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Public administrative building and urban revitalization Shuckburgh, Brian John 1973

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THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING AND URBAN REVITALIZATION by BRIAN JOHN SHUCKBURGH B.A., University of V i c t o r i a , 1970 A. THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER"OF ARTS in the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA JUNE, 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for sale or f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Community and Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date /S ABSTRACT In many North American C i t i e s various lev e l s of government are faced with pressing accomodation problems. In seeking to resolve these problems major investments i n land and structures are taking place with p o t e n t i a l l y s i g n i f i -cant impacts upon the urban core. The study undertaken i n this thesis examines the nature of these investments i n terms of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l contribution to the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the urban core. This goal has been frequently expressed of the location c r i t e r i a formulated i n conjunction with the investment. Two complementary concepts are presented which provide a t h e o r e t i c a l basis for the u t i l i z a t i o n of the location decision as a tool for urban r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . The concepts take into account not only basic functional linkages between urban ( i i ) a c t i v i t i e s , but also values motivating i n d i v i d u a l and group behaviour. Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s o c i a l and economic behaviour i s presented pertaining to the s o c i a l and economic environment of the urban core. These behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s provide a basis for expecting that a location decision w i l l have a desired e f f e c t upon core r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . Social behaviour i s discussed i n terms of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' personal, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l relationships to the urban environment. Economic behaviour i s discussed in terms of investment motivation pertaining to the use and ownership of r e a l property under general conditions of the r e a l estate market and under s p e c i f i c market conditions created by a public investment. Empirical application of the t h e o r e t i c a l planning concepts i s examined through a study of the impacts emanating from the location for the Cit y H a l l , V i c t o r i a , B.C. The investment i s examined i n terms of changes i n s o c i a l and economic behaviour at the l e v e l of the location neighbourhood and throughout the c i t y . Evaluation of these changes i s made in the context of planning p o l i c y within the c i t y at a time of the investment decision. Conclusions derived from the study of behavioural changes indicate that the investment fostered desired r e v i t a l i z a t i o n through changes i n both actions and attitudes with respect to the study neighbourhood. Conclusions ( i i i ) derived from examination of the pianningrcontext within which the decision was made indicate that c e r t a i n unplanned consequences have also emerged as a r e s u l t of the decision. The behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s associated with public administrative buildings i n the urban core and the successful stimulation of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n an empirical s i t u a t i o n i s submitted as evidence of the poten t i a l of a location decision to be u sed as a planning t o o l to foster core r e v i t a l i z a t i o n when the location decision i s an i n t e g r a l component of a comprehensive approach to urban development. (iv) V TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i L i s t of Figures x Acknowledgments x i Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION AND STUDY OUTLINE 1 STATEMENT OF INTENT % THE PROBLEM 1 The Public Administrative Building 2 Urban Core R e v i t a l i z a t i o n 4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 8 Literature Review 9 Empirical Study 100 T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s v i PART I A LITERATURE REVIEW C h a p t e r 2 A PLANNING PERSPECTIVE 12 CONCEPT I - A BEHAVIOURAL FRAMEWORK 13 CONCEPT I I - A TACTICAL PLAN 21 THE PLANNING PERSPECTIVE: A SUMMARY 27 C h a p t e r 3 PERSONAL BEHAVIOUR AND PERCEPTUAL SPACE 34 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR AND E X I S T E N T I A L SPACE 40 CULTURAL BEHAVIOUR AND COGNITIVE SPACE 43 URBAN BEHAVIOUR AND THE PUBLIC BUILDING 49 The P e r c e p t u a l L e v e l 49 The E x i s t e n t i a l L e v e l 51 The C o g n i t i v e L e n j e l 5 3 The C o n t e m p o r a r y S o c i a l C o n t e x t 54 The P e r c e p t u a l L e v e l 58 The E x i s t e n t i a l L e v e l 59 The C o g n i t i v e L e v e l 61 T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s v i i C h a p t e r 4 ECONOMIC BEHAVIOUR AND THE PUB L I C ADMINISTRATIVESBUILDING 64 THE LOCATIONAL BASE OF LAND VALUE 66 REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT BEHAVIOUR: MOTIVATION AND STRATEGY 70 I n v e s t o r s F o r U s e , 72 I n v e s t o r s f o r R e g u l a r R e t u r n 73 I n v e s t o r s f o r C a p i t a l G a i n 75 I n v e s t m e n t R e l a t i o n s h i p s a n d P r o g r e s s i o n 76 THE URBAN CORE AND REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT 79 S p e c u l a t i v e I n v e s t m e n t 79 Income I n v e s t m e n t 81 Use I n v e s t m e n t 81 INVESTMENT BEHAVIOUR AND THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING 82 I n v e s t m e n t f o r C a p i t a l G a i n 83 I n v e s t m e n t f o r U s e a n d f o r R e g u l a r R e t u r n 83 C o n t e m p o r a r y E c o n o m i c C o n t e x t 84 Table of Contents v i i i PART 2 AN EMPIRICAL STUDY Chapter 5 CITY HALL AND CENTENNIAL SQUARE, VICTORIA, B.C. 8 i l BACKGROUND: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 88 Site Selection 88 The R e v i t a l i z a t i o n Goal 9 i Neighbourhood History 92 The Neighbourhood Defined 92 Growth and Decay 94 IMPACT DOCUMENTATION: DESCRIPTION 99 Economic Behaviour 99 Property Ownership Transfer 99 Physical Environmental Quality 106 Land Use Change 108 Social Behaviour 111 PLANNING CONTEXT: EVALUATION 117 T a c t i c a l Planning, Comprehensive Planning and The Urban System 118 Summary and Conclusions 122 Table of Contents ix Literature Cited 127 APPENDIX: NEIGHBOURHOOD TRANSITION INFORMATION 134 X L I S T OF FIGURES F i g u r e P a ge No. 1. The " V a l u e s - B e h a v i o u r P a t t e r n s -Con s e q u e n c e s " f r a m e w o r k . 16 2. The S t u d y N e i g h b o u r h o o d . 93 3. The C e n t r a l B u s i n e s s D i s t r i c t , V i c t o r i a , B.C. 95 4. P r o p e r t y T r a n s f e r 1945 - 1 9 5 0 . 101 5. P r o p e r t y T r a n s f e r 1951 - 1 9 6 1 . 102 6. P r o p e r t y T r a n s f e r 1962 - 1 9 7 2 . 103 7. L a n d A s s e m b l y . 1050 8. S t r u c t u r e C h a n g e s 1962 - 1972. 109 x i Acknowledgements I wish to thank Dr. Michael Seelig for his able d i r e c t i o n i n the preparation of t h i s t h e s i s . Also, I wish to thank Professor Brahm Wiesman for his assistance throughout my association with the School of Community and Regional Planning. In addition, I greatly appreciate the i n t e r e s t and support of my classmate Michael Powers, and the assistance of Margot Bushnell and Margaret Hosgood during the preparation of t h i s thesis. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND STUDY OUTLINE STATEMENT OF INTENT It i s the intent of th i s thesis to explore the relat i o n s h i p between location decisions for Public Administrative Buildings and the development and environment of the urban core. S p e c i f i c a l l y i t i s the intent to show that i n both a s o c i a l and economic context a Public Administrative Building i s a s i g n i f i c a n t component of the structure and environment of the core; as such, through a location decision, the planner may d i r e c t and influence the private redevelopment of sections of the urban core. THE PROBLEM From the point of view of government, faced with an investment decision for accommodation, a location.'decxsion must attempt not only to resolve the accommodation problem, but also to take maximum advantage of i t s decision for other benefits. - 2 -Throughout Canada and i n the United States there i s a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of governmental complexes recently completed, under construction, or i n the planning stages as a l l l e v e l s of govern-ment expand with urban growth. In o u t l i n i n g planning goals for the creation of new administrative centres, common goals are evident i n location c r i t e r i a : to make a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to the environment of the c i t y and at the same time provide an impetus to private development and/or redevelopment i n the adjacent area for improving i t s economic v i a b i l i t y . Inherent i n the expression of such goals i s the b e l i e f that public buildings perform s o c i a l and economic functions as w e l l as other functions. It becomes of prime importance to i d e n t i f y these s i g n i f i c a n t functional c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 1. to understand why they j u s t i f y such expectations; and 2. as a basis for putting these attributes to more e f f e c t i v e planning use. The problem may be more f u l l y stated with respect to the l o c a t i o n a l requirements for Public Administrative Buildings, and with respect to the evolution of the urban core as a dynamic component of c i t i e s . THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING H i s t o r i c a l l y , seats of government, whether national, p r o v i n c i a l , or c i v i c have been key components i n urban design. Their longevity has in many cases far outdistanced private - 3 -structures, with the r e s u l t that the functional e f f i c i e n c y of many administrative buildings has declined. At a time when many c i t i e s f i n d t h e i r administrative accommodation i n c r i t i c a l need of expansion, the role of the Public Administrative Building i s being re-evaluated i n the contemporary urban context. A recent (1971) symposium of the provision of accommo-dation for government indicates the contemporary problems facing planners of public administrative buildings and c r i t i c a l factors in t h e i r resolution. Some points made i n summary include: "During the past several decades Government growth has been considerable and geographical decentral-i z a t i o n of o f f i c e s common. In many cases the re s u l t i s multiple locations of space of varying s u i t a b i l i t y and an absence of integrated plans for Government o f f i c e s i n i n d i v i d u a l locations. "Special purpose f a c i l i t i e s are often more d i f f i c u l t to plan than o f f i c e space because they are not normally amenable to alternative usage or obtainable/ disposable on the commercial market. "Consolidation of most Government o f f i c e space i n a community normally increases public awareness of Government services, reduces t r a v e l time for v i s i t o r s and c i v i l servants, permits space savings and admin-i s t r a t i v e economies to be re a l i z e d , and can represent a valuable input into urban renewal and transportation planning. "Site selection analysis for o f f i c e space, as well as being based on s i t e economics, servic i n g , s i z e , etc., must consider a c c e s s i b i l i t y to: the central business d i s t r i c t , major trans-portation routes, parking, l o c a l access, public t r a n s i t , other Government o f f i c e s , (Provincial, l o c a l , Federal), employee-c l i e n t services, etc. The s i t e should also be examined with reference to i t s c a p a b i l i t y of maximizing public awareness, and contributing to the planned development of l o c a l i t y . " (Government of Ontario, 1971, p.iv) *, 4 ~ The cogent points to be gained from t h i s review are: (1) int e r n a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a c t i v i t y i s c r i t i c a l to operating e f f i c i e n c y ; and (2) external benefits are possible and desirbale results of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . The l a t t e r point provides the basis for the research to be undertaken by this t h e s i s . While space requirements constitute the p r i n c i p a l reason for a public investment i n land and structures, the pot e n t i a l for external benefits or impacts adds a further s i g n i f i c a n t dimension to l o c ation planning. These impacts may occur at two scales, both of which are represented i n the subsequent research. F i r s t , impacts may occur at the l e v e l of the neighbourhood or the immediately adjacent area which i s the subject of lo c a t i o n a l analysis. Second, impacts may occur at the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l e v e l or throughout the p o l i t i c a l / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e unit served by the building. I t i s at the f i r s t l e v e l that public decision makers anticipate that external impacts w i l l appear: i t i s therefore at t h i s l e v e l that t h e i r goals are expressed most c l e a r l y . However, i t i s the impacts accruing at the second l e v e l which provide the impetus for concrete results at the neighbourhood l e v e l . The intangible nature of these impacts constitute a major factor i n the nature and location of the public investment decision: t h e i r manipulation for maximum benefit becomes a key component of the investment decision. URBAN CORE REVITALIZATION The urban core, by customary d e f i n i t i o n , i s the Central Business D i s t r i c t - a t i t l e i n d i c a t i v e of i t s prime 5 -economic function i n the c i t y . Gruen (1964)'disagrees with the narrow focus of thi s description; by analogy to the human body, he describes the urban core as the heart of the c i t y , performing a universal l i f e - g i v i n g function; he maintains that in character the heart of the c i t y should be i t s most highly urbanized area, containing the broadest range of the highest productive uses and most s i g n i f i c a n t urban functions, as well as the best, the rare, and the unusual. This description i s consistent with the recognized trends i n the evolution of the urban core as urbanism evolves towards post-industrialism; the function of the urban core, p a r t i c u l a r l y of metropolitan regions, i s evolving towards a special i z e d centre for the performance of t e r t i a r y and quarter-nary a c t i v i t i e s : "a highly s p e c i a l i z e d machine for producing, processing and trading specialized i n t e l l i g e n c e " (Hall, 1966), or "a central i n t e l l i g e n c e d i s t r i c t " by recent description (Mann et a l , 1968). The physical form of the urban core frequently b e l i e s the above trend as whole sections of the core and i t s fringe areas remain untouched by this regenerative long-range trend. Concern expressed for the present state of the environment and the economic v i a b i l i t y of sections of the urban core i s based upon d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the sel e c t i v e and inherently slow change wrought on t h e i r physical character. Solutions have been suggested under the assumption that some areas are not "capable of regener-- 6 -ation on t h e i r own, within the time preferences of society, and must have f i n a n c i a l and/or other help either p u b l i c a l l y or pr i v a t e l y i n order to regain l o s t p o t e n t i a l " (Mann et a l , 1968,- p.44) . The foremost solution has been p u b l i c a l l y sponsored urban renewal programs i n both Canada and the United States focusing upon redevelopment, frequently involving the exercise of the rights of eminent domain to provide large areas of cleared urban land for private redevelopment i n the considered a n t i c i p a t i o n that further private action would be stimulated and the process of decay reversed. The association of "urban renewal" with "redevelopment" as a process of physical clearance and rebuilding has contributed to some of the more c r i t i c a l app-r a i s a l s of urban renewal a c t i v i t y (Bellush and Hauskneckt, 1967). C r i t i c i s m has been largely directed at urban renewals' achieve-ments as a r e l i e f of symptoms rather than a cure of the causes of decay. Forrester (1969) and others maintain that urban r e v i v a l i s more aptly to be obtained by recognizing that the c i t y i s a complex system: that i n t u i t i v e solutions may generate more problems than they solve, and that management, i n f u l l recognition of the complex structure and behavioural r e l a t i o n -ships within the c i t y , i s the solution to the chronic problem of decay. This view i s given further support by reference to the properties' of ecological systems and t h e i r s i m i l a r i t y to complex urban systems. These properties indicate a great p o t e n t i a l for gross disruption of the balance inherent in ecological and urban - 7 -systems such that actions i n the systems should be l i m i t e d i n scope and diverse i n nature to preserve the r e s i l i e n c e of the systems i n order to insure that success also minimizes disastrous and unplanned consequences (Holling and Goldberg, 1971). A systems approach to urban development and redevelopment i s one which recognizes that the evolution of urban areas i s characterized by linkages amongst a l l urban a c t i v i t i e s , each having i n t e r a c t i v e and feedback c a p a b i l i t i e s . In such a system inherent equilibrium i s recognizable; the potential e x i s t s , therefore, for disruption or strengthening of complex linkages. Further, a systems approach to urban renewal i s one which recognizes that "an attempt to influence any one factor or s e c t o r . . . w i l l produce secondary and t e r t i a r y consequences, and they , i n turn, w i l l effect'the outcome of the i n i t i a l e f f o r t . . . therefore... ameliorative programmes should be designed with as f u l l an awareness as possible of the systems linkages... to be modified." (Committee on Social and Behavioural Urban Research, 1969, p.18). Banz (1971) focuses the systems approach to the urban environment at a comprehensible l e v e l which takes into account the time factor as an inherent regulatory phenomina of the urban system. He states: "A metropolis is...never designed i n one single step; i t s form evolves over generations from a vast number of minor decisions that are often unrelated. The problem i s therefore not to plan and design an urban environment in i t s en t i r e t y . . . ( b u t ) . . . the parts of such an environment... in such a way that they are mutually compatible i n every sense... - 8 -"With t h i s h o l i s t i c concept i n mind i t i s possible to consider any one project space within the urban environment as is o l a t e d from the t o t a l urban environment so long as i t s boundaries are c l e a r l y defined...The t o t a l urban environment, in other words, must be regarded as the systems environment of the project space. "The dominant functional form determinant within such a project space i s almost invariably...people ...(having needs which)can be expressed i n terms of man's sensory, i n t e l l e c t u a l and functional l i n k s to an environment..." (p.164). This systems context, based upon man's multifaceted behavioural linkages to his urban environment, i s the context in which research i s undertaken in this thesis. Urban renewal as an ameliorative program for physical, s o c i a l and economic change, must be i n i t i a t e d and evaluated i n the context of the urban system; to the extent that a Public Administrative Building i s intended to be an urban renewal device i t s context i n the urban system i s of prime importance. The decision to locate an administrative building may be treated as a systems problem having the potential to a f f e c t man's sensory, i n t e l l e c t u a l , and functional l i n k s i n the urban environment, thereby fostering the achievement of core r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The- research undertaken i s r e s t r i c t e d i n scope and content by the li m i t a t i o n s of time and resources to, f i r s t , a l i t e r a t u r e review comprising Part I, and second, an empirical study co n s t i t u t i n g Part I I . The scope of each part i s outlined below. ~ 9 -Li t e r a t u r e Review The review of l i t e r a t u r e i s intended to present relevant material from diverse sources which when considered as a whole provides the conceptual v e r i f i c a t i o n that a location decision for a Public Administrative Building may be used as a v a l i d planning tool in the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the urban core. The review i s pres-ented i n three chapters. Chapter 2 presents two concepts which provide a t h e o r e t i c a l frame of reference for the u t i l i z a t i o n of the location decision as a planning tool to achieve developmental and environmental goals. The concepts, Chapins 1 (1957) "values-behaviour patterns-consequences" framework r e l a t i n g values to land use, and Guttenberg's (1964) " T a c t i c a l Plan" for plan implementation, are behaviourist i n nature, taking as t h e i r base the fundamental motivations of i n d i v i d u a l s . The concepts are inherently complementary, the former providing an operational framework for the application of the l a t t e r . Chapter 3 presents c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o c i a l behaviour of individuals and groups as i t influences and i s influenced by the urban environment in general, and by public buildings i n p a r t i c u l a r . Chapter 4 presents c h a r a c t e r i s t i c economic behaviour evident i n the practices of re a l estate investment as i t occurs in the urban core under general market conditions and under s p e c i f i c market conditions created by a Public Administrative Building. - 10 -Empirical Study The case to be investigated, City Hall and Centennial Square, V i c t o r i a , B.C., i s a vehicle by which the concepts out-l i n e d i n Chapter 2, and the behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s outlined in Chapters 3 and 4 may be i l l u s t r a t e d and examined i n practice with reference to developmental and environmental goals expressed i n a contemporary s i t u a t i o n . The methodology applied to the case study (Chapter 5) consists of the following: 1. A description of the location decision-making process, i n d i c a t i n g the role played by developmental and environmental goals i n s i t e s e lection, 2. Description of goal achievement evident ten years a f t e r the location decision i n terms of s o c i a l and economic responses to the public investment. Social responses are presented through evident trends i n behaviour within the study neighbourhood and by attitudes evident throughout the c i t y . Economic responses are presented through three phenomina which indicate f i r s t hand impacts on the economic environment: (a) Transfer of property ownership within the neighbourhood, i n d i c a t i v e of changes i n investment motivation; (b) Changes in the physical environmental qua l i t y of the neighbourhood, i n d i c a t i v e of a t t i t u d i n a l changes towards the neighbourhood environment; and - 11 -(c) Changes in land and structure use, i n d i c a t i v e of functional change within the neighbourhood. - 12-P A R T I L I T E R A _ T U R E R E V I E W - 12a-CHAPTER 2 A PLANNING PERSPECTIVE The research to be undertaken i n t h i s thesis i s predicated upon i t s rela t i o n s h i p to the t h e o r e t i c a l concepts against which evaluation of conclusions may be made. Two concepts are evident i n Planning Theory which provide a th e o r e t i c a l framework for the u t i l i z a t i o n of location decisions for public administrative complexes to achieve public goals with respect to the development and environment of the urban core. The f i r s t concept i s a schema which emerged i n an attempt to provide a common base from which to view the frag-mented approaches of human ecologists to man i n his urban - 13 -s e t t i n g . The schema h a s b e e n l o o s e l y named by i t s a u t h o r a " V a l u e s - b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n - c o n s e q u e n c e s f r a m e w o r k " ( C h a p i n , 1 9 5 7 ) . I t i s a c o n c e p t u a l f r a m e w o r k t o d e s c r i b e some o f t h e m a j o r e l e m e n t s a n d d y n a m i c s o f human b e h a v i o u r a s i t r e l a t e s t o l a n d u s e . The f r a m e w o r k i s u s e d i n t h i s t h e s i s a s a c o n c e p t u a l t o o l i n t h e a n a l y s i s o f p l a n n i n g p r o b l e m s p e r t a i n i n g t o p u b l i c l a n d u s e i n v e s t m e n t s . The s e c o n d c o n c e p t i s an a p p r o a c h t o p l a n f o r m u l a t i o n a n d i m p l e m e n t a t i o n b a s e d upon r e c o g n i t i o n o f b e h a v i o u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of. u r b a n man. C a l l e d b y i t s a u t h o r t h e " t a c t i c a l p l a n " ( G u t t e n b e r g , 1 9 6 4 ) , t h e a p p r o a c h i s one by w h i c h p l a n n e r s may i n d i r e c t l y e l l i c i t p r i v a t e r e s p o n s e t o w a r d t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f p u b l i c g o a l s . The c o n c e p t i s u s e d i n t h i s t h e s i s t o d e s c r i b e a h a p p r o a c h t o p u b l i c l a n d u s e i n v e s t m e n t . CONCEPT I -A BEHAVIOURAL FRAMEWORK By way o f p r e f a c e t o h i s p u b l i c a t i o n U r b a n L a n d Use  P l a n n i n g , C h a p i n (1957) p r o p o s e d t h a t a t h e o r y o f u r b a n b e h a v i o u r w o u l d s e r v e a v a l u a b l e p u r p o s e i n g i v i n g a common p e r s p e c t i v e a n d d i r e c t i o n t o t h e numerous t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s o f d i c i p l i n e s c o n c e r n e d w i t h l a n d u s e . I n t h e a b s e n c e o f s u c h a t h e o r y , C h a p i n p r o p o s e s a t h e o r e t i c a l f r a m e w o r k w i t h i n w h i c h t o v i e w t h e f a c t o r s s h a p i n g t h e p a t t e r n o f l a n d u s e s i n u r b a n a r e a s , i f n o t i n f a c t t o c o n t r o l them; i n t h i s f r a m e w o r k t h e common d e n o m i n a t o r a mongst f a c t o r s s h a p i n g t h e p a t t e r n o f l a n d u s e i s h e l d t o b e human b e h a v i o u r . - 14 -C h a p i n b r o a d l y c l a s s i f i e s human b e h a v i o u r a s e i t h e r e c o n o m i c o r s o c i a l . T h i s a r t i f i c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n i s b a s e d upon t h e c o n c e p t u a l s e p a r a t i o n o f s o c i e t a l b e h a v i o u r a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r t h e p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n o f goods a n d s e r v i c e s f r o m s o c i e t a l b e h a v i o u r a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f o r d e r l y r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s w i t h i n a s o c i e t y . ( B e a l s a n d H o i j e r 1 9 6 5 ) . I n e i t h e r c o n t e x t , human b e h a v i o u r i s b a s e d upon v a l u e s a n d i d e a l s w h i c h a r e : " t h e p r o d u c t o f human e x p e r i e n c e i n a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l , e c o n o m i c a n d p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g . . . H u m a n b e h a v i o u r i s t w o - d i r e c t i o n a l . I t c o n d i t i o n s a n d i s c o n d i t i o n e d b y t h i s s e t t i n g , a n d i n t u r n , a c t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e s e t t i n g m o t i v a t e a n d a r e m o t i v a t e d by v a l u e s , b o t h t h e u n e x p r e s s e d s u b c o n s c i o u s o n e s a n d t h e e x p r e s s e d c o n s c i o u s v a l u e s . " ( C h a p i n 1 9 5 7 , p.30) From t h i s v a l u e - b a s e o r i g i n a t e s a c y c l e o f i n d i v i d u a l a n d / o r g r o u p b e h a v i o u r c o n s i s t i n g o f f o u r r e c o g n i z a b l e p h a s e s : (1) e x p e r i e n c i n g n e e d s a n d w a n t s ; (2) d e f i n i n g g o a l s ; (3) p l a n n i n g a l t e r n a t i v e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n ; a n d (4) d e c i d i n g a n d a c t i n g . T h r o u g h t h i s p r o c e s s v a l u e s , h a v i n g e i t h e r s o c i a l o r e c o n o m i c e n d s i n v i e w , a r e r a t i o n a l i z e d t o p r o d u c e d e s i r e d a c t i o n s . When e x p o s e d t o b e h a v i o u r c y c l e s o f o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s o r g r o u p s a p a t t e r n o o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s c r e a t e d . P l a n n e d a n d / o r u n p l a n n e d c o n s e q u e n c e s may o c c u r a s a r e s u l t o f v a l u e i n t e r a c t i o n . The b e h a v i o u r a l c y c l e c o n c e p t i s a p p l i c a b l e t o numerous a r e a s o f human i n t e r a c t i o n ; i n a p p l y i n g i t t o l a n d u s e i n - 15 -p a r t i c u l a r , C h a p i n c a p s u l i z e s t h e c o n c e p t a s f o l l o w s : L a n d g o e s i n t o u s e a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f a m y r i a d o f i n d i v i d u a l a n d g r o u p a c t i o n s . M o t i v a t e d b y v a l u e s , i d e a l s , a n d r e s u l t a n t a r t i c u l a t e d a t t i t u d e s h e l d b y t h e v a r i o u s o r g a n i z e d and u n o r g a n i z e d Segments o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n , t h e s e a c t i o n s f o l l o w a d e f i n e d b e h a v i o u r a l s e q u e n c e t h a t c u l m i n a t e s i n l a n d u s e c h a n g e s . " ( C h a p i n , 1 9 5 7 , p.67) He f u r t h e r s t a t e s t h a t : "The a t t i t u d i n a l b a s e s o f t h e s e a c t i o n s h a v e b e e n b r o a d l y c a t e g o r i z e d a s s t e m m i n g f r o m p r o f i t m a k i n g , l i v a b i l i t y , a n d c u l t u r a l l y r o o t e d v a l u e s . L o o k i n g a t t h e c o m p l e x r e s u l t , t h e mass i m p a c t o n t h e l a n d o f t h e a c t i o n s t h a t grow o u t o f t h e s e v a l u e s o f many i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s , we may t h i n k o f t h e s e a c t i o n s i n two c a t e g o r i e s . . . . " p r i m a r y a c t i o n s ' a n d ' s e c o n d a r y a c t i o n s ' . We may c o n c e i v e o f l a n d d e v e l o p m e n t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f c e r t a i n p r i m i n g a c t i o n s w h i c h p r e c o n d i t i o n a n d e s t a b l i s h t h e b r o a d f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e mass o f s e c o n d a r y a c t i o n s t h a t f o l l o w a n d make up t h e b u l k o f t h e p a t t e r n o b s e r v e d . " ( C h a p i n a n d W e i s s , 1 9 6 2 , pp 430-431) W i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e i r s c h e m a t i c p r e s e n t a t i o n ( F i g u r e 1) t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f a c t i o n s m o t i v a t e d b y any«raie o f t h e a b o v e -m e n t i o n e d v a l u e c l a s s e s may be s e e n . The " v a l u e s - b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n c o n s e q u e n c e s " f r a m e w o r k p e r m i t s b o t h p u r e a n d m o d i f i e d c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a c t i o n a s w e l l as c o m p l i m e n t a r y a c t i o n . As C h a p i n p o i n t s o u t : " E a c h o f t h e t h r e e f o r m s o f u r b a n b e h a v i o u r t e n d s t o h a v e p u r e c o n s e q u e n c e s , b u t b e c a u s e o f s i d e e f f e c t s t h e u l t i m a t e c o n s e q u e n c e s t o l a n d u s e may be q u i t e d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l l y a n t i c i p a t e d r e s u l t s . " ( C h a p i n 1 9 5 7 , p.67) The f r a m e w o r k i s t h u s a c o n c e p t u a l t o o l w i t h w h i c h t o a p p r o a c h p r o b l e m s p e r t a i n i n g t o l a n d u s e . I t h a s a n i n h e r e n t V A L U E S ; • B E H A V I O U R P A T T E R N S — - C O N S E Q U E N C E NEEDS//VANT,S .GOALS i i E C O N O M I C V A L U E S P U B L I C I N T E R E S T V A L U E S S O C I A L V A L U E S OF t I * ACTIONS TO PRESERVE OR CUSTOMS BELIEFS AND ADVANCE TRADITIONS F I G U R E I I N T E R R E L A T I O N A M O N G L A N D U S E D E T E R M I N A N T S T H E " V A L U E S - B E H A V I O U R P A T T E R N S - C O N S E Q U E N C E S " F R A M E W O R K - 1 7 -n e u t r a l i t y which enables i t to perform i t s conceptual functions i t recognizes that human values are the basis of behaviour and therefore of actions, but does not stress group values at the expense of i n d i v i d u a l values and vice-Versa; i t recognizes that individuals and groups hold d i f f e r e n t values which motivate t h e i r behaviour when they act i n d i f f e r e n t c a pacities, but does not emphasize one capacity to the detriment of another; and i t recognizes that under conditions of perfect knowledge value-based decisions can produce planned consequences, and vice-versa. In i t s behavioural emphasis, Chapin's framework takes as i t s prime source components of the f i e l d of Human ecology. The ecological approach to man i n his environment emerged through the "use of b i o l o g i c a l analogies i n the study of human populations which provided the i n i t i a l impetus to the theory of human ecology" (Robson 1 9 6 9 , p . 8 ) . However, the human ecology of c i t i e s has evolved as a more complex set of relationships than that o r i g i n a l l y conceived by the so-called "Chicago" school of urban ecologists: Park, Bugess, Mackenzie and t h e i r adherents. Their approach was based upon a d i s t i n c t i o n between two aspects of human l i f e : the communal and the s o c i e t a l ; the former a " b i o t i c " phenomenon emanating from Darwin; the l a t t e r a purely " c u l t u r a l " phenomenon pertaining to the human capacity for communication and concensus. By t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n the s o c i e t a l aspect of man was viewed as "a superstructure l y i n g above the more basic competitive b i o t i c l e v e l of community" (Robson 1 9 6 9 , p . 1 0 ) . Having i t s base i n the b i o t i c l e v e l of a c t i v i t y , the - 18 -a n a l o g y w i t h p l a n t e c o l o g y e m p h a s i z e s t h e f u n d a m e n t a l c o m p e t i t i v e p r o c e s s , w h i c h i n human t e r m s i s i n v a r i a b l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e c o n o m i c c o m p e t i t i o n . A s a r e s u l t t h e o r i e s p e r t a i n i n g t o u r b a n g r o w t h a n d s t r u c t u r e f o c u s e d upon e c o n o m i c c o m p e t i t i o n f o r d e s i r a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n s p a c e ; s p a c e b e i n g arsmedium f o r a c t i v i t y . T h u s , e c o n o m i c b e h a v i o u r i n c i t i e s h a s f o r m e d t h e n u c l e u s o f t h e m a j o r t h e o r i e s o f u r b a n g r o w t h a n d s t r u c t u r e s p r e s e n t e d b y B u r g e s s ( C o n c e n t r i c Zone T h e o r y 1923) , H o y t ( S e c t o r T h e o r y 1939) a n d H a r r i s & U l l m a n ( M u l t i p l e N u c l e i i T h e o r y 1 9 4 5 ) . I n r e a c t i o n t o t h e e c o n o m i c b i a s o f l o c a t i o n t h e o r y a s i t e m e r g e d f o r m t h e w o r k o f t h e C h i c a g o S c h o o l , t h e o r e t i c a l c r i t i c i s m b y A l i h a n (1938) a n d e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h b y F i r e y (1947) m a i n t a i n e d t h a t : "man's c u l t u r e a n d t h e mesh o f s o c i a l s t i m u l i s u r r o u n d i n g h i s a c t i o n s a n d d e c i s i o n s c o u l d n o t be i g n o r e d o r t h o u g h t away i n a n a t t e m p t t o c a r r y t h r o u g h a b i o l o g i c a l a n a l o g y t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e s t r u c t u r i n g a n d p a t t e r n i n g o f t o w n s " . (Robson 1 9 6 9 , p.18) W h i l e a s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n was a d d e d t o t h e c o n c e p t s o f human e c o l o g y , f u r t h e r s e p a r a t i n g i t f r o m p l a n t e c o l o g y , a n d more f u l l y i n d i c a t i n g b e h a v i o u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f human b e i n g s , t h e f r a g m e n t e d n a t u r e o f t h e f i e l d o f human e c o l o g y h a s b e e n e x a m i n e d b y M i c h e l s o n (1970) w i t h t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t " p h y s i c a l v a r i a b l e s a n d t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n w i t h s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s h a s b e e n v e r y l a r g e l y n e g l e c t e d " ( M i c h e l s o n 1 9 7 0 , p . 1 6 ) . F o u r r e a s o n s a r e g i v e n f o r t h i s : (1) a p r i m a r i l y d e t e r m i n i s t i c a p p r o a c h t o m 19 -behaviour t r e a t i n g space as a medium for interaction rather than as a variable component of inte r a c t i o n with a poten t i a l e f f e c t of i t s own; (2) a tendency to conceive of the urban population i n terms of aggregates, thus negating i n d i v i d u a l behaviour and i t s inherent multifaceted r e l a t i o n s h i p to the physical enviornment; (3) a narrow focus upon man's r e l a t i o n -ships to other men rather than to his environment; and (4) a r e l a t i v e lack of awareness of the formative pressures of s o c i a l behaviour i n the face of changing urban conditions. Byiimplication, Michelson suggests that by encompassing the above neglected facets of behaviour, urban ecology as a d i s c i p l i n e would conceptually s a t i s f y current needs to explain and anticipate man's relat i o n s h i p to his environment. In the l i g h t of i t s p r i n c i p a l origins i n the concepts of urban ecology, Chapin's behavioural framework stands upoto Michelson's c r i t i c i s m : 1. Inasmuch as values form the basis of actions with respect to land use and values area product of human experience S i"in a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l , economicaand physical se t t i n g " (Chapin 1957, p.30), the framework considers the physical environment/space as a determinant variable i n human behaviour. 2. The framework i s predicated upon behaviour patterns which may or may not be an aggregation of i n d i v i d u a l behaviour cycles; with i t s inherent n e u t r a l i t y the framework commits equal emphasis to i n d i v i d u a l action and reaction i n r e l a t i o n to - 20 -either other individuals or groups. 3. While the framework emphasises human in t e r a c t i o n , i t i s i n t e r a c t i o n focused upon r e s u l t i n g land use, the s i g n i f i c a n t formative element of the urban environment; the framework i s predicated upon interactions as a r e s u l t of man's awareness of his environment i n terms of his values. 4 . The separation of s o c i a l behaviour into personal and public components, giving them equal status with economic behaviour recognizes the public int e r e s t as a source of action with respect to land use and the environment. It recognizes the importance of s o c i a l action when men i n groups act i n a public capacity separate from t h e i r personal c a p a c i t i e s . Chapin's framework, i n meeting Michelson's c r i t i c i s m , e f f e c t i v e l y achieves at a general l e v e l the comprehensive approach to man and his environment that Michelson takes as his goal at more s p e c i f i c l e v e l s of in t e r e s t . The overt focus of Chapin's framework, land use pattern, i s readi l y interpreted as the physical environment. Actions pertaining to land use decisions need not necessarily be other land use decisions but attitude stances toward the environment created by the land use. The v e r s a t i l i t y of the framework makes i t an ide a l vehicle with which to study behaviour emanating from values as i t responds to the actions a f f e c t i n g the urban environment, s p e c i f i c a l l y a public inves±ment i n land use intended to influence the urban - 21 -environment. The foregoing review reinforces the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the framework as a conceptual t o o l i n the analysis of current planning problems. CONCEPT II - A TACTICAL PLAN As a basic precept of democratic society, i n d i v i d u a l freedom of action i s accompanied by the exercise of private i n i t i a t i v e . Private i n i t i a t i v e may be directed towards any goal within c e r t a i n l e g a l constraints devised i n the public i n t e r e s t . These l e g a l constraints stand as guidelines for in d i v i d u a l action, a means of resolving c o n f l i c t amongst ind i v i d u a l s , and for the protection of the community from actions of individuals and vice versa; i n i t i a t i v e , however, remains for the most part a matter of i n d i v i d u a l or corporate choice. This fact has p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e when applied to the objectives of urban planning and to the planning process i t s e l f . Planning i s a public function which i n our society i s dependant upon private actions or i n i t i a t i v e for effectuation. The process of urban development i s becoming increasingly subjected to a sophisticated planning rationale which, i n i t s ultimate manifestation, i s encased i n a l e g a l framework to prevent i t s erosion by strong, dynamic private forces. The need for such i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n i s evidence of the generally divergent goals of government as custodian of public welfare and in d i v i d u a l and/or corporate e n t i t i e s i n t h e i r pursuit of economic - 22 -s e l f - i n t e r e s t . The dominant position of private i n i t i a t i v e i n urban development dictates that means be devised to a l l i g n public and private goals without s i g n i f i c a n t modification of sound public goals and, concomitantly, the r e a l i z a t i o n of private goals through complementary channels. The economic nature of private goals i s such that p o s i t i v e action w i l l take place i n the presence of e f f e c t i v e inducements. The search for e f f e c t i v e inducements has been an aim of planning since the introduction of zoning as a technique of land use co n t r o l . E s s e n t i a l l y zoning i s a "negative" inducement to p o s i t i v e action; i t s p e c i f i e s the l i m i t s of what may be done i n accordance with set standards. I t i s one of many regulatory concepts which attempt to a l l i g n public and private goals with respect to land use and the environmental quality of urban areas. D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with these techniques has increased with the growing r e a l i z a t i o n that t h e i r negative nature i n h i b i t s creative solutions to problems of urban development and redevelop-ment (Feiss 1961). On the "positive" side, public monetary pol i c y has aided i n inducing l i m i t e d private response i n urban development; and urban renewal programs, likewise, have attempted to stimulate private response, with varying degrees of success. The search for e f f e c t i v e inducements has resulted i n one conceptual approach to planning and plan implementation which incorporates the d e s i r a b i l i t y of creating e f f e c t i v e inducements which w i l l influence the private sector. - 23 -The T a c t i c a l P l a n I n f o r m u l a t i n g t h e " t a c t i c a l p l a n " G u t t e n b e r g (1964) m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e r e a r e o n l y two m e t h o d s o f s e c u r i n g t h e c o o p e r a t i o n o f p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s o r g r o u p s w i t h o u t c o e r c i o n : p e r s u a s i o n a n d t a c t i c s . E a c h i s b r i e f l y d e s c r i b e d by t h e a u t h o r : " P e r s u a s i o n w o r k s on t h e m o t i v e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s o a s t o c o n f i r m i t i n t h e p u b l i c p o i n t o f v i e w . By e d u c a t i o n a n d a r g u m e n t he i s made t o s e e t h a t i n t h e l o n g r u n s e l f - i n t e r e s t i s b e t t e r s e r v e d when p r i v a t e a c t i o n e n c o m p a s s e s t h e p u b l i c g o o d . . . . VThe e s s e n t i a l m e t h o d o f t a c t i c s i s n o t t o d i v e r t t h e i n d i v i d u a l f r o m h i s p u r s u i t o f s e l f - i n t e r e s t , b u t r a t h e r t o c h a n g e t h e f i e l d i n w h i c h he a c t s , s o t h a t h i s p r i v a t e a c t i o n s a r e more l i k e l y t o f o l l o w p a t h s w h i c h c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c o b j e c t i v e . " (p.198) G u t t e n b e r g i n c o r p o r a t e s t h e c o n c e p t s o f p e r s u a s i o n a n d t a c t i c s a s t h e b a s i s o f two t y p e s o f c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n - t h e g o a l p l a n a n d t h e t a c t i c a l p l a n - i n o r d e r t h a t t h e r o l e o f i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c i n i t i a t i v e i n m o u l d i n g u r b a n f o r m may be e x a m i n e d ( G u t t e n b e r g p . 1 9 9 ) . The p l a n s a r e c o m p l e m e n t a r y i n n a t u r e ; t h e f o r m e r s p e c i f y i n g a f o r m t o be s t r i v e n f o r , t h e l a t t e r p r o v i d i n g a means o f a c h i e v i n g t h a t f o r m . The n a t u r e o f the g o a l s p l a n i s s u c h t h a t i t e l l i c i t s s u p p o r t i n p r i n c i p a l a nd i s , t h e r e f o r e , s u c c e s s f u l a s a p e r s u a s i v e d e v i c e ; h o w e v e r , l a c k i n g e x p l i c i t m e a s u r e s t o e n s u r e r e a l i z a t i o n - 24 -i n a s o c i e t y d e p e n d e n t p r i m a r i l y upon p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e , t h e p r o b a b i l i t y i s h i g h t h a t t h e p l a n n w i l l be l e f t b e h i n d by e v e n t s o v e r w h i c h t e e c o m m u n i t y h a s o n l y l i m i t e d c o n t r o l . The l o n g -r a n g e p u b l i c g o a l , t o w h i c h t a c i t a g r e e m e n t h a s b e e n g i v e n , may e a s i l y be o v e r w h e l m e d i n t h e p u r s u i t o f m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d g o a l s ( G u t t e n b e r g p . 2 0 3 ) . The t a c t i c a l p l a n i s , f i r s t a n d f o r e m o s t , an a d j u n c t t o t h e g o a l p l a n ; i t s p r i m a r y f e a t u r e i s i t s e m p h a s i s upon t h e c o n t r o l o f p r e s e n t t r e n d s t o g u i d e them t o w a r d s t h e e v e n t u a l r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e g o a l p l a n . T h i s c o n t r o l f a c t o r i s e m p h a s i z e d by c o m p a r i s o n w i t h c o n v e n t i o n a l c a p i t a l p r o g r a m m i n g a s a d e v i c e f o r p l a n i m p l e m e n t a t i o n : " C o n v e n t i o n a l p r o g r a m m i n g . . . . i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h c a r r y i n g o u t t h e v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s o f t h e p l a n , s u b j e c t o n l y t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f p r e s e n t o r a n t i c i p a t e d n e e d , w h e r e a s t a c t i c a l p l a n n i n g a d d r e s s e s i t s e l f t o s h a p i n g a c t i v e l y t h e b a c k -g r o u n d c o n d i t i o n s r e q u i r e d by t h e p l a n , i . e . t h o s e g e n e r a l m a r k e t o r i e n t a t i o n s a n d l o c a t i o n a l p r e f e r e n c e s o f t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n c o m m u n i t y w h i c h a r e c o n s i s t a n t w i t h t h e f e a t u r e s o f t h e g o a l p l a n a n d n e c e s s a r y f o r i t s r e a l i z a t i o n " . ( G u t t e n b e r g , p.204) R e c o g n i z i n g t h e b e h a v i o u r a l p r e d i l e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s t o be g o v e r n e d b y m a r k e t f o r c e s i n t h e p u r s u i t o f t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s , t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t a c t i c a l p l a n n i n g i s t o t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e f l e x i b i l i t y o f t h e m a r k e t t o r e d i r e c t i t s i n h e r e n t momentum t o w a r d s t h e l o n g - r a n g e p u b l i c g o a l b y p o l i c i e s w h i c h p r e c o n d i t i o n m a r k e t r e s p o n s e . - 25 -The a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the approach i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Guttenberg by application to a t h e o r e t i c a l metropolitan problem; i t i s , however, applicable to the implementation©©" fogoal plans i n any sphere of urban i n t e r e s t and to problems for which the solution derived i s i n opposition to the present trends. Its application i s p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to the goals of urban renewal, where the market has directed i t s interests elsewhere. Much urban renewal a c t i v i t y may be viewed as t a c t i c a l use of public investment to achieve physical, s o c i a l and economic r e v i t a l i z a t i o n goals. Some projects i n attempting to subvert the market mechanism have f a i l e d as t a c t i c a l tools by incurring u n j u s t i f i e d costs, both s o c i a l and economic. The j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the costs of t a c t i c s i s based by Guttenberg upon two factors: " F i r s t , the i n t r i n s i c merit of the goals or objective on behalf of which a cost may be required.... the merit of the objective (is) i t s power, i f achieved, to restore to the i n d i v i d u a l or to his dependants or successors more than was taken from him, or i t s power to save him from a greater future loss and t h i s without depriving another i n d i v i d u a l t h e ultimate moral t e s t of any t a c t i c a l plan. "The second factor i s the aptness of the measures of the plan, t h e i r a b i l i t y to achieve the desired objective. A single t a c t i c , or set of t a c t i c s , may be applied at the wrong place or at the wrong time, so that i t f a i l s . These f a i l u r e s do not invalidate the objective i t s e l f , but they are wasteful, and in t h i s case the cost i s not j u s t i f i e d . . . . t h e technical t e s t of the t a c t i c a l plan". (Guttenberg, 1964, p.212) - 26 -F o r r e s t e r (1969) p r e s e n t s a c o n c e p t a n a l o g o u s t o t h e " t a c t i c a l p l a n " , c o n g r u e n t i n i t s f o c u s on t h e u t i l i z a t i o n o f f o r c e s a l r e a d y i n e x i s t e n c e i n t h e c i t y o f a c h i e v e l o n g - r a n g e d e s i r e d r e s u l t s , w h i l e F o r r e s t e r s t r e s s e s r e - e v a l u a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g f o r c e s i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e c i t y a s a c l o s e d , p o t e n t i a l l y s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g s y s t e m , a n a l o g y t o G u t t e n b e r g * s s t r e s s o n t h e p o s s i b l e m a n i p u l a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g f o r c e s , a p p e a r s v a l i d . F o r r e s t e r m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y f o r two t y p e s o f a c t i o n e x i s t s : f i r s t l y , "a f r o n t a l a s s a u l t w i t h d i r e c t -a c t i o n p r o g r a m s a i m e d a t c o r r e c t i n g d e f i c i e n c i e s " , a n d s e c o n d l y , a c t i o n s " t o a l t e r t h e i n t e r n a l s y s t e m w h i c h h a s c r e a t e d t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s " ( F o r r e s t e r , p . 1 2 0 ) . I n n e g a t i n g t h e r e s u l t s e x p e r -i e n c e d b y t h e f i r s t a p p o r a c h , a n d g i v i n g e m p h a s i s t o t h e l a t t e r , F o r r e s t e r e x p l a i n s w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o h i s c o m p u t e r m o d e l l e d " s y s t e m s " c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e c i t y t h a t : "When t h e s y s t e m b e h a v i o u r i s u n d e r s t o o d , t h e i n t e r n a l i n c e n t i v e s t h a t a r e c r e a t i n g d i f f i c u l t y c a n u s u a l l y be a l t e r e d a t much l e s s e x p e n s e t h a n w o u l d be n e c e s s a r y f o r d i r e c t - a c t i o n p r o g r a m s a i m e d a t r e d u c i n g symptoms.... The i n t e r n a l f f o r c e s i n m o s t s o c i a l s y s t e m s a r e s o p o w e r f u l t h a t t h e y w i l l l i k e l y d o m i n a t e a n y e f f e c t t o t r e a t symptoms i f t r e a t m e n t d o e s n o t r e a c h t h e t r u e s t r u c t u r a l c a u s e s . C o n v e r s e l y , i f c a u s e s c a n be r e v e r s e d , an i n t e r n a l l y g e n e r a t e d r e v i v a l c a n p r o c e e d f a s t e r a n d w i t h more l a s t i n g e f f e c t t h a n i f t h e t r e a t m e n t comes f r o m t h e o u t s i d e . ' / ( F o r r e s t e r , p.120) The a n a l o g y i s s t r e n g t h e n e d by a common e m p h a s i s on t h e m o d i f i c a t i o n o f r e c o g n i z e d t r e n d s by a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n w h i c h w o u l d c h a n g e t h e c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h f o r m a t i v e e l e m e n t s o f t h e c i t y o p e r a t e . W h i l e G u t t e n b e r g ! s a p p r o a c h t o u r b a n d y n a m i c s - 27 -implied by the t a c t i c a l plan does not have i t s base i n Forrester's rigorous computer-oriented systems approach, i t i s i n fact a systems approach at the l e v e l of generalization c i t e d previously i n Chapter 1, with reference to the Committee on Social and Behavioural Urban Research (1967). Their conclusions are b a s i c a l l y the same: i n recognizing a problem and formulating a goal to resolve i t , the successful achievement l i e s in t a c t i c s or p o l i c i e s which w i l l manipulate e x i s t i n g pressures which, having inter n a l momentum of th e i r own, r e s i s t change. ilaquet (1970) provdldes further support of the p r i n c i p l e of " t a c t i c a l planning when he states: "The planner i s s t i l l l e f t with the problem of providing for the descent of the plan....many factors tend to show that i t would be unwise to r e l y on persuasion i n i t s usual sense to provide for the descent of the plan. The problem i s to set up a s i g n a l l i n g device which w i l l ensure that planees w i l l do the ri g h t thing." (p.53) THE PLANNING PERSPECTIVE: A SUMMARY A behavioural apporach to land use, and by implication to the urban environment, has been suggested through Chapin's schematic framework which translates, values (economic, s o c i a l and public interest) through behavioural in t e r a c t i o n to the urban environment. In t h i s manner values have been shown to be the formative element of the urp'an environment, having the capacity to e f f e c t both pure and modified consequences of in d i v i d u a l or group behaviour,resulting i n both planned and unplanned manifestations i n the environment. - 28 -Guttenberg"s t a c t i c a l plan expresses an approach to plan implementation which takes into account e x i s t i n g behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of urban man. It i s based upon recognition of the often incompatible nature of man's public andpprivate values and goals. The private attachment of the ind i v i d u a l to personal economic values (and we may impute here, i n many cases to personal s o c i a l values) results i n s e l f -contradictory behaviour with respect to th e i r public i n t e r e s t values expressed through public representatives charged with the general public i n t e r e s t . As a r e s u l t public actions, i n i t i a t e d i n the public i n t e r e s t , and to which apprwal i n p r i n c i p l e has been given by i n d i v i d u a l s , may f a i l t t o r e a l i z e t h e i r objectives as private actions i n the pursuit of s e l f -i n t e r e s t proceed i n opposition to theffuture goal. Guttenberg offers " t a c t i c s " as a solution short of coercion to a l l i g n private actions with the public i n t e r e s t . Realizing the primacy of in d i v i d u a l motivation i n achieving public goals, t a c t i c s are intended to change the f i e l d of action rather than the basic motivation, so that the frame of reference for i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e corresponds to the public goal to be achieved. In order that t a c t i c s be e f f e c t i v e they must be based upon a knowledge of motivation i n order that a frame of reference be devised appropriate to the ultimate goal. Chapin's framework provides a vehicle within which th i s operation may be undertaken. - 29 -Assuming a public goal has been formulated with a desired end product or consequence i n view, the question may be asked: "what actions w i l l produce private response to ensure i t s achievement?" In other words: "what public actions w i l l provide a frame of reference for private actions consistent with the ultimate goal?". Public actions may be either negative or p o s i t i v e i n nature, expressed i n terms of either regulation or stimulation of private action. The t a c t i c a l concept i s most compatible with po s i t i v e action. Chapin's framework indicates that actions taken in the public i n t e r e s t have the p o t e n t i a l to i n t e r a c t with and stimulate behaviour patterns of p r i v a t e l y motivated action, thereby influencing the f i n a l consequences of the public action. In taking p o s i t i v e actions based upon the recognition that ce r t a i n private responses, based on economic and s o c i a l values, w i l l take place, planned consequences may be assured. Application of the t a c t i c a l method within t h i s framework i s the object of the research undertaken by t h i s thesis. The s i t i n g and construction of a public administrative complex i s here considered a t a c t i c a l action to achieve expressed public goals of urban r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . With reference to the framework, human behaviour, having i t s o r i g i n i n c e r t a i n s o c i a l and economic values, may be presented, which may reasonably be expected to respond to stimulation by the public action to - 30 -achieve the planned goal. The following two chapters represent an attempt to indicate s o c i a l and economic behavioural character-i s t i c s which may be r e l i e d upon to respond to such stimulation, thereby v a l i d a t i n g the location decision as a t a c t i c a l planning t o o l to achieve environmental improvement goals. CHAPTER 3 SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR AND THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING The purpose of t h i s section i s to a r t i c u l a t e s o c i a l behaviour, having as i t s base consciously or unconsciously held values, which may respond to the environmental stimulation created by a public b u i l d i n g . Rappoport (1969) suggests that the study of the individual's behavioural r e l a t i o n s h i p to his environment "may most p r o f i t a b l y be done by r e l a t i n g the stim-ulus properties of the environment to t h e i r symbolic manifest-ations, which are a function of culture as well as i n d i v i d u a l development, and by examining the e f f e c t s of the symbolic environments which men create", (p.122) Man's propensity to think i n terms of symbols on both the conscious and the unconscious l e v e l i s well documented (Mumford; 1 9 6 1 , Jaffe 1 9 6 4 ) ; i t i s a propensity which has i t s o r i g i n s i n man's need to bring meaning and order to a world of events and actions, and to express his value-orientations (Norberg-Schulz 1 9 7 1 ) . The - 32 -e q u a t i o n o f s o c i a l v a l u e s w i t h t h e i r s y m b o l i c m a n i f e s t a t i o n s i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t i s , a t b e s t , a c o m p l e x t a s k n e c e s s i t a t i n g a s e l e c t i v e a p p r o a c h b a s e d upon t h e d i r e c t i o n t h a t " t h e r e a r e t i m e s when we w a n t t o know o n l y t h e s i g n i f i c a n t e l e m e n t s o f an e n v i r o n m e n t , t h o s e e l e m e n t s t h a t a r e s o c e n t r a l t o t h e f u l l p i c t u r e t h a t a c h a n g e i n t h e m w o u l d mean t h a t t h e w h o l e s c e n e w o u l d h a v e d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s " ( M i c h e l s o n 1970 p . 3 6 ) . I n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e s i g n i f i c a n t e l e m e n t s o f t h e e n v i r o n -ment i n q u e s t i o n a n d t h e i r s y m b o l i c m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s o c i a l v a l u e s , t h e d i s c i p l i n a r y d i v i s i o n s o f t h e B e h a v i o u r a l s c i e n c e s : p s y c h o l o g y , s o c i o l o g y , a n d a n t h r o p o l o g y , p r o v i d e a n a t u r a l f r a m e w o r k . S o c i a l v a l u e s , t h r o u g h b e h a v i o u r - m a y be c o n s i d e r e d e i t h e r p e r s o n a l , communal, o r c u l t u r a l . The d i s t i n c t i o n p e r m i t s a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f u r b a n b e h a v i o u r i n t e r m s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l a s a p r o d u c t o f p e r s o n a l i t y , o f s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s , a n d o f c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . A t e a c h l e v e l , d i f f e r e n t s y m b o l i c a s s o c i a t i o n s c o n d i t i o n a n d s t i m u l a t e man's r e s p o n s e t o h i s e n v i r o n m e n t . The e n v i r o n m e n t i s by d e f i n i t i o n t h e " a g g r e g a t e o f s u r r o u n d i n g t h i n g s , c o n d i t i o n s a n d i n f l u e n c e s " (Randam House 1 9 6 9 ) . The common medium o r e l e m e n t o f man a n d h i s e n v i r o n m e n t i s s p a c e ; man e x i s t s i n s p a c e , a s do t h e o b j e c t s o f h i s a t t e n t i o n ; f u r t h e r -m ore, c o n d i t i o n s a n d i n f l u e n c e s a r e t r a n s m i t t e d t o h i m t h r o u g h s p a c e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p o f man t o s p a c e o r h i s b e h a v i o u r i n s p a c e h a s , t h e r e f o r e , a f u n d a m e n t a l b e a r i n g on a l l u r b a n a c t i v -i t i e s . S c h n e i d e r (1968) i n c a l l i n g s p a c e t h e " u r b a n r e s o u r c e " (p.182) e m p h a s i z e s o u r l o s t a p p r e c i a t i o n o f t h e s o c i a l i m p o r t a n c e , o f u r b a n s p a c e w h i l e p u r s u i n g i t s e c o n o m i c a t t r i b u t e s . As s p a c e i s t h e common d e n o m i n a t o r o f s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y i n t h e - 33 -urban environment, i t i s an appropriate point of reference with which to document the personal, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l facets of urban behaviour and t h e i r symbolic associations and manifestations. Norberg-Schulz (1971) indicates the m u l t i p l i c i t y of s p a t i a l concepts and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to man when he d i s t i n g -uishes f i v e concepts: "the pragmatic space of physical action, the perceptual space of immediate orientation, the e x i s t e n t i a l space which forms man's stable image of his environment, the cognitive space of the physical world, and the abstract space of pure l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s . Pragmatic space integrates man i n his natural, "organic" environment; perceptual space i s e s s e n t i a l to his i d e n t i t y as a person; e x i s t e n t i a l space makes him belong to a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l t o t a l i t y , cognitive space means that he i s able to think about space, and l o g i c a l space, f i n a l l y , o f f e r s the tool to describe the others." (Norberg-Schulz 1971 p.11). Of these f i v e s p a t i a l concepts, the perceptual, existen-t i a l and cognitive describe man's relat i o n s h i p to his urban envir-onment. These concepts may be aligned to correspond with man's environmental behaviour i n his roles as "ego", or " s e l f " , as s o c i a l being, and as c u l t u r a l member. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s an a r t i f i c i a l one, as are those of the behavioural d i s c i p l i n e s , as they a l l e x i s t and take t h e i r e s s e n t i a l meaning from t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the i n d i v i d u a l . However, such abstraction and alignment permits the indicati o n of the origi n s of man's symbolic relationships to his environment, and t h e i r manifestation through the medium of space. A p a r a l l e l process w i l l be presented i n the following chapter pertaining to man's economic behaviour with respect to urban space. - 34 F rames o f r e f e r e n c e may be d e v i s e d f o r e a c h s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p : (1) P e r c e p t u a l S p a c e and P e r s o n a l B e h a v i o u r (2) E x i s t e n t i a l S p a c e a n d S o c i a l B e h a v i o u r (3) C o g n i t i v e S p a c e a n d C u l t u r a l B e h a v i o u r T h e s e f r a m e s o f r e f e r e n c e p r o v i d e t h e b a s i s f o r t h e f o l l o w i n g t h r e e s e c t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t i n g e n e r a l a n d p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s i n p a r t i c u l a r . The s e c t i o n s a r e b a s e d upon e v i d e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n e a c h d i c h o t o m y : 1. P e r c e p t u a l s p a c e i s e g o - c e n t r e d a n d t h e r e f o r e t e r r i -t o r i a l l y o r i e n t e d . 2. E x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e i s s o c i a l l y - c e n t r e d , a n d a c t i v i t y -o r i e n t e d as i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r a c t o r s e e k t o i n t e r a c t w i t h o t h e r s . 3. C o g n i t i v e s p a c e i s an i n t e l l e c t u a l a b s t r a c t i o n p e r -m i t t i n g t h e endowment o f m e a n i n g t o o b j e c t s a n d s p a c e ; " m e a n i n g " a t a p e r v a s i v e c u l t u r a l l e v e l . PERSONAL BEHAVIOUR AND PERCEPTUAL SPACE The c o n c e p t o f p e r c e p t u a l s p a c e p r e s e n t e d p r e v i o u s l y by N o r b e r g - S c h u l z , i s a m p l i f i e d b y S o j a ( 1 9 7 1 ) : " E a c h human b e i n g c r e a t e s h i s own " a c t i v i t y s p a c e " w h i c h becomes t h e c o n t e x t f o r h i s m o s t d e t a i l e d k n o w l e d g e o f h i s e n v i r o n m e n t and w i t h i n w h i c h m o s t o f h i s d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s a r e r e g u l a r l y c a r r i e d o u t . A t t h e m i c r o - s c a l e , e a c h i n d i v i d u a l s u r r o u n d s h i m s e l f w i t h a p o r t a b l e s e r i e s o f s p a c e , o r p e r s o n a l d i s t a n c e - 35 -z o n e s , " b u b b l e s " w h i c h g u i d e a n d s h a p e h i s i n t e r -a c t i o n w i t h o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s . Thus w i t h o u t f o r m a l b o u n d a r i e s , s p a c e becomes o r g a n i z e d a n d s t r u c t u r e d . . . . " ( S o j a 1971 p . l ) . I m p l i c i t i n t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s t h e c o n c e p t o f " t e r r i t o r i a l i t y " , a b e h a v i o u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f i r s t i d e n t i f i e d b y t h e f i e l d o f a n i m a l e c o l o g y h a v i n g a p p l i c a t i o n t o human b e h a v i o u r . G r e e n b i e (1971) d e s c r i b e s t e r r i t o r i a l i t y a s : "The p e r c e i v e d s p a c e t h a t s u r r o u n d s a n i n d i v i d u a l o r g r o u p w h i c h s e r v e s t o i d e n t i f y i t as d i s t i n c t w i t h i n a l a r g e r g r o u p o f t h e same s p e c i e s . . . . i t may be d e f i n e d i n an i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y o f w a y s . A l l t h a t m a t t e r s i s t h a t t h e b o u n d a r i e s a r e r e c o g n i z a b l e ( t o t h e i n d i v i d u a l ) . . . . T e r r i t o r y i s n o t a " t h i n g " , a n d o t h e r k i n d s o f p r o p e r t y i n c l u d i n g v e h i c l e s o r b u i l d i n g s a r e t e r r i t o r i a l o n l y t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e y a r e s y m b o l s d e f i n i n g t e r r i t o r y . " ( p . 1 6 5 ) . P a r r (1965) d e s c r i b e s t h e c o n c e p t o f t e r r i t o r y i n d y n a m i c m o t i o n a s " o r b i t " o r t h e " s p a c e t h r o u g h w h i c h an i n d i v -i d u a l h a b i t u a l l y o r o c c a s i o n a l l y r o a m s " ( p . 3 ) . The c o m p l e x i t y o f t e r r i t o r i a l p e r c e p t i o n f r o m t h e e g o -b a s e i s i n f i n i t e , p e r c e p t i o n b e i n g a f u n c t i o n o f p e r s o n a l m o t i v -a t i o n and p a s t e x p e r i e n c e ( N o r b e r g - S c h u l z 1 9 7 2 ) . I n r e a c t i o n t o t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f p o t e n t i a l t e r r i t o r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t , man i n t e r n a l l y s i m p l i f i e s h i s e n v i r o n m e n t by t h e s e l e c t i o n o f e l e m e n t s o r s y m b o l s w h i c h " a r e u s e d t o s t r u c t u r e i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m t h e e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h o t h e r w i s e w o u l d become u n m a n a g e a b l e due t o i t s f a n t a s t i c a l l y r i c h s e n s o r y bombardment" ( R a p p o p o r t 1969 p . 1 2 3 ) . L a n g e r (1967) m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e s y m b o l -m a k i n g p r o c e s s i n i t s e l f i s i n a t e l y c o m p l e x a n d i n h e r e n t l y d y n a m i c when s h e s t a t e s t h a t " t h e e f f e c t o f s y m b o l i c e x p r e s s i o n i s p r i m -- 36 -a r i l y t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f p e r c e p t u a l e x p e r i e n c e , a nd t h e c o n s t a n t r e f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h e c o n c e p t u a l f r a m e s w h i c h t h e c u m u l a t i v e s y m b o l i z i n g t e c h n i q u e s - c o n s c i o u s o r u n c o n s c i o u s , b u t r a r e l y a l t o g e t h e r a b s e n t - e s t a b l i s h , o ne upon a n o t h e r , one i n a n o t h e r , one b y n e g a t i o n o f a n o t h e r " ( p . 8 0 ) . D e s p i t e t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f i t s f o r m u l a t i o n , s y m b o l i c p r o j e c t i o n i s v i e w e d a s " t h e c r u c i a l h u m a n i z i n g a c t i v i t y " ( L a n g e r 1967 p . 8 0 ) . I t i s t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f s y m b o l i c p r o j e c t i o n w h i c h u n d e r l i e s t h e w o r k o f L y n c h ( 1 9 6 0 ) . T a k i n g a s h i s b a s e t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f h i s e n v i r o n m e n t , L y n c h e x a m i n e s t h e s y m b o l i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e c i t y a s t h e y emerge i n t h e c o n s c i o u s a n d u n c o n s c i o u s a t t e m p t s o f i n d i v i d u a l s t o h u m a n i z e o r p e r s o n a l i z e t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . L y n c h e x a m i n e s t h e s t i m u l u s p r o p e r t i e s o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t w i t h e m p h a s i s upon t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f a n d r e s p o n s e t o i t s p h y s i c a l n a t u r e . The e l e m e n t s o f u r b a n f o r m w h i c h e m e r g e d - p a t h s , e d g e s , d i s t r i c t s , n o d e s a n d l a n d m a r k s - c o n s t i t u t e t h e b a s i c s y m b o l i c m e c h a n i s m s by w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s h i s s p a c e a n d by w h i c h h e i d e n t i f i e s h i m s e l f i n t h e c o n t e x t o f h i s p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t . The e n v i r o n m e n t a l image i s c r e a t e d b y a two-way p r o c e s s b e t w e e n t h e o b s e r v e r a n d t h e o b s e r v e d : "What he s e e s i s b a s e d o n e x t e r i o r f o r m , b u t how he i n t e r p r e t s a n d ^ o r g a n i z e s t h i s , a n d how he d i r e c t s h i s a t t e n t i o n i n i t s t u r n a f f e c t s w h a t he s e e s " ( L y n c h 1960 p . 1 3 1 ) . The image b e g i n s w i t h p e r c e p t i o n o f o b j e c t s a n d s p a c e w h i c h c a n be i d e n t i f i e d . The image when c o m p l e t e may be s e e n i n t e r m s o f i d e n t i t y , s t r u c t u r e a n d m e a n i n g . I d e n t i t y i s c r e a t e d i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h an o b j e c t as a s e p a r a t e e n t i t y ; - 37 -s t r u c t u r e i s c r e a t e d t h r o u g h t h e s p a t i a l o r p a t t e r n r e l a t i o n s h i p o f t h e o b j e c t t o t h e i n d i v i d u a l ; a n d m e a n i n g emerges by t h e p r a c t i c a l o r e m o t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . L y n c h s t r e s s e s t h e a t t r i b u t e s o f i d e n t i t y a n d s t r u c t u r e t o e m p h a s i z e t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a s an i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e i n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s i m a g e o f t h e c i t y ; s t a t i n g h i s p u r p o s e t o b e : " s i m p l y t o c o n s i d e r t h e n e e d f o r i d e n t i t y a n d s t r u c t u r e i n o u r p e r c e p t u a l w o r l d , a n d t o i l l u s t r a t e t h e s p e c i a l r e l e v a n c e o f t h i s q u a l i t y ( i m a g e a b i l i t y ) t o t h e p a r t i c u l a r c a s e o f t h e c o m p l e x , s h i f t i n g u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t " (1960 p . 1 0 ) . As a r e s u l t t h e e l e m e n t s c o n s t i t u t i n g i m a g e a b i l i t y a r e p u r e l y d e s c r i p t i v e w i t h o u t v a l u e a t t a c h m e n t i n d i c a t i v e o f m e a n i n g . The e l e m e n t s o f i m a g e a b i l i t y a r e a l s o t h e e l e m e n t s o f t e r r i t o r i a l i t y o r o r b i t ; t h e y a r e b a s i c a l l y o r i e n t a t i o n a l d e v i c e s . Of t h e f i v e e l e m e n t s L y n c h i d e n t i f i e s , none o f them e x i s t i n i s o l a t i o n : " D i s t r i c t s a r e s t r u c t u r a l w i t h n o d e s , d e f i n e d b y e d g e s , p e n e t r a t e d b y p a t h s a n d s p r i n k l e d w i t h l a n d m a r k s . " U n d e r t h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t man i s " c e n t r e o r p l a c e " a n d , " f o c i o r o b j e c t " o r i e n t e d ( N o r b e r g - S c h u l z 1 9 7 1 , L y n c h 1960) , as he p u r p o s e f u l l y moves a b o u t h i s c i t y , L y n c h ' s c o n c e p t s o f t h e n ode and l a n d m a r k a r e s i n g l e d o u t f o r f u r t h e r d e f i n i t i o n and e x a m i n a t i o n . The node a n d l a n d m a r k a r e p o i n t - r e f e r e n c e s i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . By d e f i n i t i o n , n o d e s a r e " p o i n t s ; t h e s t r a t e g i c s p o t s i n a c i t y i n t o w h i c h t h e o b s e r v e r c a n e n t e r , a n d w h i c h a r e t h e i n t e n s i v e f o c i t o a n d f r o m w h i c h he i s t r a v e l l i n g " ( L y n c h 1960 p . 4 7 ) . L a n d m a r k s a r e " p o i n t r e f e r e n c e s c o n s i d e r e d t o b e - 38 -e x t e r n a l t o t h e o b s e r v e r . . . . ( t h e i r ) k e y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . . . . i s s i n g u l a r i t y , s o m e a s p e c t t h a t i s u n i q u e o r m e m orable i n t h e c o n t e x t . " ( L y n c h 1960 p . 7 8 ) . Two t y p e s o f node a r e e v i d e n t , t h e j u n c t i o n artd t h e t h e m a t i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n . L y n c h ' s d i s c o v e r i e s w i t h r e s p e c t t o j u n c t i o n r e s u l t e d i n t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t " b e c a u s e d e c i s i o n s must be made a t j u n c t i o n s , p e o p l e h e i g h t e n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n a t s u c h p l a c e s a n d p e r c i e v e n e a r b y e l e m e n t s w i t h more t h a n n o r m a l c l a r i t y . T h i s t e n d e n c y was c o n f i r m e d s o r e p e a t e d l y t h a t e l e m e n t s l c o a t e d a t j u n c t i o n s may a u t o m a t i c a l l y be a ssumed t o d e r i v e s p e c i a l p r o m i n e n c e f r o m t h e i r l o c a t i o n " ( p . 7 2 - 7 3 ) . T h e m a t i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n s a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y t h e c o l l e c t i o n o f u s e s o r a c t i v i t i e s r e s u l t i n g i n c o n c e p t u a l a n c h o r p o i n t s , o f w h i c h L y n c h m a i n t a i n s t h a t : " t h e f i r s t p r e r e q u i s i t e o f s u c h p e r c e p t u a l s u p p o r t i s t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f i d e n t i t y b y ( i t s ) s i n g u l a r a n d c o n t i n u o u s q u a l i t y . . . . t h e e s s e n c e o f t h i s t y p e o f e l e m e n t i s t h a t i t be a d i s t i n c t u n f o r g e t a b l e p l a c e " ( L y n c h 1960 p . 1 0 2 ) . W i t h r e s p e c t t o l a n d m a r k s , L y n c h c o n c l u d e s t h a t : " t h e r e seems t o be a t e n d e n c y o f t h o s e more f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c i t y t o r e l y i n c r e a s i n g l y on s y s t e m s o f l a n d m a r k s a s t h e i r g u i d e t o e n j o y u n i q u e n e s s a n d s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . . . . " (1960 p.78) a n d f u r t h e r , t h a t l a n d m a r k s "become more e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i f t h e y h a v e a c l e a r f o r m ; i f t h e y c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e i r b a c k -g r o u n d ; a n d i f t h e r e i s some p r o m i n e n c e o f s p a t i a l l o c a t i o n , (p. 78-79) . A d o m i n a n t image o f a " s e n s e o f p l a c e " a c c o m p a n i e s t h e node a n d l a n d m a r k e l e m e n t s ; a s e n s e o f p l a c e p r i m a r i l y i n t e r m s - 39 -of physical form as perceived by the i n d i v i d u a l . Banz (1971) has stated that a sense of place enables "individuals to relate s p a t i a l l y to the aspects of urban l i f e they s p e c i f i c a l l y choose to i d e n t i f y with." (p.118). Thus nodes and landmarks i n creating a sense of place become symbols of t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n and d e f i n i t i o n i n the manner that Greenbie (1971) has suggested. As t e r r i t o r i a l symbols located i n the urban core, nodes and landmarks constitute what Richards c a l l s a " c o l l e c t i o n of symbols and a f a m i l i a r assembly of objects having c e r t a i n associations and reviving c e r t a i n memories" (1952 p.61). Ultimately meaning must be attached to physical form. Lynch has not pursued t h i s f i e l d , other than to say of landmarks i n p a r t i c u l a r : "once a history, a sign or a?meaning attaches to an object, i t s value as a landmark r i s e s . " (1960 p.81). In general he concludes that: "non-physical characteristics....may enhance the imageability of an element....Meanings and ?. associations, whether s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c a l , func-t i o n a l , economic or i n d i v i d u a l . . . . strongly re-inforce such suggestions towards i d e n t i t y and structure as may be latent i n the physical form i t s e l f . " (1960 p.108). The application of meaning to s i g n i f i c a n t urban form i s the subject of the following two sections. - 40 -SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR AND E X I S T E N T I A L SPACE The p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n h a s b e e n b a s e d upon man's p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n t o o b j e c t s i n s p a c e ; t h i s s e c t i o n i s b a s e d u p o n h i s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n t h r o u g h s p a c e . N o r b e r g - S c h u l z 1 c o n c e p t o f e x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e s p r o v i d e s t h e medium w i t h w h i c h t o r e l a t e man's s o c i a l a c t i v i t y t o h i s u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . The p r e v i o u s d e f i n i t i o n o f e x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e may be e x p a n d e d by c o n t r a s t t o t h e c o n c e p t o f p e r c e p t u a l s p a c e . W h i l e p e r c e p t u a l s p a c e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y i t s d y n a m i c n a t u r e a n d o b j e c t i v e f o c u s , e x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y i t s s t a b l e n a t u r e a n d o b j e c t i v e f o c u s . N o r b e r g - S c h u l z e x p l a i n s t h a t "The ' p e r s o n a l s p a c e ' d e f i n e d i n t h e c o n c e p t o f 1 t e r r i t o r a l i t y ' s h o u l d n o t . . . . b e c o n f o u n d e d w i t h e x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e , w h i c h t o a l a r g e e x t e n t h a s a ' p u b l i c ' c h a r a c t e r , b r i n g i n g t h e members o f s o c i e t y t o g e t h e r i n common p l a c e s " (1971 p . 2 0 ) . E x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e , t h e r e f o r e , i s a medium f o r s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n as t h e i n d i v i d u a l " d i s c o v e r s a s t r u c t u r e d w h o l e w h i c h he s h a r e s w i t h o t h e r s , a n d w h i c h more t h a n a n y t h i n g e l s e g i v e s h i m a s e n s e o f i d e n t i t y " ( N o r b e r g - S c h u l z , 1971 p . 2 9 ) . A t a l e v e l a b o v e h i s p e r c e p t i o n o f s p a c e as i t p e r t a i n s t o h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i n h i s e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e s i n t e r a c t i o n i n s p a c e w h i c h f u r t h e r d e f i n e s h i s e n v i r o n m e n t a n d h i m s e l f . G i d e o n (1952) a p t l y d e s c r i b e s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f man's p e r c e p t i o n o f s p a c e t o e x i s t -e n t i a l s p a c e when he d e s c r i b e s t h e c i t y a s "an e x p r e s s i o n o f i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n man a n d man, b e t w e e n t h e s p h e r e s o f T 4 1 ^ t h e i n d i v i d u a l a n d t h e c o m m u n i t y " ( p . 1 6 2 ) . The c i t y i s t h e e p i t o m e o f e x i s t e n t i a l s p a c e : a man-made d e v i c e t o f a c i l i t a t e i n t e r a c t i o n o n an u n l i m i t e d number o f l e v e l s . B e i n g s p a c e - b o u n d w i t h i n t h e c i t y , human i n t e r a c t i o n t r a d i t i o n a l l y t a k e s p l a c e a t p o i n t s i n s p a c e w h i c h h a v e b e e n v a r i o u s l y c a l l e d n u c l e i i , c o r e s , f o c i , c e n t r e s , e t c . P a u l s s e n (1952) d i s c u s s i n g t h e p s y c h o - s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s o f " c o r e s " a s t h e y r e l a t e t o a c t i v i t i e s p e r f o r m e d o u t s i d e t h e f a m i l y g r o u p m a i n t a i n s t h a t a l l n o n - f a m i l y a c t i v i t i e s a r e p e r f o r m e d w i t h i n some s o r t o f u r b a n i n s t i t u t i o n , e a c h w i t h i t s own c o r e , o r i n d i g e n e o u s f o c u s : a m a r k e t p l a c e , a r e l i g i o u s c o r e , an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o r e , d e p e n d i n g upon t h e i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o m m u n i t y n e e d s . P a u l s s o n c o n c l u d e s t h a t " e v e r y g r o u p a c t i v i t y o u t s i d e t h e home g i v e s l i f e t o a c o r e o f some k i n d . The c o r e s e x i s t i n g i n a c o m m u n i t y c o n d i t i o n t h e o r b i t s o f i t s i n h a b i t a n t s . " (1952 p . 2 9 ) . Man's p r o p e n s i t y t o o r g a n i z e h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n t e r m s o f c o r e s o r n u c l e i i i s w e l l d o c u m e n t e d . M u m f o r d (1961) d e s c r i b e s c e r t a i n p h y s i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f u r b a n i n s t i t u t i o n s a s b e i n g t h e " a c t i v a t i n g n u c l e u s o f t h e u r b a n i m p l o s i o n " s y m p t o m a t i c o f t h e g e n e r a l n a t u r e o f u r b a n a c t i v i t i e s as c i t i e s w e r e i n t h e i r f o r m u l a t i v e s t a g e s . The s t a t e m e n t h a s a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o t h e c o n t -e m p o r a r y c i t y u n d e r t h e p r e s s u r e s o f e x p a n s i o n as t h e r e i s a c o r r e s p o n d i n g i m p l o s i o n o f s o c i a l a c t i v i t y i n t o " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d " n u c l e i i : f o r e x a m p l e , s c h o o l s , s h o p p i n g c e n t r e s a n d r e c r e a t i o n c e n t r e s . C a r v e r (1961) s u p p o r t s t h i s v i e w , he m a i n t a i n s t h a t man's - 42 -need for a t r a d i t i o n a l focus for his a c t i v i t i e s must be met i n the suburbs as well as the central c i t y : "The focal points i n the r e s i d e n t i a l c i t y must be contrived out of the interests people share as consumers, c i t i z e n s and householders. These interests take physical form i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s that serve a community." (p.64). Man's need for physical f o c i to correspond with his space-bound circumstances survives despite Webbers (196 4) assertion that: " i t i s in t e r a c t i o n , not place that i s the essence of the c i t y and c i t y l i f e . " (p.147).(that the c i t y as a communication device must be freed from any sense of place). I t i s exactly man's sense of place that defines and humanizes his inte r a c t i o n w i t h others. While he has increasingly sophisticated communication techniques for in t e r a c t i o n , he requires a stable, place-based physical environment which f a c i l i t a t e s face-to-face contact amplifying personal i d e n t i t y . The urban core p o t e n t i a l l y s a t i s f i e s t h i s human require-ment at the highest l e v e l i n the hierarchy of urban a c t i v i t y centres being the most intense concentration of human a c t i v i t y i n c i t i e s . As a place of work and a service centre i t contains the broadest range of urban functions having the broadest range of po t e n t i a l participants or users i n a r e l a t i v e l y small space. I t i s the urban social-centre. - 43 -CULTURAL BEHAVIOUR AND COGNITIVE SPACE The concept of cognitive space i s one pertaining to the expressive content of space. In the hierarchy of man's urban s p a t i a l relations so far presented, i t exudes the highest degree of "informative" content at the most pervasive l e v a l of recognition. Norberg-Schulz aligns the concept of cognitive space with what he variously c a l l s "expressive", "aesthetic" or " a r c h i t e c t u r a l " space, thereby l i n k i n g man's a b i l i t y to think about space with his a b i l i t y to create i t and endow i t with meaning. P a r a l l e l i n g the previous descriptions of perceptual space and e x i s t e n t i a l space, cognitive space may be described as having a stable nature and subjective focus. The a r t i c u l a t i o n ofurban space by physical form i s more than the creation of objects for orientation or places of a c t i v i t y , i t i s also the conscious expression of ideas with respect to the nature of the c i t y and urban l i f e . Urban form by one contemporary d e f i n i t i o n i s the physical pattern of land use, population d i s t r i b u t i o n and service networks (Wurster, 196 3 p.75). Such a d e f i n i t i o n i s i n d i c a t i v e of a technical approach to urban form and the physical environs ment. Urban form, by t r a d i t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n , has been a prim-a r i l y a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n i n d i c a t i v e of an i n t e l l e c t u a l approach to the physical environment. Bacon (196 7) defines a r c h i t e c t u r a l form as "an expression of the philosophical i n t e r -action of the forces of mass, and space, which in turn r e f l e c t s - 44 -the rel a t i o n s h i p between a man and nature and man and the universe" (p.16). This l a t t e r d e f i n i t i o n has equal v a l i d i t y when applied to urban form i n as much as urban form i s the re s u l t of conscious creation of objects and spaces i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l context. "Urban form" i n i t s technical d e f i n i t i o n suggests nothing of the inately c u l t u r a l forces which combine to produce the v i s i b l e r e s u l t . H i s t o r i c a l l y , urban form has emerged according to c u l t u r a l values and behaviour. One need only compare the Occidental c i t y with the Oriental c i t y to see basic differences in form which have t h e i r bases i n c u l t u r a l propensities (Rappo-port 1969). However, despite physical differences in form, there are abundant p a r a l l e l s evident between cultures i n d i c a t i n g that there has been a pre-occupation with "form" i n i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l connotations (as above) as a means of expressing deeply held c u l t u r a l values. Form,therefore, has an ideographic nature; i t may be a v i s u a l representation of ideas or values and thus a symbolic device. It has long been recognized that ideographic repres-entation i s a s i g n i f i c a n t function of c i t i e s and one which contributed greatly to t h e i r i n i t i a l creation and v i a b i l i t y . In Mumford's words: "The a b i l i t y to transmit i n symbolic forms and human patterns a representative portion of a culture i s the great mark, of the c i t y : t h i s i s the condition for encouraging the f u l l e s t expression of human capacities and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s . . . . " (1961 p.93). - 45 -The ideographic nature of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s was f a c i l i t a t e d by i t s r e l a t i v e l y compact physical nature and i t s spe c i a l i z e d role i n a dominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l society. Examples can be drawn from any c u l t u r a l background i n the history of pre-i n d u s t r i a l urbanization to support the ideographic nature of urban form. Smith (19 35) recounts that the a r t i s t i c approach of the builders of ancient Egypt's r e l i g i o u s urban complexes was "persistently ideographic, dealing always with the fundamental communal ideas." (p.24.1). The existence of communal ideas or values i s accompanied by the desire to express them, to commun-icate them, and to reinforce them through a medium compatible or consistent with the values themselves and one which fosters value-s t a b i l i z a t i o n . In t h e i r search for expressive and stable media, the pre-Guttenberg urbanite was l i m i t e d to a r c h i t e c t u r a l form primar-i l y because of i t s a v a i l a b i l i t y and d u r a b i l i t y as a medium. However, i t s s u i t a b i l i t y was reinforced by the u n i v e r s a l i t y of i t s audience. Banz (19 70) provides perspective on the l a s t i n g e f f e c t a r c h i t e c t -ural form has had as urban-symbolism: "The successful expression of functions and aspirations within the urban community must have strengthened the very forces which resulted i n urban forms i n the just place. The act of building represents i n i t s e l f an e f f o r t by an i n d i v i d u a l or a community to est-ab l i s h and preserve values. Thus as the urban community found i t s f i t t i n g form, i t became an i n s t i t u t i o n . Form i t s e l f , p a r t i c u l a r l y monu-mental form, became a dominant force i n the s t a b i l i z a t i o n and eventual o s s i f i c a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l urban s o c i a l structure." (p.8). - 46 -With respect to the s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t of form and p a r t i c u l a r l y monumental form, i t i s held by some hi s t o r i a n s that the concept of "media as message" fostered by McHuhan was inherently understood and u t i l i z e d to a high degree of sophistication by the formative elements of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l society; while media have changed, the functions performed by them have remained constant throughout the evolution of human expression. Gowans (1970) outlines four functions of expressive media, one of which i s the expression of conviction and persuasion. Of the expression of conviction, he states: "(the arts of conviction are) images intended to carry s e l f - c o n v i c t i o n to t h e i r makers -tangible symbols....which e s t a b l i s h and define things experience has established to be true. Because the image e x i s t s , the truth i t embodies exists also i n a more convincing and tangible form; so such symbols become means for coping with and c o n t r o l l i n g the world...." (p.307); Further he states: "Arts of conviction w i l l tend to be ideographic i n form" (p.308). The u t i l i z a t i o n of a r c h i t e c t u r a l form as ideographic symbols of conviction i s c l e a r l y seen during Europe's Renaissance, Baroque and Neo-classic i n t e l l e c t u a l periods, when large scale urban design projects manipulated the urban environment for conscious e f f e c t . A carry-over i s evident in America. The urban forms of Colonial North and South America were i n i t i a l l y conceived as physical representations<-of ideas, either based upon e n t i r e l y new communal concepts or associated with the - 47 -i d e o l o g y o f t h e i r E u r o p e a n p o i n t s o f o r i g i n . Reps (1965) a n d Mumford (1961) h a v e e l a b o r a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y o n t h i s p h e n o m i n o n . The N o r t h A m e r i c a n u r b a n t r a d i t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , grew f r o m a c u l t u r a l e m p h a s i s o r u r b a n f o r m t h r o u g h u r b a n s p a t i a l d e s i g n a n d a r c h i t e c t u r e . J e f f e r s o n ' s s e a r c h f o r a t r u l y A m e r i c a n u r b a n f o r m , e x p r e s s i v e o f t h e v a l u e s i n h e r e n t i n D e m o c r a c y a n d c o h e s i v e i n i t s e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n v i c t i o n a n d c o n c o m i t t a n t p o w e r s o f p e r s u a s i o n , s u c c e e d e d i n i n s t i l l i n g a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h s p e c i f i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m s b y p r o m o t i n g them a s i d e o g r a p h i c s y m b o l s o f t h e p o w e r s o f u n i t y i n a c o u n t r y o f g r e a t s i z e . The n a t u r e a n d s t r u c t u r e o f d e m o c r a c y i s s u c h t h a t i t l e n d s i t s e l f t o t h e d i s s e m i n a t i o n a n d p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f s y m b o l s s u p p o r t i n g t h e v a l u e s o f i t s c i t i z e n s . The r e s u l t i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , a n d i n C a n a d a , w h e r e a s i m i l a r e v o l u t i o n o c c u r r e d (Gowans 1 9 6 6 , K a l m a n 1968) h a s b e e n t h e c o n s i s t e n t a n d c o n s c i o u s c r e a t i o n o f a r c h -i t e c t u r a l i d e o g r a p h s t o s y m b o l i z e t h e s o c i e t y - s t a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p . T h e s e f o r m s h a v e b e e n c h a l l e n g e d b y t h e m o s t d y n a m i c a n d p e r v a s i v e f o r c e i n A m e r i c a : commerce a n d t h e a r t i f a c t s o f commerce. T u n n a r d (1955) a p t l y i s o l a t e s t h r e e s i g n i f i c a n t f o r m s o n t h e u r b a n s k y l i n e w h i c h he c a l l s t h e T e m p l e s o f Commerce, T e m p l e s t o God, a n d t h e T e m p l e s o f G o v e r n m e n t . A l l t h r e e f o r m s c o m p e t e t o comm-u n i c a t e t h r o u g h f o r m v a l u e s e n t r e n c h e d i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h c r e a t e them. Gowans (1970) d e s c r i b e s s u c h - < a r t < i f a c t s a s " o u r e q u i v a l e n t o f t h o s e a n c i e n t monuments made by common c o n s e n t t o s e r v e c o m m u n i t y n e e d s c a r r y i n g c o m p u l s i v e s y m b o l i s m i m p l i c i t i n t h e i r f o r m s " ( p . 3 0 9 ) ; t h e y a r e i m a g e s o f c o n v i c t i o n . The d e s i r e - 48 -to create such images i s increasingly evidenced by the physical forms of the urban core i n i t s metropolitan context, as the "temples of commerce" vie.to communicate stable and prestigious images i n increasingly monumental form. This propensity i s not l i m i t e d only to commerce, but also i s evinced by s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s at various l e v e l s . The highest l e v e l perhaps being a hybrid global-national phenomenon known as World's F a i r s ; at a lower l e v e l national and p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s perform this r o l e ; at the community l e v e l c i v i c buildings express the continuity and s t a b i l i t y of the s o c i a l system through l o c a l government. Banz (1971) describes t h i s propensity as the " w i l l to form", of which he states: "Urban symbolism i s inherent i n the major communal structures i n which a c o l l e c t i v e w i l l to form has found v a l i d expression. In such buildings widely d i f f e r e n t subcommunities may recognize t h e i r common roots and dominant a r t i f a c t s may continue to condition the urban environment and, through i t , c o l l e c t i v e attitudes. This r e l a t i o n s h i p roots individuals d i r e c t l y i n the past, permits them to draw on the c o l l e c t i v e values of former times, and of f e r s them orientation i n time." (p.112). The technique involves the expressive use of s t y l e and form as "elements of communication: that i s they are types of environmental language which sends out meaningful messages" (Jencks 1972 p.6). The meaningful message i s one of conviction and, l a t t e r l y , persuasion. By endowing urban form with symbolic meaning man inherently strengthens his image of the c i t y and reinforces his personal i d e n t i t y . - 49 -URBAN BEHAVIOUR AND THE P U B L I C BUILDING On t h r e e l e v e l s , t h e p e r s o n a l , s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l , u r b a n b e h a v i o u r h a s b e e n p r e s e n t e d , i n d i c a t i v e o f man's r e l a t i o n -s h i p t o t h e b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t t h r o u g h h i s a c t i o n s i n s p a c e . A t e a c h l e v e l o f b e h a v i o u r , u r b a n man e n c o u n t e r s u s e s a n d r e l a t e s t o t h e " t e m p l e s o f g o v e r n m e n t " . The s p e c i a l i z e d r o l e o f g o v e r n m e n t b u i l d i n g s d o es n o t d i s c o u n t i t s i n t e g r a l f u n c t i o n a s p a r t o f t h e f o r m a n d a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e u r b a n c o r e . F o l l o w i n g t h r o u g h w i t h t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f b e h a v i o u r a l a n d ' - s p a t i a l c o n c e p t s , man's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , s p e c i f i c a l l y b u i l d i n g s f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t , t a k e n h e r e ' to A- i n c l u d e t h e l e g i s l a t i v e a n d j u d i c i a l f u n c t i o n s , may be p r e s e n t e d a n d e x a m i n e d a s a l o g i c a l e x t e n s i o n o f u r b a n b e h a v i o u r . THE PERCEPTUAL L E V E L L y n c h (1960) h a s p r e s e n t e d f i v e e l e m e n t s o f t h e u r b a n i m a g e ; i t i s o b v i o u s t h r o u g h h i s r e s e a r c h t h a t t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a n d c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s o f g o v e r n m e n t p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n t h e image o f t h e c i t y a s o r i e n t a t i o n d e v i c e s . He p r e s e n t s exam-p l e s f r o m t h r e e m a j o r A m e r i c a n c i t i e s o f d i v e r s e c h a r a c t e r and f o r m . P u b l i c b u i l d i n g s emerge a s l a n d m a r k e l e m e n t s o n t h e b a s i s o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m a n d t h e i r a r t i c u l a t i o n o f u r b a n s p a c e . U n i q u e a r c h i t e c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b o t h o f mass a n d d e t a i l s e t them v i s u a l l y a p a r t f r o m t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g s . T h i s was c l e a r l y e v i d e n c e d w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e B o s t o n S t a t e House and t h e L o s A n g e l e s C i t y H a l l . - 50 -Added emphasis was gained by t h e i r association with formal and informal open spaces or squares: "nodes" i n Lynch's terminology. This was further amplified i n the case of Los Angeles City H a l l by i t s being the focus of a " d i s t r i c t " created by c i v i c buildings combining to present a d i s t i n c t unforgettable place. The combination of landmark and node: of public b u i l d i n g and public square i s a strong element of imageability. Lynch maintains that: "Single landmarks, unless they are dominant ones, are l i k e l y to be weak references by themselves" (p.101), and the node "more remarkable i f provided with one or two objects which are the f o c i of attention (p.102). In combination they f o r t i f y each other. Norberg-Schulz indicates t h i s phenomena when he states with respect to squares: "Because of i t s size the square provides the necessary perspective i n which to admire main , buildings of the town, whose functions as physical and psychological 'landmarks' are thereby accentuated." (1971 p.85). He amplifies t h i s statement by maintaining that: "To remove important public buildings from the core of the urban structure i s therefore to destroy i t . " (p.85). Admiration i n t h i s case i s cogent for i t s perceptual connotation. As landmark and nodal elements of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' " t e r r i t o r y " , the public building i s a stable symbolic manifest-ation defining an individual's o r b i t . Having universal recognition i t may be taken as constituting a prominent element i n the or b i t s of a l l core users. - 5 1 -Lyman and Scott (1967) di s t i n g u i s h four t e r r i t o r i a l concepts: public t e r r i t o r i e s , home t e r r i t o r i e s , i n t e r a c t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s , and body t e r r i t o r i e s . These concepts are d i f f -erentiated upon the basis of "access"; they conclude: "Although man's domination over space i s p o t e n t i a l l y unlimited i n contemp-orary society, i t appears that men acknowledge fewer free t e r r i t o r i e s for themselves" (p.66). Public t e r r i t o r y provides the highest degree of ind i v i d u a l freedom of access; public buildings, as objects defining public t e r r i t o r y o f f e r s universal access. THE EXISTENTIAL LEVEL "Landmarks often correspond to centres i n e x i s t e n t i a l space" (Norberg-Schulz 1971 p.39) and the public administrative building i s f i r s t and foremost an a c t i v i t y centre, q u a l i f i e d only by i t s s p e c i a l i z e d function. As an a c t i v i t y centre i t functions i n two d i r e c t i o n s : (1) as a goal or s p e c i f i c urban destination, and (2) as a point of departure. As an employment, business and v i s i t o r destin-ation, i t draws randomly from a l l areas of a metropolitan region independent of i t s role as a service building for one p o l i t i c a l component of an urban region (even though i t would be safe to assume that the highest propertion of employees and v i s i t o r s come from within the p o l i t i c a l boundary) (further i t s r e l a t i o n -ship to the p o l i t i c a l d i s t r i c t i t serves necessitates a "central" location, i . e . one within t h e - d i s t r i c t core). With respect to i t s i n t e r n a l function, i t i s a destination for a l l segments of the urban population, at some point i n t h e i r l i v e s due to the "public" nature of the a c t i v i t i e s which take place within, (in contrast, landmark centres performing primarily "private" a c t i v i t i e s , may draw from select and exclusive segments of the urban population.) Having attracted both regular and i n t e r -mittent users (employers and v i s i t o r s ) i t i s a point of depart-ure: employees at regular, peak periods; v i s i t o r s sporadically. Employees with t h e i r midday departure and return are "captive" contributors to the s o c i a l and economic l i f e of the core; v i s i t o r s , both on business and pleasure are inc i d e n t a l contributors. I f , i n addition to i t s capacity as a centre of a c t i v i t y based on i t s i n t e r n a l function, i t i s also an element i n an urban node, i t s value as an a c t i v i t y centre i s increased. Public spaces or squares? jin conjunction with public buildings, have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been centres of urban "outdoor" a c t i v i t y ; "a gathering place for people, humanizing them by mutual contact... a psychological parking place" (Zucker 1959 p.ll) . A symbiotic rela t i o n s h i p emerges between public building and public square with respect to human inte r a c t i o n i n much the same manner as previously indicated with i n d i v i d u a l perception. The building gives l i f e to the square, and the square i n turn provides a sett i n g for the bu i l d i n g and security for i t s users through i t s pedestrian orientation, fostering i n t e r a c t i o n . - 53 -THE COGNITIVE LEVEL Of t h e " p u b l i c " a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m s c o n s i s t e n t l y f o u n d i n c i t i e s , p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b u i l d i n g s a t t h e c i v i c l e v e l a r e t h o s e u n i v e r s a l l y m a n i f e s t , h a v i n g r i c h i d e o g r a p h i c c o n n o -t a t i o n s r e c o g n i z e d b y a l l . The c r e a t i o n o f e v e r y p o l i t i c a l u r b a n u n i t h a s e v e n t u a l l y b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d by a c o m m u n i t y d e s i r e t o g i v e " s u i t a b l e " c o n c r e t e f o r m t o t h e i r a c t u a l i z e d c i t i z e n - s t a t e c r e a t i o n o f u r b a n g o v e r n -ment. T h a t i s t o p r o v i d e more t h a n j u s t a s t r u c t u r e f r o m w h i c h t o a d m i n i s t e r g o v e r n m e n t b u t a f o r m w h i c h w i l l e x p r e s s " g o v e r n m e n t " . T h i s n e e d a n d d e s i r e i s u n i v e r s a l , h a v i n g i t s b a s e i n t h e n e e d t o e x p r e s s s t a b i l i t y a n d c o n t i n u i t y b y : "a b u i l d i n g w h i c h w i l l p r o u d l y e x p r e s s i t s - f u n c t i o n a s t h e c e n t r e o f c i v i c g o v e r n m e n t . . . a b u i l d i n g t h a t s u g g e s t s g o v e r n m e n t , c o n t i n u i t y o f c e r t a i n demo-c r a t i c t r a d i t i o n s , and s e r v i c e t o t h e c o m m u n i t y . " ( C i t y o f T o r o n t o 1 9 5 8 ) . I t i s t h u s a s t a t i c e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n c i o u s l y h e l d c o n v i c t i o n . I n a d d i t i o n an a c t i o n c o m p o nent e x i s t s : a p e r s u a s i v e g o a l . T h i s g o a l h a s r e c e n t l y b e e n e x p r e s s e d i n s t a t e m e n t s s u c h a s : " A l l e f f o r t s m u s t be made t o c r e a t e b o t h a s i t t i n g a n d l a t t e r l y a s t r u c t u r e i n w h i c h t o embody t h e c i v i c g o v e r n m e n t so a s t o b o t h i n v i t e c i t i z e n i n t e r e s t (and) p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d e n g e n d e r a f e e l i n g o f p r i d e a n d b e l o n g i n g t o t h e c i t y " ( C i t y o f R e g i n a 1969 p.2) I n t h e i r s y m b o l i c c o n t e x t p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s f a l l i n t o an a c t i v e s o c i a l c o n t e x t e x p r e s s e d by B a r b e r when he s t a t e s : - 54 -" b e c a u s e t h e y do t a k e t h e i r m e a n i n g f r o m t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f s e n t i m e n t s , s o c i a l s y m b o l s . . . a r e n o t e n d l e s s l y r i g i d a n d s t a b l e . T h e i r s i g n i f i -c a n c e h a s t o be c o n t i n u a l l y d e f i n e d a n d a f f i r m e d by m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e r e l e v a n t s e n t i m e n t s , when t h e y a r e n o t f o r t h c o m i n g , s y m b o l s l o s e t h e i r m e a n i n g . " (1972 p.329) As t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f n a t i o n a l , p r o v i n c i a l o r c i v i c s e n t i m e n t , p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b u i l d i n g s a r e f i r m l y f o o t e d i n an o n - g o i n g p r o c e s s w h i c h m a i n t a i n s t h e i r r e l e v a n c e ; a d a p t a -b i l i t y a n d t r a n s f e r - a b i l i t y i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e s e n t i m e n t a l a t t a c h m e n t a s i t ( s e n t i m e n t a l a t t a c h m e n t ) i s n o t o n l y d i r e c t e d t o w a r d s p h y s i c a l f o r m , b u t a l s o t o w a r d s f u n c t i o n . W h i l e t h e f o r m may c h a n g e a s u t i l i t a r i a n c i r c u m s t a n c e s d i c t a t e t h e b a s i c f u n c t i o n e n d u r e s . THE CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL CONTEXT The c o m p o s i t e n a t u r e o f t h e P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i v e B u i l d i n g s u g g e s t s i t h a s s i g n i f i c a n t v a l u e p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e f o r m a n d a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e u r b a n c o r e . H i s t o r i c a l l y , p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s h a v e s t o o d a l o o f f r o m t h e g e n e r a l a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e u r b a n c o r e , p r i m a r i l y a s a r e s u l t o f c o n s c i o u s a n d c o n t r i v e d s e p a r a t i o n t o p r o j e c t i t s i d e o g r a p h i c n a t u r e w h i c h d i c t a t e d t h a t i t s t a n d a s a s e p a r a t e s y m b o l o f s t a t e . T h i s v i e w h a s b e e n p e r p e t u a t e d n o t o n l y o n i t s i n t r i n s i c m e r i t a l o n e , b u t a l s o b e c a u s e o f a b e l i e f t h a t i t was i n h e r e n t l y s e p a r a t e f r o m a n d d e t r i m e n t a l t o t h e c o m m e r c i a l l i f e o f t h e c o r e a n d t h e r e f o r e , s h o u l d be p h y s i c a l l y s e p a r a t e . T y r w h i t t (1952) e x p r e s s e s a v i e w w h i c h i n d i c a t e s t h i s g e n e r a l f e e l i n g w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e l i f e o f t h e u r b a n c o r e : - 55 -"Designing a Core for v i l l a g e or town, neigh-bourhood or c i t y , i s not the same thing as designing a group of c i v i c buildings together with t h e i r related open spaces. The c i v i c Centre, that monumental group of buildings, i s not what i s meant by the Cofee. The Core i s not the seat of c i v i c d i g n i t y : the core i s the gathering place of the people." (p.10 3) Burns (1963) amplifies and perpetuates t h i s view when he states that: " l o c a l government o f f i c e s w i l l normally be planned i n a separate area...so t h a t . . . d i f f e r e n t character of the c i v i c area does not a f f e c t the v i t a l i t y and excitment of the shopping centre." (p.123). Gruen (1964) emphatically discounts t h i s approach as segregationist thinking; with respect to the components of the urban core he states: "Segregators are destroyers of urban q u a l i t i e s and urban a c t i v i t y ; by making communication as d i f f i c u l y as possible they are keeping people away from people." (p.106-107). It would seem that the proponents of the segregationary view-point did not take into account that they were i n fact i s o l a t i n g a large number of regular "dwellers" and frequent v i s i t o r s to the core. This makes i t d i f f i c u l t for the v i s i t o r s to partake of the a c t i v i t i e s of the core, thereby l i m i t i n g potential s o c i a l and commercial i n t e r a c t i o n . In the context that segregationary thinking was applied, the function of the urban core had not evinced i t s present trend towards i t s spec i a l i z e d t e r t i a r y and quarternary service functions. The Public Administrative Building, alone or as part of a C i v i c complex, has always, i n e f f e c t , been a t e r t i a r y and quarternary a c t i v i t y centre. With the adoption of increasingly more s o p h i s t i -- 56 -cated techniques by the government and greater lia s o n with the private sector, i n the newly evolving context of the urban core i t i s inherently compatible with the dominant urban function. Public Buildings no longer warrant separation s o l e l y on the basis of function. However, while functionally compatible on a general l e v e l , the origins and p a r t i c u l a r nature of the function of public buildings are d i s t i n c t from the commercial orientation of core service functions. Its p a r t i c u l a r function necessitates concentration for e f f i c i e n c y of operation and a s p e c i a l i z e d form to house i t . As a r e s u l t i t s form remains a unique physical manifestation i n the urban environment having physical functional and representational connotations. Together these attributes form the essence of a complex urban symbol, recognized by a l l inhabitants and having for them diverse meaning. Banz (1971) provides perspective on the role to be played by t h i s symbol when he indicates: "Total urban form i s no longer within reach of objective evaluation but i s perceived d i f f e r e n t l y by individuals...only a few, i f any, p o s i t i v e elements of the t o t a l form are recognized by a l l inhabitants as being part of t h e i r image of the c i t y . These few elements are the formal common denominators which define the public image of an urban environment, the greater t h e i r - . number, the greater i s the p r o b a b i l i t y of s o c i a l cohesion based on c i v i c pride." (p.100) Planning, as i t i s concerned with urban design, i s concerned with the urban image. Planning i s also concerned with s o c i a l cohesion or the lack of i t and objects having high "imageability" improve s o c i a l cohesion. - 57 -Lynch has made a good case for the v i a b i l i t y of his proposal that through urban design "we are now able to develop our image of the environment by operation on the external physical shape as well as by an in t e r n a l learning process." 1(1960 p.12). By such actions or management we may achieve what Carr (1966) presents as an aim of planning i n creating environ-mental form: "(to) increase the r e l a t i v e exposure of c i t y elements and settings of highest common s i g n i f i -cance, both functional and s o c i a l . This w i l l increase the amount of r e a l experience of these settings and thus increase the r e a l i z a t i o n of th e i r personal meaning and value for more in d i v i d u a l s . I t w i l l also tend to reinforce t h e i r common sign i f i c a n c e adding to group s o l i d a r i t y . " (p.222). In the context of urban design, the use of the s i g n i f i -cant form and the connotation of a public building to foster c i v i c unity and pride corresponds to what von Eckardt (1971) maintains i s the prime function of urban design: " I t (urban design) i s supposed to give a l l c i t i z e n s a sense of belonging, an i d e n t i t y , and be the instrument for the exercise of c i v i t a s , the dynamic creative order that makes c i v i l i z a t i o n . " (p.65) . He further states: "How we b u i l d and rebuild, how we use urban space... i s a re s u l t of our c o l l e c t i v e behaviour, a mani-festa t i o n of our caring or uncaring response to the range of factors that constitute the c i t y and i t s people." (p.66). Of th i s range of factors, the Public Administrative Building has been shown to be endemic to human a c t i v i t y on the personal, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l l e v e l s . On these lev e l s i t may continue to play a s i g n i f i c a n t role in the changing context of the urban - 58 -core. The Perceptual Level The physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a public b u i l d i n g i n the contemporary urban context indicate that i t s value as an urban o r i e n t a t i o n a l device may only increase. As indicated at the outset of research (Government of Ontario, 1971) the Public Administrative Building, unique i n function, requires a unique form. The economic r e a l i t i e s of the production of a unique or special purpose structure having a r e l a t i v e l y narrow range of adaptability to commercial require-ments res u l t s i n high i n i t i a l costs and concommitantly a require-ment for long term use. This i s accompanied by r e l a t i v e increases in q u a l i t y of construction to ensure longevity, and a need for a r c h i t e c t u r a l design which w i l l not b e l i e the function performed by the structure as a r c h i t e c t u r a l fashion changes. The economic r e a l i t i e s which underly the physical form of the public administrative b u i l d i n g are complimented by the opposite economic r e a l i t i e s of commercial structures r e s u l t i n g from increasingly standardized structures predicated upon adaptability to changing tennancies. As a r e s u l t a marked physical contrast i n form increases. As urban landmarks commercial structures are rapidly losing t h e i r potential to a f f e c t orientation as even from a distance single elements are subsumed by the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of t a l l anonymous structures. At street l e v e l i n the urban core these - 59 -structures become increasingly alienated from human compre-hension and perception due to t h e i r overwhelming s i z e . Further, t h e i r increasingly homogeneous design provides correspondingly less d e t a i l to a t t r a c t the individuals attention at his perceptive l e v e l . Thus, public buildings, of unique physical form, a r t i c u l a t i n g space comprehensible to human perception, provide unique stable points of reference i n an anonymous environment. At the same time a reverse phenomenon i s also evident at the street l e v e l perceptive sphere of the i n d i v i d u a l . The dynamic and r e l a t i v e l y t r a n s i t o r y nature of commercial a c t i v i t y , having high mobility and constantly changing accommodation requirements, i s accompanied by a profusion of commercial symbols which has tended to produce a v i s u a l l y i n t r i c a t e and at times v i s u a l l y confusing environment. The public building lends c l a r i t y to t h i s environment by i t s stable physical form. In an environment of constantly changing uses i t may provide an o r i e n t a t i o n a l touchstone not only for the consumer seeking the location of services, but also for producers of services seeking to make th e i r presence known. (It i s not an uncommon advertising device to r e l a t e commercial location to s i g n i f i c a n t features of the urban environment recognized by a l l ) . The E x i s t e n t i a l Level The functional c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Public Adminis-t r a t i v e Building i n the contemporary urban context as an employment and v i s i t o r centre are based upon the fact that i n most c i t i e s i t i s the most stable and consistently expanding human resource centre. - 60 -As an employment centre, the Public Administrative Building may be considered to be one of the largest single employment centres i n urban cores, i t s s i z e having a proportional rela t i o n s h i p to the size of the urban area for which i t i s responsible. (A considerably higher proportion i s naturally evident i n centres of regional, p r o v i n c i a l and national government.) By nature, the employment centre i s r e l a t i v e l y fixed, yet i t i s continuously expanding in population with the expansion of government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . While highly dependant upon human resources for the functioning of i t s bureaucratic hierarchy, i t s demographic character tends towards highly educated professional and c l e r i c a l s t a f f , a high proportion of c l e r i c a l s t a f f being female. As a fixed and expanding employment node, the potential contribution of i t s employees to the v i t a l i t y of the core appears great, as each one spends a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of his or her d a i l y l i f e i n the core. Seeking to u t i l i z e non-working time to personal advantage, they give additional l i f e to r e t a i l , prof-essional and entertainment service establishments, to the extent that i t increasingly conditions the types of r e t a i l and professional services found i n the urban core. As a v i s i t o r destination the public administration building attracts a broad segment of the urban population for purposes ranging from the transaction of business to the monitoring of or p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l e g i s l a t i v e sessions. - 6 1 -The pervasive nature of government regulatory power increases the necessity of business in t e r a c t i o n requiring " i n person" transactions. In addition closer l i a i s o n with private and other public e n t i t i e s make i t a natural meeting place. As i n t e r e s t i n c i v i c a f f a i r s increases with the complexity of urban problems of planning, development and management having s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on a l l c i t i z e n s , City Hall increasingly becomes the focal point for p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n and education, thereby r e i n f o r c i n g i t s role as a s o c i a l centre. The Cognitive Level The ideographic nature of the Public Administrative Building i n the contemporary urban context i s c l e a r l y s p l i t between attachment to the past and o p t i m i s t i c expression of the future. C i t i e s u t i l i z e t h e i r c i v i c buildings i n appropriate form to express t h e i r c i v i c image. H i s t o r i c a l l y t h i s image has been governed by association with s t a b i l i t y through democratic p r i n c i p l e s i m p l i c i t i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l (Jenck, 1 9 7 2 ) . Increasingly, i t i s evident that the contemporary c i v i c ideograph attempts to incorporate a "grass roots" expression of c i v i c democracy, emphasising personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a regional and l o c a l context as well as a universal philosophical context. As a r e s u l t the symbolic language chosen to give ideographic expression to c i v i c values i s one having p a r t i c u l a r l y l o c a l overtones of culture, environment and his t o r y . Finey ( 1 9 4 6 ) has maintained that "sentiment i s one of the strongest community-building forces that any c i t y ban have" ( p . 3 3 1 ) ; i t follows that forms'embodying and expressing l o c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and goals i n c i t e sentiment and - 62 -therefore b u i l d community s p i r i t or pride. At a time when accommodation requirements have out-grown e x i s t i n g structures the problem arises of the resolution of the r o l e , i f any, to be played by an e x i s t i n g structure i n resolving the accommodation requirements. Such resolution i s a function of the structures' a b i l i t y to represent contemporary community f e e l i n g . A community with strong h i s t o r i c a l associations which play a v i t a l role i n present c i t y l i f e may choose to r e t a i n and incorporate the structure to provide h i s t o r i c a l continuity; a community with strong future aspir-ations may choose an e n t i r e l y new form when the time comes that obsolescence necessitates conservation, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or renewal. Whatever the choice, i t w i l l represent contemporary concensus and w i l l therefore be a contemporary symbol of c i v i c values. In review, the contemporary s o c i a l context of the public administrative building i s found i n : 1. Its marked physical contrast to the increasingly homogeneous nature of the urban core , emphasising i t s role as a symbol of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y common to a l l core users; 2. The d i v e r s i t y of i t s role as an a c t i v i t y centre, both as a destination and.subsequently as a point of departure which reinforces the prominence of the urban core and gives added l i f e to i t s a c t i v i t i e s ; and 3. Its continuously v a l i d expression of democratic p r i n c i p l e s accentuated by an expression of c i v i c character of an i n d i v i d u a l and l o c a l l y unique nature based upon l o c a l sentiment. - 63 -In t h i s context i t achieves a degree of sophistication which Banz (1971) maintains i s esse n t i a l to create viable urban form with a strong sense of place. He concludes: "....sense of place i n a p l u r a l i s t i c society must be based on multiple s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n -ships " (p.118) The s p a t i a l relationships u t i l i z e d here, pertaining to man's orientation and a c t i y i t y i n , and communication through the medium of space, strongly indicates that human behaviour on the personal, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l levels i s stimulated i n association with a building, the function of which i s to house the administration of government. Further, i n the contemporary context of the urban core as i t progresses towards the functions of " p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l " society, the Public Administrative Building i s an inherently i n t e g r a l component. CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC BEHAVIOUR AND THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to present economic behaviour, evident i n the p r i n c i p l e s of Urban Land Economics and the practices of Real Estate investment, which stands as a basis for expecting the private sector to respond through investment to the economic environment created by a Public Administrative b u i l d i n g . Wheaton (1964) maintains that: "Metropolitan areas grow and take t h e i r peculiar form as the r e s u l t of decisions to invest by public, private and non-profit agencies of widely varying types and the decisions to move by i n d i v i d u a l s , businesses and others". (p.154). The focus i n t h i s chapter i s upon the behaviour of private agents having a p r o f i t motive with respect to land use i n the urban core. It i s ine v i t a b l e that private investment i n i t i a t i v e i n economic a c t i v i t i e s focus upon an i n t e r e s t i n land, either - 65 -as a goal i n i t s e l f or as a means of accommodating the pursuit of other economic goals. For t h i s reason investment i n Real Estate provides a vehicle through which to indicate the e f f e c t of the public investment decision upon private economic behaviour. The concept of "real estate" i s a l e g a l one pertaining to rights to land and buildings emanating from the i n s t i t u t i o n of "property" (Ring & North, 196 7). The acq u i s i t i o n of rights to possession i s f a c i l i t a t e d through the concept of "ownership" expressed i n terms of "interests"; interests i n r e a l property or r e a l estate may take two basic forms: freehold and lease-hold, the former having rights to possession by vi r t u e of t i t l e , the l a t t e r having contractual rights to possession (Lane, 19 71). In common usage "real estate" denotes a commercial a r t i c l e : land and a l l interests therein (Ring & North, 1967). As an economic good, rea l estate i s dependent upon the i n t r i n s i c natural and economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s governing i t s use to determine i t s value; the possession and use of the economic good i s , further, a function of investment motivation ( R a t c l i f f e , 1961). The following discussion i s intended to show that private investment motivation i s such that a public investment i n land and structures for the accommodation of government can create a variety of investment conditions which w i l l eventually lead to private investment and, therefore, to the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of areas of the urban core. In t h i s way the i n t e g r i t y of the c i t y as a s e l f regulating system which generates i t s own evolution through time" (Forrester, 1971, - 66 -p.29) may be f o s t e r e d w i t h a v a l i d r e q u i r e m e n t i n one s e c t o r a c t i v a t i n g t h e e x i s t i n g , b u t d o r m a n t , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a n o t h e r s e c t o r . As i n v e s t m e n t i n l a n d i s u l t i m a t e l y s i t e - o r i e n t e d , t h e l o c a t i o n a l b a s i s o f l a n d v a l u e becomes t h e b a s i c c r i t e r i o n f o r i n v e s t m e n t m o t i v a t i o n a n d s t r a t e g y . U r b a n l a n d , r e t u r n i n g t o S c h n e i d e r ' s (1968) a p p r o a c h , i s i n a t e l y t i e d t o t h e c o n c e p t o f s p a c e as t h e u r b a n r e s o u r c e : "when c i t i e s t o d a y o c c u p y l a n d , w h a t i s i m p o r t a n t i s n o t t h e l a n d i t s e l f , b u t t h e s p a c e i t a f f o r d s " . ( p . 1 8 3 ) . The t e r m s " u r b a n l a n d " a n d " u r b a n s p a c e " , i n t h i s c o n t e x t , a r e s y n o n y m o u s ; t h e y a r e i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l q u a l i t i e s o f u r b a n a r e a s as o p p o s e d t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l l y t w o - d i m e n s i o n a l n a t u r e o f l a n d o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m a r u r a l h e r i t a g e . E c o n o m i c b e h a v i o u r w i t h r e s p e c t t o u r b a n s p a c e i s a f u n c t i o n o f m o t i v a t i o n a n d s t r a t e g y w i t h i n t h e b o u n d s o f e c o n o m i c p r i n c i p l e s . THE LOCATIONAL BASE OF URBAN LAND VALUE The v a l u e a s c r i b e d t o u r b a n l a n d i s a c o m p l e x f u n c t i o n o f p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c a nd i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n a c o n s t a n t s t a t e o f f l u x t h r o u g h t i m e o r i n u n -c e r t a i n e q u i l i b r i u m a t any one p o i n t i n t i m e . The n a t u r a l p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p r o v i d e t h e i n h e r e n t b a s e o f l a n d v a l u a t i o n : 1) i t s t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l e x i s t e n c e i n s p a c e ; 2) i t s i m m o b i l i t y ; a n d 3) i n d e s t r u c t i b i l i t y ; a n d 4) i t s n o n - h o m o g e n e i t y o r t h e u n i q u e c h a r a c t e r a n d - 67 -r e l a t i o n s h i p o f any one p a r c e l t o e v e r y o t h e r p a r c e l on t h e e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e . ( R i n g & N o r t h , 1 9 6 7 , R a t c l i f f e , 1 9 4 9 ) . T h e s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s t a n d as a " g i v e n " f a c t o r , h a v i n g no i n t r i n s i c v a l u e ; v a l u e , a man-made c o n c e p t , a c c r u e s when l a n d h a s u t i l i t y f o r man's p u r p o s e s . ( R a t c l i f f e , 1 9 6 1 ) . H a v i n g u t i l i t y , c e r t a i n e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s c o m p l i m e n t t h e n a t u r a l o n e s , r e c o g n i z i n g : 1) t h e s c a r c i t y o f l a n d f o r s p e c i f i c u t i l i z a t i o n s ; 2) t h e r e q u i r e m e n t f o r m o d i f i c a t i o n o r " i m p r o v e m e n t " o f t h e n a t u r a l s t a t e ; 3) t h e " f i x i t y " o r r e l a t i v e p e r m a n e n c e o f i n v e s t m e n t i n m o d i f i c a t i o n a n d i m p r o v e m e n t , a nd 4) t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f a p a r c e l o f l a n d t o t h e t o t a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h i t e x i s t s : " S i t u s " ( R i n g & N o r t h , 1 9 6 7 ) . O f t h e e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f l a n d , " S i t u s " o r l o c a t i o n i n s p a c e , i s t h e p r i m e a r b i t e r o f v a l u e . The c o n c e p t may be f u r t h e r d e f i n e d a s : The t o t a l u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h a s p e c i f i c l a n d p a r c e l f u n c t i o n s a n d w i t h w h i c h i t i n t e r a c t s a t a s p e c i f i c t i m e . T o t a l u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t c a n be c o n c e i v e d o f a s i n c l u d i n g t h e e c o n o m i c , t h e s o c i a l a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , t h e p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g a n d d e s i g n o f t h e u r b a n a r e a , a n d t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a c t i o n s o f t h e p o p u l a c e t o t h e s e v a r i a b l e s . " ( A n d r e w s , 1 9 7 1 , p . 3 1 ) . A n d r e w s d i s t i n g u i s h e s t h r e e l e v e l s o f a s s o c i a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a b o v e v a r i a b l e s : 1) A s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e M a c r o - e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e c i t y a n d u r b a n r e g i o n ; 2) A s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h t h e r o u t e a c c e s s e n v i r o n m e n t b e t w e e n t h e s i t e a n d t h e m a c r o - e n v i r o n m e n t . 3) Associations with the micro-environment of the s i t e and i t s immediate neighbourhood. Location decisions for land uses select the s i g n i f i c a n t associations from these three levels which s a t i s f y the environmental needs of the a c t i v i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y f u l f i l l i t s function. The r e s u l t i s a " s i t u s " pattern i n d i c a t i v e of a l l the necessary environmental re l a t i o n s h i p s . At the micro-l e v e l , which i s the ultimate focus of real estate investment, Andrews indicates that the following elements serve as a guide to " s i t u s " value: 1) The use environment based on broad standards of compatability and complementarity of function; 2) The physical environment or the quantity, q u a l i t y and appropriateness of s i t e for a p a r t i c u l a r use. 3) Economic environment or price-cost r e l a t i o n s h i p of the s i t e to the a c t i v i t y i t w i l l perform. 4) Social environment or psychological attachments to neighbourhood. and 5) the i n s t i t u t i o n a l environment or le g a l controls on use. Recognizing that " s i t u s " i s i n fact a dynamic concept, these elements are i n a constant state of flux through time. At the microlevel of the neighbourhood and s p e c i f i c s i t e the q u a l i t i e s of a " s i t u s " are at t h e i r most active l e v e l . The concept of Land Use Succession provides a vehicle with which to describe " s i t u s " v a r i a t i o n through time. "Situs" - 69 -q u a l i t i e s change i n response to neighbourhood t r a n s i t i o n ; the theory of land use succession pertains to the c y c l i c a l nature of neighbourhood and s i t e t r a n s i t i o n . By d e f i n i t i o n "land use succession" refers to "any major change i n the use of an e x i s t i n g urban structure or of a parcel of urban land without a structure" (Andrews, 1971, p.95). Andrews takes the view that the concept should include a l l use changes within a major land use class rather than just the changes between major use classes. This fine grain perspective enables the evaluation of sequential change on a l o c a l i z e d scale and i n terms of neighbourhood influences, as well as c i t y wide influences. Viewed as a process of development from growth to maturity to decline and succession i n i t i a t i n g another cycle, neighbourhood t r a n s i t i o n modifies investment pot e n t i a l within the neighbourhood. At any one point i n time the stage of development may be ascertained and i t s " s i t u s " quality with :~ respect to the macro-environment judged i n terms of investment uses. Uses r e f l e c t the stage of t r a n s i t i o n of the neighbour-hood p r e c i s e l y because investment i s keyed to the evident stage i n t r a n s i t i o n which indicates that certain uses are able to derive a p r o f i t of a certain nature. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of alternate opportunities for investment i n land or other f i e l d s emphasises t h i s point. Neighbourhood t r a n s i t i o n i s q u a l i f i e d by s i t e t r a n s i t i o n s within i t . Site t r a n s i t i o n pertains not only to t r a n s i t i o n of uses of p a r t i c u l a r parcels with t h e i r a f f i x e d - 70 -structures, but also to the a b i l i t y of the structure to perform uses which r e a l i z e p r o f i t . Structures have both a temporal and an economic l i f e which are congruent only to the extent that the relat i o n s h i p between physical maintenance and investment produces p r o f i t . Structure use i s a variable having the a b i l i t y to maintain p r o f i t l e v e l . The implications of structure use as a variable to maintain p r o f i t under conditions of t r a n s i t i o n i s twofold, pertaining to the nature of the i n t e r e s t i n the land and structure. F i r s t , as an economic good or s p a t i a l commodity i n i t s e l f , r e a l estate i s both highly s e n s i t i v e and adaptable under conditions of t r a n s i t i o n to changes i n mode of p r o f i t -r e a l i z a t i o n . Secondly, as a vehicle f a c i l i t a t i n g economic a c t i v i t y i t s users are inherently mobile. (This second point i s v a l i d i n p r i n c i p l e when applied to economic a c t i v i t y which succeeds or f a i l s upon i t s own merit; i n practice, where s o c i a l factors are involved "mobility" may not be taken as a "given" or even desirable f a c t o r ) . The following section elaborates upon the nature of r e a l estate investment, both i n the economic good and i n the use of the economic good under the conditions of neighbourhood and s i t e structure t r a n s i t i o n . REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT BEHAVIOUR: MOTIVATION AND STRATEGY Interests i n rea l estate may take only those forms previously mentioned: freehold and leasehold. Investment i n rea l estate as an economic a c t i v i t y i s based upon t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of interests s i g n i f y i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the investor to the ownership of rights to use and possession i n the present. Investors i n r e a l estate may be distinguished on the basis of t h e i r primary motivation, including: 1) Investor for use 2) Investor for Regular Return 3) Investor for Capital Gain 4) Credit Investor ( R a t c l i f f e 1961, p.104) The equity investors (Nos. 1-3) constitute the prime producers of urban form and structure as they seek to locate t h e i r investments i n a " s i t u s " environment capable of achieving t h e i r economic goals. Investment decisions may vary i n t h e i r approach from the whimsical to the rigorous c a l c u l a t i o n of variables; R a t c l i f f e (1961) outlines the following components which should accompany sound r e a l estate investment decisions. They include analysis of: 1) potential productivity, or the most probable l e v e l and pattern of investment return; 2) business r i s k , or the degree of certainty of the predictions of productivity; 3) f i n a n c i a l r i s k , or r i s k s involving fixed o b l i -gations to f i n a n c i a l backers; 4) the estimation of investment value or determination of the upper l i m i t of the investors' bid for a property, considering estimated productivity and personal judgement. Sound estimation of each of these factors should l o g i c a l l y r e s u l t i n a sound investment e l i c i t i n g the desired type of, and rate of return. - 72 -Return on investment, whether purely monetary (income or c a p i t a l gain) or i n use value, i s the common moti-vating force for acquiring interests i n r e a l estate. The above components are the basis of Wheatons* (1964) investment approach to urban change, of which he states: "the c o n t r o l l i n g c r i t e r i a for these (investment) decisions are market forces or t h e i r absence, professional standards and value judgements" (p.154) Investors for Use Investing for use may be categorized i n terms of the nature of t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the r e a l estate: either freehold or leasehold users. In either case investment strategy i s predicted upon the a b i l i t y of the r e a l estate concerned, either as land or as "improved" s i t e with structure, to provide the appropriate l o c a t i o n a l q u a l i t y , or " s i t u s " , which enables the performance of a c t i v i t i e s dependent upon location for t h e i r successful operation. The a c q u i s i t i o n of i n t e r e s t s i n r e a l estate i s viewed as a cost incurred i n acquiring a suitable location and f a c i l i t y to house other economic a c t i v i t i e s (or s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s ) . Real Estate i s considered here to have a "use" value independent of i t s value as a "commodity". Investors for use having a freehold i n t e r e s t i n r e a l estate d i f f e r from thos having a contractual right to use only to the extent that t h e i r mobility i s impeded by vi r t u e of t h e i r equity when use requirements change and are not able to be s a t i s f i e d by the present f a c i l i t y or l o c a t i o n . - 73 -In as much as " s i t u s " q u a l i t y i s perpetually changing, investors for use seek locations with p o t e n t i a l l y stable or improving " s i t u s " environments; the a c t i v i t y under-taken reaps advantages from i t s stable location i n terms of :•: customer recognition and association. Having equity, the freehold investor for use i s more concerned with the s t a b i l i t y of the neighbourhood than the leasehold user. Return on investment i s measured in terms the "use" value of land which through location enables p r o f i t to be r e a l i z e d through the a c t i v i t y performed. Investors for Regular Return Investors for regular return acquire freehold interests i n rea l estate for the production of regular income in association with investors for use on a leasehold basis. Real estate i n th i s case has a "commodity" value pertaining to the tra n s i t o r y use of space as an economic good. (Investors for regular return may also acquire a leasehold i n t e r e s t which may subsequently be re-leased to produce income). The production of income from space as a commodity i s d i r e c t l y a function of the "use" value modified by the economic-life of the structure on the land. The economic l i f e of a structure i s that productive period within which return on investment surpasses the cost of maintaining the investment ( R a t c l i f f e , 1949). Investors for regular return maintain or support a structure - 74 -to the extent that i t produces a desired regular rate of return; at the point which the structure as o r i g i n a l l y conceieved no longer provides for the achievement of t h i s goal i t s economic l i f e i s over. Economic l i f e may be pro-longed through modification and/or use change where feasi b l e or permitted; the alternative i s demolition and possibly replacement. The investor has these options to the extent that the " s i t u s " q u a l i t y j u s t i f i e s use change or structure replacement. Increasing age and decreasing " s i t u s " q u a l i t y , for example, may combine to make the investment worth less i n i t s present use as a source of income. (The c l a s s i c i l l u s t r a t i o n of the r e s u l t i s the demolition of structures and the subsequent use of the land alone for parking purposes to prolong and maintain income). Under conditions of improving " s i t u s " q u a l i t y , potential for higher returns may lead to improvement or replacement of structures to a t t r a c t users able and w i l l i n g to pay for higher " s i t u s " q u a l i t y . Investments for regular return are r e l a t i v e l y immobile, having high sunk-costs i n freehold committment; however they are adaptable under changing " s i t u s " conditions to the extent that that return on investment may be maintained or increased. For t h i s reason investments for regular return function best during development and maturity phases of land use succession, where l o c a t i o n a l q u a l i t y i s increasing to s t a b i l i z a t i o n . Factors catalyzing development and subsequently maintaining l o c a t i o n a l s t a b i l i t y are cogent factors i n - 75 -determining locations for investments for regular return based upon s p e c i f i c uses. Investors for Capital Gain Derbes (1964) i n describing the function of r e a l property as one of use, development or the production of income, maintains that property not t y p i c a l l y held for present use, development or income i s speculative property. There i s a speculative nature to a l l investments i n r e a l property. However, motivation for present use separates this d i s t i n c t class of property: "Speculative r e a l estate i s the r e a l property which i s normally acquired or held primarily because of the p o t e n t i a l for increased value. Speculative property i s that which i s not immediately ready for a use higher than i t s present use, but which higher u t i l i t y may be reasonably expected i n the future... Circumstances are present which indicate the p o s s i b i l i t y of future use above that of the present 11 (Derbes, 1964, p.218) Investors i n r e a l estate through freehold tenure for c a p i t a l gain are speculative investors; present use and/or regular return on investment i s i n c i d e n t a l to the goal of s i g n i f i c a n t c a p i t a l increase through resale. The " s i t u s " environment of a s i t e i n the process of t r a n s i t i o n favours speculative investment i n the late decline phases of succession in a n ticipation of c y c l i c a l change towards new use. I t i s the dynamic qua l i t y of " s i t u s " that makes speculation possible; furthermore conditions i n d i c a t i v e of swift changes towards - 76 -"s i t u s " improvement ( i . e . of an increasing q u a l i t y d i f f e r e n t i a l between present and future states) i s also i n d i c a t i v e of c a p i t a l gains to be made by investment i n rea l estate. Investment Relationships and Progression Wheaton (1964) has indicated that investment de-cisions with respect to the use of urban space are the arbiters of urban form. These decisions are made with respect to an imperfect r e a l estate market, an imperfect economic market and on the basis of professional standards and subjective value judgements often having p o l i t i c a l over-tones. Thus the investment decision i s i n f i n i t e l y varied i n i t s c r i t e r i a . With respect to the Land Use Succession Cycle a degree of coherence exists with respect to the timing of investment decisions as a product of motivations given that succession occurs under conditions of growth and decay. Investment in rights to re a l property i n the three categories of motivation presented above are accompanies by strategies which correspond to phases of the succession cycle, i n accordance with the a b i l i t y to r e a l i z e p r o f i t i n a desired form through a desired a c t i v i t y at a desired time. Investors for use and regular return are assured p r o f i t r e a l i z a t i o n , to the extent that location can promote i t , during the development and maturity phases of the cycle. A time may e x i s t , when the decline phase i s evident, that - 77 -location no longer becomes aniasset for that p a r t i c u l a r use in t r y i n g to promote the a c t i v i t i e s undertaken. Investors for c a p i t a l gain are reasonably assured of pecuniary gain by investment during the decline phase of the cycle i n an t i c i p a t i o n of a new development phase i n -volving i n t e n s i f i e d use and increasing q u a l i t y and i n the early growth phase anti c i p a t i n g p r o f i t i n the maturity phase. Having a future time horizon, investors for c a p i t a l gain may ride out a period of depressed land value to make s i g n i f i c a n t c a p i t a l gains i n the new cycle. T y p i c a l l y , t h i s type of investment i s made i n the l a t e s t possible period of the declien phase to gain the highest d i f f e r e n t i a l return of p r o f i t over o r i g i n a l outlay. The effects of these decisions during cycle phases i s evident not only upon the r e s u l t i n g urban form, but also upon urban a c t i v i t y . Investors for use and for regular return, having a prime inter e s t i n the performance of present a c t i v i t i e s to gain investment return-inherently foster urban a c t i v i t y by t h e i r decisions to b u i l d or use b u i l t space; i n doing so they take into account both s o c i a l and economic behaviour of the urban dweller to the extent that that behaviour conditions the achievement of t h e i r investment goal. Their investment i n real property i s an adjunct to the performance of a service; therefore location and i t s q u a l i t y i n r e l a t i o n to the market for the service becomes a c r i t i c a l factor i n investment i n the present. - 78 -Investors for c a p i t a l gain, having a speculative i n t e r e s t in r e a l property for i t s a b i l i t y to f a c i l i t a t e future a c t i v i t i e s i n h i b i t urban form and a c t i v i t i e s . This phenomena i s most evident at the urban fringe where the succession cycle offers considerable p o t e n t i a l appreciation of land value as i t changes from extensive a g r i c u l t u r a l use, to intensive urban use. Speculation on the urban fringe accounts for the i r r e g u l a r i t y of the urban-rural interface as speculators acquire and withhold land from the market to i n f l a t e value. Here speculation creates i d l e land i n an t i c i p a t i o n of future p r o f i t . The increasing value makes i t too costly for any but urban uses, but demand for urban uses has not yet become strong enough to provide the return on investment desired. While not as overt as at the urban-rural fringe, speculation i s a strong component of inner-^-city change. Inner-c i t y speculation i s a complex process i n comparison with that of the urban fringe where land f i r s t enters the urban cycle and becomes subject to complex urban market forces and regulations. Speculation in the urban core involves real estate i n t r a n s i t i o n , already well on i t s way to changing i n character. The succession cycle i t s e l f i s i n h i b i t e d by non-market forces which control t r a n s i t i o n . Zoning and building regulations p a r t i c u l a r l y make speculation not just a passive form of investment, but an active one predicated by achieving r e v i s i o n of regulations to i n i t i a t e a new growth cycle through the a r t i f i c i a l creastion of value afforded by - 79 -zoning. (The issues attendant upon zoning changes are not to be discussed here, however, they constitute a planning problem which has i t s basic o r i g i n i n speculation). In review, investment i n rights to r e a l property may be considered to occur at recognized stages i n the succession cycle. With respect to investment in the urban core under conditions of t r a n s i t i o n , which i s the subject of the following sections, investments occur i n l o g i c a l order from Speculative to Use and Regular return. Speculative investment, where i t occurs, precedes other investments an t i c i p a t i n g that they, investments for use and for regular return, w i l l follow l o g i c a l l y i f conditions i n i t i a l l y e x i s t for speculative investment. The following section indicates the nature of t h i s progression. THE CORE AND REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT The urban core under the current conditions of land use succession, i n d i c a t i v e of i t s changing function, w i l l now be considered i n i t s - r e l a t i o n to the three basic motivations for investment i n urban r e a l estate. Speculative Investment As the recognized trend i n the process of change i n the core involves not only a change i n function but also an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n i n use, the conditions for speculative investment are generally ripe . A n t i c i p a t i n g that the new functional needs may not be s a t i s f i e d by e x i s t i n g structures because of age, s i z e , and amenity, and recognizing that i n s t i t u t i o n a l c r i t e r i a for control of land use i s evolving i n accordance with the recognition of a higher and better use which expands potential developer options (an example being the recent uses of contract"zoning), speculative investment i n committed improvements ( i . e . e x i s t i n g improvements which economically frustrate a higher use at the present time. (Derbes, p.222) may occur i n anticipation of future re-merchandising of the property i n either smaller of larger parts. Derbes (1964) describes this c h a r a c t e r i s t i c : "the accumulation of small l o t s or properties on the fringe of the downtown d i s t r i c t may be lumped together into a more at t r a c t i v e spec-ulative property. The revenue from most old buildings i n downtown speculative areas i s usually not a t t r a c t i v e enough or without a long enough expected l i f e , to warrant t h e i r current market value. Recognizing the probable ex-pansion of the business d i s t r i c t , t y p i c a l purchasers accumulate such properties and pay prices above those which are warranted by the current economic returns...." (Derbes, 1964 p.220) In this way, speculation pre-conditions the re-use of urbanized land p r i o r to the resolution of c o n f l i c t i n g use-controls where they e x i s t and would frustrate a higher use. (Speculative investment i n urban redevelopment i s considered to have been carried to i t s ultimate l e v e l by the actual ac q u i s i t i o n of use-control changes when possible p r i o r to re-merchandizing. It i s the source of considerable planning controversy.) (Campbell 1966). - 81 -Speculative investment i n the urban core i s predicated upon recognition of market influences, s p a t i a l or aspatial which w i l l eventually a t t r a c t investors for use and regular return. Income Investment Income investment i n r e a l estate i n the urban core i s subject to pressure from two dire c t i o n s . F i r s t , the nature of the market for space in the core i s undergoing a change corresponding to the emergingrfunction of the core as a service centre based upon o f f i c e use and complimentary specialized r e t a i l and professional services, rendering obsolete e x i s t i n g space. Second, the demand for space under conditions of high land value emanating from both limited desirable supply and speculative investment, requires i n t e n s i f i e d use to r e a l i z e economies of the scale able to produce desired income-return on investment. As a r e s u l t , new construction i s undertaken u t i l i z i n g a minute portion of C.B.D. re a l estate, absorbing the immediate market and adversely a f f e c t i n g older c a p i t a l i n the core unable to make adjustments i n an already absorbed market. Wingo (1963) indicates that t h i s process accelerates decay i n the core, decismating tremendous- book-values. Use Investment The increasing s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and expansion of the - 82 -urban core creates new markets for new use-investments and renders obsolete or unprofitable other investments for use. The succession cycle, viewed i n the fine grain perspective suggested by Andrews (1971), r e f l e c t s both metropolitan decentralization and core s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , expansion and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of use. Investors for use increasingly turn to leasehold tenure on two accounts. F i r s t l y the high cost of C.B.D. land, and concomitantly, b u i l d i n g construction, necessitates the large scale economics mentioned above pertaining to income-investment i n rea l estate. Secondly, mobilityand adaptability to changing needs i s f a c i l i t a t e d more e a s i l y when equity i n r e a l estate i s not involved. Being less t i e d to location by necessity, l o c a t i o n a l amenity becomes an increasing important factor i n investment for use. The core offers the most diverse l o c a t i o n a l amenity for meeting the demand for urban location having increasibgly greater dependence upon the environmental component of " s i t u s " . INVESTMENT BEHAVIOUR & THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING Investment behaviour has been presented as a function of motivation and strategy, having p a r t i c u l a r application to the circumstances of the urban core in t r a n s i t i o n . The Public Administrative Building as an urban a r t e f a c t i s the r e s u l t of an investment f o r use by Government. As such i t may be considered purely as an element of urban form, a - 8 3 -product of an independant investment. However, i t s inherent s o c i a l and economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s previously presented indicate that i t i s a generator of urban a c t i v i t y and a conditioning agent i n the urban environment; as such i t generates urban form through investment decisions in the private sector seeking markets and l o c a t i o n a l en-vironments suitable to the r e a l i z a t i o n of investment p r o f i t . These private sector decisions may be related to the Public Administrative Building i n terms of investment motivation. Investment for Capital Gain The economics of construction of Public Buildings, with t h e i r high material cost, and concomitant requirement for long term use by comparison with construction and marketability i n the private sectors establishes the p r o b a b i l i t y of a stable environment for investors for use and for regular return i n the immediate future, with prospects for a long phase of maturity. Depending upon the character of the neighbourhood at the time of the public decision ( i . e . i t s stage i n the succession cycle) speculative p o t e n t i a l may be recognized and the advantage taken. Investment for Use and for Regular Return The stable investment environment created by the Public Administrative Building i s complimented by the diverse l o c a t i o n a l q u a l i t y also created. A c t i v i t i e s both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y related to - 84 -the functions performed by the Building f i n d l o c a t i o n a l advantage i n the environment created, fostering investments for Use and for Regular Return. These investment opportunities are inately t i e d to the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s previously outlined, recognizing that proximity to the Public Building as an urban landmark and node, as an a c t i v i t y centre, and as a recognized symbol of c i v i c prestige, provides s i g n i f i c a n t advantages to the r e a l i z a t i o n of investment p r o f i t f or certain types of investment a c t i v i t i e s which complement the s o c i a l functions of the Building. The Contemporaty Economic Context The segregative approach to the Public Building i n the urban core presented previously in the context of s o c i a l behaviour had i t s o r i g i n i n a b a s i c a l l y economic viewpoint which had broad s o c i a l implications, impeding human i n t e r a t i o n . The economic j u s t i f i c a t i o n for such separation was based upon the assumption that physical continuity of commercial uses and services was es s e n t i a l for economic v i a b i l i t y . With respect to the potential interference of public land uses upon the investment opportunities i n the urban core, Burns (1963) sums up the segregative view of role of the Public Building by stat i n g : "In a c u l t u r a l or c i v i c b u i l d i n g area ... one i s not concerned with progressively building-up any special pedestrian or vehicular flow pattern, or with creating new land value." (p.104 - 105) Such a viewpoint i s the antitheses of the concept of compre-- 85 -hensive planning; i t eschews the basic r e a l i t i e s of private i n i t i a t i v e which constitute the greater proportion of urban development action; i t ignores the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of public buildings as they e x i s t as generators of urban a c t i v i t y ; and further, i t avoids the opportunity to achieve what R a t c l i f f e (1971) maintains are the two most important ends of urban land p o l i c y : " (1) to estab l i s h conditions conducive to land use cooperation and controlled competition, and (2) to estab l i s h a temporary or dynamic equilibrium between these co-operative and competitive states." (p.6) Competition for land use i s predicated upon the existence of poten t i a l investment p r o f i t ; cooperation implies maintaining or fostering situations conducive to competition for reasonable investment p r o f i t . Pedestrian flow patterns and land values constitute two basic economic components governing investment i n urban space. With respect to the a b i l i t y of the Public Administration to foster these requirements, Wendt (1961) i n analysing the economic character of the City of Oakland, C a l i f o r n i a , drew the conclusion that: "the location of the C i v i c Centre completely outside the C.B.D. contributed to the scattering of employment and to the decline in foot t r a f f i c i n downtown" (p.49) Implicit i n this statement i s the fact that economic a c t i v i t y generated by C i v i c Centre employees and v i s i t o r s as pedestrian t r a f f i c i n the C.B.D. contributes to the economic - 86 -v i a b i l i t y of the urban core, and concomitantly to i t s investment p o t e n t i a l . In as much as the Public Building i s capable of s t a b i l i z i n g the investment environment for investments for Use and for Regular Return which constitute the a c t i v i t y generating investments i n the present, the creation of new land value i s a function of the location decision. The degree to which i t fosters speculative investment may be j u s t i f i e d by the subsequent Use and Income Investments. In the context of the changing nature of the urban core, a necessary public investment i n land and structure(s) to house Government Administration has the a b i l i t y to play a role i n determining the form and environmental q u a l i t y of the core. This role i s based upon i t s i n t r i n s i c s o c i a l and economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as they condition investment moti-vation; i n e f f e c t the role i s one of fostering investments for Use and Income, recognizing the existence of speculative investment and i t s attachment to future use to provide c a p i t a l gain. - 87 -P A R T 2 A N E M P I R I C A L S T U D Y - 8 7 a -CHAPTER 5 GITY HALL AND CENTENNIAL SQUARE, VICTORIA, B.C. The Central Business D i s t r i c t of the City of V i c t o r i a contains four public "precincts", defined by public buildings which stand as t h e i r major focus. These precincts, i n various stages of development,- have degrees of special status within the c i t y by virtu e of agreement and law. The precincts include: 1. The L e g i s l a t i v e Precinct, evolving about the Pr o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t i v e Building with i t s a n c i l l i a r y o f f i c e structures and the P r o v i n c i a l Museum and Archives. 2) The "Cathedral H i l l " Precinct containing Pioneer Square and a c o l l e c t i o n of public and quasi-public buildings (the P r o v i n c i a l Courthouse and Land Registry, the YM-YWCA, and the Anglican Cathedral). - 88 -3. B a s t i o n S q u a r e , h i s t o r i c a l l y t h e s i t e o f F o r t V i c t o r i a , s u b s e q u e n t l y t h e s i t e o f t h e P r o v i n c i a l C o u r t h o u s e , w h i c h s t r u c t u r e o n c e s e r v e d as C i t y H a l l and p r e s e n t l y s e r v e s as t h e M a r i t i m e Museum. Use o f t h e o l d c o u r t h o u s e as i n t e r i m C i t y H a l l f r o m 1962 t o 1964 f o s t e r e d r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f t h e S q u a r e i n 1965-66. 4. C e n t e n n i a l S q u a r e , t h e l o n g - s t a n d i n g s i t e o f C i t y H a l l a n d t h e p u b l i c m a r k e t , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e s q u a r e r e c e i v e d i t s i m p e t u s f r o m t h e d e c i s i o n t o r e s t o r e C i t y H a l l t o f u n c t i o n a l u s e as p a r t o f a C e n t e n n i a l p r o j e c t i n 1972. E a c h p r e c i n c t e x i s t s as t h e r e s u l t o f a d e t e r m i n e d a t t e m p t t o r e t a i n and e m p h a s i z e d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e c i t y . F o r t h e p u r p o s e o f t h i s t h e s i s , one e x a m p l e , t h a t o f C i t y H a l l a n d C e n t e n n i a l S q u a r e C i v i c P r e c i n c t , i s e x a m i n e d i n t e r m s o f i t s e f f e c t upon i t s i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o u r -h o o d a nd t h e C e n t r a l B u s i n e s s D i s t r i c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h r e s p e c t t o p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c r e v i t a l i z a t i o n i n t h a t s e c t i o n o f t h e c i t y c o r e . BACKGROUND: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES S i t e S e l e c t i o n A t t h e t i m e o f i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n i n 1 8 9 1 , t h e V i c t o r i a C i t y H a l l was i n t e n d e d t o b e t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t r e f o r a c i t y o f 14,000 i n h a b i t a n t s . By t h e 1 9 5 0 ' s , w i t h a c i t y p o p u l a t i o n o f o v e r 5 0 , 0 0 0 , t h e a c c o m m o d a t i o n - 89 -provided by the building was no longer adequate. One major addition in 1951 and numerous i n t e r n a l modifications and alterations were not able to s a t i s f y growing needs. (Times, 1962). Requirements became such that some depart-ments were provided with accommodation outside City H a l l . In response to th i s recognized need, s i t e s were proposed from time to time throughout the 1950's and early 19 60's. In conjunction with the Municipality of Saanich, s i t e s were analysed for a j o i n t venture; no fewer than nine downtown s i t e s and nineteen suburban locations were examined by the Capital Region Planning Board (1957). While consideration of a j o i n t venture lapsed, one s i t e , that within the Cathedral H i l l Precinct was recommended by the Board as a suitable location for a new City H a l l to form part of a c i v i c centre as a j o i n t project of the Province and the c i t y (Capital Region Planning Board 1957). Recognizing not only the expense of a new structure, but also the time factor involved i n constructing a new building, more immediate alternatives were examined including proposals by private developers to b u i l d suitable accommodation for long-term leasehold. In addition, the p o s s i b i l i t y that the nearby B.C. Hydro building could be acquired presented another a l t e r n a t i v e , an alternative which subsequently waned when i t s u t i l i t y and a c q u i s i t i o n costs were more f u l l y examined. Throughout the search for alternate s i t e s , the present s i t e had received only passing attendion. However, - 90 -C o u n c i l became aware o f t h e p o t e n t i a l o f t h e e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g on a number o f l e v e l s . I n 1 9 6 1 , C i t y H a l l was r e p a i n t e d u n d e r t h e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e n e w l y f o r m e d U r b a n R e n e w a l C o m m i t t e e . " I t was d e s i g n e d t o a d d a t o u c h o f c o l o u r t o t h e o t h e r w i s e d r a b downtown s c e n e , a n d e n c o u r a g e b u s i n e s s m e n i n t h e a r e a t o do t h e same" ( S t r e e t , 1 9 6 2 ) . R e s p o n s e i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e r e was a w i d e s p r e a d a t t a c h m e n t t o t h e b u i l d i n g , w h i c h t h e p a i n t i n g h a d i n c r e a s e d . The i n a u g u r a t i o n o f a new m a y o r , who h a d an i n c l i n a t i o n f o r h i s t o r i c r e s t o r a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n a s u r v e y o f t h e b u i l d i n g p r o v i n g i t t o be b a s i c a l l y s o u n d and c o u l d be r e n o v a t e d and e x p a n d e d t o meet p r o j e c t e d n e e d s a t l e s s c o s t t h a n c o n s t r u c t i n g a new b u i l d i n g . A p r o p o s a l was p u t b e f o r e C o u n c i l t o r e s t o r e a n d e x p a n d t h e e x i s t i n g C i t y H a l l a s t h e f o c u s o f a new C i v i c C e n t r e . The a p p r o v a l o f C o u n c i l was u n a n i m o u s l y g i v e n a n d r a t e - p a y e r a p p r o v a l s o u g h t and r e c e i v e d i n D ecember, 196 2 , by 75% o f v o t e r s . The f e a s i b i l i t y o f t h e p r o j e c t was u n d e r s c o r e d b y t h e h i g h i n c i d e n c e o f p u b l i c a l l y owned p r o p e r t y i n v o l v e d (2 1/2 o f t h e 3 1/2 a c r e s i t e ) , i n c l u d i n g e x i s t i n g r o a d w a y s n o t c o n s i d e r e d e s s e n t i a l as t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s . F u r t h e r , t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s i g n i f i c a n t f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t i n f o r m o f a b e q u e s t o f two l a r g e sums o f money f r o m t h e e s t a t e o f Mr. T.S. M c P h e r s o n ( t o be e x p e n d e d , u n d e r t h e t e r m s o f h i s w i l l , on " c i v i c e n d e a v o u r s i n t h e g r e a t e r p u b l i c i n t e r e s t " ( C r i s p , 1972) , i n s u r e d f i n a n c i a l f e a s i b i l i t y . F u r t h e r i m p e t u s t o t h e p r o j e c t was r e c e i v e d f r o m t h e M c P h e r s o n e s t a t e b y t h e d o n a t i o n t o t h e C i t y o f t h e P a n t a g e s T h e a t r e , s t r a t e g i c a l l y - 91 -located adjacent to City H a l l . I n i t i a t e d in 1962, the entire project was v i r t u a l l y complete within three years. The R e v i t a l i z a t i o n Goal Throughout the process of s i t e s e l e c t i o n over the years the p r i v i s i o n of accommodation for c i v i c government appears to have been the prime concern. However, the decisions, when made, incorporated two additional goals. The f i r s t , and the goal which o r i g i n a l l y fostered the decision, was the provision of a suitable symbol which would be: "a source of regional pride to the c a p i t a l c i t y of B.C. and a worthy permanent memorial of the 100th anniversary of ... (its) incorporation" (Toone, 1962) - a goal which recognized the public attachment to the e x i s t i n g building, The second was r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the adjacent core area i n the firm b e l i e f that the c i v i c investment would touch o f f a chain reaction of property improvements i n an area where environmental quality and economic v i t a l i t y had noticably declined. Finance Committee Chairman Dowell capsulized Council's unanimous b e l i e f i n s t a t i n g : "We are now at the era of c i v i c redevelopment and expansion and the question i s no longer whether we should improve, but how" (Times, 1962). The decision was intended as an improvement device by se t t i n g an example of high standard i n public investment, an investment which would activate public'imagination and renew i n t e r e s t i n the c i t y core. - 92 -As Council's chosen device to foster r e v i t a l -i z a t i o n , the concept of Centennial Square was based upon public and quasi-public f a c i t i l i t e s which would draw people to the square i n p a r t i c u l a r , and to the core i n general. By including a c i v i c parking garage, public safety centre, senior c i t i z e n s a c t i v i t y centre, a c i v i c theatre, restaurance and shops a l l focused upon a public open space domination by a c i v i c landmark, the c i t y aimed at a broad Regional cross-section of poten t i a l core users. In addition, the rapidly expanding t o u r i s t industry, estimated at over a m i l l i o n v i s i t o r s i n 1962, would fi n d the City H a l l and Square a major a t t r a c t i o n , giving further impetus to i t s r e v i t a l -i z a t i o n . NEIGHBOURHOOD HISTORY The Neighbourhood Defined The neighbourhood defined by Centennial Square i s , for the purpose-of th i s study, taken to be that area immediately adjacent to the square consisting of the 10 c i t y blocks which en c i r c l e i t . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s that part of the above 10 blocks area which d i r e c t l y abuts the perimeter of the Square. An ar b i t r a r y boundary to the neighbourhood has been indicated upon the accompanying plan (Figure 2) upon the assumption that the most overt and therefore measurable ef f e c t s of the development w i l l be f e l t within t h i s area. (Clearly d i s c e r n i b l e e f f e c t s occurring outside this boundary are noted where feasible.) I n > H C O •< X 03 o c 33 I o o D i t _ l L c m i m 30 35 - £6r - BLANCHARD STREET - 94 -G r o w t h a n d De c a y The l o c a l i s m o f t h e s t u d y a r e a w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e C e n t r a l B u s i n e s s D i s t r i c t i s shown b y F i g u r e 3. F o u r e l e m e n t s h a v e c o n t i n u o u s l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e s t u d y a r e a i n i t s r e l a t i o n t o t h e C.D.B: C h i n a t o w n , t h e H u d s o n ' s B a y D e p a r t m e n t S t o r e , t h e P u b l i c M a r k e t , and C i t y H a l l . H i s t o r i c a l l y , e a c h h a s p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n t h e e x p a n s i o n l i m i t a t i o n a n d a c t i v i t y o f t h e C.B.D. U l t i m a t e l y t h e y c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e r e l a t i v e l y c o m p a c t n a t u r e o f t h e c o r e b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h o t h e r C a n a d i a n C i t i e s ( C a p i t a l R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g B o a r d 1 9 6 5 ) . They a l s o w e r e s t r o n g f a c t o r s i n t h e p r o c e s s o f d e c a y . C h i n a t o w n C h i n a t o w n i n i t s p r e s e n t f o r m , i s v i r t u a l l y c o n -t a i n e d - w i t h i n t h r e e o f t h e 10 b l o c k s . I t s u n i q u e e t h n i c r e s i d e n t i a l and c o m m e r c i a l c h a r a c t e r c r e a t e d a t t h e same t i m e a u n i q u e a c t i v i t y n u c l e u s and a b a r r i e r t o t h e e x p a n s i o n o f c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . D u r i n g V i c t o r i a ' s p e r i o d o f f a s t e x p a n s i o n a r o u n d 1 9 1 0 , C h i n a t o w n was a t i t s p e a k o f p r o s p e r i t y a n d i t f o r m e d t a v i t a l p a r t o f c o r e a c t i v i t y . A l t h o u g h c u l t u r a l l y s e g r e g a t e d and s e l f - c o n t a i n e d , i t was n o t e c o n o m i c a l l y i s o l a t e d ( L a i , 1 9 7 3 ) . The d e c l i n e o f C h i n a t o w n may be a t t r i b u t e d t o many f a c t o r s o u t s i d e t h e scope»of t h i s d i s -c u s s i o n ; h o w e v e r , a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o O c c i d e n t a l s o c i e t y may be c o n s i d e r e d t h e c h i e f f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e c o n t r a c t i o n - 95 -jU I I L _ J L J L _ J U L _ J I 11 11 O h of Chinatown to a small nucleus of r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial a c t i v i t y on Fisgard Street. Contraction of the community l e f t behind considerable d e r e l i c t space. The 1961 Capital Regional D i s t r i c t "Urban Renewal Study" indicated that there was "approximately 45,000 square feet of d e r e l i c t space i n Chinatown, or about forty-four percent of the t o t a l d e r e l i c t space i n downtown V i c t o r i a " (Lai, 1973). The Public Market The Public Market, u n t i l i t s demise, occupied land now i n the centre of Centennial Square. I t formed a v i t a l l i n k between the urban and r u r a l components of the region as the fresh produce centre for the c i t y from the 1930's to the early 1950's. I t was a popular and necessary commercial establishment at a time when C.D.B. functions were a l l - i n c l u s i v e . The changing regional context of the C.D.B. affected the v i a b i l i t y of the Public Market, also contributing to the decline of Chinatown since an inherent link existed between market gardens and the Chinese community. Suburban-i z a t i o n , with the appearance of the suburban supermarket haVing the capacity for volume buying and r e t a i l decentralization, was the prime reason for the decline of the Public Market. Physical d i s r e p a i r followed; the market's demise was given further impetus by the demand for parking i n the - 97 -n e i g h b o u r h o o d , I t was u s e d t o h o u s e c i t y - o w n e d v e h i c l e s , u n t i l , a l o n g w i t h t h e a d j a c e n t F i r e H a l l , i t was d e m o l i s h e d f o r p u b l i c p a r k i n g u n d e r t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f t h e C i t y E n g i n e e r i n g D e p a r t m e n t (195 8) i n an a t t e m p t t o c o m p e n s a t e f o r one o f t h e p r i m e f a c t o r s i m p e d i n g C.D.B. v i t a l i t y -l a c k o f p a r k i n g . The H u d s o n ' s B a y D e p a r t m e n t S t o r e The H u d s o n ' s Bay D e p a r t m e n t S t o r e d e f i n e s t h e n o r t h -e a s t c o r n e r o f t h e s t u d y a r e a , a n d t h e n o r t h - e a s t e r n e x t r e m i t y o f t h e C.B.D. From t h e t i m e o f i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n (1913) i t has m a r k e d t h e l i m i t o f n o r t h w a r d p e d e s t r i a n a c t i v i t y . A t t h e t i m e o f i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n , i t was c o n s i d e r e d t o be " t o o f a r o u t o f town" i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e o f a c t i v i t y ( H e l m e c k e n 1972).,. and i n f a c t , s t o o d empty f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s a f t e r i t s c o m p l e t i o n . H o w e v e r , i t f o s t e r e d a p r o c e s s o f i n -f i l l i n g a l o n g t h e e a s t - s i d e o f D o u g l a s S t r e e t , r e s u l t i n g i n c o m m e r c i a l c o n t i n u i t y . I t s e x i s t e n c e as a n o r t h e r n a n c h o r o f t h e C.B.D. m a i n t a i n e d t h e e c o n o m i c v i a b i l i t y o f c o m m e r c i a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t s f r o n t i n g upon D o u g l a s S t r e e t w h i l e t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e S t u d y a r e a e x p e r i e n c e d e c o n o m i c d e c l i n e . H o w e v e r , d e s p i t e e c o n o m i c v i a b i l i t y , t h e p h y s i c a l q u a l i t y o f t h i s s e c t i o n o f D o u g l a s S t r e e t d e c l i n e d w i t h t h e r e s t o f t h e s t u d y a r e a . T h i s was due t o a g e n e r a l l a c k o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n c e r n a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e u n c e r t a i n f u t u r e o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d d u r i n g i t s p e r i o d o f d e c l i n e . C i t y H a l l F rom i t s i n c e p t i o n i n 1 8 9 1 , " t h e r e i s no d o u b t t h a t - 98 -i t s l o c a t i o n h a d a s t r o n g i n f l u e n c e on t h e d i r e c t i o n o f g r o w t h downtown" ( C l a c k , 1 9 6 2 ) . H o w e v e r , i t s p r e v i o u s l y i n d i c a t e d f u n c t i o n a l o b s o l e s c e n c e s , a c c o m p a n i e d by t h e i m m i n e n t p r o s p e c t o f a new l o c a t i o n , d i d n o t e n a b l e i t t o r e v e r s e o r i mpede e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e c l i n e i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d a s f u n c t i o n a l c h a n g e i n t h e c o r e p r o g r e s s e d . R a t h e r , by e x a m p l e , i t c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e d e c l i n e as l i t t l e was done t o e n h a n c e i t s e x t e r i o r a p p e a r a n c e b e y o n d b a s i c m a i n t a i n a n c e u n t i l 19 6 1 . As a p r i m e s o u r c e o f p a r k i n g demand i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , C i t y H a l l f u r t h e r e n c o u r a g e d t h e s p r e a d o f d e m o l i t i o n f o r p a r k i n g s p a c e . By 19 6 1 , t h e n e e d f o r u r b a n r e n e w a l p o l i c y a nd a c t i o n was p u b l i c a l l y r e c o g n i z e d . The C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o r a d , upon C i t y r e q u e s t , u n d e r t o o k e x t e n s i v e s u r v e y s o f e c o n o m i c and e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y o f t h e c i t y . The w e s t e r n p o r t i o n o f t h e s t u d y a r e a , c o n t a i n i n g C h i n a t o w n , e x h i b i t e d a l l t h e c r i t e r i a c o n s t i t u t i n g b l i g h t as d e f i n e d b y t h e B o a r d , i n d i c a t i n g a n e e d f o r r e n e w a l a c t i o n s . The e a s t e r n p o r t i o n w i t h i t s c o m m e r c i a l c o n t i n u i t y s u p p o r t e d by t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay Company's p r e s e n c e e x h i b i t e d l e s s b l i g h t t h a n t h e w e s t e r n s e c t o r . H o w e v e r , s t r u c t u r e a g e , and t h e l o n g e s t a b l i s h e d n a t u r e o f some o f t h e c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t i e s c o n t r i b u t e d t o a g e n e r a l l y u n k e m p t e d p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t . (The u r b a n r e n e w a l r e p o r t u n d e r s c o r e d t h e a c t u a l a nd p o t e n t i a l p h y s i c a l d e c a y when i t i n d i c a t e d t h a t a l l b u t t h r e e s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n t h e s t u d y a r e a w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d p r i o r t o 1 9 4 1 , a n d t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e s e p r e d a t e d 1 9 1 7 ) . I n s u c h an e n v i r o n m e n t - 99 -i t was reasonable to expect that a major public undertaking would have s i g n i f i c a n t impact upon the neighbourhood. Impact Documentation: Description The documentation of the impact of City H a l l and Centennial Square on the neighbourhood, considered i n terms of behaviourial change, proceeds upon two l e v e l s : s o c i a l and economic. Social and economic behaviour have been treated separately i n Chapters 2 and 3; t h e i r separation here i s also made for p a r a l l e l reference. However, s o c i a l and economic behaviour, when focussed upon one phenomenon, are inherently related and, are at times, v i r t u a l l y inseparable. The following evaluation w i l l r e f l e c t t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Economic Behaviour Documentation of changes i n economic behaviour i s presented through three evident phenomena which r e f l e c t economic motivation with respect to the use and ownership of re a l estate. These factors are: 1) changes i n property ownership; 2) changes i n the quality of the physical environ-mental; and 3) changes i n land and structure use. These three c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s give f i r s t hand evidence of change within the study area; i n addition, they r e f l e c t the o r i g i n of such change since they pertain d i r e c t l y to the economic motivation of the investor. Property Ownership Transfer Chapter 3 has indicated the existence of r e a l estate - 100 -investment a c t i v i t y corresponding i n general terms with phases i n the Land Use Succession Cycle. Property transfer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the frequency and volume of property transfer, i s considered by Andrews (1971) to be a c r i t i c a l i ndicator of the decline and succession phases of the cycle. Ring (19 70) reinforces this b e l i e f when he states that: "Excessive property sales, no matter how v a l i d the reason, create a f e e l i n g of investment insecurity., as a climate of speculation, r e s u l t i n g i n distorted market prices that r e f l e c t a transit o r y time-position along the ever-moving r e a l estate business cycle" (p.87) The obvious decline of the study neighbourhood and the i n i t i a t i o n of a succession phase by public action should be r e f l e c t e d i n property transfer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . A l l registered transactions within the study area were recorded between the years 1945 and 1972; thereby encompassing the major period of neighbourhood decline p r i o r to the introduction of the new public investment and permitting examination of the subsequent trend i n property transfer as i t has so far emerged i n the succeeding ten year period. (Figures 4, 5 and 6 indicate properties transferred.) Two ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s emerged when property transfers were examined within the study area: 1) Property transfer accelerated during the 10 year period p r i o r to the development of the square and has so far remained at the same l e v e l of P R O P E R T Y T R A N S F E R 1945 - 5 0 P R O P E R T Y T R A N S F E R 1 9 5 1 - 6 1 F I G U R E 6 P R O P E R T Y T R A N S F E R 1962 -72 - 104 -a c t i v i t y i n the corresponding 10 year period subsequent to the development. Property transfer p r i o r to 1945 was infrequent enough to warrant i t s exclusion from considerations here. During the 1945 - 1950 period, 20 of the 81 properties in the neighbourhood were transferred; 44 neighbourhood properties were transferred between 1951 and 1961. Subsequent to the introduction of the Square 45, properties were transferred between 1962 and 1972. 2) P r i o r to the introduction of the Square only one s i g n i f i c a n t instance of land assembly i s evident. This, i n the block bounded by Douglas, Government, Blanshard and Pandora Streets, took place for the most part outside the study area, with only a small segment of the assembly involving neighbourhood property. Subsequent to the introduction of the Square, land assembly projects within the study area have taken place, as indicated by Figure 7. These instances constitute examples c l e a r l y evident through t i t l e r e g i s t r a t i o n procedures. Other instances may e x i s t where t i t l e i s vested i n seemingly d i s -sociated e n t i t i e s . Transfers of contiguous l o t s shown on the 1962 - 1972 property transfer map (Figure 6) may constitute assembly projects. Thus, speculative land assembly described previously by Derbes (1964) i s evident and may be ascribed to the introduction of the Square into the neighbourhood environment. In terms of economic behaviour t h i s speculative action i s i n d i c a t i v e of the conviction i n the private sector that the neighbourhood has an increasing economic p o t e n t i a l . The - 106 -short duration since the introduction of the Square has so far not produced re-sale of land assembly projects within the neighbourhood. An estimated increase in land value accruing to properties within the study area i s between 75% and 250% depending upon the location as a r e s u l t of private investment (Toone, 1965). A d i r e c t comparison of land value increases in other sections of the c i t y was unavailable; however, the i n -creases i n the study area were considered to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater than those generally accruing throughout the C.B.D. Physical Environmental Quality Change i n the physical environment (building facade & s t r u c t u r a l improvement and modification, and landscaping) provide the most overt indications of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n induced by the Square. The immediate ca t a l y s t to facade improvement was the repainting of City H a l l , p r i o r to the construction of the Square, to emphasise and highlight i t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s . I t thus became the prototype example for the c i v i c "paint-up" campaign which emerged i n 1964 a f t e r i n i t i a l reaction to the improved appearance of City H a l l had been noted i n the neighbourhood. Thus City H a l l set the pace for the paint-up campaign objective which was: "to c a p i t a l i z e on the e x i s t i n g a r c h i t e c t u r a l or h i s t o r i c a l character of ... downtown buildings as a foundation for conservation and b e a u t i f i c a t i o n . " ( V i c t o r i a , 1966) . The Central Business D i s t r i c t was divided - 107 -into f i v e areas for purposes, of fostering private paint-up i n i t i a t i v e . Of these f i v e zones, the one containing City H a l l and Centennial Square required the least promoting by c i v i c o f f i c i a l s to produce r e s u l t s . (Zuhling, 1973). Cosmetic facade improvement constitutes a prime and most pervasive i n d i c a t i o n of environmental change as i t i s most readily perceived by a l l neighbourhood users of v i s i t o r s . However, cosmetic facade improvements alone, p a r t i c u l a r l y those applied to aging, i f a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y valuable structures, i s a s u p e r f i c i a l element of environmental change. I t may be as transi t o r y as the weathering a b i l i t y of the materials used. Renovation a c t i v i t y as well as st r u c t u r a l addition i s evident throughout the study area. Figure 8 indicates s t r u c t u r a l changes subsequent to the introduction of the Square. (The.Appendix presents these changes i n a more detailed form pertaining to i n d i v i d u a l structures: Columns 8 and 9.) The most s i g n i f i c a n t improvements i n the physical environment wrought by the private sector are seen i n those structures d i r e c t l y facing City H a l l , the Theatre and the two major entrances to the Square, ( i . e . on the East, facing Douglas Street, and on the South-west corner). The less v i s i b l e , and more specialized components of the Square (the Police Station, P r o v i n c i a l Court and the Senior C i t i z e n s ' A c t i v i t y Centre) appear to have had much less impact upon physical environmental improvement. Private structures flanking the North and North-West perimeter of the Square - 108 -e x h i b i t l i t t l e f a c a d e i m p r o v e m e n t . L a n d Use Change Andrews (1971) h a s a r g u e d f o r a f i n e g r a i n p e r s p e c t i v e on l a n d u s e c h a n g e t o d i s c e r n s u c c e s s i v e t r e n d s . The f i n e g r a i n p e r s p e c t i v e i s a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e s t u d y a r e a as i t s p r e -d o m i n a n t l y c o m m e r c i a l c h a r a c t e r , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e r e s i d e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r o f C h i n a t o w n , h a s n o t c h a n g e d . The f i n e g r a i n p e r s p e c t i v e upon b u i l d i n g o c c u p a n t s and u s e r s c l a r i f i e s c h a n g e s n o t o v e r t l y i n d i c a t e d by s i t e c h a n g e s . C h a nges i n t h e l a n d u s e p a t t e r n o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d h a v e b e e n m i n i m a l , b e i n g c o n f i n e d t o t h o s e i n s t a n c e s o f d e m o l i t i o n and r e p l a c e m e n t i n d i c a t e d i n F i g u r e 8. O n l y two i n s t a n c e s o f r e p l a c e m e n t h a v e o c c u r r e d w i t h i n t h e s t u d y b o u n d a r y . One, i n v o l v i n g t h e d e m o l i t i o n o f a 1 0 -s t o r e y o f f i c e t o w e r a n d an a d j a c e n t 2 - s t o r e y s t r u c t u r e a n d t h e i r r e p l a c e m e n t by a 7 - s t o r e y o f f i c e s t r u c t u r e , may o n l y t e n u o u s l y be a t t r i b u t e d t o any d i r e c t e f f e c t o f t h e c i v i c p r e c i n c t as i t s l o c a t i o n i s a l s o c l o s e r t o t h e c e n t r e o f c o r e , n e a r e r t h e p e a k l a r i d - v a l u e i n t e r s e c t i o n a n d on t h e m a j o r downtown t r a f f i c a r t e r y . D i r e c t l y t o t h e n o r t h o f t h e s t u d y a r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e new c o n s t r u c t i o n i s e v i d e n t i n r e c e n t y e a r s . W h i l e l a n d u s e w i t h i n t h e s t u d y a r e a h a s r e c o r d e d o n l y m i n o r c h a n g e s , t e n a n c y c h a n g e h a s b e e n a c t i v e . T e n a n c y c h a n g e s a r e r e c o r d e d i n A p p e n d i x 1. ( c o l u m n s 3, 4 and 5 ) . F I G U R E 8 S T R U C T U R E C H A N G E 1962 - 7 2 D E M O L I T I O N A D D I T I O N R E P L A C E M E N T D A R - 110 -C o m m e r c i a l u s e c a t e g o r i e s e x h i b i t s e v e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p e r t a i n i n g t o t e n a n c y c h a n g e and c h a n g e i n c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t y . 1) T e n a n c y c h a n g e h a s b e e n a c t i v e , b u t v a c a n c y h a s b e e n m i n i m a l . Where i n d i v i d u a l s t r u c t u r e s e x h i b i t e d h i g h v a c a n c y p r i o r t o t h e S q u a r e t h e y h a v e b e e n d e m o l i s h e d . (537-49 P a n d o r a ) and i n one c a s e r e p l a c e d (1705-9 G o v e r n m e n t ) . 2) T e n a n c y change i n t h e C h i n a t o w n s e c t o r o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d h a s b e e n as a c t i v e a s i n t h e r e s t o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d . 3) T e n a n c y c h a n g e h a s b e e n more f r e q u e n t l y a c c o m p a n i e d b y e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t , s u c h as f a c a d e r e n o v a t i o n s and g e n e r a l r e m o d e l l i n g . 4) L o n g t i m e t e n a n t s h a v e t e n d e d t o e x p a n d i n t o a d j o i n i n t b u i l d i n g s ; n o t a b l y a n e i g h b o u r h o o d b a n k and some s p e c i a l t y s t o r e s . 5) T e n a n c y c h a n g e , i n v o l v i n g new t e n a n t s a n d t h e e x p a n s i o n o f e x i s t i n g t e n a n c i e s , i n d i c a t e s an i n c r e a s i n g s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t w i t h r e s p e c t t o c l o t h i e r s a n d g i f t - o r i e n t e d r e t a i l o u t l e g s , r e s t a u r a n t s and s p e c i a l t y - f o o d r e t a i l o u t l e t s . 6) The s t o c k o f r e s i d e n t i a l a c c o m m o d a t i o n p r i m a r i l y c o n t a i n e d i n C h i n a t o w n h a s d e c l i n e d o n l y m i n i m a l l y . T r a n s i e n t o r t o u r i s t a c c o m m o d a t i o n w i t h i n t h e s t u d y a r e a h a s r e m a i n e d c o n s t a n t . H o w e v e r , i m m e d i a t e l y n o r t h o f t h e s t u d y a r e a new t r a n s i e n t a c c o m m o d a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s h a v e a p p e a r e d r e c e n t l y - I l l -and proposals for others have been mooted. This area, while not examined as part of this study, i s the l o g i c a l d i r e c t i o n for core expansion fostered by the Square as i t has previously been part of the core. Changes i n the q u a l i t y of transient accommodation constitute the most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of use change. The three major hotels have changed hands, undergone extensive renovation, and (in two of the three instances) further land has been assembled for parking purposes. These circumstances of land assembly for parking provides evidence of both investment for current use as well as speculative investment for future redevelopment. The new owners of one of "these hotels bordering the c i v i c precinct attributes his renovation to the c i v i c action, maintaining that: "improvements w i l l keep pace with the development of the c i v i c precinct". (Hutchinson, 19 62). Contemporary commentary maintains, with respect to t h i s re-novation, that" "the transformation of the 9 6 room Westholme Hotel w i l l brighten a rather dingy section of Government Street and Broad Street and strengthen the impact of the c i v i c precinct project in r e v i t a l i z i n g the area". (Mika, 1962) . Social Behaviour The documentation of change in s o c i a l behaviour a t t r i -butable to the development, both within and without the study neighbourhood, i s l i m i t e d by time to a b r i e f recounting of - 112 -e v i d e n t t r e n d s i n b e h a v i o u r w h i c h h a v e e m e r g e d s i n c e t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e S q u a r e . E v i d e n t t r e n d s i n s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a r e p r e s e n t e d t h r o u g h t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s . 1) The c o n c e p t o f t h e S q u a r e , b a s e d on h i s t o r i c p r e s e r v a t i o n a n d r e h a b i t a t i n g t o f u n c t i o n a l u s e , h a s f o s t e r e d a w i d e s p r e a d i n t e r e s t i n h i s t o r i c a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l r e s t -o r a t i o n w i t h i n t h e c i t y a s w e l l a s w i t h b e a u t i f i c a t i o n . A w a r e n e s s o f t h e p o t e n t i a l h i s t o r i c a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l r e s t o r a t i o n g a v e r i s e t o s e v e r a l i n t e r e s t g r o u p s , p e r h a p s t y p i f i e d by t h e O l d Town S t u d y g r o u p . B e a u t i f i c a t i o n , i n i t i a t e d b y t h e 1961 a r t i c u l a t i o n o f t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l o f C i t y H a l l a n d f o s t e r e d t h r o u g h t h e s u b s e q u e n t " p a i n t - u p " c a m p a i g n , b a s e d on t h e N o r w i c h P l a n h a s become a r e g i o n a l phenomena. The c a m p a i g n i n g was s o s u c c e s s f u l t h a t t h e p a i n t - u p C o m m i t t e e was p r o m p t e d t o r e p o r t t h a t : "downtown r e s u l t s h a v e g e n e r a t e d i n t e r e s t t h r o u g h o u t G r e a t e r V i c t o r i a a n d we f r e q u e n t l y become h a r d - p r e s s e d t o a s s i s t a p a r t m e n t b u i l d i n g o w n e r s a n d p r i v a t e r e s i d e n t s o u t s i d e t h e t a r g e t a r e a w i t h p a i n t p l a n s . " ( C i t y o f V i c t o r i a A 1 9 6 6 ) . A s t l e s (1972) m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e b o u n d s o f t h e s t u d y a r e a i s one w h i c h g e n e r a t e d r e s p o n s e s a s f a r a f i e l d as V a n c o u v e r , w h e r e i n t e r e s t i n h i s t o r i c p r e s e r v a t i o n was c a t a l y z e d a s a r e s u l t o f V i c t o r i a ' s s u c c e s s ( p . 1 6 6 ) . 2) On a r e g i o n a l b a s i s t h e C i t y H a l l a n d C e n t e n n i a l - 113 -Square project has emerged as an object of c i v i c pride (Gregson, 1970) on a par with the L e g i s l a t i v e Buildings and the Empress Hotel, which previously constituted the most s i g n i f i c a n t elements of the resident populations' "sense of place". Attachment to the c i v i c precinct i n -creases with the extra-regional p u b l i c i t y and praise which has been lavished upon the development. Design awards, notably the Park and T i l f o r d Award in 1971, have increased the sense of c i v i c accomplishment, furthering c i v i c pride. The C i t y Hall and Square i s featured prominently i n t o u r i s t promotion and p u b l i c i t y emanating from both public and private organs, to the extent that the C i t y Hall and Square also stand with the L e g i s l a t i v e Buildings and the Empress Hotel as widely recognized symbols of V i c t o r i a . As a r e s u l t , businesses, e s p e c i a l l y thos catering to tourism have consciously associated themselves with the development through t h e i r advertising. (In Vancouver an illuminated B i l l b o a r d announces "The Century Inn, the Inn on Centennial Square"). 3) As an a c t i v i t y centre the Square and i t s constituent buildings have increasingly become i n t e g r a l parts of regional s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n a manner and on a scale, previously impossible and exceedingly u n l i k e l y . As the scene of indoor a c t i v i t i e s , t r a d i t i o n a l uses of structures have lapsed, replaced by innovative - 114 -c i v i c u s e s . A r e p o r t on t h e u t i l i t y o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t ( C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , 1965) c o n c l u d e d t h a t : " t h e r e b u i l t C i t y H a l l a nd the L e g i s l a t i v e W i n g h a s , i n d e e d p i o n e e r e d a new c o n c e p t i n u s e o f c i v i c b u i l d i n g s a n d c i v i c a f f a i r s i n t h e G r e a t e r V i c t o r i a a r e a " ( p . 3 ) . T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t w i t h r e s p e c t t o p u b l i c a t t e n d a n c e a t m e e t i n g s o f C o u n c i l a n d w i t h r e s p e c t t o i n f o r m a t i v e p u b l i c d i s p l a y s i n C i t y H a l l a nd t h e C i v i c P l a y h o u s e . p e r t a i n i n g t o c u r r e n t c i v i c i s s u e s . W i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e P l a y h o u s e , t h e r e p o r t i n d i c a t e s d i v e r s e u s e by t h e r e g i o n a l c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h a u s e - p o l i c y w h i c h h a s become t h e enby o f l a r g e r c e n t r e s ( S u n , 1 9 6 4 ) . As a s c e n e o f o u t d o o r a c t i v i t y u s e o f t h e S q u a r e h a s b e e n s e a s o n a l t o a l a r g e e x t e n t a n d i t s u s e r s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f s e l e c t s egment o f c o r e u s e r s . C o n s i s t e n t w i t h s e a s o n a l c h a n g e s i n c l i m a t e , u s e i n t e n s i f i e s i n summer, compounded by t h e i n f l u x o f t o u r i s t s . As s e a s o n a l c l i m a t e p e r m i t s , t h e S q u a r e h a s become a v i t a l c e n t r e o f o u t d o o r a c t i v i t y a n d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n as a r e s u l t o f i t s p l e a s a n t e n v i r o n m e n t a n d p e d e s t r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n . However, a l t h o u g h i t o b t a i n s i n -t e n s i v e s e a s o n a l u s e , i t s u s e r s h a v e c o n s i s t e d o f t h e e l d e r l y , t h e y o u n g , a n d t h e t o u r i s t , w i t h t o u r i s t s b e i n g i t s m o s t c o n s i s t e n t u s e r s . W h i l e g e n e r a l p u b l i c a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t i s one o f p r i d e , t h e u s e o f t h e S q u a r e a s an a c t i v i t y a n d m e e t i n g c e n t r e by t h e y o u n g h a s b e e n a s o u r c e - 115 -of c i v i c controversy (Times, 1968). This controversy has fostered an ambivalent mood towards the Square de-pending upon in d i v i d u a l attitudes and vested i n t e r e s t . Gregson (1970), as a s o c i a l commentator, views the Square i n the context of harmonious s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n when he states: "Beauty spots l i k e . . . Centennial Square... formerly the preserve of those i n the autumn of t h e i r l i v e s , were now redolent with serious, p o l i t e young men and g i r l s ... Age was o f f s e t by youth, mostly well-behaved impecunious youth..." (p.225). Others, p a r t i c u l a r l y neighbourhood businessmen have viewed the Square as a potential source of trouble, a breeding ground for the undercurrent of s o c i a l change, exploited by individuals without the means to contribute to the economic v i a b i l i t y of current commercial undertakings. This l a t t e r attitude has accounted for the r e l a t i v e l y narrow cross-sections of users evident i n the Square as the outcry of the neighbourhood businessmen fostered an atmosphere of tension causing many core users to avoid the Square. With the subsequent lapsing of the reactionary stance of the neighbour-hood businessmen the Square has been the scene of a variety of "happenings": commercial, c u l t u r a l and personal. 4) As a generator of pedestrian a c t i v i t y and as a f a c i l i t a t o r of pedestrian movement, a behavioural change i s i m p l i c i t i n the Square and, while not d i r e c t l y documented, evident. - 116 -A n a l y s i s o f p e d e s t r i a n a c t i v i t y on D o u g l a s S t r e e t ( U n i v e r s i t y o f V i c t o r i a , 196 3 ) , i m m e d i a t e l y p r i o r t o c o n -s t r u c t i o n o f t h e S q u a r e a n d s u b s e q u e n t t o v a c a t i n g C i t y H a l l f o r r e n o v a t i o n s , i n d i c a t e d t h a t p e d e s t r i a n movement on t h e West s i d e (The C i t y H a l l s i d e ) o f t h e s t r e e t a c c e l e r a t e d due t o t h e v a c a t e d C i t y H a l l a n d t h e r e l a t i v e l a c k o f s p e c i a l t y s h o p s a t t h a t p o i n t . A c c e l e r a t e d p e d e s t r i a n movement was c o n s i d e r e d i n d i c a t i v e o f a l a c k o f o b j e c t i v e o r f o c u s w i t h i n a p e d e s t r i a n t r a f f i c a r e a . The e x p a n s i o n o f C i t y H a l l a n d t h e i n c l u s i o n o f s p e c i a l t y c o m m e r c i a l s p a c e w i t h i n t h e p r e c i n c t w i l l h a v e c o n s i d e r a b l y a l t e r e d t h e s p e e d a n d v o l u m e o f p e d e s t r i a n f l o w i n d i c a t i v e o f p o i n t s a n d a c t i v i t i e s o f i n t e r e s t . I n a d d i t i o n , w i t h t h e e m e r g e n c e o f new c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t i e s o n t h e c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e S q u a r e a n d t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f a c r o s s - f l o w o f p e d e s t r i a n movement t h r o u g h t h e S q u a r e , n e i g h b o u r h o o d c o h e s i v e n e s s i s f o s t e r e d b y i n c r e a s i n g a c c e s s . I n r e v i e w , s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r r e l a t i n g t o t h e S q u a r e an d t o C i t y H a l l i s o v e r t l y n o t i c e a b l e t h r o u g h g e n e r a l t r e n d s i n a c t i v i t y . I n a d d i t i o n , R a p p a p o r t (1969) h a s c o n c l u d e d t h a t : "Form a n d s p a c e o r g a n i z a t i o n may n o t h a v e i m m e d i a t e e f f e c t s on o v e r t b e h a v i o u r . R a t h e r t h e y may e f f e c t p e o p l e b y c h a n g i n g t h e i r i m a g e s t h r o u g h t h e e f f e c t s o f mood o r f e e l i n g , i r r a t i o n a l , n o n - l o g i c a l , u n -c o n s c i o u s a n d s u b c o n s c i o u s r e a c t i o n s " , (p.124) - 117 -The evident trends i n overt behaviour would suggest that such in t e r n a l i z e d image-making and a t t i t u d i n a l changes have occurred as a r e s u l t of environment created by the investment. The i s o l a t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n t e r n a l i z e d image making above would constitute an undertaking of large scale; however the existance of such changes may be hypothesised as a complimentary and po s i t i v e changes i n attitude towards the study neighbourhood. Planning Context: Evaluation The evaluation of the behavioural changes i n d i c a t i v e of renewed s o c i a l and economic in t e r e s t i n the study neighbour-hood i s made i n terms of Planning approach, or the context within which the development was planned with respect to planning policy*within the City of V i c t o r i a . The previous two sections have indicated the extent to which behavioural change has emerged and the extent to which i t indicates r e v i t a l i z a t i o n consistent with the expressed goal attached to the location decision for the public development. The decision was ultimately a " t a c t i c a l " one to foster renewal action by the private sector. However, on two accounts the success of th i s t a c t i c a l action also constitutes f a i l u r e . F i r s t l y , pertaining to the r e l a t i v e success of the goal; Secondly, pertaining to the existence of unplanned consequence. Both are a function of Planning approach. - 118 -T a c t i c a l P l a n n i n g , C o m p r e h e n s i v e P l a n n i n g a n d t h e U r b a n S y s t e m I n C h a p t e r 1 t h e d i s t i n c t i v e was made b e t w e e n t a c t i c a l a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e p l a n n i n g . G u t t e n b e r g s t r e s s e s t h a t t a c t i c a l p l a n n i n g m u s t be c a r r i e d o u t i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a G o a l P l a n ' t h e f o r m e r c o m p l i m e n t a r y t o , a n d a i d i n g i n t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e l a t t e r . The f o r m e r w i t h o u t t h e l a t t e r c o n s t i t u t e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a d h o c a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e p l a n n i n g . The P l a n n i n g h i s t o r y o f t h e C i t y o f V i c t o r i a c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s t h a t c o m p r e h e n s i v e p l a n n i n g i s o n l y j u s t e m e r g i n g w i t h i n t h e C i t y a n d M e t r o p o l i t a n R e g i o n ( L e e , 1 9 6 9 ) . I n 1962 t h e l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n f o r C i t y H a l l a nd t h e C i v i c P r e c i n c t was, i n f a c t , an i n d e p e n d e n t a d h o c a c t i o n . D e s p i t e a programme o f " p r e c i n c t " d e v e l o p m e n t s i n i t i a t e d o r c o n t e m p l a t e d by t h e C i t y , i t s p l a n n i n g a p p r o a c h was one c h a r a c t e r i z e d by S p e c i a l P r o j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t t o d e v e l o p m e n t s w i t h i n t h e c o r e . A t t e m p t t o f o r m u l a t e a c o m p r e h e n s i v e a p p r o a c h t o downtown d e v e l o p m e n t f a i l e d i n b o t h 1959 a n d 1965 when C o u n c i l r e f u s e d t o e n d o r s e p l a n s p r e p a r e d on i t s b e h a l f , b o t h p l a n s became f l e x i b l e a d v i s o r y i n s t r u m e n t s t o g u i d e l o c a l d e v e l o p m e n t r a t h e r t h a n l e g a l l y b i n d i n g d o c u m e n t s . The 1965 O v e r a l l P l a n  f o r V i c t o r i a (CPRB 1965) i n an u n o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y h a s o n l y j u s t become t h e g u i d e l i n e f o r C o u n c i l ' s a c t i o n i n t h e 1 9 7 0 ' s w i t h t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f C o u n c i l members i n t e n t upon m a k i n g a - 119 -comprehensive approach to the central core as well as the urban region (Crisp, 1973). The absence of a comprehensive approach gives r i s e to q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the success of the location decision as a planning t o o l . In the absence of an o f f i c i a l plan for core development, l e t alone c i t y or regional development, public p o l i c y v a c i l l a t e d between attempting to maintain the economic health of the C.D.B. and promoting economic development i n other areas of the c i t y to a t t r a c t investment c a p i t a l . As a r e s u l t , developments, such as the Mayfair Centre location a mile from the core were approved to ensure investment within the c i t y boundaries and t h i s entered into competition with the core, competing for large numbers of core a c t i v i t i e s and users. In t h i s manner, the City worked against i t s e l f . It accounts i n part for the low pace of redevelopment action i n the study neighbourhood. In addition, the lack of a comprehensive planning policy also accounts for the speculative climate evident through property transfer and land assembly. Property owners were able to recognize the existence of a force i n the neighbourhood which was turning the tid e of decline and i n i t i a t i n g succession. However, the unwillingness of Council to determine an o v e r a l l course of action which would include the study area and v i c i n i t y was a boon to speculators dealing i n land transfer for c a p i t a l gain, and a deterrent to c i t y building use-investors who could not count upon a stable course of action by the c i t y . - 120 -The r e s u l t h a s b e e n a p r e d o m i n a n c e o f c o s m e t i c i m p r o v e m e n t w i t h o u t , i n many c a s e s , s u b s t a n t i a l p h y s i c a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o r r e p l a c e m e n t o f s t r u c t u r e s i n t h e m o s t b l i g h t e d w e s t e r n s e c t i o n o f t h e s t u d y a r e a . I n t h e a b s e n c e o f a c o m p r e h e n s i v e a p p r o a c h t o p l a n n i n g w i t h i n t h e c i t y , t h e i m p a c t o f t h e c i v i c p r e c i n c t as a f o c u s f o r c o r e d e v e l o p m e n t was w e a k e n e d . C h a p t e r I h a s s t r e s s e d t h e n e e d f o r a " s y s t e m s " o r i e n t a t i o n t o r e n e w a l a c t i o n i n t h e manner s u g g e s t e d by H o l l i n g a n d G o l d b e r g ( 1 9 7 1 ) . T h a t i s , a c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e u r b a n s y s t e m s h o u l d be l i m i t e d i n s c o p e , f o s t e r i n g c o n t i n u i t y t o e n s u r e p l a n n e d c o n s e q u e n c e s . N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e com-p r e h e n s i v e n a t u r e o f t h e s i t e d e v e l o p m e n t i t s e l f , t h e r a t h e r s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l o f p l a n n i n g e v i d e n t w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e C i v i c p r e c i n c t h a s p r o d u c e d u n p l a n n e d c o n s e q u e n c e s . The w h o l e - h e a r t e d e n t h u s i a s m w i t h w h i c h t h e v e n t u r e b e g a n was a c c o m p a n i e d by a f a i l u r e t o l o o k c r i t i c a l l y a t t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f i t s s t a t e d r e d e v e l o p m e n t g o a l s : i t f a i l e d t o r e c o g n i z e t h a t c e r t a i n a s p e c t s o f r e d e v e l o p m e n t a r e i n h e r e n t l y i n c o m p a t i b l e . I n p a r t i c u l a r t h e e f f e c t on C h i n a t o w n i s i m p o r t a n t . The r e v i t a l i z a t i o n g o a l p e r t a i n e d e q u a l l y t o C h i n a -t o w n , w h i c h was r e c o g n i z e d a s a u n i q u e a n d d e s i r a b l e c omponent o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d f o r s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c r e a s o n s p r i m a r i l y t o u r i s t - o r i e n t a t e d . R e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n , r a t h e r t h a n r e d e v e l o p m e n t was c o n s i d e r e d f e a s i b l e a nd d e s i r a b l e by t h e C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o a r d i n 1961 (Chuen-Yen L a i , 1 9 7 3 ) . - 121 -In 1965 the" Overall Plan for V i c t o r i a reaffirmed t h i s con-v i c t i o n s t a t i n g : "Development of adjoining Centennial Square has made t h i s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n more desirable and there has been no evidence of a rapid decline i n the number of residents", (p.50) However, the very existence of Centennial Square has fostered a c t i v i t y which may e a s i l y culminate i n the demise of the present community both as a r e s i d e n t i a l community and a unique economic centre. The climate of speculation complemented by increasing land values within the study neighbourhood has added impetus to the d i s s o l u t i o n of Chinatown, as economic r e a l i t i e s weaken an already tenuous s o c i a l community. Chuen-Yen L a i (1973) concludes that: "Although Chinese, who,seem to be apathetic, s t i l l own about seventy percent of the properties i n Chinatown, they w i l l i i k e l y s e l l them to the highest bidders and w i l l r e t a i n less and less control over i t s destiny". (p.126) Thus without f u l l recognition of the implications of i t s decisions, the City i n e f f e c t reduced the p r o b a b i l i t y of the achievement of one goal i n promoting the achievement of another. In t h i s case the unplanned consequences may yet be halted; however s i g n i f i c a n t damage has already occurred through the creation of a speculative environment more conducive to ex p l o i t a t i o n of Chinatown than maintenance of i t s unique s o c i a l community. The example underscores the inate i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between a "systems" orientation, comprehensive planning and - 122 -t a c t i c a l planning. Any renewal action, public or private must recognize the existence of complex responses which may be inherently incompatible with respect to the achievement of the i n i t i a l goal. This dictates that a comprehensive plan be the basis for any renewal action so that the t a c t i c may be calculated i n advance to resolve c o n f l i c t i n g responses. A systems orientation i n the formation of a comprehensive plan would have indicated i n advance the probable e f f e c t of the investment upon Chinatown, permitting protection to be devised i f the maintenance of i t s character was desirable. Summary and Conclusions In retrospect, the development has been highly successful on several accounts including: 1) I n i t i a t i n g a new self-image for the c i t y core; 2) fostering widespread and innovative use of public buildings and open space; 3) Imbuing the neighbourhood with new pedestrian a c t i v i t y and v i t a l i t y ; 4 ) increasing the neighbourhood tax-base through con-comittant increases i n land value and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of use; 5) being instrumental i n commercial r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of a "specialty" service nature, accelerating functional change within the core necessary for i t s s u r v i v a l . However, these successes suffer r e l a t i v e l y by the lack of an o v e r a l l perspective or comprehensive plan. The "precinct" approach to core r e v i t a l i z a t i o n , e f f e c t i v e as i t - 123 -may be with respect to the above successes, cannot be considered a substitute for comprehensive planning on a city-wide and regional basis. The case has i l l u s t r a t e d the potential of the " t a c t i c a l " approach to planning mooted by Guttenberg (1964). The context within which the decision was made underscores the detrimental aspects of our ad hoc approach to public investment; as a r e s u l t i t supports the adv e r a b i l i t y of a comprehensive approach to planning to ensure that public investments make maximum contribution to urban development. The intention of t h i s thesis has been to present c h a r a c t e r i s t i c urban behaviour which j u s t i f i e s the expectation of decision makers that urban r e v i t a l i z a t i o n may be catalyzed as the r e s u l t of a public investment. The planning concepts presented i n Chapter II provide a th e o r e t i c a l basis for expecting that behaviour, emanating from values, may be s i g n i f i c a n t l y influenced by an action of government having s p e c i f i c goals. Urban behaviour presented i n Chapters III and IV provides~a descriptive base for the use of a public b u i l d i n g , s p e c i f i c a l l y a public administrative building, as a t a c t i c for catalyzing r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . Social behaviour indicates that individuals relate to public buildings on a personal, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l l e v e l pertaining to i t s s i g n i f i c a n t physical form i n the urban environment, the extent to which i t enables or promotes s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and the ideographic - 124 -content of the building as a representation of community values. Economic behaviour indicates that investors i n the use and ownership of r e a l property f i n d investment poten t i a l created i n conjunction with public buildings. In retrospect these s o c i a l and economic behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have been negated by planning philosophy which has tended to segregate public buildings from the general commercial component of the core. The changing function of the core now suggests that integration with the commercial fabric i s not only viable but also useful. Through the vehicle of an empirical study (Chapter V) the impact of a new public administrative building has been examined with respect to behavioural change i n d i c a t i v e of r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of a depressed core area. The study indicated s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l and economic change as a r e s u l t of the investment. Furthermore the study indicated the r e l a t i v e nature of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n by v i r t u e of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to comprehensive planning i n the subject c i t y . The l i t e r a t u r e review and case study e l i c i t the following conclusions with respect to the public administrative b u i l d i n g and i t s r o l e as a c a t a l y s t to r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the urban core: 1. The public administrative building influences s o c i a l behaviour as an urban landmark, an urban a c t i v i t y focus, and as an urban ideograph. In these capacities the building may contribute to the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the'core under the following - 125 -circumstances: (a) The physical form of the building has s i g n i f i c a n t a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i n g u l a r i t y and s p a t i a l prominence to ensure i t s adoption as an urban landmark. This character-i s t i c w i l l ensure that i t becomes an element within the t e r r i t o r i a l o r b i t of core users, permitting l o c a t i o n a l associations to be made to the benefit of adjacent private establishments. (b) Innovative and widespread use of i t s i n t e r n a l f a c i l i t i e s and s i t e ammenities i s encouraged; the building becomes a socal a c t i v i t i e s focus complementary to i t s function as a s p e c i a l i z e d o f f i c e structure, thereby giving l i f e to the a c t i v i t i e s of government and commerce a l i k e . (c) The physical form, name, or location emphasizes i t s ideographic function as a community symbol. The value reaped by the neighbourhood may be an intangible but evident change i n attitude involving c i t i z e n pride and private prestige. 2. The public administrative building preconditions economic behaviour by virtue of the investment climates created by the economics of public investment involving high i n i t i a l cost, high q u a l i t y , and the concommitant requirement for long term use which establishes a stable element i n the neighbour-hood. The investment climate created i s characterized by a progression from speculative investment for c a p i t a l gain to neighbourhood-building investment for use and for regular return on investment. The progression from speculative - 126 -investment to neighbourhood-building investment i s either aided or impeded by City policy with respect to investment throughout the c i t y , thereby influencing the rate of neighbourhood r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . 3. As a l o g i c a l extension of the above conclusions, the public administrative building may be used as a v a l i d planning tool for f ostering r e v i t a l i z a t i o n within the urban core. It i s concluded that the most advantageousrresults may occur when the location decision i s taken i n the context of a comprehensive plan for the incorporated community to ensure that the s o c i a l and economic behaviour thus catalyzed w i l l contribute to the ultimate achievement of the comprehensive plan. - 127 -L i t e r a t u r e C i t e d A l i h a n , M.A. 1938 S o c i a l E c o l o g y ; A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s . C o o p e r S q u a r e , New Y o r k , 1964. 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B e l l u s h , J . , and M . H a u s k n e c h t . 1967 U r b a n R e n e w a l : P e o p l e ,  P o l i t i c s a n d P l a n n i n g . D o u b l e d a y , New y o r k . - 128 -B u r n s , W i l f r e d . 1963 New Towns f o r O l d : The T e c h n i q u e o f  U r b a n R e n e w a l . L e o n a r d H i l l , L o n d o n . C a m p b e l l , D.F. 1968 The Handbook o f R e a l E s t a t e I n v e s t m e n t . B o b b s - M e r r i l l , I n d i a n a p o l i s . C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o a r d . 1957 A R e p o r t o n a C i v i c C e n t r e  •for V i c t o r i a . C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o a r d o f B r i t i s h C p l u m b i a , V i c t o r i a . C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o a r d . 1960 C i t y o f V i c t o r i a U r b a n R e n e w a l S t u d y . C a p i t a l R e g i o n P l a n n i n g B o a r d o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V i c t o r i a . 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N a t i o n a l Academy o f S c i e n c e s , W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . C r i s p , P e t e r L. 1972 P e r s o n a l ! , C o r r e s p o n d a n c e , J a n u a r y 2 7 t h . 1 9 7 2 , V i c t o r i a , B.C. C r i s p , P e t e r L. 1973, P e r s o n a l i I n t e r v i e w M a r c h , 1 9 7 3 . V i c t o r i a , B.C. - 129 -D e r b e s , Max, J . J r . 1964 "Use, D e v e l o p m e n t o r S p e c u l a t i o n o f R e a l E s t a t e " , A p p r a i s l J o u r n a l , A p r i l 1 9 6 4 : 2 1 9 - 2 2 9 . D o w e l l , A. 1962 q u o t e d i n " C i t i z e n s ' S u p p o r t U r g e d f o r P r e c i n c t " , V i c t o r i a D a i l y T i m e s , A u g u s t 2nd. 1962:12 E n g i n e e r i n g D e p a r t m e n t , V i c t o r i a . 1958 Downtown V i c t o r i a  I m p r o v e m e n t P l a n . C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a , B . C . F e i s s , C a r l . 1961 " P l a n n i n g a b s o r b s Z o n i n g " J o u r n a l o f t h e A m e r i c a n I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s , May 1 9 6 1 : 1 2 1 - 1 2 6 . F i r e y , W. 1947 L a n d U s e i n C e n t r a l B o s t o n . H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . F o r r e s t e r , J.W, 1969 U r b a n D y n a m i c s The M . I . T . P r e s s , C a m b r i d g e . M a s s . G i d e o n , S i g r f i e d . 1952 "The H e a r t o f t h e C i t y : A Swmm-ing-Up" i n The H e a r t o f t h e C i t y : T o w a r d s t h e H u m a n i z a t i o n o f U r b a n  L i f e ~ ^ ( J . T y r w h i t t , J . L . S e r t , a n d E . N . R o g e r s e d s . ) L u n d H u m p h r i e s , L o n d o n . Gowans, A l a n . 1970 The U n c h a n g i n g A r t s . L i p p i n c o t t , P h i l a d e l p h i a . Gowans, A l a n . 1966 B u i l d i n g C a n a d a . O x f o r d , T o r o n t o . G r e e n b i e , BvB. 1971 "What c a n we l e a r n f r o m o t h e r A n i m a l s ? B e h a v i o u r a l B i o l o g y a n d t h e E c o l o g y o f C i t i e s " . J o u r n a l o f t h e A m e r i c a n I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s . May 1 9 7 1 : 1 6 2 - 1 6 8 . G r e g s o n . H a r r y . 1970 A H i s t o r y o f V i c t o r i a : 1 8 4 2 - 1 9 7 0 . V i c t o r i a O b s e r v e r P u b l i s h i n g , V i c t o r i a . G r u e n , V i c t o r . 1964 The H e a r t o f Our C i t i e s . S i m o n a n d S c h u s t e r J New Y o r k . G u t t e n b e r g , A.Z. 1964 "The T a c t i c a l P l a n " , i n E x p l o r a t i o n s I n t o  U r b a n S t r u c t u r e . ( M.M.Webber ed.) U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n n i a P r e s s , P h i l a d e l p h i a . H a l l , P e t e r . 1966 The W o r l d C i t i e s . M c G r a w - H i l l , New Y o r k . H e l m e c k e n , A i n s l i e . 1972 P e r s o n a l I n t e r v i e w . F e b r u a r y , 1 9 7 2 . V i c t o r i a , B.C. H o l l i n g , C.S. a n d M. G o l d b e r g . 1971 " E c o l o g y a n d P l a n n i n g " , The J o u r n a l o f t h e A m e r i c a n I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s , J u l y 1 9 7 1 : 221-230. - 130 -H u t c h i n s o n , M.R. 1 9 6 2 , q u o t e d i n "New F a c e s f o r O l d i n Downtown A r e a " , V i c t o r i a D a i l y T i m e s , S e p t e m b e r 2 9 t h , 1962: 19. J a f f e , A n i e l a , 1964 " S y m b o l i s m i n t h e V i s u a l A r t s " , i n Man and h i s S y m b o l s ( C a r l C. J u n g , e d . ) , D e l l P u b l i s h i n g , New Y o r k , 1 9 7 2 . J e n c k s , C h a r l e s , 1912, " R h e t o r i c and A r c h i t e c t u r e " , A r c h i t e c t u r a l A s s o c i a t i o n Q u a r t e r l y , Summer, 1972. K a l m a n , H a r o l d D. 196 8. The R a i l w a y H o t e l s a n d t h e D e v e l o p m e n t  o f t h e C h a t e a u S t y l e i n C a n a d a . U n i v e r s i t y o f V i c t o r i a M a l t w o o d Museum S t u d i e s i n A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r y , Number 1, V i c t o r i a . L a i , C h u e n - Y a u . 19 7 3 . " S o c i o - E c o n o m i c S t r u c t u r e s a n d V i a b i l i t y o f C h i n a t o w n " , i n R e s i d e n t i a l a n d N e i g h b o u r h o o d  S t u d i e s i n V i c t o r i a (C. N. F o r w a r d , ed.) W e s t e r n G e o g r a p h i c a l S e r i e s , V o l . 5 , D e p a r t m e n t o f G e o g r a p h i e s , U n i v e r s i t y o f V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a . L a n e , W. T. 1970. S e l e c t e d R e a d i n g s i n Law f o r L o c a l P u b l i c  A d m i n i s t r a t o r s . U n p u b l i s h e d . C o m p i l e d a n d e d i t e d f o r t h e S c h o o l o f Community a n d R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g , The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V a n c o u v e r . L e e , C h r i s t o p h e r L. 1969. The E f f e c t s o f P l a n n i n g C o n t r o l s  o n t h e M o r p h o l o g y o f t h e C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h  C o l u m b i a . U n p u b l i s h e d M a s t e r s T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a . L o n g s t a f f , F. V. 1959. " M a r k e t H i s t o r y " V i c t o r i a D a i l y C o l o n i s t , May 3 r d , 1 9 5 9 : 5. L y n c h , K e v i n , 1960. The Image o f t h e C i t y , The M.I.T. P r e s s , C a m b r i d g e , Mas s. Lyman, S. M. a n d M.B. S c o t t , 1967. " T e r r i t o r a l i t y : A N e g l e c t e d S o c i a l D i m e n s i o n " , i n P e o p l e and B u i l d i n g s , ( R o b e r t G u t t m a n , ed.) B a s i c B o o k s , New Y o r k , 19*72. Mann, R. E. 1968. "The R o l e o f t h e Time E l e m e n t i n t h e U r b a n R e n e w a l P r o c e s s " , The N o d u l a r M e t r o p o l i t a n C o n c e p t . U n p u b l i s h e d M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V a n c o u v e r . M e y e r s o n , M. 1 9 6 3 . F a c e o f t h e M e t r o p o l i s , Random Ho u s e , New Y o r k . - 131 -M i c h e l s o n , W i l l i a m , 1 970. Man a n d H i s U r b a n E n v i r o n m e n t : A S o c i o l o g i c a l A p p r o a c h . A d d i s o n - W e s l e y , R e a d i n g , M a s s . M u m f o r d , L e w i s , 1 9 6 1 . The C i t y i n H i s t o r y , H a r c o u r t , B r a c e a n d W o r l d , New Y o r k . N o r b e r g - S c h u l z , 1 9 7 1 . E x i s t e n c e , S p a c e a n d A r c h i t e c t u r e , P r a e g e r , New Y o r k . P a q u e t , G i l l e s , 1 970. "The E c o n o m i c C o u n c i l a s P h o e n i x " i n S o c i a l a n d C u l t u r a l . C h a n g e i n C a n a d a (W.E. Mann ed.) Copp C l a r k , Toronto,-, 1970. O n t a r i o P u b l i c W o r k s , 1 9 7 1 . Summary o f t h e P r o c e e d i n g o f t h e  G o v e r n m e n t A c c o m o d a t i o n P l a n n i n g S e m i n a r . O n t a r i o P u b l i c W o r k s , T o r o n t o . P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t , R e g i n a , 1 9 6 9 . S i t e E v a l u a t i o n S t u d y f o r  a New C i t y H a l l . C i t y o f R e g i n a P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t , R e g i n a . P l a n n i n g D i v i s i o n , V i c t o r i a , 1 966. P a i n t Up '66. C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a . P l a n n i n g D i v i s i o n , V i c t o r i a , 1966A. B a c k g r o u n d M a t e r i a l :  P a i n t - U p C a m p a i g n - C i t y o f V i c t o r i a . C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a . P a r r , A.E. 1 965. " E n v i r o n m e n t a l D e s i g n a nd P s y c h o l o g y " . L a n d s c a p e , V o l u m e 14 ( W i n t e r , 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 ) : 1 5 - 1 8 . P a u l s o n , G r e g o r , 1 952. "The P a s t a n d t h e P r e s e n t " i n The H e a r t o f t h e C i t y : T o wards t h e H u m a n i z a t i o n o f  U r b a n L i f e . ( J . T y r w h i t t , J . L. S e r t a n d E. N. R o g e r s , e d s . ) . L u n d H u m p h r i e s , L o n d o n . Random H o u s e , 1969. The Random House D i c t i o n a r y o f t h e E n g l i s h  L a n g u a g e : C o l l e g e E d i t i o n " ! Random H o u s e , New Y o r k . R a p o p o r t , Amos, 1969. "Some A s p e c t s o f t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n o f U r b a n S p a c e " , i n R e s p o n s e t o E n v i r o n m e n t ( C o a t e s , G . J . a n d K. M. M o f f e t , e d s . ) S t u d e n t P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e S c h o o l o f D e s i g n , U n i v e r s i t y o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a S t a t e , R a l e i g h . R a t c l i f f e , R. U. 1949. U r b a n L a n d E c o n o m i c s . M c G r a w - H i l l , New Y o r k . R a t c l i f f e , R. U. 1 9 6 1 . R e a l E s t a t e A n a l y s i s . M c G r a w - H i l l , New Y o r k . - 132 -R e p s , J o h n , 1 9 6 5 . The M a k i n g o f Urba n 1 A m e r i c a . P r i n c t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , P r i n c t o n . R i c h a r d s , J a c k . 1 964. " V i c t o r i a P l a n n e r s No S q u a r e s W i t h New P r o g e c t " , V a n c o u v e r Sun, S e p t . 4, 1964: 3. R i c h a r d s , J . M. 1 9 5 2 . P O l d a n d New E l e m e n t s a t t h e C o r e " i n The H e a r t o f t h e C i t y : T o w a r d s t h e H u m a n i z a t i o n o f U r b a n L i f e I ( J . T y r w h i t t , J . L. S e r t a n d E. N. R o g e r s e d s . ) L u n d H u m p h r i e s , L o n d o n . R i n g , A.A. a n d N. L. N o r t h , 1 9 6 7 . R e a l E s t a t e P r i n c i p a l s a n d  P r a c t i s e s . P r e n t i c e - H a l l , New J e r s e y . R i n g , A. A. 1 9 7 0 . The V a l u a t i o n o f R e a l E s t a t e . P r g n t i c e -H a l l , New eTERSEY. R o b s o n , B.T. 1 9 6 9 . U r b a n A n a l y s i s . C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , C a m b r i d g e , E n g l a n d . S c h n e i d e r , K.R. 1968. D e s t i n y o f Ch a n g e : How R e l e v a n t i s Man i n t h e Age o f D e v e l o p m e n t ? H o l t , R i n e h a r t & W i n s t o n , New Y o r k . S m i t h , E a r l B a l d w i n , 1938. E g y p t i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e as C u l t u r a l E x p r e s s i o n . C e n t u r y H o u s e , W a t k i n s , G l e n , New York]/). 1 9 6 8 . i S o j a , E d w a r d W. 1 9 7 1 . The P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n o f S p a c e . C o m m i s s i o n On C o l l e g e G e o g r a p h y , R e s o u r c e l a p e r No.8, A s s o c i a t i o n o f A m e r c i a n G e o g r a p h e r s , W a s h i n g t o n , D.C. S t r e e t , I a n , 1 9 6 2 . "The S q u a r e D e a l " , V i c t o r i a D a i l y C o l o n i s t , D e c. 2 n d , 1 9 6 2 : 1, Toone , A.W. 1 9 6 2 . q u o t e d i n " C i t i z e n s ' S u p p o r t U r g e d f o r P r e c i n c t " V i c t o r i a D a i l y T i m e s , A u g u s t 2 n d , 1 9 6 2 : 12 .h T o o n e , A.W. 1 9 6 5 . C e n t e n n i a l S q u a r e , V i c t o r i a , B.C.: F i n a l R e p o r t . C e n t e n n i a l V i c t o r i a S q u a r e C o m m i t t e e , V i c t o r i a . T u n n a r d , C h r i s t o p h e r , 1 9 5 5 . A m e r i c a n S k y l i n e , H o u g h t o n - M i f f l i n , B o s t o n . T y r w h i t t , J a c q u e l i n e , 1 9 52. " C o r e s w i t h i n t h e U r b a n C o n s t e l l a t i o n " i n The H e a r t o f t h e C i t y : T o w a r d s t h e H u m a n i z a t i o n o f  U r b a n L i f e . (&. T y r w h i t t , J . L. S e r t a n d E. N. R o g e r s , e d s . ) L u n d H u m p h r i e s , L o n d o n . V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 1962. "Historic Value Protected" V i c t o r i a Daily Times, August 2nd, 1962: 12. - 133 -v o n E c h a r d t , W o l f . 1971 "Our D e s i g n B e h a v i o u r " i n The S o c i a l  I m p a c t o f U r b a n D e s i g n . C e n t r e f o r P o l i c y S t u d y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o , C h i c a g o . Webber, M e l v i n , 1964. "The U r b a n P l a c e a n d The N o n - P l a c e U r b a n R e a l m " i n E x p l o r a t i o n s i n t o U r b a n S t u r c t u r e . (M. Webber ed.) U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n n i a P r e s s , P h i l a d e l p h i a . Wendt, P a u l F. 1 9 6 1 . D y n a m i c s o f C e n t r a l C i t y L a n d V a l u e s : San F r a n c i s c o a n d O a k l a n d 1950 t o 1 9 6 0 . I n s t i t u t e o f B u s i n e s s a n d E c o n o m i c R e s e a r c h , R e a l E s t a t e R e s e a r c h P r o g r a m r e s e a r c h p a p e r No. 18. U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a , B e r k e l e y . W h e a t o n , W. L. C. 1964. " P u b l i c a n d P r i v a t e A g e n t s o f Change i n U r b a n E x p a n s i o n " , i n E x p l o r a t i o n s I n t o  U r b a n S t r u c t u r e (M. Webber ed.) U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n i a P r e s s , P h i l a d e l p h i a . W i n g o , Lowden J r . 1 9 6 3 . " U r b a n S p a c e i n a P o l i c y P e r s p e c t i v e " C i t i e s a n d S p a c e ( L . Wingo J r . ed.) J o h n H o p k i n s P r e s s , B a l t i m o r e . W u r s t e r , C a t h e r i n e B. 1 9 6 3 . "The f o r m a n d S t r u c t u r e o f t h e F u t u r e U r b a n C o m p l e x " i n C i t i e s a n d S p a c e : The  F u t u r e Use o f U r b a n L a n d . ( L . Wingo J r . ed.) R e s o u r c e s f o r t h e F u t u r e I n c . The J o h n H o p k i n s P r e s s , B a l t i m o r e . Z u c k e r , P a u l , 1 959. Town a n d S q u a r e C o l u m b i a , New Y o r k . Z u h l i n g , F l e m i n g , 1 9 7 3 . P e r s o n a l I n t e r v i e w . M a r c h , 1 9 7 3 . V i c t o r i a , B.C. A P P E N D I-X 57 - NEIGHBOURHOOD TRANSITION INFORMATION Information pertaining to each street i n the Study neighbourhood i s presented i n tabular fashion. Each side of the street i s considered separately to maintain l i n e a r continuity. The Square i t s e l f i s not considered, nor i s that block containing the Hudson's Bay Co. They are considered to be "given" elements. COLUMN I; STREET ADDRESSES Includes a l l street numbers which apply to any one building; i n addition, where buildings have been demolished, the former street number(s) are included for continuity. Source: City of V i c t o r i a Directories (1960 and 1972) and the Canadian Underwriters Assoc. Insurable Plan of the  City of V i c t o r i a (1957 - 1967). Street addresses provide the basis for i n d i c a t i n g use changes. COLUMN 2: LEGAL DESCRIPTIONS The l e g a l description of a l l lots (with or without a f f i x e d structures) correlates with street addresses past and present. Source: Island Blueprint Co. V i c t o r i a City Map (1973). Legal description i s the basis for i n d i c a t i n g property transfer and land assembly. - 135 -COLUMNS 3 & '4 ; USE CHANGES S t r u c t u r e u s e s a r e r e c o r d e d b y s t r e e t a d d r e s s f o r 1960 a n d 1 9 7 2 . The s y m b o l s u s e d t o i n d i c a t e u s e a r e d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r m a i n C o m m e r c i a l c a t e g o r i e s , q u a l i f i e d b y t h i r t e e n d e s c r i p t i v e c a t e g o r i e s : M a j o r U s e C a t e g o r i e s : O - O f f i c e U se R - R e t a i l U se S - S e r v i c e Use A - A c c o m m o d a t i o n Use Q u a l i f y i n g D e s c r i p t i o n : p - p r i v a t e o r p e r s o n a l b - p u b l i c v - s p e c i a l t y ( g i f t , j e w e l l e r , a n t i q u e s , n o t i o n s ) f - f o o d . g - g a r m e n t / d r y g d o d s m - t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a - a u t o m o b i l e a r i d / o r a p p l i a n c e s c - c o m m u n i t y m e e t i n g p l a c e s / c l u b s t - t r a n s i e n t r - r e s i d e n t i a l s - s t o r a g e / p a r k i n g x - g a r d e n s u p p l y ( I ) - m a n u f a c t u r i n g / p r o d u c t i o n Use 1960 ( c o l u m n 3) a n d u s e 1972 ( c o l u m n 4) may be d i r e c t l y c o m p a r e d . F o r e x a m p l e : 1410 B r o a d S t - 1960 - Op - P r i v a t e o f f i c e , 1972 - S f - F o o d s e r v i c e o r R e s t a u r a n t . SOURCE: C i t y o f V i c t o r i a , D e p a r t m e n t o f P l a n n i n g , a n d t h e V i c t o r i a C i t y D i r e c t o r i e s (1960 & 1 9 7 2 ) . COLUMN 5: TENNANCY CHANGE T e n n a n c y c h a n g e i s r e c o r d e d i n t e r m s o f i t s o c c u r a n c e o r l a c k o f i t : y e s o r n o . S o u r c e : V i c t o r i a C i t v v D i r e c t o r i e s (1960 & 1 9 7 2 ) . - 136 -Change i n u s e i n v a r i a b l y i s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a c h a n g e i n t e n n a n c y . However, a c h a n g e i n t e n n a n c y i s n o t a l w a y s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a c h a n g e i n u s e . Column 5 i n d i c a t e s t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t e n n a n c y c h a n g e h a s a c c o m p a n i e d u s e c h a n g e an d e v i c e ' v e r s a . COLUMN 6: PROPERTY TRANSFER P r o p e r t y t r a n s f e r i s c o n s i d e r e d i n p r i o r a n d s u b s e q u e n t t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e S q u a r e i n t e r m s o f t r a n s f e r p e r i o d s : 1 - i n d i c a t e s t i t l e t r a n s f e r s u b s e q u e n t t o t h e S q u a r e ( 1 9 6 2 - 7 2 ) . 2.,- i n d i c a t e s t r a n s f e r i m m e d i a t e l y p r i o r t o t h e S q u a r e (1951-61) 3,- i n d i c a t e s - t r a n s f e r i n i t i a l p e r i o d o f a r e a d e c l i n e (1945-50) S o u r c e : B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L a n d R e g i s t r y O f f i c e , V i c t o r i a , B.C., A p p l i c a t i o n s f o r R e g i s t r a t i o n o f F e e - S i m p l e f o r a l l p r o p e r t i e s w i t h i n t h e s t u d y a r e a b e t w e e n 1945 and 1 9 7 2 . COLUMN 7: LAND ASSEMBLY T h r o u g h e x a m i n a t i o n o f t i t l e t r a n s f e r , e v i d e n c e o f l a n d a s s e m b l y t h r o u g h t h e v e s t i n g o f t i t l e i n one o r more r e l a t e d e n t i t i e s i s i n d i c a t e d f o r t h e p e r i o d s (1945 *? 1 9 6 1 (P) a n d 1962 -1972 ( S ) . I n s t a n c e s may be r e l a t e d t h r o u g h t h e i r common s u f f i x number. E g : S-4. S o u r c e : A p p l i c a t i o n s o f R e g i s t r a t i o n o f F e e - S i m p l e a n d l o c a l N e w s p a p e r r e p o r t s . COLUMN 8: S I T E CHANGES S i t e c h a n g e s a r e d e n o t e d f o r e a c h l e g a l p a r c e l o f l a n d - 137 -within the studh area subsequent to the introduction of the Square i n terms of Demolition (D), Replacement (R), and Addition (A). Source: City of V i c t o r i a Planning Department; The Canadian Underwriters Assoc.~-insurable Plan of V i c t o r i a . COLUMN 9: ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY CHANGES Changes i n environmental quality pertaining to each leg a l parcel of land i s denoted by ](X) . Changes are q u a l i f i e d by t h e i r nature as : (p) - paint; (d) - design; and (1) -landscaping. Source: City of V i c t o r i a Planning Department and Personal survey. LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 1.9.60 1972 CHANGE TRANSFER . ASSEMBLY. CHANGE , . IMPROVEMENT ( B r o a d S t r e e t b e t w e e n J o h n s o n & P a n d o r a : West S i d e ) 1400 L o t "B" Op Sm y e s 1,2 X d 1402 & L o t Sc Sc no 1410 658 ( s . 3 0 ' ) Op S f y e s P l a n 492 L o t 658 Sc Aa y e s 1,2 S-6 D ( n . 3 0 1 ) & L o t 659 ( p a r . " C " ) 1416/20 L o t 659 Ra Ra y e s 1 r Xp ( p a r . " A " ) & L o t 660 ( e . 8 0 ' )' £ ( B r o a d S t r e e t b e t w e e n J o h n s o n & P a n d o r a : E a s t S i d e ) 1403 1405 L o t 664 & L o t 671 (w.60') Ra Sm Sp Sp y e s y e s 1,2 Xp 1407/09 L o t 665 Sa Sa no 2 1411 . Sm Sc. . . . . . y e s 1417 L o t 666 Sc Sc no 1-3 Xp. . . LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. I960. 19 72 CHANGE TRANSFER ASSEMBLY. ' , CHANGE . IMPROVEMENT ( C o r m o r a n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n c h a r d : N o r t h S i d e 710 L o t 672 A t A t no 712 ( s . 9 0 ' ) Op Rg y e s 3 714 & L o t 6 7 3 Sa Op y e s ( s . 9 0 • ) ^ 728 L o t 674 Aa Aa no . . . . 1.2 D 732 L o t 675 Sc Sc no 2 & L o t 676 ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 538 L o t 456 S f S f no 540 Sc Sc no 542 Rg Rg no 1,2 Xp 542.5 A r A r 544 . . Rg. . Rg. .... no . 546 L o t 457 S f S f no 548 S f S f y e s 552 Rg Rg no Xp 544 R f R f -544.5 A r _ 556 L o t 2 Sm — y e s 556.5 - P l a n 8952 . Sc Sc no 558 Sc - y e s Xp 560 R f R f y e s 562 A r A r ^ • • • .. 564/66 L o t 459 S f S f no 568 ( s . 8 0 ' ) S f S f no 1,3 Xp 572 Rg Op . y e s LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 196.0. 1.9.72 CHANGE TRANSFER . ASSEMBLY . . CHANGE IMPROVEMENT ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) 539 L o t 444 Sc - y e s 539.5 (w.20') A r A r 541 & L o t 445 Op Sc y e s 2 Xp 541.5 Sc Sc no 543 S f S f no 543.5 A r A r 545 R f - y e s 545.5 A r A r 549 L o t 44 3 S f — y e s 549.5 (w.30») A r A r 551 & L o t 444 Sc Sc no 1,2 Xp 555 ( e . 4 0 - n R f R f n o 555.5. . . A r . . A r 557 L o t "A" R f Sc y e s 557.5 P l a n 17268 Sc Sc no 1,2 Xd 561 R f R f no 565/67 L o t "B" A r A r Xp P l a n 17268 ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 602/04 L o t s 95-12 606 - Sa y e s 1,2 S-4 X d 608 P l a n 2779 A r 610 R f , 612 L o t 14 A r A r 3 612 .'5 P l a n 2779 Sc S c no 614 L o t 13 A r A r .614.5 P l a n . 2.7.7.9 Sc . Sc. no ADDRESS LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT DESC. 1960 1972 CHANGE TRANSFER . . ASSEMBLY. . . . CHANGE . . . IMPROVEMENT 6 2 2 6 2 4 6 2 4 . ' 5 L o t 6 0 4 & L o t 6 0 5 ( w . 4 0 ' ) Aa Op A r A a Sa Op A r no y e s y e s 1 , 2 6 2 6 L o t 6 0 5 ( e . 2 0 \ ) A r R f y e s I r 2 6 3 0 / 3 6 L o t 6 0 6 & L o t 6 0 7 ( W . 3 0 ' ) Sc Sc no 3 Xp L o t 6 0 7 ( E . 3 0 ' ) & L o t 6 0 8 Aa A a no 3 ^ .. . • • • v. 6 4 6 6 4 8 6 5 0 6 5 2 6 5 4 L o t 6 0 9 ( S . 7 0 ' ) & L o t 6 1 0 ( s . 7 0 ' ) Rx Ra Sc Rg v ; S P ' Op Rv Sc Rv Rp y e s y e s no y e s no . ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) CENTENNIAL SQUARE ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n s h a r d S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) . HUDSON'S. BAY COMPANY ( F i s g a r d S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n s h a r d S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) 715/17 L o t .689 Aa A a y e s 1,3 D 719/21 L o t 688 Sa Sa \ y e s 1,3 Xp LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 196.0. 19.72 CHANGE TRANSFER ASSEMBLY CHANGE IMPROVEMENT ( C o r m o r a n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n s h a r d S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) 715 L o t "B" Aa A a no 2 . P l a n . 8665 725 L o t 14 Sc A a y e s D P l a n 1257 731 735 L o t s 1,2,3 P l a n 10192 1 ,2 D ( P a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 536 538 540 L o t 438 & L o t 4 39 (w.20*) A r A r A r A r A r 3 Xp 546 . 5.4.8.5. L o t 4 39 (e. 4 0 \ ) A r A r A r " 1 ,2 Xp 550/52 556 L o t 440 Op.l : s P Op . Sp . no no 1 Xp ( B a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t s S o u t h S i d e ) 5 37 539 541 543 545 547 54 9 L o t 531 & L o t 5 32 (w.40' ) Sc A a y e s 1 S-2 D 585 L o t 533 ( p t . o f ) Sm t~ y e s 1 S-2 D Xd ADDRESS LEGAL DESC. USE 1960 1972 TENNANCY CHANGE PROPERTY LAND . . .TRANSFER ASSEMBLY . S I T E . CHANGE . ENVIRONMENT IMPROVEMENT ( P a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) CENTENNIAL SQUARE • - K ( P a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) 605 L o t 1 P l a n 7110 - A t y e s 1,3 S-6 A x d 613 615 L o t 659 ( P a r . " B " ) & L o t 660 Op Op Ob Ob y e s y e s 1,2 Xp (w.40') B r o a d S t r e e t , i n t e r s e c t s 625 627 L o t 667 (w.60') S f Sa A a y e s 1,2 . S - l D X I 629 631 L o t 66 7 (e..60V) Op A t A a y e s . 1,2 S - l D X I v. ( P a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n D o u g l a s : & B l a n s h a r d : N o r t h S i d e ) 750 L o t s 1,2,3 P l a n 10192 . Op Aa y e s 1,2 D ( P a n d o r a A v e n u e b e t w e e n D o u g l a s i a n d : B l a n s h a r d : S o u t h S i d e ) 705 707 L o t 1 P l a n 13830 A r S f A r S f rto 1,2 Xp v v. 715 717 L o t 158 (Rem.) Rg A t Rg A t no no 2 723 727 L o t 157 S f Sa S f Sa no no 3 735 737 739 L o t 156 A r A r R f ('I)Rv Op Op y e s 2 LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND SITE ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. . 1960 1972 CHANGE . TRANSFER . . ASSEMBLY . . CHANGE . . . IMPROVEMENT (Douglas Street between Johnson & Pandora Streets: West Side) 1402 1404 1406 Lot 671 (e.60 1) Rf Rg Sf Rg Rg Sf yes no no 1,3 Xd 1410 1412 Lot 1 Plan 23213 Rg Rv Rg-; Rg no yes 1,2 Xp 1420 Lot "A" Plan 12000 Rg Rg yes 2 Xd 1450 Lot 668 At/ At/ no 1,3 S-l Xd Sf/ Sf/ Op Op (Douglas Street between Johnson & Pandora Streets: East Side) Lot 139 (s.60 1) 1409 Lot 139 Rg Rv yes 1417 (n.60') Ar Ar 2 1425 Rf Rf yes 1429 Rg Rg no 14 35 Lot 1 Rg Rg no 1439 Plan 13830 Sf Rg yes 1441 Rg Rf yes 1,3 Xp 1447 Rg Rg yes 1453 Rg Rg yes 1469 Rv Rv no LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 1960. 1972 CHANGE . TRANSFER . ASSEMBLY CHANGE IMPROVEMENT ( D o u g l a s S t r e e t b e t w e e n P a n d o r a & F i s g a r d S t r e e t s : West S i d e ) 1672 L o t "A" Sa - y e s 1676 P l a n 11299 - Op y e s 1680 - Op y e s 2 1684 Rv Rv y e s 1692 Rg Rg y e s ( D o u g l a s S t r e e t b e t w e e n P a n d o r a & F i s g a r d : E a s t S i d e ) 1501 L o t "A" Ob Ob no 2 P l a n 8665 1509 L o t "B" Rv Rv no 1513 P l a n 8665 R f ( I ) R f ( I ) no 1515 Rf(I)' , 2 Xd 1517 Ob Ob y e s / n o C o r m o r a n t S t r e e t i n t e r s e c t s 1601 1605 1607 1609 L o t 672 (s.90«) & L o t 673 (s.90') Rg Rv Rv Rv Rg Rv Rv Rf no no no yes 3 Xp 1611 1613 L o t 672 (n.30') & L o t 673 (n.30') Rf Rv Rg yes 1617 1619 1623 L o t 690 (Rem.) & L o t 6 9 1 Rf Rg Rv Rg yes/ n o / yes 1,3 A X d (s.60') LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 1960 1972 CHANGE TRANSFER ASSEMBLY CHANGE IMPROVEMENT 1661 L o t 690 Rg Rg no 3 Xd ( n . 6 0 1 e x c . e.10') & L o t 691 ( n . 6 0 1 ) ( D o u g l a s S t r e e t b e t w e e n F i s g a r d & H e r a l d : E a s t S i d e ) HUDSONS BAY COMPANY ( D o u g l a s S t r e e t b e t w e e n F i s g a r d & H e r a l d : West S i d e ) 1700 L o t 609 Op Op no 1702 ( s . 7 0 ' ) Rv Rv no & L o t 610 ( s . 7 0 ' ) 1708 L o t 609 S f S f y e s 1710 (n.50') Op Op y e s 2 Xp 1712 & L o t 610 Sp Sp y e s (n.50') • 1720 1724 1728 1732 1736 1740 L o t 611 L o t 612 R f Op Rg Rg. Sa Op Rv Rf y e s y e s y e s y e s y e s y e s 1,2 Xp (Government S t r e e t b e t w e e n J o h n s o n & P a n d o r a S t r e e t s : West S i d e ) 1400/50 L o t s 5 3 3 , Rg Ob y e s 1426/80 5 3 4 , 1258 1,2 S-2 Xd & 1 2 5 9 ( e . 1 0 ' ) R g Rv y e s LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 1960 1.972 CHANGE TRANSFER ASSEMBLY CHANGE IMPROVEMENT (Government S t r e e t b e t w e e n J o h n s o n & P a n d o r a : E a s t S i d e ) 1410 L o t "A" Rg - y e s 1,2 X d P l a n 7492 1407 L o t 3 S f S f y e s o 1409 P l a n 7110 Ar. A r 1411 L o t 2 Rg Rg no 2 P l a n 7110 1415 L o t 1 Rg 1417 P l a n 7110 A t A t y e s 1,3 S-5 A Xd 1423 -( G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n P a n d o r a & F i s g a r d : West S i d e ) -1600 L o t 441 Sc Sc y e s 1,2 Xp 1618 L o t "B" Sp Sp no 1618.5 P l a n 17268 Sp A r y e s 1620 Op - y e s 1620.5 A r A r 1622 R f Sp y e s 1624 Rv Rg y e s 1626 S f Rv y e s 1628 R f R f no ( G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n P a n d o r a & F i s g a r d S t r e e t s : E a s t S i d e ) CENTENNIAL SQUARE (Gov e r n m e n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n F i s g a r d & H e r a l d S t r e e t s : West S i d e ) 1706/08 L o t 459 S f S f y e s 1,3 S-5 Xp ( s . 8 0 1 ) ADDRESS LEGAL DESC. USE 1960 1972 TENNANCY CHANGE PROPERTY . TRANSFER , LAND ASSEMBLY S I T E . CHANGE. . ENVIRONMENT IMPROVEMENT 1710 1710.5 1714 1714.5 L o t 459 (n.40') Rg Rg A r A r R f ( I ) R v A r A r no y e s 1 S-5 Xp 1716 1716.5 1720 1722 1722.5 1724 1724.5 1726 OP L o t 460 Op A r Rg Ra Sc A r Rg y e s 1 R Xd ( G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t b e t w e e n F i s g a r d & H e r a l d : E a s t S i d e ) 170.5 1707 1709 L o t s 9-12 P l a n 2779 Sa y e s 1,2 S-4 R X d 1711 L o t 8 P l a n 2779 Sa y e s 1,3 S-4 R Xd 1713 1713.5 L o t 7 P l a n 2779 A r Sc S c ; y e s y e s 1715 L o t 6 P l a n 2779 Sp ( I ) S c y e s 2 1717 1717.5 L o t 5 P l a n 2779 A r Rv Sc Sc y e s no 1725 L o t "A" P l a n 17152 Sa Sa no 1,2 X d LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 19.6.0 1.9.72 . CHANGE TRANSFER . ASSEMBLY CHANGE IMPROVEMENT ( J o h n s o n S t r e e t b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 566 570 L o t 1261 2 572 574 576 578 580 L o t 1260 -< 1 584 586 L o t 1259 (w.50 1) 1 . Xp ( J o h n s o n S t r e e t b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 614 L o t "A" P l a n 7492 1,2 X d 624 L o t "B" 1,2 Xp P l a n 7492 & L o t 658 ( s . 3 0 ' ) B r o a d S t r e e t I n t e r s e c t s . 628 630 636 640 646 L o t 664 & L o t 6 71 (w.60') 1,2 Xd LEGAL USE TENNANCY PROPERTY LAND S I T E ENVIRONMENT ADDRESS DESC. 19.60 1972 CHANGE TRANSFER ASSEMBLY. .'. . CHANGE IMPROVEMENT ( J o h n s o n S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n s h a r d S t r e e t s : N o r t h S i d e ) 704 L o t 1 706 P l a n 21972 1,3 S-3 R X d 708 L o t 140 710 716 L o t 141 1 X d 724 L o t 142 ^ ' . . . . ( H e r a l d S t r e e t b e t w e e n S t o r e & G o v e r n m e n t S t r e e t : S o u t h S i d e ) 541 L o t 46 3 543 545 547 L o t 462 2 555 L o t 1 P l a n 8952 Sc Sc no ( H e r a l d S t r e e t b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t & D o u g l a s S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) 613 L o t 617 ... -2 621 623 L o t 615 & L o t 615 2 665 L o t 614 1,2 679 L o t 613 1,3 ( H e r a l d S t r e e t b e t w e e n D o u g l a s & B l a n s h a r d S t r e e t s : S o u t h S i d e ) HUDSON'S BAY CO. 

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