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Anthropological approaches to the understanding of witchcraft and sorcery : an historical and critical.. Campbell, Alastair Fraser 1973

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r  ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE UNDERSTANDING OP WITCHCRAFT AND SORCERY AN HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE  WORK OF E.E. EVANS-PRITCHARD AND CLYDE KLUCKHOHN  by ALASTAIR FRASER CAMPBELL B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f Otago, 1967 Research A s s o c i a t e i n S e m i o t i c s , I n t e r n a t i o n a l Centre f o r S e m i o t i c s and L i n g u i s t i c s , U r b i n o , 1972  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n t h e Department of Anthropology  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming required  t o the  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1973  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e  and  study.  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be granted by  s h a l l not be  allowed without  my  permission.  (Alastair  Department of  Anthropology  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  Department or  I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n written  the Head of my  thesis  25  -  5 -  197^  Fraser  Campbell)  ABSTRACT  Attempts to e s t a b l i s h c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y v a l i d tions of witchcraft, sorcery  defini-  and d e s t r u c t i v e magic are m i s -  l e a d i n g , s i n c e these phenomena do not c o n s t i t u t e  true  c l a s s e s , but b e a r o n l y a f a m i l y resemblance t o each  other.  Moreover, the attempt t o e s t a b l i s h s u c h d e f i n i t i o n s v i o l a t e s the i n t e g r i t y o f n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s s c u r e s the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the way  o f t h o u g h t , and t h u s  ob-  i n w h i c h thought i s  manifested i n actions taken i n s p e c i f i c behavioural  con-  texts. The u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f the way  o f thought,  i n which t h e s e a r e t r a n s l a t e d i n t o o v e r t  and  be-  haviour i n s p e c i f i c contexts of a c t i o n , i s conditioned  by  our p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e as t h e members o f a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e and  s o c i a l system.  Our  c u l t u r a l l y acquired  n a t u r e o f human s o c i e t y , and e n t e r i n t o our p e r c e p t i o n tive societies.  notions of  the  o f r e a l i t y more g e n e r a l l y ,  o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f p r i m i -  P a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t f o r u s , coming from  a c u l t u r e i n which our n o t i o n s o f r a t i o n a l i t y a r e d e e p l y i n f l u e n c e d by the s u b j e c t m a t t e r and methods o f the sciences,  natural  i s the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f b e h a v i o u r a s s o c i a t e d  i d e a s o f magic and  with  witchcraft.  A r e v i e w o f the h i s t o r y o f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  theory i n -  d i c a t e s a wide v a r i e t y i n approaches towards the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e s e phenomena.  Thus magic and w i t c h c r a f t have  been v a r i o u s l y i n t e r p r e t e d as h i s t o r i c a l s u r v i v a l s from e a r l i e r phase o f human s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n , as  an  manifestations  - i i o f a p a r t i c u l a r m e n t a l i t y p e c u l i a r t o p r i m i t i v e s , as an a f f e c t i v e r e s p o n s e t o s i t u a t i o n s o f a n x i e t y , as a mechanism p r o v i d i n g f o r the r e l e a s e o f t e n s i o n s consequent upon l i f e i n s o c i e t y , and as a cosmology i n terms o f w h i c h n a t u r a l and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e The  ordered.  scope o f such i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s has ranged from  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s made on t h e b a s i s o f a wide range o f phenomena, and a i m i n g a t c r o s s - c u l t u r a l v a l i d i t y , t o i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f a r e s t r i c t e d s e t o f d a t a from o n l y one  culture.  I t i s w i t h i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the l a t t e r t y p e t h a t w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y become s u b j e c t s o f s t u d y i n t h e i r  own  r i g h t , i n s t e a d o f b e i n g subsumed under some t h e o r y p u r p o r t i n g t o h o l d t r u e f o r t h e e n t i r e domain o f magic and o r even p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y as  religion,  such.  T y l o r , F r a z e r and L e v y - B r u h l may  a l l be regarded  as  having o f f e r e d t h e o r i e s of general a p p l i c a b i l i t y , i n cont r a s t t o KLuckhohn and E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d .  (Malinowski  as an i n t e r m e d i a t e f i g u r e i n t h i s r e s p e c t ) .  stands  But w h i l e , from  t h i s p o i n t o f view, KLuckhohn and E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d may grouped t o g e t h e r , t h e i r work may i n other respects.  be  n e v e r t h e l e s s be c o n t r a s t e d  Thus, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d emphasizes the  l o g i c a l coherence and r a t i o n a l i t y o f Zande w i t c h c r a f t , o f w h i c h he t r i e s t o p r e s e n t t h e sense, and w h i c h he w i t h i n the framework o f a s o c i o l o g i s t i c and approach.  analyses  structuralist  KLuckhohn, on t h e o t h e r hand, p r e s e n t s Navaho  w i t c h c r a f t as e s s e n t i a l l y i r r a t i o n a l , and as s t a n d i n g i n need o f an e x p l a n a t i o n w h i c h he p r o v i d e s i n terms o f a p s y c h o l o g i s t i c and f u n c t i o n a l i s t t h e o r y . I m p l i c i t i n these a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l approaches a r e  de-  - i i i f i n i t e assumptions about t h e n a t u r e o f Western s c i e n c e , on t h e b a s i s o f which a number o f o p p o s i t i o n s have been posed between s c i e n t i f i c thought and b e l i e f s o f a m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s order.  An e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e n a t u r e o f s c i e n t i f i c  activity  s u g g e s t s t h a t most o f t h e s e assumptions a r e m i s t a k e n .  By  f o c u s i n g upon the c o n t e n t o f s c i e n t i f i c t h o u g h t , and t h e imagined p s y c h o l o g y o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t , logists  anthropo-  have o v e r l o o k e d t h e s t r u c t u r a l s i m i l a r i t i e s  between  s c i e n t i f i c b e l i e f s and a c t i v i t i e s , and t h e b e l i e f s and a c t i v i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f magic and w i t c h c r a f t .  As a r e -  s u l t , t h e y have f a i l e d t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e most i m p o r t a n t det e r m i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f each - t h e s o c i a l which such thought o p e r a t e s .  context i n  CONTENTS  Abstract  I.  . . . . . . . .  PROBLEMS OP TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  1 1  B. How Terminologies  3  Develop  C. Magicf W i t c h c r a f t and S o r c e r y .  . .  D. T e r m i n o l o g i c a l Usages E. R e s o l u t i o n o f T e r m i n o l o g i c a l ficulties  6 11  Dif34  Notes and R e f e r e n c e s . . . . . . . . . . .  II.  44  50  FURTHER METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  50  B. C u l t u r a l Knowledge as a C u l t u r a l Phenomenon  52  C. L e v e l s o f C u l t u r a l Understanding .  53  D. T h e i r Ways o f T h i n k i n g and Ours. .  59  E. The Importance o f H i s t o r y  64  F. The Development o f A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Theory  67  G. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  73  and Kluckhohn. . .  77  Notes and References III.  i  THE PROGRESSIONISTS A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  82 82  -V-  B. Magic and t h e A s s o c i a t i o n o f Ideas  86  C. Magic, S c i e n c e and R e l i g i o n . . . .  91  D. The S t a b i l i t y o f M a g i c a l B e l i e f .  .  95  E. A C r i t i q u e o f T y l o r and P r a z e r . .  96  Notes and References. .  IV.  102  LUCIEN LEVY-BRUHL . . .  107  A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  107  B. The Nature o f P r i m i t i v e M e n t a l i t y .  113  C. A C r i t i q u e o f Levy-Bruhl  117 123  Notes and References  V.  129  W.H.R. RIVERS A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  129  B. Medicine, Magic and R e l i g i o n . . .  129  C. A C r i t i q u e o f R i v e r s  133  Notes and References  VI.  137  AN AFFECTIVE THEORY OF MAGIC  138  A. I n t r o d u c t i o n •  138  B. Malinowski • s Psychologism  140  C. The U n i f o r m i t y o f P r i m i t i v e Magic.  142  D. A n x i e t y and Magic  145  E. B l a c k Magic.  152  . .  F. The P o l i t i c o - L e g a l Functions o f Sorcery G. A C r i t i q u e o f Malinowski  .  154 156  -viNotes and References  VII.  166  EVANS-PRITCHARD'S ANALYSIS OP ZANDE WITCHCRAFT. A. I n t r o d u c t i o n B. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d • s  170  170 Viewpoint. . . .  C. W i t c h c r a f t E x p l a i n s M i s f o r t u n e  . .  D. A c t i o n A g a i n s t W i t c h c r a f t  172 173 178  E. The D i r e c t i o n o f W i t c h c r a f t Accusations 188 F. S c e p t i c i s m and t h e V a r i a b i l i t y o f Zande B e l i e f s  192  G. The P e r s i s t e n c e and S t a b i l i t y o f Zande B e l i e f  196  H. A C r i t i q u e o f E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d .  207  . .  Notes and References VIII.  209  KLUCKHOHN*S ANALYSIS OF NAVAHO WITCHCRAFT . . . A. I n t r o d u c t i o n  214  B. The S o c i a l i z a t i o n o f Witch B e l i e f s  216  C. „ u c k h o h n * s F u n c t i o n a l i s m .  219  D. The I n d i v i d u a l Functions Witchcraft E. The S o c i a l F u n c t i o n s Witchcraft  . . . .  o f Navaho 220  o f Navaho  F. The Cost o f Navaho W i t c h c r a f t .  236 . .  239  G. H i s t o r i c a l F l u c t u a t i o n s i n Witchcraft Activity  240  H. A C r i t i q u e o f KLuckhohn  244  Notes and References  248  214  -viiIX.  THE IMAGE OF SCIENCE AND THE UNDERSTANDING OF WITCHCRAFT A.  253  Introduction  253  B. The P r o g r e s s i o n i s t s  253  C. Malinowski  257  D. E.E. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  263  E. W i t c h c r a f t and Science digmatic A c t i v i e s Notes and References  Bibliography  as P a r a 269 274  . .  278  DIAGRAMS  1.  Witchcraft and Sorcery as Polar Ideal Types. . .  P. 36  2.  Family Resemblance and Universal Class  P. 40  3*  Oppositions Between Science and Magic. . . . . .  P. 60  4.  Homeopathic and Contagious Magic  P. 88  5.  Magic, Sorcery and Taboo . . . . . . . . . . . .  P. 90  6.  Tylor's View of Magic, Science and R e l i g i o n . . .  P. 93  7.  Frazer's View of Magic, Science and R e l i g i o n . .  P. 93  CHAPTER  ONE  PROBLEMS OF TERMINOLOGY AND  A.  DEFINITION  Introduction In t h i s t h e s i s , I propose to examine the gradual  de-  velopment o f some o f the approaches which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have adopted towards the phenomena o f w i t c h c r a f t and cery i n p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s .  1  sor-  In doing so, I w i l l p l a c e  s p e c i a l emphasis on the work o f Clyde Kluckhohn and o f  a  E.E.  2  Evans-Pritchard. c r a f t and  I t i s w i t h these two w r i t e r s t h a t w i t c h -  s o r c e r y become s u b j e c t s of study i n t h e i r  r i g h t , i n s t e a d o f b e i n g regarded stances  own  as merely p a r t i c u l a r i n -  o f "sympathetic magic", the " p r i n c i p l e o f p a r t i -  c i p a t i o n " or p r i m i t i v e man's need f o r a r a t i o n a l i t y - s u b stitute. Kluckhohn*s study o f the Navaho develops a psychof u n c t i o n a l i s t theory o f w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y , p a r t l y d e r i v i n g from Malinowski*s theory of the a f f e c t i v e  nature  o f magic, but a l s o i n c o r p o r a t i n g c e r t a i n elements of p s y c h o - a n a l y t i c theory.  Evans-Pritchard*s  study o f the  Azande, on the other hand, i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a s t r i c t l y s o c i o l o g i s t i c approach which we might c a l l ist.^  i t i s the l a t t e r work which has had  structural-  the deepest  impact on the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p r o f e s s i o n and  especially  on B r i t i s h a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , most o f whose work on c r a f t and  witch-  s o r c e r y s i n c e the p u b l i c a t i o n o f W i t c h c r a f t ,  O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande must be regarded  as  -2-  an elaboration - and even simple r e p e t i t i o n - of themes already present i n Evans-Pritchard*s a n a l y s i s .  In t h i s  respect, the Zande study has come to play a r o l e i n ( B r i t i s h ) s o c i a l anthropology analogous to that ascribed by Thomas S. Kuhn to paradigms i n the n a t u r a l sciences. Evans-Pritchard*s study, i n other words, has provided a community of researchers with a u n i v e r s a l l y recognized achievement providing model problems and solutions; f o r what has been perceived as c o n s t i t u t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r con4 s t e l l a t i o n of phenomena. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that n e i t h e r Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande nor Navaho Witchcraft attempts a systematic treatment of witchcraft or sorcery i n general.  Both exhibit a s t r i c t l y ethnographic concern, and  i n t h i s respect are t y p i c a l of post-Malinowskian and preLevi-Straussian anthropology.  Indeed, despite the return  i n recent years of anthropological i n t e r e s t i n problems of an e x p l i c i t l y comparative nature, the analysis of sorcery and witchcraft has l a r g e l y continued to remain on the ethnographic l e v e l .  There have been a few recent attempts  at conscious c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparison, but these have been more i n the nature of probes than anything else, and 5 i n any case have been a t y p i c a l .  Indeed, the only  serious attempt to assemble a l l the a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l on witchcraft and sorcery i n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s has been that of Lucy Mair.^  Moreover, even Mair*s survey i s mainly i n -  tended to serve as a popular introduction to the subject. Consequently, she makes no attempt to impose a general i n t e r p r e t a t i o n on her work, and mainly l i m i t s h e r s e l f to a  -3-  c r i t i c i s m of e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s .  Y e t i f we  t h u s have no  g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y i n our  possession,  what sense can i t make t o speak o f w i t c h c r a f t and i n g e n e r a l terms?  And  i f we  sorcery  say t h a t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s  s t u d y o f the Azande has come t o s e r v e as s o m e t h i n g l i k e p a r a d i g m i n d i r e c t i n g l a t e r s t u d i e s o f w i t c h c r a f t and  a  sor-  c e r y , what i s t h e r e about the phenomena o f w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y w h i c h have been i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h e s e l a t e r s t u d i e s w h i c h makes them amenable t o a n a l y s i s i n terms o f a model o r i g i n a l l y d e v i s e d t o f i t the f a c t s o f a ethnographic B. How ing  context?  Terminologies  The  different  Develop  p r i n c i p a l aim o f the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t l i e s i n t r y -  to render i n t e l l i g i b l e  t o the a u d i e n c e f o r whom he  w r i t e s - p r i m a r i l y h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l c o l l e a g u e s - the mode o f l i f e o f the members o f a n o t h e r  c u l t u r a l group.  t a s k o f " r e n d e r i n g i n t e l l i g i b l e " i n v o l v e s two  This  essential  components: i.  an e x p l i c a t i o n o f the c o n c e p t u a l c a t e g o r i e s i n terms o f  w h i c h the p e o p l e whom he i s s t u d y i n g r e n d e r e x p l i c i t v i e w s on the n a t u r a l and s o c i a l o r d e r , ii*  their  and  the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f t h i s concep7  t u a l system t o m a n i f e s t  behavior.  Thus the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t i s n e c e s s a r i l y r e q u i r e d t o a t t e m p t the t r a n s l a t i o n o f c o n c e p t s  f r o m one i d e a system  ( t h a t o f the c u l t u r e he s t u d i e s ) i n t o a n o t h e r colleagues).  The  difficulty  (that of h i s  posed by t h i s n e c e s s i t y o f  t r a n s l a t i n g a r i s e s , o f c o u r s e , f r o m the f a c t t h a t the conc e p t s w h i c h must be t r a n s l a t e d a r e o f t e n n o t  referential  0  -4-  ( f o r example, i n r e f e r r i n g t o n o t i o n s l i k e goodness, i n f i n i t y o r t i m e ) , w h i l e those t h a t a r e r e f e r e n t i a l o f t e n , d i v i d e t h e w o r l d o f e x p e r i e n c e i n d i f f e r e n t ways.  Thus  i t i s t h a t we f i n d M a i r , i n t r y i n g t o r e n d e r a West A f r i c a n concept i n E n g l i s h , r e f e r r i n g t o t h e s h r i n e o f a g  " t a l i s m a n - o r f e t i s h , o r god...". Yet, d e s p i t e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f t h i s s o r t , anthropolofg i s t s have i n f a c t s u c c e e d e d i n d e v e l o p i n g a common s e t o f terms f o r c o m m u n i c a t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n among t h e m s e l v e s concerning t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s and b e l i e f s o f other T h i s t e r m i n o l o g y h a s been d e v e l o p e d  peoples.  roughly as f o l l o w s .  In h i s studies o f other c u l t u r e s , the anthropologist has been c o n f r o n t e d w i t h i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d c o n c e p t u a l  struc-  t u r e s w h i c h seem t o b e a r some r e s e m b l a n c e - p e r h a p s , f o l 9 l o w i n g W i t t g e n s t e i n , we m i g h t s a y f a m i l y r e s e m b l a n c e  -  t o i n s t i t u t i o n s and c o n c e p t u a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h w h i c h h e i s f a m i l i a r f r o m h i s own c u l t u r e o r f r o m o t h e r c u l t u r e s h i s c o l l e a g u e s have s t u d i e d .  I n t h i s way, he i s l e d i n t o  d e s c r i b i n g t h e s e phenomena i n t e r m s t h a t a r e d e r i v e d f r o m o t h e r c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s , l a b e l l i n g one a s p e c t o f s o c i a l life  "marriage",  another  "taboo",  "animism *, " g i f t e x 1  change", " i n i t i a t i o n ceremony" o r C h i e f t a i n s h i p " • Howe v e r , we must keep o u r g u a r d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h i s tice.  prac-  F o r w h i l e i t seems i n e v i t a b l e i f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l  comparison i s t o proceed - t h e l o g i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e ethnographies  being  w r i t t e n e n t i r e l y i n t h e n a t i v e language -  we must n e v e r t h e l e s s e v e n t u a l l y c o n f r o n t t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e s e phenomena, a p p a r e n t l y s i m i l a r , a r e r e a l l y s u f f i c i e n t l y a l i k e t o warrant  d e s i g n a t i o n by t h e  -5-  same term. Leach's d i s c u s s i o n  o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s o f e l u c i d a t -  i n g any u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d d e f i n i t i o n o f marriage seems worth m e n t i o n i n g a t t h i s p o i n t kinds of terminological  i n o r d e r to i l l u s t r a t e  d i f f i c u l t y anthropologists  the  face.  S t a r t i n g from the premise t h a t marriage r e p r e s e n t s a "bundle o f r i g h t s " , Leach shows t h a t any attempt to go beyond t h i s f o r m u l a and seek a u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d d e f i n i t i o n o f marriage i s i n v a i n . marriage may  T h i s i s f o r the reason  that  serve, i n d i f f e r i n g s o c i e t i e s , to e s t a b l i s h  widely d i f f e r i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s  o f r i g h t and  obligation.  Leach, f o r example, l i s t s t e n examples o f such r i g h t s and obligations,  and the l i s t  important p o i n t  could  e a s i l y be extended.  The  i s t h a t i n no s o c i e t y does marriage e s t a b -  l i s h a l l these r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s  simultaneously: nor,  on the o t h e r hand, i s t h e r e any s i n g l e one o f these r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s  which i s i n v a r i a b l y e s t a b l i s h e d  known s o c i e t y by m a r r i a g e . described  i n every  Thus the i n s t i t u t i o n s commonly  as marriage do not by any means a l l have the  same l e g a l and s o c i a l c o n c o m i t a n t s .  Hence the a n t h r o p o l o -  g i s t ' s dilemma: i f , i n o r d e r to compare the m a r i t a l  insti-  t u t i o n s o f d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , he frames a d e f i n i t i o n o f marriage drawn from one c u l t u r e , then the m a r i t a l  institu-  t i o n s o f o t h e r c u l t u r e s w i l l be m i s d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f that  definition.  On the o t h e r hand, the attempt to formu-  l a t e a d e f i n i t i o n o f marriage which would f i t the f a c t s from every c u l t u r e  equally  w e l l would r e s u l t i n a concept  so n e u t r a l and bare as t o be devoid o f c o n t e n t and mean10 mg.  -6-  l e a c h has a l s o attacked a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s f o r tending t o t r e a t words l i k e  "sibling",  "filiation*',  "descent." and  " a f f i n i t y " a s a b s o l u t e t e c h n i c a l terms which can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from one a n o t h e r by a p r i o r i r e a s o n i n g w i t h o u t regard to ethnographic e v i d e n c e .  1 1  In a similar vein,  L 6 v i - S t r a u s s has c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e concept o f totemism.  He h a s argued t h a t t h i s concept r e p -  r e s e n t s an i m p r o p e r l y c o n s t r u c t e d semantic f i e l d ,  illegi-  t i m a t e l y g r o u p i n g t o g e t h e r a complex o f customs and b e liefs  " a c t u a l l y e x t r e m e l y heterogenous  and d i f f i c u l t t o  12 isolate". C. Magic. W i t c h c r a f t And S o r c e r y When we c o n s i d e r t h e d i f f e r e n t customs and b e l i e f s which have "been d e s c r i b e d a s " d e s t r u c t i v e magic",  "sor-  c e r y " and " w i t c h c r a f t " , we may note a l s o w i t h these phenomena a wide d i v e r s i t y i n b e l i e f and p r a c t i c e from one s o c i e t y to another.  T h i s d i v e r s i t y has been r e c o g n i z e d by  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s themselves. "Navaho: • w i t c h c r a f t *  Thus Kluckhohn  writes that  ... must immediately be r e c o g n i z e d a s  a h o r s e o f a d i f f e r e n t c o l o u r from most M e l a n e s i a n  •witch-  c r a f t s i n t h a t Navaho Switches : seldom boast openly o f 1  13 t h e i r power and a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e a s h i r e d a g e n t s " .  Si-  m i l a r l y , E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d h a s drawn a t t e n t i o n t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between Zande and European  conceptions o f w i t c h -  craft : When a Zande speaks o f w i t c h c r a f t he does n o t speak o f i t a s we speak o f t h e w e i r d w i t c h c r a f t i n o u r own h i s t o r y . W i t c h c r a f t to him i s a commonplace happening and he seldom  -7p a s s e s a day w i t h o u t mentioning i t . ... U n l e s s the r e a d e r a p p r e c i a t e s t h a t w i t c h c r a f t i s q u i t e a normal f a c t o r i n the l i f e o f the Azande, one to which almost any and every happening may be r e f e r r e d , he w i l l e n t i r e l y misunderstand t h e i r a t t i tude towards i t . To us w i t c h c r a f t i s something which haunted and d i s gusted our c r e d u l o u s f o r e f a t h e r s . But the Zande e x p e c t s to come a c r o s s w i t c h c r a f t a t any time o f the day o r n i g h t . He would be j u s t as s u r p r i s ed i f he were n o t brought i n t o d a i l y c o n t a c t w i t h i t as we would be i f c o n f r o n t e d by i t s appearance. To him t h e r e i s n o t h i n g m i r a c u l o u s about i t . 1 4 In  view o f t h i s , i t i s i m p o r t a n t to d i s t i n g u i s h the  m a g i c a l b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s o f the Azande from  those  t h a t might be h e l d and perhaps p r a c t i c e d by a person l o n g i n g t o our own  culture.  Moreover, these  be-  differences  i n v o l v e f a r more than a matter o f mere f a m i l i a r i t y , a l though i t would be wrong to underestimate even o f t h i s .  l o r our own  the  c u l t u r e bestows a  importance different  meaning on w i t c h c r a f t and magic from the Zande. Winch e x p l a i n s , Concepts o f w i t c h c r a f t and magic i n our c u l t u r e , a t l e a s t s i n c e the advent o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , have been par a s i t i c on, and a p e r v e r s i o n o f o t h e r orthodox c o n c e p t s , b o t h r e l i g i o u s and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , s c i e n t i f i c . To take an obvious example, you c o u l d n o t understand what was i n v o l v e d i n c o n d u c t i n g a B l a c k Mass, u n l e s s you were f a m i l i a r w i t h the conduct o f a p r o p e r Mass.and, t h e r e -  As P e t e r  -8-  f o r e , w i t h the whole complex o f r e l i g i o u s i d e a s from which the Mass draws i t s sense. N e i t h e r would you understand the r e l a t i o n between these w i t h o u t t a k i n g account o f the f a c t t h a t the B l a c k p r a c t i c e s a r e r e j e c t e d as i r r a t i o n a l ( i n the sense p r o p e r t o r e l i g i o n ) i n the system o f b e l i e f s on which these p r a c t i c e s a r e p a r a s i t i c . 1 5 In t h e l i g h t cant t h a t ,  o f these o b s e r v a t i o n s  i n searching  f o r a notion  i t becomes s i g n i f i -  from our own c u l t u r e  w i t h something o f the same meaning f o r us t h a t o f w i t c h c r a f t has f o r the Azande, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  d i d not s e l e c t  some i d e a drawn from a r i t u a l o r c e r e m o n i a l c o n t e x t , n o r some b e l i e f a s s o c i a t e d stead  w i t h the l o r e o f Satanism, but i n -  d e c i d e d on the f a m i l i a r everyday n o t i o n  luck".  o f "bad  1 6  Witchcraft,  magic and s o r c e r y may t h e r e f o r e  v a r y con-  s i d e r a b l y from one s o c i e t y t o another, and what i s c a l l e d witchcraft  i n one c u l t u r e may n o t resemble w i t c h c r a f t i n  a n o t h e r c u l t u r e so much as some o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d belief.  The main dimensions a l o n g which b e l i e f s and a c t i o n s  r e l a t i n g t o w i t c h c r a f t , magic and s o r c e r y might v a r y would seem t o be the f o l l o w i n g : i.  Content - v a r i a t i o n w i l l occur i n the c o n s t i t u e n t  ele-  ments c o n s t i t u t i n g p a r t i c u l a r t r a d i t i o n s o f w i t c h c r a f t , magic and s o r c e r y .  To take some simple examples, among the  Azande i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t w i t c h e s i n h e r i t t h e i r h a r m f u l powers u n i l i n e a l l y ,  i n the form o f a p h y s i c a l substance; i n  Europe t h i s b e l i e f i s absent and n o t i o n s  o f w i t c h c r a f t , are  f i r m l y l i n k e d t o those c o n c e r n i n g a pact w i t h the D e v i l ;  -9among the Navaho, on the o t h e r hand, both o f these b e l i e f s are absent and w i t c h c r a f t i d e a s p l a c e a heavy emphasis on such p r a c t i c e s as f r a t r i c i d e and were-animalism. i i . Meaning - even where i d e n t i c a l or s i m i l a r c o n s t i t u e n t elements a r e d i s c o v e r e d i n the b e l i e f systems o f two d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , these can s t i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y be equated, s i n c e each element d e r i v e s i t s sense from the sum o f i t s r e l a t i o n s w i t h the o t h e r elements o f the t o t a l conc e p t u a l system t o which i t belongs.  C e r t a i n types o f Navaho  witches, f o r example, a r e b e l i e v e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n s e c r e t nocturnal gatherings.  A t these g a t h e r i n g s , concerted a c -  t i o n a g a i n s t v i c t i m s i s planned, new members a r e i n i t i a t e d , c a n n i b a l i s m and sexual i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h dead women a r e p r a c t i s e d , and v i c t i m s a r e k i l l e d a t a d i s t a n c e by r i t u a l 17 means.  These g a t h e r i n g s bear a s t r i k i n g resemblance t o  the European W i t c h e s  1  Sabbath, but i t would be wrong t o r e -  gard them as e q u i v a l e n t on t h a t count. make a mistake  T h i s would be t o  o f the k i n d t h a t Prazer made.  European Witches*  Sabbath has no meaning i n i t s e l f , but o n l y  i n the context o f the t o t a l demonological Christian belief.  F o r the  i d e o l o g y and  In the same way, the n o c t u r n a l g a t h e r i n g s  a s c r i b e d t o Navaho witches cannot be understood  i f they a r e  a b s t r a c t e d from t h e i r c u l t u r a l context, but o n l y i f they a r e r e l a t e d t o the t o t a l i t y o f Navaho w i t c h b e l i e f s and, indeed, ,the e n t i r e Navaho world-view. iii.  F u n c t i o n - the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f w i t c h c r a f t , magic and  s o r c e r y f o r the s o c i a l group considered as a p e r d u r i n g u n i t , and a l s o f o r the human i n d i v i d u a l , w i l l v a r y .  For  i n s t a n c e , a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f Navaho w i t c h c r a f t g o s s i p r e -  -10f e r s t o w i t c h e s who  l i v e i n d i s t a n t l o c a l i t i e s and are thus  r a r e l y o r n e v e r seen.  Feuds i n v o l v i n g these a l l e g e d witches  are consequently u n l i k e l y t o develop, and Navaho g o s s i p about witches i s t h e r e f o r e f a r l e s s d i s r u p t i v e than i n those s o c i e t i e s , l i k e the Z u n i , where such g o s s i p i s c e n t r e d i n 18 the l o c a l group. Kluckhohn  To take a somewhat d i f f e r e n t  example,  i m p l i e s t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t number of w i t c h c r a f t  a c c u s a t i o n s among the Navaho are made a g a i n s t the wealthy by those o f a lower socio-economic s t a t u s .  I n t h i s case  then, w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f operates as something i n the nature o f a l e v e l l i n g d e v i c e , d i s c o u r a g i n g the undue accumulation o f wealth by c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s , s i n c e the r i c h  man  knows t h a t i f he i s s t i n g y w i t h h i s r e l a t i v e s and o t h e r s , 19 he i s l i k e l y t o be spoken o f as a w i t c h .  In contrast  to t h i s , no Zande commoner would dare accuse a p r i n c e o f p r a c t i s i n g s o r c e r y o r o f b e w i t c h i n g him, w h i l e o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y w i l l a poor commoner accuse a wealthy commoner. Moreover, the whole s t r u c t u r e o f Zande o r a c l e c o n s u l t a t i o n s e r v e s t o r e i n f o r c e the s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s o f Zande society.  The King's i s the f i n a l d e c i s i v e o r a c l e f o r pur-  poses o f i d e n t i f y i n g w i t c h e s and the v i c t i m s o f vengeance magic, and no a p p e a l from i t i s r e c o g n i z e d o r p e r m i t t e d . Since the a u t h o r i t y o f the K i n g upholds t h a t o f the o r a c l e , any Zande who  c o n s u l t s the o r a c l e i m p l i c i t l y r e c o g n i z e s the  a u t h o r i t y o f the K i n g .  Thus t h e r e i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p o f r e , 20  c i p r o c a l support between the a u t h o r i t y of K i n g and  oracle.  S i m i l a r v a r i a t i o n s o c c u r on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l .  Por  example, Kluckhohn's  argument, t h a t Navaho accounts o f  witches c o p u l a t i n g w i t h dead women p r o v i d e a channel f o r the r e l e a s e i n f a n t a s y o f c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l l y d i s a l l o w e d aber-  r a t i o n s of a sexual nature,  seems p l a u s i b l e .  s i m i l a r a r g u m e n t c o u l d be made i n r e l a t i o n  Probably  to c e r t a i n  as-  p e c t s o f E u r o p e a n d e m o n o l o g y , b u t w o u l d seem d i f f i c u l t maintain with regard  to the f a c t s of T r o b r i a n d or  a  to  Zande  witchcraft. C o n s i d e r i n g the e x t e n s i v e n e s s sible  v a r i a t i o n s , i t becomes o b v i o u s  difficulties  c o n f r o n t i n g any  tempt to develop cross-cultural examining ed  of t h i s range of  this  a suitable  analysis.  that;  there are  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t who  terminology f o r the purposes  I t remains,  degree of t h e i r  Terminological  however,  success  that are p r i m a r i l y  employ a  stock  terms have a range o f meanings  descriptive  magical  beliefs.  E n g l i s h language w i t h t h e i r  low,  venture.  derived from standard E n g l i s h usage.  E n g l i s h , these  teenth century.  attempt-  Usages  of terms u l t i m a t e l y  w i t c h c r a f t and  of  worthwhile  in this  Contemporary r e s e a r c h e r s i n t h i s f i e l d  In standard  grave  would a t -  the e x t e n t to w h i c h a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have  t a s k , and  pos-  The  of the f a c t s of E n g l i s h M o s t o f them e n t e r e d  c u r r e n t meanings i n the  most i m p o r t a n t  the  six-  o f them a r e l i s t e d  be-  w i t h t h e i r m o s t common m e a n i n g s :  Magic - the b e l i e v e d a r t o f i n f l u e n c i n g the course events  b y means o f c o m p e l l i n g t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f  beings  o r b y u s i n g some o t h e r o c c u l t p r i n c i p l e .  f o r s o r c e r y and  of spiritual  A  synonym  witchcraft.  Sorcery - the p r a c t i c e  of magic or enchantment;  witchcraft.  S o r c e r e r - the p r a c t i t i o n e r of s o r c e r y ; a magician  or w i -  zard. Witch - a female  magician;  a s o r c e r e s s ; a term  especially  -12used to d e s c r i b e a woman i n league w i t h the D e v i l or e v i l spirits. Wizard - a male who  practises witchcraft.  22 Warlock - the male e q u i v a l e n t o f a w i t c h . I t was  from t h i s usage t h a t these terms were a t  i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o anthropology. f y i n g the concept logic  first  Thus P r a z e r , while modi-  o f magic i n h i s attempt t o d e f i n e i t s  (as he understood  it),  continued to employ the term  " s o r c e r e r " as e q u i v a l e n t to "magician",  and to f o l l o w the  p r a c t i c e o f u s i n g " s o r c e r e r " and "witch" as s e x u a l l y s p e c i fic  terms. P r a z e r ' s use o f the terms "magic", " s c i e n c e " and  " r e l i g i o n " i s somewhat more complex, s i n c e he attmpted  a  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of u n i v e r s a l v a l i d i t y between these t h r e e phenomena.  Unfortunately h i s e f f o r t s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n r e -  s u l t e d i n an unacceptable  a p r i o r ism.  Thus, f o r P r a z e r ,  any technique not based on a knowledge o f o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s , and not seeking to operate through the g o o d w i l l o f s p i r i t u a l i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , was  ipso facto magical.  The  t r o u b l e w i t h such an approach i s t h a t i t l e a d s to a groupi n g o f phenomena i n a manner v e r y d i f f e r e n t from the way which the people b e i n g s t u d i e d group them. p l e example, among the Navaho menstrual  in  To take a sim-  blood i s believed  t o be sometimes a d m i n i s t e r e d i n food as a m a l i c i o u s a c t . I f we were to d e f i n e w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y i n an a p r i o r i f a s h i o n a l o n g the l i n e s o f "the b e l i e f i n the power o f human  agents t o cause harm and m i s f o r t u n e by the use o f mys-  tical  ( n o n - e m p i r i c a l ) means", then i t i s obvious t h a t  we  would have t o c l a s s t h i s a c t as " w i t c h c r a f t " or " s o r c e r y " .  -13F o r w h i l e t h e Navaho c o n s i d e r t h i s a c t i o n t o "be h a r m f u l i n t h a t i t c o n s i s t s i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f a dangerous subs t a n c e , o u r own s c i e n t i f i c knowledge l e a d s us t o view t h i s b e l i e f as mistaken and m a g i c a l .  and t h e r e f o r e a s n o n - o b j e c t i v e , m y s t i c  On t h i s b a s i s we would group i t t o g e t h e r w i t h  such o t h e r Navaho b e l i e f s as Frenzy W i t c h c r a f t , D i s e a s e W i t c h c r a f t and E a g l e P i t S o r c e r y , Navaho do n o t .  The problem i s t h a t t h e  As EZLuckhohn e x p l a i n s ,  O b s e r v a t i o n s o f t h i s k i n d were f r e quent: "Women j u s t do t h a t t o be mean. I t hurts you a l l r i g h t , but i t i s n * t a w i t c h way," My i m p r e s s i o n i s t h a t my informants f e l t t h a t menstrual blood was i n t r i n s i c a l l y dangerous - t h e r e was no need t o add " m a g i c a l " p r o c e dures ,23 I t might t h e r e f o r e appear t h a t the Navaho t h i n k o f m e n s t r u a l b l o o d a s something i n the n a t u r e o f what we would c a l l a natural poison.  But even here we must beware o f  misdescribing their categories.  F o r some o f what we des-  c r i b e as n a t u r a l p o i s o n s a r e a s s i m i l a t e d by the Navaho t o the c a t e g o r y o f w i t c h c r a f t .  Thus, a c c o r d i n g t o the Navaho,  when a man i s b i t t e n by a snake, he s i c k e n s and d i e s because o f the w i t c h c r a f t the snake h o l d s i n i t s mouth. a Navaho l e g e n d e x p l a i n s i t , Witchery s t a r t e d o u t under t h e ground. F i r s t Man, F i r s t Woman and Coyote - these t h r e e s t a r t e d i t . A f t e r everybody g o t above ground F i r s t Woman gave i t o u t . Snake wanted some too, b u t h i s mouth was t h e o n l y p l a c e he c o u l d p u t i t . And so h i s b i t e k i l l s you,24  As  -14P r a z e r seems t o have been unaware o f the problem posed by f a c t s such as t h e s e , and i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r us: t o a p p l y his; t e r m i n o l o g y o n l y by d i s t o r t i n g the world-views t h a t t h i s t e r m i n o l o g y was: i n t e n d e d t o h e l p us  understand.  Perhaps the f o r c e o f t h i s o b j e c t i o n w i l l become c l e a r e r i f we  b r i e f l y consider V i l f r e d o Pareto*s d i s t i n c t i o n  tween l o g i c a l and n o n - l o g i c a l b e h a v i o u r .  Pareto's  be-  attempt  t o c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h the l o g i c a l from the n o n - l o g i c a l as c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y v a l i d c a t e g o r i e s - p a r a l l e l s  Prazer s 1  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between magic, s c i e n c e and r e l i g i o n .  It  d i f f e r s , however, i n b e i n g more s y s t e m a t i c and i n b e i n g based on more e x p l i c i t 25 ed.  c r i t e r i a than those P r a z e r e l u c i d a t -  But d e s p i t e t h i s more s y s t e m a t i c n a t u r e ,  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n encounters  Pareto*s  s i m i l a r - d i f f i c u l t i e s to> t h a t o f  P r a z e r * s, and i t i s u s e f u l t o c o n s i d e r t h e s e here-. n o t a m a t t e r o f k n o c k i n g down straw men,  This- is  since both  P r a z e r * s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between magic;, s c i e n c e and  reli-  g i o n and P a r e t o ' s d i s t i n c t i o n between l o g i c a l , and n o n - l o g i c a l behaviour,  a r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of methodological  presup-  p o s i t i o n s ? which c o n t i n u e to: e x e r c i s e a deep i n f l u e n c e on a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l thought. m y s t i c thought  and  L e v y - B r u h l ' s o p p o s i t i o n betweem  s c i e n t i f i c thought,  a c c e p t e d by Evans-  P r i t c h a r d , i s an example o f t h i s . In Tha Mind and S o c i e t y , P a r e t o o u t l i n e s f o u r e r i t e r i a , a l l o f which must be s a t i s f i e d i n o r d e r f o r an a c t i o n t o be considered l o g i c a l . i.  These a r e :  t h e a c t i o n must be e n d - d i r e c t e d - t h a t i s t o say, i t  must be performed: by the a c t o r w i t h a. g o a l i n mind, and the i n t e n t i o n o f a c h i e v i n g t h a t g o a l ;  with  15ii,  the g o a l which the a c t o r i s s e e k i n g to a c h i e v e must he  empirically iii,  identifiable;  the a c t i o n performed must a c t u a l l y tend to produce the  r e s u l t which the a c t o r  envisages;  i v , the a c t o r must have "good" (what P a r e t o  d e s c r i b e s as  " l o g i c o - e x p e r i m e n t a l " ) grounds f o r h i s b e l i e f . Conversely,  an a c t i o n may  to a number o f i,  be adjudged n o n - l o g i c a l a c c o r d i n g  criteria:  i f the a c t o r performs the a c t i o n without  a c h i e v e any ii,  r e s u l t by d o i n g so;  or  i f the end which the a c t o r hopes to a c h i e v e by h i s a c -  t i o n l i e s o u t s i d e the f i e l d and  i n t e n d i n g to  i s t h e r e f o r e "imaginary"  o f o b s e r v a t i o n and  experiment  (Pareto a s s i g n s a c t i o n s  aiming  a t the s a l v a t i o n o f the s o u l to t h i s c a t e g o r y ) ; o r iii, way  i f the end  sought i s r e a l , but i s not g a i n e d i n the  i n which the a c t o r t h i n k s i t i s ( i n t h i s  category,  P a r e t o p l a c e s magic as w e l l as c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s wage-cutting tition);  like  by businessmen under c o n d i t i o n s o f f r e e compe-  or  i v , i f the a c t i o n performed a c t u a l l y does tend to produce the r e s u l t the a c t o r i s s e e k i n g , but he n e v e r t h e l e s s l a c k s l o g i c o - e x p e r i m e n t a l grounds f o r t h i n k i n g s o . I t i s important  to r e c o g n i z e t h a t P a r e t o  does n o t r e -  gard n o n - l o g i c a l conduct as b e i n g the same t h i n g as  illogi-  c a l conduct, and i n t h i s r e s p e c t i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note h i s remark to the e f f e c t t h a t a mistake i n e n g i n e e r i n g c o u l d n o t be regarded  as a n o n - l o g i c a l a c t i o n .  But what i s  the d i f f e r e n c e between a m i s t a k e i n e n g i n e e r i n g and r o r o f a businessman, under c o n d i t i o n s o f f r e e  the e r -  competition,  -16who t h i n k s t h a t by c u t t i n g h i s employees' wages he w i l l i n crease  hisprofits?  Moreover, i s the businessman's mistake  r e a l l y comparable t o the performance o f a m a g i c a l r i t e ?  Or  ought i t r a t h e r , as P e t e r Winch s u g g e s t s , be compared t o a mistake i n a m a g i c a l r i t e ?  F o r w h i l e the businessman's  mistake i s a p a r t i c u l a r a c t w i t h i n the c a t e g o r y o f b u s i n e s s b e h a v i o u r , m a g i c a l performances themselves c o n s t i t u t e a category o f behaviour.  As Winch e x p l a i n s ,  Magic, i n a s o c i e t y i n which i t o c c u r s , p l a y s a p e c u l i a r r o l e o f i t s own and i s conducted a c c o r d i n g t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f i t s own. The same i s t r u e o f b u s i ness a c t i v i t y ; b u t i t i s n o t t r u e o f the k i n d o f m i s g u i d e d b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t y to which P a r e t o r e f e r s , f o r t h a t can o n l y be u n d e r s t o o d by r e f e r e n c e t o the aims and n a t u r e o f b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t y i n general.26 It  i s because o f P a r e t o * s f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h gen-  eral categories  o f a c t i o n from p a r t i c u l a r a c t s w i t h i n  such  c a t e g o r i e s , t h a t h i s attempt t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e n o n - l o g i c a l from i l l o g i c a l b e h a v i o u r i s so u n c l e a r .  Illogical  acts  s u r e l y i n v o l v e mistakes i n l o g i c ; n o n - l o g i c a l acts  fall  outside  the c r i t e r i a o f l o g i c .  Moreover, t h i s f a i l u r e i s  compounded by the f a c t t h a t P a r e t o was unaware o f the f a c t t h a t c r i t e r i a o f l o g i c a r e n o t g i v e n , b u t a r i s e out o f , and are i n t e l l i g i b l e o n l y i n terms o f , modes o f s o c i a l  life.  From t h i s i t f o l l o w s t h a t c r i t e r i a o f l o g i c cannot be app l i e d to modes o f s o c i a l l i f e ple,  as s u c h .  Science,  i s one such mode and r e l i g i o n i s a n o t h e r .  f o r examWithin  each  mode, a c t i o n s may be e i t h e r l o g i c a l o r i l l o g i c a l , b u t n e i t h e r s c i e n c e n o r r e l i g i o n as such i s e i t h e r l o g i c a l o r i l -  -17logical.  Each i s n o n - l o g i c a l , and each has c r i t e r i a o f i n -  t e l l i g i b i l i t y p e c u l i a r to i t s e l f . to  I t f o l l o w s t h a t to t r y  use the aims and a c t i v i t i e s o f one as a means to under-  stand the aims and a c t i v i t i e s o f the o t h e r can o n l y l e a d to misunderstandings.  But i t i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s t h a t P a r e t o 27  together with Prazer - i s g u i l t y o f . It  i s t o M a l i n o w s k i , more than t o any o t h e r s i n g l e  w r i t e r , t h a t we for  owe  the i n s i g h t t h a t the c r u c i a l  d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the t e c h n i c a l from the m a g i c a l must be  those o f the p e o p l e t h e m s e l v e s . did it,  criteria  Por a l t h o u g h  Malinowski  n o t e x p l i c i t l y d i s c u s s t h i s c r i t e r i o n , he made use o f and t h a t , as Nadel comments, " i s s t i l l a l e s s o n worth 28  learning".  Indeed,  r e c o g n i t i o n o f the n e c e s s i t y o f p r o -  v i d i n g an account o f n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f thought - and n o t imposing h i s own  of  i n an a p r i o r i f a s h i o n - permeates  Malinowski*s w r i t i n g s .  Thus, i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f the  T r o b r i a n d o u t l o o k on myth, M a l i n o w s k i a s k s , ...what i s myth to the n a t i v e s ? How do they c o n c e i v e and d e f i n e i t ? Have they any l i n e o f demarcation between the m y t h i c a l and a c t u a l r e a l i t y , and i f so, how do they draw this line? 9 2  Hence, i n s t e a d o f b e i n g p r e s e n t e d w i t h a s e t o f p r e c o n c e i v ed c a t e g o r i e s - l i k e " f a b l e " , we est  "myth", " l e g e n d " , " f a i r y t a l e "  or  a r e g i v e n T r o b r i a n d c a t e g o r i e s , w i t h the n e a r -  E n g l i s h e q u i v a l e n t t o them o f f e r e d as a t r a n s l a t i o n ,  or  an e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e i r meaning when no n e a r E n g l i s h e q u i valent e x i s t s . ^  S i m i l a r l y i n h i s discussion of Trobriand  magic, M a l i n o w s k i  d i d not t r y to provide a s e r i e s of  -18a p r i o r i c a t e g o r i e s of supposedly u n i v e r s a l value, but a t tempted i n s t e a d to s e l e c t a s e t o f words which b e s t 31 the f a c t s o f T r o b r i a n d b e l i e f .  fitted  What, then, were these  f a c t s , and what terms d i d M a l i n o w s k i s e l e c t to d e s c r i b e them? The T r o b r i a n d e r s c o n c e i v e o f two k i n d s o f p r a c t i t i o n e r o f " b l a c k " magic.  These a r e the bwaga*u, always a male  p r a c t i t i o n e r , and the .yoyova, always a f e m a l e .  Of t h e s e ,  the bwaga'u i s the most common and t h e r e a r e u s u a l l y or two men such.  i n each v i l l a g e who  one  are known and f e a r e d as  But a l t h o u g h l e s s common, the yoyova i s c o n s i d e r e d  f a r more d e a d l y than the bwaga'u.  F o r whereas the bwaga'u  i s merely the p o s s e s s o r o f a p o w e r f u l form o f magic, yoyova p o s s e s s a mulukwausi.  o r disembodied second  the  self,  which can f l y through the a i r a t w i l l . The power o f the bwaga u l i e s i n h i s knowledge o f 1  spells.  These he may  l e a r n from h i s f a t h e r  ( w i t h o u t pay-  ment) o r from h i s m a t e r n a l u n c l e ( i f a h i g h f e e i s p a i d ) . An a r i s t o c r a t may  a l s o l e a r n these s p e l l s from an u n r e -  l a t e d commoner, on payment o f a s u i t a b l e f e e . The yoyova, on the o t h e r hand, can o n l y v e r y g r a d u a l l y be i n i t i a t e d i n t o h e r powers.  Indeed, s i n c e the p r o c e s s o f  i n i t i a t i o n b e g i n s w i t h the c u t t i n g o f the u m b i l i c a l cord a t b i r t h , o n l y a s m a l l c h i l d whose mother h e r s e l f i s a yoyova can become one.  T h i s i s n o t , however, to suggest t h a t the  powers o f the yoyova a r e i n any way All  inherent or i n h e r i t e d .  o f them d e r i v e from magic, which must be spoken a t 32  every stage i n the t r a i n i n g o f a young yoyova.  Special  s p e l l s must a l s o be u t t e r e d by the yoyova e v e r y time she  .19 wants t o become i n v i s i b l e ,  to f l y , or to penetrate the  darkness and see i f an a c c i d e n t i s happening. The  bwaga'u hunts down h i s quarry by p l a c i n g a s p e l l  on those p l a c e s the i n t e n d e d  victim frequents.  In t h i s  way, the v i c t i m i s c o n f i n e d t o bed and i m m o b i l i z e d .  This  g i v e s the bwaga'u the o p p o r t u n i t y t o creep out t o the v i c t i m ^ h u t a t n i g h t , which he does equipped w i t h herbs which a s u i t a b l e s p e l l has been u t t e r e d .  over  These herbs the  bwaga'u a t t a c h e s t o a l o n g s t i c k and attempts t o t h r u s t through the t h a t c h w a l l o f the h u t , and i n t o the f i r e  over  which the v i c t i m w i l l be l y i n g i n an attempt t o keep hims e l f warm.  I t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t , s h o u l d the v i c t i m i n h a l e  the fumes o f these b u r n i n g l e a v e s , he w i l l c o n t r a c t a deadly  disease. In another  r i t e the bwaga'u c a r r i e s o u t , some coconut  o i l i s f i r s t b o i l e d i n a s m a l l p o t . Leaves o f v a r i o u s h e r b s a r e then  soaked i n t h i s o i l and l a t e r a r e wrapped  around a s t i n g a r e e s p i n e o r some o t h e r p o i n t e d o b j e c t . i n c a n t a t i o n i s chanted and  over the s p i n e w i t h a t t a c h e d  the bwaga'u h i d e s w i t h i t behind  An  leaves  a shrub o r house.  Then, on s i g h t i n g h i s v i c t i m , he t h r u s t s the "dagger" he has made i n h i s d i r e c t i o n and v i o l e n t l y t u r n s i t i n the a i r , as i f t o s t a b the v i c t i m and t w i s t the spine i n h i s wound. T h i s r i t e i s thought never to f a i l i n k i l l i n g a man, i f 33 p r o p e r l y c a r r i e d out and n o t countered  by another  magician.  When the yoyova - i n h e r mulukwausi form - a t t a c k s a v i c t i m , i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t she may do so simply by k i c k i n g o r h i t t i n g him o r h e r : i l l n e s s r e s u l t s .  More  dangerously,  the mulukwausi may pounce on a v i c t i m and remove h i s o r h e r  20 l u n g s , h e a r t , b r a i n o r tongue.  These may be devoured on  the s p o t , o r c a r r i e d away t o be consumed a t some f u t u r e date.  The v i c t i m i s thought c e r t a i n t o d i e i n a r e l a t i v e l y  s h o r t p e r i o d o f time, u n l e s s another yoyova i s p a i d t o s e a r c h f o r and r e t u r n the m i s s i n g p a r t s b e f o r e they a r e eaten. The bwaga'u p r a c t i s e s h i s a r t on h i s own b e h a l f , o r for  a fee.  I n p u r c h a s i n g h i s s e r v i c e s , c h i e f s and men o f  rank have f i r s t c l a i m and he would n o t s e l l h i s s e r v i c e s t o l e s s e r men f o r u n j u s t c a u s e s .  Among h i s main f u n c t i o n s a r e  the s a f e g u a r d i n g o f the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s o f the c h i e f . Thus the bwaga'u w i l l p u n i s h d i r e c t breaches o f e t i q u e t t e and ceremony, as w e l l a s f l a g r a n t o f f e n c e s l i k e w i t h one o f a c h i e f ' s w i v e s .  adultery  The bwaga'u. t h e r e f o r e , a l -  though he may sometimes abuse h i s powers, cannot be thought 34 o f as a c r i m i n a l b u t i s a mainstay In  o f the s o c i a l o r d e r .  c o n t r a s t t o t h e bwaga'u. who o f t e n t r e a t s h i s spe-  c i a l i t y q u i t e openly i n c o n v e r s a t i o n s , the r o l e o f the yoyova i s n e v e r p u b l i c l y donned.  Ho woman would e v e r d i -  r e c t l y c o n f e s s t o b e i n g a yoyova,  even t o h e r husband.  But, a t the same time, some women a r e marked as such and even p l a y up t o the r o l e .  Por s u p e r n a t u r a l powers a r e a  good s o u r c e o f income and a r e p u t e d yoyova w i l l gifts  receive  on the u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n i s t o  be i n j u r e d i n r e t u r n f o r them, o r i n o r d e r t o undo the d a mage another yoyova has c a u s e d .  Her r o l e i s t h e r e f o r e  s e m i - p u b l i c and the most i m p o r t a n t yoyova a r e known hy name.  Moreover, a c c o r d i n g t o M a l i n o w s k i , " t o have such a  c h a r a c t e r would i n no way s p o i l m a t r i m o n i a l chances  o r do  anything  hut enhance the s o c i a l s t a t u s o f a woman"•  M a l i n o w s k i o f f e r e d , as E n g l i s h e q u i v a l e n t s  to  terms bwagaftu and  yoyova, the words " s o r c e r e r " and  respectively.  thus continued  He  the "witch"  the p o p u l a r E n g l i s h use  of  these terms i n a s e x u a l l y s p e c i f i c manner, a p r a c t i c e which i s p e r f e c t l y r e a s o n a b l e when i t i s r e c a l l e d brianders  themselves draw  also followed  the i n some r e s p e c t s otherwise has  Tro-  a d i s t i n c t i o n between the  g i c a l powers o f the male bwaga*u and T h i s usage was  t h a t the  by Eeo  ma-  the female yoyova. Fortune i n regard  s i m i l a r m a t e r i a l from D o b u , ^  n o t g e n e r a l l y been adopted by  to  but  anthropolo-  gists. Another a s p e c t more e n d u r i n g .  o f M a l i n o w s k i * s t e r m i n o l o g y has  proved  I t w i l l be n o t e d from the above discussions  t h a t M a l i n o w s k i used the term " s o r c e r y " to r e f e r whole domain o f d e s t r u c t i v e magic and o f i t deemed i l l e g i t i m a t e by group c o n c e r n e d .  the  n o t o n l y to t h a t p a r t  the members o f the  O c e a n i a n i s t s have continued 37  terminology i n t h i s respect,  to  social  to employ h i s  a l t h o u g h some w r i t e r s  (E.M.  Berndt and M e g g i t t ) have begun to speak o f R e t a l i a t o r y s o r c e r y " or " l e g i t i m a t e s o r c e r y " i n o r d e r  to  differentiate  t h a t branch o f d e s t r u c t i v e magic which c o n s t i t u t e s the c i a l l y sanctioned sorcery",  redress  o f a wrong from  so-  "illegitimate  or s o c i a l l y condemned d e s t r u c t i v e m a g i c .  In  do-  i n g so, these r e c e n t w r i t e r s on Oceania have adopted a d i s t i n c t i o n l o n g a c c e p t e d by A f r i c a n s p e c i a l i s t s . Standard A f r i c a n i s t usage d e r i v e s , o f c o u r s e , from Evans-Pritchard s 1  c l a s s i c s t u d y o f the Azande.  If  M a l i n o w s k i d i d n o t r e n d e r e x p l i c i t the c r i t e r i a he was  em-  22p l o y i n g i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the c a t e g o r i e s he d i d , EvansP r i t c h a r d was e x p l i c i t i n emphasizing t h a t he was n o t in»t e r e s t e d i n d e f i n i n g w i t c h c r a f t , o r a c l e s and magic as " i d e a l t y p e s " o f thought, h u t was a n x i o u s r a t h e r t o e x p l a i n what the Azande themselves u n d e r s t o o d when they spoke o f mangu, soroka  and ngua.  Thus he wrote,  I am n o t g r e a t l y concerned w i t h the q u e s t i o n whether o r a c l e s should be c l a s s i f i e d as magic, n o r whether the b e l i e f t h a t c h i l d r e n a r e u n l u c k y who c u t t h e i r upper t e e t h b e f o r e t h e i r l o w e r i s a form o f w i t c h c r a f t ; n o r y e t whether taboo i s n e g a t i v e magic• My aim has been t o make a number o f E n g l i s h words s t a n d f o r Zande n o t i o n s and t o use the same term o n l y and a l ways when the same n o t i o n i s b e i n g discussed* F o r example, the Zande does n o t speak o f o r a c l e s o r taboos as ngua, and t h e r e f o r e I do n o t c a l l them "magic".39 U n l i k e the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d e r s , the Azande do n o t make any  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between t h e o c c u l t powers o f male and  female.  Thus i n c o n t r a s t t o the T r o b r i a n d d i s t i n c t i o n b e *  tween male bwaga'u and female yoyova, the Azande make a differentiation  of a quite d i f f e r e n t  mangu. g b i g b i t a ngua and bagbuduma. these  Zande c o n c e p t s ,  Evans-Pritchard  o r d e r : t h a t between In translation of o f f e r e d the terms  " w i t c h c r a f t " , " s o r c e r y " and "vengeance magic" r e s p e c t i v e l y . I n d o i n g s o , he abandoned t h e c o n v e n t i o n  - f o l l o w e d by  M a l i n o w s k i - o f u s i n g the terms " s o r c e r e r " and " w i t c h "  with  a s e x u a l r e f e r e n t , s i n c e t h i s r e f e r e n t has no sense i n the c o n t e x t o f Zande s o c i e t y .  Even more r a d i c a l l y , i n u s i n g  the term " w i t c h " t o d e s c r i b e t h e Zande p o s s e s s o r  o f mangu,  23B v a n s - P r i t c h a r d abandoned t h e o l d l i n k between the n o t i o n s o f w i t c h c r a f t and magic. The Azande c o n c e p t u a l i z e manga as a p h y s i c a l  substance  found i n t h e b e l l i e s o f i r a mangu ( p o s s e s s o r s o f manguK I t i s u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d as an o v a l s w e l l i n g o r sack, o f b l a c k i s h o r r e d d i s h c o l o u r , w h i c h sometimes c o n t a i n s t h e seeds o f pumpkin and sesame consumed by the i r a mangu i n the  gardens. Mangu i s b e l i e v e d t o be i n h e r i t e d u n i l i n e a l l y from t h e  p a r e n t o f the same s e x . I n o t h e r words, a female i r a mangu w i l l pass on mangu t o a l l o f h e r daughters  b u t t o none o f  h e r sons, w h i l e a male i r a mangu t r a n s m i t s mangu t o a l l o f 40 h i s sons b u t t o none o f h i s  daughters.  I r a mangu a r e b e l i e v e d t o show a few e x t e r n a l s i g n s o f their condition.  Thus t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f r e d eyes, o r t h e  i s s u i n g o f maggots from a person*s body b e f o r e b u r i a l , a r e 41 c o n s i d e r e d i n d i c a t i v e o f mangu. I r a mangu a r e a l s o thought t o have u n p l e a s a n t p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s : A s p i t e f u l d i s p o s i t i o n arouses suspicions of witchcraft. Glum and i l l tempered p e o p l e , those who s u f f e r from some p h y s i c a l d e f o r m i t y , and those who have been m u t i l a t e d a r e s u s p e c t e d on account o f t h e i r s p i t e * f u l n e s s . Men whose h a b i t s a r e d i r t y , such as those who d e f e c a t e i n t h e gardens o f o t h e r s and u r i n a t e i n publ i c , o r who e a t w i t h o u t washing t h e i r hands, and e a t bad f o o d l i k e t o r t o i s e , t o a d , and h o u s e - r a t , a r e the k i n d o f p e o p l e who might w e l l b e w i t c h o t h e r s . The same i s thought o f unmannerly p e o p l e who e n t e r i n t o a man's h u t without f i r s t asking h i s permission;  —24** who cannot d i s g u i s e t h e i r greed i n the p r e s e n c e o f f o o d o r b e e r ; who make o f f e n s i v e remarks t o t h e i r wives and n e i g h b o u r s and f l i n g i n s u l t s and c u r s e s a f t e r them; and so on.* Ira  mangu a r e h e l d by the Azande t o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r  m i s f o r t u n e s , which they d e l i b e r a t e l y cause t o f a l l on people.  I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e t h a t t h e i r method o f d o i n g  so i n v o l v e s no m a g i c a l t e c h n i q u e ( t h e r e i s no r i t e , no s p e l l , no use o f m e d i c i n e s and no n e c e s s a r y r i t u a l  condi-  t i o n on the p a r t o f the p e r f o r m e r ) b u t r a t h e r i s i n t h e n a ture o f a psychic a c t .  The i r a mangu i s b e l i e v e d t o d i s -  p a t c h h i s mbisimo mangu ( t h e s p i r i t o f h i s mangu) to accomp l i s h h i s ends.  The mbisimo mangu i s b e l i e v e d t o remove  p a r t o f the s p i r i t o f the v i c t i m ' s f l e s h t o devour; by so«* d o i n g , i t causes i l l n e s s and d e a t h . Ira  mangu o f t e n combine t o a s s i s t each o t h e r i n crimes  and t o f e a s t t o g e t h e r .  They a r e b e l i e v e d to be o r g a n i z e d  i n t o a b r o t h e r h o o d p r e s i d e d over by t h e o l d e s t and most e x p e r i e n c e d members.  The t r a i n i n g and t u i t i o n o f t h e younger  by the o l d e r i r a mangu i s thought n e c e s s a r y b e f o r e a young w i t c h can become s t r o n g enough t o k i l l h i s n e i g h b o u r s Young c h i l d r e n who a r e i r a mangu a r e n o t c o n s i d e r e d by the  Azande t o be dangerous,  to  be a b l e t o i n j u r e o t h e r s .  for  s i n c e t h e i r mangu i s t o o s m a l l I t i s even thought p o s s i b l e  a p e r s o n ' s mangu t o remain i n o p e r a t i v e , o r c o o l , n  throughout t h e course o f h i s o r h e r l i f e . is the  w  I n t h i s way, i t  c o n s i d e r e d p o s s i b l e f o r a man t o be an i r a mangu and a t  same time a good c i t i z e n , meeting h i s o b l i g a t i o n s and 44 l i v i n g on good terms w i t h h i s n e i g h b o u r s . F o r mangu t o  -25be dangerous,  i t must f i r s t be a c t i v a t e d by h a t r e d .  As one  Zande e x p r e s s e d i t t o E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , h a t r e d s p r i n g s f i r s t in  the b r e a s t and then goes down t o the b e l l y t o rouse 45  witchcraft. Anybody except an a r i s t o c r a t may be an i r a mangu, and almost everyone  i s accused, by someone o r o t h e r a t some  period of t h e i r l i v e s , bours.  o f h a v i n g bewitched  t h e i r neigh-  U s u a l l y however, i t i s o n l y those who make them-  s e l v e s d i s l i k e d by many o f t h e i r neighbours who a r e o f t e n 46 accused o f w i t c h c r a f t and earn r e p u t a t i o n s as i r a mangu. Most s u s p i c i o n i s a t t a c h e d t o t h e aged s i n c e i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , t h e o l d e r a man grows the more p o t e n t h i s mangu becomes and t h e more v i o l e n t and unscrupul o u s he becomes i n i t s u s e . Most i r a mangu a r e b e l i e v e d t o e v e n t u a l l y f a l l v i c t i m t o vengeance magic, s o r c e r y , o r the 47 m a l i c e o f a n o t h e r i r a mangu. Ira ira  mangu a r e c o n s i d e r e d by the Azande t o be l i k e  g b i g b i t a ngua ( s o r c e r e r s ) who p r a c t i s e a v a r i a n t o f  ngua (magic) t h a t i s c o n s i d e r e d b o t h i l l i c i t Ira  and immoral.  mangu and i r a g b i g b i t a ngua a r e seen as b e i n g a l i k e  "the enemies o f men", and a r e t h e r e f o r e p l a c e d i n the same moral c a t e g o r y .  Mangu and g b i g b i t a ngua a r e t o g e t h e r op-  posed by and opposed to wene ngua (good m a g i c ) .  But  g b i g b i t a ngua i s a l s o c o n c e i v e d by t h e Azande i n a v e r y d i f f e r e n t way from mangu, i n t h a t i t i s n o t i n any way dependent on an i n h e r e n t power i n the i r a g b i g b i t a ngua. Rather, i t employs a m a g i c a l t e c h n i q u e and i s a v a i l a b l e t o anyone who can secure the r e q u i s i t e medicines and who i s f a m i l i a r w i t h the p r o p e r procedure f o r t h e i r  utilization.  -26The most f e a r e d o f a l l bad medic i n e , and the one most o f t e n c i t e d as cause of s i c k n e s s i s menzere. I t i s : p r o b a b l y d e r i v e d from an a r b o r e a l parasite. The s o r c e r e r goes by n i g h t , g e n e r a l l y a t f u l l moon, t o the homes t e a d o f his^ v i c t i m and p l a c e s the m e d i c i n e on i t s t h r e s h o l d , i n the c e n t r e o f h i s ; homestead, o r i n the p a t h l e a d i n g to; i t . As he does so he u t t e r s a s p e l l over i t . I t i s s a i d t h a t i f he succeeds i n s l a y i n g h i s enemy he w i l l mourn him by w e a r i n g a g i r d l e o f b i n g b a g r a s s f o r s e v e r a l days a f t e r h i s death. I f the s o r c e r e r n e g l e c t s ; t h i s r i t e he may f a l l s i c k . The g i r d l e would not l e a d too h i s d e t e c t i o n "because men o f t e n mourn f o r a few. days a f t e r the death o f d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s . Menzere i s so potent a medicine t h a t should any man f o r whom i t i s not i n t e n d e d s t e p over i t he w i l l be i l l f o r a w h i l e though he w i l l not d i e . There are many a n t i d o t e s t o menzere and a man who knows t h e s e w i l l be sent f o r immediately i f a man suspects, he i s ; a t t a c k e d by i t . Menzere i s r e g a r d e d w i t h abhorrence by/ a l l . Azande have always; t o l d me t h a t i n the p a s t those who k i l l e d men w i t h w i t c h c r a f t were g e n e r a l l y a l l o w e d t o pay compens a t i o n , but t h a t those who k i l l e d men by s o r c e r y were i n v a r i a b l y put t o death, and p r o b a b l y t h e i r kinsmen a l s o . Other bad m e d i c i n e s i n c l u d e the h a i r s o f the A s p e l l i s u t t e r e d over t h e s e ,  and  man's b e e r i n o r d e r t o s l a y him.  they are p l a c e d  i f an a n t i d o t e  t e r e d , he w i l l d i e .  G b i g b i t a ngua may o r a c l e , and  ant-bear. in a  They cause h i s neck  tongue t o s w e l l , and  d i c t o f the p o i s o n  g  and  i s not q u i c k l y a d m i n i s a l s o a f f e c t the  ver-  can break up the f a m i l y o f a  -27man.  49 I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e Azande do n o t  s t i g m a t i z e g b i g b i t a ngua as bad simply because i t d e s t r o y s the h e a l t h and p r o p e r t y o f o t h e r s , b u t because i t f l o u t s moral r u l e s .  Wene ngua (good magic) may a l s o be l e t h a l ,  but i t s t r i k e s o n l y those who have committed a c r i m e .  Thus  bagbuduma, t h e vengeance magic used a g a i n s t w i t c h e s , i s t h e most d e s t r u c t i v e y e t most honourable o f a l l  Zande magic.  I t a c t s o n l y a g a i n s t a g u i l t y w i t c h , and i f attempted t o be used t o k i l l  an i n n o c e n t man o u t o f s p i t e , i t would n o t  o n l y prove i n e f f e c t i v e , b u t would a c t u a l l y t u r n a g a i n s t and d e s t r o y t h e m a g i c i a n who sent i t .  Such magic o p e r a t e s r e -  g u l a r l y and i m p a r t i a l l y i n e x e c u t i n g j u s t i c e i n accordance w i t h the moral and l e g a l s a n c t i o n s o f the  community.  G b i g b i t a ngua, on the o t h e r hand, i s bad medicine, f o r it  does n o t g i v e judgements, b u t s l a y s one o f t h e p a r t i e s  to a d i s p u t e w i t h o u t r e g a r d t o the m e r i t s o f the c a s e . I t i s a p e r s o n a l weapon aimed a t some i n d i v i d u a l whom the i r a g b i g b i t a ngua d i s l i k e s , b u t a g a i n s t whom he has no moral o r l e g a l case.  I t i s used out o f s p i t e a g a i n s t men who have  broken no law o r moral c o n v e n t i o n . No Zande w i l l c o n f e s s h i m s e l f t o be an i r a g b i g b i t a ngua, and most do n o t even l i k e  to discuss the matter i n  case s u s p i c i o n s be aroused c o n c e r n i n g the sources o f t h e i r knowledge.  G b i g b i t a ngua must be performed a t t h e dead o f  n i g h t , f o r t h e i r a g b i g b i t a ngua would be s l a i n i f seen practicing his rites. In t r a n s l a t i n g ngua a s "magic", g b i g b i t a ngua a s " s o r c e r y " , bagbuduma as "vengeance magic" and mangu as  -28" w i t c h c r a f t " , E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d was  not seeking to devise a  t e r m i n o l o g y o f g e n e r a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y to o t h e r c u l t u r e s , was  but  s e a r c h i n g i n s t e a d o n l y f o r some E n g l i s h terms which  c o u l d be used  c o n s i s t e n t l y to r e f e r to what are  Zande c o n c e p t s .  distinct  Nevertheless, despite h i s h e s i t a t i o n i n  t r a n s c e n d i n g the f a c t s o f Zande ethnography, EvansP r i t c h a r d ^ t e r m i n o l o g y can be viewed as s u g g e s t i n g as a c o n v e n t i o n a l usage the term  " w i t c h c r a f t " t o r e f e r to an i n -  h e r i t e d o r i n h e r e n t c o n d i t i o n , " s o r c e r y " t o r e f e r t o the a p p l i c a t i o n o f m a g i c a l t e c h n i q u e s i n a c r i m i n a l manner and "vengeance magic" or " d e s t r u c t i v e magic" to r e f e r to the s o c i a l l y s a n c t i o n e d use o f magic i n o r d e r t o p u n i s h a  cri-  m i n a l or p r o t e c t p r o p e r t y . The main impact was  o f E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s work, however,  n o t t o come u n t i l the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the end o f the  Second World War,  and thus the t e r m i n o l o g y he suggested  n o t f i n d immediate a c c e p t a n c e .  did  Kluckhohn, i n d e e d , seems t o  have w r i t t e n Navaho W i t c h c r a f t w i t h o u t even h a v i n g r e a d W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande.  Perhaps  because o f t h i s , Kluckhohn d e s c r i b e d a c l a s s o f phenomena among the Navaho as " w i t c h c r a f t " which stands f a r c l o s e r to " s o r c e r y " i n E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s use o f the term.  "Sorcery"  he a l s o used i n q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t sense from EvansP r i t c h a r d , to d e s c r i b e a sub-type  of witchcraft.  p i t e the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the t e r m i n o l o g y he Kluckhohn, l i k e M a l i n o w s k i  Yet  des-  adopted,  and E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , o f f e r e d h i s  t e r m i n o l o g y p r i m a r i l y t o serve as a s e t o f c o n v e n i e n t l a b e l s which c o u l d serve to approximate i n t r a n s l a t i o n Navaho terms.  He made no attempt  of  to apply a set of precon-  -29c e i v e d c a t e g o r i e s i n an a p r i o r i manner. Kluckhohn used the term " w i t c h c r a f t " ( u n c a p i t a l i z e d ) as a g e n e r i c c a t e g o r y  to d e s c r i b e f o u r sub-types o f Navaho  b e l i e f : those o f Witchery, S o r c e r y ,  Wizardry and  Witchcraft  ( a l l capitalized).  considered  the concepts o f W i t c h e r y and  Frenzy  Of these b e l i e f s , Kluckhohn Sorcery  most c l o s e l y l i n k e d i n n a t i v e thought, and  t o be  the  to form, t o -  g e t h e r w i t h W i z a r d r y , a major p a t t e r n o f a t t r i b u t e s c l e a r l y 50 d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from Frenzy W i t c h c r a f t . s p e c i f y the c o n t e n t thought as i.  We may  briefly  o f each o f these c a t e g o r i e s o f Navaho  follows:  Witchery i s normally  or spouse who  l e a r n t from a grandparent,  i s a l s o a Witch.  I n i t i a t i o n requires  k i l l i n g of a close r e l a t i v e , usually a s i b l i n g .  around a t g r e a t speeds i n the s k i n s o f c o y o t e s , crows.  v i c t i m s , i n i t i a t e new  members, k i l l  i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h dead women.  are a l s o sung and consider and  assemblies  actions  v i c t i m s from a  by means o f r i t u a l i z e d p r a c t i c e s , and p r a c t i s e and  to roam  bears,  They h o l d  or "Sabbaths" a t which they p l a n c o n c e r t e d  t h a t these p a i n t i n g s r e p r e s e n t  Some Navahos  intended  i n t o each p a i n t i n g by means o f a s m a l l bow.  may  distance  cannibalism  victims  b e l i e v e t h a t the c h i e f W i t c h shoots a t u r q u o i s e  These p o i s o n s  against  A t these meetings, songs  d r y p a i n t i n g s are made.  a l s o thought to make " p o i s o n s "  the  Witches  are b e l i e v e d to be e s p e c i a l l y a c t i v e a t n i g h t , and  owls, wolves, d e s e r t f o x e s and  parent  bead  Witches a r e  from the f l e s h o f  corpses.  be dropped i n through the smoke-holes o f  hogans, p l a c e d i n the mouth o r nose o f a s l e e p i n g v i c t i m , blown from furrowed s t i c k s i n t o the f a c e o f a v i c t i m i n the  -30m i d s t o f a l a r g e crowd, or a d m i n i s t e r e d by means o f a  ciga-  rette.  con-  T h i s l e a d s e i t h e r to sudden f a i n t i n g , l o s s o f  s c i o u s n e s s , l o c k j a w and a s w o l l e n tongue, o r e l s e the g r a 51 d u a l w a s t i n g away o f the ii.  victim.  S o r c e r y i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o Witchery i n Navaho  thought,  and S o r c e r e r s are b e l i e v e d to take p a r t i n the  same Sabbaths as those i n which Witches p a r t i c i p a t e .  Sor-  c e r y , however, employs a number o f t e c h n i q u e s p e c u l i a r t o itself.  Of t h e s e , the c a s t i n g o f s p e l l s i s the most cha-  racteristic. a l l y encounter  There i s no need f o r the S o r c e r e r to person-* his victim.  A l l that i s necessary i s that  some c l o t h i n g or p e r s o n a l o f f a l , b e l o n g i n g to the be o b t a i n e d .  T h i s i s then b u r i e d t o g e t h e r w i t h  victim,  corpse  f l e s h or some o t h e r m a t e r i a l from a grave, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y i s b u r i e d i n a grave, or under a t r e e which has been s t r u c k by l i g h t n i n g .  The  S o r c e r e r then r e c i t e s a s p e l l , o f t e n  s p e c i f y i n g the number o f days a f t e r which the v i c t i m i s to die.  T h i s s p e l l may  sung.  be chanted,  sung, or b o t h chanted  Sometimes a "good p r a y e r " may  as a p a r t o f the t e c h n i q u e .  and  be r e c i t e d backwards  Other procedures  f o l l o w e d by  S o r c e r e r s i n c l u d e w h i s p e r i n g a s p e l l w h i l e s t e p p i n g over someone, t o r t u r i n g the e f f i g y o f a v i c t i m , the use o f evil*-* w i s h i n g s a n d - p a i n t i n g s s i m i l a r to those Witches employ, s c r a t c h i n g the image o f a v i c t i m on a stone which i s then c o n c e a l e d i n the v i c t i m ' s home, c a r or saddle-bag, c u t t i n g - o p e n o f the b e l l y o f a toad and the p l a c i n g it  o f a charm w h i l e r e p e a t i n g a s p e l l .  the  inside  Each S o r c e r e r i s  a l s o b e l i e v e d to have a s p e c i a l power which a s s i s t s The  and  e a r t h , the sun, l i g h t n i n g , b e a r s , owls and  him.  snakes a r e  -31all  examples o f these powers.  Whirlwinds  and some a n i m a l s , 52  e s p e c i a l l y dogs, a r e a l s o thought t o p r a c t i s e S o r c e r y . iii.  W i z a r d r y , l i k e Witchery and S o r c e r y , r e q u i r e s the  k i l l i n g o f a s i b l i n g o r c l o s e r e l a t i v e as a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o participation. e v e r , Wizards  I n c o n t r a s t t o Witches and S o r c e r e r s , howdo n o t p a r t i c i p a t e i n Sabbaths,  become were-animals.  n o r do they  P a r t i c u l a r t o Wizardry i s the i n t r o -  ^ e c t i o n o f f o r e i g n o b j e c t s - p a r t i c l e s o f s t o n e , bone, a s h , c h a r c o a l o r q u i l l - i n t o the body o f the v i c t i m . g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d t o be accomplished j e c t s i n a b a s k e t and making i t r i s e  This i s  by p l a c i n g such obthrough the a i r by i n -  c a n t a t i o n , a l t h o u g h some Navahos c o n s i d e r t h a t the Wizard does h i s " s h o o t i n g " through a tube, and some c o n s i d e r t h a t he must remove h i s c l o t h e s and r u b ashes on h i s body b e f o r e doing t h i s .  E m a c i a t i o n , t o g e t h e r w i t h p a i n i n the a r e a  where the m i s s i l e i s l o d g e d , i s u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r e d d i a g n o s 53 t i c o f Wizardry. i v . F r e n z y W i t c h c r a f t remains  w i t h i n the g e n e r a l corpus o f  Navaho w i t c h c r a f t , i n t h a t i t i s a m a l e v o l e n t a c t i v i t y , d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t the r i c h i n p a r t i c u l a r .  I t resembles  other  forms o f Navaho w i t c h c r a f t i n r e q u i r i n g the k i l l i n g o f a s i b l i n g as the p r i c e of i n i t i a t i o n .  Characteristic of  Frenzy W i t c h c r a f t i s the use o f s p e c i a l p l a n t s , o f which d a t u r a i s the most prominent.  Each p l a n t must be gathered  i n a p r e s c r i b e d manner, and each p l a n t has i t s own  song.  I t may be a d m i n i s t e r e d i n f o o d , i n a c i g a r e t t e , o r by k i s s ing.  Frenzy W i t c h c r a f t i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l o v e magic,  t r a d i n g and gambling,  and may a l s o be used f o r s u c c e s s i n  h u n t i n g and s a l t - g a t h e r i n g .  I t s t e c h n i q u e s do n o t i n v o l v e  -32the dead and transform pressed  i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s do not a t t e n d  themselves i n t o a n i m a l s .  Pear i s u n i v e r s a l l y ex-  i n r e g a r d t o F r e n z y W i t c h c r a f t , but  u n a n i m i t y t h a t i t i s u n q u a l i f i e d l y bad. s i d e r t h a t i t may  Sabbaths o r  t h e r e i s no :  Some Navahos con-  be usedi i n r e l a t i v e l y r e s p e c t a b l e ways  l i k e s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n , o r f o r success: i n t r a d i n g o r gambling 54 against out-groupers. These c a t e g o r i e s o f Navaho w i t c h b e l i e f a r e so l y d i f f e r e n t from those o f the T r o b r i a n d e r s t h a t i t i s o n l y t o be  and  the Azande  expected t h a t the t e r m i n o l o g y  ed by Kluckhohn i n t r a n s l a t i o n o f them s h o u l d e d l y from t h a t used by M a l i n o w s k i o r Moreover, i t i s d i f f i c u l t would have been any  obvious-  employ-  d i f f e r mark-  Evans-Pritchard.  to b e l i e v e that these d i f f e r e n c e s  l e s s s u b s t a n t i a l even i f Kluckhohn  been f a m i l i a r w i t h E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  1  had  s work, g i v e n his? con-  c e r n t o u n d e r s t a n d the Navaho world-view/ r a t h e r t h a n a t t e m p t i n g t o develop broad c r o s s - c u l t u r a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . Our  s u r v e y o f the t e r m i n o l o g i e s employed i n the p e r i o d  tween the two  w o r l d wars; t h e r e f o r e l e a d s us t o i d e n t i f y  betwo  major f e a t u r e s o f t e r m i n o l o g i c a l e v o l u t i o n : i.  The  r e c o g n i t i o n , i m p l i c i t o r e x p l i c i t , o f the  o f e l u c i d a t i n g n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f thought and n e c e s s i t y of adapting  importance of  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l terminology  the to  this  end. ii.  The  l a c k o f any  consistency  i n t e r m i n o l o g i c a l conven-  t i o n s adopted by d i f f e r e n t w r i t e r s . In the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the Second World War,  the  sit-  u a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d t o the l a s t of; these f a c t s : has- changed considerably,  and  o f the t h r e e d i f f e r e n t s e t s o f  terminology  -33adopted by M a l i n o w s k i , Kluckhohn and of Evans-Pritchard standard.  has  Evans-Pritchard,  come c l o s e s t to b e i n g accepted  T h i s i s f o r a number o f r e a s o n s .  Evans-Pritchard's  study was  as  Firstly,  o f an A f r i c a n p e o p l e , as have  been the overwhelming m a j o r i t y  of studies of w i t c h c r a f t  s o r c e r y i n the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the Second World Apart  that  and  War.  from the f a c t t h a t h i s work would t h e r e f o r e tend to  read more c a r e f u l l y by A f r i c a n i s t s than would be  the  i f the Azande i n h a b i t e d Oceania o r the Americas, a s i m i l a r i t y i n the e t h n o g r a p h i c evidence b e i n g  be  case  greater  considered  would r e n d e r h i s t e r m i n o l o g i c a l system more d i r e c t l y  appli-  cable.  the  ( I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g , i n t h i s r e s p e c t , to note  g r e a t e r i n f l u e n c e o f M a l i n o w s k i * s t e r m i n o l o g i c a l convent i o n s among O c e a n i a n i s t s . ) tance i s p r o b a b l y  A second f a c t o r o f some impor-  the f a c t t h a t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  B r i t i s h a n t h r o p o l o g i s t and w i t c h c r a f t , s o r c e r y and B r i t i s h anthropologists.  is a  t h a t most subsequent r e s e a r c h  magic has been c a r r i e d out One  by  o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s i s  t h a t h i s s o c i o l o g i s t i c approach i s f a r c l o s e r to methodological  on  presuppositions  the  o f l a t e r i n v e s t i g a t o r s than  i s Kluckhohn*s i n t e r e s t i n p e r s o n a l i t y and  culture.  More-  over, i t i s n e c e s s a r y to p o i n t out t h a t M a l i n o w s k i ' s theor e t i c a l w r i t i n g s on w i t c h c r a f t and i n s i z e and  i n substance) and  influence for this  s o r c e r y are  slight  (both  have not e x e r c i s e d a p r o f o u n d  reason.  Among c o n s c i o u s  attempts to s t a n d a r d i z e  Evans-Pritchard*s  terminology,  i s worth n o t i n g .  Suggesting "wizardry"  to c o v e r b o t h w i t c h c r a f t and  and  that of Middleton  generalize and  as a g e n e r i c  s o r c e r y , they have  Winter term  defined  -34w i t c h c r a f t as b e i n g based on a " m y s t i c a l and i n n a t e power", and  s o r c e r y as a m a g i c a l  (objectively fallacious) 55  technique  p o t e n t i a l l y a v a i l a b l e t o anyone.  While few a n t h r o p o l o -  g i s t s have a c c e p t e d  to use w i z a r d r y as a 56  t h i s suggestion  g e n e r i c term c o v e r i n g b o t h w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y , have adopted the convention  most  o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between  w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y a l o n g the l i n e s suggested by 57 Middleton  and W i n t e r .  Unfortunately,  t h i s attempt a t a t e r m i n o l o g i c a l s t a n -  d a r d i z a t i o n can h a r d l y be d e s c r i b e d as an u n q u a l i f i e d success.  Por few o t h e r s o c i e t i e s have the same n o t i o n s o f  w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y as the Azande have.  Consequently,  the attempt t o a p p l y the terminology, o r i g i n a l l y d e v i s e d t o fit  the Zande f a c t s , t o o t h e r c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s has g i v e n  r i s e to a considerable  degree o f c o n f u s i o n .  u l a t e d as b r o a d l y as by M i d d l e t o n  Por, even f o r -  and Winter, t h i s  termino-  l o g y encounters c o n s i d e r a b l e problems o f a p p l i c a t i o n .  Thus  t r a i t s a s s i g n e d by one w r i t e r t o " w i t c h c r a f t " a r e a s s i g n e d by a n o t h e r t o " s o r c e r y " , and M i d d l e t o n  himself writes that  among the Lugbara, "the a b i l i t y , and the wish, t o p o i s o n people by s o r c e r y may be i n h e r i t e d , e s p e c i a l l y from the mo58 ther", E. Resolution o f Terminological I t i s not,  Difficulties  o f course, n e c e s s a r y  to c o n c e p t u a l i z e  w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y as d i s c r e e t c a t e g o r i e s a d m i t t i n g o f no i n t e r m e d i a t e  forms.  Rather, one might f o l l o w the p r o -  cedure w i d e l y used i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s sciously or unconsciously)  of attempting  (whether conto construct  ideal  -35types r a t h e r than t h a t o f a t t e m p t i n g  to e s t a b l i s h e m p i r i -  c a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e categories of d i r e c t a p p l i c a t i o n . systematized  by Max  Weber, t h i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l  First  approach  been suggested as r e l e v a n t f o r a n t h r o p o l o g y by W.J.  Goode.  Goode a p p l i e s the method, i n the form o f o p p o s i t i o n s l a r i d e a l types,  has  of  po-  to t r y and make some sense o f the o l d d i s -  t i n c t i o n between magic and  religion.  He  explains  that:  In i t s a p p l i c a t i o n one a c c e p t s the i d e a t h a t any g i v e n m a g i c a l o r r e l i g i o u s system i s c o n c r e t e l y n o t to be found a t e i t h e r extreme, but somewhere between the two. This i s , of c o u r s e , always an a p p r o x i m a t i o n , as the a p p l i c a t i o n o f any s c i e n t i f i c c o n c e p t to c o n c r e t e s i t u a t i o n s w i l l be: the unique s i t u a t i o n or phenomenon r a r e l y , i f e v e r , equates w i t h the c o n c e p t u a l d e s c r i p t i o n or t h e o r e t i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n o f any s c i e n c e . Furthermore, the d e c i s i o n as toward which p o l e a s u p e r n a t u r a l system f a l l s re-» q u i r e s s e v e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , each o f which i s a v a r i a b l e r u n n i n g between two o p p o s i n g or a n t i t h e t i c a l forms•59 U t i l i z i n g Goode*s s u g g e s t i o n , i d e a l types,  we  might c o n s t r u c t  polar  o p p o s i n g s o r c e r y to w i t c h c r a f t , i n some such  manner as i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Diagram One  (next p a g e ) .  I f such a scheme were employed, most o f the phenpmena so f a r d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r  c o u l d be grouped w i t h o u t  d i f f i c u l t y as s t a n d i n g c l o s e r e i t h e r to w i t c h c r a f t o r to s o r c e r y . I t would, however, be  the s o r c e r y p o l e which con-  formed more c l o s e l y to the e m p i r i c a l data craft pole.  than the  F o r example, the Azande b e l i e v e t h a t  witchwitch-  -36-  WITCHCRAFT  SORCERY  Acquisition  inherited  learnt  Method  innate power  magical technique  Psychology  unconscious & unintentional  conscious & intentional  restricted  unrestricted  CHARACTERISTIC  Potential Distribution  Diagram 1.  W i t c h c r a f t and S o r c e r y  c r a f t may be c o n s c i o u s  and u n i n t e n t i o n a l , b u t a l s o  that i t i s u s u a l l y conscious w i t c h c r a f t does n o t ,  as P o l a r I d e a l Types  and i n t e n t i o n a l .  consider  Zande  t h e r e f o r e , e x a c t l y c o i n c i d e w i t h the  w i t c h c r a f t p o l e o f our i d e a l t y p e .  Zande s o r c e r y , on the  o t h e r hand, e x a c t l y f i t s our d e s i g n a t i o n o f i t i n terms o f the i d e a l But  type. even a l t h o u g h the attempt t o c o n s t r u c t i d e a l  types  might seem to o f f e r advantages i n comparison t o t h a t o f t r y i n g to f o r m u l a t e bility, and  categories of direct empirical applica-  the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f p o l a r i d e a l types o f w i t c h c r a f t  s o r c e r y a l o n g the l i n e s suggested above  encounters s e r i o u s d i f f i c u l t i e s . t h a t any attempt t o formulate a content  nevertheless  T h i s i s f o r t h e reason  c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c a t e g o r i e s on  b a s i s n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e s a departure  from the  c a t e g o r i e s o f p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t i e s and may t h e r e f o r e impede our u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e s e .  -37Por i n s t a n c e , the s e t o f c r i t e r i a used t o group a p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f phenomena towards one other o f the continuum, may  not r e a l l y he  Among the Azande, to take one bewitchment may  end or the  equivalent.  example, i s the n o t i o n t h a t  c o n s t i t u t e an unconscious and u n i n t e n t i o n a l  a c t as s i g n i f i c a n t as the n o t i o n s t h a t w i t c h c r a f t i s i n h e r i t e d and c o n s t i t u t e s an i n n a t e power? Perhaps one might t r y t o circumvent t h i s o b j e c t i o n by a r g u i n g t h a t the c r i t e r i a s e l e c t e d f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g an i d e a l type must be l o g i c a l l y dependent on each o t h e r .  Thus  one might argue t h a t the c r i t e r i a s e l e c t e d f o r d e f i n i n g s o r c e r y i n Diagram 1 ( p r e c e d i n g page) are s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h a t i t f o l l o w s from the f a c t t h a t s o r c e r y employs a m a g i c a l technique  t h a t i t must be l e a r n e d , t h a t i t s a p p l i c a t i o n  must be c o n s c i o u s , and t h a t i t s p o t e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n among the p o p u l a t i o n i s u n l i m i t e d .  A g a i n s t t h i s view, I would  argue t h a t l o g i c a l dependencies are s i g n i f i c a n t only i n so f a r as they are a c t u a l l y p e r c e i v e d as b e i n g  such  w i t h i n the c o n t e x t s o f the p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f systems concerned.  D i f f e r e n t peoples w i l l draw d i f f e r e n t  from the same premises, and ferent premises. determining  conclusions  the same c o n c l u s i o n from d i f -  The problem o f s e l e c t i n g c r i t e r i a and  t h e i r equivalence  t h e r e f o r e remains.  In many r e s p e c t s , the attempt to c o n s t r u c t i d e a l o f magic and residues  s o r c e r y may  of  be compared to P a r e t o s 1  types  search f o r  ( r e c u r r i n g f e a t u r e s i n our o b s e r v a t i o n o f human  s o c i e t y which p r o v i d e a s u i t a b l e s u b j e c t f o r s c i e n t i f i c generalization). o f water, b l o o d  Examples o f r e s i d u e s are baptism (the use or other substances f o r purposes o f r i t u a l  -38o r moral p u r i f i c a t i o n ) andi s e x u a l a s c e t i c i s m  (the  notion  t h a t s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s a r e t o be avoided! as b e i n g m o r a l l y o r p h y s i c a l l y d e b i l i t a t i n g , o r f o r some o t h e r r e a s o n ) .  The  problem i s t h a t phenomena l i k e s e x u a l a s c e t i c i s m and bapt i s m - and, f o r t h a t m a t t e r , t h e i n h e r i t a n c e o f w i t c h c r a f t , or ensorcellment  by m a g i c a l t e c h n i q u e s - arer n o t simply  g i v e n t o our o b s e r v a t i o n ,  b u t can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d  through a process of a b s t r a c t i o n .  The common f e a t u r e s used  t o d e v e l o p such c a t e g o r i e s as baptism, s e x u a l ensorcellment  only  by m a g i c a l t e c h n i q u e s ,  asceticism,  and the i n h e r i t a n c e o f  w i t c h c r a f t , a r e d e r i v e d by a n a l y s i n g them out o f the t o t a l systems o f i d e a s from which t h e y d e r i v e t h e i r sense. i d e a s cannot be t o r n out o f t h e i r c o n t e x t  But  i n t h i s way, s i n c e  t h e i r meaning i s determined by t h e r o l e they p l a y i n t h e system o f which they form a p a r t .  As Winch remarks,  I t i s n o n s e n s i c a l t o take s e v e r a l systems o f i d e a s , f i n d an element i n each which can be expressed i n t h e same v e r b a l form, and t h e n c l a i m t o have d i s c o v e r e d an i d e a which i s common t o a l l systems. T h i s would be l i k e observing that both the A r i s t o t e l i a n and G a l i l e a n systems o f mec h a n i c s use a n o t i o n o f f o r c e , and c o n c l u d i n g t h a t t h e y t h e r e f o r e make use o f t h e same n o t i o n . 6 0 In a d d i t i o n t o t h e problem posed by the f a c t t h a t t h e t r a i t s s e l e c t e d by t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  f o r t h e purpose o f  c o n s t r u c t i n g h i s i d e a l t y p e s w i l l have a d i f f e r e n t meaning i n each p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y , t h e r e i s : a l s o t h e problem t h a t such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems t e n d t o obscure the? r e l e v a n c e o f s i t u a t i o n and p r o c e s s .  V i c t o r Turner's d i s c u s s i o n o f  the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f M i d d l e t o n and Winter's; attempted  dif-  f e r e n t i a t i o n between w i t c h c r a f t andl s o r c e r y t o the f a c t s <s£ Lugbara ethnography b r i n g s out ance o f t h i s . were not  something o f the  signific-  Even a l t h o u g h M i d d l e t o n and W i n t e r here  ( e x p l i c i t l y ) attempting t o e s t a b l i s h t h i s  f e r e n t i a t i o n i n terras of i d e a l t y p e s , nevertheless  s t i l l r e l e v a n t and  t o the  dif-  T u r n e r ' s remarks are point:  •.. Lugbara themselves f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o d i s t i n g u i s h between deaths brought about by w i t c h c r a f t and "by 'ghost i n v o c a t i o n ' by e l d e r s a g a i n s t h a b i t u a l l y d i s o b e d i a n t juniors?. Both are s a i d t o be m o t i v a t e d by the sentiment Lugbara c a l l o l e . . . . In a w i t c h c r a f t context o l e m&jr "be t r a n s l a t e d as ' j e a l o u s y * (an u n r i g h t e o u s sentiment) and i n a g h o s t - i n v o c a t i o n s e t t i n g as ' r i g h t e o u s i n d i g n a t i o n * . M i d d l e t o n ' s r i c h case m a t e r i a l shows t h a t the same death may be i n t e r p r e t ed by d i f f e r e n t f a c t i o n s as: one o r the o t h e r , a g a i n a c c o r d i n g t o the s t r u c t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e o f the i n t e r preters. The f a c t , t o o , t h a t b o t h •witches* and • s o r c e r e r s * , i n M i d d l e t o n * s usage, may be c a l l e d o l e u ... a d e r i v a t i v e o f o l e , makes i t c l e a r t h a t what i s regarded- as: i d e o l o g i c a l l y important by the Lugbara i s b e l i e f i n the e x i s t e n c e of a broad c l a s s o f persons who can i n j u r e o t h e r s by m y s t i c a l means i r r e s p e c t i v e of motive. It i s only i n the a c t i o n - f i e l d c o n t e x t t h a t a l l e gations of t h i s or that s p e c i f i c means are made by i n t e r e s t e d p a r ties. Almost every s o c i e t y r e c o g n i z e s such a wide v a r i e t y o f m y s t i c a l l y h a r m f u l t e c h n i q u e s t h a t i t may  -40be p o s i t i v e l y m i s l e a d i n g t o impose upon them a dichotomous c l a s s i f i cation. The s o l u t i o n t o t h i s problem seems t o me t o h i n g e on abandoning any i d e a t h a t we can d e f i n e e x a c t l y what w i t c h c r a f t , s o r c e r y , o r d e s t r u c t i v e magic a r e ( i n t h e sense o f some shared e s s e n c e ) , s i n c e t h e r e need be no s e t o f shared e s s e n t i a l a t t r i b u t e s which can be a b s t r a c t e d .  W h i l e we  might be a b l e t o o u t l i n e some o f t h e a t t r i b u t e s shared by some examples o f w i t c h c r a f t , s o r c e r y and d e s t r u c t i v e magic, t h e r e i s no s e t o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a b l e t o a l l examples and t o them a l o n e .  applic-  Thus, i n s t e a d o f  s e e k i n g t o e s t a b l i s h u n i v e r s a l c l a s s e s , we s h o u l d  recognize  t h a t we a r e d e a l i n g w i t h c o n c e p t s w h i c h b e a r o n l y a f a m i l y resemblance t o one a n o t h e r .  The d i f f e r e n c e between a  c l a s s and a f a m i l y resemblance i s brought out i n Diagram  2,  below. F a m i l y Resemblance  Class  1  1  I T E  1  g  1  2 2  3 3  5 4 4  5  2 3 ATTRIBUTES Diagram 2:  3  4  5  6  5  6  1 2 3 4  6 5  2  6  1  6  1 2  3  6  1  3  F a m i l y Resemblance  4  6 4  6  and U n i v e r s a l C l a s s  I f , i n t h e above diagram, each h o r i z o n t a l l i n e i s i n t e r p r e t ed as r e p r e s e n t i n g an i t e m , and each number w i t h i n each l i n e as r e p r e s e n t i n g an element o f an i t e m , i t w i l l be seen t h a t each v e r t i c a l l i n e r e p r e s e n t s elements shared i n com-  -41 mon  by d i f f e r e n t i t e m s .  share  one  A l l the members o f the same c l a s s  element i n common(1).  With the group o f items  which have been d e s c r i b e d as b e a r i n g a f a m i l y resemblance to each o t h e r , however, t h e r e i s no shared  s i n g l e element which i s  by a l l i t e m s , which n e v e r t h e l e s s have a good d e a l i n  common.  A f a m i l y resemblance, i n o t h e r words, i s c o n s t i t u -  t e d by a network o f o v e r l a p p i n g and  c r o s s - c u t t i n g resenh-  blances.^ I t i s my we  contention  t h a t we  c o n c e p t u a l i z e w i t c h c r a f t and  w i l l be b e t t e r served i f s o r c e r y as c o n s t i t u t i n g  " n a t u r a l f a m i l i e s " r a t h e r than t r u e c l a s s e s , s i n c e the a t tempt to e s t a b l i s h c l a s s e s to group such b e l i e f s ends up i n a p r i o r i s m and thought.  a v i o l a t i o n of indigenous  structures of  While t h i s i s l e s s t r u e o f the i d e a l - t y p e mode o f  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n than o f the attempt to e s t a b l i s h s t r i c t c a t e g o r i e s , i t remains a l s o t r u e o f t h i s . good reason little  There i s , indeed,  to t h i n k t h a t i n t e l l e c t u a l s t r u c t u r e s should  be  s u i t e d to the development o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c a t e -  g o r i e s , i n terms o f which t h e i r c o n t e n t s may  be  described.  T h i s i s because the component elements o f i d e a systems bear an i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to each o t h e r , and tem must t h e r e f o r e be understood i n and  each i d e a  for i t s e l f .  I t might be argued, a g a i n s t t h i s view, t h a t s c i e n c e must develop a p r e c i s e t e r m i n o l o g y to be a v o i d e d .  Yet even i f we  accept  every  i f confusion i s  the dubious methodo-  l o g i c a l p o s t u l a t e on which t h i s argument i s based u n i t y o f method o f the n a t u r a l and invalid.  sys-  the  s o c i a l sciences - i t i s  C o n t r a s t i n g n o m i n a l i s t and  realist  (or  t i a l i s t " ) approaches towards the importance o f  "essen-  definitions,  -42S i r K a r l Popper has p e r s u a s i v e l y argued t h a t " i n s c i e n c e all  the terms r e a l l y needed must be u n d e f i n e d  terms."^  c o n t r a s t s t h e s i t u a t i o n , as he sees i t , between and p h y s i c s .  Philosophers,  He  philosophy  f o r twenty c e n t u r i e s , have wor-  r i e d over the meaning o f terms, b u t t h e i r d i s c i p l i n e t i n u e s t o be vague, ambiguous  and f u l l  s i c s , on the o t h e r hand, h a r d l y  of verbalisms.  conPhy-  concerns i t s e l f about terms  and meanings, but about f a c t s i n s t e a d , y e t has a c h i e v e d great p r e c i s i o n i n i t s discourse. The c o n c l u s i o n which Popper draws from t h i s i s t h a t i t i s a mistake t o .try and make t h e statements made i n a s c i e n c e depend on the meaning o f terms.  No argument  should  be based on a d e f i n i t i o n , f o r t h i s merely s h i f t s the quest i o n o f i t s v a l i d i t y back to i t s d e f i n i n g terms. r e c t s o l u t i o n i n t r y i n g t o a v o i d the i m p r e c i s i o n  The c o r inherent  i n a l l language does n o t t h e r e f o r e l i e i n t r y i n g to s p e c i f y terms more e x a c t l y .  Rather, i t c o n s i s t s i n t r y i n g to r e -  main w i t h i n the l i m i t s o f vagueness, p h r a s i n g  sentences i n  such a way t h a t p o s s i b l e shades o f meaning o f terms a r e n o t important. In Popper's view, the p r e c i s i o n o f language depends i n f a c t on n o t t r y i n g t o make terms too p r e c i s e .  Terms l i k e  "sand-dune" and "wind", f o r example, a r e very  d i f f i c u l t to  d e f i n e e x a c t l y (how do we d i s t i n g u i s h a dune from a h i l l , mound o r heap; a wind from a g a l e , breeze o r h u r r i c a n e ? ) . Yet these terms have proved s u f f i c i e n t l y p r e c i s e f o r many o f the purposes o f t h e m e t e o r o l o g i s t where a more e x a c t  and the g e o l o g i s t , and  s p e c i f i c a t i o n i s necessary, i t i s s u f f i -  c i e n t t o say "dunes, f o r t y t o f i f t y f e e t h i g h " o r "winds o f  -4364 a v e l o c i t y o f f o r t y to f i f t y m i l e s p e r hour". Anthropologists  may a l s o adopt the procedure o f the  g e o l o g i s t and m e t e o r o l o g i s t .  Instead  l a t e terms which e x a c t l y d e s c r i b e sorcery  o f t r y i n g t o formu-  a l l cases o f w i t c h c r a f t ,  and d e s t r u c t i v e magic, n o t c o n f u s i n g  these  cate-  g o r i e s and a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h i n g them c l e a r l y from such o t h e r notions  as g h o s t - i n v o c a t i o n  o r c u r s i n g , where p r e c i s i o n i s  n e c e s s a r y we may adopt the p r a c t i c e o f s p e a k i n g o f "dest r u c t i v e magic w i t h the f o l l o w i n g f e a t u r e s . . . " ,  or  "witch-  c r a f t , where the w i t c h i s a t t r i b u t e d the f o l l o w i n g  charac-  65 teristics..."•  Notes and  References  1.  I employ the term " p r i m i t i v e " i n r e f e r e n c e to s o c i e t i e s w i t h the f o l l o w i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : l o w - l e v e l technol o g y , n o n - l i t e r a c y , low p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , " m u l t i p l e x " r o l e systems, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s organized on a f a c e - t o f a c e b a s i s . No i m p l i c a t i o n s o f i n f e r i o r i t y o r o f "backwardness" are i n t e n d e d ,  2.  Kluckhohn, C , Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , (Beacon P r e s s , Boston, 1967); E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande, (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 1937).  3*  Or perhaps we should say " s o c i o - s t r u c t u r a l i s m " , i n o r d e r t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d * s approach from the l i n g u i s t i c o - l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r a l i s m o f w r i t e r s l i k e Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s .  4.  Kuhn, T.S., The S t r u c t u r e of S c i e n t i f i c R e v o l u t i o n s , ( U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , Chicago, 1962), P. x.  5.  See Douglas, M., N a t u r a l Symbols: E x p l o r a t i o n s i n Cosmology, ( B a r r i e & R o c k l i f e , London, 1970); " I n t r o d u c t i o n : T h i r t y Years A f t e r W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic", i n Douglas, M., W i t c h c r a f t : Confessions and A c c u s a t i o n s , ( T a v i s t o c k P u b l i c a t i o n s L t d . , London, 1970); Leach, E.R., R e t h i n k i n g Anthropology, (Athlone P r e s s , London, 1961), Ch. I ; Nadel, S.F., " W i t c h c r a f t i n Pour A f r i c a n S o c i e t i e s : An Essay i n Comparison", American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . LIV, (1952), Pp. 18-29, r e p r i n t e d i n Marwick, M. ( e d . ) , W i t c h c r a f t and Sorcery, (Penguin Books L t d . , Harmondsworth, 1970), Ch. XXIII; Swanson, G.R., The B i r t h o f the Gods. ( U n i v e r s i t y of M i c h i g a n P r e s s , Ann Arbor, 1964), Ch. V I I .  6.  M a i r , L., W i t c h c r a f t , (McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969).  7.  That the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c o n c e p t u a l c a t e g o r i e s and manifest behaviour must be posed as p r o b l e m a t i c , not taken as g i v e n , i s shown by the phenomena which s o c i a l  New  York,  -45s c i e n t i s t s have c h a r a c t e r i z e d "by such terms as deviance, i d e o l o g y , r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and f a l s e c o n s c i o u s n e s s . The n a t u r e o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r i n Ch. II of this t h e s i s . 8.  M a i r , L.,  W i t c h c r a f t , op.  9.  W i t t g e n s t e i n , L., P h i l o s o p h i c a l I n v e s t i g a t i o n s , B l a c k w e l l , O x f o r d , 1953).  10.  Leach, E;R.,  105-8.  11. i b i d . , P.  Rethinking  165.  Anthropology, op.  (Basil  c i t . , Pp.  27.  12.  Le'vi-Strauss, C.,  13.  Kluckhohn, C ,  14.  Evans-Pritchard,  1964), P.  c i t . , P.  3.  Totemism. ( M e r l i n P r e s s , London,  Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , op. c i t . , P. E.E.,  Witchcraft..op.  67.  c i t . , P.  64.  15. Winch, P., "Understanding a P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y " , Ameri* can P h i l o s o p h i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . I , No. 4, (Oct. 1964), P. 310. Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l . 16. C f . Ch. V I I I o f t h i s t h e s i s , S e c t i o n D, Witchcraft". 17. Kluckhohn, C , 18.  "Action  Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , op. c i t . , P.  Against  27.  I b i d . . P. 96. I f o l l o w here the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f f e r e d by Kluckhohn i n Navaho W i t c h c r a f t . Max Marwick, however, r e p o r t s r e c e i v i n g a p e r s o n a l communication from Kluckhohn c o n t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n n o t s u p p o r t i v e o f t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to Marwick, Kluckhohn s t a t e d i n t h i s communication " . . . t h a t h i s more r e c e n t data had not confirmed h i s e a r l i e r c o n c l u s i o n s i n t h i s r e s p e c t , and t h a t g o s s i p about l o c a l w i t c h e s was commoner than h i s f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s had l e d him to b e l i e v e . I g e t the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t h i s e a r l i e r f i n d i n g may have been based on i n f o r m a n t s * g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t s ; and t h i s l a t e r one, on the examination o f s p e c i f i c i n s t a n c e s . I t may be  -46that ... people put the blame f o r misfortunes i n gener a l on to d i s t a n t witches and f o r a s p e c i f i c misfortune on to someone within the community ...". Marwick, M., "Witchcraft as a S o c i a l Strain-Gauge", A u s t r a l i a n Journal of Science, V o l . XXVI, (1964), Pp. 263-8, reprinted i n Marwick, M. (ed.), Witchcraft and Sorcery, op. c i t . , Ch. XXIV. Cf. P. 287. 19. Kluckhohn, C , Navaho Witchcraft, op. c i t . . P. 111. Again, the r e l i a b i l i t y of Kluckhohn's information on t h i s point i s not c l e a r , since, with the exception of some information on t i e s of k i n s h i p , we are given no concrete data on the r e l a t i o n s between witch, v i c t i m and accuser. From the information we are given, i t would seem that a disproportionate number of those accused of w i t c h c r a f t , and even more of those who are bewitched, are wealthy. This might suggest that most accusations are made between persons of roughly equal socio-economic status, and that w i t c h c r a f t i s mainly of concern to the wealthier members of Navaho s o c i e t y . I b i d . , Pp. 59-60. 20. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft..., op. c i t . , 104-5, 343-4. 21. Kluckhohn, C ,  Navaho Witchcraft, op. c i t . , P.  Pp. 85.  22. I have drawn here on The Shorter Oxford E n g l i s h D i c tionary, (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, London, 1959). 23. Kluckhohn, C , Navaho Witchcraft, op. c i t . . P. 45. phasis i n o r i g i n a l .  Em-  24. I b i d . , P. 133, note 3. 25. In the f o l l o w i n g section, I have drawn h e a v i l y on the exposition and c r i t i q u e of Pareto by Winch, P., The Idea of a S o c i a l Science, (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1958), espc. Pp. 95-103. Cf. also, Pareto, V., The Mind and Society (Harcourt Brace, New York, 1935). 26. Winch, P., The Idea..., op. c i t . , Pp. 99-100, in original.  Emphasis  -4727. T h i s p o i n t w i l l be developed more f u l l y i n l a t e r sections of t h i s t h e s i s . 28. N a d e l , S.F., "Malinowski on Magic F i r t h , R. ( e d . ) , Man and C u l t u r e . P a u l , London, 1957), P. 196. Cf. Argonauts o f the Western P a c i f i c , Inc., New York, 1961), P. 424. 29. M a l i n o w s k i , B., 30.  Argonauts...,  and R e l i g i o n " , i n (Routledge & Kegan M a l i n o w s k i , B., (E.P. Dutton & Co.,  op. c i t . , P.  299.  Ibid..  31. T h i s d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t , a t the time o f w r i t i n g Argonauts o f the Western P a c i f i c , M a l i n o w s k i c o n t i n u e d to a c c e p t the v a l i d i t y o f F r a z e r ' s t h e o r i e s o f magic and r e l i g i o n . I b i d . , P. 73, f o o t n o t e . 32. D e s p i t e , however, the f a c t t h a t the powers o f the yoyova a r e b e l i e v e d to d e r i v e from magic, they seem a l s o to i n v o l v e an i n n a t e component. Thus the yoyova i s b e l i e v e d to develop a s m a l l egg-shaped kapuwana i n her body which a t n i g h t assumes the v a r i o u s forms i n which the mulukwausi a p p e a r s . Whether t h i s kapuwana i s a p h y s i c a l substance or n o t seems u n c l e a r , and i n M a l i n o w s k i ' s view to ask such a q u e s t i o n i s to attempt to smuggle i n our own c a t e g o r i e s where they do n o t exist. I t i s a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t young yoyova a r e e a s i l y p i c k e d out from o t h e r g i r l s by t h e i r crude t a s t e s , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r l i k i n g f o r raw pork and fish. I b i d . , Pp. 238-40. 33. I b i d . , Pp.  73-5.  34. M a l i n o w s k i , B., Crime and Custom i n Savage S o c i e t y , (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1926), Pp. 85-94. 35. M a l i n o w s k i , B., Argonauts...,  op. c i t . , Pp. 76,  236-41.  36. F o r t u n e , R., S o r c e r e r s o f Dobu, (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1963). 37. C f . F i r t h , R.,  Human Types,  (Mentor, New  York,  1958),  -48Ch. VIj "The Sociology of »Magic»", Sooiologus, n.s., V o l . IV, (1954), Pp. 97-116, reprinted i n F i r t h , R., Tikopia R i t u a l and Belief,- (Allen & Unwin, London, 1967), Ch. IX; Hogbin, H.I., "Sorcery and Administrat i o n " , Oceania, V o l . VI, (1935), Pp. 1-32. 38. Marwick, M., "The Study of Witchcraft", i n Epstein, A.L. (ed.), The Craft of S o c i a l Anthropology, (Tavistock Publications L t d . , London, 1967), P. 233. 39. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft..., op. c i t . , P. 8. 40. I b i d . , Pp. 21-3. 41. I b i d . , P. 23. 42. I b i d . , P. 112. 43. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., "Witchcraft (Mangu) Amongst the Azande", Sudan Notes and Records, V o l . XII, (1929), Pp. 163-249, reprinted i n Marwick, M. (ed.), Witchc r a f t . . . , op. c i t . , Ch. I I . Cf. Pp. 29-30. 44. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft..., op. c i t . , P. 109. 45. I b i d . . P. 119. 46. I b i d . , P. 114. 47. Evans-Pritchard, c i t . , P. 30.  E.E., "Witchcraft (Mangu)...", op.  48. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft..., op. c i t . , P. 392. 49. I b i d . , Pp. 394-8. 50. Kluckhohn, C , Navaho Witchcraft, op. c i t . , Pp. 22-4. 51. I b i d . , Pp. 25-7. 52. I b i d . , Pp. 31-3. 53. I b i d . , Pp. 34-5.  -4954. I b i d . , Pp. 40-1. In t h i s b r i e f o u t l i n e o f the c a t e g o r i e s o f Navaho w i t c h c r a f t , I have not g i v e n the Navaho terms f o r Frenzy W i t c h c r a f t , S o r c e r y , e t c . , because o f the d i f f i c u l t y o f r e p r o d u c i n g the p h o n e t i c t r a n s c r i p t i o n used by K l u c k h o h n . 55.  M i d d l e t o n , J . and Winter, E.H., " I n t r o d u c t i o n " to M i d d l e t o n , J . and Winter, E.H. ( e d s . ) , W i t c h c r a f t S o r c e r y i n E a s t A f r i c a , (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1963), P. 3.  56. An e x c e p t i o n i s Crawford, J.R., W i t c h c r a f t and i n R h o d e s i a , (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 57.  and  Sorcery 1967).  C f . M a i r , L., W i t c h c r a f t , op. c i t . , P. 23; Marwick, M., " I n t r o d u c t i o n " to Marwick, M. ( e d . ) , W i t c h c r a f t . . . , op. c i t . , Pp. 12-13.  58. Quoted i n Turner, V., " W i t c h c r a f t and S o r c e r y : Taxonomy versus Dynamics", A f r i c a , V o l . XXXLT, No. 4, (1964), Pp. 314-25. C f . Pp. 322-3. Turner's emphasis. 59. Goode, W.J., R e l i g i o n Among the P r i m i t i v e s , (Free P r e s s , Glencoe, 111., 1951), P. 52. 60. Winch, P.,  Pp. 105-6.  61. Turner,  V.,  The  I d e a . . o p . c i t . , P.  107.  " W i t c h c r a f t . . . " , op. c i t . , P.  See  also  323.  62. W i t t g e n s t e i n , L., P h i l o s o p h i c a l . . . , op. c i t . , Pp. 63. Popper, K.R., The Open S o c i e t y and i t s Enemies, (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1961), V o l . I I , P. 64. I b i d . . V o l . I I , Pp.  31-6.  18.  10-19.  65. As f a r as my own use o f t e r m i n o l o g y i s concerned, I propose, f o r the purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , to use such terms as " w i t c h c r a f t " , " s o r c e r y " and "magic" i n the same sense as they are used by the p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r e t i c i a n s being discussed.  CHAPTER TWO  FURTHER METHODOLOGICAL  CONSIDERATIONS  A. I n t r o d u c t i o n In  the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r , we have suggested  t h a t the  p r i n c i p a l t a s k o f the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t l i e s i n t r y i n g to r e n der i n t e l l i g i b l e ,  t o a p a r t i c u l a r audience, the way o f l i f e  of another c u l t u r a l g r o u p .  1  I n t h i s c h a p t e r , I propose to  develop f u r t h e r some o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s view and to  e l a b o r a t e on some o f the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  a l r e a d y i n v o k e d i n our d i s c u s s i o n o f problems o f terminol o g y and d e f i n i t i o n . Fundamental t o the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f c u l t u r a l l i f e i s the r e c o g n i t i o n o f i t s n a t u r e as meaningful b e h a v i o u r . o t h e r way o f e x p r e s s i n g the same i d e a i s to say t h a t  An-  cul-  t u r a l b e h a v i o u r takes p l a c e w i t h i n the c o n t e x t p r o v i d e d by a s e t o f concepts and b e l i e f s which a r e i n t e r r e l a t e d i n such a way as to form a system.  These systems a r e s t r u c -  t u r e d a c c o r d i n g to c e r t a i n r u l e s , and i t f o l l o w s from 2 that c u l t u r a l behaviour i s rule-governed.  this  I n o r d e r t o un-  derstand c u l t u r a l behaviour, t h e r e f o r e , i t i s f i r s t  neces-  s a r y t o succeed i n g r a s p i n g the r u l e s which o r d e r i t and the n o t i o n s which e n t e r i n t o i t .  I t i s f o r t h i s reason  t h a t , i n the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r , we have s e v e r a l times ticized  suggested  cri-  t e r m i n o l o g i c a l systems f o r v i o l a t i n g the  i n t e g r i t y o f n a t i v e systems o f thought. T h i s i s n o t to imply t h a t a s a t i s f a c t o r y u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of  the way o f l i f e  o f a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l group i s n e c e s -  s a r i l y c o n t a i n e d i n the way i n which i t s own members  con-  ceptualize i t .  life  Many o f the r u l e s g o v e r n i n g c u l t u r a l  may n o t be a c t u a l l y p r e s e n t i n the c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f those who f o l l o w them: many l i n g u i s t i c  c o n v e n t i o n s , f o r example,  are u n c o n s c i o u s l y f o l l o w e d i n t h i s manner.  Moreover, even  when c u l t u r a l r u l e s a r e c o n s c i o u s l y a p p l i e d , those a p p l y ing  them may n o t be aware o f the f u l l  consequences o f  t h e i r d o i n g so ( j u s t as a chess p l a y e r may n o t f o r s e e the full  consequences o f a move t h a t he makes).  Por c u l t u r a l  r u l e s a r e n o t a p p l i e d i n a vacuum, b u t i n the c o n t e x t o f p a r t i c u l a r a c t i o n - s i t u a t i o n s , and the r e s u l t o f t h e i r app l i c a t i o n i n the c o n t e x t o f these p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n s i s to  generate new s i t u a t i o n s which may o r may n o t be those  which were o r i g i n a l l y i n t e n d e d .  I t f o l l o w s from t h i s  the n a t u r e o f a p a r t i c u l a r way o f l i f e ,  that  c o n s i d e r e d as an  on-going p r o c e s s , may n o t be f u l l y understood  by those  l i v i n g i t , and t h e r e f o r e t h a t c u r r e n t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of  s o c i a l r e a l i t y may embody f a l s e h o o d s . ^  of  the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , i s t h a t o f d e t e r m i n i n g the e x t e n t  of  these m i s c o n c e p t i o n s , and o f d i s c o v e r i n g what r o l e  p l a y , as m i s c o n c e p t i o n s , i n the l i f e  Among the t a s k s  they  o f the s o c i a l group  concerned. The  c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s , o f course,  o n l y a s p e c i a l case o f the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f r e a l i t y as such, and i t i s n o t o n l y the former, b u t a l s o the l a t t e r , which e n t e r s i n t o a g i v e n way o f l i f e .  As Winch expresses  -52A man's s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h h i s f e l l o w s a r e permeated w i t h h i s i d e a s about r e a l i t y . Indeed, "permeated" i s h a r d l y a s t r o n g enough word: s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are expressions o f i d e a s about r e a l i t y A In support  o f t h i s argument, Winch g i v e s the example  o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which a monk has w i t h h i s f e l l o w monks and w i t h people i t would be i m p o s s i b l e understanding  o u t s i d e the monastery:  to a c h i e v e more than a s u p e r f i c i a l  o f these r e l a t i o n s w i t h o u t  taking into ac-  count the r e l i g i o u s i d e a s on which the monk's l i f e i s 5 centred.  Other examples o f the way i n which n o t i o n s o f  s o c i a l , psychic, s p i r i t u a l , b i o l o g i c a l or physico-chemical r e a l i t y govern p e o p l e ' s  characteristic activities,  includ-  ing t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r fellows, spring r e a d i l y to mind.  One might c i t e the way i n which the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  behaviour  o f the v e g e t a r i a n , the r a c i s t , the a l c h e m i s t o r  the devotee o f a s t r o l o g y o r o f the I Ching, m a n i f e s t s h i s o r h e r p a r t i c u l a r n o t i o n s o f r e a l i t y ; b u t the example o f the meat-eater, the l i b e r a l ,  the n u c l e a r p h y s i c i s t , or the  r a t i o n a l i s t , would be e q u a l l y v a l i d .  Of c o u r s e ,  i t i s p o s s i b l e that a s o c i a l consciousness consciousness,  j u s t as  may be a f a l s e  so too i s i t p o s s i b l e t h a t an a c t o r may n o t  f u l l y comprehend the way i n which h i s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n network, and h i s way o f l i f e plicit  i n g e n e r a l , i s founded on im-  o r e x p l i c i t n o t i o n s o f o t h e r dimensions o f r e a l i t y .  B. C u l t u r a l Knowledge as a C u l t u r a l Phenomenon A p a r t i c u l a r image o f s o c i e t y ,  and a p a r t i c u l a r view  o f r e a l i t y , i s a c q u i r e d by the i n d i v i d u a l from h i s l i f e i n  -53s o c i e t y , j u s t as a language i s so a c q u i r e d . terms o f t h i s s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s ,  and  It is in  t h i s world-view,  t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l makes sense o f h i s e x p e r i e n t i a l w o r l d , i n c l u d i n g h i s universe  of s o c i a l  interaction.  T h i s statement holds e q u a l l y t r u e f o r the  anthropo-  l o g i s t as f o r the members o f the c u l t u r e s which he The  studies.  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t does n o t approach the phenomena o f  other c u l t u r e s without  e x p e c t a t i o n s , but does so w i t h  f i n i t e assumptions i n mind which are a p r o d u c t graphy i n a s p e c i f i c s o c i o - c u l t u r a l m i l i e u . the shaman or the w i t c h - d o c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and  de-  of h i s b i o -  No  less  than  the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t has a particular  a  conceptualiza-  t i o n o f t h i s i d e n t i t y , o f h i s s o c i e t y , o f s o c i e t y and manity i n g e n e r a l , and elaborated  even o f r e a l i t y , be  these  i n t o a consistent philosophy.or  an u n i n t e g r a t e d  t h i s world-view takes  order.  only  as  Most commonly,  the form o f some v a r i a n t or o t h e r  a s e c u l a r i s t l i b e r a l humanism compatible cratic social  views  present  s e r i e s of presuppositions.  hu-  of  w i t h a techno-  6  Such views d e e p l y  i n f l u e n c e the  a n a l y s i s of other s o c i e t i e s .  anthropologist's  As Pocock p o i n t s out,  even  i n h i s f i r s t p i e c e o f f i e l d - w o r k the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t n e c e s s a r i l y compares the c a t e g o r i e s o f h i s own those  o f the s o c i e t y he i s s t u d y i n g , and  the works o f h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s  society with a l s o has  i n mind  d e a l i n g w i t h phenomena  com-  7 parable  to those  experience  which he f i n d s .  anthropologist's  o f p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y , i n o t h e r words, i s a  f u n c t i o n of h i s p r i o r experience t h i s way,  The  o f h i s own  society.  the p o s i t i o n o f the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t may  be  In re-  -54garded as b e i n g i n essence i d e n t i c a l to t h a t o f the h i s t o r i a n i n t e r p r e t i n g another h i s t o r i c a l epoch.  As the h i s -  t o r i a n ' s work i s i t s e l f the p r o d u c t o f an h i s t o r i c a l  evolu-  t i o n , so i s t h a t o f the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t a p r o d u c t o f a p a r ticular cultural configuration.  Thus, as P a u l Cardan  writes, ... each c i v i l i z a t i o n or epoch, from the v e r y f a c t t h a t i t i s p a r t i c u l a r and dominated by i t s own o b s e s s i o n s , i s l e d to suggest o r uncover new meanings i n the s o c i e t i e s which p r e ceded i t or surround i t . . . . These meanings can never f i x o r exhaust t h e i r o b j e c t , n o t the l e a s t reason f o r which i s t h a t they themselves sooner o r l a t e r become o b j e c t s o f i n terpre tation.$ The f o l l o w i n g p r o v i d e s a c l e a r example s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l thought i s i t s e l f  o f the way  i n which  socio-historically  determined: In the t h i n k i n g o f the a n c i e n t Greeks the dominant c a t e g o r i e s def i n i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and h i s t o r y were e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l (the power o f the c i t y , r e l a t i o n s between c i t i e s , r e l a t i o n s between "might" and " r i g h t " , e t c . ) . The economy only received marginal a t t e n t i o n . T h i s was n o t because the i n t e l l i gence or i n s i g h t o f the Greeks were l e s s "developed" than those o f modern man. Nor was i t because t h e r e were no economic f a c t s , or because economic f a c t s were t o t a l l y i g n o r e d . I t was because i n the s o c i a l r e a l i t y o f t h a t p a r t i c u l a r epoch the economy had n o t y e t become a s e p a r a t e , a u t o -  -55nomous f a c t o r (a f a c t o r " f o r i t s e l f " as Marx would say) i n human d e v e l o p ment. A s i g n i f i c a n t a n a l y s i s o f the economy and o f i t s importance f o r s o c i e t y c o u l d o n l y take p l a c e i n the 17th c e n t u r y and more p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the 18th c e n t u r y . I t could only take p l a c e i n p a r a l l e l w i t h the r e a l development o f c a p i t a l i s m which made o f the economy the dominant element in social l i f e . The c e n t r a l i m p o r t ance a t t r i b u t e d by Marx and the m a r x i s t s to economic f a c t o r s i s but an a s p e c t o f the u n f o l d i n g o f t h i s historical reality.9 C. L e v e l s o f C u l t u r a l Understanding There are standing  two  separate  stages  of another c u l t u r e .  The  i n v o l v e d i n the underf i r s t involves  assimi-  l a t i n g the c a t e g o r i e s o f n a t i v e thought and f e e l i n g , g e t h e r w i t h a knowledge of the c o n t e x t s g o r i e s are employed: a p r o c e s s  i n which such c a t e -  which might be  that of l e a r n i n g a f o r e i g n language.  to-  The  compared to  second stage i n -  v o l v e s g o i n g beyond these c a t e g o r i e s , i n some sense, i n o r d e r to i n d i c a t e t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e to theory: a process fic  which might be  d e s c r i p t i o n o f a language.  anthropological  compared to the  scienti-  Another p o s s i b l e analogy  to a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s t h a t o f  psychoanalysis.  As Pocock argues, The a n a l y s t e n t e r s the p r i v a t e w o r l d o f h i s s u b j e c t i n o r d e r to l e a r n the grammar o f h i s p r i v a t e language. I f the a n a l y s i s goes no f u r t h e r i t i s no d i f f e r e n t i n k i n d from the unders t a n d i n g which may e x i s t between any two p e o p l e who know each o t h e r w e l l .  -56I t becomes s c i e n t i f i c to the e x t e n t t h a t the p r i v a t e language o f i n t i mate u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s t r a n s l a t e d i n to a p u b l i c language ... i n t h i s case ... the language o f p s y c h o l o gists. But the p a r t i c u l a r a c t o f t r a n s l a t i o n does n o t d i s t o r t the p r i v a t e e x p e r i e n c e o f the s u b j e c t and i d e a l l y i t i s , a t l e a s t p o t e n t i a l l y , a c c e p t a b l e to him as a s c i e n t i f i c presentation of i t . " * ^ Obviously  the t a s k o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g  p r a c t i c e s o f the members o f another  the b e l i e f s  and  s o c i e t y i s not e q u a l l y  d i f f i c u l t on a l l l e v e l s o f s o c i o - c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The  r e l a t i v e d i f f i c u l t y of understanding  termined  i s primarily  de-  by the degree of s i m i l a r i t y or d i f f e r e n c e o f the  b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s b e i n g s t u d i e d to those o p e r a t i v e i n the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s own  society.  T e c h n o l o g i c a l behaviour,  f o r example, poses no p a r t i c u l a r problems o f s i n c e , qua  t e c h n o l o g i c a l behaviour,  understanding  i t i s readily  assimil-  a b l e to the c a t e g o r i e s o f our own  world-view and  our own  Nobody i s p u z z l e d by  c r i t e r i a of r a t i o n a l i t y .  satisfies the  f a c t t h a t , i n o r d e r to grow c r o p s , seeds are p l a n t e d i n the ground and watered, and and weeded.  the garden c a r e f u l l y  Once the g o a l o f the gardener  growing o f crops - and  tended  i s known -  the l i m i t a t i o n s o f h i s r e s o u r c e s  and g a r d e n i n g knowledge comprehended, h i s b e h a v i o u r mediately i n t e l l i g i b l e  the  to u s .  More than t h i s ,  observing t e c h n o l o g i c a l behaviour  - i n i t s more  i s im-  simply  by  elementary  forms a t l e a s t - i t i s o f t e n p o s s i b l e to i n f e r n o t  only  the g o a l s o f the t e c h n o l o g i s t , but a l s o the l i m i t a t i o n s  of  the r e s o u r c e s and  We  t e c h n i c a l knowledge a t h i s d i s p o s a l .  -57might r e c o g n i z e t h a t there are o t h e r ways o f a c c o m p l i s h i n g the same end, but h i s way if  i s also effective.  Thus, even  the n a t i v e o b s e r v e r e x p l a i n s the e f f i c a c y o f h i s t e c h -  n o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t i e s u s i n g d i f f e r e n t terms from which we would use, way  those  these a c t i v i t i e s n e v e r t h e l e s s i n no  c h a l l e n g e our c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f the n a t u r e o f  reality. The problem  b e g i n s when we  are f o r c e d to c o n s i d e r the  m a g i c a l r i t u a l s so o f t e n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h what we as t e c h n o l o g y :  the s p e l l t h a t i s whispered  d i g g i n g - s t i c k , the " m e d i c i n e s " t h a t are used growth or w a r d - o f f  describe  over the to promote  thieves.  Are such p r a c t i c e s to be  ex-  p l a i n e d s i m p l y as misguided  t e c h n o l o g i c a l procedures,  the  r e s u l t o f e r r o r s i n the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f n a t u r a l c a u s a t i o n , or i s t h e r e some o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n ? c o n f r o n t s us when we e n c l o s e themselves  A similar  c o n s i d e r Navaho t a l e s o f w i t c h e s  i n gourds and  t r a v e l by r a p i d l y  a l o n g the ground, or o f o t h e r w i t c h e s who themselves  i n t o wolves,  g r e a t speeds, 11 people.  difficulty who  rolling  can t r a n s f o r m  coyotes and bears and move a t  or o f dogs which may  pray s i c k n e s s on  Por such b e l i e f s seem to a s s e r t the e x i s t e n c e  o f powers, substances and r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t , f o r us, have no r e a l i t y .  How,  then, are we  to make sense o f them?  Such b e l i e f s - and the a c t i v i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h them - c o n s t i t u t e a s p e c i a l problem  i n t h a t we  b e l o n g to a  c u l t u r e whose c o n c e p t i o n o f r a t i o n a l i t y i s d e e p l y a f f e c t e d by the concepts and methods o f the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s . r e s u l t , we  As a  tend to t r e a t such t h i n g s as a b e l i e f i n magic,  w i t c h c r a f t , or the power o f o r a c l e s as a paradigm o f the  -58irrational.  P e t e r Winch p o i n t s out the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f  this: The s t r a i n s i n h e r e n t i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n are very l i k e l y to l e a d the ant h r o p o l o g i s t to adopt the f o l l o w i n g p o s t u r e : We know t h a t Zande b e l i e f s i n the i n f l u e n c e o f w i t c h c r a f t , the e f f i c a c y o f magic m e d i c i n e s , the r o l e o f o r a c l e s i n r e v e a l i n g what i s g o i n g on and what i s g o i n g to happen, are mistaken, i l l u s o r y . Scientific methods o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n have shown c o n c l u s i v e l y t h a t there are no such r e l a t i o n s o f cause and e f f e c t such as are i m p l i e d by these b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s . A l l we can do then i s to show how such a system o f mistaken b e l i e f s and i n e f f i c a c i o u s p r a c t i c e s can m a i n t a i n i t s e l f i n the f a c e o f o b j e c t i o n s t h a t seem to us so obv i o u s .12 One  does n o t have to s e a r c h f a r to f i n d  which c o n f i r m s and  Winch's statement.  Frazer u n t i l  seen one  the p r e s e n t ,  o f the key  questions  From the time o f T y l o r  most a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have to which they must address  themselves as b e i n g t h a t o f e x p l a i n i n g why b e l i e f s should  continue  to p e r s i s t .  such erroneous  In Marwick's words,  " A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have l o n g been p r e o c c u p i e d lem why  evidence  b e l i e f s i n magic, w i t c h c r a f t and  w i t h the p r o b -  sorcery,  though 1  palpably f a l s e , nevertheless  continue  to have i n f l u e n c e . "  For Marwick h i m s e l f , w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y b e l i e f s are 14 "standardized delusions", w h i l e f o r Monica Hunter Wilson 15 they are "the  s t a n d a r d i z e d nightmare o f a group".  the same v e i n , V i c t o r Turner d e s c r i b e s w i t c h c r a f t and  In sor-  -59eery as " u g l y and i r r a t i o n a l b e l i e f s " ,  16  w h i l e Kluckhohn  s i m i l a r l y opposes w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s to "more r a t i o n a l 17 modes o f e x p l a n a t i o n " . Por h i s p a r t , E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d asks why the Azande "do n o t p e r c e i v e the f u t i l i t y o f t h e i r 18 magic", and why "common sense does n o t triumph over 19 superstition". I n thus v i e w i n g m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s systems, g i s t s have i m p l i c i t l y accepted  anthropolo-  a h i e r a r c h y o f types o f  thought, w i t h western s c i e n c e p l a c e d i n a p o s i t i o n o f s u p e r i o r i t y to a l l other modes, and s e r v i n g as a touchstone a g a i n s t which to judge them.  Hence the l o n g -  s t a n d i n g c o n t r o v e r s y over the q u e s t i o n o f the e x t e n t t o which the m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s o f p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s can be accomodated to models o f s c i e n t i f i c haviour. terest. in  i s a perfectly justified i n -  The t r o u b l e i s , as Barnes remarks, t h a t  "Often,  such m a t e r i a l , one f i n d s a d e t a i l e d and s o p h i s t i c a t e d  treatment and  This, i n i t s e l f ,  thought and be-  o f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l m a t e r i a l r e l a t e d to s k e t c h y  o f t e n i m p l i c i t n o t i o n s o f what i s r a t i o n a l o r s c i e n t i -  fio".  2 0  D. T h e i r Ways o f T h i n k i n g and Ours Perhaps one o f the c l e a r e s t examples o f t h i s to  tendency  operate w i t h l a r g e l y i m p l i c i t n o t i o n s o f the nature o f  western thought and o f s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o u r s e i s t h a t o f Le*vy-Bruhl.  Thus, d e s p i t e h i s e x p l i c i t l y d e c l a r e d i n t e n -  t i o n to make a comparative study  o f p r i m i t i v e and western  thought, L ^ v y - B r u h l  d i d n o t attempt any s e r i o u s examina-  t i o n o f the l a t t e r ,  c o n t e n t i n g h i m s e l f w i t h the statement  -60t h a t i t was  a l r e a d y s u f f i c i e n t l y w e l l d e f i n e d i n the works  o f p h i l o s o p h e r s , l o g i c i a n s and p s y c h o l o g i s t s , and 21 not i n need o f f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n .  Other  therefore  anthropolo-  g i s t s have assumed as much, i f they have not been q u i t e as e x p l i c i t i n s a y i n g so. Such an a t t i t u d e i s i n s u p p o r t a b l e . would accept  No  anthropologist  the conscious model o f another s o c i e t y as  an  a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n o f r e a l i t y , and t h e r e would seem t o be no more j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r doing t h i s w i t h the models o f our own  society.  The  on the b a s i s o f these sketchy  important  conscious  point i s that,  and i m p l i c i t n o t i o n s ,  a  s e r i e s o f o p p o s i t i o n s have been p o s t u l a t e d between Western s c i e n c e and  other c o s m o l o g i c a l systems.  We may  indicate  some o f these i n t a b u l a r form: THEORIST Tylor,  Frazer  Ldvy-Bruhl Malinowski  objective  subjective  prelogical & mystical l o g i c a l & empirical emotive  Evans-Pritchard  mystical  Kluckhohn  fantasy-oriented  Diagram 3:  SCIENCE  MAGIC  intellectual empirical reality-oriented  O p p o s i t i o n s Between S c i e n c e  and Magic  In d i s c u s s i n g another aspect o f human thought manner i n which the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between nature  and  the cul-  t u r e i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d - L e v i - S t r a u s s has noted t h a t the  -61mind o f the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t has p l a y e d as l a r g e a p a r t as have the i d e a s o f the people  being studied, i n determining  what the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t has w r i t t e n : "... i t i s as though he were s e e k i n g c o n s c i o u s l y or u n c o n s c i o u s l y , and  under  the g u i s e o f s c i e n t i f i c o b j e c t i v i t y ,  to make the l a t t e r 22 ... more d i f f e r e n t than they r e a l l y a r e " . He suggests i n explanation of t h i s that: In o r d e r to p l a c e the modes o f thought o f the normal, white a d u l t man on a f i r m f o u n d a t i o n and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y to m a i n t a i n them i n t h e i r i n t e g r i t y , n o t h i n g c o u l d be more c o n v e n i e n t than f o r him to s e p a r a t e from h i m s e l f those customs and bel i e f s , a c t u a l l y extremely h e t e r o geneous and d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e , around which had c r y s t a l l i z e d an i n e r t mass o f i d e a s which would have been l e s s o f f e n s i v e i f i t had been n e c e s s a r y to r e c o g n i z e t h e i r presence and t h e i r a c t i o n i n a l l c u l t u r e s , i n c l u d i n g our own. Totemism i s f i r s t l y the p r o j e c t i o n o u t s i d e our own u n i v e r s e , as though by a k i n d o f e x o r c i s m , o f mental a t t i t u d e s incomp a t i b l e w i t h the e x i g e n c y o f a d i s c o n t i n u i t y between man and n a t u r e which C h r i s t i a n thought has h e l d to be e s s e n t i a l . I t was thus thought p o s s i b l e to v a l i d a t e t h i s b e l i e f by making the u n i v e r s a l exigency an a t t r i b u t e o f t h i s "second n a t u r e " j which c i v i l i z e d man, i n the v a i n hope o f e s c a p i n g from h i m s e l f as w e l l as from n a t u r e , c o n c o c t s from the " p r i m i t i v e " or " a r c h a i c " s t a g e s of h i s own development.^3 In  t h i s way,  "totemism" has been i n v e n t e d , and a  similar  -62-  p r o c e s s has o p e r a t e d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e c o n c e p t s o f " s a c r i f i c e " and o f " i g n o r a n c e o f p h y s i o l o g i c a l p a t e r n i t y " , b o t h o f which c o n c e p t s have, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , been a s s i m i l a t e d t o 24  t h a t o f "totemism". The n o t i o n o f " i g n o r a n c e o f p h y s i o l o g i c a l p a t e r n i t y " , widely ascribed t o the Trobriand Aborigines  I s l a n d e r s and t h e  o f A u s t r a l i a , has r e c e n t l y been examined i n de-  t a i l by Edmund Leach.  R e v i e w i n g t h e e v i d e n c e on t h i s p o i n t ,  Leach c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h e g r e a t b u l k o f e t h n o g r a p h i c d a t a i n d i c a t e s t h a t these p e o p l e s a r e n o t i n f a c t i g n o r a n t o f p h y s i o l o g i c a l p a t e r n i t y and, moreover, has always i n d i c a t e d this.  This, of course, r a i s e s the rather i n t e r e s t i n g  q u e s t i o n o f why i t i s t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have c l u n g so t e n a c i o u s l y t o the opposite  conclusion.  Leach n o t e s t h a t  the emphasis on t h i s p o i n t f o r p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s has been c o u p l e d w i t h a complete f a i l u r e t o attempt any form o f c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s w h i c h would embrace t h e t h e o l o g y o f Judaism o r C h r i s t i a n i t y .  Instead  of seeking f o r r e l a t i o n -  s h i p s between p r i m i t i v e and c i v i l i z e d modes o f t h o u g h t , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have been c o n t e n t t o e s t a b l i s h a simple dichotomy between p r i m i t i v e i g n o r a n c e and c i v i l i z e d  theo-  l o g y , i m p l i c i t l y d e n y i n g t h a t t h e r e i s any a f f i n i t y b e tween a c c o u n t s o f c o n c e p t i o n  among p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s and, 25  f o r example, t h e C h r i s t i a n myth o f t h e V i r g i n B i r t h . A g a i n we e n c o u n t e r "... t h e f a c t t h a t t h e quest f o r t h e u l t i m a t e p r i m i t i v e who i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from c i v i l i z e d 26  man a p p e a l s v e r y s t r o n g l y t o c e r t a i n a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , " thus c o r r o b o r a t i n g L e v i - S t r a u s s * a n a l y s i s o f the "totemic illusion".  -63Uhdoubtedly, t h i s p r o c e s s i s a l s o p a r t o f the t e n dency on the p a r t o f every c i v i l i z a t i o n  "... t o o v e r -  e s t i m a t e the o b j e c t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n o f i t s own  thought."  27  Yet how i s such a tendency to be countered? I t i s u s e f u l a t t h i s p o i n t t o t u r n to L u c i e n  Goldmann's  d i s c u s s i o n o f the Marxian t h e s i s o f the c l a s s determination of consciousness.  I n d i s c u s s i n g the problem posed  f o r o b j e c t i v i t y i n the s o c i a l  s c i e n c e s by t h i s t h e s i s ,  Goldmann has suggested t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o  recognize  t h a t c e r t a i n a s p e c t s o f r e a l i t y may be v i s i b l e from a reactionary  standpoint,  the c o n t e x t  o f the p o t e n t i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f a more p r o -  gressive c l a s s .  and y e t i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e  Recognition  o f t h i s i s the f i r s t  ment o f the i n d i v i d u a l r e s e a r c h e r , able  to t r a n s c e n d  i n order  within  require-  f o r him to be  the a c t u a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f any e x i s t i n g  class. He can do t h i s by: (a) e f f e c t i n g a s y n t h e s i s o f the elements o f t r u t h p r o v i d e d by the p e r s p e c t i v e s o f the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l c l a s s e s ; and (b) by p r e s e r v i n g the elements o f unders t a n d i n g a l r e a d y expressed e a r l i e r by t h i s o r t h a t t h i n k e r b u t l a t e r abandoned under the i n f l u e n c e o f s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l changes.28 Of c o u r s e , no such s y n t h e s i s any  sense.  could claim f i n a l i t y i n  A l l syntheses must n e c e s s a r i l y p r o c e e d from a  given perspective  and, as c o n s t r u c t i o n s , n e c e s s a r i l y r e s t  on c e r t a i n p r e c o n c e p t i o n s and u n d e r l y i n g  assumptions.  a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n o f Goldmann's programme  contains  important s u g g e s t i o n  f o r the p r e s e n t  study.  Yet  a very  Primitive  -64modes o f thought and n o t i o n s o f c a u s a l i t y and r e a l i t y a r e no,t o n l y i n t e r e s t i n g i n the l i g h t o f our own  world-views.  These c o n c e p t i o n s may themselves be used i n o r d e r t o und e r s t a n d b e t t e r our own ways o f thought, i n c l u d i n g the most advanced  and s o p h i s t i c a t e d o f s c i e n t i f i c 29  few w r i t e r s have seen t h i s , this respect.  theories.  A  b u t they a r e e x c e p t i o n a l i n  The m a j o r i t y o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , i f they  have sought i n s i g h t i n t o t h e i r own c u l t u r e s from the data o f p r i m i t i v e magic and w i t c h c r a f t , have l i m i t e d  their  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s to a few s c a t t e r e d remarks on such unsavoury phenomena as r a c i s m , Fascism, S t a l i n i s m o r McCarthyism.  I n t h i s r e s p e c t , they have n o t r e a l l y a d -  vanced beyond the l e v e l o f i n s i g h t a c h i e v e d by l i t e r a r y figures l i k e Arthur M i l l e r . ^  By r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r com-  p a r i s o n s to phenomena from t h e i r own c u l t u r e which they themselves  e v a l u a t e n e g a t i v e l y , perhaps w i t h t h e c o n s c i o u s  o r u n c o n s c i o u s i n t e n t i o n o f d i s c r e d i t i n g these phenomena, contemporary  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a r e engaged i n the same k i n d  o f p u r s u i t as T y l o r and F r a z e r .  They c o n t i n u e to empha-  s i z e the g u l f between p r i m i t i v e and western modes o f thought, and r e s t r i c t an a n a l y s i s o f s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two to those elements  o f t h e i r own c u l t u r e which they  r e g a r d as f o r e i g n to t h e i r own o u t l o o k . E . The Importance o f H i s t o r y G-oldmann's suggested method o f t r a n s c e n d i n g s o c i o c e n t r i s m i m p l i e s the n e c e s s i t y o f a c o n s t a n t examination and r e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f r e c e i v e d i d e a s .  An h i s t o r i c a l ap-  p r o a c h i s t h e r e f o r e r e q u i r e d f o r the s o c i a l  sciences.  -65T h i s i s more than a matter o f a n t i q u a r i a n i s m o r l i t e r a r y adornment.  As Pocock e x p l a i n s f o r a n t h r o p o l o g y , The d i s c i p l i n e as i t i s today cont a i n s i t s h i s t o r y to a remarkable degree. To p u t i t i n another way, the s u b j e c t i s s t i l l young, i s s t i l l i n the p r o c e s s o f working o u t a consensus o f i d e a s , and d i v e r g e n c e s o f assumption a r e perhaps more marked than they a r e i n t h e l o n g e r e s t a b l i s h e d sciences.31  H i s t o r y therefore holds a c e n t r a l place i n discussions of anthropological theory. g i s t s would  dispute t h i s .  Perhaps many a n t h r o p o l o -  Even as h i s t o r i c a l l y aware a  w r i t e r as E . E . E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , f o r example, i s p r e p a r e d to  d i s m i s s many o f the t h e o r e t i c i a n s d i s c u s s e d i n the f o l -  l o w i n g pages - T y l o r , F r a z e r , R i v e r s , M a l i n o w s k i and Le"vyB r u h l - as b e i n g i n t r i n s i c a l l y unimportant i n contemporary t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s and m a i n l y o f i n t e r e s t as s p e c i 32 mens o f the thought o f t h e i r t i m e .  I n the f a c e o f such  a r e j e c t i o n , one might wonder a t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d s own 1  p r o p e n s i t y to adopt an approach t o t h e o r e t i c a l m a t t e r s so t y p i c a l l y o f the " h i s t o r y o f a n t h r o p o l o g y " t y p e . even i f most contemporary  anthropologists reject  Moreover, (or think  they r e j e c t ) the t h e o r i e s o f t h e i r p r e d e c e s s o r s , i t i s n o t difficult  to demonstrate  the c o n t i n u i n g i n f l u e n c e o f such  t h e o r i e s i n r e l a t e d d i s c i p l i n e s and among laymen.  The  a b r i d g e d e d i t i o n o f The Golden Bough c o n t i n u e s t o enjoy wide s a l e s i n paperback form, and numerous o f the i d e a s o f F r a z e r and Robertson-Smith c o n t i n u e to f i n d acceptance on the  p a r t o f s t u d e n t s o f the O l d Testament  and o f C l a s s i c s ,  -66-  n o t to mention auch i n f l u e n t i a l modern w r i t e r s as E l i a d e and  Ernst C a s s i r e r . ^  this rejection?  Probably,  In any  case, how  to take a simple  Mircea  profound i s  example, no  contemporary a n t h r o p o l o g i s t would a c c e p t P r a z e r * s model o f an e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o g r e s s i o n to s c i e n c e , w i t h o u t many might a c c e p t tion concerning  from magic, through r e l i g i o n ,  serious reservations.  Prazer's  Yet almost as  view t h a t the i n t e r e s t i n g  p r i m i t i v e m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s systems  on the p e r s i s t e n c e o f f a l s e b e l i e f s i n m a g i c a l  quescentres  efficacy.  Moreover, even i f contemporary a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s r e j e c t theory, wood?  does t h i s mean t h a t we Not  s t i l l less  even the p r o g r e s s  may  a  d i s m i s s i t as dead  o f the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s ,  o f the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , can be a d e q u a t e l y  de-  p i c t e d i n terms o f a l o g i c a l p r o g r e s s i o n i n the course which t r u t h u n f a i l i n g l y when two  philosophers  s e l v e s to be  comes to r e p l a c e f a l s e h o o d .  of  Thus,  o f the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s d e c l a r e them-  " P r a z e r i a n s " and  s e t out to defend  Prazer's  g e n e r a l methodology, w h i l e a t the same time c r i t i c i z i n g a prominent contemporary a n t h r o p o l o g i s t (John B e a t t i e ) f o r i m p l i c i t l y accepting 34 Prazer's  theory",  are f a r from h a v i n g  "one  o f the weakest p o i n t s  i t becomes p l a i n been s e t t l e d  of  t h a t the o l d i s s u e s  once and  for a l l .  In-  deed, one might wonder i f they have even been u n d e r s t o o d . An h i s t o r i c a l examination o f these of considerable  therefore  be  v a l u e , and i t i s i n f a c t o n l y by means o f  such an examination t h a t we our p r e c o n c e p t i o n s gories .  i s s u e s may  and  can hope to render  explicit  attempt to r e l a t i v i z e our  cate-  F. The Development o f A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  Theory  A n t h r o p o l o g y had i t s r o o t s i n the h u m a n i s t i c  philo-  s o p h i c a l s p e c u l a t i o n o f the Enlightenment, and c r y s t a l l i z e d as an academic d i s c i p l i n e i n the l a t t e r p a r t o f the nineteenth  century.  Prom the p h i l o s o p h e s  o f the  Enlightenment i t d e r i v e d a s t r o n g a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m , and a mission and  to f r e e men's minds from the bonds o f i g n o r a n c e  superstition.  T h i s a n t i - r e l i g i o u s b i a s was f u r t h e r  s t r e n g t h e n e d by the b i t t e r s t r u g g l e s o c c a s i o n e d theory  by the  o f n a t u r a l e v o l u t i o n , and a l s o by the s t r o n g  heri-  tage d e r i v e d from Comtian p o s i t i v i s m . The  l a t t e r p a r t o f the n i n e t e e n t h  o f course,  century  was a l s o ,  the l a s t p e r i o d o f f r e n z i e d e m p i r e - b u i l d i n g  on  the p a r t o f t h e European powers: the age o f the "scramble f o r A f r i c a " and the "white man's burden". philosophes  I f the  spun i d e a l i z e d images o f Chinese  and  o f the good l i f e  and  Prazer  i n Polynesia,  civilization  the g e n e r a t i o n  of Tylor  encountered the r e a l i t y o f a weak and decadent  China and the u n d i s p u t e d t e c h n o l o g i c a l and m i l i t a r y macy o f the n a t i o n s Most a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s  supre-  o f Western Europe and N o r t h America. o f t h i s p e r i o d d i d n o t q u e s t i o n the  s u p e r i o r i t y o f Western European c i v i l i z a t i o n t o any o t h e r s o c i a l type e x i s t i n g on e a r t h up to and i n c l u d i n g t h a t p o i n t i n time.  Many a l s o a c c e p t e d  nate s u p e r i o r i t y o f the white r a c e groups.  the n o t i o n  o f the i n -  to a l l o t h e r  ethnic  T h i s c o n v i c t i o n o f s u p e r i o r i t y , whether r a c i a l o r  c u l t u r a l , was r e f l e c t e d i n the grand e v o l u t i o n a r y schemes then so f a s h i o n a b l e .  Always these schemes culminated i n  -68-  some i n s t i t u t i o n s e l e c t e d from n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y trial  indus-  s o c i e t y : the monogamous f a m i l y , p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y ,  monotheism, or s c i e n t i f i c  thought.  In r e l a t i o n  to  such  i n s t i t u t i o n s , a l l the customs, i n s t i t u t i o n s and b e l i e f s "savages" and  " b a r b a r i a n s " were to be regarded  f o s s i l i z e d antecedents,  of  as so many  r e t a r d e d i n t h e i r development  and  p r e s e r v e d by some f r e a k o f h i s t o r y . Nineteenth two  important  c e n t u r y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s t h e r e f o r e shared  characteristics: f i r s t l y ,  the assumption  the s u p e r i o r i t y o f t h e i r s o c i e t y to a l l o t h e r s and, ly, was  profound  a  a n t i p a t h y towards r e l i g i o n .  p a r t l y expressed  of  second-  This antipathy  i n the tendency to e l e v a t e  scientific  methodology to a p o s i t i o n o f supreme judgement i n r e l a t i o n to  a l l o t h e r e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l systems.  Often these  ten-  d e n c i e s merged, as i n the w r i t i n g s o f S i r James P r a z e r . I n P r a z e r * s eyes, r e l i g i o n came to be seen as an cal  histori-  s u r v i v a l i n n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y European s o c i e t y , a  p r o d u c t o f f a l l a c i o u s r e a s o n i n g , and a phenomenon to be r e p l a c e d i n the course expansion  o f s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n by the  o f s c i e n t i f i c knowledge.  Comte had  much the same t h i n g when he o u t l i n e d h i s "Law Stages",  gradual  asserted o f the Three  a c c o r d i n g to which human thought had undergone an  e v o l u t i o n from r e l i g i o n ,  through metaphysics,  to i t s f i n a l  " p o s i t i v e " form. Such a p e r s p e c t i v e n a t u r a l l y i m p l i e d t h a t the p o l o g i s t was side. of his  life own  anthro-  l o o k i n g upon p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y from the  There was  out-  f o r him n o t h i n g to be l e a r n t from the  way  o f p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s which might be r e l e v a n t to way  o f l i f e , nor any  i m p l i c a t i o n o f the  validity  -69of attempting  to understand  these  societies i n their  own  terms: l e a s t o f a l l w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e i r p e r n i c i o u s and delusory magico-religious b e l i e f s . b i z a r r e departures  These c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y  from r a t i o n a l thought,  departures  s t a n d i n g i n need o f some form o f e x p l a n a t i o n . e x p l a n a t i o n was  Such an  p r o v i d e d , i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , by  the  t h e o r e t i c a l schema o f a s s o c i a t i o n a l p s y c h o l o g y , L£vy-Bruhl d i d n o t b a s i c a l l y modify t h i s o p p o s i t i o n between p r i m i t i v e and  c i v i l i z e d , nor  n a t i v e modes o f thought.  Nor  t h i s d e n i g r a t i o n of  d i d he c h a l l e n g e the  ten-  dency to e l e v a t e Western s c i e n c e to a p o s i t i o n o f a b s o l u t e a r b i t e r or touchstone  a g a i n s t which to measure the  a b i l i t y o f o t h e r ways o f c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g r e a l i t y . h i s d e f i n i t i o n of mystic  thought, as thought  the e x i s t e n c e o f e n t i t i e s and  acceptIndeed,  presupposing  r e l a t i o n s not e x i s t i n g i n  r e a l i t y , assumes p r e c i s e l y t h i s c o n c e p t i o n  of s c i e n c e .  Furthermore, i f L£vy-Bruhl, i n comparison to T y l o r and F r a z e r , marks a forward  step i n beginning  to a p p r e c i a t e  the v a r i a b i l i t y o f meaning i n d i f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l i n o t h e r r e s p e c t s he may grade s t e p .  be c o n s i d e r e d  Both T y l o r and  tom,  to mark a r e t r o -  Frazer, although  view the p r i m i t i v e as a c r e d u l o u s  f o o l and  t e n d i n g to  s l a v e to  n e v e r t h e l e s s s t r o n g l y emphasized t h a t the  processes  o f p r i m i t i v e s were to be understood  the same terms as our own. pletely.  However coherent  understood g i s t may  contexts,  L£vy-Bruhl denied  cus-  thought in basically t h i s com-  n a t i v e thought i s , i t cannot be  by Western c i v i l i z e d man.  Thus the  anthropolo-  d e s c r i b e what p r i m i t i v e s say, but he cannot hope  to  grasp t h e i r c o n c e p t s .  Por p r i m i t i v e s do n o t possess  concepts p r o p e r i n the sense o f r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t some uses conform expressions. to  t o , and o t h e r s break, r u l e s f o r the use o f Hence the i n d i f f e r e n c e o f p r i m i t i v e  logical contradiction.  thought  Of course the Westerner  might  imagine h i m s e l f a p r i m i t i v e and o b t a i n some s o r t o f unders t a n d i n g o f p r i m i t i v e i d e a s by means o f a p r o c e s s o f pathy. to  em-  E q u a l l y w e l l , however, he might imagine what i t i s  be a bear o r a s q u i r r e l by means o f some p r o c e s s o f  em-  pathy. With M a l i n o w s k i , a dramatic s h i f t o c c u r r e d i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l emphasis.  W r i t e r s now  became l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n  t r y i n g to understand p r i m i t i v e thought as such, and more i n t e r e s t e d i n the thought o f p a r t i c u l a r p r i m i t i v e s . work suddenly assumed a c r u c i a l importance  f o r a l l anthro-  p o l o g i s t s : a marked d i f f e r e n c e from the a t t i t u d e t h i s o f , f o r example, P r a z e r .  Pield-  towards  Yet, o b v i o u s l y , t h i s  field-  work d i d n o t proceed i n a t h e o r e t i c a l vacuum, but was  car-  r i e d out under the c o n s t r a i n i n g i n f l u e n c e o f p r e - e x i s t i n g ideas.  The  vast majority of anthropologists, f o r instance,  c o n t i n u e d to a c c e p t the i m p e r i a l s i t u a t i o n : i f f o r no o t h e r reason than t h a t t h e r e d i d . n o t seem to be any p r a c t i c a l way  o f d i s m a n t l i n g the empires  a t t h i s time.  This  i s n o t to suggest t h a t they a c t e d as c y n i c a l a d v i s e r s to rapacious i m p e r i a l i s t administrators.  Rather, t h e i r  tudes are more a c c u r a t e l y d e s c r i b e d by G-ough: ... a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i n those days seem to have commonly p l a y e d r o l e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f white l i b e r a l s , sometimes o f white l i b e r a l r e f o r m e r s  atti-  -71... A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s were o f h i g h e r s o c i a l s t a t u s than t h e i r i n f o r m a n t s ; they were u s u a l l y o f the dominant r a c e , and they were p r o t e c t e d by imp e r i a l law; y e t , l i v i n g c l o s e l y w i t h n a t i v e p e o p l e s , they tended to take t h e i r p a r t and p r o t e c t them a g a i n s t the worst forms o f i m p e r i a l i s t exploitation. Customary r e l a t i o n s developed between a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and the p e o p l e whose i n s t i t u t i o n s they s t u d i e d . A p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y came i n t o b e i n g as a k i n d o f s o c i a l work and community development e f f o r t f o r non-white p e o p l e s , whose f u t u r e was seen i n terms o f g r a d u a l e d u c a t i o n and a m e l i o r a t i o n o f c o n d i t i o n s many o f which had a c t u a l l y been imposed by t h e i r Western conquerors i n the f i r s t place. 36 Thus M a l i n o w s k i was not  to d e s c r i b e a n t h r o p o l o g y as  o n l y a s c i e n t i f i c and  c u l t u r a l v a l u e , but as h a v i n g  d i r e c t p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n i n h e l p i n g the white man "...  govern, e x p l o i t , and  having  'improve  1  a  to  the n a t i v e w i t h l e s s  37 p e r n i c i o u s r e s u l t s to the T h i s new  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r o l e induced  wards n a t i v e c o n c e p t u a l had  latter."  systems.  Earlier  a change t o anthropologists  tended to r e g a r d p r i m i t i v e b e l i e f s i n magic and  c r a f t as u n q u a l i f i e d l y p e r n i c i o u s , and  as b e t t e r  witch-  destroyed  than p e r p e t u a t e d .  M a l i n o w s k i , on the other hand, argued  t h a t such b e l i e f s ,  even i f f a l l a c i o u s , s h o u l d  w i t h as l i t t l e and  as p o s s i b l e by a d m i n i s t r a t o r s ,  t r a d e r s , s i n c e they f u l f i l l e d  function i n primitive society. sis  on the r o l e p l a y e d  be  tampered  missionaries  a pragmatically  useful  Hence M a l i n o w s k i ' s empha-  by s o r c e r y i n u p h o l d i n g  the  politi-  -72c a l a u t h o r i t y o f the T r o b r i a n d  chief.  In a s i m i l a r v e i n ,  Rbgbin and Fortune sought t o demonstrate t h a t , w h i l e the e r a d i c a t i o n o f the b e l i e f i n s o r c e r y was a worthwhile to pursue, the w e l f a r e o f n a t i v e  goal  s o c i e t y was n o t b e s t  s e r v e d by the d i r e c t i n t e r f e r e n c e on the p a r t o f government o f f i c i a l s w i t h these  beliefs.  T h i s view was, o f c o u r s e , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the f u n c t i o n a l i s t analysis of social l i f e ,  according  to which  every i t e m b e l o n g i n g to a c u l t u r a l complex n e c e s s a r i l y made a c o n t r i b u t i o n group c o n s i d e r e d  to the c o n t i n u a t i o n  as a p e r d u r i n g  unit.  o f the s o c i a l T h i s approach was  dominant i n B r i t i s h a n t h r o p o l o g y from the 1920's u n t i l r e c e n t times, and a l s o had some impact on American c u l t u r a l anthropological  studies.  Thus i t was t h a t Kluckhohn un-  dertook an a n a l y s i s o f the w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s o f the c o l o n i a l i z e d Navaho from a p e r s p e c t i v e  i n many r e s p e c t s  tical  o f M a l i n o w s k i and  to t h a t o f the f u n c t i o n a l i s m  Radcliffe-Brown.  iden-  Indeed, h i s c h i e f d i f f e r e n c e from the  l a t t e r writers l i e s i n h i s f a r greater  emphasis, e s p e c i a l -  l y when compared w i t h R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n , on the importance o f the i n d i v i d u a l as the fundamental u n i t o f f u n c t i o n a l i s t a n a l y s i s : an emphasis perhaps r e l a t e a b l e to the g r e a t e r d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the n a t i v e  c u l t u r e s o f the U n i t e d  States  compared to the r e l a t i v e l y more i n t a c t c u l t u r e s s t u d i e d by B r i t i s h anthropologists. Kluckhohn's f a r g r e a t e r  Coupled w i t h t h i s emphasis, was s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of psychological  t h e o r y compared w i t h M a l i n o w s k i . A f u r t h e r change o f emphasis i s marked by the p u b l i c a t i o n o f E.E. Evans-Pritchard's W i t c h c r a f t ,  O r a c l e s and  -73Magic among the Azande: p r o b a b l y the most i m p o r t a n t  single  study o f p r i m i t i v e b e l i e f i n magic and w i t c h c r a f t to d a t e . In  t h i s work, there i s l i t t l e  s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and  t a l k o f the f u n c t i o n s o f  the phenomena under  examination  are n o t e x p l a i n e d by the e x t e n t to which they make f o r sentiments The  concern  r e i n f o r c i n g the s o l i d a r i t y o f Zande s o c i e t y . i s r a t h e r to show how  t i o n s are i n t e r r e l a t e d and how,  Zande b e l i e f s and  g i v e n the premises  which they are based, they form a l o g i c a l system. in  acon Nowhere  the book i s there a n y t h i n g r e s e m b l i n g a law o f human  s o c i e t y , or even a n y t h i n g a p p r o a c h i n g witchcraft i n general.  The  a statement  a n a l y s i s i s concerned  about rather  w i t h p r e s e n t i n g the meaning o f Zande b e l i e f s and a c t i o n s , and some u n d e r s t a n d i n g  o f how  these b e l i e f s a c c o r d w i t h  the f o r m a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Azande. There emerges an i m p l i c i t comparison between t h e i r w i t c h c r a f t and our not i o n s o f b e l i e f , c a u s a l i t y , and moral system, and a l s o a heightened c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f what we o u r s e l v e s mean by these terms.... I t i s import a n t to note t h a t by t h i s stage the individual institution - i n this case, w i t c h c r a f t - i s o n l y the p o i n t of e n t r y to the p e r c e p t i o n o f s e t s of r e l a t i o n s . In s h o r t , one can beg i n to speak o f the s t r u c t u r a l anal y s i s o f s o c i a l l i f e as opposed to the f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . 39 G. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d and Kluckhohn Kluckhohn*s work t h e r e f o r e r e p r e s e n t s the c u l m i n a t i o n of  a t h e o r e t i c a l tendency  initiated - first  and foremost  -  -74by M a l i n o w s k i , w h i l e the approach p r e s e n t s the i n i t i a t i o n o f a new  of Evans-Pritchard r e d i r e c t i o n of anthropolo-  g i c a l a n a l y s i s , and one which has become i n c r e a s i n g l y n i f i c a n t i n recent years.  S i n c e these two  sig-  s t u d i e s were  p u b l i s h e d w i t h i n seven y e a r s o f each o t h e r , and - somewhat c u r i o u s l y - w r i t t e n i n d e p e n d e n t l y of each o t h e r , i t would seem a f r u i t f u l p r o j e c t to undertake  a comparative  analysis  o f these as models f o r the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f p r i m i t i v e ideas of w i t c h c r a f t .  In Kluckhohn's work, we  f u n c t i o n a l i s m of Malinowski, g r e a t l y r e f i n e d , to make sense  of that f i e l d  see  the  attempting  o f data most d i f f i c u l t  d e r s t a n d i n terms o f M a l i n o w s k i * s  to un-  g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f magic,  and most p r o b l e m a t i c f o r h i s f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach whole: i . e . , w i t c h b e l i e f s .  I n E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d * s work, we  see M a l i n o w s k i * s p e r s p e c t i v e a l r e a d y i m p l i c i t l y (hence  rejected  the h o s t i l i t y o f the l a t t e r towards i t * ^ ) ,  i n i t i a t i o n o f a new  approach  as a  and  the  to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  p r i m i t i v e magic and w i t c h c r a f t  beliefs.  I t i s p o s s i b l e to c o n t r a s t the work o f E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d and o f Kluckhohn mer  on a number o f dimensions.  Thus the  for-  i s concerned w i t h meaning, the l a t t e r w i t h f u n c t i o n ;  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d i s a t t e m p t i n g to understand world-view, the Navaho;  w h i l e Kluckhohn 41  the Zande  i s t r y i n g to e x p l a i n t h a t o f  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d p l a c e s h i s main emphasis on  the r a t i o n a l i t y and l o g i c a l coherence  o f Zande b e l i e f s ,  even a l t h o u g h he c o n s i d e r s these to be o b j e c t i v e l y w h i l e Kluckhohn  false,  t r e a t s Navaho w i t c h b e l i e f s as fundamen-  t a l l y i r r a t i o n a l and e s s e n t i a l l y to be understood  as the  -75r e s u l t a n t s o f the unconscious  processes  o f the human  psyche. To a l l these d i f f e r e n c e s , one must add d i f f e r e n c e between KLuckhohn's p s y c h o l o g i s m Pritchard' s sociologism.  the o v e r r i d i n g and  Evans-  T h i s , to be s u r e , i s n o t h i n g  new  i n terms o f an a n t i t h e s i s i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s : nor i s it  an a n t i t h e s i s t h a t has by any means been r e s o l v e d .  Pocock notes  t h a t the q u e s t i o n o f the p r i o r i t y o f psyche  or s o c i e t y was  a l r e a d y an i s s u e o f debate between Macaulay 43 and James M i l l i n 1829; i t c o n t i n u e s to be a p o i n t o f c o n t e n t i o n i n the most r e c e n t o f d i s c u s s i o n s i n the s o c i a l 44 sciences.  I t seems u n l i k e l y t h a t t h i s q u e s t i o n  should  ever be r e s o l v e d , s i n c e i t cannot be d e c i d e d by arguments on an a b s t r a c t m e t h o d o l o g i c a l  level.  The  q u e s t i o n o f the  p r i o r i t y o f psyche or s o c i e t y i s c l o s e l y bound to one's p r i o r c o n c e p t i o n o f the type o f q u e s t i o n the  social  s c i e n c e s s h o u l d attempt to answer, which i n t u r n h i n g e s one's a c t u a l i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g the n a t u r e  on  o f human s o c i e t y  and p e r s o n a l i t y . Prom the s t a n d p o i n t o f t h i s t h e s i s , what i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l model i s the s u b s t a n t i v e t h e o r y and  the i m p l i c i t assumptions w i t h which i t i s a s s o c i a t e d .  Por the p s y c h o l o g i c a l model has n o t been invoked to e x p l a i n r a t i o n a l thought  p r o c e s s e s , but o n l y  i n order those  which are c o n s i d e r e d to d e p a r t from our c r i t e r i a o f r a tionality. has  tended  The  s o c i o l o g i c a l approach, on the o t h e r hand,  to l o o k f o r c r i t e r i a o f r a t i o n a l i t y w i t h i n each  c u l t u r e , and n o t to assume t h a t what would be  irrational  -76i n our s o c i e t y need n e c e s s a r i l y be so i n another c o n t e x t (and v i c e v e r s a ) .  cultural  I t f o l l o w s t h a t the s o c i o l o g i -  c a l approach - a t l e a s t i n i t s s t r u c t u r a l i s t v a r i a n t - i s much more concerned w i t h s e e i n g a c u l t u r e i n i t s own terms.  The p s y c h o l o g i c a l approach, i n c o n t r a s t ,  definitely  i n v o l v e s the a n a l y s i s o f o t h e r c u l t u r e s i n terms e x t r a neous t o them.  Notes and References  1.  Ch. I , P. 3.  2.  The meaning o f the statement t h a t a l l s p e c i f i c a l l y human b e h a v i o u r i s r u l e - g o v e r n e d i s e x p l i c a t e d i n Winch, P., The Idea o f a S o c i a l S c i e n c e . (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1958), e s p c . Pp. 24-33, 40-65. Winch suggests t h a t an a c t i o n may be spoken o f as i n v o l v i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n o f a r u l e i f i t i s p o s s i b l e to d i s t i n g u i s h between a r i g h t and a wrong way o f p e r f o r m i n g the a c t i o n . I n h i s c r i t i q u e o f Winch, D.R. B e l l argues t h a t there a r e c e r t a i n o b s c u r i t i e s i n h e r e n t i n t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n o f Winch's, and contends t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y to d i s t i n g u i s h a t l e a s t two senses i n which an a c t i v i t y may be r u l e - g o v e r n e d : ( i ) i n the sense t h a t an a c t i v i t y i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d , this p a r t i c u l a r conceptualization f i t t i n g i n with o t h e r concepts o f the language; and ( i i ) i n the sense i n which a r u l e a p p l i e s f o r b i d d i n g o r e n j o i n i n g an a c t i v i t y f o r some r e a s o n . B e l l , D.R., "The Idea o f a S o c i a l S c i e n c e " , A r i s t o t e l i a n S o c i e t y Supplement. V o l . XLI, (1967), P. 119. See a l s o the c r i t i q u e by M a c l n t y r e o f Winch's p o s i t i o n : M a c l n t y r e , A., "The Idea o f a S o c i a l S c i e n c e " , A r i s t o t e l i a n S o c i e t y Supplement. V o l . X L I , (1967), Pp. 95-114.  3.  R e c o g n i t i o n o f t h i s p o i n t i s , o f c o u r s e , widespread i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , i m p l i c i t l y o r e x p l i c i t l y f o r m i n g i n p a r t the t h e o r e t i c a l base o f such d i v e r g e n t method o l o g i c a l approaches as those o f Preudianism, Marxism, f u n c t i o n a l i s m and s t r u c t u r a l i s m . I t i s expressed i n such n o t i o n s as those o f f a l s e c o n s c i o u s n e s s , m a n i f e s t f u n c t i o n , r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , c o n s c i o u s model and i d e o logy.  4.  Winch, P., The I d e a . . . . op. c i t . . P. 23.  5.  Ibid..  6.  The concept o f t e c h n o c r a c y i s developed i n Roszak, T.,  -78The Making o f a Counter C u l t u r e , (Doubleday & I n c . , Garden C i t y , New York, 1969).  Co.,  7.  Pocock, D.F., S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , (Sheed & Ward, London, 1961), P. 90.  8.  Cardan, P., H i s t o r y and R e v o l u t i o n , London, 1971), P. 28.  9.  Cardan, P., The F a t e o f Marxism, C l y d e s i d e , n . d . ) , P. 4.  10. Pocock, D.F.,  (Solidarity,  (Solidarity,  S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , op. c i t . , Pp.  88-9.  11. Kluckhohn, C , Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , (Beacon P r e s s , Boston, 1967), Pp. 26-7, 61, 138-48, 150 note 7. 12. Winch, P., "Understanding a P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y " , American P h i l o s o p h i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . I , No. 4, ( O c t . 1964), P. 307. Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l . 13. Marwick, M. ( e d . ) , W i t c h c r a f t and S o r c e r y , Books L t d . , Harmondsworth, 1970), P. 319.  (Penguin  14. Marwick, M., "The Study o f W i t c h c r a f t " , i n E p s t e i n , A.L. ( e d . ) , The C r a f t o f S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , ( T a v i s t o c k P u b l i c a t i o n s L t d . , London, 1967), P. 238. 15. W i l s o n , M.H., "Witch B e l i e f s and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e " , American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , V o l . LVT, No. 4, ( J a n . 1951), P. 31316. Turner, V., " W i t c h c r a f t and S o r c e r y : Taxonomy v e r s u s Dynamics", A f r i c a , V o l . XXXIV, No. 4, (1964), P. 316. 17. Kluckhohn, C ,  Navaho W i t c h c r a f t ,  op. c i t . , P.  83.  18. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande, (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 1937), P. 475. 19. I b i d . , P.  193.  -7920. Barnes, S.B., "Paradigms - S c i e n t i f i c and S o c i a l " , ( n . s . ) , V o l . IV, No. 1, (1968), P. 94. 21. LeVy-Bruhl, L., How N a t i v e s Think, (Washington P r e s s , New York, 1966), P. 19.  Man  Square  22. L e v i - S t r a u s s , C , Totemiam, ( M e r l i n P r e s s , London, 1962), P. 1. Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l . 23.  I b i d . . P.  24. I b i d . , Pp.  3. 2-3.  25. Leach, E.R., " V i r g i n B i r t h % i n Leach, E.R., Genesis as Myth and Other E s s a y s , (Jonathan Cape, London, 1969), Pp. 109-10. 26. I b i d . . P. 97. Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l . 27. L e v i - S t r a u s s , C , The Savage Mind, (Weidenfeld & N i c h o l s o n , London, 1966), P. 10. 28. Goldmann, L., The Human S c i e n c e s and P h i l o s o p h y , (Jonathan Cape, London, 1969), P* 58. 29.  See P o l a n y i , M., P e r s o n a l Knowledge, (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1958), P. 58; Barnes, S.B., "Paradigms...", op. c i t . , espc. Pp. 99-101.  30. M i l l e r , A., The C r u c i b l e . (Bantam Books, New York, 1959). Of course I am not here i n t e n d i n g t o d e n i g r a t e M i l l e r ' s remarkable p l a y , n o r h i s purposes. The p o i n t I wish t o emphasize i s t h a t we don't need a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s t o t e l l us what a "witch-hunt" i s . 31. Pocock, D.P., S o c i a l Anthropology, op. c i t . . P. Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l . 32.  3.  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., T h e o r i e s o f P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n , (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 1965), P. 100.  -8033.  See Douglas, M., P u r i t y and Danger, (Penguin Books L t d . , Harmondsworth, 1970), Pp. 16-40.  34. J a r v i e , I.C. and A g a s s i , J . , "The Problem o f the R a t i o n a l i t y o f Magic", B r i t i s h J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , V o l . X V I I I , (1967), P. 68. 35.  I t i s i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t L e v y - B r u h l ' s contention t h a t p r i m i t i v e thought i s u l t i m a t e l y i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e was n o t s i m p l y a l o g i c a l d e d u c t i o n on the p a r t o f an armchair a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , b u t was based upon the t e s t i mony o f p i o n e e r f i e l d - w o r k e r s , l i k e Cushing and Best, who had a c t u a l l y l i v e d among p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s and l e a r n t t h e i r l a n g u a g e s . See L e v y - B r u h l , L . , How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , Pp. 55-6.  36. Gough, K., "New P r o p o s a l s f o r A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s " , C u r r e n t Anthropology, V o l . IX, (Dec. 1968), P. 403. 37. M a l i n o w s k i , B., Crime and Custom i n Savage S o c i e t y , (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1926), P. x i . 38. Hogbin, H.I., "Sorcery and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " , Oceania, V o l . V I , No. 1, ( S e p t . 1935), Pp. 1-32; Fortune, R., S o r c e r e r s o f Dobu, (Routledge and Kegan P a u l , London, 1963), Appendix I I I , " A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and S o r c e r y " . 39. Pocock, D.F., S o c i a l Anthropology, op. c i t . , P. 73. 40.  M a l i n o w s k i i n f a c t even went so f a r as to attempt to p r e v e n t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d from p u b l i s h i n g W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande. D r . K. B u r r i d g e , p e r s . comm..  41.  U n d e r s t a n d i n g i n v o l v e s r e n d e r i n g the a c t i o n s o f an i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l i g i b l e by r e f e r e n c e to the thoughts, g o a l s o r i n t e n t i o n s o f the a c t o r . E x p l a n a t i o n , on the o t h e r hand, i n v o l v e s r e n d e r i n g a s e r i e s o f a c t i o n s i n t e l l i g i b l e by r e f e r e n c e to a theory extraneous to the b e h a v i o u r o b s e r v e d . The d i f f e r e n c e between these two might be l i k e n e d to the d i s t i n c t i o n Winch draws between a p p l y i n g one's knowledge o f a language i n o r d e r  -81to make sense o f a c o n v e r s a t i o n and a p p l y i n g one's knowledge o f the laws o f mechanics i n o r d e r to comprehend the workings o f a watch. Winch, P., The I d e a . . . , op. c i t . , P. 133. 42. Kluckhohn does acknowledge t h a t Navaho w i t c h b e l i e f s p o s s e s s a c e r t a i n coherence and l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e . He does n o t , however, e l u c i d a t e t h i s l o g i c which he t r e a t s somewhat i n the manner o f the l o g i c o f the i n sane . 43. Pocock, D.P.,  S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , op. c i t . , Pp.  34-5.  44. See the d i s c u s s i o n o f the t h e o r i e s o f H e r b e r t Marcuse and Norman Brown i n Roszak, T., The Making..., op. c i t . , Ch. I I I .  CHAPTER THREE  THE PROGRESSIONISTS  A. I n t r o d u o t i o n To understand the views o f T y l o r and F r a z e r on magic and w i t c h c r a f t , i t i s n e c e s s a r y two  contexts.  t o l o c a t e these  views i n  The f i r s t i s t h a t o f the i n t e n s e V i c t o r i a n  concern w i t h r e l i g i o n , and i n p a r t i c u l a r the h i t t e r  con-  f l i c t between some o f the n a s c e n t n a t u r a l and human s c i e n c e s and a l i t e r a l i s t  theology.  The second i s t h a t o f  the g e n e r a l s u p p o s i t i o n s o f t h e i r * p r o g r e s s i o n i s t methodology.  Between these, The  o f c o u r s e , was a very c l o s e  V i c t o r i a n s experienced  relation.  a tremendous r e l i g i o u s  crisis,  which was r o o t e d i n a number o f d i f f e r e n t  ments.  The growth o f geology and archaeology,  develop-  and the  f o r m u l a t i o n o f the t h e o r y o f n a t u r a l e v o l u t i o n , undermined the v a l i d i t y o f a l i t e r a l  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f S c r i p t u r e from  a s c i e n t i f i c p o i n t o f view.  I n a d d i t i o n to t h i s ,  was the impact o f the L e f t H e g e l i a n s subjected  there  and o f Renan, who  the B i b l e to an e x a c t i n g t e x t u a l s c r u t i n y t h a t  was o f t e n d e v a s t a t i n g and was too s c h o l a r l y t o be l i g h t l y 1 dismissed.  Finally,  the development o f comparative  mythology and comparative r e l i g i o n began t o t r e a t a l l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s as phenomena o f the same 2 o r d e r and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , o f the same v a l i d i t y . These developments o c c a s i o n e d flicts.  The d e n u n c i a t i o n  deep and i n t e n s e  con-  o f L y e l l because h i s geology  -83seemed to c o n f l i c t w i t h s c r i p t u r a l accounts o f the C r e a t i o n and Deluge,  the b i t t e r s t r u g g l e s between the  Darwinians and the a n t i - e v o l u t i o n i s t s , the censure  of  Jowett f o r s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the O l d Testament must be i n t e r p r e t e d l i k e any o t h e r book: i n many ways, events as these were t y p i c a l o f the  such  age.  I n consequence o f t h i s , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s f e l t  that  they were l i v i n g i n the m i d s t o f an immense c r i s i s i n the h i s t o r y o f thought. of  T h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n M u l l e r ' s remark  1878: E v e r y day, every week, e v e r y month, e v e r y q u a r t e r , the most w i d e l y r e a d j o u r n a l s seem j u s t now to v i e w i t h each o t h e r i n t e l l i n g us t h a t the time f o r r e l i g i o n i s p a s t , t h a t f a i t h i s a h a l l u c i n a t i o n or an i n f a n t i l e d i s e a s e , t h a t the gods have , a t l a s t been found out and e x p l o d e d . In t h i s c r i s i s ,  and the c o n f l i c t s i t g e n e r a t e d ,  t h r o p o l o g i s t s p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t . (a devout L u t h e r a n ) and Robertson-Smith  an-  Some, l i k e M u l l e r (who  n e v e r wavered  i n h i s f a i t h i n the B i b l e as a d i v i n e l y - i n s p i r e d  revela-  t i o n ) , were r e l a t i v e l y c a u t i o u s i n t h e i r comments on 4 Christianity.  Not so the i n t e l l e c t u a l tendency which  was  to c u l m i n a t e i n P r a z e r * s work. Most o f the i m p o r t a n t n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s d e r i v e d from D i s s e n t i n g backgrounds,  and i n a d d i t i o n  to t h i s were s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by such a n t i - r e l i g i o u s i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s as E n l i g h t e n m e n t s c e p t i c i s m  and  r a t i o n a l i s m , U t i l i t a r i a n i s m and Comtian p o s i t i v i s m . Spencer, Morgan, McLennan, Lubbock, T y l o r and P r a z e r , were  a l l a t h e i s t s o r a g n o s t i c s and h o s t i l e to r e l i g i o n . Thus one  o f F r a z e r ' s purposes  i n w r i t i n g The  Golden  Bough seems t o have been to d i s c r e d i t r e v e a l e d r e l i g i o n byshowing how  one  or o t h e r o f i t s e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s (the  r e s u r r e c t i o n o f the man-god, f o r example) i s analogous what may  be found 7  p o i n t s out,  i n pagan r e l i g i o n s . ^  i n d o i n g t h i s he was  As J.W.  i n essence  to  Burrow  following i n  T y l o r * s f o o t s t e p s , f o r T y l o r e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e d t h a t he anthropology  as h a v i n g two main f u n c t i o n s : "to  men*s minds w i t h the i d e a o f development", and  saw  impress " t o expose  the remains o f the crude o l d c u l t u r e which have passed i n g  to s u p e r s t i t i o n , and  to mark these out f o r d e s t r u c t i o n . "  T y l o r * s method i n a t t e m p t i n g t h i s t a s k c o n s i s t e d i n o u t l i n i n g a s e r i e s o f stages o f progress, c u l m i n a t i n g i n Victorian society.  I t has  sometimes been a s s e r t e d t h a t  t h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n o f stages o f p r o g r e s s d e r i v e d from  the  a p p l i c a t i o n o f Darwin's i d e a s from the b i o l o g i c a l to the q c u l t u r a l realm.  Such a view i g n o r e s the v e r y r e a l  f e r e n c e s between the b i o l o g i c a l and  c u l t u r a l models.  Darwin, i n the course o f e v o l u t i o n , n a t u r a l forms ferentiate.  dif-  Por the p r o g r e s s i o n i s t s - Spencer,  Por  dif-  Morgan,  T y l o r and F r a z e r - a l l s o c i a l forms tend to e v o l v e i n the same d i r e c t i o n , a l t h o u g h a t d i f f e r e n t D e s p i t e the enormous impact and  t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y thought,  rates.  o f Darwin on n i n e t e e n t h  the methodology o f T y l o r  and P r a z e r p r o b a b l y owed more to H e r b e r t Spencer. e a r l y as  1850,  As  n i n e y e a r s b e f o r e the p u b l i c a t i o n o f On  O r i g i n o f the S p e c i e s , Spencer drew an analogy s o c i e t y and organism,  an a n a l o g y he was  between  to e l a b o r a t e i n  the  -85The P r i n c i p l e s o f S o c i o l o g y .  As organisms  grow, so do  s o c i e t i e s , a l t h o u g h the f a c t o r s c o n t r o l l i n g growth i n each case a r e d i f f e r e n t .  E x i s t i n g "savage  11  o r "barbarous"  s o c i e t i e s have been a r r e s t e d i n t h e i r growth, and r e p r e s e n t e a r l y s t a g e s i n the growth o f a b s t r a c t  "Society".  Contemporary p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s c o u l d t h e r e f o r e be used to i l l u s t r a t e s t a g e s i n the temporal p r o c e s s o f s o c i a l evolution. T h i s argument, t h a t e x i s t i n g p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s r e p r e s e n t s t a g e s through which o u r own c i v i l i z a t i o n has passed, was taken up by P r a z e r and T y l o r , who c o u p l e d i t w i t h the d o c t r i n e o f the " p s y c h i c u n i t y " o f mankind.  The  main axioms o f the r e s u l t a n t methodology may be summarized as f o l l o w s : i.  Human i n s t i t u t i o n s , shaped  by a s i m i l a r human n a t u r e ,  succeed each o t h e r i n a s e r i e s s u b s t a n t i a l l y u n i f o r m over the e a r t h . ii.  By u t i l i z i n g the comparative method, and i g n o r i n g  f e r e n c e s r e s u l t i n g from e n v i r o n m e n t a l and h i s t o r i c a l  difcon-  t i n g e n c i e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e to a b s t r a c t t h i s common human n a t u r e and determine  the e v o l u t i o n a r y sequence o f human  institutions. iii.  The o p e r a t i o n s o f the human mind, which a r e mani-  f e s t e d i n t h i s e v o l u t i o n , a r e governed f i n i t e as those which govern  the motion  by laws  "as de-  o f the waves, the  combination o f a c i d s and bases, and the growth o f p l a n t s and  animals."  1 1  -86B. Magic and the A s s o c i a t i o n  o f Ideas  In accordance w i t h t h i s methodology, b o t h T y l o r and Frazer  considered  magic t o c o n s t i t u t e an h i s t o r i c a l  sur-  v i v a l o f a once u n i v e r s a l mode o f c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n : mode o f c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n  a  t h a t remained, however, amenable  to a n a l y s i s i n b a s i c a l l y the same terms as our own. model f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s was d e r i v e d  The  from the a s s o c i a t i o n a l  p s y c h o l o g y then dominant. Both T y l o r and F r a z e r  considered  on an i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n f u s i o n ,  magic to be founded  representing  p l i c a t i o n o f the a s s o c i a t i o n o f i d e a s . l a t i o n , p r i m i t i v e man was i n c a p a b l e symbolization  In Tylor's  of seeing  o f an o b j e c t was a p u r e l y  menon and t h a t m a n i p u l a t i o n o f symbolic does n o t e n t a i l any m o d i f i c a t i o n  a mistaken apformu-  t h a t the  subjective  pheno-  representations  o f the o b j e c t  symbolized.  Because o f t h i s , a s s o c i a t i o n o f an o b j e c t i n thought was 1  believed  t o e n t a i l a s s o c i a t i o n i n the o b j e c t i v e Man, as y e t i n a low i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n d i t i o n , h a v i n g come to a s s o c i a t e i n thought those t h i n g s t h a t he found by e x p e r i e n c e to be connected i n f a c t , proceeded e r r o n e o u s l y t o i n v e r t t h i s a c t i o n , and to conclude t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n i n thought must i n v o l v e s i m i l a r connexion i n r e a l i t y . He thus attempted t o d i s c o v e r , t o f o r e t e l l , and t o cause events by means o f p r o c e s s e s which we can now see to have o n l y an i d e a l s i g n i f i c ance. By a v a s t mass o f evidence from savage, b a r b a r i c , and c i v i l i z e d l i f e , magic a r t s which must have thus r e s u l t e d from m i s t a k i n g an i d e a l f o r a r e a l connexion, may be  world.  -87c l e a r l y t r a c e d from the lower c u l t u r e which they are o f , to the ^ h i g h e r c u l t u r e which they are i n . I n support o f ethnographic  o f t h i s c o n t e n t i o n , T y l o r c i t e d a number examples, which F r a z e r was  l a t e r to c l a s -  s i f y as examples o f the o p e r a t i o n o f a supposed Law  of  Sympathy: ... among the Dayaks, young men sometimes a b s t a i n from the f l e s h o f the deer, l e s t i t should make them t i m i d , and b e f o r e a pig-hunt they a v o i d o i l , l e s t the game should s l i p through t h e i r f i n g e r s , and i n the same way the f l e s h o f slow-going and cowardly animals i s not to be eaten by the w a r r i o r s of South America; but they l o v e the meat o f t i g e r s , s t a g s , and boars, f o r courage and speed. *«* P r a z e r c o n s i d e r e d these examples to t y p i f y the t i o n o f an imagined Law analysed  of Sympathy which, i f n e v e r  as such by the " u n r e f l e c t i v e magician", c o u l d  n e v e r t h e l e s s be a b s t r a c t e d by the " p h i l o s o p h i c The  opera-  student"•  i m p l i c i t assumption u n d e r l y i n g the imagined law  was:  ... t h a t t h i n g s a c t on each o t h e r a t a d i s t a n c e through a s e c r e t sympathy, the impulse b e i n g t r a n s m i t t e d from one t o the o t h e r by means o f what we may conceive as a k i n d o f i n v i s i b l e e t h e r , not u n l i k e t h a t which i s post u l a t e d by modern s c i e n c e f o r a p r e c i s e l y s i m i l a r purpose, namely, to e x p l a i n how t h i n g s can p h y s i c a l l y a f f e c t each o t h e r through a space which appears t o be empty. * 1  T h i s assumed Law  o f Sympathy was  c o n s i d e r e d by  Frazer  -88t o have two a p p l i c a t i o n s : i.  Homeopathic  ( i m i t a t i v e ) Magic, based on t h e a s s o c i a t i o n  o f ideas by s i m i l a r i t y and i m p l i c i t l y assuming t h e operat i o n i n n a t u r e o f a Law o f S i m i l a r i t y . ii.  Contagious Magic, based on the a s s o c i a t i o n o f ideas by  c o n t i g u i t y and i m p l i c i t l y assuming the o p e r a t i o n i n n a t u r e 15 o f a Law o f Contagion. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two types o f magic i s shown i n the f o l l o w i n g diagram:  SYMPATHETIC MAGIC (Law o f Sympathy)  HOMEOPATHIC MAGIC  CONTAGIOUS MAGIC  (Law o f S i m i l a r i t y )  (Law o f Contagion)  Diagram 4:  Homeopathic  Homeopathic  and Contagious Magic  magic i s based on the mistaken assumption  t h a t t h i n g s which resemble each other may e x e r c i s e an i n f l u e n c e on each o t h e r .  An example would be t h e e v i l -  w i s h i n g s a n d - p a i n t i n g s made by Navaho Witches and S o r c e r e r s , or the p r a c t i c e o f the same S o r c e r e r s o f making an image i n c l a y o r wood o f an i n t e n d e d v i c t i m which i s then t o r t u r e d by b e i n g s t u c k w i t h a p o i n t e d o b j e c t , o r by h a v i n g  -89p r o j e c t i l e s shot i n t o i t .  Navahos b e l i e v e t h a t by  thus  t r e a t i n g the l i k e n e s s o f a p e r s o n , S o r c e r e r s can cause 16 i l l n e s s o r death to b e f a l l the person h i m s e l f . Contagious  magic i s based  on the e r r o r o f assuming  t h a t t h i n g s which have been i n c o n t a c t w i t h each o t h e r c o n t i n u e to e x e r c i s e an i n f l u e n c e on each o t h e r a f t e r have been p h y s i c a l l y s e p a r a t e d . s h i p i s sometimes thought  Por i n s t a n c e , a  and some  severed p a r t o f h i s p e r s o n : h a i r , n a i l s , s p i t t l e ,  succeeds  they  relation-  to e x i s t between a man  t e e t h , e x c r e t a or s o i l e d c l o t h i n g .  may  blood,  Thus a s o r c e r e r who  i n s e c u r i n g these o b j e c t s i s b e l i e v e d to h o l d a  power over t h e i r o r i g i n a l p o s s e s s o r . Hence the P r u s s i a n b e l i e f t h a t i f you beat the garment o f a t h i e f , he w i l l 17 fall i l l . Hence a l s o , Navaho s e c r e c y about u r i n a t i o n and d e f e c a t i o n and care i n the d i s p o s a l o f h a i r - c l i p p i n g s , 18 the p l a c e n t a and menstrual  blood.  Of c o u r s e , P r a z e r d i d n o t c o n s i d e r these  principles  to be o p e r a t i v e o n l y i n the case o f d e s t r u c t i v e magic but c o n s i d e r e d them to be e q u a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f , f o r example, l o v e , h u n t i n g and r a i n - m a k i n g magic. P r a z e r used changeably fic  the terms " s o r c e r e r " and and nowhere attempted  Indeed,  "magician"  inter-  to d e f i n e a t h e o r y  speci-  to d e s t r u c t i v e magic, as d i s t i n c t from a t h e o r y o f  magic i n g e n e r a l .  I t i s a l s o important  to note t h a t these  u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p l e s o f magic were n o t thought  o f as  c e s s a r i l y e x i s t i n g i n "pure" form: ... i n p r a c t i c e the two branches a r e o f t e n combined: o r , to be more e x a c t , w h i l e homeopathic o r i m i t a t i v e magic  nec-  -90may be p r a c t i s e d by i t s e l f , cont a g i o u s magic w i l l g e n e r a l l y be found t o i n v o l v e an a p p l i c a t i o n o f the homeopathic o r i m i t a t i v e p r i n ciple. 1 9  Por  P r a z e r , these p r i n c i p l e s o f homeopathic and con-  t a g i o u s magic were o p e r a t i v e n o t o n l y p o s i t i v e l y , but a l s o i n t h e case o f r i t u a l p r o h i b i t i o n s .  C r o s s - c u t t i n g the  broad d i v i s i o n between homeopathic and contagious magic, t h e r e f o r e , P r a z e r e s t a b l i s h e d a second dichotomy a l o n g another a x i s : t h a t between s o r c e r y and taboo, o r t h e p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e p r e c e p t s o f magic.  The r e s u l t a n t t h e o -  r e t i c a l scheme i s shown below:  MAGIC  THEORETICAL  PRACTICAL  (Pseudo-Science)  (Pseudo-Art)  SORCERY (+ Magic)  Diagram 5:  TABOO (- Magic)  Magic, S o r c e r y and Taboo  -91C, Magic, S c i e n c e and R e l i g i o n T y l o r d i d n o t attempt to draw a f i r m d i s t i n c t i o n  be-  tween magic and r e l i g i o n , b e i n g c o n t e n t to o f f e r as a "minimum d e f i n i t i o n " o f the l a t t e r , t u a l Beings",  "the b e l i e f i n S p i r i -  a s s i g n i n g the remainder o f the s u p e r n a t u r a l 20  to the domain o f magic. S i m i l a r l y , he  d i d n o t attempt to d i s c u s s the  question  o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f magic to s c i e n c e , a l t h o u g h  implicit  i n h i s p o s i t i o n i s a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between a s u b j e c t i v e , f a l l a c i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n o f phenomena (magic) and an  as-  s o c i a t i o n o f phenomena between which t h e r e e x i s t s a or o b j e c t i v e l i n k  real  (science).  Both these i d e a s were developed  by P r a z e r , who  perhaps, be c r e d i t e d w i t h h a v i n g i n i t i a t e d  may,  systematic  c u s s i o n o f the r e l a t i o n o f magic to s c i e n c e and  dis-  religion.  A c c o r d i n g to P r a z e r , the e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e between magic and r e l i g i o n was  t h a t the former i m p l i c i t l y assumed  the o p e r a t i o n o f mechanical  laws o f c a u s a l i t y i n n a t u r e ,  whereas r e l i g i o n p o s t u l a t e d t h a t n a t u r e i s s u b j e c t to the d i r e c t i o n o f some "superhuman b e i n g ( s ) " , p o s s i b l y c a p r i c i o u s , who  must be p r o p i t i a t e d .  t h e r e f o r e , r e p r e s e n t two  Magic and  religion,  c o s m o l o g i c a l systems, two  tempts to reduce the u n i v e r s e to o r d e r , a l t h o u g h  at-  (as w i t h  homeopathic and c o n t a g i o u s magic) these two systems r a r e l y e x i s t i n pure form, b e i n g u s u a l l y f u s e d i n e t h n o g r a p h i c 21 reality. The  d i s t i n c t i o n between magic and  science i n Prazer's  scheme i s f a r l e s s c l e a r , though he argued the c l o s e k i n -  -92s h i p o f these two modes o f thought on the grounds t h a t b o t h r e s t on the assumption mutable m e c h a n i c a l l a w s . tween the two  t h a t n a t u r e i s governed  The  only c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e  by  im-  be-  t h a t he seems t o have drawn i s t h a t i n the  case o f magic t h i s b e l i e f i n the o p e r a t i o n o f immutable laws throughout n a t u r e remains i m p l i c i t , whereas w i t h 22 s c i e n c e t h i s assumption  i s rendered e x p l i c i t .  In a d d i -  t i o n to t h i s , however, P r a z e r seems to have thought o f s c i e n c e , as d i d T y l o r , as f o r m u l a t i n g laws which c o r r e s p o n d to o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y , i n c o n t r a s t to the i l l u s o r y 23  presup-  p o s i t i o n s o f the m a g i c i a n . . The  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f t h r e e such modes o f thought  immediately poses  the q u e s t i o n o f how  The n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was, which most s o c i a l s c i e n c e was  they are  interrelated.  o f c o u r s e , the p e r i o d i n  c a s t i n the mould o f p r o g r e s -  s i o n i s t models o f the s u c c e s s i o n o f h i s t o r i c a l s t a g e s .  To  h i s c r e d i t , however, T y l o r d i d n o t seek to i n t e r r e l a t e magic, s c i e n c e and r e l i g i o n i n t h i s manner, d e s p i t e h i s g e n e r a l commitment to the p r o g r e s s i o n i s t methodology. s t e a d , he argued  In-  t h a t magic, s c i e n c e and r e l i g i o n are to  be found i n a l l s o c i e t i e s , a l t h o u g h i n the more  advanced  c u l t u r e s a n i m i s t i c and m a g i c a l i d e a s come to p l a y a l e s s e r r o l e i n human thought than i n e a r l i e r stages o f development and l i n g e r on m a i n l y as s u r v i v a l s .  H i s scheme  may  t h e r e f o r e be r e p r e s e n t e d as i n Diagram 6 on the f o l l o w i n g page. P r a z e r went a s t e p f u r t h e r than t h i s .  Magic, s c i e n c e  and r e l i g i o n a r e n o t o n l y o f v a r y i n g importance  from  one  -93-  Higher  Stages  of  Culture  MAGIC  Lower  Diagram 6:  Stages  of  Culture  T y l o r * s View o f Magic, Science and R e l i g i o n  s o c i e t y t o another, but c o u l d a c t u a l l y be arranged hierarchy o f stages. course  ina  According to t h i s hierarchy, i n the  o f human s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n magic i s g r a d u a l l y r e -  p l a c e d by r e l i g i o n , which i n t u r n i s r e p l a c e d by s c i e n c e . T h i s scheme may be i l l u s t r a t e d as f o l l o w s :  Higher  Stages  of  Culture  S C I E N C E  R E L I G I O N  M A G I C  Lower Stages  Diagram 7:  of  Culture  F r a z e r ' s View o f Magic. Science and R e l i g i o n  -94In P r a z e r ' s  view, s i n c e i t was i n e v i t a b l e t h a t the  f i r s t attempts to understand r e a l i t y should  be l a r g e l y  mistaken, i t was a r e a s o n a b l e assumption t h a t m a g i c a l (false) notions in  would have preceded s c i e n t i f i c  the course o f i n t e l l e c t u a l e v o l u t i o n .  ( t r u e ) ones  R e l i g i o n he  p l a c e d between magic and s c i e n c e , on the grounds t h a t i t represents despite  a l e s s p r i m i t i v e mode o f thought than magic,  the l a t t e r ' s c l o s e k i n s h i p to s c i e n c e .  ment he j u s t i f i e d on three i.  This  argu-  grounds:  The a s s o c i a t i o n o f i d e a s u n d e r l y i n g magic i s an e l e -  mentary mental p r o c e s s ,  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f even animal i n -  telligence.  t h a t n a t u r e i s c o n t r o l l e d by i n -  The n o t i o n  v i s i b l e b e i n g s , on the o t h e r hand, i s i n d i c a t i v e o f a much more complex way o f t h i n k i n g and must be r e s e r v e d 24  t o human  intelligence. ii.  R e l i g i o u s b e l i e f may be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t o an enor-  mous number o f v a r i e t i e s , l a r g e l y a f f e c t i n g the more t h o u g h t f u l members o f the communi"fcy.  Magic, i n c o n t r a s t  to t h i s , c o n s t i t u t e s a " u n i v e r s a l substratum o f u n i f o r m i t y " , 25 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the d u l l - w i t t e d and s u p e r s t i t i o u s . iii.  The A u s t r a l i a n A b o r i g i n e s ,  according  t o P r a z e r the  most p r i m i t i v e o f e x i s t i n g p e o p l e s , p r a c t i s e magic u n i versally.  On the o t h e r hand r e l i g i o n , i n the sense o f the  p r o p i t i a t i o n o f h i g h e r powers, i s almost unknown among them: "... nobody dreams o f p r o p i t i a t i n g gods by p r a y e r and  sacrifice."^ Magic t h e r e f o r e r e p r e s e n t e d  the p r i m o r d i a l mode o f  thought, t r a n s c e n d e d o n l y when some o f the more  intelli-  gent members o f humanity became c o n s c i o u s o f i t s i n e f -  -95ficacy.  C o n f r o n t e d by the f a i l u r e o f t h e i r magic, these  i n d i v i d u a l s proceeded governed  to p o s t u l a t e t h a t n a t u r e was  by immutable m e c h a n i c a l laws, but was  not  s u b j e c t to  the d i r e c t i o n o f some m i g h t i e r power(s) whose f a v o u r must be s e c u r e d .  In t h i s way  m a g i c a l thought gave way  l i g i o u s , a l t h o u g h the t r a n s i t i o n was  n o t pure and  to r e traces  o f magic c o n t i n u e t o p e r s i s t i n most r e l i g i o n s : i n the b e l i e f s o f the F r e n c h C a t h o l i c p e a s a n t r y c o n c e r n i n g the Mass o f the H o l y S p i r i t and the Mass o f S t . S e c a i r e , f o r 27 example. Yet i n the course o f time t h i s r e l i g i o u s mode o f thought a l s o proves u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , f o r i t assumes t h a t the s u c c e s s i o n o f n a t u r a l events i s n o t i n v a r i a b l e but i s s u b j e c t to a l t e r a t i o n .  The keener-minded p e r c e i v e t h a t  o r d e r a c t u a l l y does e x i s t , and as t h e i r comprehension t h i s o r d e r g r a d u a l l y extends  of  they come to r e j e c t the r e -  l i g i o u s mode o f thought and r e v e r t to the p o s t u l a t e o f an i n f l e x i b l e r e g u l a r i t y i n the o r d e r o f n a t u r e . way,  scientific  In  this 28 thought comes to r e p l a c e r e l i g i o u s .  D. The S t a b i l i t y o f M a g i c a l B e l i e f The fundamental  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f p r i m i t i v e magic  b e i n g d e f i n e d by T y l o r and F r a z e r as o b j e c t i v e f a l s e h o o d , the q u e s t i o n a t once a r i s e s as to why  this falsehood  should n o t be immediately p e r c e i v e d , i n view o f i t s d i s crepancy w i t h e m p i r i c a l r e a l i t y .  Why,  i n o t h e r words,  s h o u l d p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s c o n t i n u e to c l i n g to m a g i c a l t i o n s when these a r e so o b v i o u s l y f a l l a c i o u s ?  no-  In answer  to t h i s q u e s t i o n , T y l o r suggested s i x main r e a s o n s :  -96i.  Some o f the r e s u l t s aimed a t by magicians a r e  actually  a c h i e v e d , a l t h o u g h f o r d i f f e r e n t reasons than the p r a c t i t i o n e r s o f magic b e l i e v e .  The power o f s u g g e s t i o n , f o r  example, might s l a y a v i c t i m , or a n a t u r a l l y  curative  agent be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o a r i t u a l h e a l i n g p r o c e s s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , a m a g i c a l r i t e might c o i n c i d e w i t h the r e s u l t i t was ii.  designed to a c h i e v e by sheer  chance.  " C o n j u r e r s ' t r i c k s " are sometimes used to m a i n t a i n the  p r e s t i g e o f the m a g i c i a n , a l t h o u g h magic i s n o t s i m p l y a matter o f f r a u d but a l s o "a s i n c e r e but f a l l a c i o u s  system  of philosophy". iii.  Successes always outweigh f a i l u r e s i n the eyes  those who  of  b e l i e v e i n magic.  i v . The p l a s t i c i t y o f p r i m i t i v e n o t i o n s o f s u c c e s s and f a i l u r e makes i t d i f f i c u l t r i t u a l has d e f i n i t e l y  to s p e c i f y when a m a g i c a l  failed.  v. M a g i c a l performances  are t y p i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h so  many r i t u a l p r o h i b i t i o n s and requirements  t h a t the  failure  o f a r i t e can always be e x p l a i n e d by a r g u i n g t h a t one  of  the  not  d i f f i c u l t p r e c o n d i t i o n s n e c e s s a r y f o r s u c c e s s was  met. v i . I t i s always p o s s i b l e to c l a i m t h a t the e f f e c t o f magic has been n u l l i f i e d o r reduced by the o p e r a t i o n o f 29 counter-magic. . E . A C r i t i q u e o f T y l o r and F r a z e r We  cannot  deny the p o s s i b l e o p e r a t i o n o f a l l these  f a c t o r s , a l t h o u g h we might wonder what s o r t o f e x p l a n a t i o n it  i s o f a supposedly  o n c e - u n i v e r s a l c o n c e p t u a l system,  to  -97say  t h a t i t o r i g i n a t e d i n an e r r o r i n l o g i c and i s main-  t a i n e d by a combination o f secondary e l a b o r a t i o n s , c i d e n t a l s u c c e s s e s , c r e d u l i t y and f r a u d . ^  in-  Moreover, r e -  l a t e d to t h i s i s a fundamental problem i n e v i t a b l y encount e r e d by the methodology o f T y l o r and P r a z e r . mental p r o c e s s i s p o s t u l a t e d  I f a common  to underlie a v a r i e t y o f c u l -  t u r a l forms, then one i s f a c e d w i t h the problem o f explaining this variety.  Or, t o p u t t h i s i n the terms i n  which T y l o r and P r a z e r would have seen i t , the h y p o t h e s i s o f the p s y c h i c  u n i t y o f mankind must be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h  the f a c t o f p r o g r e s s . T h i s problem i s n o t i n f a c t i n s o l u b l e .  One might,  f o r example, r e s o l v e i t i n terms o f the d i f f e r e n t i a l experience  o r g a n i z e d by the common mental f u n c t i o n s , and  from here be l e d i n t o an examination o f the s o c i a l turing of ideas. but  resorted  struc-  T y l o r , however, d i d n o t choose t h i s p a t h  instead  to the t h e o r i e s o f r a c i a l  determina-  t i o n so common i n h i s day. Thus, a l t h o u g h i n P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e "...  eliminate  considerations  T y l o r r e s o l v e d to  of hereditary  v a r i e t i e s or  r a c e s o f man, and to t r e a t mankind as homogenous i n n a t u r e , 31 though p l a c e d nevertheless  i n d i f f e r e n t grades o f c i v i l i z a t i o n " ,  he  went on i n the same work to compare the men-  t a l c a p a c i t i e s and m o r a l i t y  o f "savages" to those o f c h i l -  dren, w h i l e i n A n t h r o p o l o g y he s p e c i f i c a l l y a t t r i b u t e d t h i s moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l " i n f e r i o r i t y " to the supposedly l e s s e r degree o f development o f the b r a i n o f non-white 32 peoples.  -98Such a view a c c o r d s p e r f e c t l y w i t h T y l o r ' s e x p l a n a t i o n o f m a g i c a l p r a c t i s e s as r e s u l t i n g from mere i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n f u s i o n , as a l s o w i t h the n i n e t e e n t h  century  s t e r e o t y p e o f the "savage": as c r e d u l o u s , i n c a p a b l e o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , s p e a k i n g rudimentary languages and com33 m u n i c a t i n g by grimaces, e t c . . T y l o r ' s view o f p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s t h e r e f o r e r e v e a l s the smug c e r t a i n t y o f i n t e l l e c 34 t u a l and moral s u p e r i o r i t y t y p i c a l o f h i s e r a ,  and a l s o  i n d i c a t e s h i s a n t i p a t h y to h i s o b j e c t o f s t u d y : i n d e e d , sought i t s o b l i t e r a t i o n .  He  t h e r e f o r e appears i n a d u a l ,  though f u s e d , g u i s e .  On  s e n t s an i n t e l l e c t u a l  j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r nineteenth  imperialism.  On  v e s t i g e s o f those  he  the one hand, he c l e a r l y  the o t h e r , he  reprecentury  seeks to e r a d i c a t e the  last  "most p e r n i c i o u s i l l u s i o n s t h a t have 35  ever vexed mankind"  which have c o n t i n u e d  to p e r s i s t i n  the " h i g h e s t " c i v i l i z a t i o n , by showing t h e i r Such a t a s k was  origins.  made a l l the more i m p o r t a n t  i n t h a t he c o n s i d e r e d t h a t the p r o g r e s s o f  for Tylor  civilization  d i d n o t c o n s t i t u t e a s i n g l e , unbroken advance.  He  noted  the " r e v i v a l " o f w i t c h b e l i e f i n Europe i n the p e r i o d tween the t h i r t e e n t h and  seventeenth  c e n t u r i e s , and  s i d e r e d the development o f S p i r i t u a l i s m i n h i s own  be-  contime  to  be a s i m i l a r l y dangerous example o f " r e v i v a l i n c u l t u r e " . A g r e a t p h i l o s o p h i c - r e l i g i o u s doct r i n e , f l o u r i s h i n g i n the lower c u l t u r e but d w i n d l i n g i n the h i g h e r , has r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f i n f u l l vigour. The w o r l d i s a g a i n swarming w i t h p o w e r f u l disembodied s p i r i t u a l b e i n g s , whose d i r e c t a c t i o n on  -99t h ought and m a t t e r i s a g a i n conf i d e n t l y a s s e r t e d , as i n those times and c o u n t r i e s where p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e had n o t as y e t so f a r succeeded i n e x t r u d i n g those s p i r i t s and t h e i r i n f l u e n c e s from the system o f n a t u r e . 36 Yet such " r e v i v a l s " i n c u l t u r e , T y l o r was describe.  merely to  They are n o t s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o  h i s p r o g r e s s i o n i s t model, and  t h e r e f o r e remain unaccounted  for. A very s i m i l a r who  was  n o t i n any  c r i t i c i s m may satisfactory  he l e v e l l e d a t P r a z e r ,  manner a b l e to account f o r  the e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o g r e s s i o n which he argued l e d from magic, through  r e l i g i o n , to s c i e n c e .  o f c o u r s e , was  t h a t the whole p r o c e s s c o u l d be  i n terms o f the i n t e l l i g e n c e  Prazer's  suggestion, explained  o f some o f the more p e r s p i -  c a c i o u s members o f each s o c i e t y .  These, c o n f r o n t e d by  the  f a i l u r e o f t h e i r m a g i c a l or r e l i g i o u s r i t e s , would event u a l l y see through b e l i e f s and  the c o n f u s i o n o f i d e a s u n d e r l y i n g t h e i r  come to the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the u n i v e r s e i s  governed by p r i n c i p l e s operative. societies  Yet why  different  from those they assumed  t h i s s h o u l d have happened i n  at different  u n l i k e those i n c e r t a i n  times; why  the Arunta,  other s o c i e t i e s ,  different  f o r example,  s h o u l d n o t have  been a b l e to p e r c e i v e the f a l l a c y o f t h e i r m a g i c a l q u e s t i o n s such as these are met context of Prazer*s  beliefs:  w i t h a b l a n k w i t h i n the  system.  In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , i t i s n e c e s s a r y  to add  t h a t none  o f P r a z e r ' s grounds f o r r e g a r d i n g magic as a more p r i m i t i v e mode o f thought  than r e l i g i o n can be a c c e p t e d .  As  -100Robert Lowie argued: i.  I t may  be  t r u e t h a t animals engage i n the  association  o f i d e a s : but i t i s as s u r e l y untrue t h a t they c a r r y m a g i c a l r i t e s as i t i s t h a t they p o s t u l a t e of r e l i g i o u s essences.  As  soon as one  a s s o c i a t i o n of ideas underlying cesses themselves, "the  the  out  existence  passes from  the  magic to the m a g i c a l p r o -  extreme s i m p l i c i t y a l l e g e d 37  by  Prazer vanishes i n t h i n a i r . " ii.  I t i s e q u a l l y untrue that, considered c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y ,  magic c o n s t i t u t e s a substratum o f i n t e l l e c t u a l whereas r e l i g i o u s i d e a s may  be  uniformity,  differentiated into a large  number o f v a r i e t i e s .  Magic shows f a r fewer u n i f o r m i t i e s  than P r a z e r a l l e g e d .  The  A r u n t a , f o r example, l a c k e d  t a g i o u s magic; d i v i n a t i o n was O l d World than the New; elaborated America.  f a r more pronounced i n  the use  o f the s p e l l was  conthe  highly  i n Oceania, but unimportant i n most o f N o r t h I n o t h e r words, P r a z e r d i d not base h i s gene-  r a l i z a t i o n on an o b j e c t i v e a p p r a i s a l o f a v a i l a b l e d a t a : I f r e l i g i o n s are compared i n t h e i r s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and m a g i c a l f a i t h s o n l y as r e g a r d s t h e i r a b s t r a c t common t r a i t s , the former w i l l o f course appear d i v e r s e and the l a t t e r u n i f o r m . A f a i r s u r v e y , on the o t h e r hand, w i l l b r i n g out f r e q u e n t r e c u r r e n c e s o f r e l i g i o u s no l e s s than o f m a g i c a l p r a c t i c e . 3 8 iii.  Prazer's contention  lacked  any  t h a t the A u s t r a l i a n  form o f r e l i g i o n i s u n t e n a b l e .  Aborigines  In f a c t , a l -  though P r a z e r r e t a i n e d t h i s a s s e r t i o n i n h i s 1922 o f The  Golden Bough, i t had  already  edition  been r e f u t e d by  the  -101work o f Mrs. K. L a n g l o h P a r k e r  on the E u a h l a y i  tribe  as  30,  e a r l y as  1905.  I t i s necessary, these  however, to balance  c r i t i c i s m s of T y l o r and  the f o r c e o f a l l  P r a z e r a g a i n s t the f a c t  that  b o t h sought to e x p l a i n m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s phenomena as e s s e n t i a l l y r a t i o n a l , i f m i s t a k e n , phenomena. them, c o n s t i t u t e d a coherent prehensible  Magic, f o r  mode o f thought, f u l l y com-  once the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s on which i t i s  founded are u n d e r s t o o d .  Thus, d e s p i t e P r a z e r * s  to view the b e l i e v e r i n magic as a c r e d u l o u s  tendency  fool,  and  T y l o r s r a c i s m , n e i t h e r p o s t u l a t e d a gap between p r i m i t i v e 1  and  c i v i l i z e d m e n t a l i t i e s comparable to t h a t p o s t u l a t e d  L€vy-Bruhl.  by  -102-  Notes and  References  1.  Evans-Pritchard, E.E., "Religion and the Anthropol o g i s t " , i n Evans-Pritchard, E.E.j Essays i n S o c i a l Anthropology, (Faber & Faber, London, 1962), P. 34.  2.  Thus inducing the Bishop of Gloucester to condemn a t tempts "to put into competition the sacred books of India and the Holy S c r i p t u r e s " . I b i d . , P. 35.  3.  Quoted i n Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Theories of P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n , (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, London,1965), P. 100.  4.  This circumspection did not save them from running a f o u l of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . Muller was denied the Chair of Sanskrit at Oxford because h i s teaching was considered subversive of the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h , while Robertson-Smith was removed from the Chair of Hebrew at the University of Aberdeen f o r p u b l i s h i n g c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l remarks on the dating, order and comp o s i t i o n of the Books of the Old Testament.  5.  Evans-Pritchard, E.E., " R e l i g i o n . . . " , op. c i t . , P. 35. As Evans-Pritchard points out, t h i s t r a d i t i o n of agnosticism and atheism has continued to p r e v a i l , both i n B r i t i s h and i n American anthropology, u n t i l the present day.  6.  I b i d . , Pp. 35-6. I f o l l o w here the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Evans-Pritchard. Leach has recently contested t h i s , mainly on the grounds of Frazer*s caution i n h i s d i r e c t comments on C h r i s t i a n i t y . See Leach, E.R., "Frazer and Malinowski", Encounter, V o l . XXV, (Nov. 1965), Pp. 24-36. See also J a r v i e ' s c r i t i q u e of Leach:-Jarvie, I.C., "Academic Fashions and Grandfather K i l l i n g - In Defence of Frazer", Encounter, V o l . XXVI, ( A p r i l 1966), Pp. 53-5.  7.  Burrow, J.W., Evolution and Society, (Cambridge University Press, London, 1966), P. 250.  -1038.  T y l o r , E.B., P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e . (John Murray, London, 1920), V o l . I I , P. 410. Quoted i n Burrow, J.W., E v o l u t i o n . . . , op. c i t . , P. 258.  9.  C f . J a r v i e , I . e . , The R e v o l u t i o n i n A n t h r o p o l o g y . (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1967), P. 9.  10. C h i l d e , V.G., S o c i a l E v o l u t i o n . 1951), Pp. 2-5. 11. T y l o r , E.B., 1 2  «  (Watts & Co.,  P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e , op. c i t . ,  I b i d . . V o l . I , P.  London,  V o l . I , P.  2.  133.  13. T y l o r E.B., Researches I n t o the E a r l y H i s t o r y o f Mankind. (John Murray, London, 1870), P. 133. 14. P r a z e r , J.G., The Golden Bough, a b r i d g e d ed., (Macmillan & Co. L t d . , London, 1960), V o l . I , P.  16.  15. Jakobson has suggested t h a t a l l i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e symb o l i c a c t s may be p l a c e d i n r e l a t i o n to one o f two axes: metaphoric and metonymic. The f i r s t o f these i n v o l v e s the s e l e c t i o n and s u b s t i t u t i o n o f symbols and i s dependent on the p e r c e p t i o n o f s i m i l a r i t y ; the second combines symbols i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t a c c o r d i n g to the p e r c e p t i o n o f c o n t i g u i t y . The f i r s t a x i s i s t h e r e f o r e p a r a d i g m a t i c , and the second s y n t a g m a t i c . Jakobson f u r t h e r suggests t h a t the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f these two axes corresponds to P r a z e r * s d i s t i n c t i o n between homeopathic magic (metaphoric a x i s ) and c o n t a g i o u s magic (metonymic a x i s ) . In l i g h t o f t h i s correspondence P r a z e r * s d i s t i n c t i o n , a l t h o u g h undeveloped, becomes a l l the more s i g n i f i c a n t , and the p o s s i b i l i t y o f an a n a l y s i s o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s modelled on the methods o f s t r u c t u r a l l i n g u i s t i c s may be e n v i s a g e d . C f . Jakobson, R., "Deux a s p e c t s du langage e t deux types d ' a p h a s i e s " , i n Jakobson, R., E s s a i s de U n g u i s t i q u e g e n e r a l s , (Les E d i t i o n s de M i n u i t , P a r i s , 1963), e s p c . Pp. 61-7. 16. Kluckhohn, C , Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , (Beacon P r e s s , Boston, 1967), P. 32.  -10417. F r a z e r , J.G., The Golden Bough, op. c i t . , V o l . I , * P. 57. 18. Kluckhohn, C ,  Navaho W i t c h c r a f t , op. c i t . , P. 54.  19. F r a z e r , J.G., The Golden Bough, op. c i t . , V o l . I , 20. T y l o r , E.B., P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e , op. c i t . . V o l . I I , P. 424. 21. F r a z e r , J.G., The Golden Bough, op. c i t . , V o l . I , - P. 67. 22. I b i d . . 23. I b i d . , V o l . I , P. 65. See Ch. IX o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r a f u l l e r d i s c u s s i o n o f F r a z e r * s view o f s c i e n c e . 24. F r a z e r , J.G., The Golden Bough, op. c i t . , V o l . I , P. 71. 25. I b i d . , V o l . I , Pp. 72-3. 26. I b i d . . 27. I b i d . , V o l . I , Pp. 68-77. 28. I t i s n e c e s s a r y t o remark a t t h i s p o i n t , however, t h a t there i s a c e r t a i n a m b i g u i t y to F r a z e r * s thought on t h i s m a t t e r . Thus, towards the c l o s e o f The Golden Bough, he a c t u a l l y s u g g e s t s the c o - e x i s t e n c e o f magic and s c i e n c e from the e a r l i e s t t i m e s . A d o p t i o n o f such a p o i n t - o f - v i e w , however, poses s p e c i a l problems f o r F r a z e r * s p r o g r e s s i o n a l sequence. F o r i f s c i e n c e and magic a r e c o - e x t e n s i v e , how can one e s t a b l i s h an e v o l u t i o n a r y s u c c e s s i o n between them? C f . I b i d . , V o l . I I , P. 933. 29. T y l o r , E.B., P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e , op. c i t . , V o l . I , Pp. 133-5. T y l o r * s a n a l y s i s o f the secondary p r o t e c t i v e mechanisms o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f has become c l a s s i c , and P r a z e r was unable t o improve on i t i n any way.  -105Malinowski was to add the further reason, f o r the perpetuation of magical b e l i e f s , that a sorcerer w i l l often f r a n k l y admit h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r an i l l n e s s , whether true or not, i n order to enhance h i s reputat i o n . Apart from t h i s new suggestion, however, Malinowski was to repeat Tylor's arguments. Cf. Malinowski, B., Argonauts of the Western P a c i f i c , (E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., New York, 1961), P. 76. Tylor's arguments are also repeated i n F i r t h , R., Human Types, (Mentor, New York, 1958), P. 128. Probably the f u l l e s t a n a l y s i s of the secondary protective mechanisms of magical b e l i e f i s that of Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, (Oxford University Press, London, 1937), Pp. 314-44, 475-8. Even here the debt to Tylor i s obvious* 30. Hence Durkheim's c r i t i c i s m of the approach of Tylor and Prazer: "Quand l e s philosophes du X v T I I s i e c l e f a i s a i e n t de l a r e l i g i o n une vaste erreur imaginee par l e s p r S t r e s , i l s pouvaient du moins en expliquer l a persistance par 1 ' i n t e r s * t que l a caste sacerdotale a v a i t a tromper l e s f o u l e s . Mais s i l e s peuples euxmSmes ont 6t6 l e s inventeurs de ces systemes d*id£es erronndes en meme temps q u ' i l s en Staient l e s dupes, comment cette duperie extraordinaire a - t - e l l e pu se perpStuer tout l e long de l ' h i s t o i r e ? " Durkheim, E., "Examen c r i t i q u e des systemes classiques sur l e s origines de l a pensie r e l i g i e u s e " , Revue philosophique de l a Prance et de 1'Stranger, V o l . LXVII, (Jan. 1909), P. 28. e  31. Tylor, E.B., P r i m i t i v e Culture, op. c i t . , V o l . I, - P. 7. Quoted i n H a r r i s , M., The Rise of Anthropol o g i c a l Theory, (Thomas Y. Crowell, New York, 1968), P. 140. 32. Tylor, E.B., Anthropology, York, 1898), Pp. 74-5.  (D. Appleton & Co.,  New  33. See the examples given by Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Theories..., op. c i t . , Pp. 105-6.  -10634. Frazer i s often castigated f o r h i s "complacency and undisguised contempt of p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y " . Douglas, M., P u r i t y and Danger, (Penguin Books l t d . , Harmondsworth, 1970), P. 36. But i t was Tylor, who i s usually accorded much more sympathetic treatment, who wrote that: "... there i s t h i s p l a i n difference between low and high races of men, that the dull-minded barbarian has not power of thought enough to come up to the c i v i l i z e d man's best moral standard. The wild man of the f o r e s t , f o r g e t f u l of yesterday and careless of tomorrow, l o l l i n g i n h i s hammock when h i s wants are s a t i s f i e d , has l i t t l e of the play of memory and f o r e s i g h t which i s ever u n r o l l i n g before our minds the panorama of our own past and future l i f e . . . " . Tylor, E.B., Anthropology, op. c i t . , P. 407. Further, "... a Londoner who should attempt to lead the atrocious l i f e which the r e a l savage may lead with impunity and even respect, would be a c r i m i n a l and only allowed to follow h i s savage models during h i s short i n t e r v a l s out of gaol. Savage morals are r e a l enough, but they are f a r looser and weaker than ours. We may, I think, apply the oft-repeated comparison of savages to children as f a i r l y to t h e i r moral as to t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l condition." Tylor, E.B., P r i m i t i v e Culture, op. c i t . , V o l . I, P. 31. 35. I b i d . , V o l . I , P. 112. 36. I b i d . , V o l . I , Pp. 142-3. 37. Lowie, R.H., P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n , (Boni & L i v e r i g h t , New York, 1924), Pp. 143-4. 38. I b i d . , P. 146. 39. I b i d . , P. 145. That the A u s t r a l i a n Aborigines lacked any form of r e l i g i o n was, of course, a common assumpt i o n i n Frazer's time. Cf. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., Theories..., op. c i t . , P. 197.  CHAPTER FOUR  LUCIEN LEVY-BRUHL  A.  Introduction The  work o f L u c i e n Levy-Bruhl has r a r e l y been accorded  a sympathetic treatment by B r i t i s h o r American anthropologists.  As Mary Douglas p o i n t s out, most textbooks on  comparative r e l i g i o n a r e emphatic about t h e mistakes t h a t he made, but say n o t h i n g o f t h e value  o f the questions he  raised.  an a c c u r a t e  1  Some have n o t even provided 2  tation of h i s ideas.  presen-  I t i s undeniable t h a t a f o r c e f u l  c r i t i q u e may be made o f Levy-Bruhl's t h e o r i e s , but f o r a f a i r e v a l u a t i o n i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o view h i s work w i t h i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l context.  Only then may we form an a c c u r a t e  idea  of h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Levy-Bruhl's theory  of primitive mentality  ( f o r he  wrote on t h i s i n g e n e r a l , r a t h e r than about r e l i g i o n , magic o r w i t c h c r a f t s p e c i f i c a l l y ) has two s i d e s .  On i t s c r i t i c a l  s i d e , i t i s an a t t a c k on t h e " i n t e l l e c t u a l i s t " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f magic and r e l i g i o n o f f e r e d by "the E n g l i s h s c h o o l " , e s p e c i a l l y T y l o r and F r a z e r .  In i t s essentials,  t h i s a t t a c k accords w i t h t h e views o f Durkheim and the o t h e r w r i t e r s o f the Ann£e s o c i o l o g i q u e .  On i t s c o n s t r u c -  t i v e s i d e , however, i t has a markedly d i s t i n c t i v e and o r i ginal  character. The  two  c r i t i q u e by Levy-Bruhl o f T y l o r and F r a z e r was on  levels.  F i r s t l y , he a t t a c k e d  the a s s o c i a t i o n a l psycho-  -1 Ool o g y which was  the b a s i s o f t h e i r t h e o r i e s .  This; he  criti-  c i z e d as b e i n g inadequate as psychology , i n t h a t i t d i d not take p r o p e r account o f the importance o f the and motor elements i n mental l i f e on i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e was  and  emotional  of t h e i r i n f l u e n c e  properly so-called.^  s i m i l a r t o t h a t made by a number o f  This  criticism  post-Prazerian  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s - M a r e t t and M a l i n o w s k i , f o r example made o f i t the s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f an a n a l y s i s o f magic  who and  r e l i g i o n as " a f f e c t i v e " phenomena, t h u s r e t a i n i n g a p s y c h o l o g i c a l frame of r e f e r e n c e .  Levy-Bruhl,  Durkheim - went a s t e p f u r t h e r t h a n t h i s , the v e r y i d e a o f a t t e m p t i n g  an e x p l a n a t i o n  however -  with  i n repudiating o f what are  e s s e n t i a l l y s o c i a l phenomena i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms. The portant  methodology o f T y l o r and and  P r a z e r r e s t e d on two  c l o s e l y related presuppositions.  Firstly, i t  assumed the v a l i d i t y o f i n t r o s p e c t i o n as a mode o f ing  c u l t u r a l knowledge.  Both T y l o r and  deduce how  and b o t h c o n s i d e r e d  p r i m i t i v e man  c i r c u m s t a n c e s i t was thoughts and  must t h i n k and  attain-  F r a z e r assumed t h a t  t h e i r modes of thought were e s s e n t i a l l y the same as of p r i m i t i v e peoples,  those  that i n order  i n such  to  feel in particular  s u f f i c i e n t t o imagine what t h e i r  f e e l i n g s would be  im-  own  circumstances.  Secondly, i t assumed t h a t f o r m a l l y s i m i l a r customs from d i f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l contexts meaning.  The  i d e a was  not y e t c u r r e n t t h a t such customs  were connected w i t h o t h e r s context  and  c o u l d be a s c r i b e d the same  in a particular institutional  formed a complex o f meaning.  terms o f i n d i v i d u a l psychology- had  Explanation  l e d away from  an  in  -109a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h i s  insight.  As a r e s u l t , the approach o f T y l o r and F r a z e r was tended by s e r i o u s dangers, to  at-  o f t e n l e a d i n g the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  r e a d erroneous, o r f a c t u a l l y u n j u s t i f i a b l e , meanings  into practices.  T h i s i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by an example  t a k e n from F r a z e r and c i t e d by L e v y - B r u h l i n o r d e r t o show the shortcomings o f the E n g l i s h s c h o o l o f a n t h r o p o l o g y . F r a z e r had i n t e r p r e t e d the b u r i a l custom o f p l a c i n g a g o l d c o i n i n the mouth o f the deceased as an attempt  to  p r o v i d e the dead w i t h a means of p u r c h a s i n g f o o d i n t h e i r after-life.  As such, he i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s custom as an  h i s t o r i c a l s u b s t i t u t i o n f o r an e a r l i e r p r a c t i c e o f p l a c i n g f o o d i n the mouth of the dead.  On the f a c e o f i t , such an  e x p l a n a t i o n seems p l a u s i b l e , as do so many o f those o f T y l o r and F r a z e r .  But, as L e v y - B r u h l p o i n t e d out, i n the;  one case where t h i s t h e o r y can a c t u a l l y be checked, incorrect.  is is  F o r among the A n c i e n t Chinese, t h e p l a c i n g o f  g o l d , jade and p e a r l s i n the mouth o f the deceased was; n o t done w i t h t h e aim of p r o v i d i n g the d e p a r t e d w i t h the means of  p u r c h a s i n g f o o d i n the next w o r l d .  In Chinese  thought,  t h e s e s u b s t a n c e s were conceived: o f as substances o f the c e l e s t i a l sphere, composed of Yang matter, and as p o w e r f u l c o u n t e r - a g e n t s of c o r r u p t i o n and decay.  Among the Chinese,  t h e r e f o r e , t h i s custom r e p r e s e n t e d an attempt  to preserve  the c o r p s e from d e c o m p o s i t i o n and thus r e n d e r p o s s i b l e t h e 4  c o n t i n u e d use o f the body a f t e r  death.  The t r o u b l e w i t h the T y l o r - F r a z e r method of i n t r o s p e c t i o n , i n assuming t h a t what would be r e a s o n a b l e  infer-  -licences and l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n s f o r us would a l s o be so f o r the members o f o t h e r s o c i e t i e s , account  the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e  each s o c i e t y . tulate  i s t h a t i t l e a v e s out  of  o f the members o f  U l t i m a t e l y , t h e r e f o r e , i t r e s t s on the  o f an u n s o c i a l i z e d mental  pos-  life:  We might j u s t as w e l l hope t o make: a c i e n t i f i c use o f the i d e a o f a human i n d i v i d u a l mind imagined t o be d e v o i d o f a l l e x p e r i e n c e whatever. Would i t be worth w h i l e t o t r y / and r e c o n s t r u c t the method i n which such a mind would r e p r e s e n t the n a t u r a l phenomena which o c c u r r e d w i t h i n and! around, him? As a m a t t e r o f f a c t we have no means of knowing what such a mind would be l i k e . As f a r back as we can go, however p r i m i t i v e ; t h e r a c e s we may study, we s h a l l n e v e r f i n d any minds which a r e not s o c i a l i z e d , i f we may put i t thus, n o t a l ready concerned w i t h an i n f i n i t e number o f c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s : which have been t r a n s m i t t e d by t r a d i t i o n , the o r i g i n o f which i s l o s t i n obscurity.5 P r i m i t i v e b e l i e f s s h o u l d n o t , t h e r e f o r e , be viewed as individual  responses  t o a presumed u n i v e r s a l need f o r ex-  p l a n a t o r y d e v i c e s , n o r as i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l i g i b l e personal experiences. must be t a k e n as primary, termine  deductions Rather,  p r o c e s s e s are s o c i a l f a c t s , resentations .  these  as p a t t e r n s o f thought  the t h i n k i n g o f the p a r t i c u l a r determined  rendering beliefs which  individual.  Thought  by c o l l e c t i v e  These L e v y - B r u h l d e f i n e d a s :  ... common t o the members: o f a g i v e n s o c i a l group; t h e y are t r a n s m i t t e d  de-  rep-  -111from one g e n e r a t i o n t o another; t h e y impress themselves upon i t s i n d i v i d u a l members, and awaken i n them sentiments o f r e s p e c t , f e a r , a d o r a t i o n , and so on, a c c o r d i n g t o the c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f the c a s e . T h e i r e x i s t e n c e does not depend upon the i n d i v i d u a l ; not t h a t t h e y imply a c o l l e c t i v e u n i t y d i s t i n c t from the i n d i v i d u a l s composing the s o c i a l group, but because t h e y p r e s e n t thems e l v e s i n a s p e c t s which cannot be accounted f o r by c o n s i d e r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s merely as such. Thus i t i s t h a t a language, a l t h o u g h , p r o p e r l y speaking, i t e x i s t s o n l y i n the minds o f the i n d i v i d u a l s who speak i t , i s none the l e s s an i n c o n t e s t a b l e s o c i a l r e a l i t y , founded upon an ensemble o f c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , f o r i t imposes i t s c l a i m s on each one o f these i n d i v i d u a l s ; i t i s i n e x i s t e n c e b e f o r e h i s day, and i t s u r v i v e s him.6 P a t t e r n s o f thought,  b e i n g i n t h i s way  mena, must n e c e s s a r i l y v a r y from one  s o c i a l pheno-  society to  another,  the v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f s o c i e t y b e i n g i n t e r d e p e n d e n t . was  This  not t o deny a c e r t a i n b a s i s o f homogeneity t o the  thought  p a t t e r n s of a l l s o c i e t i e s .  Obviously,  L^vy-Bruhl  c o n s i d e r e d , t h i s must e x i s t , i n s o f a r as i n a l l s o c i e t i e s / languages  are spoken, t r a d i t i o n s t r a n s m i t t e d and  t i o n s maintained.  institu-  But s i n c e s o c i e t i e s a l s o v a r y p r o f o u n d l y  i n t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n , we must expect p a t t e r n s o f to vary concomitantly.  thought  A c c o r d i n g l y , the i d e a o f r e d u c i n g  a l l mental o p e r a t i o n s t o a s i n g l e t y p e , e x p l i c a b l e i n terms o f the mental f u n c t i o n i n g o f the " a d u l t c i v i l i z e d  white  -112man", must be r e j e c t e d .  7  What L e v y - B r u h l s h o u l d have attempted  at t h i s point,  as E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d was t o remark, i s a study o f how p a r t i c u l a r thought  p a t t e r n s a r e r e l a t e d t o p a r t i c u l a r modes o f g  social organization.  But he made no attempt  i n d e t a i l t h e s o c i a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f thought,  t o demonstrate and argued  i n f a c t t h a t t h e s t a t e o f knowledge o f h i s time made such a d e t a i l e d comparative  study i m p o s s i b l e .  He t h e r e f o r e p r o -  posed i n s t e a d , by way o f a p r e l i m i n a r y i n v e s t i g a t i o n , t o a n a l y s e o n l y "the most g e n e r a l laws" g o v e r n i n g t h e c o l l e c t i v e representations of p r i m i t i v e peoples. I s h a l l endeavour t o c o n s t r u c t , i f n o t a t y p e , a t any r a t e an ensemble o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which a r e common t o a group o f n e i g h b o u r i n g t y p e s , andi i n t h i s way t o d e f i n e t h e e s s e n t i a l features of the mentality p e c u l i a r to undeveloped p e o p l e s . 9 In o r d e r t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e these f e a t u r e s ; as c l e a r l y as p o s s i b l e , he proposed  t o compare t h i s m e n t a l i t y w i t h "our  own": ... i . e . w i t h t h a t o f t h e r a c e s which are t h e product o f "Mediterranean" c i v i l i z a t i o n , i n which a r a t i o n a l i s t i c p h i l o s o p h y and p o s i t i v e s c i e n c e have been developed.10 By u n d e r t a k i n g t h i s comparison o f these two t y p e s o f ment a l i t y - t h e two t y p e s between which, he b e l i e v e d , d i f f e r e n c e s were most s t r o n g l y marked - L e v y - B r u h l b e l i e v e d he would h i g h l i g h t t h e d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s o f both, making i t e a s i e r t o a n a l y s e l a t e r t r a n s i t i o n a l and i n t e r m e d i a t e t y p e s .  -113The  c i v i l i z e d m e n t a l t y p e , however, he sought  merely as a base f o r comparative examine i n depth i n any way.  purposes  to: use  and d i d not  He such an examination  n e c e s s a r y , s i n c e the c i v i l i z e d mode of thought was  un-  already  " s u f f i c i e n t l y w e l l d e f i n e d i n the works o f philosophers:, l o g i c i a n s and p s y c h o l o g i s t s " , and not i n need of f u r t h e r elaboration. B. The Nature o f P r i m i t i v e M e n t a l i t y Por the purposes Levy-Bruhl f e l t was  of d e s c r i b i n g p r i m i t i v e mentality,  compelled t o d e v i s e a new  terminology.  obvious, he thought, t h a t i f t h i s m e n t a l i t y was  ed by p r i n c i p l e s d i f f e r e n t from our own,  It  govern-  then i t could not  be u n d e r s t o o d by means o f the t e r m i n o l o g y d e v i s e d , by l o g i c i a n s and p s y c h o l o g i s t s , f o r the purpose the l a t t e r .  of analysing  The d i s t i n c t i o n drawn by p s y c h o l o g i s t s between  e m o t i o n a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l phenomena, f o r example, c o u l d not be a p p l i e d t o the a n a l y s i s o f the c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of p r i m i t i v e s .  Por the c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s  of p r i m i t i v e s a r e s u f f u s e d w i t h f e e l i n g s of hope and and i n c l u d e e m o t i o n a l and motor elements 12 parts.  as  fear,  integral  L ^ v y - B r u h l t h e r e f o r e suggested t h r e e  special  terms i n o r d e r t o d e s i g n a t e the a t t r i b u t e s o f p r i m i t i v e thought: p r e l o g i c a l i t y , m y s t i c i s m , and the law o f p a r t i c i pation.  The use of t h e s e terms has been u n d e n i a b l y  s i b l e f o r many o f the m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s h o s t i l i t y towards,  L e v y - B r u h l * s work. ^ 1  respon-  o f , and much o f the What, then, d i d he  use them t o r e f e r t o ? When he spoke o f p r i m i t i v e thought  as b e i n g p r e l o g i c a l ,  -114L e v y - B r u h l d i d n o t mean t o imply t h a t p r i m i t i v e s a r e uni n t e l l i g e n t , that they are incapable  o f coherent thought,  o r even t h a t t h e i r modes o f r e a s o n i n g the r u l e s o f l o g i c .  necessarily violate  Nor d i d he i n t e n d t o imply an e v o l u -  t i o n a r y sequence by h i s t e r m i n o l o g y / : ^ By P r e l o g i c a l we do n o t mean t o a s s e r t t h a t such a m e n t a l i t y c o n s t i t u t e s a k i n d o f antecedent stage, i n p o i n t o f time, t o t h e b i r t h o f l o g i c a l t h o u g h t . Have t h e r e e v e r e x i s t e d groups o f h u man o r prehuman b e i n g s whose c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s have n o t y e t been s u b j e c t t o t h e laws o f l o g i c ? We do n o t know, and i n any case , i t seems t o be v e r y improbable. A t any r a t e , t h e m e n t a l i t y o f t h e s e undev e l o p e d p e o p l e s which, f o r want o f a b e t t e r term, I c a l l p r e l o g i c a l , does not p a r t a k e o f t h a t n a t u r e . It i s not a n t i l o g i c a l ; i t i s ; n o t a l o g i c a l e i t h e r . By d e s i g n a t i n g i t " p r e l o g i c a l " I merely w i s h t o s t a t e t h a t i t does n o t b i n d i t s e l f down;, as o u r thought does, t o a v o i d i n g c o n t r a d i c tion. I t obeys t h e law o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n f i r s t and f o r e m o s t . Thus o r i e n t e d , i t does n o t e x p r e s s l y del i g h t i n what i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y (which would, make i t merely absurd i n o u r e y e s ) , b u t n e i t h e r does i t take p a i n s t o avoid, i t . I t i s o f t e n w h o l l y i n d i f f e r e n t t o i t , and t h a t makes i t so h a r d t o follow/. 15 1  Perhaps, as E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d a little  says,  L e v y - B r u h l was b e i n g  t o o s u b t l e h e r e , f o r he meant o n l y t h a t p r i m i t i v e  thought does n o t always p r e s e n t  t h e same l o g i c a l  ments, and t h a t i t i s t h e r e f o r e  uncritical."^  require-  -115P a s s i n g from t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n , o f the way which the elements c o m p r i s i n g  the content  of p r i m i t i v e  thought are i n t e r r e l a t e d , t o an a n a l y s i s of t h a t itself,  Levy-Bruhl  in  content  suggested t h a t the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h i s c o u l d be d e s c r i b e d as m y s t i c . adopting  t h i s term, he d i d not  i n t e n d t o imply any  f e r e n c e t o any form o f t r a n s c e n d e n t a l r e l i g i o u s Rather, he  In  re-  experience.  employed i t , ... i n the s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d sense i n which " m y s t i c " i m p l i e s b e l i e f i n f o r c e s and: i n f l u e n c e s and a c t i o n s which, though i m p e r c e p t i b l e t o senses, are n e v e r t h e l e s s r e a l . 1 7  Evans-Pritchard the m y s t i c  s t a t e s t h a t when L e v y - B r u h l  spoke o f  c h a r a c t e r of p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y , he meant no  more t h a n what o t h e r a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have meant when they have spoken of the p r i m i t i v e ' s " b e l i e f i n the 18 natural".  I t i s important,  Bruhl's:; p r e f e r e n c e  f o r one  h i s view, t h e r e i s no no one  "supernatural".  super-  however, t o u n d e r s t a n d Levy-  term r a t h e r t h a n the o t h e r .  " n a t u r a l " f o r the savage, and  T h i s i s a d i s t i n c t i o n t h a t we  i n t r i n s i c t o p r i m i t i v e thought, which does not  i n terms o f such a d u a l i s t i c c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f The s u p e r s t i t i o u s - man, and f r e q u e n t l y a l s o the r e l i g i o u s man, among us, bel i e v e s i n a twofold order of r e a l i t y , the one v i s i b l e , i n t a n g i b l e , " s p i r i t u a l " , f o r m i n g a m y s t i c sphere which encompasses the f i r s t . But the p r i m i t i v e ' s m e n t a l i t y does not r e c o g n i z e two d i s t i n c t w o r l d s i n c o n t a c t w i t h each o t h e r , and more o r l e s s i n t e r -  In  hence  make, not operate reality.  -116p e n e t r a t i n g . To him t h e r e i s but one. E v e r y r e a l i t y , l i k e every i n f l u e n c e , i s m y s t i c , and c o n s e q u e n t l y every p e r c e p t i o n i s a l s o mystic.19 What e x a c t l y L e v y - B r u h l meant by d e s c r i b i n g the ceptions  o f p r i m i t i v e s as m y s t i c  need not  d e t a i n us h e r e as i t i s i n c i d e n t a l t o h i s main  argument.  i s not  per-  There i s * however, a v a l u a b l e  ed i n h i s w r i t i n g s on t h i s p o i n t .  e n t i r e l y c l e a r , but  suggestion  contain-  T h i s i s t h a t the  atten-  t i o n p a i d t o phenomena i s i n l a r g e measure determined the c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s f o r e be  expected t o v a r y c o n c o m i t a n t l y  social organization. normally  o f s o c i e t y , and must  pay l i t t l e  there-  with v a r i a t i o n s i n  Educated Europeans, f o r example, a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i r shadows, because f o r  them the shadow s i g n i f i e s : merely a n e g a t i o n Bakwiri  by  of l i g h t .  The  o f West A f r i c a , on the o t h e r hand, a t t r i b u t e g r e a t  s i g n i f i c a n c e t o t h e i r shadows and  are c a r e f u l t o  " l o s i n g " them under the mid-day sun.  avoid  Their collective  rep-  r e s e n t a t i o n s d i r e c t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n more s t r o n g l y towards t h i s aspect  of p h y s i c a l r e a l i t y . 2 0  According  t o Levy-Bruhl,  these m y s t i c  collective  rep-  r e s e n t a t i o n s are connected i n a network of p a r t i c i p a t i o n s , so t h a t one  e x e r c i s e s an i n f l u e n c e on the o t h e r s .  o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n he c o n s i d e r e d  t o be the p r i n c i p l e p e c u l i a r  t o p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y par e x c e l l e n c e .  The  tween some/other, o r one/many, does not  impose on  thought the n e c e s s i t y of a f f i r m i n g one denied,  or v i c e v e r s a .  themselves p a r a k e e t s ,  In t h i s way, and  This: law  opposition  be-  this  term i f the o t h e r i s  the Bororo may  declare  i n d o i n g so c l a i m more t h a n a  -117mere r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c l a i m e d : an a c t u a l i d e n t i t y i s a f f i r m ed.  Such an i d e n t i t y i s a f f i r m e d by a l l communities o f t h e  totemic t y p e , and i s an example o f the law o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . P a r t i c i p a t i o n may a l s o be manifested through such i n f l u e n c e s as homeopathic and contagious magic, o r t e l e kinesis.  Thus, what a w i f e does o r does n o t do i n camp may,  f o r example, a f f e c t h e r husband's h u n t i n g a c t i v i t i e s . A l l the f a c t s t h a t T y l o r and P r a z e r grouped under t h e r u b r i c o f sympathetic  magic, were a s c r i b e d by LeVy-Bruhl t o the p r i n -  21 ciple of participation. I t i s important, however, t o a p p r e c i a t e h i s advance on t h e i r p o s i t i o n : His a n a l y s i s i s not l i k e that of the j u s t - s o s t o r i e s we have e a r l i e r cons i d e r e d , f o r he does not t r y t o exp l a i n p r i m i t i v e magic and r e l i g i o n by a theory p u r p o r t i n g t o show how they might have come about. He takes them as g i v e n , and seeks o n l y t o show t h e i r s t r u c t u r e and t h e way i n which they are evidence o f a d i s t i n c t i v e ment a l i t y common t o a l l s o c i e t i e s o f a c e r t a i n type,  op  C. A C r i t i q u e o f L e v y - B r u h l  •  How s u c c e s s f u l may we adjudge L e v y - B r u h l ' S e n t e r -  «23  prise?  We may b e g i n w i t h what i s perhaps the most  obvious  c r i t i c i s m t o be l e v e l l e d a g a i n s t him: t h a t h i s dichotomy between p r i m i t i v e and c i v i l i z e d i s too crude t o be o f much use.  We cannot  t r e a t Azande, Bororo, Chinese, I r o q u o i s ,  Maori and Zuni c u l t u r e s as a l l c o n s t i t u t i n g a s i n g l e t y p e , f o r they have l i t t l e  i n common, even when p l a c e d i n o p p o s i -  -118t i o n t o European c u l t u r e . Secondly, t h i s same "European c u l t u r e " was t r e a t e d by L e v y - B r u h l i n vague terms.  When he spoke o f t h e m e n t a l i t y  o f t h i s c u l t u r e b e i n g t h e product o f M e d i t e r r a n e a n  civili-  z a t i o n , o f a p o s i t i v e s c i e n c e and a r a t i o n a l i s t i c p h i l o sophy, who was he i n c l u d i n g i n h i s d e s i g n a t i o n ?  Por t h e r e  are obvious d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e dominant i d e a s o f , say, R u s s i a n peasants, Welsh miners, B r e t o n f i s h e r m e n , priests,  Italian  Swiss bankers o r f u n c t i o n a r i e s o f t h e Communist  P a r t y o f t h e S o v i e t Union: t o suggest o n l y a few o f t h e c o u n t l e s s d i v i s i o n s and s u b d i v i s i o n s one c o u l d make on t h e basis of n a t i o n a l , educational, p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s or occupational  categories.  Moreover, who i n t h e f o l l o w i n g example i s r e a s o n i n g m y s t i c a l l y , i n d i c a t i n g a b e l i e f i n the operation of i n v i s i b l e f o r c e s : t h e South A f r i c a n m i s s i o n a r i e s , o r t h e n a t i v e s who " o n l y b e l i e v e what t h e y see", recorded  and o f whom i t i s  that, ... i n t h e midst o f t h e l a u g h t e r and applause o f t h e populace, t h e heathen e n q u i r e r i s h e a r d s a y i n g "Can t h e God o f t h e w h i t e men he seen w i t h our eyes?.....and i f Morimo (God) i s abs o l u t e l y i n v i s i b l e how. can a r e a s o n able being worship a hidden t h i n g ? 4 2  Whatever t h e i r o t h e r f a i l i n g s , T y l o r and P r a z e r a t l e a s t d i d n o t a l l o w a simple  dichotomy between an u n d i f -  f e r e n t i a t e d p r i m i t i v e and an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c i v i l i z e d m e n t a l i t y t o obscure f o r them some o f t h e v a r i a t i o n s w i t h i n the l a t t e r , o r b l i n d them t o some o f t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s  -119between c e r t a i n European b e l i e f s and customs and c o r responding  b e l i e f s and customs i n v a r i o u s p r i m i t i v e s o -  cieties. "* 2  T h i s f a i l u r e o f Levy-Bruhl*s f u r t h e r f a i l u r e t o analyse  was compounded by h i s  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the c i v i -  l i z e d m e n t a l i t y which he c o n s i d e r e d a l r e a d y described i n the writings of philosophers, and  logicians.  adequately psychologists  P o r , on t h e b a s i s o f p r e c i s e l y these w r i t -  i n g s , V i I f r e d o P a r e t o was t o make an a n a l y s i s o f European m e n t a l i t y i n which l o g i c a l i t y p l a y e d about as important  a  r o l e as i t d i d i n t h e a n a l y s i s o f p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y made 26 by  Levy-Bruhl. Many o f L e v y - B r u h l * s  inadequacies  stem from t h e f a c t  t h a t he was: unaware t h a t what he termed "mystic a function of particular situations.  thought" i s ;  D i f f e r e n t ideas a r e  evoked by d i f f e r e n t o b j e c t s i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s , and mystic  q u a l i t i e s are therefore not n e c e s s a r i l y a t t r i b u t e d  to objects outside t h e i r r i t u a l context. example, p l a c e stones  The Azande, f o r  i n the f o r k s of t r e e s i n order t o  d e l a y t h e s e t t i n g o f t h e sun.  But t h e stones used f o r t h i s  purpose a r e c a s u a l l y p i c k e d up and have a m y s t i c a l  signi-  f i c a n c e o n l y d u r i n g t h e r i t e i n which t h e y a r e u s e d . s i g h t o f such a stone  The  i n any o t h e r s i t u a t i o n does n o t  n e c e s s a r i l y evoke t h e i d e a o f t h e s e t t i n g sun.  Similarly,  the Azande o f t e n use t h e i r a n c e s t r a l s h r i n e s as; convenient p o s t s on which t o l e a n t h e i r spears  o r hang t h e i r  baskests;,  and a t such t i m e s have no i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r s h r i n e s except as convenient  posts.  A t r e l i g i o u s ceremonies, however,  -120t h e i r a t t i t u d e s are v e r y d i f f e r e n t .  A g a i n , no  c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s i n v o l v e d i n such a f f i r m a t i o n s man  i s a p a r a k e e t , t h a t the  that t»in  S  are b i r d s .  necessary as t h a t  sun i s a white cockatoo,  or  2 8  Perhaps many o f L e v y - B r u h l * s e r r o r s i n  conceptualizing  p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y were i n e v i t a b l e , c o n s i d e r i n g the o f many o f the s o u r c e s he was basic data.  a  nature  compelled t o draw on f o r h i s  As E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d  explains,  His; a u t h o r i t i e s had c o l l e c t e d a l l the i n f o r m a t i o n they c o u l d get about the m y s t i c a l b e l i e f s h e l d by a community o f savages about some phenomenon and p i e c e d them: t o g e t h e r i n t o a c o o r d i nated i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e . These b e l i e f s , l i k e the myths which Europeans a l s o r e c o r d , may have been c o l l e c t e d over a l o n g p e r i o d o f time and from dozens of: i n f o r m a n t s . The r e s u l t i n g p a t t e r n o f b e l i e f may be a f i c t i o n s i n c e i t may n e v e r be a c t u a l l y p r e s e n t i n a man's c o n s c i o u s n e s s and may not even be known t o him i n i t s e n t i r e t y . T h i s f a c t would have emergedl i f r e c o r d s o f e v e r y t h i n g a savage does and says throughout a s i n g l e day were r e c o r d e d f o r t h e n we would be a b l e t o compare our own t h o u g h t s more a d e q u a t e l y w i t h the r e a l t h o u g h t s o f savages i n s t e a d o f w i t h an a b s t r a c t i o n : p i e c e d t o g e t h e r from p e r s i s t e n t e n q u i r i e s conducted i n an atmosphere q u i t e u n l i k e t h a t o f the s a v a g e * s o r d i n a r y m i l i e u and i n which i t i s the European who e v o k e s the b e l i e f s by h i s q u e s t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n the o b j e c t s w i t h which t h e y are associated. I t would a l s o have emerged had L e v y - B r u h l attempted t o  -121c o n t r a s t the f o r m a l i s e d b e l i e f s o f Europe w i t h those o f savages, had he, f o r i n s t a n c e , attempted t o c o n t r a s t the f o r m a l d o c t r i n e o f C h r i s t i a n i t y w i t h the f o r m a l d o c t r i n e s o f savage r e l i g i o n . What he has done, i n f a c t , i s t o take the f o r m a l i s e d d o c t r i n e s of savage r e l i g i o n s as though they were i d e n t i c a l w i t h the a c t u a l mental experience of i n d i v i d u a l s . It i s easy t o see t h a t i t would n e v e r do t o r e g a r d as; i d e n t i c a l the thoughts o f a C h r i s t i a n w i t h C h r i s t i a n thought. Moreover, p r i m i t i v e thought as p i e c e d t o g e t h e r i n t h i s manner by European observers i s f u l l of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s which do n o t a r i s e i n r e a l l i f e because the b i t s o f b e l i e f are evoked in different situations. 9 2  L ^ v y - B r u h l ' s posthumously p u b l i s h e d Notebooks shows t h a t he was  h i m s e l f k e e n l y aware> o f many o f the  quacies of h i s e a r l i e r writings."*  0  inade-  Thus he abandoned the  term  " p r e l o g i c a l " as i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y s u g g e s t i n g a sequen-  tial  development from p r e l o g i c a l t o l o g i c a l thought,  where-  as, i n r e a l i t y , t h e s e two t y p e s of thought have c o - e x i s t e d . He t h e r e f o r e extended  the concept  o f the m y s t i c a l t o c o v e r  t y p e s o f thought not governed by the r u l e s o f A r i s t o t e l i a n l o g i c , and q u a l i f i e d the simple dichotomy he had  establish-  ed between c i v i l i z e d and p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t i e s .  Thus he  wrote: Let me e x p r e s s l y c o r r e c t what I bel i e v e d t o be t r u e i n 1910: t h e r e i s no p r i m i t i v e m e n t a l i t y which i s d i s t i n c t from the o t h e r . . . . There i s m y s t i c a l m e n t a l i t y more marked and more e a s i l y observed among p r i m i t i v e s  -122t h a n i n o u r own s o c i e t y , b u t p r e s e n t everywhere i n t h e human mind."31 We must n o t , however, a l l o w t h e s e c r i t i c i s m s - and L e v y - B r u h l * s own acknowledgement o f t h e i r v a l i d i t y - t o b l i n d us t o t h e importance o f h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n s .  P o r LeVy-  B r u h l was among t h e f i r s t t o emphasize t h a t p r i m i t i v e bel i e f s are i n t e g r a t e d s y s t e m a t i c a l l y , that p a r t i c u l a r bel i e f s must be u n d e r s t o o d i n terms o f t h e t o t a l  conceptual  s t r u c t u r e o f which t h e y form a p a r t , and t h a t these conc e p t u a l s t r u c t u r e s must be r e l a t e d back t o t h e l e v e l o f s o c i a l organization.  Y e t he h i m s e l f ,  was n o t t o extend t h e s e i n s i g h t s .  i n h i s l a t e r works,  T h i s was t o be l e f t t o  those a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s who had t h e advantage o f c a r r y i n g out the f i e l d - w o r k he was unable t o .  T h i s was t o s a f e g u a r d  them from t h e d i s t o r t e d a c c o u n t s o f p r i m i t i v e b e l i e f s and customs on which LeVy-Bruhl, l i k e T y l o r and P r a z e r him,  had had t o r e l y .  before  -123Notes and References  1.  Douglas, M., P u r i t y and Danger. (Penguin Books L t d . , Harmondsworth, 1970), P. 82.  2.  M a l i n o w s k i p r o v i d e s an example o f t h e m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Levy-Bruhl*s i d e a s : " P r o f e s s o r L ^ v y - B r u h l t e l l s u s , to put i t i n a n u t s h e l l , t h a t p r i m i t i v e man has no sober moods a t a l l , t h a t he i s h o p e l e s s l y and comp l e t e l y immersed i n a m y s t i c a l frame o f mind. I n capable o f d i s p a s s i o n a t e and c o n s i s t e n t o b s e r v a t i o n , d e v o i d o f the power o f a b s t r a c t i o n , hampered by *a decided a v e r s i o n towards r e a s o n i n g , ' he i s unable t o draw any b e n e f i t from experience, t o c o n s t r u c t o r comprehend even the most elementary laws o f n a t u r e . 'For minds thus o r i e n t a t e d t h e r e i s no f a c t p u r e l y p h y s i c a l . * Nor c a n there e x i s t f o r them any c l e a r i d e a o f substance and a t t r i b u t e , cause and e f f e c t , i d e n t i t y and c o n t r a d i c t i o n . T h e i r o u t l o o k i s t h a t o f confused s u p e r s t i t i o n , • p r e l o g i c a l , • made o f m y s t i c • p a r t i c i p a t i o n s * and •exclusions.»" Malinowski, B., Magic. S c i e n c e and R e l i g i o n and Other Essays. (Doubleday & Co. Inc., Garden C i t y , New York, 1954), P. 25. On the next page o f the same work, Malinowski asks, " F i r s t , has t h e savage any r a t i o n a l o u t l o o k , any r a t i o n a l mastery o f h i s surroundings, o r i s he, as M. L ^ v y - B r u h l and h i s s c h o o l m a i n t a i n , e n t i r e l y • m y s t i c a l •? The answer w i l l be t h a t every p r i m i t i v e community i s i n p o s s e s s i o n o f a c o n s i d e r a b l e s t o r e o f knowledge, based on experience and f a s h i o n e d by r e a s o n . " I b i d . . P. 26. Malinowski i s here making no allowance f o r the f a c t t h a t L^vy-Bruhl was c o n s t r u c t i n g an i d e a l type o f p r i m i t i v e thought, not attempting a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the a c t u a l content o f p r i m i t i v e s * minds. He i s , moreover, p o s t u l a t i n g an o p p o s i t i o n between m y s t i c thought and r a t i o n a l i t y which was q u i t e c o n t r a r y t o Levy-Bruhl*s i n t e n t i o n s . I t i s worth n o t i n g Levy-Bruhl*s own words: "... these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( o f p r e l o g i c a l i t y ) apply o n l y t o the c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s and t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n s . Considered as an i n d i v i d u a l , t h e p r i m i t i v e , i n so f a r as he t h i n k s and a c t s independently o f these c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a -  -124t i o n s where p o s s i b l e , w i l l u s u a l l y f e e l , argue and a c t as we should expect him t o . The i n f e r e n c e s he draws w i l l be j u s t those which would seem reasonable t o us i n l i k e c i r c u m s t a n c e s . " L e v y - B r u h l , L., How N a t i v e s Think, (Washington Square P r e s s I n c . , New York, 1966), P. 63. 3.  I b i d . , Pp.  4.  I b i d . . P.  5.  I b i d . , Pp. 13—14- T h i s p a r a l l e l s Durkheim's c r i t i c i s m o f the method employed by M u l l e r , T y l o r and P r a z e r : " e l l e suppose une v e r i t a b l e c r e a t i o n ex n i h i l o . " Durkheim, E., "Examen c r i t i q u e des systemes c l a s s i q u e s sur l e s o r i g i n e s de l a pensSe r e l i g i e u s e " , Revue p h i l o sophique de l a France et de 1'Stranger, V o l . LXVII, (Feb. 1909), P. 162.  6.  LeVy-Bruhl, L., How  7.  I b i d . . P.  8.  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., "LeVy-Bruhl's Theory o f P r i m i t i v e M e n t a l i t y " , B u l l e t i n o f the F a c u l t y of A r t s , U n i v e r s i t y o f Egypt, V o l . I I , P a r t I , (May 1934), Pp. 3-4, 11-12.  9.  L e v y - B r u h l , L., How  10. I b i d . , P.  4-5. 12.  N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , P. 3«  18.  N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , Pp. 18-19.  19.  11. I b i d . . 12. I b i d . , Pp. 22-6. See a l s o P. 324, where the "most p r i m i t i v e " c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s are equated w i t h " c o l l e c t i v e mental s t a t e s o f extreme emotional t e n s i o n . " 13. See Bunzel, R.L., " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o L e v y - B r u h l , L., How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , P. v i ; a l s o E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., " L e v y - B r u h l ^ Theory ...", op. c i t . , P. 2. 14.  An h i s t o r i c a l p r i o r i t y o f p r i m i t i v e t o c i v i l i z e d ment a l i t y i s , however, i m p l i e d . See LeVy-Bruhl, L., How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , Ch. IX.  -12515. I b i d . , P. 6 3 .  Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l .  16. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., T h e o r i e s o f P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n . (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 1965), P. 82. 17. L e v y - B r u h l , L., How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . . P. 25. 18. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., T h e o r i e s .... op. c i t . , P. 83. 19.  L e v y - B r u h l , L., How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , P. 54. See a l s o P. 2 3 4 .  20. I b i d . , Pp. 40-1. The p s y c h o - p h i l o s o p h i c a l t h e o r y und e r l y i n g Levy-Bruhl *.s a s s e r t i o n t h a t the p e r c e p t i o n s o f p r i m i t i v e s d i f f e r from our own, i s w e l l expressed by C a n t o n i : " L * e s p e r i e n z a non h una p a s s i v a r e g i s t r a z i o n e , i n c h i a v e umana, d i una r e a l t a i n se" g i a data e p r e costituita. Essa presuppone e i m p l i c a una s o g g e t t i v i t a r i c c a d i i n i z i a t i v e c u l t u r a l i che i n t e g r a n o l*uomo n e i suo mondo ambientale. L ' e s p e r i e n z a s i v i e n e costruendo i n base a s t r u t t u r e c a t e g o r i a l i , a finalita culturali che l e c o n f e r i s c o n o un senso, un o r d i n e , un v a l o r e . . • • R i c o s t r u i r e i l mondo d e l l ' e s p e r i e n z a p r i m i t i v a e q u i v a l e a d e s c r i v e r e r i l sistema d e i s i g n i f i c a t i , d e i v a l o r i , d e l l e f i n a l i t a , d e l l e emozioni, d e l l e immagini, d e i s i m b o l i che dominano l a mens e i l comportamento d e g l i uomini p r i m i t i v i . " ("Experience i s n o t a p a s s i v e r e g i s t r a t i o n , i n human key, o f a r e a l i t y a l r e a d y g i v e n and p r e c o n s t i t u t e d . I t presupposes and i m p l i e s a human s u b j e c t i v i t y , r i c h i n c u l t u r a l i n i t i a t i v e s which i n t e g r a t e man i n t o h i s world. Experience comes t o one b u i l d i n g i t s e l f on a base o f category s t r u c t u r e s and c u l t u r a l purposes t h a t c o n f e r on i t a sense, o r d e r and v a l u e . . . . R e c o n s t r u c t i n g the world o f p r i m i t i v e exp e r i e n c e i s e q u i v a l e n t t o d e s c r i b i n g the system o f meanings, v a l u e s , purposes, emotions, images and symb o l s which dominate the mind and behaviour o f p r i m i t i v e man.") C a n t o n i , R., I I P e n s i e r o d e i p r i m i t i v i , ( I I S a g g i a t o r e , M i l a n , 1963), P. 54. The f o l l o w i n g undoubtedly p r o v i d e s a c l e a r example o f what Le>y-Bruhl meant when he wrote o f the mystic p e r c e p t i o n o f r e a l i t y , and i l l u s t r a t e s t h e " c u l t u r a l i n i t i a t i v e s which i n t e g r a t e man i n t o h i s world" r e f e r r e d t o by C a n t o n i : "An  -126informant t o l d me t h a t many years b e f o r e he was s i t t i n g i n a t e n t one a f t e r n o o n d u r i n g a storm, t o g e t h e r w i t h an o l d man and h i s w i f e . There was one c l a p o f thunder a f t e r another. Suddenly the o l d man turned t o h i s w i f e and asked, 'Did you hear what was s a i d ? ' 'No,' she r e p l i e d , 'I d i d n ' t c a t c h i t . ' My informant, an a c c u l t u r a t e d I n d i a n , t o l d me t h a t he d i d not a t f i r s t know what the o l d man and h i s w i f e r e f e r r e d t o . I t was, o f c o u r s e , the thunder. The o l d man thought t h a t one o f the Thunder B i r d s had s a i d something t o him. He was r e a c t i n g t o t h i s sound i n the same way he would respond to a human b e i n g , whose words he d i d not understand. The c a s u a l n e s s o f the remark and even the t r i v i a l c h a r a c t e r o f the anecdote demonstrate the ' p s y c h o l o g i c a l depth' o f the ' s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ' w i t h other-than-human beings t h a t become e x p l i c i t i n the behaviour o f the Ojibwa as a consequence o f the c o g n i t i v e 'set* induced by t h e i r c u l t u r e . " H a l l o w e l l , I.A., quoted by Hymes, D., "Toward Ethnographies o f Communication: The A n a l y s i s o f Communicative E v e n t s " , i n G i g l i o l i , P.P. (ed.), Language and S o c i a l Context. (Penguin Books L t d . , Harmondsworth, 1972), Pp. 26-7. LeVy-Bruhl and C a n t o n i were undoubtedly c o r r e c t t o a f f i r m t h a t the p e r c e p t i o n s o f p r i m i t i v e s are governed by c u l t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s , and t h a t the p r i m i t i v e t h e r e f o r e l i v e s i n a d i f f e r e n t exp e r i e n t i a l world from our own. They e r r e d , however, i n f a i l i n g t o r e c o g n i z e t h a t our own p e r c e p t i o n s are a l s o governed by c u l t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s . Thus Cantoni argues t h a t our experience o f n a t u r a l r e a l i t y i s governed by l o g i c o - e x p e r i m e n t a l s t r u c t u r e s which are ordered a c c o r d i n g t o the i d e a l s o f "pure reason". T h i s he c o n t r a s t s w i t h p r i m i t i v e experience, i n which emotional f a c t o r s predominate. C a n t o n i , R., H p e n s i e r o . . . , op. c i t . , Pp. 54-5. I t would, however, s u r e l y be d i f f i c u l t to s u s t a i n t h a t , i n the Ojibwa case quoted above, emot i o n a l f a c t o r s predominate over r a t i o n a l . Moreover, the l o g i c o - e x p e r i m e n t a l s t r u c t u r e s r e f e r r e d t o by C a n t o n i do not e x i s t i n vacuo, but are the product o f a d e f i n i t e e v o l u t i o n h a r d l y e x p l i c a b l e by r e f e r e n c e t o l o g i c o - e x p e r i m e n t a l c r i t e r i a alone. Prom Kuhn's d i s c u s s i o n o f s c i e n t i f i c method, i t i s p l a i n t h a t s c i e n t i s t s do not merely p e r c e i v e , but t o an important ex-  -127tent perceive according to t h e i r p r i o r expectations. Thus a change i n theory may l e a d t o the r e p o r t i n g o f a wide range o f "new" phenomena. Kuhn c i t e s the example o f t h e new a s t r o n o m i c a l d i s c o v e r i e s - many o f them made w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l instruments - which f o l l o w e d on t h e triumph o f t h e Copernican paradigm: "Using t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t r u m e n t s , some as simple as a p i e c e o f t h r e a d , l a t e s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y astronomers r e p e a t e d l y d i s c o v e r e d t h a t comets wandered a t w i l l through t h e space p r e v i o u s l y r e s e r v e d f o r t h e immutable p l a n e t s and s t a r s . The v e r y ease and r a p i d i t y w i t h which astronomers saw new t h i n g s when l o o k i n g a t o l d o b j e c t s w i t h o l d i n s t r u ments may make us wish t o say t h a t , a f t e r Copernicus, astronomers l i v e d i n a d i f f e r e n t world. I n any case, t h e i r r e s e a r c h responded as though t h a t were t h e case." Kuhn, T.S., The S t r u c t u r e o f S c i e n t i f i c R e v o l u t i o n s , ( U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , Chicago, 1962), Pp. 115-6. 21. Levy-Bruhl,  L., How N a t i v e s Think, op. c i t . , Pp. 21-2.  22. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., T h e o r i e s .... op. c i t . , P. 86. 23. I n the f o l l o w i n g e v a l u a t i o n , I have drawn h e a v i l y on E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., "Le>y-Bruhl»s Theory ..."; on. c i t . ; T h e o r i e s ..., op. c i t . . 24. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., "Levy-Bruhl's c i t . , P. 8.  Theory ...", op.  25. Bunzel s t a t e s , on the b a s i s o f p r i v a t e d i s c u s s i o n s , t h a t Levy-Bruhl was prepared t o c o n s i d e r t h e Mass as an example o f p r e l o g i c a l thought. Bunzel, R., "Introduct i o n " , op. c i t . , P. v i . E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , a l s o on the b a s i s o f p r i v a t e c o n v e r s a t i o n s , d e c l a r e s t h a t LevyB r u h l c o n s i d e r e d C h r i s t i a n i t y and Judaism t o be examples o f p r e l o g i c a l and mystic m e n t a l i t y . He suggests t h a t Levy-Bruhl made no a l l u s i o n s t o these r e l i g i o n s i n h i s w r i t i n g s , i n o r d e r t o a v o i d g i v i n g o f f e n c e . EvansP r i t c h a r d , E.E., T h e o r i e s . . . . , op. c i t . . P. 9126. P a r e t o , V., The Mind and S o c i e t y , (Harcourt Brace, New York, 1935). See a l s o , E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., "Science  -128and Sentiment: An E x p o s i t i o n and C r i t i c i s m of the W r i t i n g s of P a r e t o " , B u l l e t i n o f the F a c u l t y o f A r t s , U n i v e r s i t y o f Egypt, V o l . I l l , P a r t I I , (Dee. 1935), Pp. 163-92; T h e o r i e s . . . , op. c i t . . Pp. 92-9; Winch, P., The Idea o f a S o c i a l S c i e n c e , (Routledge & Kegan P a u l , London, 1958), Pp. 95-111. 27.  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., c i t . , P. 28.  28.  See, f o r example, L e v i - S t r a u s s • a n a l y s i s o f the Nuer a f f i r m a t i o n t h a t twins are b i r d s . L e v i - S t r a u s s , C., Totemism, ( M e r l i n P r e s s , London, 1962), P. 80.  29.  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , E.E., c i t . , Pp. 28-9.  "Levy-Bruhl's  "Levy-Bruhl s 1  Theory...",  Theory...",  op.  op.  30. LeVy-Bruhl, L., Les c a r n e t s de L u c i e n Levy-Bruhl, ( P r e s s e s U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, P a r i s , 1949)* 31. I b i d . , P. op. c i t . ,  131. Quoted i n Bunzel, R.L., P.-xvii.  "Introduction",  CHAPTER FIVE  W.H.R. RIVERS  A. I n t r o d u c t i o n The work o f W.H.R. R i v e r s i s f r e q u e n t l y n e g l e c t e d t o day, a l t h o u g h Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s has seen f i t to honour him 1 as the " G a l i l e o " o f a n t h r o p o l o g y .  P r o b a b l y few o t h e r an-  t h r o p o l o g i s t s would a c c e p t such a generous assessment o f 2 R i v e r s * importance  i n the development o f the d i s c i p l i n e ,  but i t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s u n d e n i a b l e t h a t i n the opening  chap-  t e r s o f h i s M e d i c i n e , Magic and R e l i g i o n . R i v e r s b r i l l i a n t l y a n t i c i p a t e d l a t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y as c o n s t i t u t i n g r a t i o n a l and l o g i c a l l y c o h e r e n t systems o f thought. U n l i k e P r a z e r , R i v e r s d i d n o t s e t out t o a n a l y s e magic as an a p r i o r i c a t e g o r y which he h i m s e l f c o n s t r u c t e d and f o r which he then had he undertook  t o f i n d some s o r t o f e x p l a n a t i o n .  t o examine the way i n which p r i m i t i v e  (and i n p a r t i c u l a r , about  peoples  those o f M e l a n e s i a and New Guinea) t h i n k  d i s e a s e and o t h e r m i s f o r t u n e s , and to study how t h e i r  t h e o r i e s c o n c e r n i n g these a r e a p p l i e d i n c o n c r e t e tions.  Rather,  situa-  I n d o i n g so, he made an i m p o r t a n t advance on T y l o r ,  P r a z e r and L S v y - B r u h l , and h i s work may even,be c o n s i d e r e d to have been p o t e n t i a l l y more f r u i t f u l than t h a t o f Malinowski. B. M e d i c i n e , Magic and R e l i g i o n R i v e r s began by n o t i n g t h a t the d i s t i n c t i o n s drawn i n  130Western s o c i e t y between magic, m e d i c i n e and k i t t l e a p p l i c a b i l i t y outside t h i s context,  r e l i g i o n , have the r o l e s o f s o r -  c e r e r (a term t h a t he, l i k e F r a z e r , used to r e f e r to  the  p r a c t i t i o n e r o f any form o f m a g i c ) , p r i e s t and  (medi-  leech  c a l p r a c t i t i o n e r ) frequently being fused i n other contexts.^  cultural  T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n , however, d i d n o t l e a d R i v e r s  i n t o attempting  a p o l a r i z a t i o n o f p r i m i t i v e and modern men-  t a l i t i e s , n o r even to attempt a p o l a r i z a t i o n o f r e s p e c t i v e curative techniques.  On  the c o n t r a r y , R i v e r s s t r e s s e d t h a t  p r i m i t i v e methods o f c u r i n g c o u l d be u n d e r s t o o d i n b a s i c a l l y the same terms as European m e d i c i n e : t h a t i s to say, as s t i t u t i n g a l o g i c a l , coherent r a t i o n a l l y w i t h d i s e a s e s and  con-  system, which attempts to cope i l l n e s s e s , and  comprehensible  once i t s b a s i c p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s a r e u n d e r s t o o d . One element o f the concept o f d i s e a s e , and perhaps the most important, i s that i t includes within i t s scope the f a c t o r o f c a u s a t i o n . There are u s u a l l y c l e a r - c u t i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g the immediate c o n d i t i o n s which l e a d to the appearence o f d i s e a s e . One happy r e s u l t o f t h i s f a c t i s t h a t we are a b l e to approach our s u b j e c t by way o f e t i o l o g y , and a r e thus l e d to d e a l w i t h the medicine o f savage p e o p l e s from the same s t a n d p o i n t as t h a t o f modern medic i n e , which r e s t s , o r s h o u l d r e s t , e n t i r e l y upon the f o u n d a t i o n o f e t i o l o g y . By s t a r t i n g from e t i o l o g y we s h a l l f i n d o u r s e l v e s l e d on as n a t u r a l l y to d i a g n o s i s and treatment, as i s the case i n our own system o f medicine.* Thus, even where the r o l e s o f l e e c h , p r i e s t and a r e f u s e d , t h e r e are s t i l l  sorcerer  t h e o r i e s o f the c a u s a t i o n o f  ill-  -131n e s s and o t h e r m i s f o r t u n e s , procedures  c o r r e s p o n d i n g to d i a g -  n o s i s and p r o g n o s i s , and modes o f treatment which may he r e -  5 garded  as e q u i v a l e n t to a system o f t h e r a p e u t i c s .  But, g r a n t e d  t h i s , where l i e s  European and p r i m i t i v e m e d i c i n e ,  the d i f f e r e n c e between  o r , t o pose t h i s q u e s t i o n i n  o n l y a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t form, what d i d R i v e r s r e a l l y mean when he s t a t e d t h a t the p r i m i t i v e l e e c h i s n o t d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the p r i e s t and the s o r c e r e r ? Rivers  1  answer t o t h i s q u e s t i o n , perhaps the obvious a n -  swer, was t h a t the b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e l i e s i n the a s c r i p t i o n o f the causes o f d i s e a s e .  I n accordance  w i t h t h i s , he suggested  t h r e e broad c l a s s e s o f e t i o l o g y : i.  where d i s e a s e i s a t t r i b u t e d t o what we would c a l l " n a t u r a l  causes"; ii.  where d i s e a s e i s a t t r i b u t e d t o the a c t i o n s o f a human  agent; iii.  where d i s e a s e i s a t t r i b u t e d to the a c t i o n s o f some non-  human, s p i r i t u a l o r s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g , who tends to be p e r sonified.^ I n Europe and N o r t h America, a s c r i b e human causes cases l i k e  i t i s no l o n g e r common t o  t o the o r i g i n s o f d i s e a s e , except i n  t h a t o f murder.  Moreover, even w i t h the l a t t e r  case, t h e human agent i s seen as b e i n g merely a means p e r m i t t i n g the o p e r a t i o n o f n a t u r a l c a u s e s .  I n c o n t r a s t to  t h i s , p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e s a s c r i b e the causes o f d i s e a s e m a i n l y  7 to the a c t i o n s o f human agents  o r non-human b e i n g s .  P r i m i t i v e e t i o l o g i e s , i n o t h e r words, tend t o be magicoreligious.  D i s e a s e s and i n j u r i e s a r e a s c r i b e d t o human and  non-human a g e n c i e s , and n o t o n l y i n those cases where t h e r e  -132i s no  obvious a n t e c e d e n t which would e x p l a i n the  disease  or  m i s f o r t u n e i n terms o f n a t u r a l causes, but a l s o i n those cases where the n a t u r a l cause i s o b v i o u s : Thus, i f a man i s k i l l e d o r i n j u r e d by f a l l i n g from a t r e e i n the I s l a n d o f Ambrim i n the New H e b r i d e s , the f a l l i s n o t a s c r i b e d to a l o o s e b r a n c h , o r to some f a i l u r e o f c o o r d i n a t i o n o f the movements o f the c l i m b e r , but the a c c i d e n t , as we l o o s e l y c a l l i t , i s put to the a c count o f the s o r c e r e r . I t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t the sequence o f i d e a s i n the M e l a n e s i a n mind i s t h a t , i n a b u s i n e s s so f a m i l i a r as t h a t o f c l i m b i n g t r e e s , a c c i d e n t s would n o t happen u n l e s s someone has i n t e r f e r e d w i t h the normal c o u r s e o f e v e n t s . I f a s o r c e r e r had n o t l o o s e n e d a b r a n c h , o r produced an i l l u s i o n whereby the v i c t i m had seen a b r a n c h where t h e r e was none, he would n o t have f a l l e n to the ground." From t h i s e t i o l o g i c a l base, are d e r i v e d p r o c e s s e s o f 9  treatment and  a c t s o f revenge.  I f a d i s e a s e , f o r example,  i s b e l i e v e d to have r e s u l t e d from some m o r b i f i c substance o r essence h a v i n g been p r o j e c t e d i n t o the v i c t i m ' s body,  the  treatment which w i l l f o l l o w from the e t i o l o g y w i l l be  to r e -  move the m o r b i f i c o b j e c t s o r essences from the body o f victim.  In some cases,  agent, who  i t may  the  be n e c e s s a r y to d i s c o v e r  a l o n e can remove what he has  implanted i n  the  the  body. In s u c h c a s e s , some method o f d i v i n a t i o n may have to be employed i n o r d e r to d i s c o v e r by whom the d i s e a s e has been 10 inflicted. causation  In o t h e r words, once n a t i v e t h e o r i e s o f of disease  the  are u n d e r s t o o d , i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e  to  -133understand modes o f treatment o f i t .  The main p o i n t ,  then,  i s the e s s e n t i a l r a t i o n a l i t y o f the m e d i c a l p r o c e d u r e s o f such p e o p l e s as the M e l a n e s i a n s and Papuans. The p r a c t i c e s o f these p e o p l e s i n r e l a t i o n to d i s e a s e are n o t a medley o f d i s c o n n e c t e d and meaningless c u s toms, but a r e i n s p i r e d by d e f i n i t e i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g the c a u s a t i o n o f d i s e a s e . T h e i r modes o f treatment f o l l o w d i r e c t l y from t h e i r i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g e t i o l o g y and p a t h o l o g y . Prom our modern s t a n d p o i n t we a r e a b l e to see t h a t these i d e a s are wrong. But the i m p o r t a n t p o i n t i s t h a t , however wrong may be the bel i e f s o f the Papuans and M e l a n e s i a n s c o n c e r n i n g the c a u s a t i o n o f d i s e a s e , t h e i r p r a c t i c e s a r e the l o g i c a l consequence o f those b e l i e f s . We may even say t h a t these people p r a c t i s e an a r t o f medicine which i s i n some r e s p e c t s more r a t i o n a l than our own, i n t h a t i t s modes o f d i a g n o s i s and treatment f o l l o w more d i r e c t l y from t h e i r i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g the c a u s a t i o n o f d i s e a s e . A c c o r d i n g to the o p i n i o n o f the c i v i l i z e d w o r l d , these i d e a s o f c a u s a t i o n a r e wrong, o r c o n t a i n but g r a i n s o f t r u t h here and t h e r e ; but once g r a n t these i d e a s , and the body o f m e d i c a l p r a c t i c e f o l l o w s therefrom with a l o g i c a l consistency which i t may take us l o n g to emulate i n our p u r s u i t o f a medicine founded upon the s c i e n c e s o f p h y s i o l o g y and psychology.^ 1  C. A C r i t i q u e o f R i v e r s Essentially  a transitional  wrong to over-emphasize  f i g u r e , however, i t would be  the modernity o f R i v e r s * v i e w s .  In  134many r e s p e c t s h i s trichotomy between l e e c h , s o r c e r e r and p r i e s t i s l i t t l e more than a restatement o f F r a z e r ' s ferentiation  between magic, s c i e n c e and r e l i g i o n .  dif-  The d i f -  f e r e n c e between l e e c h and s o r c e r e r , moreover, i s n o t made any c l e a r e r than F r a z e r * s r a t h e r obscure d i s t i n c t i o n between magic and s c i e n c e , except t h a t the l e e c h i s concerned w i t h a n a r r o w l y s p e c i f i c range o f phenomena ( i . e . , d i s e a s e ) , the 12 s o r c e r e r w i t h a broader range. ferentiation clear,  But how i s such a d i f -  t o be s u s t a i n e d when, as R i v e r s h i m s e l f makes  l e e c h and s o r c e r e r may be merged i n a s i n g l e r o l e ?  Yet, d e s p i t e the s i m i l a r i t y o f h i s trichotomy t o F r a z e r ' s , and d e s p i t e h i s e x p l i c i t restatement o f F r a z e r ' s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between magic and r e l i g i o n , ^ R i v e r s n e v e r 1  t h e l e s s attacked  F r a z e r f o r i m p l y i n g t h a t the b a s i s o f ma-  g i c a l a c t i o n r e s t e d on an a b s t r a c t o r even m y s t i c a l body o f i d e a s , "... opposed t o the concrete  n a t u r e o f the mental 14  p r o c e s s e s o f peoples o f rude c u l t u r e . "  Thus the contagious  magic o f the K a i r e s t s , not on some m y s t i c a l b e l i e f i n a c t i o n a t a d i s t a n c e , but on the b e l i e f t h a t the s o r c e r e r has i n h i s possession  a p a r t o f the s o u l o r v i t a l essence o f the  person whom he wishes t o d e s t r o y . Such p o s i t i v e knowledge as we possess c o n c e r n i n g the p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes u n d e r l y i n g the blend o f medicine and magic l e a d s us i n t o no m y s t i c a l dawn o f the human mind, but i n t r o d u c e s us t o concepts and b e l i e f s o f the same order as those which d i r e c t our own s o c i a l a c t i v i ties. 1 5  T h i s view, o f c o u r s e , was t o t a l l y opposed t o t h a t o f Levy-Bruhl.  Hence, w h i l e r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t a g i v e n  corpus  -135o f b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s might n o t always form a l o g i c a l system (our own  strictly  b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s i n c l u d e d ) ,  Rivers s t r o n g l y attacked LSvy-Bruhl's notion of p r e l o g i c a l mentality: ... i n the department o f h i s a c t i v i t y i n which he endeavours to cope w i t h d i s e a s e , savage man i s no i l l o g i c a l o r p r e l o g i c a l c r e a t u r e ... h i s a c t i o n s are g u i d e d by r e a s o n i n g as d e f i n i t e as t h a t which we can c l a i m f o r our own m e d i c a l p r a c tices.^ S t a t e d b r i e f l y , R i v e r s ' s t r e n g t h i n r e l a t i o n to p r e c e d i n g and  contemporaneous t h e o r i s t s may  f o u r main f a c t s .  be s a i d to hinge  F i r s t l y , as a g a i n s t T y l o r and  Frazer,  p l a c e d a s t r o n g emphasis on the r e l a t i v e unimportance c h a r l a t a n i s m i n the m a g i c a l  p o i n t s i n c e , so l o n g as the m a g i c a l  was  as l i t t l e  in  regarded  on the n a i v e  tribesmen,  the u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of magical  beliefs,  of l i f e ,  was  fellow-  together w i t h t h e i r r o l e i n a given  a l m o s t by d e f i n i t i o n r u l e d o u t .  i n s i s t e d t h a t magic was as t h a t g o v e r n i n g  way  Secondly,  Frazer, Rivers d i d not  magic as based upon a simple m i s t a k e i n l o g i c , b u t  comitant  cashing-  o f the i n t e l l e c t u a l s t r u c t u r e  a g a i n i n c o n t r a s t to T y l o r and  ous  was  specialist  more than a w i l e y t r i c k s t e r  s u p e r s t i t i o n s of h i s credulous  he  of  treatment o f d i s e a s e : t h i s  an i m p o r t a n t  on  regard  rather  governed by a l o g i c q u i t e as r i g o u r -  our own  practical activities.  o f t h i s p o i n t i s t h a t , i n c o n t r a s t to  A con-  Malinowski,  R i v e r s d i d n o t a s s i g n magic to the a f f e c t i v e antechamber o f logic.  F i n a l l y , u n l i k e LSvy-Bruhl,  p r i m i t i v e and  Rivers did not  civilized mentalities.  oppose  -136Yet R i v e r s nowhere developed in detail.  h i s i d e a s on t h i s  subject  M e d i c i n e . Magic and R e l i g i o n was p u b l i s h e d p o s -  thumously, and i s today l a r g e l y  unknown.  Moreover, the  l a t e r c h a p t e r s o f t h i s work a r e g i v e n over to s t u d i e s o f the e v o l u t i o n and d i f f u s i o n  patterns o f medicine,  magic and r e -  l i g i o n , and n o t to an e l a b o r a t i o n o f the i d e a s c o n t a i n e d i n the e a r l i e r s e c t i o n s .  We a r e l e f t ,  therefore, with a b r i l -  l i a n t and s u g g e s t i v e s h o r t s k e t c h - n o t h i n g more.  -137Notes and R e f e r e n c e s  1. -  L g v i - S t r a u s s , C , S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology, ( B a s i c New York, 1963), P. 162.  2.  A more t y p i c a l assessment o f R i v e r s ' importance i n the h i s t o r y o f a n t h r o p o l o g y would seem t o he t h a t o f Pocock: "To R i v e r s i s owed the encouragement o f f i e l d - w o r k and the s t r e s s on i t s c a p i t a l importance f o r the a n t h r o p o l o gist. H i s t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n represents l i t t l e advance i n the s u b j e c t . " R i v e r s i s thus grouped t o g e t h e r w i t h such f i g u r e s as A.C. Haddon and C.G. Seligman. C f . Pocock, D.P., S o c i a l A n t h r o p o l o g y . (Sheed & Ward, London, 1961), P* 48.  3.  R i v e r s , W.H.R., M e d i c i n e , Magic and R e l i g i o n . (Kegan P a u l , T r e n c h , Trubner & Co. L t d . , London, 1927), P. 1.  4.  I b i d . , P. 7.  5.  I b i d . , P. 6.  6.  I b i d . , P. 7.  7.  I b i d . , PP . 7-8.  8.  I b i d . , Pp . 9-10.  9.  I b i d . , P. 10.  10. I b i d . , P. 14. 11. I b i d . . P. 52. 12. I b i d . , P. 4. 13. I b i d . . 14. I b i d . , P. 27. 15. I b i d . , P. 28. 16. I b i d . , P. 53.  Books,  CHAPTER S I X  AN AFFECTIVE THEORY OF MAGIO A. I n t r o d u c t i o n I f any one f i g u r e was t o be s i n g l e d o u t a s t h e " f o u n d e r " o r " f a t h e r " o f modern ( B r i t i s h ) s o c i a l t h a t f i g u r e would undoubtedly  anthropology,  be B r o n i s l a w M a l i n o w s k i . I t  was M a l i n o w s k i more t h a n any o t h e r s i n g l e p e r s o n , who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r d i s s o c i a t i n g anthropology from i t s n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y e v o l u t i o n a r y and d i f f u s i o n i s t c o n c e r n s , who i n s i s t e d on t h e c r u c i a l of  importance  s e e i n g e v e r y c u l t u r e a s a u n i f i e d , i n t e g r a l w h o l e , and  who emphasized t h a t each c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n c o u l d o n l y be u n d e r s t o o d by l o c a t i n g i t w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h i s w h o l e . I t was a l s o M a l i n o w s k i who i n i t i a t e d i n t e n s i v e f i e l d - w o r k based upon t h e i d e a o f t h e " p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v e r " , t h u s f r e e i n g a n t h r o p o l o g y f r o m i t s f o r m e r dependence on t h e second-hand r e p o r t s f u r n i s h e d by m i s s i o n a r i e s , t r a d e r s , and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , and t h e s u p e r f i c i a l o b s e r v a t i o n s w h i c h were t h e outcome o f o n l y a few weeks i n t h e f i e l d , l i k e t h o s e o f the T o r r e s S t r a i t s e x p e d i t i o n . P r e - M a l i n o w s k i a n a n t h r o p o l o g y was e x p l i c i t l y comparat i v e , and was c o n c e r n e d w i t h what we might c a l l t h e " b i g " q u e s t i o n s : what a r e t h e o r i g i n s o f totemism, what i s t h e n a t u r e o f r e l i g i o n , how i s magic d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m s c i e n c e , for  example.  Under M a l i n o w s k i * s i n f l u e n c e ,  abandoned s u c h c o n c e r n s .  anthropology  As E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d e x p l a i n s ,  -139Whereas t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t sought t o answer such quest i o n s as "What i s the s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f r e l i g i o n ? " , no a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , o r a t any r a t e no s e n s i b l e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , would ask such a quest i o n today. Rather he seeks- t a d e t e r mine, f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e p a r t p l a y e d by the a n c e s t o r c u l t i n the s o c i a l system of the type we c a l l segmentary l i n e a g e system among c e r t a i n A f r i c a n p e o p l e s . . . . The v i e w p o i n t i n s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g y today may be summed up by s a y i n g t h a t we now t h i n k we can l e a r n more about the n a t u r e o f human s o c i e t y by r e a l l y d e t a i l e d , i n t e n s i v e and o b s e r v a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , conducted i n a s e r i e s o f a few s e l e c t e d s o c i e t i e s : w i t h t h e aim o f s o l v i n g l i m i t e d problems, t h a n by a t t e m p t i n g g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on a w i d e r s c a l e from, l i t e r a t u r e . - * In  r e t r o s p e c t , however, most " r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s "  usually  appear l e s s r a d i c a l t h a n they d i d i n t h e i r own t i m e . . Moreover, as a number o f a u t h o r s have p o i n t e d out,  Malinowski*s  m e t i c u l o u s f i e l d - w o r k was n o t matched: by any comparable capacity f o r systematic t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s .  H i s thought  may t h e r e f o r e be s a i d t o move on two l e v e l s : t h a t o f h i s f i e l d - w o r k r e p o r t s (which s t i l l  s t a n d a® models; o f t h e i r  kindl), and t h a t o f c u l t u r o l o g i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . q u a l i t y o f these i s very unequal.  As Pocock  The  remarks,  "today nocbody r e a d s M a l i n o w s k i f o r h i s t h e o r i e s ; h i s f i e l d , monographs, on t h e o t h e r hand ... remain a s m a s t e r p i e c e s o f fieldi-work and p r o v i d e an account o f one people which f o r 2 i t s d e t a i l has n o t been e q u a l l e d " . As a t h e o r e t i c i a n , M a l i n o w s k i was among t h e l a s t t o  -140ask the " b i g " q u e s t i o n s .  As a f i e l d - w o r k e r , he showed  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s some o f the more f r u i t f u l and  restricted  t a s k s of e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h and concern w i t h the p a r t i c u l a r r a t h e r than the u n i v e r s a l .  O b v i o u s l y t h e r e must be a con-  n e c t i o n between these l e v e l s - someone must ask the " b i g " q u e s t i o n s i f e m p i r i c a l work i s t o proceed and f r u i t f u l l y .  systematically  But the r e l a t i o n between the two i s com-  p l e x , and the problems of t r a n s i t i o n from one l e v e l t o the o t h e r never presented themselves t o M a l i n o w s k i . t h i s r e s p e c t , an e s s e n t i a l l y t r a n s i t i o n a l f i g u r e .  He was,  in  As Nadel  writes, P u t t i n g i t somewhat c r u d e l y , Malinowski's thought moved on two l e v e l s o n l y - on the l e v e l o f the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y , the T r o b r i a n d s , where he d i d h i s fundamental and exemplary f i e l d r e s e a r c h ; and on the l e v e l of p r i m i t i v e man and s o c i e t y at l a r g e , and indeed o f Man and S o c i e t y at l a r g e . I n h i s more g e n e r a l w r i t i n g s Malinowski d i d r e f e r a l s o t o o t h e r p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s ; but he d i d so i n the main o n l y f o r the sake of s u p p o r t i n g evidence, o f secondary importance. He n e v e r thought s t r i c t l y i n comparative terms. His g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s jump s t r a i g h t from the T r o b r i a n d e r s t o Humanity...3 B. Malinowski's Psychologism As Robert R e d f i e l d observes, however, the c r i t i c i s m t h a t Malinowski made a t h e o r e t i c a l l e a p from the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d e r s t o humanity i t s e l f l o s e s much of i t s f o r c e once i t i s granted t h a t a common human nature u n d e r l i e s a u n i -  -141versal culture pattern.  I t was, o f course, p r e c i s e l y  t h i s assumption t h a t was c e n t r a l t o M a l i n o w s k i s 1  t i c a l endeavour.  He never accepted  theore-  t h e methodology  elabo-  r a t e d by w r i t e r s l i k e Durkheim, Mauss, Hubert, L e v y - B r u h l and  Radcliffe-Brown,  facts.  which a s s e r t e d the autonomy o f s o c i a l  I n h i s own words, The tendency represented l a r g e l y by the s o c i o l o g i c a l s c h o o l o f Durkheim, and c l e a r l y expressed i n P r o f e s s o r Radcliffe-Brown*s approach ... the tendency t o i g n o r e completely the i n d i v i d u a l and t o e l i m i n a t e the b i o l o g i c a l element from the f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s o f c u l t u r e , must i n my o p i n i o n be overcome.... t h e Durkheimian c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y has t o be supplemented i n o r d e r t o be r e a l l y s e r viceable i n fieldwork, i n t h e o r e t i c a l s t u d i e s , and i n the p r a c t i c a l application of sociology.  Malinowski d i d not, t h e r e f o r e , r e j e c t t h e psychol o g i c a l reductionism  o f T y l o r and P r a z e r , and - perhaps i n  consequence - d i d n o t develop any systematic -theory,  sociological  o t h e r than t h e r a t h e r vague " f u n c t i o n a l i s m "  which h i s name w i l l always be a s s o c i a t e d . r a l i z a t i o n s about magic were formulated  with  Hence h i s gene-  i n terms o f assum-  ed p s y c h o l o g i c a l u n i v e r s a l s , r a t h e r than s o c i o l o g i c a l l y . I t i s important t o n o t e , however, how d i f f e r e n t was Malinowski*s psychologism from t h a t o f T y l o r and P r a z e r . The  p o s t - V i c t o r i a n e r a , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e p e r i o d f o l l o w -  i n g t h e F i r s t World War, saw a d e p r e c a t i o n  i n the r o l e  reason was thought t o p l a y i n human a f f a i r s .  Thus, i n  p l a c e o f the i n t e l l e c t u a l i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f magic  -142and  religion  o f f e r e d by T y l o r and  F r a z e r , we  l i k e Freud, M a r e t t , M a l i n o w s k i and g i c and C. The We  find  writers  Lowie i n t e r p r e t i n g ma-  r e l i g i o n as e s s e n t i a l l y emotive phenomena. Uniformity  o f P r i m i t i v e Magic  have a l r e a d y n o t e d t h a t F r a z e r c o n s i d e r e d  magic -  i n comparison to r e l i g i o n - to c o n s t i t u t e a u n i v e r s a l stratum  of i n t e l l e c t u a l uniformity.  i o n was  h e l d by M a l i n o w s k i , who  sub-  Much the same o p i n -  considered  magic:  ... an e n t i r e l y sober, p r o s a i c , even clumsy a r t ; enacted f o r p u r e l y p r a c t i c a l reasons, governed by crude and s h a l l o w b e l i e f s , c a r r i e d out i n a simple and monotonous t e c h n i q u e . . . . P r i m i t i v e magic - every f i e l d ant h r o p o l o g i s t knows i t to h i s c o s t i s extremely monotonous and u n e x c i t i n g , s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d i n i t s means o f a c t i o n , c i r c u m s c r i b e d i n i t s bel i e f s , s t u n t e d i n i t s fundamental assumptions. F o l l o w one r i t e , study one s p e l l , grasp the p r i n c i p l e s o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f , a r t and s o c i o l o g y i n one case, and you w i l l know not o n l y a l l the a c t s o f the t r i b e , but, addi n g a v a r i a n t here and t h e r e , you w i l l be a b l e to s e t t l e as a m a g i c a l p r a c t i t i o n e r i n any p a r t o f the w o r l d y e t f o r t u n a t e enough to have f a i t h i n that desirable art.7 Hence the s i n g l e case and  j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r g e n e r a l i z i n g from a f o r p o s t u l a t i n g a common p s y c h o l o g i c a l  base u n d e r l y i n g a l l magic.  For M a l i n o w s k i was  not  re-  f e r r i n g here to a s e t o f s h a r e d b a s i c f e a t u r e s which might be used to e s t a b l i s h a "minimum d e f i n i t i o n " o f g i c and which must be u n i f o r m  p r e c i s e l y because o f  ma-  this.  -143Por M a l i n o w s k i , magic was t i r e array of features.  u n i f o r m and r e p e t i t i v e i n an  Thus the " t y p i c a l a c t " o f magic  always i n v o l v e s "the dramatic e x p r e s s i o n of emotion" "the essence  ways two gical i.  g  o f the a c t " ,  l i n k w i t h mythology.  en-  as  and most magic a l s o bears a f i r m  9  In a d d i t i o n to t h i s ,  t h e r e are a l -  t y p i c a l elements a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the b e l i e f i n  ma-  efficiency:  p h o n e t i c e f f e c t s - i m i t a t i o n s o f n a t u r a l sounds l i k e  the  w h i s t l i n g o f the wind, the r o a r o f the sea and the n o i s e s of animals. These sounds symbolize c e r t a i n phenomena and are thus b e l i e v e d to produce them m a g i c a l l y . Or e l s e they e x p r e s s c e r t a i n emotional s t a t e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the d e s i r e which i s to be r e a l i z e d by the means o f m a g i c . ^ ii.  the use o f words t o s t a t e , evoke or command the d e s i r e d  aim. Thus the s o r c e r e r w i l l mention a l l the symptoms o f the d i s e a s e which he i s i n f l i c t i n g , or i n the l e t h a l f o r mula he w i l l d e s c r i b e the end o f h i s v i c t i m . . . . Or a g a i n , the m a g i c i a n uses words and sentences which e x p r e s s the emotion under s t r e s s of which he works h i s magic, and the a c t i o n which g i v e s e x p r e s s i o n to h i s emotion. The s o r c e r e r i n tones o f f u r y w i l l have to r e p e a t such verbs as "I break - I t w i s t - I burn - I d e s t r o y , " enumer a t i n g w i t h each o f them the v a r i o u s p a r t s of the body and i n t e r n a l organs of h i s v i c t i m . 1 1  M a l i n o w s k i i n f a c t saw  the use o f words - embodied i n  the t r a d i t i o n a l corpus o f the s p e l l - as the most i m p o r t a n t  -144s i n g l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f p r i m i t i v e magic: the most important element i n mag i c i s the s p e l l . The s p e l l i s t h a t p a r t o f magic which i s o c c u l t , handed over i n m a g i c a l f i l i a t i o n , known o n l y to the p r a c t i t i o n e r . To the n a t i v e s knowledge o f magic means knowledge o f s p e l l , and i n an a n a l y s i s o f any a c t o f w i t c h c r a f t i t w i l l always he found t h a t the r i t u a l c e n t e r s round the u t t e r a n c e o f the s p e l l . The f o r m u l a i s always the core o f the m a g i c a l p e r formance .12 U n f o r t u n a t e l y the f a c t s o f ethnography hear o u t these g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . the p u b l i c a t i o n  u t t e r l y f a i l to  I n 1924, one y e a r p r i o r to  o f M a l i n o w s k i * s essay on "Magic,  Science  and R e l i g i o n " , Robert Lowie had a l r e a d y p o i n t e d out - i n c r i t i c i z i n g F r a z e r - how e x t e n s i v e the d i v e r s i t y i n m a g i c a l 13 b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s appears when c o n s i d e r e d g l o b a l l y . Subsequent r e s e a r c h has e n t i r e l y confirmed Lowie*s p o i n t and n o t M a l i n o w s k i ' s . e a r l y comparative  view-  Thus E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , i n an  essay, drew a t t e n t i o n to the marked  f e r e n c e s between T r o b r i a n d and Zande magic.  dif-  I n Zande ma-  g i c , f o r example, the s p e l l i s r e l a t i v e l y unimportant and l a c k s the f i x e d n e s s which i s so h e a v i l y s t r e s s e d i n the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d s , w h i l e on the o t h e r hand, the Azande p l a c e a much g r e a t e r emphasis on the use o f " m e d i c i n e s " . Zande magic a l s o l a c k s any developed m y t h o l o g i c a l t r a d i 14 tion.  Indeed,  even some o f M a l i n o w s k i ' s own data from  the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d s i s hard to square w i t h h i s broad g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about  the n a t u r e o f magic - the heavy em-  p h a s i s he p l a c e d on e m o t i o n a l involvement d u r i n g m a g i c a l performances,  f o r example, does  n o t seem to be c o n s i s t e n t  -145w i t h some o f the d a t a he h i m s e l f r e p o r t e d . However, as Nadel says, i t i s l e s s i m p o r t a n t t h a t we concern o u r s e l v e s w i t h these g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s than t h a t we attempt  to understand  the assumptions  which u n d e r l i e them.  These, he s u g g e s t s , a r e two: i.  M a l i n o w s k i ' s emphasis on the s t r o n g l i n k between magic  and mythology d e r i v e s from h i s b e l i e f t h a t magic i s e s s e n t i a l l y a t r a d i t i o n a l i s t i c and c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e  protecting  the e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l o r d e r , and from h i s c o n c l u s i o n t h a t m a g i c a l formulae must be thought to be t i m e l e s s and never to have been tampered w i t h (even i f a c t u a l l y changing and a d a p t i n g a l l the t i m e ) , f o r credence i n t h e i r  effectiveness  to be m a i n t a i n e d . Thus i t was t h a t M a l i n o w s k i wrote  that:  ... the essence o f a l l magic i s i t s t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e g r i t y . Magic can onl y be e f f i c i e n t i f i t has been t r a n s m i t t e d w i t h o u t l o s s and w i t h o u t f l a w from one g e n e r a t i o n to the o t h e r , t i l l i t has come down from p r i m e v a l times to the p r e s e n t p e r f o r m e r . Mag i c , therefore, requires a pedigree, a sort of t r a d i t i o n a l passport i n i t s t r a v e l across time. This i s supplied by the myth o f m a g i c . ^ ii.  the emphasis p l a c e d on the a f f e c t i v e n a t u r e o f magic de-  r i v e s from M a l i n o w s k i ' s assumption  t h a t magic m a n i f e s t s an  i n e v i t a b l e human e f f o r t to a c h i e v e the f u l f i l l m e n t o f 17 "strong, u n r e a l i z a b l e d e s i r e s " . P. A n x i e t y and Magic A c c o r d i n g t o M a l i n o w s k i , i n every p r i m i t i v e two  community  c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e domains may be d i s t i n g u i s h e d - t h a t  of the s a c r e d , and t h a t o f the p r o f a n e .  The former  involves  -146a l l b e l i e f s and a c t i o n s o f a m a g i c a l o r r e l i g i o u s  charac-  ter: ... t r a d i t i o n a l a c t s and o b s e r vances, c a r r i e d out i n reverence and awe, hedged around w i t h p r o h i b i t i o n s and s p e c i a l b e h a v i o u r . Such a c t s and observances a r e always a s s o c i a t ed w i t h b e l i e f s i n s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s , e s p e c i a l l y those o f magic, or w i t h i d e a s about b e i n g s , s p i r i t s , g h o s t s , dead a n c e s t o r s , o r gods..."'" The  domain o f the p r o f a n e , on the o t h e r hand, c o r r e s -  ponds to the rudiments  of science.  No a r t , e r a f t , o r me-  thod o f s u b s i s t e n c e c o u l d be s u c c e s s f u l l y c a r r i e d out unl e s s checked  by c a r e f u l o b s e r v a t i o n , a f i r m b e l i e f i n the  r e g u l a r i t y o f n a t u r a l p r o c e s s e s , and c o n f i d e n c e i n the power o f r e a s o n .  The profane i s t h e r e f o r e based  c a l knowledge and an acceptance  on e m p i r i -  of logic.  Now, a c c o r d i n g to M a l i n o w s k i , p r i m i t i v e man l i v e s i n c o n d i t i o n s i n which the t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s and p r a c t i c a l knowledge c o n s t i t u t i n g the r e a l m o f the profane, provide* him w i t h o n l y a l i m i t e d measure o f c o n t r o l and mastery o f h i s environment.  Beyond t h i s realm, r a t i o n a l knowledge i s o f  no h e l p , and i t i s here  t h a t magic operates as an e s s e n t i a l  complement to e m p i r i c a l knowledge and s k i l l s .  Thus the  native: ... knows as w e l l as you do t h a t t h e r e a r e n a t u r a l f o r c e s by mental and p h y s i c a l e f f o r t . H i s knowledge i s l i m i t e d , no doubt, b u t as f a r as i t goes i t i s sound and p r o o f a g a i n s t mysticism. I f the f e n c e s a r e broken down, i f the seed i s d e s t r o y e d o r has been d r i e d o r washed away, he w i l l have r e c o u r s e n o t to magic, b u t  1  -147to work, guided by knowledge and reason. H i s e x p e r i e n c e has taught him a l s o , on the o t h e r hand, t h a t i n s p i t e o f a l l h i s f o r e t h o u g h t and beyond a l l h i s e f f o r t s there are agenc i e s and f o r c e s which one y e a r bestow unwonted and unearned b e n e f i t s of f e r t i l i t y , making e v e r y t h i n g run smooth and w e l l , r a i n and sun appear a t the r i g h t moment, noxious i n s e c t s remain i n abeyance, the h a r v e s t y i e l d s a superabundant c r o p ; and ano t h e r y e a r a g a i n the same a g e n c i e s b r i n g i l l - l u c k and bad chance, p u r sue him from b e g i n n i n g to end and thwart a l l h i s most strenuous e f f o r t s and h i s best-founded knowledge. To c o n t r o l these i n f l u e n c e s and these o n l y he employs m a g i c . ^ Por M a l i n o w s k i c o n d i t i o n s - and  t h e r e was  from magic.  two  sets of  t h e r e f o r e i n the means f o r c o n t r o l l i n g  them - a c l e a r - c u t d i v i s i o n . must always be  between these  Hence, e m p i r i c a l knowledge  s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n the n a t i v e mind  As L e a c h remarks, i n a s s e r t i n g t h i s  between the o b j e c t i v e - r a t i o n a l and p h y s i c a l , Malinowski  was  the  subjective-meta-  f o l l o w i n g i n the t r a d i t i o n 20  T y l o r and P r a z e r s t r i c t l y .  Y e t Malinowski  r a d i c a l l y from the t r a d i t i o n o f T y l o r and these w r i t e r s , p r i m i t i v e man gory d i s t i n c t i o n , which was evolved s o c i e t i e s .  dichotomy  was  also  Prazer.  of  departs Por  incapable of t h i s cate-  g i v e n o n l y i n more h i g h l y  Indeed, i t was  c r u c i a l f o r Prazer's  t h e o r y o f magic as " b a s t a r d s c i e n c e " to assume t h a t p r i m i t i v e s d i d n o t d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the e m p i r i c a l and magical.  Malinowski,  p r i m i t i v e was  the  on the o t h e r hand, argued t h a t the  j u s t as capable as c i v i l i z e d  man  o f making  -148such d i s t i n c t i o n s , though the s u r e l y he was  diminished  n o t always a b l e  f o r c e o f h i s argument must  by h i s own  admission t h a t he  to judge "where r a t i o n a l procedure  ended and which were the s u p e r g a t o r y a c t i v i t i e s , magical or a e s t h e t i c " .  i t was  he was  anxiety  edge and  man re-  o f c o n t r o l l i n g by means o f empi-  r a t i o n a l thought.  In answering t h i s  M a l i n o w s k i argued t h a t magic c o n s t i t u t e s a sub-  stitute activity, and  consider  to c o n t r o l those a c t i v i t i e s he  incapable  r i c a l knowledge and question,  s i d e , however, l e t us  t h a t M a l i n o w s k i contended t h a t p r i m i t i v e  invoked magic i n o r d e r cognized  whether  2 1  L e a v i n g t h i s to one why  himself  o r i g i n a t i n g i n a r e a c t i o n o f f e a r , hope  i n d u c e d by the inadequacy o f e m p i r i c a l knowl-  r a t i o n a l means: L e t us r e a l i z e once more the type o f s i t u a t i o n i n which we f i n d mag i c . Man engaged i n a s e r i e s o f p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s comes to a gap; the h u n t e r i s d i s a p p o i n t e d by h i s q u a r r y , the s a i l o r misses p r o p i t i o u s , winds, the canoe b u i l d e r has to d e a l w i t h some m a t e r i a l o f which he i s never c e r t a i n t h a t i t w i l l stand the s t r a i n , o r the h e a l t h y person suddenly f e e l s h i s strength f a i l i n g . What does man do n a t u r a l l y under such c o n d i t i o n s , s e t t i n g a s i d e a l l magic, b e l i e f and ritual? Forsaken by h i s knowledge, b a f f l e d by h i s p a s t e x p e r i e n c e and by h i s t e c h n i c a l s k i l l , he r e a l i z e s h i s impotence. Yet h i s d e s i r e g r i p s him o n l y the more s t r o n g l y ; h i s a n x i e t y , h i s f e a r s and hopes, i n d u c e a t e n s i o n i n h i s organism which d r i v e s him to some s o r t o f  -149aetivity. Whether he be savage o r c i v i l i z e d , whether i n p o s s e s s i o n o f magic o r e n t i r e l y i g n o r a n t o f i t s e x i s t e n c e , p a s s i v e i n a c t i o n , the o n l y t h i n g d i c t a t e d by reason, i s the l a s t t h i n g i n which he can a c q u i e s c e . H i s nervous system and h i s whole organism d r i v e him t o some s u b s t i t u t e a c t i v i t y . Obsessed by the i d e a o f the d e s i r e d end, he sees i t and f e e l s i t . H i s organism r e p r o d u c e s the a c t s suggested by the a n t i c i p a t i o n s o f hope, d i c t a t e d by the emotion o f p a s s i o n so strongly felt.22 Thus a man w i l l  s p o n t a n e o u s l y c l e n c h h i s f i s t a t the  thought o f an enemy whom he i s powerless to harm and h u r l words o f h a t r e d a g a i n s t  him, a l o v e r w i l l a d d r e s s en-  t r e a t i e s to v i s i o n s of h i s unattainable  or non-responsive  beauty, an a n x i o u s fisherman o r h u n t e r w i l l imagine and describe  i n words, v i s i o n s o f a m a g n i f i c e n t  catch.  A c c o r d i n g to M a l i n o w s k i , these r e a c t i o n s powering emotion o r o b s e s s i v e f e a r o r d e s i r e  to o v e r "are n a t u r a l  responses based on a u n i v e r s a l p s y c h o - p h y s i o l o g i c a l 23 onanism".  A l l the spontaneous a c t i o n s  situation of f r u s t r a t i o n involve  me-  o f a man i n a  extended e x p r e s s i o n o f  emotions by f o r e c a s t i n g images o f w i s h e d - f o r r e s u l t s o r the  e x p r e s s i o n o f p a s s i o n i n g e s t u r e s o r words.  More-  over, g o v e r n i n g the e n t i r e a c t i o n , i s the image o f the end: I t s u p p l i e s the m o t i v e - f o r c e o f the r e a c t i o n , i t apparently organizes and d i r e c t s words and a c t s towards a d e f i n i t e purpose. The s u b s t i t u t e a c t i o n i n which the p a s s i o n f i n d s  -150i t s vent, and which i s due t o impo- . t e n c e , has s u b j e c t i v e l y a l l the value o f a r e a l a c t i o n , t o which emotion would, i f n o t impeded, n a t u r a l l y have led. As the t e n s i o n spends i t s e l f i n these words and g e s t u r e s the o b s e s s i n g v i s i o n s fade away, the d e s i r e d end seems n e a r e r s a t i s f a c t i o n , we r e g a i n our b a l a n c e , once more a t h a r mony w i t h l i f e , 2 4 These spontaneous enactments a r e t h e r e f o r e  cathartic,  i n p r o v i d i n g a r e l e a s e f o r f r u s t r a t e d emotions.  Moreover,  i n thus a c t i n g out i n t e n s e e m o t i o n a l s t a t e s , a s t r o n g f e e l i n g i s o b t a i n e d t h a t the words and g e s t u r e s have a l l y done something towards a c h i e v i n g the d e s i r e d  actu-  goal,  thus l e a v i n g a c o n v i c t i o n o f the r e a l i t y o f these a c t s , ... as i f o f something done by a i power r e v e a l e d to man. T h i s power, born o f mental and p h y s i o l o g i c a l obs e s s i o n , seems to g e t h o l d o f us from the o u t s i d e , and to p r i m i t i v e man, o r to the c r e d u l o u s and u n t u t o r ed mind o f a l l ages, the spontaneous s p e l l , the spontaneous r i t e , and the spontaneous b e l i e f i n t h e i r e f f i c i e n cy must appear as a d i r e c t r e v e l a t i o n from some e x t e r n a l and no doubt imp e r s o n a l sources.25 As M a l i n o w s k i h i m s e l f emphasized, however, magic i s n o t a m a t t e r o f "spontaneous s p e l l s " o r o f "spontaneous r i t e s " , but i s an a c t i v i t y i n which the words u t t e r e d and the r i t e s e n a c t e d a r e c o d i f i e d by t r a d i t i o n .  One  s i m p l y i n v e n t magic - one must have a knowledge  cannot  o f the ap-  p r o p r i a t e s p e l l s or m e d i c i n e s , and o f the c o r r e c t method o f b r i n g i n g s p e l l o r medicine i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h i t s 26 o b j e c t . ' I t would seem t h e n , t h a t t h e r e i s a g u l f be-  151tween the spontaneous a c t i v i t i e s d e s c r i b e d by and m a g i c a l  Malinowski,  lore.  Yet M a l i n o w s k i argued a c l o s e k i n s h i p between these spontaneous r e a c t i o n s and the t r a d i t i o n s o f magic.  "Kin-  s h i p " , i n d e e d , seems h a r d l y a s t r o n g enough word to  ex-  p r e s s the s t r e n g t h o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p as M a l i n o w s k i it:  saw  e m o t i o n a l r e a c t i o n i s "not o n l y one  o f the sources but 27 the very f o u n t a i n h e a d o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f " . M a g i c a l r i t u a l , most o f the p r i n c i p l e s o f magic, most o f i t s s p e l l s and substances, have been r e v e a l e d to man i n those p a s s i o n a t e e x p e r i ences which a s s a i l him i n the impasses o f h i s i n s t i n c t i v e l i f e and o f h i s p r a c t i c a l p u r s u i t s , i n those gaps and breaches l e f t i n the e v e r i m p e r f e c t w a l l o f c u l t u r e which he e r e c t s between h i m s e l f and the bes e t t i n g temptations and dangers o f h i s d e s t i n y . . . . Thus the foundat i o n s o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f and p r a c t i s e are not taken from the a i r , but are due t o a number o f e x p e r i e n c e s a c t u a l l y l i v e d through, i n which man r e c e i v e s the r e v e l a t i o n of h i s power to a t t a i n the d e s i r e d end.28 Magic t h e r e f o r e f i x e s upon these spontaneous and s p e l l s , and  rites  s t a n d a r d i z e s them i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l  By d o i n g t h i s , i t s u p p l i e s p r i m i t i v e man  with a  forms.  definite  means o f h a n d l i n g those s i t u a t i o n s he must d e a l w i t h i n every important p u r s u i t or a c t i v i t y where h i s e m p i r i c a l knowledge i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . important pragmatic  In t h i s way,  i t e x e r c i s e s an  f u n c t i o n , i n t h a t i t enables man  to  c a r r y out h i s important t a s k s w i t h c o n f i d e n c e , and to m a i n t a i n h i s p o i s e and mental  i n t e g r i t y when s u b j e c t to  152-  strong emotional  states.  M a g i c t h u s r i t u a l i z e s man's op-  t i m i s m , and by d o i n g so e n c o u r a g e s c o n f i d e n c e i n p l a c e o f doubt, d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n p l a c e o f h e s i t a t i o n and o p t i m i s m i n place o f pessimism.  Thus, d e s p i t e " a l l t h e c r u d i t y and 29  i r r e l e v a n c e o f magic", i t i s o f fundamental within primitive society:  importance  ... w i t h o u t i t s power and g u i d a n c e e a r l y man c o u l d n o t have m a s t e r e d h i s p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s as he has done, n o r c o u l d man have advanced t o the h i g h e r s t a g e s o f c u l t u r e . Hence the u n i v e r s a l o c c u r r e n c e o f magic i n p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s and i t s enormous sway. Hence do we f i n d magic an i n v a r i a b l e adjunct o f a l l important activities.30 Magic t h e r e f o r e ... f u l f i l l s an i n d i s p e n s a b l e f u n c tion within culture. I t satisfies a d e f i n i t e need w h i c h cannot be s a t i s f i e d by any o t h e r f a c t o r s o f p r i m i tive civilization.31 E. B l a c k M a g i c Malinowski's est  g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f magic i s p e r h a p s weak-  o f a l l when c a l l e d upon t o e x p l a i n t h e f a c t s o f w i t c h -  c r a f t and s o r c e r y .  P o r , i f t h e f u n c t i o n o f magic i s t o  m a s t e r t h e r i s k s o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t , why add t o them by 32  i n v e n t i n g s o r c e r y and w i t c h c r a f t ? M a l i n o w s k i h i m s e l f o f f e r e d two r e a s o n s ence o f b l a c k m a g i c .  Firstly,  f o r the e x i s t -  i t i s a n a t u r a l human r e -  a c t i o n t o f r u s t r a t e d h a t e and i m p o t e n t a n g e r , b e i n g i n t h i s way comparable t o a s i m i l a r l y i m p a s s i o n e d ... s u c h i s human n a t u r e t h a t a  l o v e magic:  -153man's d e s i r e i s as much s a t i s f i e d by the t h w a r t i n g o f others as by the advancement o f h i m s e l f . To the s o c i o l o g i c a l p l a y o f d e s i r e and c o u n t e r - d e s i r e , o f ambition and s p i t e , o f s u c c e s s and envy, t h e r e corresponds the p l a y o f magic and counter-magic or o f magic white and black. 3 3  Secondly, Malinowski contended  t h a t the b e l i e f i n  magic must safeguard i t s e l f i n c e r t a i n ways a g a i n s t b e i n g weakened by the absence  of success.  One  o f the ways i n  which i t does t h i s i s , as T y l o r had argued l o n g b e f o r e , by i n v o k i n g the b e l i e f i n b l a c k magic. counter-magic,  Every magic has i t s  o f which the d e s t r u c t i v e magic prompted by 34  e v i l d e s i r e s i s an example. But, as Nadel says, t h e s e e x p l a n a t i o n s are i n c i d e n t a l r a t h e r than s y s t e m a t i c and f a i l t o t r e a t the e v i l use o f magic as a problem i n i t s own r i g h t .  I n borrowing from a  common sense psychology, Malinowski i g n o r e d the f a c t t h a t s o c i o l o g i c a l and e t h i c a l q u e s t i o n s , no l e s s than psychol o g i c a l , are posed by the use o f b l a c k magic: Por i f a s o c i e t y acknowledges the presence o f o c c u l t d e s t r u c t i v e powers i n i t s m i d s t , t h a t i s , o f agencies t h r e a t e n i n g i t s norms and s t a b i l i t y y e t a v a i l a b l e t o i t s memb e r s , t h i s must i n d i c a t e t h a t the s t r u c t u r e o f the s o c i e t y i t s e l f i n v i t e s or even r e q u i r e s the presence o f these a g e n c i e s ...35 Malinowski's f a i l u r e t o d e a l w i t h t h i s problem i n a s a t i s f a c t o r y manner, not o n l y s o c i o l o g i c a l l y but even p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , i s borne out by h i s treatment o f w i t c h c r a f t  -154-  in particular*  In t h i s respect, he stands i n s t r i k i n g  contrast to Evans-Pritchard and Kluckhohn.  Thus, despite  the f a c t that Malinowski based h i s general theory of magic d i r e c t l y on h i s Trobriand m a t e r i a l , he wrote l i t t l e about the Trobriand yoyova except to emphasize that the b e l i e f s concerning her do not form a consistent body of knowledge and that, being i n t h i s way  confused i n the minds of the  Trobrianders, these b e l i e f s provide another example of how,  "The native f e e l s and f e a r s h i s b e l i e f rather than 36  formulates i t c l e a r l y to himself." This f a i l u r e of treatment i s also r e f l e c t e d i n Malinowski's  f i n a l formulation of the u t i l i t a r i a n value of  magic to the p r i m i t i v e community and i n h i s conclusion that magic constituted a necessary step i n the course of human e v o l u t i o n . In t h i s f i n a l formulation, the negative side of magic no longer f i n d s any mention.  Likewise, as  Leach points out, "In Coral Gardens, where magical b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s are dealt with a t length and treated as f u n c t i o n a l l y p o s i t i v e p r a c t i c a l working t o o l s , the e x i s tence of w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s i s completely ignored, the word 'witchcraft* being used merely as a synonym f o r s o r 37  eery, i n the sense of negative magic." P. The P o l i t i c o - L e g a l Functions of Sorcery Malinowski's  remarks on the Trobriand bwaga'u were  somewhat more extensive than those he devoted to the yoyova.  Doubtless, t h i s was because he was able to recon-  c i l e the corpus of b e l i e f s concerning the bwaga'u more e a s i l y with h i s t h e o r e t i c a l schema. In discussing sorcery, Malinowski emphasized i t s cha-  -155-  r a c t e r as a source of power, wealth and influence and, such, how  as  i t tends to function i n such a way as to perpe-  tuate the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l order. I t i s c h i e f s and men  of rank who  have f i r s t claim on  the services of the Trobriand sorcerer, and he would not lend himself to the unjust requests of l e s s e r men.  Too  r i c h and powerful to do anything outside the law, i t i s mainly when i t i s a question of punishing the wrong-doing of another that he w i l l accept a fee and champion a cause. In many such cases, on l e a r n i n g that the sorcerer i s worki n g against him,  the wrong-doer w i l l take f r i g h t and  hasten  to make amends.  "Thus o r d i n a r i l y , black magic acts as a  genuine l e g a l f o r c e , f o r i t i s used i n c a r r y i n g out the r u l e s of t r i b a l law, i t prevents the use of violence and 38  restores e q u i l i b r i u m . " Sorcery i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n maintaining the authority of the c h i e f . the c h i e f was  Before the coming of the whites,  able to use d i r e c t p h y s i c a l violence against  those g u i l t y of a d i r e c t breach of etiquette or ceremony, or g u i l t y of f l a g r a n t offenses l i k e adultery with one of h i s wives.  Today, sorcery i s the main method of enforcing  the exclusive r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s of the c h i e f .  Sorcery  i s therefore ranged on the side of the powerful and the wealthy as a support of vested i n t e r e s t and, i n the long run, of law and order.  " I t i s always a conservative f o r c e ,  and i t furnishes r e a l l y the main source of punishment and 39  r e t r i b u t i o n indispensable i n any orderly s o c i e t y . "  More-  over, while sometimes used to commit wrongs against a weaker man  on behalf of one more powerful, sorcery i s never  em-  -156ployed i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o the law. a way  o f emphasizing the s t a t u s quo,  Rather, s o r c e r y i s  of expressing o l d i n -  e q u a l i t i e s and c o u n t e r - a c t i n g the f o r m a t i o n of new Moreover, "...  s i n c e conservatism  i s the most  ones.  important  t r e n d of p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y , s o r c e r y on the whole i s a bene40 f i c i e n t agency, o f enormous v a l u e f o r e a r l y c u l t u r e . " Malinowski's account of the f u n c t i o n a l u t i l i t y of s o r c e r y to T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y does not t h e r e f o r e c o n f l i c t his  g e n e r a l theory of magic.  with  Sorcery i s " u s e f u l " t o  T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y , and the attempts of white m i s s i o n a r i e s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s to stamp i t out are misguided.  Yet  the v e r y b r e v i t y o f these remarks i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the poverty of Malinowski's i d e a s on t h i s  subject.  C. A C r i t i q u e o f Malinowski Malinowski's f a i l u r e to d e a l s a t i s f a c t o r i l y w i t h phenomena o f w i t c h c r a f t and r e p r e s e n t a simple  s o r c e r y does n o t , of  the  course,  t h e o r e t i c a l a b e r r a t i o n , but d e r i v e s from  the i m p e r f e c t i o n s of h i s g e n e r a l theory o f magic. The foundation-stone  o f Malinowski's theory i s the  view t h a t magic r e p r e s e n t s a c a t h a r t i c response to the p s y c h o l o g i c a l t e n s i o n s which are generated i n s i t u a t i o n s o f danger and u n c e r t a i n t y .  I t i s a l o g i c a l deduction  from  t h i s theory t h a t , s i n c e the r i s k s and dangers a s s o c i a t e d w i t h d i f f e r e n t undertakings spheres of l i f e , w i t h those  little  are not e q u a l l y great i n a l l  or no magic should be a s s o c i a t e d  a c t i v i t i e s which are attended  by few r i s k s  dangers w h i l e , c o n v e r s e l y , e s p e c i a l l y r i s k y  or  activities  ought to be permeated w i t h magical b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s .  157T h i s d e d u c t i o n i s i n f a c t c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the d a t a we  are  p r e s e n t e d on T r o b r i a n d f i s h i n g magic: While i n the v i l l a g e s on the i n n e r l a g o o n f i s h i n g i s done i n an easy and a b s o l u t e l y r e l i a b l e manner by the method o f p o i s o n i n g , y i e l d i n g abundant r e s u l t s w i t h o u t danger and u n c e r t a i n t y , t h e r e a r e on the s h o r e s o f the open sea dangerous modes o f f i s h i n g and a l s o c e r t a i n types i n which the y i e l d g r e a t l y v a r i e s a c c o r d i n g t o whether s h o a l s o f f i s h appear beforehand o r n o t . I t i s most s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t i n the l a g o o n f i s h i n g , where man can r e l y c o m p l e t e l y upon h i s knowledge and s k i l l , magic does n o t e x i s t , w h i l e i n the open-sea f i s h i n g , f u l l o f danger and u n c e r t a i n t y , t h e r e i s e x t e n s i v e m a g i c a l r i t u a l to secure s a f e t y and good r e s u l t s . * 1  T h i s example seems t o c l i n c h M a l i n o w s k i ' s til  we  argument, un-  remember t h a t the adequacy o f a t h e o r y must be  on the b a s i s o f f a r more than a s i n g l e  case.  And when we  t u r n to c o n s i d e r o t h e r examples o f m a g i c a l b e l i e f and v i t y , i t becomes p l a i n satisfactory  that Malinowski*s  than i t might seem a t f i r s t  judged  acti-  theory i s f a r l e s s sight.  To b e g i n w i t h , n o t a l l magic can be a s s i g n e d w i t h e q u a l f a c i l i t y to the f u n c t i o n o f d e a l i n g w i t h the r i s k s , and o t h e r w i s e u n c o n t r o l l a b l e e v e n t s a t t e n d i n g an ing. cal  So well-grounded  undertak-  a t e c h n o l o g y as g a r d e n i n g on a t r o p i -  i s l a n d , f o r example, f a c e s few r i s k s and s h o u l d t h e r e -  f o r e stand i n l i t t l e  need o f m a g i c a l s u p p o r t .  There i s a l -  ways, o f c o u r s e , the p o s s i b i l i t y o f drought and c r o p ure,  dangers  fail-  b u t these r i s k s a r e remote when compared to those a t -  -158t e n d i n g such a c t i v i t i e s as v o y a g i n g on an open sea to d i s tant i s l a n d s .  Yet there i s a r i c h magical l o r e  associated  with Trobriand gardening. One might,  o f c o u r s e , t r y to s a l v a g e M a l i n o w s k i ' s  ment by p o i n t i n g out t h a t , i n the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d s , production o f food enters deeply i n t o personal r e l a t i o n s ,  argu-  the  the c o n t e x t o f i n t e r -  and i s i m p o r t a n t i n the renewal o f p e r -  s o n a l bonds and the w i n n i n g and maintenance o f p r e s t i g e .  In  consequence o f t h i s , g a r d e n i n g i s an a c t i v i t y which engages s t r o n g e m o t i o n a l involvement, and s i o n s which g r e a t l y magnify effects.  thus g i v e s r i s e to p a s -  the g r a v i t y o f r i s k s and  Advancing such an argument, however, r e q u i r e s the  making o f a r a t h e r i m p o r t a n t adjustment theory.  chance  As Nadel  to M a l i n o w s k i ' s  comments,  ... the r i s k s i n v o l v e d a r e i n a sense a r t i f i c i a l ones. T h i s i s no l o n g e r a q u e s t i o n o f the t r a g i c shortcomings o f human i n v e n t i v e n e s s i n the f a c e o f n a t u r e . Rather, mag i c s e r v e s to p r o t e c t a p a r t i c u l a r people from f a i l u r e s which a r e f a i l u r e s o n l y because t h e i r own s o c i a l system has decreed them to be such and, i n a sense, i n v e n t e d them. D i f f e r e n t l y put, magic i s a t o o l used i n the r e a l i z a t i o n o f the f o r t u i t o u s l y given s o c i a l values, not o n l y a weapon i n man's e t e r n a l f i g h t against f a t e . * 2  The same argument a p p l i e s to another form o f T r o b r i a n d magic which seems f r i v o l o u s , of Malinowski's  theory.  o r even unwarranted,  i n terms  T h i s i s the magic which i s used i n  o r d e r to a c h i e v e e x c e l l e n c e i n dancing, and to p r o t e c t the dancer from the envy and b l a c k magic o f h i s r i v a l s .  As  -159Nadel a g a i n  comments, I t i s c l e a r l y the s o c i e t y i t s e l f which d e c r e e s t h a t t h i s e x c e l l e n c e i s d e s i r a b l e and e n v i a b l e ; so t h a t the s o c i e t y i n v e n t s b o t h the d e s i r e and the tragedy o f i t s f r u s t r a t i o n , and then, i n a d d i t i o n , has t o i n v e n t a l s o the s u p e r n a t u r a l d e v i c e t o save p e o p l e from a r i s k o f t h e i r own making. 4 3  This c r i t i c i s m stands c l o s e t o that l e v e l l e d a t Malinowski's theory  o f magic by A.H. R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n .  Repud44  i a t i n g M a l i n o w s k i * s d i s t i n c t i o n between magic and r e l i g i o n ? Radcliffe-Brown  argued t h a t one c o u l d e q u a l l y v a l i d l y  tend the o p p o s i t e  opinion  to Malinowski with regard  examples o f r i t u a l enactment.  That i s t o say,  con-  t o some  r i t u a l s are  n o t n e c e s s a r i l y the p r o d u c t o f i n d i v i d u a l f e e l i n g s o f i n s e c u r i t y and danger but,  on the c o n t r a r y , may even c r e a t e  f e e l i n g s i n the i n d i v i d u a l .  Radcliffe-Brown  argument by r e f e r i n g t o the f o o d  taboos which are  w i t h c h i l d b i r t h i n the Andaman I s l a n d s . i s expecting  supports  such  this  associated  Here, when a woman  a c h i l d , and f o r some weeks f o l l o w i n g the b i r t h  o f the baby, b o t h she and h e r husband must a b s t a i n from the e a t i n g o f c e r t a i n f o o d s which a r e p e r m i t t e d cumstances.  i n normal  cir-  These p r o h i b i t e d f o o d s a r e the f l e s h o f t u r t l e ,  dugong and p i g .  Should the taboo be v i o l a t e d , i t i s be-  l i e v e d t h a t the p e r s o n r e s p o n s i b l e , and perhaps a l s o t h e child, will f a l l i l l .  Hence R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n • s  conclusion  that, .•• w h i l e one a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r y i s t h a t magic and r e l i g i o n g i v e men c o n f i d e n c e , comfort and a sense o f s e c u r i t y , i t c o u l d e q u a l l y w e l l be  -160argued t h a t they g i v e men f e a r s and a n x i e t i e s from w h i c h they would o t h e r w i s e he f r e e . . . " 4 5 Eadcliffe-Brown  would seem to have p i n - p o i n t e d  a fatal  f l a w i n M a l i n o w s k i ' s theory b u t , as Homans has shown, by d i n t o f f u r t h e r m o d i f i c a t i o n t h e theory incorporate  the o b j e c t i o n to i t .  p l i c i t i n Malinowski's theory  can be s a l v a g e d and  Homans p o i n t s o u t t h a t i m -  (that magical r i t u a l  provides  an o u t l e t f o r t e n s i o n s g e n e r a t e d i n s i t u a t i o n s o f u n c e r t a i n t y ) i s the assumption t h a t , p r o v i d e d  a magical r i t u a l i s  p r o p e r l y performed, a n x i e t y w i l l remain l a t e n t . from t h i s t h a t , s h o u l d  I t follows  a s u i t a b l e r i t u a l n o t be p r o p e r l y  performed, a n x i e t y w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be f e l t .  Thus, w i t h the  Andamanese example, The a n x i e t y has, so t o speak, been d i s p l a c e d from the o r i g i n a l s i t u a tion. But even g r a n t e d t h a t i t has been d i s p l a c e d , M a l i n o w s k i ' s g e n e r a l t h e o r y i s confirmed by the e x i s t e n c e o f a secondary r i t u a l which has the f u n c t i o n o f d i s p e l l i n g t h e secondary a n x i e t y which a r i s e s from a b r e a c h o f r i t u a l and t r a d i t i o n . We c a l l t h i s the r i t u a l o f p u r i f i c a t i o n , o f expiation.46 T h i s l e a d s Homans to an e l a b o r a t i o n o f the a n x i e t y theory  o f r i t u a l , based on some c o n c e p t u a l  made, o r n o t e x p l i c i t l y  d i s t i n c t i o n s not  made, by M a l i n o w s k i .  Thus Homans  d i s t i n g u i s h e s between: i. ing  P r i m a r y a n x i e t y , which a r i s e s when an i n d i v i d u a l i s seekt o r e a l i z e a g i v e n end and does n o t p o s s e s s a  c e r t a i n o f guaranteeing ii.  him o r h e r the d e s i r e d  technique  result;  P r i m a r y r i t u a l , which i s performed i n the above  circum-  -161-  stances i n accordance with d e f i n i t e s o c i a l norms.  Where the  r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n i s weak, as i n our own society, i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l invent r i t u a l s i n s i t u a t i o n s of t h i s type; iii•  Secondary (displaced) anxiety, which i s experienced  when primary r i t u a l s are not properly performed.  This a t t i -  tude becomes generalized and i s experienced when any of the t r a d i t i o n s o f society i s not observed; i v . Secondary r i t u a l s , which are the r i t u a l s of p u r i f i c a t i o n and expiation which have the f u n c t i o n of d i s p e l l i n g secondary anxiety*  These w i l l be invented where not already 47  e x i s t i n g as a s o c i a l t r a d i t i o n . Por Homans, therefore, as f o r Malinowski, magic and other r i t u a l forms are p r i m a r i l y responses to s i t u a t i o n s o f anxiety.  These responses secure no d i r e c t b e n e f i t s , but are  i n d i r e c t l y b e n e f i c i a l both to the i n d i v i d u a l and to society, since they i n s t i l l confidence i n the i n d i v i d u a l , d i s p e l l i n g a n x i e t i e s and d i s c i p l i n i n g the s o c i a l order.  Yet despite  h i s s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f Malinowski*s theory, Homans, by h i s own admission, does not provide us with a theory of r i t u a l , but with a theory a p p l i c a b l e to c e r t a i n r i t u a l occasions only.  His argument, i n other words, concerns r i t u a l s only  to the extent to which they do a r i s e from anxiety, and "... there i s no implication that other sentiments besides 48  anxiety do not give r i s e to r i t u a l . and on what occasions?  n  But which sentiments  Can d i f f e r e n t sentiments give r i s e  to the same r i t u a l on d i f f e r e n t occasions?  Can the same  sentiments give r i s e to d i f f e r e n t r i t u a l s , i n the same c i r cumstances, on the p a r t of d i f f e r e n t actors?  I s r i t u a l be-  haviour subject to a u n i f y i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n on the l e v e l o f  162sentiment a t a l l ? sideration. haviour?  How,  Q u e s t i o n s such as these are g i v e n no moreover, a r e we  According  to Homans, any  to r e c o g n i z e  con-  "ritual"  be-  a c t i o n which does n o t  produce a d i r e c t p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t on the e x t e r n a l world  is  to be c l a s s i f i e d as r i t u a l , whatever the a c t o r e n a c t i n g i t 49 might happen to t h i n k .  Native  systems o f  classification  a r e t h e r e f o r e to be i g n o r e d , and  the a c t o r ' s own  o f h i s or h e r b e h a v i o u r i s to be  t r e a t e d as m e r e l y a k i n d  r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n which i s n o t to be  explanation  taken a t i t s f a c e  value.  While Homans i s a t l e a s t c o n s i s t e n t , h i s approach a l l o w s no way  o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g g e n u i n e l y r i t u a l from mistaken  p i r i c a l notions.  An i n e f f e c t i v e mode o f m e d i c a l  of 50  us em-  treatment,  f o r example, must l o g i c a l l y be equated w i t h such o t h e r  very  d i f f e r e n t phenomena as Hopi r a i n dances, the C a t h o l i c Mass and  the American P l e d g e o f A l l e g i a n c e .  then, i s a c h i e v e d  Homans' c o n s i s t e n c y ,  o n l y a t the c o s t o f v i o l a t i n g the i n t e g -  r i t y o f o t h e r systems o f thought, and he i s t h e r e f o r e open to much the same k i n d o f c r i t i c i s m as t h a t which we 51 ready made o f P a r e t o . f o r e , who  have a l -  I n comparison to M a l i n o w s k i ,  always emphasized the importance o f n a t i v e  g o r i e s o f thought, Homans' work r e p r e s e n t s a  therecate-  retrograde  step. I t i s a l s o worth-while n o t i n g a n o t h e r c r i t i c i s m which may  be l e v e l l e d a t the a f f e c t i v e  t h e o r y o f magic: t h a t i t i s  unable to e x p l a i n c u l t u r a l v a r i a t i o n s i n m a g i c a l p r a c t i c e s , and  beliefs  t h e r e f o r e cannot account f o r those s i t u a t i o n s  where human knowledge cannot p r e d i c t the i s s u e y e t where g i c i s absent.  and  For i n s t a n c e , the T i k o p i a n s , u n l i k e  T r o b r i a n d e r s , have no l o v e magic, w h i l e  ma-  the  the Manus I s l a n d e r s ,  -163a g a i n u n l i k e the T r o b r i a n d e r s , have no s a i l i n g magic.  One  way o f meeting t h i s o b j e c t i o n i s by i n v o k i n g the n o t i o n o f "functional substitutes".  One might, i n o t h e r words, argue  t h a t the f u n c t i o n s f u l f i l l e d i n one s o c i e t y by magic a r e f u l f i l l e d by some o t h e r c u l t u r a l e l e m e n t ( s ) i n a n o t h e r s o ciety.  This i s , i n e f f e c t ,  the l i n e o f r e a s o n i n g adopted by  F i r t h when he w r i t e s t h a t magic r e p r e s e n t s o n l y one o f a number o f p o s s i b l e c u l t u r a l r e s p o n s e s t o u n c e r t a i n t y , which may a l s o take Sod,  the form o f "... a r e l i a n c e on a b e n e f i c e n t  a r e l i a n c e upon the t h e o r y o f p r o b a b i l i t y - which i s  another name f o r s c i e n c e , o r a simple 52 b o t h s c i e n c e and God."  f a t a l i s m which r e j e c t s  So f a r as M a l i n o w s k i h i m s e l f i s  concerned, however, t h i s l i n e o f r e a s o n i n g would seem r u l e d out by h i s own a s s e r t i o n , quoted e a r l i e r i n t h i s  chapter,  t h a t magic f u l f i l l s an i n d i s p e n s a b l e f u n c t i o n which cannot 53 be f u l f i l l e d by any o t h e r element o f p r i m i t i v e c u l t u r e . Moreover, F i r t h ' s mode o f argument m e r e l y s h i f t s the problem from "why do the Manus I s l a n d e r s , u n l i k e the T r o b r i a n d e r s , n o t p r a c t i s e magic i n the f a c e o f c e r t a i n forms o f u n c e r t a i n t y ? " t o "why do the Manus I s l a n d e r s adopt one r a t h e r than a n o t h e r c u l t u r a l response t o c e r t a i n forms o f u n c e r tainty?".  This question, F i r t h himself confesses 54 a b l e t o answer. Invoking  he i s un-  the n o t i o n o f f u n c t i o n a l s u b s t i t u t e s , t h e r e -  f o r e , succeeds i n s a l v a g i n g the a f f e c t i v e t h e o r y o f magic o n l y by r e n d e r i n g i t c o m p l e t e l y p i r i c a l evidence.  Recognizing  u n t e s t a b l e i n terms o f emthe l i m i t a t i o n s o f  M a l i n o w s k i ' s t h e o r y as expressed attempting  to safeguard  i n i t s o r i g i n a l form, and  i t from c r i t i c i s m by a d o p t i n g the  -164—  m o d i f i c a t i o n s t o i t suggested by Homans and F i r t h , c a n i n f a c t l e a d o n l y t o v e r y vague g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a l o n g t h e l i n e s o f : " a n x i e t y , and/or o t h e r s e n t i m e n t s , may g i v e r i s e to magical o r other r i t u a l procedures, o r , i n c e r t a i n uns p e c i f i e d c i r c u m s t a n c e s , may g i v e r i s e t o a d i f f e r e n t t u r a l response."  cul-  E x p r e s s e d i n t h i s way, i t becomes c l e a r  t h a t t h e a n x i e t y t h e o r y o f magic, a s f u r t h e r developed by F i r t h and Homans, may be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h any c o n c e i v a b l e item of e m p i r i c a l information.  I n o t h e r words, t h e t h e o r y  can e x p l a i n e v e r y t h i n g - and n o t h i n g . Y e t , even a l t h o u g h h i s g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f magic u l t i m a t e l y l e a d s one i n t o a b l i n d a l l e y , M a l i n o w s k i may n e v e r t h e l e s s be c r e d i t e d w i t h h a v i n g p r o v i d e d an i m p o r t a n t i m p u l s e t o t h e s t u d y o f w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y .  B o t h Navaho  W i t c h c r a f t and W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among t h e Azande owe an i m p o r t a n t debt t o M a l i n o w s k i .  F o r example,  K l u c k h o h n * s t h e o r y t h a t Navaho w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s p r o v i d e an o u t l e t f o r t h e r e l e a s e o f t e n s i o n s a r i s i n g from t h e g e n e r a l and s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s o f Navaho l i f e , h o l d s many p o i n t s i n common w i t h M a l i n o w s k i ' s a n x i e t y t h e o r y o f magic. S i m i l a r l y , even a l t h o u g h E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d * s a n a l y s i s o f Zande w i t c h c r a f t assumes m e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h o s e o f M a l i n o w s k i , i t was o n l y by means o f employing t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f m e t i c u l o u s f i e l d - w o r k , w h i c h M a l i n o w s k i was f i r s t and foremost i n dev e l o p i n g , t h a t t h e Zande s t u d y was made p o s s i b l e .  Moreover,  f o r h i s emphasis on t h e n e c e s s i t y o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f t h o u g h t , and on t h e importance  o f s e e i n g how  p a r t i c u l a r patterns of b e l i e f are translated into action i n  -165s p e c i f i c b e h a v i o u r a l c o n t e x t s , the study of w i t c h c r a f t s o r c e r y - indeed, the e n t i r e f i e l d o f anthropology always remain indebted t o the genius o f M a l i n o w s k i .  and  will  -166Notes and References 1.  Evans-Pritchard, E.E., S o c i a l Anthropology, (Cohen & West l t d . , London, 1951), Pp. 91-2. As a statement of anthropological attitudes, t h i s probably holds true even today, although writings l i k e those of L e v i Strauss, Leach, Horton and Douglas indicate a renewed i n t e r e s t i n some of the "bigger" questions and a return to broader t h e o r e t i c a l concerns.  2.  Pocock, D.P., S o c i a l Anthropology, (Sheed & Ward, London, 1961), P. 53. To some extent, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between Malinowski's " t h e o r e t i c a l " and h i s "ethnographic" writings i s misleading. Por M a l i n o w s k i ^ theory was deeply grounded i n h i s Trobriand material (of which i t was often l i t t l e more than a generalization) while, conversely, h i s ethnography was deeply influenced by h i s t h e o r e t i c a l preconceptions.  3.  Nadel, S.P., "Malinowski on Magic, Science and Religion", i n F i r t h , R. (ed.), Man and Culture, (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1957), P. 190.  4.  Redfield, R., "Introduction" to Malinowski, B., Magic. Science and Religion and Other Essays, (Doubleday & Co. Inc., Garden C i t y , New York, 1954), P. 10.  5.  Malinowski, B., "Introduction" to Hogbin, H.I., Law and Order i n Polynesia, (London, 1934), P. x x x v i i i . Quoted i n Homans, G.C., "Anxiety and-Ritual: The Theories of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown", American Anthropologist, V o l . XLIII, (April-June 1941), P. 169. Bobbs-Merrill r e p r i n t , S-121.  6.  See P. 94 of t h i s t h e s i s .  7.  Malinowski, B., "Magic, Science and Religion", i n Malinowski, B., Magic..., op. c i t . , P. 70.  8.  I b i d . , P. 71.  9.  I b i d . , P. 74.  -16710. I b i d . . Pp. 73-4. 11. I b i d . , P. 74. 12. I b i d . . P. 73. 13. Lowie, R.H., Primitive Religion, (Boni & L i v e r i g h t , New York, 1924), Pp. 143-4. See P. 100 of t h i s t h e s i s . 14. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., "The Morphology and Function of Magic", American Anthropologist. V o l . XXXI, (1929), Pp. 619-41. Reprinted i n Middleton, J . (ed.), Magic. Witchcraft and Curing, (The Natural History Press, Garden C i t y , New York, 1967), Pp. 1*22. Horton, however, argues that a l l African magic may be reduced to a verb a l base, and suggests that the non-verbal symbols commonly employed i n African magic derive t h e i r powers from verbal designation. I f correct, t h i s suggests that Malinowski was right to emphasize the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l significance of the s p e l l . Horton, R., "African T r a d i t i o n a l Thought and Western Science", i n Marwick, M. (ed.), Witchcraft and Sorcery, (Penguin Books Ltd., Harmondsworth, 1970), P. 353. 15. See Malinowski, B., Argonauts of the Western P a c i f i c , (E.P. Dutton & Co. Inc., New York, 1961), Pp. 424-5. 16. Malinowski, B., "Myth i n Primitive Psychology", i n Malinowski, B., Magic..., op. c i t . , P. 141. 17. Nadel, S.F., "Malinowski on Magic...", op. c i t . , P. 141. 18. Malinowski, B., "Magic...", op. c i t . , P. 17. 19. I b i d . , Pp. 28-9. 20. Leach, E.R., "The Epistemological Background to Malinowski's Empiricism", i n F i r t h , R. (ed.), Man and Culture. op. c i t . , P. 128. 21. Malinowski, B., Coral Gardens and t h e i r Magic, (Allen & Unwin, London, 1966), V o l . I, P. 460. Quoted i n Leach, E.R., "The Epistemological...", op. c i t . . P. 128.  -168-  22. Malinowski, B., "Magic...", op. c i t . , P. 7 9 . 23. I b i d . , P. 80. 24. I b i d . , Pp. 80-1. 25. Ibid., P. 81. 26. I b i d . . Pp. 74-6;  "Myth...", op. c i t . , Pp. 138-43.  27. Malinowski, B., "Magic...", op. c i t . , P. 82. 28. I b i d . , Pp. 81-2. 29. I b i d . , P. 9 0 . 30. I b i d . . 31. Malinowski, B., "Anthropology", Encyclopaedia - Britannica, (London, 1926), 1st. Supplementary Volume, P. 132. Quoted i n Merton, R*, S o c i a l Theory and S o c i a l Structure, (The Free Press, Glencoe, 1949), 36. 3 2 . I t i s worth noting that Homans' elaboration of the anxiety theory of magic, discussed on Pp. 160-2 of t h i s t h e s i s , also f a i l s to deal with the phenomena of witchc r a f t and sorcery. 33• Malinowski, B., "Magic...", op. c i t . , P. 8 5 . 34. I b i d . , Pp. 85-6. 35. Nadel, S.F., "Malinowski on Magic...", op. c i t . . P. 194. 36. Malinowski, B., Argonauts..., op. c i t . , P. 2 3 9 . 37.  Leach, E.R., "The Epistemological Background...", op. c i t . , P. 1 2 9 .  3 8 . Malinowski, B., Crime and Custom i n Savage Society, (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1926), P. 86. 39* I b i d . , P. 9 3 .  16940. I b i d . . P.  94.  41. Malinowski, B., 42. Nadel, S.P.,  "Magic...",  op. c i t . , Pp.  "Malinowski on Magic...",  30-1.  op. c i t . , P.  193.  43. I b i d . . 44. A c c o r d i n g t o Malinowski, magic employs l i m i t e d t e c h n i q u e s t o achieve l i m i t e d g o a l s , whereas r e l i g i o n cons i s t s o f a body o f s e l f - c o n t a i n e d a c t s , complex and r i c h i n c o n t e n t , and i s expressed i n a c t s which have v a l u e but not u t i l i t y , the end o f which b e i n g r e a l i z e d i n the a c t s themselves. C f . Malinowski, B., "Magic...", op. c i t . . Pp. 88-9. 45. R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n , A.R., S t r u c t u r e and F u n c t i o n i n P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y , (Cohen & West L t d . , London, 1952), Pp. 148-9. 46. Homans, G.C., 47. I b i d . , P.  171.  48. I b i d . , P.  167.  49. I b i d . , P.  172.  "Anxiety and R i t u a l . . . " , op. c i t . , P.  50. I b i d . , Pp. 165-6, 51. See Pp. 14-17, 50 52. F i r t h , R., P. 130. 53.  Ibid..  54.  Ibid..  171. ?  of t h i s t h e s i s ,  Human Types,  (Mentor, New  York,  1958),  170.  CHAPTER SEVEN  EVANS-PRITCHARD'S ANALYSIS OF ZANDE WITCHCRAFT  A.  Introduction Max G l u c l — a n r e v e a l s t h a t i t was e a r l y n o t i c e d , by  Europeans i n c o n t a c t w i t h A f r i c a n s , t h a t the b e l i e f i n w i t c h c r a f t i n v o l v e d the i d e a t h a t A f r i c a n s thought i t "...  s i n g u l a r t h a t they alone  should be s i c k w h i l e 1  people around them were e n j o y i n g good h e a l t h . " servation contained  a l l the  T h i s ob-  an i m p o r t a n t c l u e to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of witchcraft b e l i e f s .  Another was c o n t a i n e d  v a t i o n t h a t people accused t h e i r p e r s o n a l w i t c h i n g them: an o b s e r v a t i o n  i n the o b s e r -  enemies o f be-  which l e d many to conclude  t h a t w i t c h c r a f t o b s e r v a t i o n s were o b v i o u s l y f r a u d u l e n t . ... these separate c l u e s were brought t o g e t h e r by P r o f e s s o r E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d to e x p l a i n the l o g i c , the i n t e l l e c t u a l coherence, o f w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o n a t u r a l events and to s o c i e t y . He d i d t h i s i n h i s a n a l y s i s o f W i t c h c r a f t , O r a c l e s and Magic among the Azande o f the A n g l o E g y p t i a n Sudan. Subsequent r e s e a r c h i n o t h e r A f r i c a n t r i b e s has confirmed this analysis entirely.2 Evans-Pritchard's systematic  study may be d e s c r i b e d as the f i r s t  a n a l y s i s o f the w i t c h c r a f t b e l i e f s o f a p r i m i -  t i v e people as c o n s t i t u t i n g a coherent system o f c o l l e c t i v e representations,  as w e l l as the f i r s t  these c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s  c l e a r a n a l y s i s o f how  are invoked i n p a r t i c u l a r  171action-contexts.  As such, i t has had a tremendous impact  on B r i t i s h s o c i a l anthropology and has served t o d e f i n e most o f the problems t o which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have d i r e c t e d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n , i n s t u d y i n g w i t c h c r a f t and s o r c e r y , i n the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the Second World  War.  But although deepest i n the f i e l d  o f anthropology,  the i n f l u e n c e o f E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d s work has by no means 1  been l i m i t e d  t o the c i r c l e o f h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l c o l l e a g u e s .  Thus, h i s a n a l y s i s has p r o v i d e d the s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r an i n t e n s i v e v i l l a g e l e v e l study o f w i t c h c r a f t i n Tudor and S t u a r t Essex by a p r o f e s s i o n a l h i s t o r i a n ,  3  and has even a t -  4 t r a c t e d a t t e n t i o n i n the f i e l d It  o f the p h i l o s o p h y o f s c i e n c e .  i s n e c e s s a r y t o view E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s work i n  r e l a t i o n to t h a t o f L e v y - B r u h l .  Already, i n a s e r i e s of  papers p u b l i s h e d at the U n i v e r s i t y o f Egypt, P r i t c h a r d had shown h i m s e l f unsympathetic  Evans-  t o the psycho-  l o g i s t i c r e d u c t i o n i s m then p r e v a l e n t i n B r i t i s h anthropology.  He r e v e a l e d h i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l s t a n d p o i n t as b e i n g  much c l o s e r t o that o f L ^ v y - B r u h l , Durkheim and the con5  tributors  t o the Ane'e s o c i o l o g i q u e .  He was  particularly  concerned t o defend L e v y - B r u h l ' s w r i t i n g s , which he s i d e r e d extremely v a l u a b l e t h e o r e t i c a l l y ,  con-  a g a i n s t the mis-  understandings and m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f them, widespread then as now.** I t was  L^vy-Bruhl who  f i r s t s t a t e d w i t h emphasis t h a t  p r i m i t i v e peoples h o l d d i s t i n c t i v e systems o f b e l i e f s i n herent i n t h e i r c o n c e p t u a l frameworks and r e f l e c t e d t h e i r languages.  in  Because o f t h i s , the mental s t r u c t u r e s o f  other p e o p l e s cannot be understood i n the same terms as our  172own, was  and the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l b a s i s o f T y l o r i a n anthropologydestroyed.  S i m i l a r l y , i t was L S v y - B r u h l who  s t r o n g l y on s e e i n g p a r t i c u l a r modes o f thought as from p a r t i c u l a r types o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n .  insisted deriving  Thus, some  o f the most b a s i c q u e s t i o n s which E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d sought to d e a l w i t h i n h i s study - how  the Azande see the w o r l d ,  t h e i r b e l i e f s form a coherent system, how  how  these b e l i e f s are  m a n i f e s t e d b e h a v i o u r a l l y , what are the c o n t e x t s o f t h e i r m y s t i c and non-mystic  thought - c o u l d w e l l have been posed  7  by L S v y - B r u h l h i m s e l f .  B. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d s V i e w p o i n t 1  In c o n t r a s t to w r i t e r s l i k e P r a z e r , M a l i n o w s k i Kluckhohn,  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d was  us w i t h an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f how  more i n t e r e s t e d i n p r o v i d i n g the Azande themselves  about w i t c h c r a f t and magic, and o f how i n t o t h e i r way  of l i f e ,  and  think  these i d e a s e n t e r  than i n a t t e m p t i n g a c a u s a l o r  q u a s i - c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f these phenomena.  Hence, he  took the thought p a t t e r n s o f the Azande as g i v e n (much as a l i n g u i s t would take a language  as g i v e n ) , and sought to r e -  v e a l t h e i r s t r u c t u r e r a t h e r than determine or psychological o r i g i n s .  Indeed,  their  historical  t h i s analogy between  E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s endeavour and t h a t o f a l i n g u i s t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y a p t , s i n c e he r e f e r s i n more than one p l a c e to Azande b e l i e f s as c o n s t i t u t i n g an " i d i o m " and o f h i s main aim as b e i n g t h a t o f r e n d e r i n g t h i s i d i o m i n t e l l i g i b l e us.  He  cribed  t h e r e f o r e sought to r e s o l v e problems which he  to des-  ( i n a manner a l r e a d y s u g g e s t i n g where h i s d i f f e r -  ences w i t h I»e*vy-Bruhl would be found) as b e i n g o f the lowing order:  fol-  -173I s Zande thought so d i f f e r e n t from ours t h a t we can o n l y d e s c r i b e t h e i r speech and a c t i o n s w i t h o u t compreh e n d i n g them, o r i s i t e s s e n t i a l l y l i k e our own though expressed i n an i d i o m to which we a r e unaccustomed? What a r e the motives o f Zande behaviour? What a r e t h e i r n o t i o n s o f reality? How a r e these motives and n o t i o n s expressed i n custom?" He t h e r e f o r e eschewed "... c u r r e n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s o f m y s t i c a l n o t i o n s and r i t u a l behaviour", of  and i n s t e a d o f s e e k i n g to answer the q u e s t i o n  why i t i s t h a t the Azande a t t r i b u t e p a r t i c u l a r events to  the o p e r a t i o n o f magic and w i t c h c r a f t , sought t o e l u c i d a t e 9 how they do t h i s .  I n o t h e r words, he was s e a r c h i n g f o r  i n f o r m a t i o n i n the reasons Azande themselves g i v e f o r the occurrence to  o f phenomena.  Thus h i s method i n v o l v e d t r y i n g  "... e x p l a i n a f a c t by c i t i n g o t h e r f a c t s from the same  c u l t u r e and by n o t i n g i n t e r d e p e n d e n c i e s between  facts."  1 0  C. W i t c h c r a f t E x p l a i n s M i s f o r t u n e We have a l r e a d y , i n an e a r l i e r s e c t i o n o f t h i s noted  the e s s e n t i a l f a c t s o f Zande w i t c h c r a f t (mangu) as an  o r g a n i c , i n h e r i t e d substance, technique  and o f Zande s o r c e r y as a  employing bad m e d i c i n e s .  1 1  The f i r s t major ques-  t i o n to which E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d addressed to  these b e l i e f s was t h a t o f d e t e r m i n i n g  which they a r e i n v o k e d . is  thesis,  himself i n relation the c o n t e x t s i n  The s h o r t answer to t h i s  question  t h a t they a r e i n v o k e d i n s i t u a t i o n s o f m i s f o r t u n e , how-  ever t r i v i a l  and p e t t y , as a "... ready and s t e r e o t y p e d 12 means o f r e a c t k n g to such e v e n t s " . ... t h e r e i s no n i c h e o r c o r n e r o f  -174Zande c u l t u r e i n t o which i t ( i . e . w i t c h c r a f t ) does n o t t w i s t i t s e l f . I f b l i g h t s e i z e s the ground-nut crop i t i s w i t c h c r a f t ; i f t e r m i t e s do n o t r i s e when t h e i r swarming i s due and a c o l d u s e l e s s n i g h t i s spent w a i t i n g for their f l i g h t i ti s witchcraft; i f a w i f e i s s u l k y and u n r e s p o n s i v e to h e r husband i t i s w i t c h c r a f t ; i f a p r i n c e i s c o l d and d i s t a n t w i t h h i s s u b j e c t i t i s w i t c h c r a f t ; i f a magic a l r i t e f a i l s t o a c h i e v e i t s purpose i t i s w i t c h c r a f t ; i f , i n f a c t , any f a i l u r e o r m i s f o r t u n e f a l l s upon any one a t any time and i n r e l a t i o n t o any o f the m a n i f o l d a c t i v i t i e s o f h i s l i f e i t may be due to w i t c h c r a f t . T h i s i s n o t t o suggest t h a t the Azande b e l i e v e  witch-  c r a f t to be the s o l e cause o f phenomena, o r even the s o l e cause o f m i s f o r t u n e .  They a r e w e l l aware, f o r example, o f  the p h y s i c a l n a t u r e o f e l e p h a n t s as huge b e a s t s capable o f throwing men i n t o the a i r , p i e r c i n g them w i t h t h e i r and  crushing  them under t h e i r k n e e s .  aware t h a t g r a n a r i e s  They a r e e q u a l l y  c o l l a p s e because t e r m i t e s  s u p p o r t s which a r e h o l d i n g  tusks, well  e a t away the  them up, and t h a t i f people a r e  s i t t i n g under a g r a n a r y a t the moment when i t c o l l a p s e s they w i l l be i n j u r e d by i t s heavy s t r u c t u r e .  The Azande,  i n o t h e r words, a r e q u i t e as capable o f o b s e r v i n g quence o f e v e n t s w i t h i n a c h a i n are.  a se-  of natural causation  On the o t h e r hand, the Azande do n o t l i m i t  as we  themselves  to a s k i n g how i t i s t h a t such events take p l a c e , b u t a l s o seek to account f o r why they take p l a c e .  F o r example, i t  may v e r y w e l l be t r u e t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r g r a n a r y  collapsed  because i t s s u p p o r t s had been eaten away by t e r m i t e s .  It  -175may  a l s o be t r u e t h a t those who  were s i t t i n g under i t a t  the moment o f i t s c o l l a p s e were i n j u r e d because o f i t s heavy s t r u c t u r e .  But why,  ask the Azande, s h o u l d  those  p a r t i c u l a r p e o p l e have been s i t t i n g under t h a t p a r t i c u l a r granary r i g h t a t the moment o f i t s c o l l a p s e ?  Similarly, i t  i s c e r t a i n l y t r u e t h a t e l e p h a n t s are p h y s i c a l l y capable a t t a c k i n g and i n j u r i n g p e o p l e . event.  Why  s h o u l d one man,  of  But t h i s i s n o t a common  on one  p a r t i c u l a r occasion,  happen to come f a c e - t o - f a c e w i t h an e l e p h a n t which a t t a c k s him?  Why  t h i s man  and n o t some o t h e r man?  o c c a s i o n and n o t on o t h e r o c c a s i o n s ? n o t some o t h e r We  Why  Why  on  this  t h i s elephant  and  elephant?  would d i s m i s s these q u e s t i o n s as i l l e g i t i m a t e ,  l e a s t i n our more s c i e n t i f i c moods.  at  Such events are to be  e x p l a i n e d as c o i n c i d e n c e s , as c o n t i n g e n t upon the chance i n t e r s e c t i o n o f two  c h a i n s o f c a u s a l i t y between which t h e r e  i s no i n t r i n s i c r e l a t i o n s h i p .  The Azande, i n c o n t r a s t ,  seek to go a s t e p f u r t h e r than t h i s , i n p r o v i d i n g an e x p l a n a t o r y framework which accounts on o t h e r than a chance b a s i s .  f o r j u s t such random  events  T h i s e x p l a n a t o r y framework  i s p r o v i d e d by the i d i o m o f w i t c h  beliefs.  A boy knocked h i s f o o t a g a i n s t a s m a l l stump o f wood i n the c e n t r e o f a bush p a t h , a f r e q u e n t happening i n A f r i c a , and s u f f e r e d p a i n and i n c o n venience i n consequence. Owing to i t s p o s i t i o n on h i s toe i t was i m p o s s i b l e to keep the c u t f r e e from d i r t and i t began to f e s t e r . He d e c l a r e d t h a t w i t c h c r a f t had made him knock h i s f o o t a g a i n s t the stump.... I t o l d the boy t h a t he had knocked h i s f o o t a g a i n s t the stump o f wood because he  -176had been c a r e l e s s , and t h a t w i t c h c r a f t had n o t p l a c e d i t i n the p a t h , f o r i t had grown t h e r e n a t u r a l l y . He agreed t h a t w i t c h c r a f t had n o t h i n g to do w i t h the stump o f wood b e i n g i n h i s p a t h but added t h a t he had k e p t h i s eyes open f o r stumps, as indeed e v e r y Zande does most c a r e f u l l y , and t h a t i f he had n o t been bewitched he would have seen the stump. As a c o n c l u s i v e argument f o r h i s view, he r e marked t h a t a l l c u t s do n o t take days to h e a l but, on the c o n t r a r y , c l o s e q u i c k l y , f o r t h a t i s the n a t u r e o f c u t s . Why then, had h i s sore f e s t e r e d and remained open i f t h e r e were no w i t c h c r a f t behind i t ? * 1  W i t c h c r a f t i s t h e r e f o r e an e x p l a n a t o r y mode which a c counts f o r the p a r t i c u l a r and  v a r i a b l e c o n d i t i o n s o f an  event, as d i s t i n c t from the u n i v e r s a l and g e n e r a l c o n d i tions.  As such, i t i n no way  v a t i o n , and may i t s ambit.  c o n t r a d i c t s e m p i r i c a l obser-  even encompass s c i e n t i f i c  theories within  Thus a Pondo t e a c h e r i n South A f r i c a remarked  to Monica W i l s o n , a r g u i n g i n a manner i d e n t i c a l to t h a t o f the Azande, t h a t : I t may be q u i t e t r u e t h a t typhus i s c a r r i e d by l i c e , but who s e n t the i n f e c t e d l o u s e ? Why d i d i t b i t e one man and n o t a n o t h e r ? 1 5  As L S v i - S t r a u s s remarks o f t h i s type o f e x p l a n a t i o n , Seen i n t h i s way, the f i r s t d i f f e r ence between magic and s c i e n c e i s t h e r e f o r e t h a t magic p o s t u l a t e s a complete and a l l - e m b r a c i n g determinism. S c i e n c e , on the o t h e r hand, i s based on a d i s t i n c t i o n between l e v e l s : o n l y some o f these admit forms o f determinism; on o t h e r s the same forms  -177of  16  determinism a r e h e l d n o t to a p p l y .  The Azande themselves  e x p l a i n t h e i r n o t i o n s o f causa-  t i o n by means o f an analogy to "the second  spear".  Thus,  i f a man i s k i l l e d by an e l e p h a n t , the e l e p h a n t i s the f i r s t spear and w i t c h c r a f t i s the second g e t h e r they k i l l e d  the man.  S i m i l a r l y , i f a man k i l l s a n -  o t h e r i n war, then he i s the f i r s t  spear and w i t c h c r a f t i s 17  the second s p e a r , and t o g e t h e r they k i l l It  spear, and t o -  the man.  a l s o s h o u l d n o t be assumed t h a t w i t c h c r a f t  t u t e s the o n l y agency o f what Europeans might term danger. kill  consti"mystic"  A s o r c e r e r may make magic w i t h bad m e d i c i n e s and  a man.  A b r e a c h o f taboos, l i k e  c e s t , may l e a d to s e r i o u s i l l n e s s .  those f o r b i d d i n g i n -  The death o f b a b i e s  from c e r t a i n d i s e a s e s i s a s c r i b e d to the a c t i o n o f the Supreme B e i n g . is  Thus, i f a man develops l e p r o s y and there  a h i s t o r y o f i n c e s t i n h i s case, then the cause o f h i s  i l l n e s s i s incest, not witchcraft.  Again, i f a p o t t e r has  s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e the n i g h t b e f o r e f i r i n g h i s p o t s , and the p o t s a r e broken of  i n the f i r i n g p r o c e s s , then the cause  the breakage i s n o t w i t c h c r a f t b u t f a i l u r e  the n e c e s s a r y taboos p r e p a r a t o r y to f i r i n g .  to observe I n the same  way, i f the p a r e n t s o f a c h i l d have s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s b e f o r e it  i s weaned and the c h i l d f a l l s i l l , the q u e s t i o n o f w i t c h -  c r a f t does n o t a r i s e . to  Por the c h i l d ' s i l l n e s s i s c l e a r l y  be a t t r i b u t e d to the p a r e n t s ' b r e a c h o f a r i t u a l  pro-  hibition. In  some c a s e s , however, a complex s i t u a t i o n  arises  where w i t c h c r a f t o p e r a t e s t o g e t h e r w i t h o t h e r m y s t i c f o r c e s in  such a way as to l e a d to the death o f someone.  Thus, i n  178-  the to  cases mentioned  above, i f t h e l e p e r o r t h e c h i l d were  d i e , t h e r e would r e a l l y be t h r e e causes  operating.  F i r s t l y , t h e r e i s the i l l n e s s i t s e l f - l e p r o s y , o r perhaps a f e v e r i n t h e case o f t h e c h i l d .  These d i s e a s e s a r e n o t  seen as b e i n g a p r o d u c t o f w i t c h c r a f t b u t e x i s t i n t h e i r own r i g h t , much as a b u f f a l o o r an e l e p h a n t e x i s t s i n i t s own r i g h t .  S e c o n d l y , t h e r e i s t h e b r e a c h o f t h e taboo:  t h a t on i n c e s t i n one c a s e , t h a t on s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e b e f o r e weaning i n t h e o t h e r . the  man l e p r o s y , because  need n o t have ensued.  The c h i l d d e v e l o p e d f e v e r , and  t h e taboo was b r o k e n .  Not a l l persons d i e from l e p r o s y ,  not a l l c h i l d r e n from f e v e r s . were d e v e l o p e d because  But death  C e r t a i n l y , f e v e r and l e p r o s y  o f the v i o l a t i o n o f c e r t a i n taboos.  But u n l e s s w i t c h c r a f t had been p r e s e n t as t h e "second 18  s p e a r " , t h e y would n o t have l e d t o d e a t h . D. A c t i o n A g a i n s t W i t c h c r a f t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d drew an a n a l o g y between t h e Zande c o n c e p t o f w i t c h c r a f t and o u r c o n c e p t o f bad l u c k .  When, i n  s p i t e o f f o r e t h o u g h t and t e c h n i c a l competence, a p e r s o n s u f f e r s a m i s f o r t u n e , we s a y t h a t he o r she i s h a v i n g bad luck.  The Azande s a y t h a t t h e p e r s o n has been b e w i t c h e d .  And, s h o u l d t h e s i t u a t i o n w h i c h i s thus d e s c r i b e d have a l r e a d y t a k e n p l a c e , we c o n t e n t o u r s e l v e s w i t h t h e t h o u g h t t h a t t h e f a i l u r e was " j u s t bad l u c k " , j u s t as t h e Azande c o n t e n t t h e m s e l v e s w i t h t h e t h o u g h t t h a t t h e f a i l u r e was a result of witchcraft. Europeans  The d i f f e r e n c e i n r e a c t i o n s between  and Azande a r i s e s n o t when an u n f o r t u n a t e e v e n t  has a l r e a d y t a k e n p l a c e ( w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f d e a t h ) , b u t when a m i s f o r t u n e i s a c t u a l l y i n t h e p r o c e s s o f f a l l i n g  -179upon one, o r i s a n t i c i p a t e d .  We, l i k e the Azande, make an  e f f o r t to elude o r terminate the m i s f o r t u n e , a c c o r d i n g to our i d e a s o f the o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s c a u s i n g i t .  But  s i n c e the Azande c o n c e i v e o f these o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s v e r y d i f f e r e n t l y from the manner i n which we do, they  con-  c e n t r a t e t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on the f a c t o r which they see as b e i n g o f g r e a t e s t importance: Witches doctors.  i . e . , witchcraft.  a r e d e t e c t e d by means o f o r a c l e s and by w i t c h -  The most important o r a c l e s a r e the p o i s o n o r a c l e ,  which i s c o n s i d e r e d the most r e l i a b l e , the t e r m i t e o r a c l e and the rubbing-board reliable.  o r a c l e , which i s c o n s i d e r e d the l e a s t  The r e l i a b i l i t y o f w i t c h - d o c t o r s i s thought to  be about the same as t h a t o f the rubbing-board  oracle.  W i t c h - d o c t o r s h o l d p u b l i c seances a t which they  divine  the names o f w i t c h e s who happen to be i n f l i c t i n g , o r t h r e a t e n i n g t o i n f l i c t , m i s f o r t u n e s on a c l i e n t .  A t these  seances, the w i t c h - d o c t o r dances w i t h a group o f h i s c o l l e a g u e s to the sound o f drums, h a n d - b e l l s and o t h e r i n s t r u ments.  I n the course o f h i s dance, he cross-examines h i s  c l i e n t , perhaps  demanding the names o f h i s wives,  neigh-  bours, o r those who have taken p a r t i n some a c t i v i t y him.  He then dances,  with  i n a t r a n c e - l i k e s t a t e , w i t h the  names o f t h r e e o r f o u r p o s s i b l e w i t c h e s on h i s mind and a f t e r a p e r i o d o f some hours  (a seance may l a s t from mid-  day to s u n s e t ) a d v i s e s h i s c l i e n t o f whom he t h i n k s i s r e s ponsible.  T h i s he u s u a l l y does d i s c r e e t l y , perhaps by  h i n t s and inuendo,  perhaps  by w h i s p e r i n g the name o f the  w i t c h to h i s c l i e n t i n p r i v a t e a f t e r the s p e c t a t o r s have dispersed.  G e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , w i t c h e s a r e n o t denounced  -180p u b l i c l y by w i t c h - d o c t o r s ,  and  d i r e c t a c t i o n against a witch doctor's man be  information  being,  and  would proceed  on the b a s i s o f a Por  the v e r d i c t o f the p o i s o n  I t c o n s i s t s o f two  two  l e g s and  an a d j o i n i n g p i e c e  o f wood which f i t s the  lid.  squeezes v a r i o u s  operator  onto the s u r f a c e  o f the  t a b l e , and  o f the  lower s u r f a c e it.  f o r t h , but  "if  a  U s u a l l y the l i d moves the  amount o f j e r k i n g w i l l move  t h a t the o r a c l e answers  by smooth s l i d i n g , o r by s t i c k i n g . addresses questions  and  forth  o c c a s i o n a l l y i t s t i c k s to  so f i r m l y t h a t no  I t i s i n t h i s way  a tail,  then d i p s the l i d i n t o a  across  smoothly back and  table-  j u i c e s , or g r a t e s wood,  proceeds to s l i d e i t back and table.  rubbing-  "table" l i k e  gourd o f water and the s u r f a c e  hu-  oracle.  pieces: a small  l i k e s u r f a c e which i s supported by  The  witch-  H i s r e v e l a t i o n s must 19  l e a s t r e l i a b l e o f Zande o r a c l e s i s the  board o r a c l e .  to  the w i t c h - d o c t o r i s a  i s therefore f a l l i b l e .  checked a g a i n s t The  alone.  no man  The  questions:  operator  to the o r a c l e a c c o r d i n g  therefore  to the  formula,  such i s the case, rubbing-board o r a c l e , s t i c k ; i f such  i s not  the case, r u b b i n g - b o a r d o r a c l e , run smoothly".  Por  example, " I f so-and-so i s b e w i t c h i n g my home, rubbing-board s t i c k . " A f t e r w a r d s you ask i t a g a i n , "Rubbing-board, i t i s h o t w i t c h c r a f t , I p l a c e w i t c h c r a f t on one s i d e , i t i s w i n g i ; another t h i n g , s o r c e r y , i s about to s p o i l my home, rubbing-board s t i c k . " 2 0  The  Azande do not have complete f a i t h i n the  o f the r u b b i n g - b o a r d o r a c l e but and  t h a t i t may  consider  be manipulated by men.  operation  t h a t i t may  err,  I t s judgements must  -181t h e r e f o r e be checked a g a i n s t the p o i s o n o r a c l e , u n l e s s s e r i o u s i l l n e s s i s i n v o l v e d and speed i s a l l - i m p o r t a n t . Otherwise,  the o r a c l e i s c o n s u l t e d on i s s u e s o f l e s s e r im-  p o r t a n c e , o r i n o r d e r to c l a r i f y a case so t h a t i t may be put to the p o i s o n o r a c l e f o r f i n a l ill,  judgement.  I f a man i s  f o r example, a g r e a t many people may o c c u r to him as  being p o s s i b l y responsible.  I t would be t e d i o u s and expen-  s i v e to p l a c e s i x o r seven names b e f o r e the p o i s o n o r a c l e when, perhaps,  the l a s t name i s the c o r r e c t one.  But the  rubbing-board can s o r t o u t the r e l e v a n t name i n a matter o f minutes  and the p o i s o n o r a c l e then may be c o n s u l t e d f o r  confirmation.  T h i s e f f i c i e n c y makes the rubbing-board the  most o f t e n used o f a l l Zande o r a c l e s . The  t e r m i t e o r a c l e i s more h i g h l y esteemed than the  rubbing-board o r a c l e , and no one would p l a c e a v e r d i c t o f the t e r m i t e o r a c l e b e f o r e the rubbing-board f o r c o n f i r m a tion.  There a r e no expenses i n v o l v e d  (this i s i t s chief  advantage), and a man need o n l y f i n d a t e r m i t e mound and i n s e r t two branches, from d i f f e r e n t t r e e s , i n the runs and r e t u r n n e x t day to see which has been e a t e n .  The o r a c l e i s  addressed i n such words a s , 0 t e r m i t e s , I w i l l  die this  y e a r , e a t dakpa.  Thus i f  n  I w i l l n o t d i e , e a t kpoyo."  dakpa i s eaten and kpoyo i s l e f t untouched,  i ti s a pro-  phecy o f m i s f o r t u n e ; i f kpoyo i s eaten and dakpa i s l e f t untouched,  o f good f o r t u n e .  I f both the branches a r e  eaten, b u t one more than the o t h e r , i t i s r e g a r d e d as a q u a l i f i e d answer, t e n d i n g towards e i t h e r a p o s i t i v e o r a n e g a t i v e v e r d i c t , a c c o r d i n g to the s i t u a t i o n .  I f both  branches a r e eaten about e q u a l l y , the Azande may s i m p l y say  182t h a t the a n t s were hungry and a t e to s a t i s f i e tites,  t h a t a taboo has been broken,  i n t e r f e r e d w i t h the o r a c l e .  t h e i r appe-  o r t h a t w i t c h c r a f t has  I f n e i t h e r branch i s eaten,  t h i s means t h a t t h e t e r m i t e s have r e f u s e d an answer, and the Azande t r y another mound.  A l l important v e r d i c t s are  22 submitted t o the p o i s o n o r a c l e f o r c o n f i r m a t i o n . The p o i s o n o r a c l e i s the most important o f a l l Zande oracles.  The Azande r e l y c o m p l e t e l y on i t s d e c i s i o n s , and  these have the f o r c e o f law when o b t a i n e d on the o r d e r s o f a prince.  C o n s u l t a t i o n o f the o r a c l e i s r e g a r d e d as i n d i s -  pensable i n a l l matters s t r o n g l y a f f e c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l f a r e , i n s e r i o u s l e g a l d i s p u t e s , i n important  wel-  collective  u n d e r t a k i n g s , o r on any o c c a s i o n regarded as dangerous o r socially  important: ... how can a Zande do w i t h o u t h i s p o i s o n o r a c l e ? H i s l i f e would be o f l i t t l e worth. Witches would make h i s w i f e and c h i l d r e n s i c k and d e s t r o y h i s crops and render h i s h u n t i n g u s e less. E v e r y endeavour would be f r u s t r a t e d , every l a b o u r and p a i n would be to no purpose. A t any moment a w i t c h might k i l l him and he c o u l d do n o t h i n g t o p r o t e c t h i m s e l f and h i s f a m i l y . Men would v i o l a t e h i s w i f e and s t e a l h i s goods, and how would he be a b l e to i d e n t i f y and avenge hims e l f on a d u l t e r e r and t h i e f ? Without the a i d o f h i s p o i s o n o r a c l e he knows t h a t he i s h e l p l e s s and a t the mercy of every e v i l p e r s o n . I t i s h i s guide and h i s c o u n s e l l o r ... The o r a c l e t e l l s a Zande what to do a t every c r i s i s o f l i f e . I t reveals h i s enemies, t e l l s him where he may seek s a f e t y from danger, shows him hidden  -183m y s t i c f o r c e s , and d i s c l o s e s p a s t and future. T r u l y a Zande cannot l i v e w i t h o u t h i s benge. To d e p r i v e him o f t h a t would be to d e p r i v e him o f l i f e itself. 2 3  The  o r a c l e i s a d m i n i s t e r e d by an o p e r a t o r who must be  i n a r i t u a l l y pure c o n d i t i o n .  That i s to say, he must have  a b s t a i n e d from h a v i n g had s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h women, from the e a t i n g o f e l e p h a n t f l e s h , f i s h and c e r t a i n and from the smoking o f hemp.  vegetables,  These p r o h i b i t i o n s cover  from f i v e to s i x days p r i o r to c o n s u l t a t i o n o f the o r a c l e in  the case o f s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s , and three to f o u r days i n  the case o f the f o r b i d d e n  foods.  The p o i s o n o r a c l e i s c o n s u l t e d i n s e c r e t , and no one except  t r u s t e d f r i e n d s a r e a d v i s e d t h a t there i s to be a  seance.  A l a r g e audience  i s n o t wanted, s i n c e i t s members  would want to ask the o r a c l e a l l about t h e i r own a f f a i r s . The  o r a c l e takes the form o f a d m i n i s t e r i n g benge  ( a p p a r e n t l y a p o i s o n r e l a t e d to the s t r y c h n i n e f a m i l y ) to fowls.  As the p o i s o n i s a d m i n i s t e r e d ,  dressed a c c o r d i n g to the f o r m u l a , poison oracle k i l l  the o r a c l e i s a d -  " I f such i s the case,  the f o w l " , o r , " I f such i s the case,  p o i s o n o r a c l e spare the f o w l " .  The f o w l i s then l i f t e d i n  the hands o f the o p e r a t o r , j e r k e d back and f o r t h i n o r d e r to  s t i r up the p o i s o n , and r e p l a c e d on t h e ground. The  e f f e c t o f benge on f o w l s v a r i e s .  Occasionally;  though n o t o f t e n , i t k i l l s them a t once, even b e f o r e a r e p i c k e d up from the ground by the o p e r a t o r .  they  More com-  monly, a f o w l i s n o t s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d u n t i l i t i s p i c k e d up from the ground when, i f i t i s g o i n g to d i e , i t under-  -184-  n  goes a s e r i e s o f spasms c u l m i n a t i n g i n v o m i t i n g and death. Some f o w l s appear l i t t l e a f f e c t e d by the p o i s o n u n t i l r e turned to the ground, when they suddenly e x p i r e . are  Others  q u i t e u n a f f e c t e d by the p o i s o n and when, a f t e r h a v i n g  been j e r k e d backwards and forwards f o r a w h i l e , they a r e thrown to the ground, peck around u n c o n c e r n e d l y . r a r e l y , the p o i s o n seems to k i l l  Very  a f o w l which l a t e r r e -  covers . The o r a c l e n o r m a l l y i n v o l v e s two t e s t s . d i e s i n the f i r s t  I f a fowl  t e s t then another f o w l must s u r v i v e i n  the second t e s t , and v i c e v e r s a , f o r a judgement to be a c c e p t e d as v a l i d .  U s u a l l y , a l t h o u g h n o t i n v a r i a b l y , the  q u e s t i o n s a r e so framed the f i r s t  t h a t the o r a c l e must k i l l  a fowl i n  t e s t and spare another f o w l i n the c o r r o b o r a t i n g  t e s t to g i v e an a f f i r m a t i v e r e p l y , and must spare a f o w l i n the f i r s t  t e s t and k i l l  a n o t h e r f o w l i n the c o r r o b o r a t i v e  t e s t to g i v e a n e g a t i v e r e p l y .  I f two f o w l s l i v e ,  o r two  f o w l s d i e , then the v e r d i c t i s regarded as i n v a l i d and the o r a c l e must be c o n s u l t e d on another  occasion.24  The Azande a r e s e l e c t i v e i n the doubts and q u e s t i o n s they p u t b e f o r e the o r a c l e s , f o r t h e r e i s always  witchcraft  about and i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to e l i m i n a t e from one's l i f e . It  i s t h e r e f o r e o n l y about i m p o r t a n t m a t t e r s , u s u a l l y  con-  n e c t e d w i t h the s t a t e o f t h e i r h e a l t h , t h a t they c o n s u l t the o r a c l e s . When a man f a l l s  i l l , he u s u a l l y r e t i r e s t o a g r a s s  hut i n the bush where he can remain hidden from w i t c h c r a f t and o r g a n i z e counter-measures.  He asks a c l o s e kinsman, a  son-in-law, o r some o t h e r person on whom he can r e l y , to  -185c o n s u l t the o r a c l e on h i s b e h a l f i n o r d e r to i d e n t i f y the w i t c h who i s i n j u r i n g him.  The f i r s t o r a c l e c o n s u l t e d i s  u s u a l l y the r u b b i n g - b o a r d o r a c l e , which w i l l s e l e c t the names o f s e v e r a l w i t c h e s who may be r e s p o n s i b l e from a l a r g e number.  Then, i f the man i s poor, he w i l l p l a c e the  names s e l e c t e d b e f o r e  the t e r m i t e o r a c l e f o r c o n f i r m a t i o n ;  but i f he i s a b l e to o b t a i n benge and c h i c k e n s , he w i l l c o n s u l t the p o i s o n  oracle.  F o l l o w i n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the w i t c h by the p o i s o n o r a c l e , two p o s s i b l e l i n e s o f a c t i o n a r e open to the s i c k man and h i s k i n .  One p o s s i b i l i t y i s to make p u b l i c o r a -  t i o n , i n which the kinsmen d e c l a r e t h a t they know the name o f the w i t c h who i s i n j u r i n g t h e i r r e l a t i v e b u t t h a t  they  do n o t w i s h to expose i t and thus shame him, and t h a t  they  expect him to r e t u r n t h e i r c o u r t e s y by l e a v i n g t h e i r k i n s man i n p e a c e .  T h i s procedure i s e s p e c i a l l y s u i t a b l e i f the  w i t c h i s a p e r s o n o f some importance whom they do n o t wish to a f f r o n t , o r someone who enjoys  the esteem and r e s p e c t o f  h i s f e l l o w s and they do n o t w i s h to h u m i l i a t e him.  Their  o b j e c t i s t o humour him, f o r an open q u a r r e l would o n l y i r r i t a t e him, perhaps l e a d i n g him t o k i l l right.  the v i c t i m o u t -  T h i s procedure i s f o l l o w e d , however, o n l y when  a u t h o r i z e d by the r