g the m i n i s t e r i a l I l l system firmly, vesting ministers with greater r e -s p o n s i b i l i t y for the i r various departments but retaining the Governor's reserve powers; d. f u l l i n t e r n a l self-government i n 1957; under the system of self-government the Governor became a ceremonial executive a l b e i t with cert a i n emergency powers; the B r i t i s h Government retained control of defence and foreign policy, and the former Executive Council over which the Governor presided was r e -placed by a Council of Ministers; t h i s Council con-taining no e x - o f f i c i o members was appointed on the advice of the Chief Minister and was presided over by him. Jamaica was eventually granted independence i n 1962 with the l a s t vestige of Imperial p o l i t i c a l control removed. The country's 20th century c o n s t i t u t i o n a l history, then, was characterised by a steady movement towards complete l o c a l control of the governmental machinery without any abrupt relapse such as that which occurred i n Guyana. The limited function of the l o c a l government units i n both Guyana and Jamaica, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to education, has already been referred to (see p.93). One important difference between the two countries was that by 112 1957 e l e c t i o n to the 14 'Parish Councils' i n Jamaica was on the basis of adult suffrage, and l o c a l government elections were c l o s e l y t i e d up with national p o l i t i c s . In Guyana the voters i n l o c a l government elections were r a t e -payers. Proposals for extensive reform of the Guyanese system have not so far been implemented. An attempt at a West Indian Federation, i n s t i t u t e d i n 1958, proved abortive when Jamaica withdrew her member-ship i n 1961. Guyana had never been a member of the short-l i v e d Federation. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s : The r i s e of mass p o l i t i c a l parties i n Jamaica dates from the formation of the People's National Party i n 1938 by Norman Manley, a British-educated Jamaican Queen's Counsel. This party was founded i n the aftermath of serious poverty-induced labour disturbances i n which a prominent figure was the dynamic Jamaican labour leader Alexander Bustamante, head of the then newly formed Bustamante I n d u s t r i a l Trade Union. Bustamante had a wide background of work and t r a v e l experience i n Spain, Cuba, South and Central America and the United States. He and Manley led a j o i n t working class movement for some time, but an eventual s p l i t resulted i n Bustamante's formation of the Jamaica Labour Party and Manley's organisation of the 113 National Workers' Union. These two p o l i t i c a l parties and the i r associate trade unions have almost completely domin-ated the Jamaica labour and p o l i t i c a l scene ever since. Bustamante's Jamaica Labour Party won the f i r s t e lections under adult suffrage i n 1944 and has been i n power since, except for the 1955-1961 regime of the P .N .P. Both parties represented, generally, a cross section of s o c i a l and economic classes and were not, as i n Guyana, polarised around ethnic groups. At any rate the popu-l a t i o n was predominantly Black (see p.30) . From the 1950's onwards the J.L.P. claimed a s l i g h t l y more widely d i s t r i -buted support i n the r u r a l areas while the P.N .P. was popu-la r i n the metropolitan corporate area (O. W. Phelps, 1960) . In i t s formative years the People's National Party tended to appeal to middle class i n t e l l e c t u a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y be-cause of Manley's r a t i o n a l orientation and h i s concern for Jamaica's p o l i t i c a l independence (C. Paul Bradley, 1960). Bustamante on the other hand exercised a powerful influence on the labouring masses, and with no s p e c i f i c i d e o l o g i c a l stance adopted a pragmatic ad hoc approach to p o l i t i c a l and economic problems. The i d e o l o g i c a l character of both part-ies changed somewhat over the years and by 1957 t h e r i base of popular support and appeal was considerably broadened, 114 although there s t i l l prevailed among some of the J.L.P. leaders a suspicion of antagonism by a section of middle class i n t e l l e c t u a l s , p r i marily teachers. I t w i l l be seen l a t e r that both parties during their terms of o f f i c e i n t r o -duced, without substantial opposition, l e g i s l a t i o n for s i g n i f i c a n t l y modifying the process of secondary school s e l e c t i o n to allow greater opportunities to the poorer c l a s s e s . A feature of the organisational structure of both p a r t i e s was the i r heavy c e n t r a l i s a t i o n of authority, with the J.L.P. leadership considered to be somewhat more authoritarian (Bradley, i b i d . ) . Incidentally, authoritarian-ism was a pr e v a i l i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of many s o c i a l i n s t i t u -tions i n Guyana and Jamaica including the family and the school. Economy; Despite many close resemblances between the Guyanese and Jamaican economies, some developments peculiar to or more pronounced i n Jamaica are of importance. Huggins and Cumper (1958:57) wrote of the Guyana and Jamaican economies: . . . the whole shape of the economies of the two t e r r i t o r i e s i s s i m i l a r . In occupational d i s t r i b u t i o n , i n the importance of underemployed occupations such as domestic services and small trade, i n the general con-d i t i o n s of labour and organisation of production the two economies c l e a r l y belong to the same c l a s s . 115 Yet i n the 1950's important economic forces at work i n Jamaica brought about a much more rapid expansion and extensive d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of that country's economy. Be-tween 1953 and 1959 Jamaica had one of the highest rates of economic growth i n the world, with an average per capita annual rate of increase of 9.8% i n the Gross Domestic Product compared with Germany's 8.3% for example (U.N., 1962). This rapid increase was l a r g e l y due, no doubt, to the introduction of bauxite mining and processing after 1952. The mining sector grew from n i l i n 1950 to a d i r e c t contribution of 9% of the G.D.P. i n 1960, by which time Jamaica had become the world's leading producer of bauxite. The t o u r i s t industry too made remarkable progress. The number of t o u r i s t s increased from 75,000 i n 1950 to over 200,000 i n 1960 (Jamaica Government, 1961) while t o u r i s t spending increased considerably as the length of stay i n -creased (see Palmer, 1968:30). In the 19th and e a r l y 20th centuries c o f f e e , 5 sugar, and bananas formed the major export product i n a predomin-antly a g r i c u l t u r a l economy, but the introduction of bauxite mining i n 1952, the remarkable growth of tourism i n the Coffee production declined i n importance after emancipation. 116 1950's and 60's together with frequent reverses i n the sugar and banana industries, s i g n i f i c a n t l y altered the structure of the economy and employment opportunities. The contribution of agriculture to the G.D.P. stood at 36% i n 1938, 31% i n 1950, 19% i n 1955, and 16% i n 1956, while the mining, manufacturing and construction industries increased t h e i r contribution from 19% i n 1950 to 28% i n 1955. In 1962 Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing contributed 12.4% to the G.D.P. and Mining, Manufacturing and Construction 32.9%. Throughout the 1969's t h i s trend continued of increased a c t i v i t y i n the mining and manufacturing industries, as well as i n the transportation and d i s t r i b u t i o n services which were no doubt responding to the r a p i d l y r i s i n g demands of tourism. The following tables show the r e l a t i v e contribution of selected a c t i v i t i e s to the t o t a l value of exports and the G.D.P. respectively for s p e c i f i e d years. Table (7) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of p r i n c i p a l sectors of domestic exports i n 1950, 1956 and I960 6 Percentage of Domestic Exports  Sector 1950 1956 1960 Bauxite and alumina n i l 27.3 49.3 Sources: Government of Jamaica, National Accounts, Income and Expenditure, various years; Economic Survey of Jamaica (Central Planning U n i t ) . 117 Table (7) Continued Sector Percentage of Domestic Exports 1950 1956 1960 Sugar, rum and molasses Bananas 51.3 14.4 Others (including manufactured goods and miscellaneous a g r i -c u l t u r a l products) 34.3 Total 100.0 37 .4 16.0 19.3 100.0 26.6 8.6 15.5 100.0 Table (8) Percentage contribution of various i n d u s t r i a l groups to the G.D.P., 1950, 1957 and:I960 7 Group Percentage Contribution to. G.D.P. 1950 1957 1960 Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing 30.8 13 .8 12.4 Mining n i l 8 .8 8.7 Manufacturing 11.3 12 .7 13.3 Construction and I n s t a l l a t i o n 7.6 13 .6 10.8 Transportation, U t i l i t i e s and Communications 8.7 7 .3 8.0 D i s t r i b u t i o n 15.2 16 .6 15.4 Ownership of dwellings 5.9 3 .3 3 .4 'Sources: Government of Income and Expenditure, various Jamaica (Central Planning Unit) Jamaica, National Accounts, years; Economic Survey of 118 Table (8) Continued Percentage Contribution to G.D.P. Group 1950 1957 1960 Government 6.1 6.5 8.4 Miscellaneous services 15.0 17 .3 19.4 Tot a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 As i n Guyana, agriculture, mining, and d i s t r i b u t i o n are dominant a c t i v i t i e s i n the island's economy, but i n the 1950's and 60's i n Jamaica the percentage contribution of agriculture to Domestic Exports and the G.D.P. declined s t e a d i l y . Adams (1968) noted that between 1950-1961 the rate of growth of the G.D.P. was an average 8.3% per annum compared with 3.1% for a g r i c u l t u r e . The decline i n a g r i -c u l t u r a l percentage contribution i n Guyana was much less dramatic. Not only the structure but the d i r e c t i o n of foreign trade was affected during the period of rapid economic development i n Jamaica. U n t i l the early 1950's the United Kingdom was by far Jamaica's most important trading partner but was subsequently superseded by the United States. Canada's po s i t i o n remained f a i r l y stable over the years. These three countries, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada continued to provide the bulk of Jamaica's 119 imports and absorbed most of her exports throughout the l a s t few decades, but the formation recently of the Caribbean Common Market and growing l i n k s with Organisation of American States member countries should i n time a f f e c t t h i s p o s i t i o n moderately. The following tables show the r e l a t i v e percentage of Jamaica's exports to, and imports from, her three main trading partners: Table (9) Direction of foreign trade, 1950, 1957, 1960 and 1965 (Percentages) 8 Percentage of T o t a l Trade Countries 1950 1957 1960 1965 Exports to United Kingdom 56.7 37.1 31.4 27.3 United States 5.2 22 .4 26.3 38.2 Canada 26.1 29 .6 24.7 15.7 Other 12 .0 10.9 17.6 18.8 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100 .0 100.0 Imports from United Kingdom 43.0 38.0 34.3 24.0 United States 14.3 22 .6 24.4 31.6 ^Source: Computed from Jamaica Government, Central Planning Unit, Economic Survey, various years. 120 Table (9) Continued Percentage of T o t a l Trade Countries 1950 1957 1960 1965 Canada Other T o t a l T o t a l Trade United Kingdom United States Canada Other T o t a l 10.0 32 .7  100.0 49.85 9.75 18.05 22 .35 100.0 10.2 29.2 100.0 37.55 22 .5 19.9 20 .05 100.0 10.1 31.2 100.0 32 .85 25.35 17.4 24.4 100.0 11.0 33.4  100.0 25.65 34.9 13 .35 26.1 100.0 Cl e a r l y apparent i s the r i s i n g importance of the United States as a trading partner, with a trade volume of approximately 10% of the t o t a l i n 1950 and 34.9% i n 1965. When one takes into account, too, other factors such as the preponderance of United States c i t i z e n s among the t o u r i s t s to Jamaica one gets a picture of growing in t e r a c t i o n between the two s o c i e t i e s . Employment; Although the proportion of workers i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l industries declined sharply as other i n -dustries grew i n the twentieth century, by 1960 t h i s sector s t i l l provided one of the main avenues of employment, 121 accounting for 39% of the labour force. (In 1844 80% of a l l workers were i n agriculture, i n 1891 73%, and i n 1943 47%. The proportion of female workers i n agriculture declined more sharply than that of male workers. Whereas 28% of a l l female workers were i n agriculture i n 1943, i n 1960 the proportion was 17%, while the respective figures for the male workers were 57% and 50% respectively.) Despite the great contribution of the mining industry to the G.D.P. t h i s sector d i r e c t l y absorbed a very small portion of the labour force. More important sources of d i r e c t employment of labour were, as i n the case of Guyana, the d i s t r i b u t i o n , government, and service sectors. The following table shows the composition of the labour force by i n d u s t r i a l group i n 1960 (percentages): Table (10) Composition of labour force by i n d u s t r i a l group i n 1960 I n d u s t r i a l Group % of Labour Force Agriculture 39.0 Mining, r e f i n i n g 0.8 Manufactur ing 14.3 Construction, public u t i l i t i e s 8.8 Transport, communications 3.4 D i s t r i b u t i o n , finance 10.3 122 Table (10) Continued I n d u s t r i a l Group % of Labour Force Services, including government 23.4 T o t a l 100.0 Source: 1960 Census Some other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the employment s i t u -ation were as follows: a. a high proportion of u n s k i l l e d workers; b. great i n e q u a l i t i e s i n income d i s t r i b u t i o n generally, and s p e c i f i c a l l y between urban and r u r a l workers and between workers i n d i f f e r e n t i n d u s t r i a l sectors. Ahiram (1964:348) estimated that i n 1958 the income of urban households was about 2 to 2.5 times that of r u r a l households; that the average per c a p i t a l incomes i n the mining and d i s t r i b u t i o n sect-ors were at least s i x times as high as that i n a g r i -culture; that the lowest group of 20% of household had roughly a 2 percent share of income measured, while the highest 5% group had a 30% share; that i n -e q u a l i t i e s of income were greater i n the r u r a l than i n the urban areas; and that incomes i n the d i s t r i -bution, mining, transportation and general govern-ment sectors were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than those i n 123 construction, manufacturing, and agriculture; c. unemployment and underemployment of a l l l e v e l s of workers notably i n the construction industry, with an o v e r a l l unemployment rate of about 13%. Public attitudes to education and to s p e c i f i c occu-pations must be examined i n the l i g h t of these factors of limited employment opportunities and the geographical and occupational i n e q u a l i t i e s i n income d i s t r i b u t i o n . Further, any design for education and s o c i a l reform must come to grips with the underlying causes of these l i m i t a t i o n s and i n e q u a l i t i e s . F i n a l l y , the e f f e c t of emigration of the labour s i t u -ation i n Jamaica deserves some comment. Except for a b r i e f period during the war years emigration has been a s i g n i f i -cant feature of Jamaica society from the late 19th century onwards, reaching the highest l e v e l s during 1911-1921 and i n the mid-1950's, then again between 1960 and 1962 just before the B r i t i s h Government tightened i t s immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s . During 1911-1921 and i n 1955 the net emi-gration amounted to 74% and 43% respectively of the natural increase i n population (Roberts and M i l l s , 1958:60). The main bulk of emigrants went to the United Kingdom. Net emigration to the United Kingdom between 1953-1962 was 124 161,761, about 9.7% of the island's population at the end of 1962, with an additional 20 to 30 thousand to other countries (Tidrick, 1966:25). Roberts and M i l l s (ibid) estimating that about 56.7% of the emigrants to the U.K. during 1953-1955 were s k i l l e d workers, were apprehensive of the possible i l l e f f e c t s that a continued outflow of s k i l l e d labour of such magnitude could have on the country's economy. T i d r i c k on the other hand argued that during 1954-1962 emigration probably aided rather than impeded economic development and a l l e v i a t e d the unemployment problem i n the country. T i d r i c k c i t e d among other reasons for h i s con-c l u s i o n the reduction of the population pressure by the migratory movement, the heavy unemployment of the main categories of s k i l l e d workers that emigrated, and the sub-s t a n t i a l earnings of foreign exchange r e s u l t i n g from remit-tance by Jamaica emigrants to r e l a t i v e s back home. Society: The t o t a l population i n Jamaica at the end 9 of 1957 was estimated at 1,611,000 with the birth-rate at 38.1 per thousand and the rate of natural increase at 29.0 ^Note - 1960 Census Data showed the ethnic composition of the population, as follows: Africans (Blacks) 76.8%, Afro-Europeans (Coloured) 14.6%, Europeans 0.8%, East Indians 1.7%, Chinese 0.6%, others 5.5%. 125 per thousand (Government of Jamaica, 1958). Within 7 years (1950-1957) a decline i n infant mortality and death rates combined with a r i s e i n the b i r t h rate to produce a r i s e i n natural increase from 21.3 to 29.0 per thousand. The population under 15 rose from 36.5% of the t o t a l i n 1943 to 41.2% i n 1960. The significance of these population trends for edu-cational development i s clear . Rapid increases i n the number and percentage of the school age population, national commitment to universal education at one l e v e l or another, and increased demands for educational opportunities at a l l l e v e l s c o l l e c t i v e l y create both quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e problems of educational provision. Aspects of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ; H i s t o r i c a l l y , colour has been an important factor i n a person's status placement i n the B r i t i s h Caribbean. F. Henriques (1953) and M. G. Smith (1961,and 1965) have dealt extensively with the problem of colour-class r e l a t i o n s h i p i n Jamaica. Both i d e n t i f i e d and described c u l t u r a l differences among the upper class White population, middle class Coloured and lower class Blacks. M. G. Smith (1961) observed that the greatest c u l -t u r a l gulf lay between the White and Brown s t r a t a on the one hand, and the lower class Blacks on the other. He noted 126 also that the s o c i a l integration of these three groups had never been high. Data from the 1943 Census on the ownership of land gave some in d i c a t i o n of the vast economic superiority of the White group. Constituting about 1.1% of the population they owned nearly 50% of farms over 1,000 acres, while the 78.1% Black population owned 10.8%. There i s no question, however, that s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and upward economic mobility increased notably i n the 1950's and 60's with the country *s economic expansion and the movement towards nationhood, but the extent to which the basic three-tiered structure of the society has been modified i s a vigorously debated issue i n contemporary Jamaican society. Socio-cultural differences among Jamaican school children contributed to the pressures exerted on lower class Blacks i n the country's educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . There was and s t i l l i s , for example, the pressure to con-form to the value systems of the upper and middle class White and Coloured groups, since these are the values pro-moted i n the s c h o o l s . 1 0 Further, socio-psychological •LUSome members of a marginal group, the Ras T a f a r i s , who regard A f r i c a as the i r homeland, c l e a r l y rejected the school system as an agent of continued European domination. 127 studies by Kerr (1955) and M i l l e r (1969) suggested that among groups of lower and middle class Jamaican school children colour and other ethnic features are a source of much anxiety. A c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a substantial number of lower class Blacks that a f f e c t s t h e i r capacity to u t i l i s e educational opportunity i s the incidence of non-legal marital unions of varying s t a b i l i t y . I f these unions are terminated any offsprings usually remain with the mother, and f i n a n c i a l support by the father i s not always assured (Davenport, 1961). Summary Some main points a r i s i n g out of the foregoing accounts of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic context of the education systems i n Guyana and Jamaica i n the late 1950's may be summarised as follows: 1. Economy: S i m i l i a r economic features i n the two countries were a high l e v e l of unemployment as well as underemployment of various categories of s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d labour; the dominance of the a g r i c u l t u r a l , mining, d i s t r i b u t i o n and service sectors i n the economy; a labour intensive a g r i c u l t -u r a l industry, c a p i t a l intensive mining i n d i s t r y ; the import-ance of the d i s t r i b u t i o n and service industries i n the 128 provision of employment opportunities; great i n e q u a l i t i e s i n income d i s t r i b u t i o n p a r t i c u l a r l y between i n d u s t r i a l sectors. Main differences were: a more rapid decline i n the importance of agriculture i n the Jamaican economy and, correspondingly, more rapid increase i n the mining and manufacturing industries; consequently, greater reliance in Guyana on foreign imports for the s a t i s f a c t i o n of l o c a l needs i n foodstuff and manufactured a r t i c l e s ; greater importance to Jamaica than to Guyana of the United States as a trading partner; greater significance of emigration for the labour s i t u a t i o n i n Jamaica. 2. Government and P o l i t i c s : By 1957 national elections under adult suffrage were introduced i n both countries and mass p o l i t i c a l parties won these e l e c t i o n s . Previous con-s t i t u t i o n a l reverses i n Guyana resulted i n that country's government being only p a r t i a l l y elected i n 1957 and i n i t s having more r e s t r i c t e d power than the Jamaican government. Besides, from 1953 to 1957 Guyana was administered by a government wholly nominated by the Crown. Other basic d i f -ferences were that on the whole Guyana's two main p o l i t i c a l p arties, unlike those i n Jamaica, were each representative mainly of a separate major ethnic group, and the r u l i n g 129 party i n Guyana was more r a d i c a l i n i t s p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t -ation than i t s counterpart i n Jamaica. 3. Demographic and So c i a l Features: The rates of popu-l a t i o n increase i n both countries followed the high pattern c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of underdeveloped countries, but p a r t l y through the higher b i r t h - r a t e of the Indian population i n Guyana and the greater emigration rates i n Jamaica, the rate of population growth was higher for Guyana than for Jamaica. Both countries had a very mixed population but the vast majority of Jamaicans were Black, while i n Guyana the East Indians were the largest ethnic group, followed by the Blacks. By 1957 c o n f l i c t between these two main groups i n Guyana was already seething and was la t e r to disrupt Guyanese society. There was no overt c o n f l i c t between ethnic groups i n Jamaica, but c r i t i c s are generally agreed that differences between the two main sections of the population, broadly distinguished by th e i r colour 1' 1' and socio-economic status, have always presented a grave threat to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y i n the country. •LJ-The concept of colour as applied to the Caribbean s i t u a t i o n generally incorporates not only skin pigmentation but also f a c i a l features and texture of h a i r . CHAPTER 6 THE EDUCATION SYSTEMS OF GUYANA  AND JAMAICA IN THE LATE 1950'S To put the discussion of high school opportunity i n Guyana and Jamaica i n perspective, we f i r s t give a b r i e f outline of the educational systems of the two countries. These systems c l o s e l y resembled each other i n organisation, in administrative structure and i n school c u r r i c u l a . There-fore, after d e t a i l s of the Guyana system have been described, only major points of difference i n the Jamaican s i t u a t i o n w i l l be presented. Inasmuch as we s h a l l ultimately be con-cerned to analyse changes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school opportunity during 1957-1967, i t w i l l be appropriate to describe the educational systems as they existed at the be-ginning of t h i s period. F i r s t we s h a l l look at the administration of the system, then the f a c i l i t i e s available at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s or phases, and f i n a l l y , the sources and methods of finance. Guyana's Educational System 1. Administration Guyana's educational system, o r i g i n a l l y established and controlled by private denominational bodies, came under dual control by Church and Government i n the l a t t e r h a l f of 130 131 the 19th century. Co-operation between these two agencies, though r u f f l e d occasionally, was generally f a i r l y smooth u n t i l the r i s e of nationalism i n the middle of the present century when the control of educational i n s t i t u t i o n s became a l i v e p o l i t i c a l issue. Of the 309 primary schools i n 1956-1957, twenty schools with a population of 8,326 pupils were wholly owned and controlled by Government while 281 (95,785, pupils) were under dual control by Government and the C h r i s t i a n denomin-ations. Eight other aided schools (2,348 pupils) belonged to the Mining and Sugar companies. Under the system of dual control teachers are appointed by and subject to the authority of denominational boards which pay s a l a r i e s and maintain physical f a c i l i t i e s out of grants from the nation-a l government. The national government has f i n a l authority i n matters of c e r t i f i c a t i o n , transfer, promotion and d i s -missal of teachers; i t exercises an appellate function i n d i s c i p l i n a r y matters, supervises the organisation and implementation of c u r r i c u l a , and examines and c e r t i f i e s primary school-leaving students. There were i n 1957 two Government secondary schools with 1094 students, two grant-aided schools (enrolment, 732) and about twenty-six private schools (enrolment about 5,200). 132 The Technical I n s t i t u t e , the Carnegie School of Home Economics, and the Teachers Training College were govern-ment i n s t i t u t i o n s while the remaining Home Economics School was grant-aided. The private schools were e n t i r e l y outside the j u r i s d i c t i o n and supervision of the central government Both the government and church administrations were almost completely c e n t r a l i s e d . Some landmarks i n the development of the governmental administrative system were: a. In 1850 an Education Commission with functions of a Board of Education was appointed and quickly abolished when the Church administrations vigorously opposed i t s recommendations for a secular system of education. b. An Inspector of Schools was appointed i n 1853 with f u l l control of the entir e educational e f f o r t i n Guyana. This appointment marked the beginning of the Department of Education responsible for the primary schools. The head of t h i s Department was late r renamed Director of Education and f i n a l l y Chief Education O f f i c e r . The two government secondary schools remained separate sub-departments of Govern-ment u n t i l late i n 1957. 133 c. The f i r s t Guyanese Director of Education was appointed i n 1960. A l l previous d i r e c t o r s were recruited from B r i t a i n . d. During the b r i e f o f f i c e of the 1953 elected government a Minister of Education was appointed with vaguely defined r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and very limited powers. e. On the return to representative government i n late 1957 the m i n i s t e r i a l system was firmly e s t a b l i s h -ed and a Ministry of Community Development and Education was vested with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l educational matters. 2. Educational Provision A. Pre-Primary School Stage; Nurseries or kindergartens for children from 3 to 6 years old have not been widely established i n s t i t u t i o n s either i n Guyana or Jamaica. In Guyana there were four main avenues of pre-school education-a l opportunity available to a limited number of c h i l d r e n . These were as follows: i . A few kindergartens run by private i n d i v i d u a l s . These ranged i n q u a l i t y from poorly equipped classes conducted by very inexperienced young g i r l s or women with barely functional l i t e r a c y , to those few 134 schools, usually i n the two urban areas of Georgetown and New Amsterdam, taught by experienced teachers q u a l i f i e d i n Froebel methods, and adequately equip-ped with up-to-date teaching materials and other physical f a c i l i t i e s . Even without the pressing demand for places i n these l a t t e r schools by middle-class and upper-class parents with appropriate s o c i a l connections to ensure entry, the mass of working class parents would have found the fees p r o h i b i t i v e . Of the poorer q u a l i t y of schools a United Nations Education Commission wrote (1963:51) Those (in the r u r a l areas) which the mission was f o r t u -nate to v i s i t could by no stretch of imagination be c a l l e d nursery s c h o o l s — a room i n a house with a large number of young children cramped i n , s i t t i n g huddled together on uncomfortable bench-desks; suitable equip-ment and apparatus v i r t u a l l y non-existent; untrained ladies and young g i r l s who see t h e i r task as one of looking after children and teaching the alphabet and numbers . . . i i . The preparatory sections of some denominational primary schools. There were as well some private denominational schools which catered for children from 3 or 4 through 11 years and concentrated on pre-paring t h e i r pupils for entrance examinations to secondary schools; again; these were rendered exclu-sive by reason of the fees charged, i f for no other 135 reasons. i i i . Government or denominational public primary schools, which were allowed to admit children one year below the compulsory age of 6 i n cases where accommodation was a v a i l a b l e . i v . The preparatory sections of the two Government secondary schools and some private secondary schools, a l l i n the urban areas, and admitting kindergarten pupils on a fee-paying basis. U n t i l 1957 when the preparatory forms were abolished i n the two Govern-ment secondary schools--Queen's College for boys and Bishop's High School for g i r l s — t h e y contributed about 60% of the entrants to the secondary sections and t h i s system of recruitment was constantly c r i t i c i s e d . Since no records were kept of the private kindergartens i t i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate how many of them existed and the number of children enrolled, but i t i s more than l i k e l y that well under 5% of the age cohort attended these i n s t i t u -t i o n s . The few nursery sections of the Government or denomin-ational public primary schools had about 570 children on r o l l at the end of August 1958 (Ministry of Education Annual Report, 1957-1958)—a figure representing not more than three percent of the relevant age group. 136 B. Primary Schools; "Primary" schools, which were r e -named all-age schools i n 1962, provided the only formal educational experience for most Guyanese c h i l d r e n . These schools by law admitted children aged 6 to 14, but where accommodation existed pupils could be admitted at f i v e and could stay u n t i l they reached sixteen. F i r s t attempts at enforcing compulsory school attend-ance from 6 to 14 i n Guyana were made i n 1945 although a Compulsory Education Ordinance requiring attendance from age 6 to age 11 was passed as early as 1876, six years after a similar law was passed i n B r i t a i n . An Englishman, George Dennis, the f i r s t Inspector of Schools i n Guyana was l a r g e l y instrumental i n getting t h i s law passed i n Guyana. The main educational e f f o r t u n t i l the early 1960's was aimed at making primary education universal, and the growing support of parents for t h i s objective was r e f l e c t e d i n the s t e a d i l y increasing enrolment and attendance f i g u r e s . In 1930 there was an 80% enrolment i n the primary schools, with an average attendance rate of 67%. By 1945 enrolment had reached over 90% and attendance 74%; the attendance rate for pupils enrolled i n 1957-1958 was 84%. The primary school population doubled between 1946 and 1960. This increase i n school enrolment was i n no small 137 measure due not merely to the increase i n the school age population, but to the growing i n t e r e s t shown i n education e s p e c i a l l y by the East Indian population. Comprising about 45% of the primary school age cohort i n 1935, East Indians accounted for only 36% of the actual school popula-tion.^- By 1945 t h e i r p o s i t i o n had improved though they were s t i l l under-represented; but by 1955 East Indians represent-ed about 51% of the 5-15 population as well as of the primary school population. The r i s i n g i n t e r e s t shown by East Indians i n education coincided with t h e i r increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l and trade Union i n s t i t u t i o n s (see pp. 87-89). A c t i v i t i e s i n the primary school centered around the inc u l c a t i o n of l i t e r a c y p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i r s t f i v e or six grades. In the l a s t two or three grades pupils were prepared for a school leaving examination p r i n c i p a l l y i n English, Arithmetic and the S o c i a l Studies. Work i n these grades was very much r e p e t i t i v e ; not enough ca r e f u l thought was given to the organisation of worthwhile educational experiences for adolescents, the vast majority of whom were destined to receive no further schooling. Attempts to U n l e s s otherwise indicated figures are obtained or computed from Ministry of Education reports. 138 teach 'school gardening' met with l i t t l e success, p a r t l y through the antipathy to t h i s a c t i v i t y (noted i n an e a r l i e r chapter), and p a r t l y through inadequate physical and per-sonnel resources. Aesthetic, recreational, and physical education a c t i v i t i e s received l i t t l e more than token atten-t i o n . In seven Handicraft and three Domestic Science Centres some pre-vocational t r a i n i n g at the primary l e v e l was provided for less than two percent of the boys and about one percent of the g i r l s , while eighteen of the country's 309 primary schools received grants for Home Economics courses. Nearly a l l the primary schools conducted a special 'scholarship c l a s s ' for a group of children between the ages of 9 and 11 selected mainly on the basis of teachers' estimate of their i n t e l l e c t u a l p o t e n t i a l . Instruction for t h i s class, held during school hours, i n the evenings, at weekends and even over the vacations, was normally con-ducted or supervised by the headmaster himself. Fees were generally charged even for classes taught within school hours. The headteacher staked h i s reputation on "his" successes at the secondary schools scholarship entrance examination, and for two or three years pupils preparing for t h i s examination were d r i l l e d almost e n t i r e l y i n the three 139 axeas examined—English, Arithmetic and General I n t e l l i g e n c e . Very few t e a c h e r s — o r parents for that matter—considered the rod dispensable for promoting e f f i c i e n t learning, and neither parent nor teacher was daunted by the fact that only 50 scholarships (increased to 60 i n 1957) were available for the thousands who sought them. This s i t u a t i o n persisted i n spite of e f f o r t s by the Government administration to co r r e c t i t s more appalling features. C. Secondary Education: The 19th century pattern of edu-cat i o n a l provision previously described—primary education for the masses and secondary education for the p r i v i l e g e d f e w — b a s i c a l l y prevailed i n 1957. The UNESCO Mission to Guyana i n 1963 observed: An inherited weakness of the educational system i s the lack of a r t i c u l a t i o n of the primary and secondary l e v e l s of education since each grew up separately. (1963:18) and added, The primary schools catered . . . for the mass of children; the secondary school system was for the select few who distinguished themselves at the 11-plus examination or who could afford to go to fee-paying i n s t i t u t i o n s . (Ibid:33) There were three main avenues of formal schooling open to children between eleven and eighteen. F i r s t there were the 7 handicraft and 3 Domestic Science centres referred to e a r l i e r . In addition the upper section of the primary school 140 including 18 Domestic Science Departments provided edu-cation for children up to the age of fourteen or f i f t e e n . A small number of pupils stayed on for two further years to prepare for a competitive examination which served as the basis for recruitment of pup i l teachers for the primary schools. Of those children over 11 years receiving some kind of formal education at the secondary l e v e l about 78% (32,690) were i n the senior sections of these primary schools, an enrolment rate of 66% of the 11 to 18 popula-t i o n ; actual attendance figures, however, were considerably lower. Next there were the secondary schools, a l l with a predominantly c l a s s i c a l grammar school curriculum. At the beginning of 1957 there were 2 Government secondary schools, 2 grand-aided schools and about 26 private schools with an enrolment of approximately 6,715 students. Both Government secondary schools, one of the two grant-aided schools, and more than h a l f of the private schools were i n the c a p i t a l c i t y , Georgetown. Between 18 and 20 percent of students from ages eleven to nineteen were enrolled i n these 30-odd secondary schools. (The function of these schools, t h e i r r e l a t i v e quality, selection processes, and the socio-economic and ethnic composition of the student population 141 w i l l be discussed later.) The t h i r d avenue was the pre-vocational schools. These were the Government Technical I n s t i t u t e , the Carnegie School of Home Economics and the Fredericks School of Home Economics. By 1957 September, 1,169 students, mostly boys, were enrolled at the Technical I n s t i t u t e for regular classes and 308 for short courses. The two Home Economics schools had a t o t a l of about 253 g i r l s . The o v e r a l l picture, then, i s that just about 20 percent of children over eleven years were enrolled i n the secondary schools, somewhere between 10 and 15 percent r e -ceived no kind of formal schooling, while most of the 66% i n the primary schools hardly received a worthwhile programme of i n s t r u c t i o n . Many of t h i s l a s t group responded by absenting themselves from school or dropping out of the system altogether. Germanacos (ibid:50-51) commenting on the poor attendance i n the secondary departments of the a l l -age schools rejected what he termed "the pseudo-socio-economic reasons" usually advanced—namely, the necessity f o r children to work i n the f i e l d s — s i n c e unpunctuality and poor attendance were also c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of non-agricultural areas. The Germanacos Commission inferred from t h e i r sample surveys that the answer lay mainly " i n the general attitude 142 b u i l t up over the years towards questions of time, i n the unattractiveness of school conditions, and i n ignorance on the part of parents of the importance of regular attendance to the educational career of t h e i r c h i l d r e n " . Many d i f f e r -ent factors have to be taken into account i n tryi n g to explain the apathy towards the opportunities offered i n the secondary section of the primary schools. I t may be, for example, that parents neglect to send th e i r children to the l a s t grades of primary schools not because they are unaware of the importance of regular attendance to the educational career of the i r children, but because they are f u l l y aware that further attendance at a primary school produces no ap-parent rewards. Through the i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e of many primary and secondary school teachers, some able and ambitious c h i l d -ren l e f t out of the formal secondary school system were tutored p r i v a t e l y for the same overseas examinations taken by high school children, success at which provided a gate-way to middle class occupations and to further education. Some children, too, studied on t h e i r own with the aid of correspondence courses from overseas colleges. True, the re s u l t s achieved through these two channels were modest i n terms of o v e r a l l examination successes, but the value of 143 these opportunities for the few successful students should not be underestimated. In addition to these i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t s there were the f a c i l i t i e s of the two trade schools maintained by the major firms of Bookers Sugar Estates L t d . and the Demerara Bauxite Company; but these f a c i l i t i e s were available to no more than about two or three score of the Companies' employees or apprentices and were limited i n educational scope. F i n a l l y , t u i t i o n i n shorthand and typing was provid-ed by a few private individuals, but the number of such classes, which were not registered, i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate. D. Teacher Education: The narrow apex of teacher t r a i n i n g and overseas univ e r s i t y education completed the formal education pyramid. From i t s establishment i n 1928 u n t i l the 1960's the Government Teachers Training College provided professional and grammar school courses for a select handful of primary school teachers already i n the profession. At f i r s t 30 students were admitted every two years for a 2-year course, but from 1953 the 30 admissions were made annually. In 1955 a scheme was i n i t i a t e d for sending 5 trained and experienced teachers abroad for a 1-year un i v e r s i t y profes-sional course. The position i n 1957 was that the college had on r o l l 144 60 f i r s t and second year students. By t h i s date less than 17% of the country's primary school teachers had received professional t r a i n i n g , nearly a l l of them at t h i s i n s t i t u -t i o n . (A few of the older teachers had received t h e i r t r a i n i n g at a similar college i n Jamaica.) Opportunities provided at the Teachers Training College were more useful as a means of stimulating the educational aspirations of i t s small number of students than of providing a profes-s i o n a l l y equipped teaching force for the primary schools; trained teachers were i n fact too few to make a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the educational s i t u a t i o n . Even so, later reform and expansion of teacher education was not effected without considerable opposition from i n f l u e n t i a l members of the teaching profession who expressed fears about the lowering of standards. Most secondary schools were staffed mainly by second-ary school graduates. In the two government schools 38 of the 53 teachers were un i v e r s i t y graduates (approximately 72%), while i n the 28 other aided and private secondary schools, which had a t o t a l student population more than s i x times that of the government schools, there were no more than 32 graduate teachers, approximately 15 percent of the t o t a l s t a f f . Less than h a l f of a l l graduate teachers had 145 professional post-graduate t r a i n i n g or q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , which were normally acquired either at the University of the West Indies or u n i v e r s i t i e s i n the United Kingdom, United States or Canada. E. University Education; Higher education i n the profes-sions, arts, or sciences was acquired i n overseas univer-s i t i e s mainly on students' own i n i t i a t i v e and at t h e i r own expense. However, the Guyana government besides contribut-ing to the University of the West Indies, provided loans for a few students and awarded a small number of ad hoc scholarships and bursaries p r i n c i p a l l y for professional improvement courses. Two government scholarships were awarded each year to secondary school graduates to pursue uni v e r s i t y degree courses and i n 1957 sixteen students were i n receipt of Government loans. I t was not u n t i l the 1960's that f a i r l y r e l i a b l e records were kept of students studying abroad independently, so figures for private students for 1957 are not available; some idea of the s i t u a t i o n could be obtained, however, from a look at the 1960 data which shows that fewer than one-f i f t h of the 333 students i n higher education overseas were on government loans or scholarships. Of these students 220 ^Source - Germanacos, 1963, UNESCO Education Survey Mission. 146 were i n u n i v e r s i t i e s i n the United Kingdom, 57 i n the U.S.A., 43 at the University of the West Indies, and 13 i n Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s . F. Adult Education: Various o f f i c i a l and informal groups took an in t e r e s t i n promoting adult l i t e r a c y and other welfare programmes, conducted evening classes i n academic subjects, ran spe c i a l courses i n such p r a c t i c a l areas as cookery, weaving and farming methods, and organised c u l t u r a l and aesthetic a c t i v i t i e s . The information available on t h i s phase of educational e f f o r t i s quite fragmentary, but i t i s evident that e f f o r t s were di f f u s e , unintegrated, and i n some cases too sh o r t - l i v e d to be e f f e c t i v e . In 1958 the Adult Education Association was formed to co-ordin-ate the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l interested bodies. Government had not assumed leadership i n t h i s area of educational endeavour, which received only passing mention i n several commission reports on education. Main groups involved i n some adult education project or another were Extra-mural Department of the University of the West Indies, the Sugar Producers Association, the B r i t i s h Council, and various Government agencies. Except for the work of the Sugar Producers Association, which organised educational programmes among i t s workers on the 147 sugar estates, much attention and f a c i l i t i e s were concen-trated i n the urban areas. 3. Finance From the middle of the 19th century after the B r i t i s h government's withdrawal of the Negro Education Grant,^ the Guyana government bore the major portion of the t o t a l public education costs. There has been no notable change i n the method of education financing over the years. In 1957 the main sources of education funding were: i . the recurrent national budget, i i . the development budget, and i i i . various forms of private funds (including t u i t i o n fees and Colo n i a l Welfare and Develop-ment Funds provided by the United Kingdom government). The Germanacos Commission (ibid:29) estimated that i n 1960 about 67% of the recurrent expenditure for a l l l e v e l s of education was met by government sources; of the non-recurrent expenditure 38 percent was met by government, and 62 percent by private sources. By far the greatest per-centage of o v e r a l l educational investment went towards the See p. 39. 148 operation of the primary and all-age schools, though the proportion declined i n the 1950's and 1960's as a r e s u l t of intense a c t i v i t y i n the areas of teacher education and secondary and higher education. The proportion of education funds devoted to the primary and all-age schools declined from 84% i n 1945 to 74% i n 1966. (Bacchus, 1969:416) In current prices the expenditure on education more than doubled between 1952 and 1961. Although allowances must be made for changing prices i t i s reasonable to assume that there had been gains i n r e a l terms since educational expenditure grew much more r a p i d l y than national income. But s o c i a l and demographic factors tended to minimise the si g n i f i c a n c e of these gains. While the t o t a l expenditure on the primary schools per capita of population rose by 70% over the same period, expenditure per capita of pupils e n r o l l e d increased by only 34%. This fact i s no doubt ex-plained p a r t l y by the r i s i n g proportion of the primary school age population (see p. 137 above) and p a r t l y by the growing support for education r e f l e c t e d i n increased attend-ance . The increase i n the primary school age population was about 10% greater than the t o t a l population percentage growth, while the attendance rate i n 1961 was nearly 3% higher than i n 1952. The increased education expenditure 149 may be considered then to have served the purpose more of preventing the education s i t u a t i o n from deteriorating rather than s i g n i f i c a n t l y improving i t . Although the expenditure on education increased i n absolute terms, the percentage of the recurrent budget devoted to educational ends remained f a i r l y constant be-tween 13 and 14 percent from 1946 to 1957. Approximately 1.8% of the development budget and 14.1% of the current budget went to education i n 1957. The i n d i v i d u a l a l l o c a t i o n s among selected education sectors are given i n the table below: Table (11) All o c a t i o n s among selected education sectors from public recurrent and develop-ment expenditure, 1957 (W.I. $,000) Recurrent Percent Develop- Per- Tot a l Expendi- ment Ex- cent Percent ture p e n t i -ture Primary Schools 4,562 65.5 Teacher's College 99 1.4 Secondary Schools 437 6.3 Vocational Schools 255 3.7 Higher Education 405 5.8 Special and Reform Schools .107 1.5 305 74.2 51 12.4 66.0 1.3 5.9 3.5 6.2 1.5 150 Table (11) Continued Recurrent Percent Develop- Per- Total Expendi- raent Ex- cent Percent ture pendi-ture Ministry of Education 227 3.3 18 4.4 3.3 Other M i n i s t r i e s 869 12.5 37 9.0 12.3 A g r i c u l t u r a l extension services, medical services i n the primary schools, and information and public l i b r a r y s e r v i c e s are included under the item 'Other M i n i s t r i e s ' , while 'Ministry of Education' ref e r s mainly to education administration. Quite s t r i k i n g i s the high percentage of the t o t a l recurrent education budget and the even higher percentage of the c a p i t a l budget invested i n primary edu-c a t i o n . This was the general pattern u n t i l the 1960's when c a p i t a l funds devoted to the expansion of secondary and teacher education rose more r a p i d l y than expenditure on primary schools; i t must be remembered, though, that the teacher t r a i n i n g e f f o r t was directed p r i n c i p a l l y to improv-ing the quality and supply of primary school teachers. Further d e t a i l s on the r e l a t i v e increases i n expenditure on primary and secondary education are given on page below. Private contribution to educational provision has not been included i n t h i s discussion because no data was available on the private secondary schools, which were not 151 registered before 1957 and were quite r e t i c e n t about matters pertaining to t h e i r f i n a n c i a l operations. However, i t i s clear that the central government bore almost the ent i r e costs of primary education while private contributions, apart from Colonial Development and Welfare Grants, went p r i n c i p a l l y to secondary and higher education and sub-s t a n t i a l l y supplemented the government e f f o r t i n these areas. Jamaica's Educational System 1. Administration The evolution of the Jamaica system of educational administration was similar to that of Guyana's, except for the absence of any major c o n f l i c t i n Jamaica between Church and Government such as occurred i n Guyana during the early years of the Jagan administration. A rudimentary system of education was administered by the C h r i s t i a n denominations u n t i l 1842 when partnership between Church and Government began. The Government machinery for educational administra-t i o n changed s t e a d i l y with developments i n the country's p o l i t i c a l c o n s t i t u t i o n . In 1944 a germinal Ministry of Education was established. In 1953 Jamaica adopted the system of f u l l m i n i s t e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and i n 1958 the Ministry of Education was vested with f u l l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l 152 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l matters pertaining to education. The Government as well as the Denominational administrative machinery was wholly c e n t r a l i s e d . In 1958 Government was f u l l y responsible for 372 primary schools while 334 primary schools were under dual control by Government and various denominations. Govern-ment also owned and controlled three teacher-training colleges and nine post-primary schools (including six tech-n i c a l schools and one a g r i c u l t u r a l school), while there were 34 grant-aided secondary schools and 3 grant-aided teacher-t r a i n i n g colleges. 346 basic schools and infant centres received a small subvention from Government. F i n a l l y , there was an unspecified number of wholly private schools at the secondary and kindergarten l e v e l s . 2. Educational Provision A. Pre-Primary School Stage: The provision at t h i s l e v e l was very much similar to that described for Guyana. Private kindergartens of varying q u a l i t y provided accommodation for under 10 percent of children between the ages of 3 and 7. The best and most expensive schools were located i n the c a p i t a l c i t y , Kingston, and were attended by children of the middle and upper professional or business classes. The Jamaican Government showed some measure of concern for 153 eaxly education by sponsoring short courses for kindergarten teachers and granting a small annual subvention to over 300 basic schools and infant centers. B. Primary Schools: Jamaica has not so far been able to provide universal primary education. The normal age for admission to the primary school was seven years, but there was no compulsory education law. Several unsuccessful attempts were made since 1892 to i n s t i t u t e compulsory school attendance. A new code of regulations passed i n 1966, however, lowered the permissible admission age to six years i n p u b l i c l y financed primary schools, and made edu-cation compulsory (from ages 6 to 15) i n selected areas where adequate accommodation existed. Approximately 80 percent of the 7-14 population were enrolled i n primary schools i n 1957. Irregular school attendance of the pupils enrolled presented a grave problem year after year. Between 1950 and 1954 the o v e r a l l average attendance was 61 percent. The average attendance for the years 1957 and 1958, based on the 288 best sessions, was approximately 69 percent each year. Jamaica's primary schools were similar to Guyana's i n organisation and courses offered. As i n Guyana, strong pressures were exerted on the work of the primary school by 154 the demands of the secondary schools' entrance examinations. The primary school provided the only formal educational experience for the vast majority of students, while i t s pro-gramme was designed to meet the needs of the small number of students going on to high school. C. Secondary Education; D e t a i l s on opportunities available at the secondary l e v e l i n Jamaica i n 1957 are discussed i n Chapter 8 below. Only the e s s e n t i a l s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f -ferences between the Jamaica secondary school system and the Guyanese system w i l l be considered at t h i s point. Limited opportunities for secondary education, severe com-p e t i t i o n for the few school places available, the emphasis on l i t e r a r y studies, and the influence of external examin-ations on the secondary school system were a l l notable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of secondary education i n both Guyana and Jamaica. Jamaica's secondary grammar and technical schools were less concentrated i n the c a p i t a l c i t y and i t s environs than was the case i n Guyana, but there were s t i l l just under a h a l f of the country's 43 aided and government owned schools i n Kingston and surrounding areas, with nearly 60 percent of the 14,000 secondary school population. One other important difference between the secondary school 155 system of the two countries was that the f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i -butions made by the Jamaican Government to the various aided and Government-owned schools were f a i r l y uniform; so too were the s a l a r i e s and conditions of service of the teachers. On the other hand the two Government-owned schools i n Guyana enjoyed exclusive p r i v i l e g e s i n terms of annual per capita grants received and teachers' s a l a r i e s and conditions of service (see Chapter 7) . There was a marked expansion of secondary school f a c i l i t i e s i n Jamaica i n the 1950's. The enrolment of the 10 to 19 population i n secondary schools rose from just over 8,500 i n 1954 to about 12,800 i n 1958, an increase of over 50 percent. By the 1950's secondary education pro-v i s i o n had become a l i v e p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l issue i n Jamaican society. D. Teacher Education: Jamaica's teacher-training e f f o r t was much more ambitious than Guyana's. In 1957, 46 percent of Jamaica's 4,500 primary school teachers had professional q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , compared with a 17 percent r a t i o i n Guyana. In 1958 approximately 50 percent of 4,966 primary and secondary school teachers i n Jamaica had received profes-sional t r a i n i n g . Teacher t r a i n i n g i n Jamaica was not centralised i n a 156 single college as i t was i n Guyana. Instead, 4 primary teachers' colleges offered 3-year courses i n academic and professional subjects. The t o t a l enrolment i n these colleges i n 1958 was 399 students. Besides, the Moneague Training College, opened i n 1956, offered an intensive 1-year course for an annual intake of over 100 older and more experienced teachers. F i n a l l y , the Caledonia Junior College, established i n 1958, provided an "orientation course" of 20 weeks' duration to two batches of 150 young r e c r u i t s each year. Except for a substantial Home Economics programme, Technical and A g r i c u l t u r a l education was v i r t u a l l y absent from a l l the teacher-training courses. The normal course offerings included Science and Mathematics, English, the So c i a l Studies, Music, Art, Physical Education, P r i n c i p l e s and Philosophy of Education, History of Education, Education-a l Psychology, and courses i n Curriculum and Instruction. The normal preparation for becoming a q u a l i f i e d secondary school teacher i n Jamaica was to take an academic f i r s t degree and then pursue professional courses either at the University of the West Indies i n Jamaica or i n overseas u n i v e r s i t i e s . Jamaica's secondary schools were better pro-vided with graduate teachers than were the secondary schools 157 i n Guyana. Nearly 51 percent of the 625 secondary school teachers i n Jamaica were graduates, compared with a 26 percent r a t i o for Guyana. The Guyana Government pursued a p o l i c y of subsidising the s a l a r i e s of only one-third of the graduates i n any aided secondary school, while no such r e -s t r i c t i o n s operated i n Jamaica. Nearly 63 percent of the graduate teachers i n Jamaica were trained, compared with under 50 percent i n Guyana. E. University Education: The presence of the West Indies regional University i n Jamaica placed t h i s country at a d i s t i n c t advantage over the other contributing t e r r i t o r i e s One reason was that although the University of the West Indies out of i t s own budget granted one return fare to West Indian students outside Jamaica, most of these students s t i l l had to meet t h e i r own l i v i n g costs, which would nor-mally be higher than for a Jamaican student. In 1960 there were 441 Jamaican students (238 male and 203 female)enrolled in the U.W.I. Faculties of Arts, Science, Agriculture, S o c i a l Science and Medicine which had a t o t a l student population of 910. In 1964, the number of U.W.I. Jamaican students rose •^Constituent colleges of the University were opened i n Trinidad and Barbados i n 1963. Guyana opened i t s own University i n the same year. 158 to 771, more than 63 percent of the t o t a l enrolment. Ministry of Education records for 1960 indicated that for that year there were about 3,800 Jamaican students studying i n U n i v e r s i t i e s i n the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. The importance of the number of students enrolled i n overseas U n i v e r s i t i e s should not be over-estimat-ed, since most of these students were not expected to return home at the end of t h e i r studies. F. Adult Education: Several Government and voluntary organi-sations provided educational courses for out-of-school adults and adolescents. The Jamaica Library service i n t r o -duced a Bookmobile service i n 1957 and was thus able to extend i t s operations to remote r u r a l areas. The Jamaica So c i a l Welfare Commission launched a L i t e r a c y Project i n 1951 for which i t subsequently secured UNESCO assistance i n the form of grants, fellowships and personnel. By 1958 the L i t e r a c y Section of the Jamaica Welfare Commission was well established with a f u l l - t i m e f i e l d s t a f f as well as s p e c i a l o f f i c e r s assigned to work i n the Prisons. This section has grown from strength to strength making good use of the t e l e v i s i o n and broadcasting media. In 1958 there were more than 30 Evening I n s t i t u t e s conducted i n schools and community centres throughout the 159 i s l a n d . These I n s t i t u t e s offered courses i n Commerce, Agriculture, and Technical subjects i n addition to General Education courses. A number of voluntary and semi-voluntary organisations also contributed to the program of adult education. Notable among these were the 4-H Clubs operating i n various parts of the island, and the Jamaica Youth Corps which organised camping projects for boys to teach them technical and a g r i -c u l t u r a l s k i l l s and to provide them with experience i n s o c i a l and co-operative l i v i n g . G. Finance: The general sources and methods of educational financing i n Guyana and Jamaica were quite s i m i l a r . The central national budget provided the bulk of the t o t a l edu-cat i o n a l expenditure. Students' fees and assistance from international agencies supplemented Government's resources. No special taxes were levi e d d i r e c t l y for educational purposes. In 1957-1958 Jamaica spent 11.2 percent of i t s recurrent budget and 11.6 percent of i t s development budget on education. Comparative figures for Guyana were 14.1 percent and 1.8 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . Jamaica's r e l a t i v e l y high development expenditure i s accounted for mainly by the dramatic increase i n secondary school free places i n 1958 (see Chapter 8). In 1966-1967 the recurrent educational 160 expenditure was 14.8 percent of the t o t a l recurrent expend-iture for Jamaica and 17 percent for Guyana. As i n Guyana the rate of increase i n expenditure on secondary education was mugh higher than that for primary education i n the 1950's and 1960's. Between 1957 and 1967 expenditure on primary l e v e l education i n Jamaica increased by 146 percent (at current prices) while that on secondary l e v e l education rose by 364 percent. Corresponding figures for Guyana were 163 percent and 372 percent respectively. CHAPTER 7 THE DISTRIBUTION OF HIGH SCHOOL OPPORTUNITY  IN GUYANA 1957 - 1967 There i s no doubt that the r o l e of the secondary grammar school i n Guyana and Jamaica i n promoting the f u l -filment of personal aspirations for upward s o c i a l mobility has been c r u c i a l . I t has already been shown (Chapter 5) that the c l e r i c a l services provided substantial opportunities for employment. The usual prerequisite for entry into these services including the teaching profession was the posses-sion of a high school diploma or at least a s p e c i f i e d minimum of high school education experience. C i v i l Service entry requirements, for example, were normally a Cambridge School C e r t i f i c a t e , or some stated equivalent, with passes i n English and Mathematics. Again, although there were alternative routes to be-coming a q u a l i f i e d primary school teacher, various grades and l e v e l s of high school c e r t i f i c a t e s shortened the process and made the teachers' preparation less arduous. Without a high school c e r t i f i c a t e a primary school graduate would normally have to pass eight d i f f e r e n t l o c a l Teachers Examin-ations to acquire the highest c e r t i f i c a t e available for un-trained teachers. In theory a Class I untrained teacher's 161 162 c e r t i f i c a t e could be acquired i n about 5 years, but i n practice the nature and organisation of the examinations, and the conditions under which the teacher prepared for them, generally made the process i n t e r m i n a b l e — f a i l u r e rates for the Teachers' C e r t i f i c a t e examination varied be-tween 70% and 90% each year. A Cambridge School or Higher School C e r t i f i c a t e could make a considerable difference at least i n time i f not i n e f f o r t ; hence the importance, to the teacher, of high school opportunity. For the pursuit of higher education too, or of study i n any of the learned professions, a high school c e r t i f i -cate was indispensable. Higher education was obtained c h i e f l y i n B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s and l a t e r at the University of the West Indies; these i n s t i t u t i o n s normally required for admission c e r t i f i c a t e s gained from examining bodies i n B r i t a i n . The Guyanese high schools, therefore, did not grant th e i r own school leaving c e r t i f i c a t e s but concentrated almost e n t i r e l y on preparing their students for overseas examinations. Thus the opportunities they provided were useful only for limited ends. I t has always been argued that t h i s need not have been the case; that i s , that there was no i n t r i n s i c contradiction i n preparing students for an overseas examination while at the same time o f f e r i n g them 163 a l i b e r a l and personally s a t i s f y i n g education that equipped them for c i t i z e n s h i p ; yet the r e a l i t y of the si t u a t i o n was that there was a v i r t u a l l y t o t a l neglect i n nearly a l l but the two government financed or two grant-aided schools of any area of a c t i v i t y not included i n narrowly selected Cambridge or London syllabuses. Even i n these four Govern-ment and grant-aided schools e f f o r t s to d i v e r s i f y the c u r r i c u l a to include c e r t a i n p r a c t i c a l or technical subjects met with stubborn resistance u n t i l the 1950's. The Hammond Memorandum on Education i n B r i t i s h Guiana (1942) recommended the introduction of technical courses as Queen's College, but only i n 1956 were a few Queen's College students r e -leased one day per week to attend classes i n technical subjects at the nearby Technical I n s t i t u t e . Then i n 1953 the government-owned Bishop's High School and two non-aided Catholic secondary schools for g i r l s added Home Economics courses to th e i r curriculum o f f e r i n g s . In view of the importance of secondary school educa-t i o n for s o c i a l , professional and material advancement, two v i t a l questions need to be raised on the provision of high school opportunity: 1. Do the various high schools a l l have f a c i l i t i e s which enable them to provide education of compar-able quality? 164 2. Does the selection process consistently favour some groups of children and exclude others? It i s to these questions that attention w i l l now be d i r e c t -ed . F i r s t the position i n 1957 w i l l be described and then an analysis made of the factors contributing to change be-tween 1957 and 1967. 1. D i s p a r i t i e s between the schools, 1957: In many respects there was great advantage i n attending one of the two government or two aided secondary schools and to a less extent two or three denominational schools. Not only were graduates of these i n s t i t u t i o n s held i n higher s o c i a l and academic esteem—a circumstance that considerably enhanced t h e i r prospects for employment—but the schools were ac t u a l l y far superior to the other (non-aided) secondary schools i n terms of accommodation and equipment, breadth of cur r i c u l a r offering, q u a l i t y of s t a f f , amount of finances available and, with some q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to be discussed, examination r e s u l t s achieved. Classrooms i n the government and aided schools were equipped with separate desk-chairs for pupils and the number of pupils per classroom was kept at a maximum of 35. In most of the private unaided schools physical accommodation was unsatisfactory. The normal seating arrangement consisted 165 of long bench-desks each holding 4 to 6 c h i l d r e n . I t was also common to find i n one open schoolroom several classes of 40 to 60 c h i l d r e n . 1 Further d i s p a r i t i e s i n physical accommodation and equipment could be detailed, but some s i d e l i g h t s on the t o t a l s i t u a t i o n show c l e a r l y from the methods of financing for the d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s . About 60% of the govern-ment school students and a much greater percentage i n the aided schools paid fees. Though more than 90% of the private school students were fee-paying, fees charged i n these schools were 30 to 50 percent less and were not a l -ways promptly paid. Besides, most private schools depended e n t i r e l y on student fees for t h e i r operation, while an estimated three-fourths of the cost of running the govern-ment schools was met from government funds1 There existed, too, great differences between the government schools and the aided schools, as well as between the government boys school and the government g i r l s school. The average grant per pupil i n the government schools was about 4% times higher than that for the aided private schools, and the cost per c h i l d i n the government boys school was nearly •"•The present writer had the experience of teaching mathematics to a class of 70 children i n one of these schools. 166 60 percent higher than that for the g i r l s school. Largely as a r e s u l t of meagre finances science laboratories were non-existent i n most of the private secondary schools, and l i b r a r y f a c i l i t i e s were far from adequate. Dr. Jagan, while a member of the House of Assembly i n 1951, advocated that the science f a c i l i t i e s at Queen's College be opened to private school students i n the evenings, but t h i s proposal was rejected. However, when he became the head of the Government i n 1953, the p o l i c y was introduced of admitting to the sixth forms of Queen's College and Bishop's High School a small number of the top private school graduates; i n 1957 f i f t e e n such students were admitted. S t a f f i n the government and aided schools were better paid, and male s t a f f i n the government boys school received higher s a l a r i e s than the female s t a f f with similar q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n the government g i r l s school. Queen's College and Bishop's High School were government sub-departments and the teachers i n these schools were senior grade c i v i l servants. They enjoyed generous leave and pension r i g h t s not available i n any measure to private school teachers. T r a d i t i o n a l l y they were recruited from B r i t a i n ; though t h i s p o l i c y was gradually relaxed, both 167 schools had English p r i n c i p a l s u n t i l the 1960's. The s t a f f i n the government schools were also better q u a l i f i e d . Over 70 percent of the teachers were uni v e r s i t y graduates while fewer than a t h i r d of a l l private school teachers possessed a minimum of a Grade II High School C e r t i f i c a t e or 5 Cambridge or London "O" Level passes. In view of t h e i r superior academic q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , c i v i l ser-vant status, higher remunerations and better terms of employment, the government secondary school teachers enjoyed much more prestige than t h e i r counterparts i n the private schools. Together with the teachers i n the two aided schools they belonged to a separate teachers association. The four schools also organised their own annual a t h l e t i c and games competitions i n which students from other schools did not p a r t i c i p a t e . The community was quite conscious of the comparative p r a c t i c a l benefits and status values which attached to both teaching and attendance at the d i f f e r e n t groups of schools. Differences i n s t a f f i n g , financing and equipment were generally r e f l e c t e d i n r e l a t i v e examination success. In 1955 about 20 percent of a group of 487 private school students gained 5 or more passes at the Cambridge School C e r t i f i c a t e examination, compared with 50 percent of 188 168 students from the government and aided schools at a com-parable examination. Germanacos (ibid:63) showed that the differences were even greater i n the 1961 examinations. However, some reservations must be entertained about the v a l i d i t y or significance of these comparisons. A few of the private schools achieved outstanding success i n cer t a i n years and on the whole did much better work than the r e s t of the private schools; i t i s somewhat misleading therefore to lump a l l the private schools i n one category and compare them with the government and aided schools. Also, other important factors such as the l e v e l of attainment of the pupils on entry into the schools and the number of years of preparation need to be taken into account i n comparing the performance of various schools. Yet the basic point remains that the p r o b a b i l i t y of achieving a high school diploma was greater for students i n government schools and the aided schools than for students i n the other schools. 2. D i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity, 1957: I t i s clear that the government and aided secondary schools offered t h e i r students wider educational opportunities, richer experiences and better chances of examination success than the private secondary schools. I t i s therefore inte r e s t i n g to see how the opportunities they provided were d i s t r i b u t e d among the 169 various s o c i a l , occupational and regional groups i n the country. The concentration of secondary schools mainly i n two or three urban areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c a p i t a l c i t y , and t h e i r general dependence on students' fees for t h e i r operation, were two factors determining the composition of the secondary school population. Of the 30 secondary schools l i s t e d i n Ministry of Education records for 1957, only 8 private non-aided schools were i n r u r a l areas proper. Comprising just under a t h i r d of the nation's population, the c a p i t a l c i t y Georgetown and another town, New Amsterdam, had nearly two-thirds of a l l the secondary schools. Students i n the urban schools tended to be r e -cruited from middle and upper socio-economic classes within the town and i t s environs. Data obtained on the background of students admitted to three schools i n 1957 give an i n d i c a t i o n of the regional and socio-economic i n e q u a l i t i e s i n s e l e c t i o n . Three schools sampled represent three d i f f e r e n t strata c l a s s i f i e d on the combined bases of the esteem i n which the schools were held, the l e v e l of f i n a n c i a l and other resources, and the academic record and reputation of the school. We look f i r s t at the pattern of admission into Queen's College, one of the two government secondary schools, 170; representing the most prestigious group. 114 students were admitted to t h i s school—31 i n the preparatory form, 68 i n the f i r s t two secondary forms and 46 i n the other forms. Of the t o t a l , 74 were from Georgetown or roughly 65%. East Indians comprised just under one-third of a l l students, as well as one-third of the Georgetown students. Between 1953 and 1956, of the boys entering the pre-paratory form, one was Amerindian, 5 were Portuguese, 17 East Indians, 19 English, 49 Africans and 85 Chinese (Hansard, 23rd May, 1957). I t w i l l be remembered that over 60% of the students at Queen's College and Bishop's High School paid fees. The re s t won scholarships on t h e i r performance at the Government County Scholarship examination. In 1957, 59 scholarships were awarded, 44 on a County basis and 15 open. The County of Demerara (see Appendix 2) got 19 of the County awards and a l l the open awards. This meant that 58% of the awards went to an area with about 40% of the school-age population. Further, Georgetown pupils won nearly a l l the open awards. In fact i t was previously discovered that Georgetown pupils consistently won most of the Demerara County awards, so a separate d i v i s i o n , Rural Demerara, was created to which 12 of the 19 Demerara awards were allo c a t e d . 171 Our middle group of schools i s represented by St. Rose's High School, a non-aided Roman Catholic School. Of the 39 pupils admitted to t h i s school 20 came from private Roman Catholic preparatory schools, 10 from Roman Catholic primary schools, 6 from private preparatory schools, and 3 went to other primary schools. 7 of the 39 entrants were East Indians. 3 students came from schools outside Georgetown. The fathers of 6 students were employed i n lower working class n o n - c l e r i c a l occupations; the others were either higher l e v e l professionals or businessmen or occupied senior c l e r i c a l or managerial po s i t i o n s . F i n a l l y , for T u t o r i a l High School, a privately-owned non-aided school representing the lower group, of the 210 pupils admitted 65 percent came from the Georgetown area. (Generally, more r u r a l children attended t h i s l a s t group of private schools than the other schools.) 21 of the 210 entrants were East Indians, but much significance should not be attached to t h i s fact because some of the private non-aided secondary schools attracted mainly Black students, and others East Indians. Factors Contributing to Change There were two very important factors influencing the development of education i n Guyana i n the 1950's and 1960's, 172 and contributing to the extension of educational opportunity to groups that were formerly grossly under-represented i n the secondary school system. These factors were: 1. the part played by ethnic r i v a l r y between the Blacks and the East Indians i n the increase of educational aspirations, and 2. the determined e f f o r t of the s o c i a l i s t - o r i e n t e d Jagan government to implement e g a l i t a r i a n i d e a l s . In Guyana, ethnic d i v i s i o n s coincided c l o s e l y with p o l i t i c a l grouping (see Chapter 5). This circumstance contributed t o -wards intense opposition to the Jagan government's proposals for educational reform, not only from the i d e o l o g i c a l l y d i f -ferent right-wing United Force, but from Burnham's People's National Congress which shared many of the s o c i a l ideals of Jagan's People's Progressive Party. Educational controversy i n Guyana was therefore much l i v e l i e r than i n Jamaica where p o l i t i c a l parties were not divided along r a c i a l l i n e . I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that i n Guyana the Blacks t r a d i -t i o n a l l y dominated the service occupations including the The perception of the value of education as a means of s o c i a l and economic advancement i s taken for granted as a background contributory f a c t o r . 173 teaching profession. P o l i t i c a l change i n the 1950's con-solidated and i n t e n s i f i e d the i n t e r e s t which East Indians began to show i n education a few decades before. This new enthusiasm for education shown by East Indians was r e f l e c t -ed i n t h e i r increasing representation i n the secondary schools and the teachers' t r a i n i n g college. Two related explanations can be offered for t h i s r i s i n g i n t e r e s t . F i r s t l y , East Indians f e l t that since the East Indian dominated People's Progressive Party was i n power t h e i r entrance to the professions and service occupations depend-ed only on their possession of appropriate competitive educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . Secondly, they r e a l i s e d that the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s themselves were now more open to Indians as a r e s u l t of the Jagan government's sustained e f f o r t to eliminate remaining a s c r i p t i v e practices i n the s e l e c t i o n of both s t a f f and students for the Government-controlled or aided schools. I t i s not suggested that competition for educational opportunities was e n t i r e l y a matter of inter-group r i v a l r y between the Blacks and East Indians, but that such r i v a l r y was an important dimension of the p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t be-tween the two major ethnic groups. The competition between East Indians and Blacks for the u t i l i s a t i o n of educational 174 services and the a c q u i s i t i o n of educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , though not much a subject of open public discussion, could be f e l t by any observer who l i v e d i n Black or East Indian communities. Parents i n one ethnic group would seek to spur t h e i r children on to greater educational e f f o r t by r e f e r r i n g to the inte r e s t shown by children of the other group. The representation of East Indians i n the education-a l i n s t i t u t i o n s increased r a p i d l y after 1957. Records of admissions to the Teachers' Training College and of winners of free places to the top ( c h i e f l y Government) secondary schools reveal the improved po s i t i o n of East Indians between 1957 and 1967. Between 1956 and 1959, of the 90 entrants to the Teachers' Training College, 17 were East Indians, an average of 20 percent. The percentage of East Indian entrants rose steadily, reaching 47% percent of the 120 students admitted for the 1967-1969 course. The change i n represent-ation of East Indian g i r l s among the student body of the teachers college was even more pronounced. Whereas 5 of the 45 female students entering between 1956 and 1959 were East Indians—an 11 percent r e p r e s e n t a t i o n — o f the 69 female students entering i n 1967 East Indians numbered 29, or 42 percent. East Indian representation increased too among 175 free place winners at the top secondary schools. In 1957 31 percent of the boys entering Queen's College were East Indians; i n 1967 the figure rose to 48 percent. Further data on the composition of the 1967 free place winners to the top secondary schools are provided below (see p. 192) The r i s i n g i n t e r e s t and achievement i n education shown by the East Indians i s c l e a r l y apparent from these f i g u r e s . This i n t e r e s t was no doubt stimulated not only by p o l i t i c a l r i v a l r y , but by an awareness of the s o c i a l and material value of education, as well as by the removal by the Jagan administration of a s c r i p t i v e b a r r i e r s to various positions i n the educational and other i n s t i t u t i o n s . Expression of Public Concern for Equality Increasing p o l i t i c a l awareness and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l development were accompanied by public expressions of d i s -content over the limited and unequal opportunities for secondary education. E d i t o r i a l commentators i n the major newspapers, the Daily Chronicle and the Guyana Graphic, frequently c r i t i c i s e d Government for i t s f a i l u r e to support the private secondary schools. But i n their advocacy of equal opportunity these commentators s t i l l embraced ideas about the t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of students into those f i t for c l a s s i c a l education, those f i t for technical education and those f i t for a general "modern" education. One commentator, for example, (Guyana Graphic, March 15, 1957) c a l l e d on government to follow Trinidad's lead i n c l a s s i f y i n g second-ary schools into grammar schools, modern schools, and t e c h n i c a l schools. Here again we f i n d a r e s t r i c t i v e i n t e r -pretation of equality of educational opportunity that stems from the adoption of the s o c i a l structure and supporting educational ideas of European s o c i e t i e s . So that while there i s a legitimate clamour for more school places for children from d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l strata, and for a d i v e r s i f i -cation of c u r r i c u l u r offerings, there i s also an i m p l i c i t desire to commit children at a young age to a predetermined st a t i o n i n l i f e . In t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of equal opportun-i t y to the wider s o c i a l and integrative purposes of the school are ignored. The cause of extended high school opportunity and of government f i n a n c i a l support for private schools was champion-ed by the teacher-associations. Teachers, however, were not always w i l l i n g to adjust t h e i r educational values and practices to meet the requirements of any large scale ex-pansion of secondary schools. In periods of rapid growth most countries have had to introduce emergency teacher t r a i n -ing schemes, or to modify t r a d i t i o n a l procedures of teacher 177 education i n order to meet the sharp r i s e i n teacher-demand. Guyana's case was no exception. The Teachers Training College t r a d i t i o n a l l y turned out a maximum of 30 teachers annually after a t r a i n i n g period of two years. These be-came the e l i t e of primary school teachers. When plans were announced for reducing the length of t r a i n i n g and increas-ing the number of admissions into the teacher's college, teacher associations raised a storm of protest against what they termed 'the proposed d i l u t i o n of standards'. A branch president decried "the intention of Government to produce a mass-production of one-year trained teachers" (Daily Chronicle, March 15, 1959). Again, the General President of the B r i t i s h Guyana Teachers' Association drew attention to the fact that the Teachers Training College had b u i l t up so good a reputation over the years that i t s graduates were admitted to read for the Diploma i n Education at London University; he was therefore disturbed over the p o s s i b i l i t y that any modified t r a i n i n g scheme might prejud-i c e the retention of t h i s p r i v i l e g e (Daily Chronicle, A p r i l 2, 1959) . The teachers t r a i n i n g college was seen more as a means of personal improvement for a handful of teachers fortunate enough to gain admission rather than as an agency for improving the quality of as many of the country's 178 teachers as possible. Thus sentiments for the expansion of school opportunity were not always accompanied by a commit-ment to such changes i n other sections of the educational system, and such changes i n goals and values, as were necessary to e f f e c t t h i s expansion. Abernethy (1969) noted t h i s tendency of teachers to be concerned with the maintenance of t r a d i t i o n a l standards rather than the re v o l u t i o n i s i n g of education to meet current needs. B a s i c a l l y t h i s comment i s applicable to the s i t u a t i o n both i n Guyana and Jamaica, but with two q u a l i f i -c ations. F i r s t l y , while teachers have been preoccupied with maintaining t r a d i t i o n a l standards and have played only a minor part i n i n i t i a t i n g r a d i c a l change, they have i n theory at least supported many educational innovations; but, as suggested e a r l i e r , they have not been too eager to carry out and accept a l l the new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and the reformu-l a t i o n of goals l o g i c a l l y required by the changes introduced. To give a concrete example, the expansion of high school opportunity has generally been accepted by high school teachers i n Guyana and Jamaica, but they have not been quick to reorganise their teaching and c u r r i c u l a at the lower l e v e l s to cater for the large i n f l u x of new entrants drawn from wider sections of the community and with a wide range 179 I of a b i l i t y . Nor has there been a willingness to modify the t r a d i t i o n a l objective of the t o t a l high school course, namely, the achievement by students of s p e c i f i c subject passes i n overseas examinations. Instead, high school teachers continue year after year to lament the low standard of attainment of the new high school entrants, and to blame the primary schools for not doing their job w e l l . Students are often condemned, too, as being u n f i t for high school education. Note for instance t h i s comment by a univ e r s i t y student i n Guyana i n a term paper on problems of the secondary school teacher. After explaining that the best primary school graduates get enrolled i n the top secondary schools he declared, "The residual dregs that reach Form One are d e f i n i t e l y not the kind of pupils that the other secondary schools or the secondary departments of the prim-ary schools would be proud of." When one notes, too, the opinion expressed by the President of Guyana Teachers Association (Daily Chronicle, September 9, 1957) that "20 out of 100 children i s a generous estimate for those who show r e a l aptitude for the kind of t r a i n i n g which w i l l make school teachers and c i v i l servants out of them", an argument used to support the establishment of vocational schools, one r e a l i s e s how new education structures are planned without 180 any relaxation of commitment to old values. The second q u a l i f i c a t i o n that must be put on Abernethy's assessment i s that i t i s not only teachers who show a preoccupation with standards. Parents and students themselves often betray an awesome regard for the hallowed standards of the past. The present writer r e c a l l s h i s i n -formal discussions with high school graduates i n Guyana when the establishment of a univer s i t y i n Guyana was proposed. These graduates, many of them with aspirations and unquestionable credentials to pursue higher education, had reached a dead end i n the i r academic career because of the lack of f a c i l i t i e s i n Guyana and the exorbitant cost of obtaining univ e r s i t y education abroad. Yet they scoffed a t the idea of a univer s i t y i n Guyana, concerned as they were with the "low standards" such a uni v e r s i t y might achieve. I t should be observed, though, that the students i n question were mostly Blacks, who would generally have been h o s t i l e to changes proposed by the dominantly East Indian r u l i n g p a r t y — t h e objections about standards, then, might have carried a heavy t a i n t of r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n . Yet i t i s probably true that people i n spite of the i r e g a l i t a r i a n i d e a l s worship academic heroes and admire the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s that are exclusively devoted to nurturing them, 181 just as they admire emperors and maharajahas and the i n s t i t u -t i o n a l arrangements that foster the r i s e of these exclusive e l i t e s . Hence the objection to a l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y which promised some ease of access to many who might not otherwise get an opportunity for higher education. The Role of Government We turn next to the role of Government i n the expan-sion of high school opportunity i n Guyana i n the 1950's and early 1960's. The Jagan administration declared i t s commit-ment to the id e a l of equal opportunity i n terms similar, as we s h a l l see, to those expressed by Jamaica's p o l i t i c a l leaders. During i t s term of o f f i c e i t sought to accomplish three main objectives; i . to lessen the influence of the C h r i s t i a n churches i n the appointment of teachers and recruitment of teachers; i i . to democratise entry into the secondary schools by introducing a single national entrance examin-ation; and i i i . to expand secondary school f a c i l i t i e s and make them available to wider s o c i a l s t r a t a i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country, instead of investing a l l of Government's resources on 3 or 4 urban schools. 182 The Government's struggle with the Church was a long and b i t t e r one, only the barest outline of which can be attempted here . The system of dual control of schools i n Guyana was described i n Chapter 6. B r i e f l y , t h i s system made i t possible for the various church administrations to exercise considerable control over the denominational primary schools, which were heavily financed with public funds. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that one Roman Catholic and one Lutheran secondary school received Government a i d . Jagan's s o c i a l i s t People's Progressive Party did not conceal i t s uneasiness over the power wielded by the Church with the aid of Government's resources. I t was well known that i n matters of appointment of teachers and selection of students church membership was a decided advantage. The writer's own appointment to an Anglican primary school was accompan-ied by a gentle persuasion by the headmaster that things would be so much nicer i f he were baptised i n the Anglican Chur ch. In both the aided and the unaided Catholic secondary schools there was a predominance of Catholic primary school graduates. I t was noted, for example (see p.171), that 30 of the 39 entrants to the Catholic St. Rose's High School i n 1957 were from Catholic primary or preparatory schools. 183 (Less than one-sixth of a l l the primary schools were Roman Catholic.) Frequent charges of discrimination i n appointments and admissions were l e v e l l e d against the Roman Catholic Church by ministers i n the Jagan Government. One one occas-ion the Minister of Education declared i n a public speech: Many children of respectable parentage were recently discriminated against and rejected when the i r names were put forward by the Education Department as being e n t i t l e d by virtue of the i r performance at the 1961 Government Primary Scholarship and Secondary Schools Common Entrance Examination to admission to these schools, and children who were placed lower i n the order of merit l i s t were selected. (Daily Chronicle, June 17, 1961 The Minister threatened to withdraw Government grants to the schools i n question, stating: . . . how can the ri g h t of freedom of conscience be e f f e c t i v e l y guaranteed when i n order to obtain employ-ment i n the Catholic School one has to change one's name and r e l i g i o n ; when i n order to get admission to a Catholic School one has to change one's name and r e l i g i o n , or i s discriminated against i f one i s a non-Catholic? (Ibid) Challenged to give evidence of the alleged discrimination, the Minister named 10 East Indian candidates who were refused admission to Catholic secondary schools although t h e i r stand-ing on the entrance examination earned them the r i g h t of admission. He noted: 184 Of 40 places available i n St. Stanislaus, the Catholic secondary school for boys, only 30 were chosen i n order of merit and the reason was because they had come from Catholic schools and had stated t h e i r f i r s t choice as St. Stanislaus. (Ibid., June 25, 1961) In the case of St. Rose's and St. Joseph's, two Catholic g i r l s ' schools, i t was maintained that of 110 places a l l o t -ted only 30 were chosen i n accordance with the merit l i s t , while no fewer than 14 of the candidates admitted f a i l e d to reach the minimum l e v e l recommended by the Ministry of Education for entry to the aided schools. C r i t i c i s m s alleging discrimination by the Ch r i s t i a n churches against non-Christian teachers and students seldom contained any d i r e c t reference to race, but i t i s known that the People's Progressive Party was concerned over the unfavourable position of East Indian teachers and students, most of whom were either Hindus or Muslims. The Jagan Government reacted to the si t u a t i o n i t condemned by pro-posing the establishment of a Teachers Service Commission, and by taking over f u l l control and ownership of 50 primary schools which were b u i l t out of public funds. At the second-ary l e v e l i t decreed that only those who q u a l i f i e d at the Common Entrance Examination should be admitted to the aided secondary schools. These measures met with s t i f f opposition from Church 185 administrations as well as the p r i n c i p a l s of most non-denominational aided secondary schools . Government was charged with seeking to destroy the freedom of parents to send t h e i r children to a school of t h e i r choice and with attempting to drive the p r i v a t e l y owned schools out of existence. P e t i t i o n s were sent to the United Nations, and parents and children were organised to stage protest r a l l i e s . I t must be noted that t h i s militancy took place i n a general climate of intense struggle between Government and a l l the forces opposed to i t — t h e Black dominated trade unions and Opposition Party, r i g h t wing p o l i t i c a l groups, and c i t y merchants. In t h i s climate of opposition there was l i t t l e e f f o r t at compromise and cooperation but Govern-ment was s t i l l able to use i t s l e g i s l a t i v e power to e f f e c t change. Students were now admitted to the aided and Govern-ment secondary schools on the basis of their performance at 3 a common selection examination. (Both by regulation, how-ever, and by a loop-hole i n the law, the aided schools could s t i l l admit limited numbers of students of the i r choice.) Government's role i n extending educational opportunity In Jamaica, where both p o l i t i c a l parties represented a cross section of ethnic and socio-economic groups, a similar change i n selection procedures was accomplished without controversy. 186 was not merely l e g i s l a t i v e . I t introduced and executed a policy, continued by the Burnham administration, of l o c a l -i s i n g secondary school f a c i l i t i e s ; so that by 1967 there were 25 Government secondary schools i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country, compared with the existence of only 2 Govern-ment Secondary schools i n Georgetown i n 1957. The number of students i n the Government and Government-aided second-ary schools rose from 1,765 i n 1957 to 16,565 i n 1967. At f i r s t some of the new government schools ran well below capacity because not enough children within the area served by the schools reached the required minimum l e v e l at the Common Entrance Examination. This s i t u a t i o n provided a clear i n d i c a t i o n of the i n f l e x i b l e ideas held about the nature and purpose of secondary education, namely, a kind of academic o f f e r i n g suitable only for the outstanding few. Later, however, perhaps more from a desire to prevent economic wastage than from a change of heart on the part of the administration, entrance regulations were relaxed to allow the schools to f i l l t h e i r vacancies. The increasing attention paid to the expansion of educational opportunity i s r e f l e c t e d as well i n the r i s i n g expenditure on education generally, and on secondary edu-cation i n p a r t i c u l a r . The recurrent education budget rose 187 from 14 percent of the t o t a l recurrent public budget i n 1957 to 17 percent i n 1967, while the proportion of the recurrent education budget devoted to secondary education rose from 6.3 percent to 13 percent. The establishment of a secondary school i n a previous-l y deprived area did not necessarily mean a noteworthy r e -duction i n inequality of opportunity, for secondary schools varied widely i n qu a l i t y and resources. The long e s t a b l i s h -ed schools, for instance, Queen's College and Bishop's High School i n Georgetown, and Berbice High School i n New Amsterdam (which became a Government school i n 1963) had a t o t a l of 56 graduate teachers as against only 49 i n the 22 new schools. Teachers were s t i l l attracted to the older schools where s a l a r i e s and conditions of service were much better. Queen's College and Bishop's High School continued to occupy the special place they have always held i n Guyana's education system (see p.166). No Government has been able, or perhaps has ever cared, to al t e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y the organisation and function of these schools. Measures for the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the school c u r r i c u l a have always passed these schools by, e s p e c i a l l y so Queen's College. Even the most r a d i c a l Minister of Education Guyana has ever had, the People's Progressive Party's Cedric Nunes, 188 declaring h i s Government's commitment to a comprehensive school policy, added the caveat: Children who would benefit most from a secondary Modern type of education would be catered for i n Government Secondary Modern Schools, or, for the time being, i n the Secondary Modern D i v i s i o n of the present all-age schools . . . The additional places which would then be made i n the Secondary Grammar Schools w i l l be reserved only for those children who are considered most l i k e l y to benefit from such schools. (Daily Chronicle, July 8, 1962) Today t h i s thinking s t i l l remains. New comprehensive schools are set up while the sacred c l a s s i c a l grammar schools remain e s s e n t i a l l y unaltered. A further e f f o r t by the Jagan administration to make good i t s promise of secondary education for a l l proved abortive. The upper section of the all-age schools were required to be re-organised into secondary departments pre-paring students for the normal overseas examinations i n mathematics, language, science and the s o c i a l studies. In most cases not even modest changes were made i n personnel and equipment. Consequently, with a few exceptions which the Government dramatised, the schools were unable to meet thei r new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . In t h i s discussion of Government's role i n expanding secondary school opportunity the part played by the Jagan administration was our primary concern. This Government, 189 which lasted from 1957 to 1964, succeeded i n broadening the base of secondary education, expanding the teacher t r a i n -ing programmes, reducing the grosser forms of r e l i g i o u s and r a c i a l discrimination i n the selection of students and teachers for the Government schools and to some extent for the aided secondary schools, spreading out secondary school f a c i l i t i e s to r u r a l areas, and setting up the University of Guyana. I t f a i l e d to e f f e c t any r e a l re-organisation of secondary school c u r r i c u l a and to remove the d i s t i n c t i o n be-tween students f i t for grammar school education and students f i t for p r a c t i c a l education. There i s no doubt, however, that the retention of the t r a d i t i o n a l school c u r r i -c u l a was supported i n general by the popular attitudes to education. During the years 1964-1967 the Burnham Govern-ment mainly consolidated the work of the previous administra-t i o n . Major reconstructions by the Burnham administration f a l l outside the period of our investigation, but have so far consisted of the erection of technical and comprehensive high schools, i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country, heavily f i n -anced by World Bank loans. E f f e c t of Changes on the D i s t r i b u t i o n of Free Places*  i n the Top Secondary Schools Through the decentralisation of secondary school *No t u i t i o n fees. 190 f a c i l i t i e s , high school opportunity was extended to former-l y deprived regional and s o c i a l groups. But the two Govern-ment secondary schools i n Georgetown continued to provide services far superior to those offered by a l l other govern-ment schools and most of the private or aided secondary schools. I t was noted e a r l i e r that i n the 1950's the entrants to these two schools which received the bulk of Government's secondary school expenditure were drawn mainly from urban, non-Indian, and middle and upper socio-economic groups. In addition, an analysis of the admissions to a Roman Catholic aided secondary school i n 1957 showed that most of the entrants came from private Roman Catholic preparatory schools or from Roman Catholic primary schools . Le g i s l a t i v e and other changes i n i t i a t e d during 1957-1967 i n an e f f o r t to a l t e r these patterns of recruitment have been discussed above. We s h a l l now examine the e f f e c t of these changes on the composition of the free place winners to the top secondary schools. The d i f f e r e n t i a l s to be considered are: a. ethnic differences; b. regional differences; c. differences i n parental occupation; and d. differences i n type of previous school attended. 191 The occupations of parents were divided into 7 categories as follows: 1. Professional and E x e c u t i v e — i n c l u d i n g members of the learned professions, heads of government departments and business executives. 2. Teachers. 3. C l e r i c a l and Service workers—including store clerks, c i v i l servants, nurses, policemen. 4. Commercial—chiefly private traders and business-men . 5. S k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d — i n c l u d i n g craftsmen, tradesmen, middle and lower order technicians. 6. U n s k i l l e d — i n c l u d i n g manual labourers, farmers, factory workers. 7. Housewife—there was a large number of responses with t h i s uninstructive designation, which w i l l have to be treated as 'unknown* . This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was adopted on the premise that material wealth, s o c i a l status and values, educational back-ground, and current contact with the world of books combine to create an environment for the c h i l d conducive to and supportive of the kind of learning required for success at the secondary schools entrance examination i n p a r t i c u l a r and 192 the kind of schooling i n general. I t i s further assumed that Categories 1-4 embody these attributes to a s i g n i f i c a n t -l y higher degree than Categories 5-6, and i n the discussion of the data comparison w i l l be made between these two groupings. One further advantage of t h i s broad grouping i s that i t should help to reduce the possible errors r e s u l t i n g from interpretative judgements which were made necessary by the inadequacy of information obtained from Ministry of Education f i l e s , (a) Ethnic differences In 1967 Government awarded 284 secondary school free places mainly at the top three Government Schools, Queen's College, Bishop's High School, and Berbice High School. 131 of these places went to boys and 143 to g i r l s . 46 percent of the boys and 31 percent of the g i r l s were East Indians. In a l l , East Indians comprised 37 percent of the winners. Between 1953 and 1956 an average of about 15 percent of the entrants to Queen's College were East Indians. The proportion of East Indians rose to 31 percent i n 1957, and to 48 percent i n 1967.^ East Indian boys, then, almost eliminated t h e i r disadvantage i n representation i n Queen's College during In 1967 East Indians comprised about 51 percent of Guyana's t o t a l population. 193 the Jagan regime. Figures for the representation of East Indian g i r l s i n Bishop's High School i n 1957 are not a v a i l -able, but i n 1967 they comprised about 37 percent of the entrants. (b) Regional differences Queen's College were from Georgetown. In 1967, of the 124 entrants 80 were from the metropolitan area, again approxi-mately 65 percent. Of the t o t a l number of free place winners i n 1967 over 75 percent came from Greater Georgetown (72 percent of the boys and 78 percent of the g i r l s ) . There was no improvement i n the representation of the r u r a l groups. (c) Occupational differences The following table shows the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of free place winners according to occupational group, race, and sex: In 1957 about 65 percent of the 74 entrants to Table (12) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners according to parental occupation, sex, and race. (N = 284 = 131 Boys + 153 G i r l s ) Boys (%) G i r l s (%) Gr and Occupational Group Ind- Non- Total Ind- Non- T o t a l ian Ind- ian Ind-ian ian T o t a l 1. Professional and Executive 5.3 6.9 12.2 7.8 11.1 18.9 15.8 194 Table (12) Continued Boys (%) G i r l s (%)" Occupational Ind- Non- T o t a l i n d - Non- T o t a l Group ian Ind- ian Ind- T o t a l ian ian  2. Teachers 5.3 6.9 12.2 2.6 7.8 10.4 11.3 3. Clerks and Service Workers 11.4 26.0 37.5 6.5 22.9 29.4 33.1 4. Commercial 11.5 6.1 17.6 5.9 11.1 17.0 17.3 5. S k i l l e d and Semi-skilled 3.8 3.1 6.9 2.0 11.1 13.1 10.2 6. Unskilled 6.9 1.5 8.4 1.3 2.6 3.9 6.0 7. Housewife and ) ) 1.5 3 .8 5.3 3 .3 4.0 7 .3 6.3 8. Unspecified ) Classes 1-4, the professional and c l e r i c a l groups, are heavily over represented r e l a t i v e l y to t h e i r proportion of the t o t a l population. The position of these middle and upper classes i n Guyana was more advantageous than i n Jamaica, for they comprised about 77.5 percent of the free place winners i n Guyana compared with 50.1 percent i n Jamaica (see p.234) . Two factors help to explain t h i s d i f f e r e n c e . F i r s t l y , the number of free places available i n Guyana was was proportionately much smaller than i n Jamaica. With very -)In 1965, the l a t e s t year for which relevant figures are available, these groups comprised about 45.8% of the labour force. (0. J . Francis. Manpower Survey Report, 1965) 195 few free places available, upper class representation i s l i k e l y to be high. Secondly, i t i s possible that Jamaica, being somewhat more urbanised and i n d u s t r i a l i s e d than Guyana, would have provided a better educational and economic climate for the children of s k i l l e d workers, enabling them to compete with other occupational groups on less uneven terms than their counterpart i n Guyana. Some differences i n the pattern of occupational representation between the East Indians and other ethnic groups i n Guyana r e f l e c t differences i n the s o c i a l conditions of these groups. For the boys for example, greatest dispar-i t i e s l i e i n the c l e r i c a l , commercial and uns k i l l e d occu-pations. 26 percent of the boys winning free places were children of non-Indian clerks and service workers, compared with 11.4 percent for the Indians. On the other hand i n the commercial class Indian boys accounted for 11.5 percent of the winners as against only 6.1 percent for non-Indian groups. Blacks and other non-Indian groups dominated the c l e r i c a l and service occupations while the East Indians were prominent among the merchant class . East Indian boys i n the 'unskilled' class accounted for 6.9 percent of the winners while non-Indians constituted only 1.5 percent. Farmers were l i s t e d i n t h i s category and i t i s possible that t h i s group consisted of a number of successful Indian small farmers. Also s t r i k i n g i s the r e l a t i v e l y poor showing of the Indian g i r l s of s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and u n s k i l l e d workers compared with both Indian boys and non-Indian g i r l s . From these differences one could perhaps propose a hypothesis that the pressures on Indian g i r l s of lower working class parents for post-primary educational achievement were less severe than on Indian boys and non-Indian g i r l s i n the same group. (d) Differences i n type of previous school attended The following table shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the free place winners according to the type of school attended previously: Table (13) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners according to the type of previous school attended, r a c i a l group, and sex. (N= 284 = 131 Boys + 153 G i r l s ) Type of Previous B o v s <*> G i r l s '<*> G r a n d Ind- Non- T o t a l Ind- Non- Total U i c U 1 bcnooi ± a n I n d _ i a n I n d _ T Q t a l ian ian  Private Preparatory 10.7 14.5 25.2 11.8 33.3 45.1 35.9 Public Primary 35.1 39.7 74.8 17.6 37.3 54.9 64.1 197 In Guyana the award of free places to preparatory school students was not r e s t r i c t e d by l e g i s l a t i o n as i t was i n Jamaica (see Chapter 8). These students comprising not more than 5 percent of the relevant school population won nearly 36 percent of the places. I t w i l l be noticed that the proportion of preparat-ory school students winning free places was much higher for g i r l s than for boys. Middle class parents i n Guyana are more l i k e l y to send t h e i r daughters to private preparatory schools and t h e i r sons to public primary schools. Further, the pattern of success i s similar for Indians and non-Indians. The headmistress of one of the leading preparatory schools i n Georgetown informed the pre-sent writer i n an interview that over the l a s t 10 years East Indians have shown an unprecedented in t e r e s t i n e n r o l -l i n g t h e i r children i n her school. Formerly, she observed, she received applications for admission from a small number of educated upper class East Indians; but i n recent times Indian parents seeking a place for t h e i r children have come from d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l strata, with the business class well represented. In general a l l our evidence indicates the upsurae of interest and r i s i n g educational achievement of the East 198 Indians i n a l l l e v e l s of education during and after the Jagan regime. However i t i s doubtful whether the represen-t a t i o n of East Indians i n the Roman Catholic secondary schools had altered over the years. In 1957 out of a class of 39 entrants to a f i r s t form i n the Catholic St. Rose's High School 9 were East Indians, while i n 1967 there were s t i l l only 7 East Indians among the 36 entrants. Nor was the general socio-economic composition of the entrants to t h i s school more varied i n 1957 than i n 1967. Of the 39 entrants i n 1957, 36 came either from private Roman Catholic preparatory schools, Roman Catholic primary schools, or private non-denominational preparatory schools; i n 1967, 31 of the 36 entrants were drawn from these sources. Further, the fathers of only 6 of the 1957 entrants were employed i n manual, s k i l l e d , or no n - c l e r i c a l occupations; i n 1967 only two parents belonged to these categories, a l l others being either professionals or businessmen, or holding senior c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s . New admission regulations and procedures i n i t i a t e d by Government between 1957 and 1967 did not a l t e r the socio-economic composition of the students entering t h i s school. In general two notable changes were effected i n the pattern of d i s t r i b u t i o n of secondary school opportunity 199 during 1957-1967. F i r s t l y , new secondary schools, were established i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country providing school places for a considerably increased number of c h i l d r e n . Secondly, East Indians made great gains i n r e -presentation among the entrants to the top government secondary schools. However, the chances of selection for a free place i n these top schools were s t i l l weighted heavily i n favour or urban children and children from a middle and upper socio-economic background. It seems, too, that the representation of East Indians i n the aided denomin-ationa l schools did not improve. Further comment on the r e s u l t s of the survey w i l l follow an analysis of the Jamaica s i t u a t i o n . CHAPTER 8 HIGH SCHOOL OPPORTUNITY IN JAMAICA - 1957-1967  SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PRESSURES FOR EXPANSION As i n Guyana, limited f a c i l i t i e s for secondary education, the location of these f a c i l i t i e s , and the proces-ses of sel e c t i o n were some factors a f f e c t i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n of high school opportunity i n Jamaica up to 1957. Secondary school children tended to come from a few private preparat-ory schools, they generally paid fees, and were mainly of urban middle and upper class o r i g i n . As members of the public and democratically elected p o l i t i c a l leaders became sensitive to, and vocal about, the i n e q u a l i t i e s of represent-ation i n the secondary schools of various socio-economic groups, national governments sought by various means to increase the opportunities of the under-represented poorer and r u r a l classes. Some of the measures taken, and the concern shown by various sections of the community for the equalisation of secondary education opportunity are discus-sed i n what follows. Further, the conclusion i s examined that despite some modest reduction of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s i n secondary school selection over a 10 year period, 1957-1967, the selection system s t i l l favoured urban children, and children of white-collar workers, professionals, and 200 201 private businessmen, as was the case i n Guyana. The Position i n 1957 There were i n 1957-1958 36 secondary grammar schools providing accommodation for 12,824 pupils between the ages of 11 and 18, and 7 technical and vocational schools with an enrolment of 2,247.^ The t o t a l number of students i n these i n s t i t u t i o n s was under 20 percent of the 11 to 14 year old children i n the all-age (7-15) schools, and not more than 10 percent of the entire 11 to 18 year old population. Competition for entry into these schools was therefore very keen. Before 1957 each school set i t s own entrance examin-ation, and, except for a small number of scholarships pro-vided by the schools out of t h e i r own funds, successful students were admitted on a fee-paying basis. Scholarships were also awarded by the Government on the r e s u l t s of com-p e t i t i v e examinations supervised by the Ministry of Education. The r e c i p i e n t of a Government scholarship was e n t i t l e d to a free place at a Government or grant-aided secondary school •nJnless otherwise indicated, figures on school e n r o l -ment were obtained from Annual Reports of the Ministry of Education. No information was available on the wholly private secondary schools, but the general argument through-out the chapter i s not thereby seriously affected. 202 of h i s choice. Boarding, book and clothing allowances were also provided for a few scholarship winners who met c e r t a i n c r i t e r i a of need set out by the Ministry of Education. In 1954 the t o t a l number of scholarships granted by Government and the secondary schools amounted to 200. This number was more than doubled by 1957; yet i n t h i s year about 85 percent of a l l students were fee-paying. Capacity to pay, previous educational attainment, and proximity to a secondary school were important factors determining secondary school selection, a l l these factors favouring children from urban middle and upper class homes. Under a new secondary schools policy announced by the Manley administration i n 1957 a country-wide preliminary and f i n a l examination supervised by the Ministry of Education provided the basis for selection of both fee-paying and free place students. At the same time the number of scholar-ships was reduced and 1500 free places were awarded to the top candidates. In a sample of 500 of the 1500 winners (selected by taking every t h i r d name on the en t i r e l i s t ) i t was found that 263, or roughly 53 percent were from the cap-i t a l c i t y Kingston and i t s environs, which w i l l hereafter be referred to as the urban area. This metropolitan area had less than a quarter of the island's t o t a l population. 203 No records were available on the socio-economic background of the parents, but an analysis by Douglas Manley (1963) of the r e s u l t s of a l a t e r year provided some information on t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a l . Manley selected a sample of 1730 of the 17,532 entries for the 1959 selection examination and found a similar degree of over-representation of the urban group. Children from Metropolitan Kingston won 52.7 percent of the free places though they constituted 25.4 percent of the e n t r i e s . Of the urban primary school entrants 15.3 percent won free places compared with 4.6 percent for the r u r a l primary school. The influence of occupational background i s seen i n the following table adopted from Manley: Table (14) Social differences i n size of entry and success i n the 1959 Common Entrance Examination* % - age of % - age of % - age Group Total Entries t o t a l Free Success Places  Professional and Managerial 5.1 20.5 45.8 Teachers 4.9 7.3 16.4 C l e r i c a l 21.8 36.3 18.5 S k i l l e d and Semi-skilled 29.4 24.2 9.2 Farmers 26.3 6.8 2.8 204 Table (14) Continued % - age of % - age of % - age Group T o t a l Entries t o t a l Free Success Places  Unskilled 12.5 4.7 4.2 •Source - Manley, 'Mental A b i l i t y i n Jamaica', i n S o c i a l and Economic Studies, University of the West Indies, Vo. 12, No. 1, March, 1963. The overwhelming representation of the white c o l l a r occupational groups i s evident. The f i r s t three groups i n the table won 64 percent of the free places. From census data for 1960 i t i s estimated that these groups together comprised about 15 percent of the male and 22 percent of the female labour force. Clearly, children of the white c o l l a r workers had much greater chances of success at the entrance examination than children from the other groups. Each year about 2,000 students who did not gain free places were awarded grant-aided places. This meant that they paid part of the cost of t u i t i o n . Annual t u i t i o n costs to the c h i l d ranged from 24 to 54 pounds, equivalent to about o n e - f i f t h to two-fifths of the 1960 per capita income. Thus, t u i t i o n fees and other expenses incurred i n school attendance would have combined with the factor of i n f e r i o r performance on the entrance examination to l i m i t the number of poorer children who could gain access to 205 government supported secondary education i n s t i t u t i o n s . A further disadvantage suffered by poor r u r a l children was the inadequacy of secondary school provision i n r u r a l areas. In Jamaica there was a concentration of the better secondary school f a c i l i t i e s i n the c a p i t a l c i t y and i t s e n v i r o n s — a fa m i l i a r pattern i n many other under-developed t e r r i t o r i e s . In 1957 18 of the 37 grant-aided high schools with over two-thirds of the t o t a l secondary school population were i n Kingston and surrounding areas, while entire r u r a l parishes with sizeable populations were without any similar f a c i l i t -i e s . The parish of St. Mary, for example, with a popu-l a t i o n of 100,000 had no secondary school. The nearest secondary school available to boys i n Trelawny, a parish of 62,000 inhabitants, was about 20 miles away. Poor trans-portation services i n many of these areas made i t necessary for many students to spend hours t r a v e l l i n g to and from school or to board within easy reach of the school. ( I n c i -dentally, i t seems d i f f i c u l t to understand why the Anglican G i r l s School i n Trelawny was not converted into a co-educa-t i o n a l school. Such weaknesses i n educational provision and organisation reveal the disadvantages of an educational See Appendix 3. 206 system that i s allowed to develop without some measure of planning and co-ordination at a central national level.) On the basis of such c r i t e r i a as f i n a n c i a l resources available and s o c i a l environment, r u r a l secondary schools were, with a few possible exceptions, i n f e r i o r i n q u a l i t y to the urban schools. I t i s true the secondary schools i n Jamaica were more uniformly subsidised by Government than was the case i n Guyana. The Jamaica Government paid fixed per capita grants to each subsidised school, out of which teachers were paid uniform s a l a r i e s . Besides, no teacher enjoyed special c i v i l service status and p r i v i l e g e s as i n Guyana. However, d i r e c t grants by Government for special expansion and teaching projects varied from school to school. Moreover, the urban schools were generally much larger than the r u r a l schools and charged mugh higher fees. Thus they had greater resources and were able to provide far better services and equipment for their students. Of course, i n competing with the r u r a l schools for teachers they also enjoyed the advantage of the i r urban environment. T_he 1950's - Pressures and P o l i c i e s for Change and Expansion The late 1940's and the 1950's were years of rapid 3 p o l i t i c a l growth and r i s i n g p o l i t i c a l awareness i n Jamaica. 3See Chapter 5. 207 Constitutional changes provided for increasing control of the Government machinery by popularly elected leaders. The 1950's too were marked by an unprecedented growth i n the Jamaican economy, for which the establishment of the bauxite industry was i n no small measure responsible; the per capita income rose at an annual rate of 5 to 6 percent over the same period (Economic Survey, Central Planning Unit, Jamaica Government, 1961). Between 1953 and 1959 Jamaica had one of the highest rates of economic growth i n the world. In t h i s new climate of p o l i t i c a l and economic ferment the expansion of educational f a c i l i t i e s at a l l l e v e l s was viewed as a matter of dire urgency. P o l i t i c a l leaders not only saw education as a means of s o c i a l , personal and economic development, but also became concerned over what they considered to be the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity. In part they were responding to the mood of the masses; i n part they sought to stimulate t h i s mood i n order to gain p o l i t i c a l support, and no doubt to pursue and seek an en-dorsement of their s o c i a l i d e a l s . Some factors described by Abernethy (1969) i n account-ing for the rapid education growth i n Eastern and Western Nigeria during the 1950's could equally apply to Jamaica's 208 case. The factors i d e n t i f i e d were: popular pressures for expansion; the response by the new l e g i s l a t o r s to these pressures i n an e f f o r t to protect t h e i r careers; their genuine perception of education as a means contributing to personal improvement, s o c i a l equality and national economic growth; and the ro l e of teachers i n p o l i t i c s . Abernethy also c i t e d regional competition, a factor which could not be applied to Jamaica. In Guyana, though, as we have argued, ethnic r i v a l r y played an important part i n stimulat-ing educational aspirations and achievement. Public Enthusiasm Some in d i c a t i o n of public enthusiasm for primary and secondary education could be seen i n the numerous r e -ports i n the "Daily Gleaner", Jamaica's only d a i l y newspaper, of delegations to the Ministry of Education, or to a con-stituency representative, to complain either about the absence of a secondary school i n a given area, the d i l a p i -dated state of a primary school or, more generally, the inadequate provision of educational f a c i l i t i e s at both primary and secondary l e v e l s . Similar protests were the subject of many l e t t e r s to the E d i t o r . One contributor (August 8, 1957) claimed to know a private c i t i z e n who was w i l l i n g to donate a piece of land as a s i t e for a secondary 209 school i n one of the deprived parishes. Meanwhile, leaders of public opinion made constant references to inadequacies and i n e q u a l i t i e s of the education system. E d i t o r i a l comments, for example, frequently emphas-ised the need for more science and technical education, and for both governmental and public i n i t i a t i v e i n extending f a c i l i t i e s to various s o c i a l groups. One e d i t o r i a l comment read: Under a t r u l y democratic educational system—and nothing less can s a t i s f y the long term needs of the whole Jamaican community—higher education at the expense of the state must be the opportunity secured by a b i l i t y rather than by wealth or influence. (Daily Gleaner, January 8, 1957) A g a i n — I t i s a pretence and hypocrisy to say that elementary school leads to the secondary school when the ages of admission to both schools are so rigged that mostly those with special means are the only ones who can r e a l l y b e n e f i t . (Ibid., A p r i l 24, 1957) There was also some reference to public impatience over the pace of the implementation of change: The democratisation of l o c a l education requires more than co-operation i n educational c i r c l e s ; i t must e n l i s t the enthusiastic support of the general p u b l i c . That public has grown cynical about educational schemes which have not yet been translated from the realm of idealism to the provision of every kind of educational opportunity for children from every s o c i a l and economic background. (Ibid., July 20, 1957) Other e d i t o r i a l columnists were concerned with the inadequate 210 supply of teachers and the importance of education for economic development: The shortage of secondary school teachers i s most marked on the science side—probably the most important branch of secondary education i n an island s t r i v i n g for rapid a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l progress. (Ibid., January 18, 1957) Response of the Teaching Profession The teaching profession through the agency of the various teachers' associations played an important part i n the development of Jamaican education. I t aroused public attention and stimulated governmental response by i t s vigorous campaign for the improvement not only of the teachers' working conditions but of the physical conditions and accommodation i n the primary schools. As an o f f i c i a l body i t p e r s i s t e n t l y advocated the expansion and reform of the secondary school system to broaden the base of second-ary school selection and to d i v e r s i f y the secondary school curriculum.^ Through researches on secondary school selection conducted by i n f l u e n t i a l members of the association the need was demonstrated for increased attention to infant I t was common to fin d i n d i v i d u a l teachers, steeped i n t r a d i t i o n a l Platonic modes of educational thinking, pro-testing strongly against changes designed to loosen the e l i t i s t structure of secondary education; but o f f i c i a l pro-f e s s i o n a l pronouncements on t h i s aspect of educational change were much less reactionary. 211 education. But measures adopted by the teachers' association for improving the educational system were more than verbal, for they organised and s u b s t a n t i a l l y financed short courses for interim secondary school teachers. In inaugural addresses by association presidents, demands for improved s a l a r i e s and working conditions for teachers, as well as for a generous increase i n the country's educational budget, could be expected with c e r t a i n t y . Other recurrent demands were the r e v i s i o n of school c u r r i c u l a , the integration of the entire school system, the lowering of the age of entry to the primary school from 7 to 5 years, and more attention to infant education. In January 1957 the newly elected president of the Jamaica Union of Teachers c a l l e d for the introduction of a s p e c i a l education tax, but t h i s measure has not yet been introduced i n any of the B r i t i s h Caribbean t e r r i t o r i e s . The teachers' associations i n Jamaica could have been a very powerful force for f a i r l y smooth and rapid educational change i n the 1960's had not r e l a t i o n s deteriorated between them and the p o l i t i c a l executive of the Ministry of Education. Response and Protest of P o l i t i c a l Leaders P o l i t i c a l leaders were not slow to respond to the pressure for increased educational opportunity, and i n some 212 cases even took the i n i t i a t i v e i n expressing concern for educational development and the democratisation of the school system. This concern i s seen p a r t l y i n t h e i r public verbal expression of new ideals and of discontent with the exist i n g system, p a r t l y i n the schemes i n i t i a t e d to deal with problems i d e n t i f i e d , and also i n the willingness of members of government to vote funds for the expansion of the school services. I t i s clear however, as subsequent discussion w i l l show, that the r e a l i s a t i o n of much desired goals was thwarted by many factors, of which two major ones can be i d e n t i f i e d . The f i r s t was the persistence of adopted European s o c i a l and educational structures, and of inherited t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h e l i t i s t ideas among members of a l l sections of the community—students, teachers, parents, administrators and executives—about the nature and purpose of secondary education. The second was the paucity of r e -sources that had to be spread t h i n l y over a wide range of s o c i a l services, r e s u l t i n g i n the f a i l u r e to make a bold commitment of sums of money adequate to produce any specta-cular impact on the education s i t u a t i o n . This discrepancy between noble aspirations and tangible commitment of r e -sources has a f f l i c t e d the educational sector i n pa r t i c u l a r 213 i n many poor t e r r i t o r i e s . A recurrent protest of p o l i t i c a l and government leaders was that the educational system discriminated against children of the poorer classes, denying them f a i r representation i n the p u b l i c l y financed high schools. In almost every parliamentary debate on education demands and proposals were made for remedying t h i s s i t u a t i o n . The Minister of Education i n the Manley Government i n 1957 introduced measures for increasing the number of free secondary school places from 450 to 1,500 for students between 11 and 12 years old, and for the f i r s t time awarded 100 free places to older students between 13 and 15 years of age. At the same time expansion grants were awarded to 5 Kingston and 5 r u r a l secondary schools to provide 700 new places. Estimates passed for the development and expansion of secondary schools amounted to 75,000 pounds i n 1957-1958 and 211,000 pounds i n 1958-1959. In introducing the new proposals the Minister enunci-ated 3 fundamental p r i n c i p l e s on which he said the Government's plan proceeded: To provide primary education for a l l children between the ages of seven and eleven i n c l u s i v e , to provide i n -creased further education opportunities to those children who possess special a b i l i t y and to provide these f a c i l i -t i e s on a basis of equality. (Hansard, A p r i l 30, 1957) 214 Free place grants and l i v i n g expenses for the needy children who q u a l i f i e d "would serve to put an end to the discrimination that has existed against children of parents who cannot pay fees." (Hansard, ibid.) The Minister sought support for these p o l i c i e s not only by appealing to t h e i r e g a l i t a r i a n aspect, but by arguing that they were necessary for national and economic development. Noting that the implementation of the new measures would incur a consider-able expenditure he urged: I ask Members of the House not to be frightened at t h i s large sum . . . because i n past years similar expendi-tures were made on ag r i c u l t u r e . We cannot i n d u s t r i a l i s e without more education. (Hansard, ibid.) Further Educational p o l i c y must look forward to the growing demands of our expanding economy and of our advance to nationhood . . . we must aim at something which w i l l eventually give opportunity to every c h i l d i n Jamaica. (Hansard, ibid.) About four years later towards the end of the term of o f f i c e of the Manley Government the then Minister of Education claimed success for the p o l i c i e s implemented: Go into the high schools today . . . When you hear t h i s t a l k about discrimination go into the high schools today . . . and you see s i t t i n g side by side white, brown, pink, blue, Indian, Chinese, a l l the colours you can think of . . . The new Education Programme i s creating the r e a l base and foundation of unity amongst our people. (Han-sard, March 8, 1961) 215 The v a l i d i t y of t h i s claim w i l l not be discussed at t h i s point- The reference merely i l l u s t r a t e s the f a i t h i n edu-cation as an instrument for creating s o c i a l equality and national unity. In these education debates i n the House of Represent-atives no voices were raised against proposals which pur-ported to increase the opportunities of the poorer classes. Similar measures introduced i n Guyana resulted i n a storm of protest among opposition members. In Jamaica opposition members were either very c a r e f u l about the way they c r i t i c i s e d matters of strategy and procedure or were concern-ed to show that the government's proposals did not go far enough towards removing i n e q u a l i t i e s . The contributions of one opposition member i n p a r t i c u l a r to the 1957 debate are of great importance, since t h i s member, the Hon. E. L. Allen, was to become the Minister of Education i n the Bustamante Government from 1962 onwards. A l l e n presented to the House a counter proposal for education reform, i n which he stated, We believe that while a l l men can hardly ever be equal i n mental, physical and moral attributes, nevertheless i t i s the duty of the state to regard equality of oppor-tunity as an ideal to be aimed at. Our educational p o l i c y i s based on these premises. (Daily Gleaner, A p r i l 30, 1957) Further: 216 The p o l i c y of subsidising the r i c h or wealthy at secondary schools should be abolished u n t i l provision has been made for a l l suitable poorer c h i l d r e n . (Ibid.) He proposed the objective of some form of secondary edu-cation for a l l students but argued: No grant should be payable by Government to a Secondary Grammar School on account of any c h i l d who does not possess the aptitude and a b i l i t y to p r o f i t s a t i s f a c t o r -i l y from the type of education given at that school. (Ibid.) Throughout most of the parliamentary debates on secondary school opportunity i n Jamaica and Guyana one can detect, generally, an unwillingness to challenge the structure and purpose of the adopted B r i t i s h and European i n s t i t u t i o n of the secondary grammar school. Perhaps more important was the f a i l u r e to recognise the prior environ-mental conditions that affected performance at the second-ary schools entrance examinations. The idea of equal op- ; portunity of admission to the secondary schools was i n t e r -preted by most p o l i t i c a l leaders to mean that those who showed, presumably, by th e i r performance at the 11+ (entrance) examination t h e i r capacity to benefit from the type of secondary education offered should not be kept out of the system by th e i r parents' i n a b i l i t y to pay school fees. In-deed 'secondary education for a l l ' was a slogan frequently heard, but i n p r a c t i c a l terms t h i s meant secondary grammar 217 school education for a select few and a much smaller number of technical high school places for those unable to win grammar school opportunities. Both as a Member of the Opposition i n 1957 and, l a t e r , as the Minister of Education, Mr. A l l e n showed on occasion a clear desire to break out of t h i s educational t r a d i t i o n . He declared, for example, that the system of picking out the best children on the Common Entrance Exam-ination and sending them to grammar schools was wrong; students, he said, should be allowed to choose between the secondary grammar and the technical school, a l l secondary schools should ultimately provide a comprehensive programme, and the country's f i n a l objective should be to secure secondary school places for a l l primary school graduates. (Echoing here the early B r i t i s h educational problem, the soundness of requiring a c h i l d to choose at 11 or 12 years between a secondary grammar and a technical programme did not seem to be seriously questioned.) The Ministers of Education i n the Manley Government, notwithstanding the major expansion projects they i n i t i a t e d , were s t i l l impressed by t r a d i t i o n a l concepts. In 1957 one Minister announced the proposal to spend 30,000 pounds for post-primary places i n the all-age schools to take care of 218 children who could not win free places at the secondary grammar schools, and argued, We want good manual t r a i n i n g o u t f i t s i n these post-primary all-age schools where the children can learn woodwork, metal work, etc . . . (Hansard, March 26, 1957) Later another Minister expressed h i s disapproval of the idea of comprehensive schools: In a developing society l i k e Jamaica there i s no doubt that the system of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g secondary education i s the most advantageous, and i s far superior to one which envisages a system of comprehensive schools. (Hansard, A p r i l 22, 1959) P r a c t i c a l Government Measures and Public Reaction It would be naive to assert that the pressures i d e n t i -f i e d above were the sole contributory factors towards the expansion of secondary education opportunity i n Jamaica. One could propose among other important causes of secondary school expansion the i n t e r n a l dynamics of growth of the entire educational system. An enlarged primary school system creates not only increased pup i l demand for the next stage of formal education, but a need for more teachers for the primary schools, i n e f f e c t for more secondary gradu-ates . Eventually as the schools and other employment agencies begin to compete with one another for secondary school graduates, whose number must now grow rapidly, i t becomes necessary to broaden the basis of admission to 219 secondary education i n s t i t u t i o n s . A growing un i v e r s i t y would also have i t s impact on the development of secondary schools. To indulge i n paradox, nothing makes an education system expand l i k e an expanding education system. However, despite t h i s l o g i c of school development, under a c e n t r a l -ised education system such as Jamaica's, education growth and the increasing equalisation of opportunity could not be achieved without some measure of Government support and sponsorship. Between 1957 and 1963 three basic methods were adopted by the Jamaican Government to reduce i n e q u a l i t i e s i n secondary school admission: 1. The secondary school system was expanded by setting up new government schools, recognising more private schools for Government aid, and off e r i n g expansion grants to e x i s t i n g grant-aided schools. The r e s u l t of these measures was a 55 percent increase i n enrolment i n Govern-ment and grant-aided secondary schools between 1957-1958 and 1963-1964, or over 5 times the rate of the population increase for the same period. 'These estimates are computed from Ministry of 220 2. The number of f i n a n c i a l scholarships was reduced and a considerably increased number of free places awarded. The p r i n c i p l e of providing l i v i n g allowances for very poor children who won free places was retained, but r e l a t i v e l y few children received such allowances. 3. A national examination under Government super-v i s i o n served as a basis of admission for a l l students i n respect of whom a Government grant was paid. Candidates who wished to enter a grant-aided secondary school were required to obtain a fixed aggregate at these examinations, but i n the r u r a l areas where enough children did not qualify, the cut-off point was reduced to allow r u r a l schools to f i l l t h e i r vacancies. The minimum age for entry at t h i s examination was set at 11 years apparently to help o f f - s e t the advantage of early formal educational exper-ience enjoyed by the more pr i v i l e g e d c h i l d r e n . Education Annual Report, various years, and Annual Abstract of S t a t i s t i c s , 1968, Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Jamaica. 221 Public Response These measures for extending secondary school f a c i l i -t i e s met with immediate public response. In 1957 after the Government announced i t s intention to more than t r i p l e the number of free places, about 17,000 children sat the selection examination, compared with an average of 4,000 i n previous years. Many parents of primary school children now began to f e e l that t h e i r children had a chance of gaining an opportunity for free secondary education, and exerted great pressure on headteachers to enter their children and coach them s p e c i a l l y for the entrance examination. Some concern over the new p o l i c i e s was shown by a few middle and upper class private c i t i z e n s . Fears were ex-pressed c h i e f l y over the possible drop of standards that could r e s u l t from the sudden steep r i s e i n the secondary school population. A well known and widely read columnist of independent means, writing under the pseudonym of Thomas Wright, praised the new p o l i c y of o f f e r i n g a large number of secondary school places but drew attention to the problem of "coping with the ' d i l u t i o n ' of exi s t i n g secondary schools when children without cert a i n family background depress standards of education, deportment and behaviour". He noted 222 that there was great opportunity for increased private e f f o r t "to counteract the e f f e c t of the Government's mass production", c a l l e d for a few "'snob' schools (nothing to do with colour or wealth beyond a c e r t a i n point)", and continued, every society has understood the necessity of having educational i n s t i t u t i o n s that cater to a small minority trained i n character, taste, etc., representative of a l l that i s mostly currently c i v i l i s e d . We are now on our own. We must develop a r u l i n g caste l i k e everyone else, democracy notwithstanding. (Daily Gleaner, May 8, 1957) A secondary school teacher supported t h i s columnist on the need for 'snob' schools: The nation's l i f e needs a core of i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m . And the i n t e l l e c t u a l r u l i n g caste that constitutes t h i s core, as T. W. r i g h t l y believes, cannot be pro-duced by state education which by i t s very nature must be purely secular . . . Thomas Wright was obviously thinking of Eton and Harrow but we could find examples nearer home i n Harrison College i n Barbados. (Daily Gleaner, June 1, 1957) Another contributor i n a l e t t e r to the Editor, was worried about the resultant "tremendous hardships among the middle class people who send t h e i r children to secondary schools at great s a c r i f i c e . . . These are the people who need help as they are the backbone of Jamaica". The con-tributor further observed that the measures could s p l i t society as parents might decide to send their children to schools i n England i f fees were the same 1 223 Further Measures for Equalising Opportunity - The 70-30 Plan I t soon became clear that i n spite of increases i n secondary school accommodation, the award.of more free places, and the re-organisation of the entrance procedures, no serious change occurred i n the representation of the disadvantaged groups i n the nation's best secondary schools. In 1960 public primary school children won 873 free places while 871 places went to children either from private pre-paratory schools or already i n the f i r s t forms of secondary schools. In 1961, 954 primary school children won free places compared with 1,000 free place winners from other sources. So i t would appear that as the number of free places increased the d i s p a r i t i e s between the chances of public primary school children and those of private school children either remained s t a t i c or widened rather than narrowed. This state of a f f a i r s was prophetically commented upon i n an e d i t o r i a l i n the Daily Gleaner i n 1957: " . . . what may appear to be more scholarships for the masses may turn out to be free education for those with s p e c i a l means". (May 2, 1957) This e d i t o r i a l writer was no doubt aware of the fundamental environmental and educational disadvantages of the primary school c h i l d as compared with the private school c h i l d with whom he had to compete at a selection examination. 224 The phenomenon of widening i n e q u a l i t i e s attending the i n i t i a l expansion of opportunity was noted by Foster in h i s discussion of the development of secondary education i n Ghana and the Ivory Coast i n the early 1960's. Foster commented (1970:231): . . . educational development i n A f r i c a w i l l not be correlated necessarily with increasing equality of educational opportunity; rather at c e r t a i n stages of growth r e l a t i v e d i f f e r e n t i a l s may increase . . . This does not suggest that absolute chances for access to secondary schooling among d i f f e r e n t ethnic or socio-economic groups w i l l become less but that as new places are created a substantial portion of them w i l l be appropriated by groups already characterised by higher socio-economic status and higher l e v e l s of educational achievement. In Jamaica two circumstances contributed i n 1962 to create a new determination to grapple with the problem of continuing i n e q u a l i t i e s i n secondary school d i s t r i b u t i o n . The attainment of independence and the e l e c t i o n to o f f i c e of a new p o l i t i c a l party, the Bustamante-led Jamaica Labour Party, set the stage for further major changes i n secondary school provision and recruitment. I t can be said, indeed, that gestures i n the re-organisation of education are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s attaining new con-s t i t u t i o n a l status. The new Minister of Education i n the Bustamante administration, the Hon. Edwin Al l e n , introduced a r a d i c a l measure which was aimed at achieving that reasonable 225 balance of opportunity among economic and regional groups that had so far proved e l u s i v e . Nothing that children from the private preparatory schools with a population of 4,000 e l i g i b l e pupils won 1,200 free places while the primary schools with 84,000 won only 900 places the Minister protest-ed, I think that t h i s i s not r i g h t and my Government w i l l not allow i n j u s t i c e s of that kind to be perpetuated, for the children i n the primary schools are not b a s i c a l l y , i n t r i n s i c a l l y or academically i n f e r i o r . (Hansard, June 6, 1962) A t t r i b u t i n g the disproportion to the c u l t u r a l bias of the selection tests A l l e n stated that i f he had h i s way, only those who could not pay to go to secondary school would get scholarships and free places or other p a r t i a l help "and the r e s u l t would be a cer t a i n amount of equality with those who could go". "But since t h i s would be too sudden a change for which the people would not be prepared" the Minister continued, "the Government was e f f e c t i n g a compromise by  a l l o t i n g 70 percent of the free places to primary school  children and 30 percent to the preparatory schools" . (The assumption here, and i t was quite a reasonable one, was that children of poor parents did not normally attend pre-paratory schools) . The measure was passed without any substantial dissent from Opposition members. Since both p o l i t i c a l parties claimed the support of the masses i t seemed as though no member of the House cared to go on record as being opposed to measures apparently designed to improve the p o s i t i o n of the "working class" . Effectiveness of New Measures - The d i s t r i b u t i o n of  High School Free Places i n 1967. Between 1957 and 1967, then, four d i f f e r e n t approach-es were taken to deal with the problem of i n e q u a l i t i e s i n secondary school s e l e c t i o n — i n c r e a s e i n school places, increase i n free places, change i n examination and other entrance procedures, and l e g i s l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g the number of winners from the preparatory schools. The r e s u l t s of these innovations as r e f l e c t e d i n the composition of 1967 free place winners w i l l now be examined. The d i f f e r e n t i a l s to be considered are the same as those used i n discussing the Guyana situation, except for the ethnic background of students. These d i f f e r e n t i a l s are: (a) Type of primary school attended - public primary, or private preparatory; (b) Geographical residence, as indicated by location of previous school attended; and (c) parental occupation. 227 The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupations remains the same as for Guyana, but one observation i s necessary. Generally, children gave the occupation of the male parent with whom they l i v e d ; but a feature of Jamaican family l i f e i s a high incidence of fatherless households. I t seems as though the mother's occupation was given i n these cases. These inconsistencies together with the large number of responses that simply read 'housewife' are sure to af f e c t the v a l i d -i t y of t h i s exercise. I t i s clear that any conclusion drawn should take account of these l i m i t a t i o n s . Regional Differences In 1967 the Government awarded 2,000 free places, divided equally between boys and g i r l s . The following table shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of these places according to the geographical region of the school attended; an inspection of other data suggests that t h i s i s a r e l i a b l e i n d i c a t i o n of the student's normal residence. Where appropriate data are available a crude s t a t i s t i c w i l l be used to compare the r e l a t i v e opportunity of various groups. The concepts to be employed for t h i s purpose, S e l e c t i v i t y Index and Relative Opportunity, 6 are defined operationally as follows: 'Adopted from Foster (ibid.) . Table (15a) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by region of 1967 free place winners i n Jamaica (N = 2,000 = 1,000 Boys + 1,000 G i r l s ) Boys G i r l s Region %-age of %-age 11-13 of free age place S.1 group winners  %-age of %-age 11-13 of free R.O. age place S.I group winners  %-age of free R .0. place winners Metropolitan Kingston 16.0 56.5 3.5 17 .4 53 .7 3.08 5.5 55.1 Rest of country 84.0 43 .5 . 0.5 82 .6 46.3 0.56 44.9 Even allowing for inaccuracies i n Census estimates i t i s evident that the chances of a free place for a Kingston school c h i l d were many times higher than those for a r u r a l c h i l d . In 1957 about 53 percent of the free-place winners were from the c a p i t a l c i t y and suburbs. In 1967 the proportion stood nearly the same, at 55 percent. CO 229 S e l e c t i v i t y Index = % - age representation of s p e c i f i e d sub-group i n selective system % - age representation of s p e c i f i e d sub-group i n t o t a l population Relative Opportunity Selective Index for Sub-group A of Sub-groups A and B = Selective Index for Sub-group B For convenience of comparison the sub-group with the lowest s e l e c t i v i t y index w i l l be given the value 1. Data concern-ing the size of the sub-groups i n the t o t a l population are based on estimates from 1960 Census figures and Ministry of Education Annual Reports. Differences i n Type of School Attended The following table shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of free places according to the type of schools from which free place winners were recruited and the geographical breakdown for each type of school. The group 'Primary' includes a l l government and denominational public primary schools where no fees are paid, and 'Preparatory' ref e r s to the private preparatory schools and junior sections of secondary schools. (Those who sat the Common Entrance Examination from the secondary schools would have a l l been fee-paying students, and for t h i s reason are treated as 'private preparatory' .) Table (15b) D i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners i n Jamaica by type and location of previous school attended Boys G i r l s Total Type of School Number % Number % % S.1 . R.0 . Urban Preparatory 236 23 .6 246 24.6 Rural Preparatory 58 5.8 59 5.9 Total Preparatory 294 29.4 305 30.5 30 4.0 5 Urban Primary 329 32 .9 291 29.1 Rural Primary 377 37 .7 404 40 .4 Tota l Primary 706 70 .6 695 69.5 70 0.8 1 to o 231 I t can be seen that the 70-30 p o l i c y was c l o s e l y followed for the country as a whole. Yet two s t r i k i n g r e s u l t s emerge from the survey. F i r s t l y , despite t h e i r lower representation i n absolute terms non-primary school children s t i l l had f i v e times as much chance as primary school children of winning a free place . Secondly, while the 70-30 p o l i c y applied for the country as a whole, i t did not apply i n cer t a i n areas. Of the Kingston boys who won free places, for example, 58 percent came from the primary schools and 42 percent from the non-primary schools; for the Kingston g i r l s the r a t i o was 54:46. The concen-t r a t i o n of the preparatory schools i n Kingston i s r e f l e c t e d i n these r e s u l t s . I t w i l l be observed from a l l these tables that g i r l s were well represented among high school free place winners. In fact Manley (ibid.) drew attention to the superior per-formance of g i r l s i n the Common Entrance Examination and th e i r larger numbers i n the secondary schools. Differences Among Parental Occupation Groups Jamaica's education administrators and p o l i t i c a l executives usually made careful s t a t i s t i c a l analyses of the degree of representation i n the secondary schools of public primary and private preparatory school graduates, but i t 232 seems that comments on the representation of various socio-economic groups were often based on knowledge of a few dramatic instances or on the r e s u l t s of cursory, informal observation. Senior o f f i c i a l s i n the Ministry of Education informed the present writer i n an interview (June 10, 1969) that a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the introduction of the 70-30 p o l i c y was the increasing integration of upper and lower socio-economic groups as the upper classes began sending t h e i r children to public primary schools. There was no s t r i k i n g evidence i n the records of the 1967 free place winners to support t h i s view. By and large i t s t i l l seemed as though professionals and executives sent their children to private preparatory schools or a few outstanding ( c h i e f l y denominational) primary schools—as they always d i d — w h i l e s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d workers sent t h e i r children to public primary schools, without any opportunistic change of school calculated to increase the c h i l d ' s chances of winning a free place. I t was the middle classes who were represented s o l i d l y i n both types of i n s t i t u t i o n s and who showed a speculative tendency to change from one type of school to another just before the examination, u n t i l t h i s practice was r e s t r i c t e d by government l e g i s l a t i o n . Of a t o t a l of 167 free place winners from the 233 professional and executive class 131 came from the preparatory schools, about 78%. At the other end of the scale 12% of the 595 students from the s k i l l e d and un-s k i l l e d groups were recruited from preparatory schools. In occupation group (4) comprising private businessmen 60 percent came from preparatory schools; for groups 2 and 3 consisting of teachers, clerks, and c i v i l servants, the proportion was 35 percent. The s o c i a l class representation i n preparatory schools cannot be determined merely from the composition of the free place winners; but the figures lend support to the b e l i e f that attendance at the co s t l y preparatory schools concentrated i n metropolitan Kingston i s l a r g e l y associated with size of parental income and to a lesser degree with parental educational status. The t o t a l representation of the various occupational groups among the free place winners i s shown i n the follow-ing t able. About 50 percent of the free place winners were from the f i r s t four groups, while the sp e c i f i e d s k i l l e d and un-s k i l l e d workers represented 29.8 percent. I t i s quite possible however that Group (7) included a substantial proportion of s k i l l e d and unski l l e d workers; yet i t i s clear that the white c o l l a r professional and merchant groups, Table (16) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of 1967 free place winners by occupational group and region (N = 2,000 = 1,000 Boys + 1,00Q G i r l s ) Occupational Group Boys (%) G i r l s i {%) Gr and Total (%) Urban Rural Total Urban Rural To t a l 1 . Professional and Executive 7.8 2 .1 9.9 5.4 1.4 6.8 8.35) 2 . Teachers 3 .4 3 .8 7.2 2.2 2 .9 5.1 6 . 1 5 ! ) 25.2 1 ) 10.4 > ) 15.3 ). ) 14.5 j 3. Clerks and Service Workers 17 .2 7.7 24.9 17 .4 8.1 25.5 50 .1 4. Commercial 7.3 3 .2 10 .5 7.8 2.5 10 .3 5. 6. S k i l l e d and Semi-Skilled Unskilled 7 .9 3.7 7.9 10.7 15.8 14.4 7.6 4.0 7.2 10.6 14.8 14.6 29 .8 7 . 8. Housewife Unspecified 6.3 2.9 7.3 0.8 13 .6 3 .7 7 .6 1.7 12 .1 1.5 19 .7 3 .2 16.65) ) 3.45) 20 . 1 to U) 235 comprising no more than 20 percent of the t o t a l population, enjoyed markedly superior chances--the r e l a t i v e opportunity of the f i r s t four groups i s computed to be at least four times as high as the remaining four groups put together. No r e l i a b l e data were available for 1957 with which the 1967 figures can be compared, and Manley's analysis of the 1959 s i t u a t i o n (see p.203) uses a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupations from the one employed here. However, the 1967 r e s u l t s can be weighed against the Government's claims and objectives. Most ce r t a i n l y , opportunity for the poorer classes from the 1950's onwards was much greater than i n e a r l i e r years when the secondary school system was almost e n t i r e l y exclusive. But i t i s evident that after the i n i t i a l phase of expansion was completed i n the 1950's further e f f o r t s to increase the representation of the working classes were only moderately successful. The 70-30 selection p o l i c y f a i l e d to equalise the chances of the upper and lower classes as intended, but might have achieved a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of free places among middle and upper class children, and prevented a decline i n r u r a l representation i n the secondary schools. Increasing the number of free places surely resulted i n a loss of funds from those who could afford to pay school fees and would normally have done so. 236 In explaining the continued disadvantage of the lower classes i n spite of school expansion and l e g i s l a t i o n Manley*s comment was i n s t r u c t i v e : Children from these groups (from the homes of u n s k i l l e d workers and peasant farmers) win a f a i r l y high proportion of a l l the free places awarded, because of t h e i r great numbers, but such a small percentage of the group i t s e l f a c t u a l l y wins these places that these pupils can scarcely be said to be competing i n the same sense as the children of c l e r i c a l or s k i l l e d manual workers, for example. The mean performance of these groups i s so low that adjusting the system of rewards so as to improve the i r chances of obtaining free places w i l l be of l a r g e l y marginal benefit, for after seven years of primary schooling i t appears that only a very small proportion of them are capable of high school work. (Ibid: p.71) The unequal representation of working class children among secondary school free place winners was indeed s t r i k i n g , but one should not overlook the fact that the system of selection was open enough to allow a number of these children to gain s o c i a l mobility through schooling . An awareness of t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y c e r t a i n l y stimulated the i n t e r e s t of the poorer classes i n secondary education to the extent that many whose children could not win free places i n open compet-i t i o n were w i l l i n g to pay t u i t i o n fees for attendance at the grant-aided or less well established private secondary schools. The s i t u a t i o n arose, therefore, i n which many children of well-off parents got a good secondary education at the expense of the Government, while many children of 237 poorer parents paid for i n f e r i o r secondary school services. Comment In both Guyana and Jamaica l e g i s l a t i v e and other changes during 1957-1967 f a i l e d to improve appreciably, i f at a l l , the r e l a t i v e chances for free secondary education of r u r a l and lower working class groups. The strategies adopted i n the two countries were for the most part s i m i l a r . Jamaica, however, was bolder to attempt by l e g i s l a t i v e means the control of admissions from the private preparatory schools, while Guyana took steps to weaken the influence of the C h r i s t i a n churches i n matters of selection of students 1 and teacher recruitment. Though the socio-economic balance i n high school r e -presentation was la r g e l y unaffected, the ethnic balance i n Guyana was considerably alter e d . The changes introduced i n Guyana secured for the East Indian population greater The uniqueness of these measures i n the respective t e r r i t o r i e s may be accounted for i n d i r e c t l y by the differences i n ethnic composition of the two populations and the close r e l a t i o n s h i p between ethnic and p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s i n Guyana. Any attempt by the Jagan administration to introduce Jamaica's "70-30" p o l i c y would have alienated the non-Indian section of the electorate since t h e i r children were predominantly r e -presented i n the preparatory schools. This r a c i a l element i n preparatory school attendance was absent i n Jamaica. Again, since there was no strong association between r e l i g i o n and race i n Jamaica the question of the control of schools was not as urgent as i n Guyana. 238 opportunity for free secondary education and generally i n -creased t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n at a l l lev e l s of the education system. I t seems clear that the East Indians were denied c e r t a i n educational p r i v i l e g e s by the application of a s c r i p -t i v e c r i t e r i a , and when these were removed by a Government that championed their cause they made rapid gains. The socio-economic and socio-psychological b a r r i e r s to education-a l achievement, however, proved more d i f f i c u l t to eradicate and continued to thwart the attainment of e g a l i t a r i a n objectives. Perhaps the most important single factor a f f e c t i n g performance on the secondary school selection tests i s the educational experiences provided by the c h i l d ' s home environ-ment and the supportive behaviour of parents. The elaborate survey by Coleman et a l (1969) on educational opportunity i n the United States of America tended to the conclusion that socio-economic background, or more pr e c i s e l y the c h i l d ' s learning environment, rather than the q u a l i t y of school or size of classroom, was the c r u c i a l factor i n school achieve-ment. In view, though, of the very deplorable conditions of some primary schools i n Jamaica and Guyana one may be i n c l i n e d to challenge the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the Coleman f i n d -ings to these countries. But Reid (1964) drew similar 239 conclusions from h i s comprehensive study of the e f f e c t s of a number of educational and s o c i o l o g i c a l variables on the performance i n English and Arithmetic of Jamaican primary school children. Reid's research indicated that neither class size nor a v a i l a b i l i t y of equipment bore any appreciable r e l a t i o n s h i p to pupil performance while very strong t i e s were found between the c r i t e r i o n and variables such as parental education and other socio-economic factors, as well as the professional l e v e l of teachers. On the basis of such findings i t i s tempting to con-clude that the weakness of the selection system that l i m i t s the educational opportunity for r u r a l and working class groups l i e s i n the educational poverty of the home environ-ment of these groups. However the p o s s i b i l i t y cannot be ignored that the f a u l t may l i e equally i n the Procrustean school system which pupils are required to f i t . The causes of f a i l u r e to achieve equal opportunity reside not only i n the circumstances of those who f a i l , but also i n the nature of the opportunities at stake, i n the way schools are organ-ised, i n t h e i r objectives, i n the kinds of values and learning they promote. I t i s probably considerations such as these that have inspired the aggressive campaign of the outstanding L a t i n American educationist Ivan I l l i c h against 240 the formal school. "This generation," I l l i c h wrote (1969), "should bury the myth that schooling i s a necessary means of becoming a useful member of society . . . The free public school must be fought i n the name of true equality of educational opportunity." I l l i c h ' s point here was that the methods of public school organisation and provision within the present context of L a t i n American society carry b u i l t - i n conditions that perpetuate the existence of i n e q u a l i t i e s . In several important ways t h i s c r i t i c i s m i s applicable to Guyana and Jamaica. For instance, the early d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of secondary schools and the ideas and r e a l i t i e s pertaining to t h e i r r e l a t i v e merit most c e r t a i n l y encourage i n students either a f e e l i n g of arrogance (in the case of those selected for the secondary grammar schools) or a sense of i n f e r i o r i t y i n the others. Moreover, many of those who gain entrance to grammar schools f a i l to achieve the narrow objectives and demands imposed on them and are consequently f i l l e d with a sense of f r u s t r a t i o n and worthlessness. I t has been demonstrated that i n both countries the concern for "standards", combined with the view that some people are not f i t for "secondary education" interpreted as the promotion of c e r t a i n kinds of learning i n sp e c i f i e d subject areas, has helped to l i m i t the extension of high 241 school opportunity to deprived groups. In th e i r analysis of the problems of educational development i n Southern Asia, Adams and Bjork (1969) commented that resistance from e l i t i s t groups to the democratisation of education took several guises: there were arguments about the maintenance of quality and standards; excl u s i v e l y 'quality' secondary i n s t i t u t i o n s were established; and vocational schools were promoted. Our study was revealed that these were familiar t a c t i c s i n Guyana and Jamaica, and that even mass leaders, parents, and students contributed to the delay of secondary school expansion by being unable to disabuse t h e i r minds of Platonic modes of educational thought. At f i r s t the ex-pansion of secondary schools and secondary school c u r r i c u l a took the form of vocational education for grammar school r e j e c t s and t r i v i a l a g r i c u l t u r a l education for r u r a l c h i l d r e n . Later, administrators t r i e d to remove these d i s t i n c t i o n s , but they found i t d i f f i c u l t to overcome the prejudices against non-literary education which had already been b u i l t up i n the minds of the public and nurtured by the d i f f e r e n t i a l system of rewards i n the society for various kinds of work done. F i n a l l y , attempts to equalise opportunity at the secondary l e v e l by modifying the selection procedures and by 242 l e g i s l a t i v e control of admissions continued to meet with only limited success, p a r t l y because of the f a i l u r e of the primary school system. From time to time commentators i n both countries p u b l i c l y expressed consternation at the low l e v e l of attainment of primary school graduates, but no concentrated attack was ever made on t h i s problem, apart from the i n i t i a t i o n of modest teacher-training expansion schemes. Modifying the secondary school entrance procedures to correct d i s p a r i t i e s i n the selection opportunity of various groups, was a s u p e r f i c i a l rather than fundamental solution to the problems of educational in e q u a l i t y . In spite of the weakness of the primary system the Government i n both t e r r i t o r i e s placed overwhelming emphasis on secondary l e v e l expansion. Bacchus (1969:42) has shown that the growth of expenditure on education i n Guyana i n the 1950's and 1960's was over 40 percent higher for the secondary stage than for the primary stage. True, universal secondary education provision -was at a germinal stage compared with universal primary education; therefore much more e f f o r t was needed i n the former area. Apart from t h i s fact, however, three other reasons could be suggested for the d i r e c t i o n of e f f o r t : 1. International agencies provided funds for the 243 expansion of secondary school f a c i l i t i e s and not for primary education. As a r e s u l t Governments tended to concentrate mainly on those areas i n which they could obtain f i n a n c i a l assistance. 2 . There was the p r e v a i l i n g view among education executives and in t e r n a t i o n a l economists that the quickest returns to investment i n education were to be obtained by spending at the secondary l e v e l ; yet the assumption that the primary school base was s o l i d enough to support secondary school expansion was not true i n practice i n Guyana and Jamaica. 3. By the middle of the 20th century the expansion of primary education had ceased to be newsworthy i n Guyana and Jamaica or to excite the sentiments of voters. Because of the importance of secondary school c e r t i f i c a t e s for obtaining jobs and the improved s o c i a l status they conferred, the erection of a new secondary school by Government made a great impact on the minds of the electorate . There i s no reason to believe that further e f f o r t s to provide greater opportunities for the underprivileged classes by expanding secondary education along the l i n e s described above w i l l meet with any notable success. 244 Improvements w i l l have to be sought i n new d i r e c t i o n s . To anticipate l a t e r discussion, there needs to be new emphasis on development at the primary l e v e l , on the reorganisation not only of the school system but of the system of rewards i n the society, and i n general on the amelioration of the s o c i a l conditions and s o c i a l r e lationships throughout the two t e r r i t o r i e s . CHAPTER 9 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND, OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS  AND CURRICULAR INTERESTS OF FOURTH-FORM STUDENTS IN GUYANA AND JAMAICA The e f f e c t i v e expansion of secondary education opportunity depends on the extent to which high schools cater for the vari e t y of c u r r i c u l a r and occupational int e r e s t s of students drawn from d i f f e r e n t regions and d i f f e r e n t socio-economic groups. The curriculum planner needs to know the educational and occupational aspirations of students i n order to anticipate and resolve some of the problems l i k e l y to be encountered i n the development of new programmes. Such knowledge i s also useful to the classroom teacher involved i n educational and career guidance . The survey undertaken i n t h i s chapter was motivated by other considerations as w e l l . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , high schools i n Jamaica and Guyana offered mainly l i t e r a r y and science courses. E f f o r t s to introduce technical subjects into the curriculum often proved abortive p a r t l y because of poor organisation and p a r t l y because of lack of enthus-iasm on the part of students, parents and teachers a l i k e . The high school was seen mainly as an avenue to c l e r i c a l , 245 246 professional and service occupations or, put d i f f e r e n t l y , as a means through which the less prestigious s k i l l e d manual occupations could be avoided. The growth of nationalism and the concomitant drive for economic development created a determination i n govern-ment administrations to t r a i n t echnical and a g r i c u l t u r a l s k i l l s through the high schools. There prevailed, however, a t a c i t assumption that technical courses were r e a l l y s u i t -able for those lower working class children who f a i l e d to do well i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a r y and science programmes, and that agriculture i n p a r t i c u l a r was for r u r a l c h i l d r e n . This survey investigates whether such assumptions underlying educational p o l i c y for the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of school c u r r i c u l a are r e f l e c t e d i n the interests of students. In general i t seeks to answer the question: Is there any d i s t i n c t i o n among secondary school students from various regional and socio-economic groups i n Jamaica and Guyana with respect to t h e i r occupational aspirations and intere s t i n technical subjects? The theory advanced here i s that students continue to see the secondary school as a means of escape from manual occupations, s k i l l e d or un s k i l l e d ; consequently there would be no greater inte r e s t i n technical subjects and s k i l l e d occupations among r u r a l and lower 247 working class children than among children from the metro-p o l i s and from c l e r i c a l and professional occupational backgrounds. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the following hypotheses are investigated: 1. There i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background and occupational choice . 2. There i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background and inte r e s t i n technical subjects. 3. There i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background and preference for farming over other technical subjects. 4. There i s no r e l a t i o n between occupational back-ground and occupational choice . Procedure of Enquiry Sample: In each country a l i s t of registered non-technical secondary schools was obtained from the Ministry of Education and about one-third of these schools selected for the survey carried out i n the 1969-1970 academic year. The researcher used h i s own knowledge of the schools and the judgement of Education O f f i c e r s to select s t r a t i f i e d school samples representative of various regions, socio-economic lev e l s , types of administration and control (Church, Private, Government and Government-aided), and academic prestige. 248 A fourth-form cluster was selected from each school. The t o t a l sample comprised 405 students from 13 schools i n Guyana and 406 from 14 Jamaican schools. Method: A questionnaire 1 was administered i n which students were asked to indicate inter a l i a (a) area of permanent residence; (b) previous primary school attended; (c) parental occupation; (d) occupational choice; and (e) c u r r i c u l a r choice. The actual questions asked for (d) and (e) w i l l be presented below, where appropriate. The questionnaires were sent to head teachers and administered by form-masters. One of the leading secondary schools i n Guyana, a Government boys* school, did not respond to the questionnaire. The occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n used was fundamentally the same as that which formed the basis of our analysis of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l class and secondary school selection, and which was described i n Chapter 7. Some modifications had to be made to meet ce r t a i n s t a t i s t i c a l See Appendix 5. 249 requirements; these w i l l be indicated as the need a r i s e s . A l l data were regarded as categorical i n nature. In addition, there was no reason for assuming normality of d i s t r i b u t i o n of the populations concerned. The non-para-metric s t a t i s t i c , chi-square test of independence, was therefore employed i n the analysis of the questionnaire r e -sponses . S t a t i s t i c a l significance i s reported at the 5 percent l e v e l of confidence. Limitations: The v a l i d i t y of any questionnaire type research i s l i a b l e to be affected by problems of the use and int e r p r e t a t i o n of concepts. To o f f s e t t h i s d i f f i c u l t y as much as possible a preliminary d r a f t of the questionnaire was administered to two fourth forms i n an e f f o r t to detect and remove ambiguities. Nevertheless, problems of written communication could not thereby be e n t i r e l y eliminated. A further source of weakness of the survey was the reliance on one single factor to determine occupational and cu r r i c u l a r interests, that i s , the response to d i r e c t questions concerning occupational and c u r r i c u l a r choice. Further, i t may be argued that what children say they are interested i n becoming or studying often represents not t h e i r r e a l i n t e r e s t but their b e l i e f about what i s expected of them by the researcher, or teacher, or parent. Yet, what 250 a c h i l d thinks he ought to say can be useful information about s o c i a l attitudes and values which must be taken into account i n planning and executing educational p o l i c y . F i n a l l y , i t may have been better to administer the questionnaire to a random sel e c t i o n of children from d i f -ferent forms throughout a l l the high schools rather than to some fourth form clusters, but the administrative problems would have been considerably increased, thereby reducing the willingness of the schools to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the exercise. This survey must be seen not as a complete and perfect piece of research but as a preliminary exploration i n a f i e l d i n which l i t t l e or nothing has been written i n the two countries studied. Analysis of Results - Boys 1. Regional Background vs Occupational Choice Hypothesis tested: There i s no r e l a t i o n between area of residence and occupational choice of students. As i n previous sections of t h i s study two areas of residence were distinguished, (a) the c a p i t a l c i t y along with i t s environs, c a l l e d the urban area, and (b) the rest of the country, treated as the r u r a l area. 251 The category 'occupational choice' was divided into three components, namely, choice of a f i r s t job after leaving school, job expectation, and ultimate occupational prefer-ence. The questions asked were as follows: a. What i s the f i r s t job you would l i k e to get? b. What i s the f i r s t job you think you w i l l get? c. I f you had a free choice what occupation would you l i k e to take up eventually? The following basic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupations was employed: Class 1 - higher professional and executive; Class 2 - teachers; Class 3 - c l e r i c a l and service workers, including c i v i l servants, nurses, policemen; Class 4 - small businessmen; Class 5 - s k i l l e d and semi-skilled workers; Class 6 - uns k i l l e d workers The sizes of c e l l entries i n the chi-square contingency tables made i t necessary to combine classes of occupational choices, or i n some cases to ignore classes altogether where the frequencies were n e g l i g i b l e . As can be seen i n Table 17, the hypothesis that there i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background and choice of a 252 f i r s t job i s rejected at the 5 percent l e v e l of confidence. Table (17) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational choices ( f i r s t job) by region - Guyana Boys Occupational Choice Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) ( F i r s t job) Urban Rural Occ. class 1 38 30 Occ. class 2 11 28 Occ. class 3, 4 28 25 Occ. class 5 23 17 (100%) (100%) N = 88 104 = 8.167 P 0.05 - Hypothesis rejected 3 df The findings do not support the view that r u r a l children are more l i k e l y than urban children to choose s k i l l e d occupations. Instead there are indications that there i s greater preference among the urban than among the r u r a l groups for s k i l l e d and higher professional occupations while the choice of teaching as a f i r s t job i s associated more with r u r a l than with urban residence. Table (18) reveals a similar pattern for job expect-ations of the two regional groups i n Guyana. In t h i s case the differences i n the choice of teaching, s k i l l e d and c l e r i c a l jobs are more pronounced. 253 Table (18) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational choices (job expectations) by region -Guyana Boys Occupational Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Expectations Urban Rural Occ. class 1 23 15 Occ. class 2 17 50 Occ. class 3, 4 35 23 Occ. class 5 25 12 (100%) (100%) N = 71 96 = 19.285 P 0.05 (also P 0.01) - Hypothesis 3 df rejected The no-relationship hypothesis i s required even at the one percent l e v e l . 50 percent of the r u r a l children expect to get a teaching job when they leave school, compared with 17 percent of urban ch i l d r e n . Perhaps r u r a l children are aware of the low l e v e l of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n and limited op-portunity for s k i l l e d and c l e r i c a l employment i n the r u r a l areas, and see teaching as o f f e r i n g the quickest temporary employment opportunity at acceptable rates of remuneration. A related factor contributing to t h e i r pattern of choices i s probably the r e l a t i v e conspicuousness of teachers, compared with other workers, as models with which students could i d e n t i f y . 2 54 When students were asked to state what job they would prefer to do ultimately i f they had a free choice, Guyana boys opted overwhelmingly for higher professional occupations—76 percent of the urban and 61 percent of the r u r a l group. But as shown i n Table (19) the no-relation-ship hypothesis was again rejected, a greater proportion of urban than r u r a l students choosing higher professional occupations, and a greater proportion of r u r a l than urban students choosing teaching. Ultimate preference for s k i l l e d occupations was not consistent with f i r s t - j o b choices and job expectations. Table (19) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational choices (ultimate preference) by region Guyana Boys Ultimate Occupational Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Preference Urban Rural Occ. class 1 76 61 Occ. class 2 2 14 Occ. class 3, 4 12 12 Occ. class 5 10 14 (100%) (100%) N = 92 102 = 10.127 P 0.05 - Hypothesis rejected 3 df 255 Two s t r i k i n g r e s u l t s consistent throughout the entire survey are (a) the greater willingness shown by r u r a l and lower working class groups that urban and middle and upper class groups to opt for teaching, and (b) the r e l a t i v e l y low proportion of students who chose teaching as an ultimate career, compared with those who expected teaching as a f i r s t job. From Tables (18) and (19) i t can be noted that two percent of the urban group expressed an ultimate preference for teaching compared with 17 percent who expected t h e i r f i r s t job to be teaching. Corresponding figures for the r u r a l group are 14 percent and 50 percent respectively. The fundamental pattern of choices of Jamaican boys was almost e n t i r e l y similar to that for Guyana boys. Differences i n r u r a l and urban proportions were generally i more pronounced and a l l three hypotheses were rejected even at the one percent l e v e l . Table (20) summarises the chi-square r e s u l t s of the tests of independence be-tween area of residence and (a) f i r s t - j o b choice, (b) job expectations and (c) ultimate occupational preference. In Guyana and Jamaica urban children were more l i k e l y than r u r a l children to opt for s k i l l e d occupations. The ultimate preferences of Guyana boys, however, were not con-sistent with t h i s o v e r - a l l pattern. 256 Table (20) Chi-square values of tests of indepen-dence between regional background and occupational aspirations ( f i r s t - j o b choice, job expectation and ultimate occupational preference) - Jamaica boys Variables df N N (urban)(rural) Result Region vs F i r s t - j o b choice 25 .885 3 76 66 S i g n i f i c a n t * Job expectation 12 .858 3 65 58 S i g n i f i c a n t * Ultimate preference 13 .425 3 80 67 S i g n i f i c a n t * •Hypothesis of no-relationship between variables rejected at the one percent l e v e l . There was, on the whole, markedly less i n t e r e s t i n teaching among Jamaican boys than among th e i r Guyanese counterpart but the urban-rural d i f f e r e n t i a l s were s i m i l a r . For example, 3 percent of urban Jamaican boys expected teaching to be t h e i r f i r s t job, compared with 17 percent for Guyana. For the r u r a l groups corresponding figures were 2 6 percent and 50 percent res p e c t i v e l y . Complete d i s t r i b u t i o n tables for a l l tests are given i n Appendix (4). The d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s between Jamaica and Guyana with respect to the popularity of teaching as a career i n fact r e f l e c t some socio-economic differences between the two countries. Jamaica with i t s higher degree of i n d u s t r i a l i -sation offers more a t t r a c t i v e jobs i n commerce and industry 257 to i t s male population. The r a t i o of male to female teachers i n the two countries i s i l l u m i n a t i n g , i n Jamaica less than 20 percent of a l l primary school teachers are male, compared with about 50 percent i n Guyana. The pro-portions of male teachers i n the secondary schools are roughly 40 and 64 percent res p e c t i v e l y . An ethnic h i s t o r i -c a l factor i n Guyana, however, the late entry of East Indian g i r l s into the profession, contributes to the greater proportion of males i n teaching. 2. Regional Background vs Curricular Choice The item that sought to determine students' inte r e s t i n a given l i s t of technical subjects read as follows: I f you were offered the opportunity to take two of the following courses i n your remaining years i n school which two would you choose? (Put a t i c k opposite the two you choose. I f you would not l i k e to do any of these subjects put a t i c k opposite 'none of the above'): a. motor mechanic b. woodwork (including cabinet making and carpentry) c. farming methods d. radio and e l e c t r i c a l repairs e. metal work f. masonry g. none of the above. These are the courses either commonly offered i n technical schools i n Jamaica and Guyana or usually mentioned i n pro-posals for the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the school c u r r i c u l a . Contingency tables were prepared showing the number 258 of students who chose at least one of the subjects as against those who opted for 'none of the above'. I t was f e l t that t h i s method of approach was l i k e l y to y i e l d more genuine r e s u l t s than i f students were asked to respond d i r e c t l y to the question: Would you l i k e to do a technical subject i n your remaining years i n school? The hypothesis investigated was that there i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background of students and t h e i r willingness to pursue technical courses. This hypothesis was rejected for Guyana boys at the 5 percent l e v e l . But the r e l a t i o n s h i p suggested i n Table (21) i s contradictory to what educational p o l i c y normally assumes, for r u r a l boys were less w i l l i n g than urban boys to opt for technical courses. This difference i n attitude i s probably accounted for, at least p a r t i a l l y , by the presence of a technical i n s t i t u t e of high standing i n Georgetown and lack of similar f a c i l i t i e s i n the r u r a l areas, as well as by the urban c h i l d ' s keener perception of opportunities open to persons with technical s k i l l s . I t i s not inconceivable, however, that r u r a l children more than urban children see high school education as a means of escaping from manual labour, s k i l l e d or unskilled, and a means of gaining 'white c o l l a r ' occupations. 259 Table (21) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n , by region, of students opting for at least one technical subject - Guyana Boys Response to Technical Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Subjects Urban Rural Choosing at least one 85 71 Choosing 'none . . .' 15 29 (100%) (100%) N = 99 108 = 4.733 P 0.05 - Hypothesis rejected 1 df Table (22) indicates that the hypothesis of no r e l a t i o n -ship i s tenable for Jamaica boys. Table (22) Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n , by region, of students opting for at least one tech-n i c a l subject - Jamaica Boys Response to Technical Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Subjects Urban Rural Choosing at least one 75 79 Choosing 'none . . .' 25 21 (100%) (100%) N = 84 67 = 0.160 P 0.05 Hypothesis tenable 1 df 260 In both countries a quite substantial proportion of students showed a willingness to pursue technical courses, a factor that reduces the importance of any differences that may be noted between the responses of the urban and the r u r a l groups, and that should prove encouraging to the curriculum planner. The hypothesis that there i s no r e l a t i o n between regional background and selection of farming was confirmed for both Guyana and Jamaica, as seen i n Table (23), but Table ( B i i i ) i n Appendix (4) shows the general low popu-l a r i t y of farming. Table (23) Chi-square r e s u l t s of tests of indepen-dence between regional background and choice of farming - Guyana and Jamaica Boys 2 N N Country df (Urban) (Rural) Results Guyana 1.176 1 99 108 Not s i g n i f i c a n t * Jamaica 1.744 1 84 67 Not s i g n i f i c a n t * •Hypothesis of no r e l a t i o n s h i p accepted at 5 percent l e v e l . 3. Parental Occupational Background vs  Students' Occupational Choice Hypothesis: There i s no r e l a t i o n s h i p between occu-pational background of parents and students' occupational choice. 2 61 Some modification of the s i x - f o l d occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n had to be adopted i n order to meet the r e -quirements of chi-square computation concerning size of c e l l e n t r i e s . Parental occupational levels were combined into two groups thus: Classes 1 - 4 'white c o l l a r ' , comprising the profes-sional, c l e r i c a l , commercial and service occupations; Classes 5 - 6 "blue c o l l a r ' , comprising s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and unskilled workers. Occupational choices were put into three groups: Higher professional (class 1) , Teaching, c l e r i c a l and service (classes 2 - 4) , and S k i l l e d and semi-skilled (classes 5 - 6) . The complete d i s t r i b u t i o n s of choices are shown i n Appendix (4) . Table (24) below gives the chi-square r e s u l t s for the various tests of r e l a t i o n s h i p for Guyana boys. Table (24) Chi-square r e s u l t s for tests of independ-ence between parental occupational back-ground and students' occupational a s p i r -ations - Guyana Boys N Parents' Result Occ. 'Blue C o l l a r ' o N Variables * d f parents' Occ. White C o l l a r ' 1. Occ. background Vs F i r s t - j o b Choice 3.229 2 109 80 Not s i g n i f i -cant 262 Table (24) Continued 2 N N Variables df Parents' Parents' Result Occ. Occ. 'White 'Blue C o l l a r ' C o l l a r '  2 . Occ. background Vs Job expect-ation 6.161 2 94 72 S i g n i f i c a n t * 3. Occ. background Vs Ultimate Not preference 5.530 2 113 90 s i g n i f i c a n t •Hypothesis of no-relationship rejected at 5 percent l e v e l . There was no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between parental occupational l e v e l and immediate or ultimate occupational choice among Guyana boys, but there seemed to be some dependency r e l a t i o n s h i p between parental occupational l e v e l and the students' occupational expect-ation. An inspection of Table (Cii) i n Appendix (4) reveals that expectation of professional jobs i s more associated with students from a 'white c o l l a r ' parental occupational background, while expectation of c l e r i c a l and service jobs i s more associated with children of parents with 'blue c o l l a r ' occupations . A similar dependency r e l a t i o n s h i p was shown for a l l three tests for Jamaican boys—choice and expectation of professional jobs was more associated with 'white c o l l a r ' 263 parental occupational background, while choice and expectation of c l e r i c a l jobs was more associated with 'blue c o l l a r ' occupational background. There was no consistent pattern of choice of s k i l l e d occupations i n either country. Table (25) Chi-square r e s u l t s for tests of independence between parental occu-pational background and students' occupational aspirations - Jamaica Boys Variables N-Parents' Occupa-White t i o n Blue Result Co l l a r C o l l a r  1. Occ. background vs f i r s t - j o b choice 9.070 Occ. background vs job-expectation 8.733 77 50 S i g n i f i -cant* 68 45 S i g n i f i -cant* Occ. background vs Ultimate S i g n i f i -preference 13.403 2 81 51 cant* •Hypothesis of no r e l a t i o n s h i p r e j e c t e d — a t 5 percent l e v e l for (1) and (2), and at 1 percent l e v e l for (3)..' On the whole our hypothesis that there i s no r e l a t i o n s h i p between parental occupational l e v e l and students' occupation-a l choice was not supported by the survey, but the generally low popularity of s k i l l e d occupations was evident, and the relationships between parental background and choice, expectation, and ultimate preference for s k i l l e d occupations 264 were not uniform (see d i s t r i b u t i o n tables i n Appendix). G i r l s 1. Regional Background vs Occupational Choice One s t r i k i n g feature peculiar to the occupational choices among the g i r l s was the n e g l i g i b l e frequency of choice of s k i l l e d occupations. Nearly a l l g i r l s i n both Guyana and Jamaica chose either professional and c l e r i c a l or service occupations. Table (26) shows that for Guyana g i r l s there was no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between region-a l background and ultimate occupational preference, but s i g n i f i c a n t r e lationships existed between region and choice of a f i r s t job as well as between region and occu-pational expectation. In each case g i r l s from the urban area were more l i k e l y than r u r a l g i r l s to opt for c l e r i c a l jobs but less l i k e l y to opt for teaching. Table (2 6) Chi-square r e s u l t s for tests of independ-ence between regional background and occupational aspirations - Guyana G i r l s 2 N N Variables df (urban) (Rural) Region vs F i r s t - j o b Choice 27.169 3 91 85 Region vs Job expectation 19.216 1 65 75 Region vs Ultimate preference 4.350 2 88 85 •Hypothesis of no-relationship rejected at 1 percent l e v e l . S i g n i f i c a n t * S i g n i f i c a n t * Not s i g n i f i c a n t 265 In Jamaica there was a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a l l three cases as shown i n Table (2 7), the choice of teaching again being more associated with r u r a l than with urban residence. Table (27) Chi-square r e s u l t s of tests of independ-ence between regional background and occupational aspirations - Jamaica G i r l s 2 N N Variables df (Urban)(Rural) Result Region vs F i r s t - j o b Choice 13.459 2 109 108 S i g n i f i c a n t Region vs Job expectation 12.475 2 86 99 S i g n i f i c a n t Region vs Ultimate preference 13.238 2 110 111 S i g n i f i c a n t •Hypothesis of no-relationship rejected at 1 percent l e v e l . Urban g i r l s were as i n Guyana more l i k e l y than r u r a l g i r l s t o choose and expect professional occupations, but the pattern of choice of c l e r i c a l occupations was not uniform. The attitude to teaching as an " i n t r a n s i t " job, so evident among the boys, also prevailed among the g i r l s , while teaching again seemed to be more popular among Guyanese than among Jamaican students. 2 . Regional Background vs Choice of Technical Subjects No s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p was found i n either country between regional background and willingness to opt 266 for at least one technical course from a l i s t comprising home economics, handicraft, shorthand and typing, woodwork and farming. In both Guyana and Jamaica over 80 percent of the students chose at least one technical course, but less than 8 percent opted for farming. 3. Occupational Background vs Occupational Aspirations The number of g i r l s choosing s k i l l e d occupations i n both countries was inconsequential; t h i s category was there-fore omitted i n the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The two-fold c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of parental occupational background adopted for boys was r e t a i n e d — p r o f e s s i o n a l , c l e r i c a l , commercial and service occupations (including teaching) comprised one group, while s k i l l e d , semi-skilled and unskilled occupations constituted the other. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupational choice was modified. Categories employed were higher pro-fessional, teaching, and c l e r i c a l and service jobs. S i g n i f i c a n t relationships were found (Table 28) be-tween parental occupational background and f i r s t - j o b choice, job expectation, and ultimate job preference of Jamaican g i r l s ; and for Guyana g i r l s , between occupational background and job expectation as well as ultimate occupational prefer-ence. In each case g i r l s from a 'white-collar' parental occupational background were more l i k e l y than th e i r 'blue-267 Table (28) Results of chi-square tests of independ-ence between parental occupational background and occupational aspirations Guyana and Jamaica G i r l s Variables df N(Parental Occupation) "White "Blue C o l l a r ' C o l l a r ' Result Jamaica Occ. background vs F i r s t - j o b Choice 8.435 Occ. background vs Job-expectation 6.273 Occ. background vs Ultimate Preference 12.735 Guyana 111 96 117 Occ. background vs F i r s t - j o b Choice Occ. background vs Job-expectation 5.203 2 4.735 1 115 85 Occ. background vs Ultimate Preference 9.800 2 116 85 S i g n i f i c a n t 1 74 S i g n i f i c a n t * 85 S i g n i f i c a n t 1 Not 59 S i g n i f i c a n t 52 S i g n i f i c a n t * 55 S i g n i f i c a n t * •Hypothesis of no r e l a t i o n s h i p rejected at 5 percent. c o l l a r 1 counterparts to opt for professional occupations and less l i k e l y to opt for teaching. The pattern of choice for c l e r i c a l subjects was not consistent. These r e s u l t s are similar to those obtained for boys. 268 Summary Table (29) summarises the r e s u l t s of a l l hypotheses tested: Table (29) Summary of r e s u l t s of hypotheses tested. Results - Boys Results - G i r l s Hypothesis ~~ ~ : ~ ~ ; Guyana Jamaica Guyana Jamaica 1. No r e l a t i o n s h i p between regional background and a. f i r s t - j o b choice Rejected Rejected Rejected Rejected b. job expect-ation Rejected Rejected Rejected Rejected c. ultimate preference Rejected Rejected Tenable Rejected d. choice of technical subjects Rejected Tenable Tenable Tenable e. selection of farming Tenable Tenable Tenable Tenable 2. No re l a t i o n s h i p between occupa-t i o n a l Back-ground and f. f i r s t - j o b choice Tenable Rejected Tenable Rejected g. job expect-ation Rejected Rejected Rejected Rejected h. ultimate preference Tenable Rejected Rejected Rejected 269 The findings do not support the view that there i s no d i s t i n c t i o n between urban and regional groups or between di f f e r e n t occupational groups with respect to th e i r occu-pational aspirations. Consistent relationships have been found between regional and socio-economic groups and choice of teaching and higher professional occupations but not between regional and socio-economic groups and choice of s k i l l e d occupations. Our hypothesis of no r e l a t i o n s h i p between regional and socio-economic groups and inte r e s t i n technical courses was found to be tenable except for Guyana boys; urban Guyana boys were more l i k e l y than r u r a l boys to opt for technical courses. Some d e t a i l s of re l a t i o n s h i p s found are as follows: 1. The socio-economic and regional background of the students did seem i n general to be related to t h e i r occupational aspirations, but interest i n s k i l l e d , n o n - c l e r i c a l or non-professional occupations seemed to be low e s p e c i a l l y among the g i r l s . Urban students and students from a 'white-collar' parental background showed a greater tendency than r u r a l students and those from a 'blue c o l l a r ' parental back-ground to aspire to higher professional occupations. 2. One important r e s u l t consistent throughout the 270 entire study was the association of r u r a l residence or lower working class parental background with inter e s t i n teaching as an immediate occupation or ultimate career. Also s t r i k i n g was the greater willingness of a l l students to choose teaching as a temporary f i r s t job than to choose i t as a permanent career. 3. Except among Guyana boys no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n -ship was found between Regional background and interest i n technical courses, and for a l l samples there seemed to be no widespread aversion to techni-c a l subjects.* In Guyana, r u r a l boys seemed less l i k e l y than urban boys to opt for the i n c l u s i o n of technical subjects i n t h e i r school course. 4. There was no consistent pattern of association between socio-economic and regional background and inter e s t i n s k i l l e d occupations. Discussion I t appears that the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the school c u r r i c u l a to include technical courses would not encounter resistance or apathy on the part of the students. The fact, then, that students seem quite w i l l i n g to pursue technical *Except for farming. 271 courses i n school but show markedly low intere s t i n occupations requiring similar technical s k i l l s needs some comment. Several factors may be responsible for these attitudes. F i r s t l y , i t i s not u n l i k e l y that students find t h e i r school programme monotonous, and would l i k e to vary t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . Indeed, t h i s view i s supported by students' response to two open-ended items i n the question-naire; "What do you d i s l i k e about your school l i f e ? " and "What subjects would you l i k e included i n your school curriculum?" In answer to the f i r s t question there were frequent references to 'boring subjects' or 'boring school l i f e ' , while technical and recreational subjects constituted nearly 50 percent of the responses to the l a t t e r item. The view i s usually expressed i n many t e r r i t o r i e s i n the B r i t i s h Caribbean that high school graduates despise manual occupations, s k i l l e d or unskilled, and that they aspire only to 'white c o l l a r ' occupations not requiring them to ' s o i l t h e i r hands.' This view seems an over-s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the issues involved. I t may be true that the average c h i l d who enters a high school i n Jamaica and Guyana aspires to a professional or c l e r i c a l job, but i t i s l i k e l y that the reason i s to be found not wholly i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l y higher s o c i a l status of the c l e r i c a l occupations 272 but also i n the lower economic benefits accruing from s k i l l e d employment. I t i s questionable, too, whether s o c i a l status and economic reward are separable i n t h i s context. Similar arguments could be adduced to explain the attitude to teaching revealed i n t h i s survey. There i s no doubt that the teaching profession offers less a t t r a c t i v e conditions than a career i n the c i v i l service or i n commerce for example. Students and t h e i r parents who l i v e i n an environment where there are varied employment opportunities w i l l surely be aware of more desirable alternatives to teaching, and t h e i r occupational plans and aspirations w i l l be influenced accordingly. One could venture the prediction that as a r e s u l t of increasingly lucrat i v e opportunities i n industry created by urban i n d u s t r i a l growth, the teaching profession i n Guyana and Jamaica w i l l for some time to come draw i t s r e c r u i t s more and more from r u r a l groups, lower working class families and, though not suggested i n t h i s survey, from high school graduates with i n f e r i o r academic achievement. I t also appears l i k e l y that more young people w i l l come to regard teaching as a temporary means of earning a l i v e l i h o o d while they prepare for other occupations. The low i n t e r e s t which students showed i n farming i s disquieting i n view of the increasing emphasis being placed on the growing on food i n development projects of predom-inantly a g r i c u l t u r a l communities such as Guyana and Jamaica. I t i s probable, however, that students were reacting to p a r t i c u l a r unfavourable connotations that the term 'farming' conveyed for them, and that t h e i r responses would have been somewaht d i f f e r e n t i f the term 'agriculture' had been used instead i n the questionnaire. Yet i t seems that any programme to develop a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i n school and community i n Guyana and Jamaica would have to include measures to improve attitudes to these a c t i v i t i e s and. relatedly, the rewards for pursuing them. The narrow range of students' occupational choices found i n t h i s survey suggests that there i s pressing need for a programme of career guidance, a service that has so far been neglected i n most B r i t i s h Caribbean t e r r i t o r i e s . A f a i r knowledge of opportunities and the rewards they offer may not only broaden students' occupational aspirations but may contribute to the successful organisation of more varied high school programmes necessary for the e f f e c t i v e provision of equal opportunities. D i v e r s i f y i n g the school c u r r i c u l a to cater for varied in t e r e s t s and talents, reducing the discrepancy between wages accruing to d i f f e r e n t kinds of employment, and 274 creating favourable attitudes to technical and a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i n work and school, are measures necessary for the reduction of i n e q u a l i t i e s i n educational opportunity. I t i s neither possible nor desirable, however, to eliminate a l l differences i n s o c i a l status and f i n a n c i a l rewards attached to various kinds of employment. Consequently, preferences for p a r t i c u l a r occupations and related school courses w i l l p e r s i s t . Now i t i s reasonable to assume, i n the absence of research evidence to the contrary, that the latent a b i l i t y to pursue these preferred occupations and school courses i s not the exclusive possession of special socio-economic, ethnic or regional groups, and that the preferences for p a r t i c u l a r kinds of occupation which t h i s study has shown to be associated with special groups arise c h i e f l y out of environmental circumstances. The provision of equal educational opportunity, therefore, must e n t a i l not the organisation of uniform school courses or merely the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of c u r r i c u l a r offerings, but the creation of conditions that w i l l enable various socio-economic, ethnic, and regional groups to benefit from the more highly prized educational services leading to the more luc r a t i v e jobs. We conclude t h i s discussion with an observation pertaining to some contrasts found i n the Jamaica and Guyana s i t u a t i o n s . I t has been noted that the pattern of re s u l t s , though broadly similar for Guyana and Jamaica, reveals some differences that r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t economic and s o c i a l conditions i n the two countries. For example, i t has been observed that the r e l a t i v e l y low interest shown i n teaching by Jamaica's male secondary school students corresponds with the lower proportion of male teachers i n that country than i n Guyana and the greater opportunities i n industry. In some cases where differences i n response were s i g n i f i c a n t but not consistent, as i n the re l a t i o n s h i p between occupational l e v e l and occupational aspirations, perhaps a need for fin e r tools of investigation i s suggested. I t i s possible, though, that a more systematic and sophisticated study of socio-economic and educational i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the two countries may indeed reveal genuine differences i n re l a t i o n s h i p between the variables i n v e s t i -gated and indicate some of the factors which account for these differences. CHAPTER 10 SUMMARY AND PROPOSALS FOR REFORM In h i s closing chapter i n "Education and S o c i a l Change" E. J . King writes (1966:220) I t i s one thing to look with insight on s o c i a l and educational trends and another thing to decide what to do i n a p a r t i c u l a r case. Though no sensible decision can be made about anything without the large-scale study of education i n transformation, or without a pa r t i c u l a r study of the c u l t u r a l whole within which a school system has i t s being, the decisions which face a parent, teacher, or administrator at any one time or place s t i l l turn on l o c a l r e a l i t i e s and resources. The l o c a l r e a l i t i e s and resources of the two countries studied compel one to off e r no more than some un-pretentious recommendations for expanding and improving the d i s t r i b u t i o n of secondary education opportunity, recommend-ations that are limited i n scope because they are non-utopian i n objectives. F i r s t , though, some of the main problems of education provision which were i d e n t i f i e d i n previous chapters and which need urgent attention w i l l be b r i e f l y summarised. This study has shown that not only was the benefit of a secondary school place enjoyed by very limited numbers of students i n both countries, but that the system of d i s t r i b u t i o n predominantly favoured urban groups with a 276 c l e r i c a l and professional occupational background. Further, the usefulness of whatever opportunity was available was r e s t r i c t e d by the narrow c u r r i c u l a r offerings of the secondary school. In Guyana e s p e c i a l l y there was almost t o t a l emphasis on l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c studies, very l i t t l e attention being paid to the development of technical s k i l l s and knowledge. Secondary school education,was, i n r e a l i t y , a preparation for entrance into regional or over-seas u n i v e r s i t i e s or into c l e r i c a l and professional occupations. While recognising the need to d i v e r s i f y the second-ary school curriculum Government did not show any firm and sustained commitment to providing the necessary funds or leadership for e f f e c t i n g any major reconstruction. On the other hand students, i t was f e l t , supported or influenced by t h e i r parents were averse to pursuing technical courses. The findings of our survey suggest that i n theory students are w i l l i n g to include technical subjects i n t h e i r school programme; i t i s conceivable though, that t h e i r pra c t i c a l behaviour would be affected by t h e i r perception of the r e l a t i v e rewards attending technical and academic careers. Again, i m p l i c i t i n many administrative p o l i c y state-ments on the need for d i v e r s i f i e d secondary school c u r r i c u l a 2 7 8 was the view that technical courses were appropriate options mostly for those children who were considered un-l i k e l y , or who f a i l e d , to achieve fixed l e v e l s of perfor-mance i n the l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c areas. This attitude to technical subjects on the part of educational admini-strato r s and p o l i c y makers helped to c u r t a i l the development of c u r r i c u l a relevant to the countries' needs, thereby l i m i t i n g the e f f e c t i v e expansion of opportunity. Two further problems at least obliquely referred to i n t h i s study were the shortage of f i n a n c i a l resources and the modest success of the secondary school system i n terms of i t s intended objectives. I t was noted that the main source of educational finance i n both economies was the central national budget. Because of the rapid popu-l a t i o n growth and the slow pace of economic development, the funds provided for education out of the national budget could not achieve any spectacular improvement i n secondary school provision, but merely managed to maintain e x i s t i n g inadequate l e v e l s . The major resources for c a p i -t a l development were supplied from foreign loans or grants. Eventually, however, increased recurrent costs became a heavy burden on the l o c a l economies. Educational develop-ment was thus planned i n i s o l a t i o n and not within the 279 framework of a t o t a l and c a r e f u l l y detailed strategy for s o c i a l and economic development. Currently, well under 30 percent of primary school graduates enjoy the benefit of f i v e years of formal secondary stage education; i t i s clear, then, that to extend such a p r i v i l e g e to every primary school c h i l d without a simultaneous upsurge i n economic a c t i v i t y would impose too formidable a s t r a i n on the countries' f i n a n c i a l and human resources. F i n a l l y , the achievements of secondary school students at their school leaving examinations give much cause for concern. Although a school's success i s not measured merely i n terms of students' performance at overseas school leaving examinations, i n the thinking and expectations of Guyanese and Jamaican parents examination r e s u l t s are c r u c i a l . Teaching and the c i v i l service provide the main avenues of non-manual employment for school leavers, and the requirements for entrance to these professions normally include four or f i v e subject passes at the London General C e r t i f i c a t e of Education Ordinary Level examinations. While a few schools consistently maintain a high l e v e l of success at the examinations the o v e r a l l r e s u l t s i n both countries have been disappointing. In 1967, for example, 10.8 percent 280 of the 7,791 Guyana candidates who entered for four or more subjects at the London G.C.E. 'O' Level examinations obtained a minimum of four subject passes. Approximately 52 percent of a l l candidates f a i l e d to pass i n a single subject (Ministry of Education, Guyana 1968). The corres-ponding f a i l u r e rate for Jamaica i s given as 32.4 percent of a t o t a l of 3,242 (Ministry of Education, Jamaicamot dated) . These then are some of the problems of secondary education i n Guyana and Jamaica: limited opportunity enjoyed predominantly by cert a i n regional and occupational groups; narrow l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c c u r r i c u l a which do not wholly meet s o c i e t a l needs; too severe emphasis on success at overseas examinations with very modest achievement of t h i s objective; and inadequate human and material resources. It i s to these problems that urgent answers must be found i n a climate of r i s i n g aspirations for personal improvement and national development, a climate, too, of a growing aware-ness of s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s and strident clamours for equality. To provide universal secondary education Jamaica and Guyana w i l l have to r e l y on massive amounts of overseas aid and foreign personnel. However even i f such aid were a v a i l -able and were not rejected on p o l i t i c a l grounds, the 281 countries would s t i l l be suddenly faced with considerably increased recurrent expenses which t h e i r economies would not be able to bear. Our proposal, therefore, i s that the promise and objective of free secondary education for a l l , so much evident i n p o l i t i c a l party manifestos, should be immediately abandoned. Instead, an investigation should be c a r r i e d out to see how best the primary schools may be u t i l i s e d to provide a l l children with a sound basic education from which they can develop further knowledge and s k i l l s . Without going into d e t a i l s on what such a program of basic education would be l i k e , one can lay down some funda-mental p r i n c i p l e s which should guide i t s formulation. In the f i r s t place the tendency to make the r o l e of the formal school more and more di f f u s e has to be stubbornly r e s i s t e d in order that es s e n t i a l tasks might be e f f e c t i v e l y carried out i n a s i t u a t i o n of sparse resources. One views with amazement the various r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s vested on the formal school day after day i n a naive attempt to remedy a l l the i l l s of society. Whenever attention i s drawn to a s o c i a l c r i s i s a new subject i s proposed for introduction i n the school curriculum. Sex education, family l i f e education, education for international understanding, t r a f f i c education, i n s t r u c t i o n i n "Co-operatives", are new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s 2 82 schools i n Guyana have been recently asked to assume, r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which, i t i s often proposed, cannot be discharged except by the organisation of d i s t i n c t courses occupying fixed times on the school's time-table. In poor countries the choice has to be made between teaching basic s k i l l s to a l l children i n the f i r s t stages of t h e i r school l i f e , and providing ambitious educational' programmes for a few. Sometimes i t even seems that i n Guyana the r e a l choice l i e s between doing a l i t t l e but doing i t well, and doing a l o t but doing i t badly. At the same time the notion that education goes on only within the walls of a school has to be overcome. As one writer put i t ; "The idea that the only way people get educated i s by being enrolled i n i n s t i t u t i o n s i s part of the un-fortunate mythology that has complicated our educational c r i s i s . . ." (Huberman, 1970). Basic s k i l l s and understandings which the f i r s t phase of formal schooling should seek to promote may be l i s t e d as follows: a. The communication s k i l l s - reading, writing, l i s t e n i n g and s p e l l i n g to convey and receive messages without too much loss of information; b. Simple computation s k i l l s founded on an under-standing of the structure of a mathematical system; 283 c. s k i l l s for gathering information and manipulating the environment - including simple procedures of s c i e n t i f i c enquiry and problem solving behaviour. d. S k i l l s and knowledge necessary for h e a l t h f u l l i v i n g . Learning of the basic s k i l l s must be organised i n such a way as to teach children co-operative ways of behaviour and prepare them to cope with problems of interpersonal r e -lationships . The f i r s t phase of formal schooling, to be provided by the state, should be designed to achieve the basic minimum objectives outlined above, while various kinds of out-of-school arrangements could be made to f a m i l i a r i s e children with h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary features of t h e i r culture, to provide them with opportunity for creative and general aesthetic enjoyment, and to equip them with the capacity for asking questions about the way t h e i r country i s run. School clubs or community projects could be organised, for example, to promote areas of learning and s o c i a l experience not adequately catered for i n the formal school program. The use of mobile resource units with teams of s p e c i a l i s t teachers and community workers w i l l help to reduce the cost of supplementary learning programs. The 284 general strategy adopted i n the Indian experiment i n the 1950's to reduce adult i l l i t e r a c y i s an example worth following . 1 Beyond t h i s f i r s t phase of basic education there are two kinds of problems to be resolved. The f i r s t has to do with the reorganisation of the c u r r i c u l a of e x i s t i n g secondary schools to ensure that students get maximum benefit from t h e i r attendance at school. The second problem concerns the provision of some form of educational opportun-i t y beyond the present primary l e v e l t o those children who f a i l to gain admission i n the secondary schools. Both Governments are currently paying attention to the r e -organisation of the secondary school c u r r i c u l a to bring the school more i n l i n e with the national circumstances and the national needs and aspirations. One aspect of t h i s reorientation that needs more attention i s the freeing of the secondary school system from the f e t t e r s of overseas examinations. Guyana and Jamaica i n collaboration with A number of s o c i a l education centres were opened i n various states. In Delhi a S o c i a l Caravan consisting of four large t r a i l e r s with a mobile theatre and appropriate audio v i s u a l equipment served as a centre for instruction, camping i n d i f f e r e n t v i l l a g e s for three or four days at a time. This innovation was appraised to be so successful that other Caravans were organised and mobile c u l t u r a l squads followed the Caravans to continue t h e i r work. (See Cramer and Browne 1965:320) 285 other B r i t i s h Caribbean t e r r i t o r i e s should create a regional i n s t i t u t i o n to evaluate the work of the schools and c e r t i f y students. However care w i l l have to be taken to leave i n d i v i d u a l t e r r i t o r i e s and i n d i v i d u a l schools with enough freedom and f l e x i b i l i t y to experiment with the i r own program of studies, for a central examining body whether located i n B r i t a i n or i n the Caribbean could, without adequate safeguard, exercise a pernicious influence on the work of the schools. I t i s the second problem of extending post-primary school opportunity to those groups of children now l e f t out of t h i s phase of educational provision that Guyana e s p e c i a l l y has so far f a i l e d to come to grips with i n any imaginative way. Usually the costs for new expansion schemes financed from foreign sources turn out to be so astronomical as to l i m i t severely the p o s s i b i l i t y of any s i g n i f i c a n t breakthrough i n the equalisation of opportunity. I t i s suggested here that i n areas where there i s inadequate provision for post-primary education the d i s t i n c t i o n between primary and secondary schooling should be broken down, Government should seek to estimate how many years of education i t can, with increased e f f o r t , provide for each c h i l d . Instead of seeking to b u i l d new secondary schools for 2 86 instance to offer some children f i v e more years of schooling beyond the primary l e v e l i t should reorganise the structure of e x i s t i n g primary schools allowing for at least two more years schooling for each c h i l d . But there should be a revolution of school practice i n these l a t t e r years. I t i s not only the d i s t i n c t i o n between primary and secondary schooling that needs to be removed for the children i n deprived areas but also the r i g i d d i s t i n c t i o n between the school and the work place. In any reorganisation of the school program for these children education should be centered around work i n the context of community development. In h i s speech on "Education for Self-Reliance" President J u l i u s Nyerere of Tanzania (1967) outlined a philosophy of the school as an economically self-supporting community. Under the Nyerere proposal pupils would learn various s o c i a l , techno-l o g i c a l and academic s k i l l s i n the process of producing food or other goods that would contribute l a r g e l y to the upkeep of the school community. Though t h i s goal of s e l f -sustenance may be overly ambitious for many schools the basic requirement that children's education should be planned around work, i n an actual rather than a contrived production situation, i s very sound indeed. Children's 287 education would thus become meaningful i n a r e a l sense and c r i t i c i s m s of the irrelevance or dysfunctionality of the school curriculum would not be j u s t i f i a b l e . A c o r o l l a r y to the idea of l i n k i n g education with work i s that of l i n k i n g work with education. The present system of education i n Guyana and Jamaica encourages a perception of formal schooling at a given period of one's l i f e as a c r u c i a l and terminal stage of the educational process. In most cases those who "drop out" of t h i s formal stage tend to remain out of the educational system for the rest of the i r l i v e s , except for a handful of very determined, ambitious individuals or for those few workers i n large i n d u s t r i a l establishments which organise educational programmes to upgrade worker e f f i c i e n c y . Both the school and the work-place should become centres for production and continuation education. Work and schooling should be so arranged to permit students to drop out from school into the world of work, and to permit workers to "drop i n " from the world of work into school. In t h i s way c i t i z e n s would be able to increase continually t h e i r capacity for produc-tion , and for aesthetic and i n t e l l e c t u a l enjoyment. To support t h i s restructuring of the school new procedures should be adopted by foreign agencies i n the 238 issuing of loans and grants for educational development. For example funds should never be provided for the erection of school buildings i n i s o l a t i o n from other areas of community development - The school and some work project involving s k i l l s to be taught i n i t should be planned and funded i n conjunction. This method of approach would require c a r e f u l study of the f e a s i b i l i t y of a l t e r -native strategies for development both i n educational and economic terms. A new kind of teacher, too, w i l l be required to work i n t h i s reorganised system, a teacher possessing academic and technical s k i l l s and trained i n the techniques of working with a team of other s p e c i a l i s t s to organise learning, production and marketing. Current schemes i n teacher education for the most part prepare teachers to work independently with formal school classes pursuing academic courses. Only a small proportion of t r a i n i n g college students opt for courses i n Home Economics or the In d u s t r i a l Arts and, i n Jamaica especially, these students are quickly lured into i n d u s t r i a l establishments after graduation. Training college courses should be reorganised i n order to make technical education and some aspect of work within industry an i n t e g r a l part of every teacher's 289 college experience. The dilemma of poor countries i s that economic development requires improved technical and general educational expansion, while such expansion requires f i n a n c i a l and other resources that are generated by economic development. One way out of t h i s vicious c i r c l e i s a l i b e r a l infusion of funds from external sources. But as mentioned e a r l i e r external aid, even though some of i t s possible economic and i d e o l o g i c a l dangers could be averted, i s always only a temporary r e l i e f measure. In the l a s t resort a country pays for the education system i t has. Ways must be found therefore of r a i s i n g i n t e r n a l l y the funds needed for development. In the in t e r e s t of s o c i a l j u s t i c e and economic expediency those who enjoy s p e c i a l services provided by the state should, where feasible, be required to contribute i n some way towards the cost of such services. An expanded source of educational financing i s urgently required i n Guyana but a general education tax would be undesirable, for t h i s would perpetuate the present system where poor c i t i z e n s help to pay for the free education of the p r i v i l e g e d . Instead, those who are fortunate to enjoy the benefit of a complete secondary education should be required to pay part of the costs of t h i s s o c i a l service 290 during a s p e c i f i e d period of the i r working l i f e . What i s being proposed, i n e f f e c t , i s that secondary education i n the poorer countries should be treated l i k e higher education i n some richer countries, where students are granted loans to pursue u n i v e r s i t y studies. No attempt at educational reconstruction i n Guyana and Jamaica w i l l produce any outstanding r e s u l t s without increased l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and parental involvement. In both countries there has indeed been some moderate success i n the drive for co-operation through the medium of parent-teacher associations. But involvement should run deeper than at t h i s informal l e v e l where, i n ef f e c t , parents are often merely asked to endorse school p o l i c i e s or to give f i n a n c i a l support for school projects. A dialogue needs to be i n i t i a t e d between educators and the l o c a l communities on the problems, purpose and promise of the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s within the community. Further, l o c a l govern-ment authorities should be entrusted with substantial r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for some areas of educational provision and administration. I t seems as though the most useful c o n t r i -butions at the l o c a l l e v e l can presently be made i n the f i e l d s of pre-school and post-basic education, i n other words, i n those spheres i n which the state has not so far 291 been able to make adequate arrangements. There are some problems of decentralisation, though, that must be anticipated and averted. F i r s t , there i s the problem of unequal resources of various communities, which could r e s u l t i n very disparate standards and l e v e l s of educational provision and achievement. National funds suitably deployed could supplement the budgets of poorer communities. Secondly, i n the absence of central administration the duplication of under-utilised expensive f a c i l i t i e s i n neighbouring communities i s more l i k e l y to occur. Again, i t may be argued that educational planning for s o c i a l change has become too sophisticated an exercise to be entrusted to non-specialists. This was one reason given to the present writer by the Minister of Education i n Jamaica for not involving l o c a l communities to a greater degree i n the decision-making process. The other reason adduced was that co-operation at the l o c a l l e v e l would be more d i f f i c u l t to achieve through a process of d e c e n t r a l i -sation i n communities where b i t t e r l y opposed p o l i t i c a l groups e x i s t side by side. I t i s quite possible, however, that p o l i t i c a l h o s t i l i t y at the l o c a l l e v e l could be mini-mised rather than exacerbated by the necessity to plan together for the educational improvement of the community. 292 In Guyana p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s coinciding as they do with ethnic d i v i s i o n s could create special problems for a decentralised system of educational administration. I t i s not u n l i k e l y that some communities where any one of the major ethnic groups predominates could f r u s t r a t e the national purpose of integration by seeking to set up i n s t i t u t i o n s representative only of the dominant group i n the community i n the composition of both students and s t a f f . This i s a problem that even the present centralised system faces i n some regions, and t h i s problem could assume more serious proportions. These possible dangers of decentralisation are an argument not for c e n t r a l i s a t i o n but for co-operation between national and l o c a l organisations. No Government should r e l i n q u i s h i t s ultimate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of providing l o c a l administrative units with guidance, technical assistance and supervision within a framework of a consensus of general educational and s o c i a l objectives. No community, too, should be excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the making of fundamental decisions about the education of i t s youth. The dangers of amateurism i n a decentralised system of administration are r e a l , but as E. J . King explains (ibid.) these dangers can be mitigated by organising t r a i n i n g 293 courses for lay administrators. On t h i s problem King writes ( i b i d . 226:227): Everywhere there i s a serious dilemma i n a l l school government: that of providing a stable framework and an accumulation of experienced expertise, and at the same time a continuous evolutionary opportunity. In r e l a t i v e l y slow-moving a c t i v i t i e s ( l i k e home-making) which do not so p e r s i s t e n t l y influence the l i v e s of so many people by large-scale conversion, care i s taken to provide trained advisers and supervisors; but i n education u n t i l very recently the amateur administrator has been paramount i n several English-speaking countries because even s k i l l e d o f f i c e r s are i n the l a s t instance under the thumb of the watch dog 'representatives of the people'. I f the l a t t e r are to safeguard t h e i r roles, and not disappear before a cent r a l i s e d c i v i l service of teachers and educational administrators . . . they too must 'go to school' and see the way the world i s going. F i n a l l y we come to a consideration of measures that could be adopted to a l l e v i a t e the problem of unequal repre-sentation of d i f f e r e n t socio-economic groups i n the education-a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of both countries. I t seems u n l i k e l y that any c u l t u r a l l y unbiased s e l e c t i o n examination could ever be devised which would o b l i t e r a t e the disadvantages suffered by children from lower socio-economic classes. Any verbal, p e n c i l and paper test w i l l require perceptual orientations, l i n g u i s t i c s k i l l s and conceptual understandings which w i l l vary from environment to environment. Therefore the object-ive of achieving equality of secondary school opportunity through the sole device of selection by educational merit 294 must be abandoned. Assuming that for the forseeable future Jamaica and Guyana must r e t a i n the e x i s t i n g secondary school system which admits a limited number of children for f i v e years of l i t e r a r y , s c i e n t i f i c and technical studies, then ways must be found to allow d i f f e r e n t geo-graphical areas f a i r representation i n the p r i v i l e g e d state-financed i n s t i t u t i o n s , while taking steps to ensure that they function e f f i c i e n t l y . I t i s proposed that the practice of regional selection which once prevailed i n Guyana should be re-introduced. A quota of places should be reserved for s p e c i f i e d geographical areas, and students should be chosen not merely on the basis of r e s u l t s at countrywide selection tests but also on cumulative school records. Socio-economic influence on chances of selection w i l l s t i l l p e r s i s t but to a less extent, since the lower-socio-economic groups i n the r u r a l areas w i l l gain better representation than at present. Schools have a s o c i a l purpose to f u l f i l which includes, but i s not co-extensive with, academic excellence. Even i f i t could be proved that t h i s new method of s e l e c t i o n would r e s u l t i n an o v e r a l l lower l e v e l of academic attainment by the secondary schools — a consequence that does not at a l l seem i n e v i t a b l e — t h e n the loss i n average l e v e l of c e r t i f i c a t e s w i l l be more 295 than compensated for by the s o c i a l benefits to be derived through the sharing of common experiences by children from various socio-economic environments . The present writer argued for t h i s regional method of sel e c t i o n i n an a r t i c l e i n the Guyana press (Sunday Chronicle, December 6, 1970) and commented: True the p o l i c y recommended . . . would i n a way e n t a i l the reintroduction of a s c r i p t i v e practices i n selection but on s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t and s o c i a l l y desirable c r i t e r i a . I t i s suggested that the p r i n c i p l e of award-ing free places i n our p r i v i l e g e d Government Secondary Schools to special regions or special groups (e.g. Amerindians i n the Rupununi) i s worth applying where overriding s o c i a l purposes dictate, provided that the rec i p i e n t s can be reasonably expected to perform adequately i n the target s i t u a t i o n . Further, t h i s p r i n c i p l e should be adopted at a l l lev e l s of our educational system. This i s the great experiment i n American unive r s i t y education today. New concepts of equality are evolving to replace old ideas about opportunity by r i g i d order of merit, when merit i s determined by the very i n e q u a l i t i e s the education system i s trying to reduce, and at any rate i s judged by very narrow standards. F i n a l l y , measuring a person's performance on a test at any age and deciding on h i s educational potential i s a cheeky enterprise: to do so at age 11 and to draw fine d i s t i n c t i o n s i s so much more audacious that we should r e a l l y avoid taking ourselves too serio~usly. We should instead pay some attention to the other goals, require-ments and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of our entire s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n . There may have been some overstatement here of the simple truth that the 11+ selection tests are not i n f a l l i b l e predictors of what a c h i l d can achieve educationally. 296 However, the essential point i s that teachers should not too r e a d i l y condemn 11-year-old children as incapable of certain kinds and l e v e l s of educational performance s o l e l y by reason of the r e s u l t s obtained on the t e s t s . Instead they should seek to i d e n t i f y factors i n the pupil's exper-ience and environment which may have been responsible for low performance on the tests and then take steps to create conditions i n the classroom which would be conducive to e f f e c t i v e learning. Following i s a summary of the main recommendations for grappling with the problem of limited and unequal d i s t r i -bution of secondary education opportunity i n Guyana and Jamaica: 1. R e s t r i c t the scope of the early stage of edu-cation to the provision of basic communication s k i l l s , and s k i l l s of enquiry. 2. Relate the later stages of high school education to work and community development. 3. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n deprived areas remove the r i g i d d i s t i n c t i o n between the primary school and the second-ary school. 4. Provide opportunity for further educational experience i n the working l i f e of youths and adults. 297 5. Remove or reduce the influence of overseas exam-ination on the work of the schools. 6. Let high school graduates contribute during some period of t h e i r working l i f e to the cost of their high school education. 7. Link educational schemes financed by overseas loans and grants to community development projects. 8. Change the content and method of teacher education to provide technical s k i l l s and s k i l l s i n community development to a l l teachers. 9. Reorganize the system of educational admini-s t r a t i o n to invest l o c a l groups with more respon-s i b i l i t y p a r t i c u l a r l y for the provision of post-primary education. 10. Adopt a regional method of selection using cumulative school records i n addition to nation-wide selection t e s t s . These recommendations have been proposed with a deep awareness that no reorganisation of the education system or change i n selection devices would d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r the pattern of unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunity outside the -.7 context of a t o t a l strategy for s o c i a l and economic develop-ment and reform. As suggested i n previous chapters, no 298 appreciable success i n the equalisation of educational opportunity could be achieved unless the careers open to various talents are a l l s u b s t a n t i a l l y s a t i s f y i n g . This would mean that i n Guyana and Jamaica the system of rewards must be r a d i c a l l y changed to provide much less d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l recognition and material benefits than are current-l y obtained for d i f f e r e n t kinds of work done. However, the proposals offered here have been formulated on the assumption that barring an unexpected s o c i a l revolution of catastrophic proportions educational engineering w i l l have to be piece-meal and, consequently, the short run gains w i l l be modest. Hence, for example, the suggestion that a new kind of school should evolve i n deprived areas side by side for the time being with existing, a l b e i t modified, structures. The educational planner, i t seems, w i l l have to divide up h i s tasks and attack d i f f e r e n t problems i n d i f -ferent phases, while the s o c i a l and economic planner work simultaneously for improvements i n the c u l t u r a l and material environment of each community. There w i l l be need for i n t e -gration of the various educational, s o c i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s , and such integration seems woefully lacking i n Guyana's development plans to date. Whatever strategy i s adopted the process of development would be slow and arduous 299 unless the poor masses become intensely d i s s a t i s f i e d with their l o t and assume substantial r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for making and executing decisions for the betterment of their l i v e s . The dilemma of our si t u a t i o n i s that our education system w i l l not appreciably improve unless the masses become discontented, while a much improved education system i s necessary both for breeding discontent and for developing the capacity for constructive action'. A Closing Note on Problems of Educational Change i n Guyana During the f i n a l stages of the preparation of t h i s thesis the writer returned to Guyana to take up an appoint-ment i n the Faculty of Education i n the University of Guyana. In what follows an attempt i s made to outline some of the more s t r i k i n g problems of educational change in that country of which he became aware i n the fulfilment of the various roles he was cal l e d upon to perform. The account w i l l be avowedly personal and subjective. Inasmuch as t h i s thesis dealt with educational opportunity i n changing so c i e t i e s and offered recommendations for planned change t h i s report seems appropriate and no attempt w i l l be made to estab l i s h points of relevance to the main body of the t h e s i s . One problem evident at a l l times i s the shortage of 300 f i n a n c i a l resources necessary to meet l o c a l aspirations for the expansion of educational opportunity. The Guyana Government seems to entertain no grand notions of a dramatic spurt i n educational expenditure from the national budget for the immediate future. Acutely aware of the high rate of unemployment estimated at about 18 percent, Government seeks to i n t e n s i f y i t s e f f o r t s to generate jobs through investment i n a g r i c u l t u r a l projects and the development of small industries on a co-operative basis. I t i s hoped that the middle and lower l e v e l technical s k i l l s required to service these ventures w i l l be provided i n the e x i s t i n g Technical I n s t i t u t e and seven projected comprehensive high schools to be constructed with the aid of a World Bank loan of G$20m. The Minister of Education has indicated that no other comprehensive schools are contemplated because of the formidable cost of such i n s t i t u t i o n s . Nor i s there a p o l i c y for providing any meaningful education for over 60 percent of primary school graduates who either drop out of the school system or f a i l to get into a post-primary school. A further i l l u s t r a t i o n of the f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s attending educational expansion i s that when economies are sought during the annual budgetary review of estimates, the education budget suffers the severest reductions. 301 Next comes the problem of purpose. Educational administrators seem to be groping for a philosophy and a master plan for guiding educational reconstruction. This enthusiasm for a c l e a r l y defined goal and a general method of approach seems to have over-reached i t s mark, because one senses an almost messianic f a i t h that a philosophy i s a l l that i s needed for a major breakthrough i n educational development. In the meantime various educational i n s t i t u t i o n s continue to go about th e i r own business i n t h e i r own t r a d i -t i o n a l ways, their separate roles within a national frame-work unarticulated and unintegrated. Two consequences of the lack of a t o t a l strategy for development come r e a d i l y to mind. F i r s t l y , d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t h e i r expan-sion schemes tend to duplicate services that could best be provided elsewhere. For instance the Government Techni-c a l I n s t i t u t e i n Georgetown has proposed that i t should t r a i n teachers i n technical subjects, providing both the technical and professional education although the profes-sional aspects of teacher education could be ca r r i e d out by the Government Teachers' College a h a l f mile away, or by the University of Guyana's Faculty of Education less than three miles o f f . Secondly, i n s t i t u t i o n s continue to c r i t i c i s e one another for f a i l i n g i n t h e i r respective 302 functions. The high schools complain that students enter from the primary schools without adequate preparation and attainment; the University and the Teachers College s i m i l a r l y condemn the high schools, while the primary schools c r i t i c i s e the teacher t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s for f a i l i n g to turn out competent teachers with relevant s k i l l s . Surveying the education scene one gets a picture not of a system operating to f u l f i l common purposes but of a number of i s o l a t e d parts that do not constitute a whole. The Ministry of Education has revealed i t s concern over t h i s s i t u a t i o n by i t s e f f o r t s to i n i t i a t e discussion among various i n s t i t u t i o n s on the r o l e of education i n Guyana. What i s needed, however, i s not merely a broad plan and objective but what Holmes (1965:79-80) c a l l s " s p e c i f i c regulating theories" for transforming norms into rules for day to day operation. Another d i f f i c u l t y impeding change arises out of the fact that i n s t i t u t i o n s tend to have a l i f e of t h e i r own. Curriculum changes proposed for the University of Guyana, for example, have been r e s i s t e d by scholarly academics whose f i r s t and only commitment appears to be the development of t h e i r respective d i s c i p l i n e s i n ways to which they have grown accustomed from th e i r own experience and education i n 303 foreign lands. Two i l l u s t r a t i o n s w i l l s u f f i c e . Some Professors oriented towards a c l a s s i c a l European un i v e r s i t y t r a d i t i o n s t i l l regard with disdain any attempt to i n t r o -duce a degree course i n Home Economics i n the University on the grounds that t h i s i s not a worthy subject for university study. Again the f a i l u r e and drop-out rates for the Arts, Natural Sciences and So c i a l Sciences courses i n the University of Guyana have been exceedingly high throughout the years, yet no appraisal of what the University i s t r y i n g to do and how best i t might accomplish i t s objectives has so far been seriously attempted. Figures supplied by the Registry for students registered i n the years 1963, 1964 and 1965 reveal that the f a i l u r e and drop-out rate ranged from 33 percent to 65 percent for the three f a c u l t i e s mentioned, with an ov e r a l l average of 50 percent. Some Professors, however, p e r s i s t i n contending that the courses they run and the way they run them are Platonic absolutes. With change so d i f f i c u l t to occur at the top of the edu-cational system the chances of reconstruction at the lower leve l s are severely reduced. The energy and resources expended i n e t h n o - p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t i n Guyana are not to be underrated as factors r e s t r i c t i n g change. Many discussions on the most s t r a i g h t -forward professional matters are stymied before they even 304 get started, because h o s t i l e groups enter deliberations with a previous i d e o l o g i c a l or p o l i t i c a l commitment that predisposes them to obstruct whatever the other side supports. Moreover, d i s t r u s t of one group for another r e s u l t s i n the n o n - u t i l i s a t i o n or u n d e r - u t i l i s a t i o n of t a l e n t . The reservoir of a b i l i t y i n a small community becomes acutely reduced when, on the basis of c r i t e r i a i r -relevant to the task at hand, large sections of that com-munity have to be denied the opportunity to make th e i r contribution. There i s no national consensus i n Guyana. Mutual suspicion p r e v a i l s between the two major ethnic groups and among various p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s . In t h i s atmosphere of d i s t r u s t , unreasoned opposition and r e s i s t -ance to planned change i s commonplace. A somewhat rela t e d problem a r i s i n g p a r t l y out of p o l i t i c a l suspicion and d i s t r u s t i s the tendency of executives i n the Ministry of Education to r e l y almost en-t i r e l y on the foreign experts for advice on most of the fundamental issues i n educational development. I t i s probably true that a small country such as Guyana lacks an adequate cadre of l o c a l top l e v e l educators with the s k i l l s , knowledge and experience for a l l - t h e jobs that need to be done i n the f i e l d of education. I t would therefore be 305 shortsighted and even disastrous to adopt a chauvinistic attitude towards the recruitment of personnel from abroad. However, there are indications that the available l o c a l t a l e n t i s overlooked i n preference for the services of the v i s i t i n g expert. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i e l d of education no r e a l l y serious e f f o r t s are made to entrust l o c a l personnel with the kind of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that would challenge them to develop t h e i r creative resources. While a continuous stream of educational experts flow i n and out of Guyana the a b i l i t i e s of l o c a l educators atrophy from disuse. (In the midst of t h i s s i t u a t i o n the p o l i t i c a l posture has recently been adopted of discontinuing the recruitment of overseas volunteer teachers many of whom could hardly be replaced within a reasonable period.) Because of the constant rush of foreign advisers into the country change tends to be discontinuous and suffers i n addition from the lack of in t e r n a t i o n a l i s a t i o n of i t s purpose and rationale by the l o c a l s t a f f who ultimately have to sustain i t . There i s yet another way i n which p o l i t i c a l factors r e s t r i c t change. I t i s a common practice wherever free elections are held for p o l i t i c a l candidates to hold out the promise of a glorious future to the electorate. In Guyana t h i s has often meant a promise, for instance, of free 306 secondary education, which even the most p r i v i l e g e d c i t i z e n s have come to expect for the i r c h i l d r e n . This promise of free secondary education continues to be made when i t i s clear that new sources of finance must be tapped i f the r i s i n g aspirations for education opportunity are to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y met. P o l i t i c i a n s seem to consider i t p o l i t i c a l suicide to renege on t h i s long standing promise. The Minister of Education declared i n an interview that she could never contemplate the imposition of any charges on secondary school students because her Government had promised the electorate that education would be free to the highest stage for a l l who could benefit from the opportunity. The point that i s constantly overlooked i s that no service provided by Government i s ever "free". Every service i s paid for not only out of d i r e c t taxes on higher incomes but also out of the labour of the poorer working c l a s s . The present system of high school funding and selection, besides perpetuating an unfair d i s t r i b u t i o n of both costs and benefits, l i m i t s the poten t i a l for expansion. Certain p r e v a i l i n g elements of "folk" culture i n Guyanese s o c i e t y — f o r example, p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c modes of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p — c o n t r i b u t e to the un d e r - u t i l i s a t i o n 307 of talent and the r e s t r i c t i o n of progressive change. Mainly through personal and sympathetic considerations indiv i d u a l s are retained i n key positions long after they cease to be functional, so that their work and r e s p o n s i b i l -i t i e s devolve upon the shoulders of persons already over-taxed. In some cases, too, whole i n s t i t u t i o n s are either established or maintained beyond the point where they are needed, i n order that a few personal or p o l i t i c a l favour-i t e s may be comfortably accommodated. F i n a l l y , Guyana and the other Commonwealth Caribbean countries by not exploring and exploiting the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of co-operation i n the f i e l d of education miss great opportunities for learning from one another and supplement-ing one another's resources. Much can be gained by the various t e r r i t o r i e s through an exchange of information and through mutual assistance. The recent i n s t i t u t i o n of an Education Desk at the Caribbean Regional Secretariat should go some way towards accelerating the process of edu-cat i o n a l development i n the constituent t e r r i t o r i e s . But already there are signs that suspicion and unrestrained nationalism w i l l be forces to reckon with i n the struggle for change. This account of the problems of educational change 308 i n Guyana has probably not escaped bias and d i s t o r t i o n coming, as i t i s , from an involved observer; and the account i s c e r t a i n l y incomplete. Reference has been made only to those factors that have been apparent i n one's d a i l y on-the-job experience, and not to more fundamental aspects such as the maladjustment and incongruence of fun c t i o n a l l y interdependent i n s t i t u t i o n s . Whatever the r e a l problems are, however, the hope for rapid change, we assert for the l a s t times, l i e s i n the stimulation of public interest and concern over the way our i n s t i t u t i o n s are run, i n increased public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n decision-making, i n the re-ordering of s o c i a l goals and the restructuring of the system of s o c i a l and material rewards. Growing a c t i v i t y i n the building of schools or the provision of other resources through se l f - h e l p and cooperative e f f o r t , as well as sporadic expressions of discontent over decisions by the educational administration, provides occasional r e l i e f from pessimism and despair . BIBLIOGRAPHY Abernethy, David B. 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Social  and Economic Studies, V o l . 18, No. 1, March 1963. Mayer, A. C. (1963) Indians i n F i j i . London: Oxford University Press. M i l l e r , E. L. (1969) Body image, physical beauty and colour among Jamaican adolescents. S o c i a l and  Economic Studies, V o l . 18, No. 1. Mintz, S. W. (1966) "The Caribbean as a so c i o - c u l t u r a l area". Journal of World History, V o l . IX, No. 4. Nath, Dwarka (1950) A History of Indians i n B r i t i s h  Guiana. London: Nelson. Newman, Peter (1964) B r i t i s h Guiana: Problems of Cohesion  i n an Immigrant Society, London: Oxford University Press . Nyerere, J u l i u s K. (1967) Education for s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Dar Es Salaam: Government of Tanzania. 314 O'Loughlin, Carleen (1959) "The economy of B r i t i s h Guiana - A National Accounts Study". So c i a l and  Economic Studies, V o l . 8, No. 1. Palmer, R. W. (1968) The Jamaican Economy. New York: Praeger. Parry, J . H. and Sherlock P. M. (1963) A Short History of  the West Indies. London: Macmillan. Phelps, 0. W. (1960) Rise of the labour movement i n Jamaica. So c i a l and Economic Studies. V o l . 9, No. 4. Plamenatz, J . P. (1956) "Equality of opportunity". In Aspects of Human Equality, ed. L. Bryson et a l , New York: Harper Bros. Ramsay, N. R. (1967) "The c l i e n t e l e of comprehensive secondary schools i n the United States'. In Soc i a l  Objectives i n Educational Planning, O.E.C.D., P a r i s . Reid, L. H. (1964) The E f f e c t s of Family Pattern, Length  of Schooling, and other Environmental factors on  English and Basic Arithmetic Attainment of Jamaican  Primary School Children. Ph.D. Thesis, University of London. Roberts, G. W., and M i l l s , D. O. (1958) Study of External Migration A f f e c t i n g Jamaica, 1953-55. S o c i a l  and Economic Studies, Supplement to V o l . 7, No. 2. Reno, P h i l i p (1964) Ordeal of B r i t i s h Guiana. London: Monthly Review Press . Smith, M. G. (1961) The p l u r a l framework of Jamaican society. B r i t i s h Journal of Sociology, V o l . XII, No. 3. Smith, M. G. (1965) The Pl u r a l Society i n the B r i t i s h West  Indies. Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a : University of C a l i f o r n i a Press . Smith, R. T. (1956) The Negro Family i n B r i t i s h Guiana. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Smith, R. T. (1962) B r i t i s h Guiana. London: Oxford University Press. 315 Smith, R. T., and Jayawardena, C. (1959) "Marriage and the family amongst East Indians i n B r i t i s h Guiana". Soc i a l and Economic Studies, V o l . 8 . No. "4. Ste r l i n g , Rev. John (see Gordon, 1963, 1968). Tawney, R. H. (1961) Equality. New York: Capricorn Books, p. 39. Tid r i c k , Gene (1966) Some aspects of Jamaican emigration to the United Kingdom, 1953-1962. Soc i a l and  Economic Studies, V o l . 15, No. 1. Tussman, J . and ten Broek J . (1949). "The equal protection of the laws". C a l i f o r n i a Law Review, V o l . XXXVIII, Sept. 1949. UNESCO (1962) S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook. P a r i s . UNESCO (1963) Report of the UNESCO Educational Survey Mission to B r i t i s h Guiana. Georgetown: Government of Guyana. Vaizey, John (1967) Education i n the Modern World. London: World University L i b r a r y . INTERVIEWS Hon. E. L. Allen, Minister of Education, Jamaica - 18th Dec, 1969. Mr. R. Murray, Senior Chief Education O f f i c e r , Jamaica -10th June, 1969. Mr. A. G. Shaw, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, Jamaica - 10th June, 1969. Hon. S h i r l e y Field-Ridley, Minister of Education, Guyana 7th, 15th August, 1969. Mr . W. 0. Agard, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, 15th, 20th July, 1969. 316 Mrs. R. Hunter, Headmistress, St. Margaret's Preparatory School, 15th September, 1969 - Georgetown, Guyana. tej M APPENDIX (2) 318; 320 A. APPENDIX (4) QUESTIONNAIRE RESULTS - SUMMARY OF 2 TABLES PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION, BY REGION, OF STUDENTS' OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS (i) Region vs F i r s t - j o b Choice - Jamaica Boys Occupation Choice Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) F i r s t Job Urban Rural Occ. class 1 50 27 Occ. class 2 0 18 Occ. class 3 - 4 24 43 Occ. class 5 26 12 (100%) (100%) N = 76 66 = 25.885 P 0.01 3 df 321 ( i i ) Region vs Job-expectation - Jamaica Boys Job-expe ct at i on Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Urban Rural Occ. class 1 37 10 Occ. class 2 3 26 Occ. class 3 - 4 37 48 Occ. class 5 23 16 (100%) (100%) N = 65 58 = 12.858 P 0 .01 3 df ( i i i ) Region vs Ultimate occupational preference -Jamaica Boys Ultimate Occupational Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Preference Urban Rural Occ. class 1 82 60 Occ. class 2 0 13 Occ. class 3 - 4 9 20 Occ. class 5 9 7 (100%) (100%) N = 80 67 = 13.425 P 0.01 2 df (iv) Region vs f i r s t - j o b choice - Jamaica G i r l s F i r s t - j o b Choice Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Urban Rural Occ. class 1 16 5 Occ. class 2 8 22 Occ. class 3 76 73 (100%) (100%) N = 109 108 = 13.459 P 0.01 2 df (v) Region vs job-expectation - Jamaica G i r l s Job expectation Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (% Urban Rural Occ. class 1 12 3 Occ. class 2 9 26 Occ. class 3 79 71 (100%) (100%) N = 86 99 = 12.475 P 0.01 2 df 323 (vi) Region vs ultimate occupational preference Ultimate Occupational Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Preference Urban Rural Occ. class 1 43 24 Occ. class 2 4 15 Occ. class 3 53 61 (100%) (100%) N = = 110 111 = 13.238 P 0.01 2 df (v i i ) Region vs f i r s t -job choice - Guyana G i r l s F i r s t - j o b Choice Regional Urban D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Rural Occ. class 1 12 9 Occ. class 2 22 44 Occ. class 3 66 34 Occ. class 4 0 13 (100%) (100%) N = 91 85 = 27.169 P 0.01 3 df 324 ( v i i i ) Region vs job-expectation - Guyana G i r l s Job expectation Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Urban Rural Occ. class 2 31 69 Occ. class 3 69 31 (100%) (100%) N = 65 75 = 19.216 P 0.01 1 df (ix) Region vs ultimate occupational preference -Guyana G i r l s Ultimate Occupational Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Preference Urban Rural Occ. class 1 37 39 Occ. class 2 14 25 Occ. class 3 49 36 (100%) (100%) N = 88 85 = 4.350 P 0.05 2 df B. and PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION, BY REGION, OF STUDENTS OPTING FOR TECHNICAL COURSES (i) Region vs response to technical courses -Jamaica G i r l s ( i i ) Region vs response to technical courses -Guyana G i r l s Response to Technical Courses Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Urban Rural Choosing at least one Choosing 'none . . .' N 83 (81)* 17 (19)* (100%) = 128 (100)* 88 (80)* 12 (20)* (100%) 112 ( 91)* = 1.076 P 0.05 * - Guyana G i r l s = 0.002 P 0.05 1 df 326 ( i i i ) Region vs choice of farming - boys Response to Farming Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Guyana Jamaica Urban Rural Urban Rural Choosing farming Not choosing farming 15 85 N = 99 = 1.176 P 0.05 9 91 (100%) (100%) 108 5 95 (100%) 84 12 88 (100%) 67 = 1.744 P 0.05 1 df 1 df PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION, BY PARENTAL OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUND OF STUDENTS' OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS (i) Parental occupation vs students' f i r s t - j o b choice Guyana Boys F i r s t - j o b Choice (%) Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n 'White C o l l a r " 'Blue C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 39 26 Occ. class 2 - 4 42 53 Occ. class 5 - 6 19 21 (100%) (100%) N =109 80 = 3.229 P 0.05 2 df 327 ( i i ) Parental occupation vs students' job-expectation - Guyana Boys Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Job-expectation 'White C o l l a r ' 'Blue C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 23 10 Occ. class 2 - 4 58 73 Occ. class 5 - 6 19 17 (100%) (100%) N = 94 72 = 6.161 P 0.05 2 df ( i i i ) Parental occupation vs students' ultimate job preference - Guyana Boys Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Ultimate job-preference 'White C o l l a r ' 'Blue C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 72 56 Occ. class 2 - 4 17 30 Occ. class 5 - 6 11 14 (100%) (100%) N = 113 80 = 5.553 P 0.05 2 df 328 (iv) Parental occupation vs f i r s t - j o b choice Jamaica Boys F i r s t - j o b Choice Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) 'White C o l l a r ' 'Blue C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 46 26 Occ. class 2 - 4 31 58 Occ. class 5 - 6 23 16 (100%) (100%) N = 77 50 = 9.070 P 0.05 2 df (v) Parental occupation vs students' job expectation - Jamaica Boys Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Job-expectation C o l l a r . « B l u e C o l l a r . Occ. class 1 32 11 Occ. class 2 - 4 47 73 Occ. class 5 - 6 21 16 (100%) (100%) N = 68 45 = 8.733 P 0.05 2 df 329 (vi) P a r e n t a l occupation vs students' u l t i m a t e j o b - p r e f e r e n c e - Jamaica Boys P a r e n t a l occupation d i s t r i b u t i o n U l t i m a t e Occ. Preference 'white C o l l a r ' 'Blue C o l l a r ' Occ. c l a s s 1 Occ. c l a s s 2 - 4 Occ. c l a s s 5 N = 84 11 5 (100%) 81 55 33 12 (100%) 51 13.403 P 0.01 2 df ( v i i ) P a r e n t a l occupation vs students' f i r s t - j o b c hoice - G i r l s F i r s t - j o b c h o i ce P a r e n t a l Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n Guyana Jamaica 'White C o l l a r ' 'Blue C o l l a r ' 'White C o l l a r ' 'Blue ' C o l l a r Occ. c l a s s 1 Occ. c l a s s 2 Occ. c l a s s 3 13 28 59 (100%) N = 115 Guyana: = 5.203 P 0.05 2 df 42 53 (100%) 59 16 13 71 (100%) 111 18 79 (100%) 85 Jamaica: = 8.435 P 0.05 2 d f 330 ( v i i i ) Parental occupation vs students' job-expectation - G i r l s Students' job-expectation Parental occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n Guyana 'White 'Blue C o l l a r ' C o l l a r ' Jamaica 'White 'Blue ' C o l l a r ' C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 Occ. class 2 Occ. class 3 45 55 65 35 (100%) (100%) N = 85 52 Guyana: = 4.735 P 0.05 Jamaica: 1 df 10 3 12 21 78 76 (100%) (100%) 96 74 = 6.273 P 0.05 1 df (ix) Parental occupation vs students' ultimate job preference - G i r l s Parental Occupation D i s t r i b u t i o n (%) Students' ultimate job preference Guyana 'White 'Blue C o l l a r ' C o l l a r ' Jamaica 'White 'Blue C o l l a r ' C o l l a r ' Occ. class 1 Occ. class 2 Occ. class 3 47 18 35 (100%) N = 116 Guyana: = 9.800 P 0.01 2 df 22 24 54 (100%) 55 45 7 48 (100%) 117 21 12 67 (100%) 85 Jamaica: = 12.735 P 0.01 2 df C 331 0 P APPENDIX 5 Y OPINIONAIRE The following questions are designed to find out what you think about cert a i n aspects of your school l i f e . Kindly read.the questions c a r e f u l l y and answer them as accurately as you can. Do not write your names on the sheets . In t h i s way your answers would be kept c o n f i d e n t i a l . This opinionaire i s intended s o l e l y for academic purposes. 1. School 2. Sex 3. Age 4. Position i n class on l a s t school report 5. Admission status ( t i c k ( ) appropriate one) a. free place b. grant-aided c. f u l l fee-paying d. other (state) 6. Father's/guardian/s occupation (or l a s t occupation i f deceased) 7. Mother's/guardian's occupation (or l a s t occupation i f deceased) 8. State your permanent place of residence (Town or v i l l a g and parish) 9. Which parent(s) do you l i v e with (a) both ..r  (b) father only (c) mother only (d) none 10. At what stage do you plan leaving school? (Cross out ( i f your school has no sixth form) a. before completing 5th form b. after completing 5th form c. after completing 6th form 11. What do you plan to do after leaving school? a. go to work b. go to a teachers' t r a i n i n g college c. go to a u n i v e r s i t y d. work for a while then attend univ e r s i t y 332 e. work for a while then attend teachers' college f. work i n the day and attend evening classes g. other (state) 12. What i s the f i r s t job you would l i k e to get?  13. What i s the f i r s t job you think you w i l l get? 14. I f you had a free choice what occupation would you l i k e to take up eventually? 15. Who has suggested i n the past that you follow the occupation you have just selected? (in question 14) a. a parent or r e l a t i v e b. a f r i e n d c. a teacher d. other (state) e. nobody 16. Is there any occupation.you would p a r t i c u l a r l y hate to pursue? I f so, state which. I f there i s no occupation that you p a r t i c u l a r l y hate simple write 'none'. 17. What two subjects or a c t i v i t i e s (other than your present subjects) would you l i k e included i n your school course? Give a short reason for your answer. 18. I f you were offered the opportunity to take two of the following courses i n your remaining years i n school which two would you choose? (Put a t i c k opposite the two you choose. I f you would not l i k e to do any of these subjects put a t i c k opposite 'none of the above' For Boys Only a. motor mechanic b. woodwork (including cab-inet making and carpentry) c. farming methods d. radio and e l e c t r i c a l r e -pairs e. metal work f . masonry g. none of the above For G i r l s Only u. Some handicraft course such as bookbinding or basket weaving v. shorthand and typing.... w. farming methods x. cookery, needlework or other Home Economics course y. woodwork z. none of the above 333 19. Which two of the subjects l i s t e d above (for boys a to f, for g i r l s u to z) would you l i k e doing least? 20. Of a l l your present school subjects which two do you l i k e least? 21. State any two things you l i k e about your school or your school l i f e : a b. 22. State any two things you d i s l i k e about your school or your school l i f e ; a b 

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