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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Methods of studying the effects of the surroundings on outdoor activities in urban public places Lindsay, Barbara Susanne 1973

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METHODS OF STUDYING THE EFFECTS OF THE SURROUNDINGS ON OUTDOOR ACTIVITIES IN URBAN PUBLIC PLACES by BARBARA SUSANNE LINDSAY B.Sc, University of Toronto, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE in the Department of Plant Science We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t fr e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Plant Science The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date OlAA+Ay [} / f f i > a b s t r a c t This study was concerned with selecting methods drawn from ecology and ethology that could be applied to evaluating the behaviour of people in downtown public places. Time-sampling and behavioural mapping proved to be useful objec-t i v e methods of observing and recording people's a c t i v i t i e s i n four public places in Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Information on user a c t i -v i t i e s was applied to evaluate the relationship between behaviour and the physical environment in a park, a square and two plazas. In each place there were examples of the impact of environmental factors such as sun d i r e c t i o n , shadow patterns, wind tunnels, and edge conditions on the location and the int e n s i t y of user a c t i v i t i e s . Too often the design of urban spaces has not been sympathetic to the reactions of people to t h e i r surroundings. This inadequacy has brought about a lack of use of these spaces. Traditional techniques of behavioural research have not been able to improve t h i s s i t u a t i o n . The observational approach developed here i s capable of providing objective information on the ways in which physical surroundings affect people's a c t i v i t i e s . i i t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s Page LIST OF TABLES vi LIST OF FIGURES . . . ' v i i LIST OF PLATES vi i i Section 1.0 INTRODUCTION: PEOPLE AND PUBLIC PLACES 1 2.0 AN OVERVIEW 5 Objectives 6 Definition of Terms 7 Hypotheses 8 Scope of the Study 9 3.0 HUMAN BEHAVIOUR IN THE MAN-MADE ENVIRONMENT 10 Man-Environment Interactions 11 Environment-Behaviour Congruences 14 The Study of Human Behaviour in the Bui l t Environment 16 4.0 ENVIRONMENTAL PATTERNS 25 Design Process 26 Environmental Patterns 28 Environmental Pattern Language . 31 Use of Patterns in This Study 32 5.0 THE SETTING: DOWNTOWN PUBLIC PLACES 35 i i i i v Section Page 6.0 METHODS 49 Methodology: Direct Observation of Behaviour . . . . 50 Setting 53 Behaviour Repertoire 54 Act iv i ty Check-l ist . . . . 56 Data Collection 56 Observation Set-Up . . . . 57 Re l iab i l i t y Checks . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Hardware 61 Analysis of Data 62 7.0 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS 63 General Behaviour Patterns 64 Time Sampling 69 Behavioural Mapping . . . . 78 Environmental Patterns 108 The Use of Plant Material 114 8.0 CONCLUSIONS 115 Summary . 116 Conclusions 117 9.0 EPILOGUE 119 Recommendations for Changes to the Public Places Studied . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Recommendations for Further Studies 123 BIBLIOGRAPHY 125 APPENDICES . 130 V Appendix Page I . Patterns (as developed by Christopher Alexander and others, Center for Environmental Structure, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a ) to be tested in this thesis that pertain to public places 131 I I . Samples of the gridded s i t e plans and a c t i v i t y recording sheets 148 I I I . S ite plans showing the location of people engaged in stationary a c t i v i t i e s for each day of the week, for a l l places. Autumn recording session . . . 154 IV. Plant Science 516. The Use of Plant Materials i n Public Places 165 l i s t o f t a b l e s Table Page I. Distribution of observation periods throughout the week for a l l places. Autumn and Summer recording sessions 65 II . Data summary of total number of observed act iv i ty events and people in stationary and movement act iv i t ies for a l l places. Autumn and Summer recording sessions . . . . 70 III . Number of people observed in each behaviour category for a l l places. Autumn and Summer recording sessions . . . 71 IV. Number of stationary people using space establishing elements for a l l places. Autumn and Summer recording sessions . . . . . . 75 V. Number of stationary events in each behaviour category associated with space establishing elements. Victory Square. Autumn recording session . . . 85 VI. Number of stationary events in each behaviour category associated with space establishing elements. Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session . 92 VII. Number of stationary events in each behaviour category associated with space establishing elements. Paci f ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session . . . 102 vi l i s t o f f i g u r e s Figure Page 1. Map of downtown Vancouver showing the location of public places used in the study 38 2. Average number of people observed in stationary and movement act iv i t ies throughout a weekday for a l l places. Autumn recording session 67 3. Average number of people observed in stationary and movement act i v i t ies throughout a weekday. Victory Square and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Summer recording session 68 4. Site plans showing the locations of space establishing elements in Victory Square and Courthouse Square . . . 76 5. Site plans showing the locations of space establishing elements in Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza 77 6. Site plans showing the locations of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies total led over a l l weekdays. Victory Square and Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session . . . . 80 7. Site plans showing the location of people en-gaged in stationary act i v i t ies totalled over a l l weekdays. Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session . . . . . . . . . 81 8. Site plan showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies at noon. Victory Square. Autumn recording session 83 9. Site plan showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in the stationary act iv i ty "looking about," through-out the day. Victory Square. Autumn record-ing session 86 v i i v i i i Figure Page 10. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies at noon. Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session 88 11. Site plans showing the position of shadows in the morning and afternoon. Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session . 89 12. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies in the afternoon. Bentall Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 95 13. Site plans showing the position of shadows in the morning and afternoon. Bentall Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 97 14. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies in the afternoon. Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 100 15. Site plans showing the position of shadows in the morning and afternoon. Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 101 16. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving a c t i v i t i e s , Victory Square and Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session . . . . . . . 104 17. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving a c t i v i t i e s , Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 105 18. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving a c t i v i t i e s , Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Summer recording session . . . . 106 l i s t o f p l a t e s Plate Page I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Victory Square 40-41 I I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Courthouse Square 42-43 I I I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Bentall Centre Plaza 45-46 IV. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of P a c i f i c Centre Plaza 47-48 ix a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s I wish to express my sincere thanks to the members of my super-visory committee, Dr. V. C. Runeckles, Dr. W. G. Wellington, Dr. R. F. Kel ly , and Dr. J . N e i l l . Their stimulating guidance and encouragement throughout the entire project were most appreciated. The research described in this thesis was made possible through a Ford Foundation grant to Dr. C. S. Holling of the Institute of Animal Resource Ecology. I am most grateful to Dr. Holling and the Ford Foundation for providing me with the opportunity of pursuing the study. I would also l ike to thank the people who helped with the devel-opment of the study. Carolyn Taylor did the programming and Rochelle Zilberman helped with the data col lect ion. Others to whom I am also indebted are Christine Gui ld, Kam Prasad, Eileen Langley, Ted Wrinkle, and Norman Hotson. Dr. W. Rees, Dr. A. D. Chambers, and Ron Walkey provided helpful advice during the planning stages. x M E T H O D S O F S T U D Y I N G T H E E F F E C T S O F T H E S U R R O U N D I N G S O N O U T D O O R A C T I V I T I E S I N U R B A N P U B L I C P L A C E S xi i n t r o d u c t i o n p e o p l e a n d p u b l i c p l a c e s i 2 The focus of this study w i l l be on public places which are areas of the c i ty accessible to a l l members of the community. Public places in this study refer to small outdoor spaces in the core of the c i t y , such as plazas, parks, squares and courtyards. This form of public open space serves a v i ta l biological and social role in the downtown environ-ment. A basic human need for sunlight, fresh a i r and nature has been recognised for many years. Open space also has the potential of bring-ing people together. It provides an arena for contact and interaction, a human necessity that has been drast ical ly reduced by modern advances in transportation and communication. For centuries the c i ty has provided i t s inhabitants with usable public places next to their homes and around larger buildings. Tradi-t ional ly public places are also available in modern c i t ies part icularly in the downtown area surrounding public and off ice buildings. But now, in a number of subtle ways, our c i t ies have made public places "for going through" rather than "for staying i n . " This fact is supported by new regulations that make i t a crime to l o i t e r , by stronger attractions within buildings and by outdoor spaces and streets that are so unpleasant to stay i n , that they almost force people to remain inside. These negative factors contribute to feelings of i so la t ion , i n -security and detachment from society prevalent among people l i v ing in c i t i e s . Two recent studies have shown that mental i l lness and acute feelings of isolation are more common among people who cannot reach the 3 street from t h e i r dwellings than among those who can (Fanning, 1967; Ash, 1966). The basis of the problem outlined above i s that public places are "centrifugal" rather than "ce n t r i p e t a l " (Alexander, 1970): people are driven out, rather than attracted to them. To combat this e f f e c t , the pedestrian surroundings outside of buildings must become not only places to move through but also places where you stay. One way of achieving these pedestrian improvements would be to make the surroundings of public places capable of supporting a variety of informal a c t i v i t i e s as well as people walking through. The idea that d e f i n i t e l i n k s e x i s t between people's a c t i v i t i e s and the b u i l t environ-ment has been discussed repeatedly in the l i t e r a t u r e (Craik, 1970; Studer, 1969; Proshansky et a l . , 1970). The available evidence suggests that both physical a c t i v i t i e s and psychological states are affected as the environment changes (Wicker, 1970; Michel son, 1970). Thus an ecological frame of reference provides the necessary theoretical basis for determining the degree and character of use of the environment, and the study of the interrelationships of l i v i n g organisms or groups of organisms and t h e i r environments has been defined as ecology. As a branch of the bio l o g i c a l sciences, ecology i s concerned with the way plant and animal species d i s t r i b u t e themselves and how they adapt to one another and to t h e i r t o t a l environment. The high degree of complexity and mutual interdependence that characterises the natural world suggests analogies to human situations in urban surroundings (Abrams, 1971). When applied to human a c t i v i t i e s the ecological analysis of behaviour 4 establishes "what takes place, when i t takes place and where i t takes place" (Craik, 1970). The ecological analysis of behaviour that w i l l be applied in this study w i l l enable the i s o l a t i o n of the congruence between people's a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r surroundings. Consequently this analogy could then serve as a guide for subsequent designed environments. This study focuses on informal a c t i v i t i e s such as reading, eating, s i t t i n g , t a l k i n g , and physical movement a c t i v i t i e s that occur i n four outdoor public places in downtown Vancouver. By examining the i n t e r -relationships between these a c t i v i t i e s and the physical environment, i t w i l l be possible to determine the congruity between p a r t i c u l a r behaviour patterns and the physical features of selected public places. 2-0 a n o v e r v i e w 5 6 The purpose of this section is to familiarise the reader with the objectives, hypotheses and conclusions of this research. All of these topics are discussed in more detail in following sections of the thesis. 2-1 o b j e c t i v e s This study will attempt to f u l f i l the following objectives: 1. to test objective, analytical methods drawn from ethology in order to determine their potential for observing and recording human behaviour in everyday situations; 2. to utilise the most applicable of those analytical methods in a study of human spatial behaviour in public places in Vancouver, specifically time sampling and behavioural mapping; 3. to find the relationship between user behaviour and the environ-ment in these public places; 4. to evaluate the existing environment of these public places by assessing the congruence between environment and user behaviour. The method of observation and recording behaviour that will be used in this study is a combination of time-sampling and behavioural mapping. These techniques provided the most accurate information about what people are doing, when they are doing i t , and where they are doing 7 i t . The four public places chosen for study are: Victory Square; Courthouse Square; Bentall Centre Plaza; P a c i f i c Centre Plaza. These places are a l l located in downtown Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. 2 - 2 d e f i n i t i o n As discussed in the Introduction, the term "public place" refers to regions of the c i t y that are available f o r use by a l l members of the community. This may encompass a broad range of spaces from large playing f i e l d s and parks to the smaller scale shopping malls, streets and s i d e -walks. In this thesis the public places studied are the small open spaces found in the core of the c i t y . These places generally take the form of plazas, squares, small parks or courtyards. This type of public place in downtown Vancouver i s most often associated with the space around b u i l d i n g s . The term "behaviour" within the context of this study refers to such informal a c t i v i t i e s as reading, eating, d r i n k i n g , sleeping, s i t t i n g , playing and purposeful walking. The term "environment" in i t s broadest context refers to a l l ex-ternal conditions influencing the growth and development of an organism. 8 A d i s t i n c t i o n i s commonly made between the natural environment (water, land, trees) and the environment made by man ( s t r e e t s , houses, c i t i e s ) . In a consideration of the chara c t e r i s t i c s of a surrounding i t i s possible to speak in terms of the physical environment, the bio l o g i c a l environment, the social environment or the behavioural environment. In this study "environment" includes the man-made or designed surroundings of public places as well as the na t u r a l , c l i m a t i c f a c t o r s . To conclude t h i s c l a r i f i c a t i o n of terms, the concept of congruence refers to the degree of f i t between behaviour and environment. Congruence i s defined in the Oxford Dictionary as agreement, consistency of one with another. This term i s discussed at greater length in Section 3.0. 2 - 3 h y p o t h e s e s The objectives of this study were designed to test the following hypotheses: 1. a n a l y t i c a l methods of observing and recording behaviour make i t possible to detect arrangements of behaviour in public places; 2. there i s a range of i d e n t i f i a b l e elements of the physical envi-ronment that i s associated with s p e c i f i c behaviours and not with others; 3. public places can be evaluated in terms of the congruence between environment and behaviour; 4. the patterns (as developed by Christopher Alexander, Center for 9 Environmental Structure, see page 28) that pertain to public places can be evaluated in the public places under investigation. 2 - 4 s c o p e o f t h e s t u d y The major focus of this study is the establishment of l inks be-tween the structure of the physical environment and the behaviour of individuals within i t . The approach taken may be labelled "ecological ." Many researchers investigating the congruence between behaviour and environment feel that much more is to be gained by considering the prob-lem from the anthropocentric point of view. That man-oriented approach surveys individuals' perceptions, attitudes or preferences to environ-ments and how these affect their behaviour in the environment. However, this project does not ignore the anthropocentric orientation, but rather i t assumes that there are patterns of behaviour related to environmental settings which exist regardless of the individuals involved. The aim of this work is to describe these patterns of behaviour as they interact with the environment. How people subjectively evaluate the environment in terms of their attitudes and values is also an important factor in determining their behaviour but is beyond the scope of this project. 3-0 h u m a n b e h a v i o u r i n t h e m a n m a d e e n v i r o n m e n t 10 n 3 1 m a n - e n v i r o n m e n t i n t e r a c t i o n s The increased public awareness of the interactions of man and his s ocial and physical environment has stimulated a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of re-search into the effects of the man-made environment on behaviour. A l -though i n i t i a l l y t h i s work was undertaken independently within a variety of d i s c i p l i n e s the need for an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y approach to the study of man-environment interactions has been understood. This i s evidenced by the emergence of the f i e l d of man-environment studies as a separate s c i e n t i f i c d i s c i p l i n e to which m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y oriented researchers contribute. The concept that a l l aspects of man's social and physical envi-ronment are i n t r i n s i c a l l y related i s not new. What i s new i s that the uncovering of these relationships has awakened an interest in the human effects of man's environment. One outcome of this increased awareness i s a concern for the poor f i t between the b u i l t environment and people's behaviour in i t : The designed environment r e f l e c t s the largely untested assumptions about human behaviour held by the professional planner. That sub-s t a n t i a l differences e x i s t between the ways the public and the plan-ner view the same environment has been too often disregarded by the l a t t e r . (Porteus, 1971) There i s an increasing body of research findings that indicate the d i f -ferences of outlook between designers and public (Rapoport, 1970). 12 Architectural students and humanities students have been shown to have dif f e r e n t ways of "seeing" space (Sommer, 1968). Such oversights have frequently caused m i s f i t s between the building environment and the public's behaviour i n i t . For example, children w i l l often show a tendency to abandon the play environments of planned housing developments i n favour of s t r e e t s , vacant lots and other more exciting places (Porteus, 1971). Appleyard (1969) has also documented evidence that suggests planners often make assumptions about how people w i l l use an area. While analysing the planning process f o r the new c i t y , Ciudad Guayama, Venezuela, he found that planners made assumptions about how residents would comprehend the c i t y . However, he also uncovered many differences in actual attitudes and knowledge of the environment between planners and inhabitants, and even between planners of d i f f e r e n t s p e c i a l i t i e s . The increased consciousness of poor f i t between the man-made en-vironment and the users of i t has not been t o t a l l y ignored by designers. The tendency i s , of course, to place a l l the blame on architects and planners. But the designer, being only one of a number of parties who aff e c t the f i n a l plan, i s severely constrained. In f a c t , there have been major attempts made by designers to gain a better understanding of human a c t i v i t i e s , and t h e i r accommodation in the physical environment (Studer and Stea, 1969; Sommer, 1969, 1972; Studer, 1970). As the tasks of designers continue to increase in both complexity and s c a l e , t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s have come to include a l l aspects of the b u i l t environ-ment, and t h e i r c l i e n t s have come from a l l facets of society. I t i s no longer possible for a designer to assume on an i n t u i t i v e basis an 13 understanding of what a l l t h e i r c l i e n t s ' l i f e styles might require. To further compound th i s problem the immediate c l i e n t s with whom the de-signer must interact are not necessarily the potential users of his projects, but instead are the intermediate agents: the c i t y o f f i c i a l s , developers, corporation boards. The general p u b l i c , the users of the designed space, are frequently disregarded, and when asked by the designer about what they want or need, are often unable to specify t h e i r own requirements. The need for relevant user-inputs for prospective projects has been approached in a variety of ways. Most of the methods and procedures employed in programming have f a i l e d to be useful tools to generate a good environment. Programming consists of the uncovering of human needs with respect to proposed physical projects. In general, the surveying and interviewing of prospective user-clients undertaken by programmers have f a i l e d to have a q u a l i t a t i v e e f f e c t on the f i n a l product. Perhaps the spokesmen f o r user-clients have not been able to adequately represent the larger body of users, or perhaps what people think they might want in a new project i s quite d i f f e r e n t from what they need. To overcome the above inadequacies the examination of human a c t i -v i t i e s in existing designed environments, including both direct observa-tion and assessments from the users, has been recommended as a more relevant source of information for the designer (Sommer, 1972; Craik, 1970). The evaluation of existing projects provides information about what people do in already designed environments, and does not depend on th e i r ideas of what might go on in future environments. As Sommer (1972) 14 has stated: I believe that the most relevant information w i l l be discovered by evaluating existing projects rather than by asking people what they want. Certainly i t i s important to talk with potential users about a prospective park; i t i s also necessary to look at existing parks which are s i m i l a r . This study recognises the need for evaluation of e x i s t i n g environ-ments in order to understand better the interactions between man and his environment. The techniques for evaluation range from d i r e c t observation to interviewing and tal k i n g with people who are using s p e c i f i c environ-ments. The method used in this study i s one of objective a n a l y t i c a l observation of behaviour. Interviews and questionnaires as a means of evaluation have not been ignored, but are beyond the scope of this project. 3 - 2 e n v i r o n m e n t - b e h a v i o u r c o n g r u e n c e Traditional approaches to the investigation of the effects of the man-made environment on behaviour have taken two directions: the extent to which people are viewed as behaviourally dependent variables and the environment as an independent variable or the reverse. Designers are e s s e n t i a l l y interested in the extent to which p a r t i c u l a r b u i l t environments w i l l shape the l i v e s of people, ignoring t h e i r personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The major assumption of this environmental determinism, as Michel son (1970) describes i t , i s "how much the physical environment influences who comes together with whom." Social s c i e n t i s t s , on the 15 other hand, have tended to pursue the subject from a d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n . Their concern has been with the extent to which selected social character-i s t i c s make a difference in the planning of buildings and neighbourhoods. Both these approaches imply some form of determinism either on the part of human behaviour or the physical environment. To overcome these shortcomings and the resulting inadequacies of the research into the effects of the man-made environment on behaviour, Michel son (1970) has developed a model for the analysis of behaviour and environment. He sees the physical environment as presenting a set of l i m i t i n g conditions for human behaviour: . . . a pa r t i c u l a r environment sets broad l i m i t s as to the range of phenomena from other systems which can be found there. Some social systems, p e r s o n a l i t i e s , or cultur a l goals (possibly only a few) may be impossible in given s e t t i n g s . Beyond this l i m i t , an environment may make some phenomena in other systems either easier or more d i f -f i c u l t to maintain . . . . With this interdependence forming the framework for an understanding of the impact of environment on behaviour he outlines a model for research into the relationship between environment and behaviour: Thus the model I suggest i s not of determinism or of the dominance of one system over another, but rather one of congruence—of states of variables in one system coexisting better with states of variables in another system than with other alternative states. I t i s an intersystem congruence model. (Michelson, 1970) Michelson's model has dir e c t application in this t h e s i s . A basic premise of his writing and of this research i s that there i s congruence between environment and behaviour such that p a r t i c u l a r arrangements of the physical environment co-exist with certain behaviour patterns better 16 than with others. I f the environment i s functioning w e l l , i t w i l l be congruent with behaviour by providing a support structure for behaviour. If incongruent, i t w i l l obstruct certain behaviours that would normally occur there. I m p l i c i t in this assumption i s an understanding that the physical environment i s only one of an interacting system of variables impinging on behaviour. The p o s s i b i l i t y remains that a variety of other factors might intervene between the environmental variables and the resultant behaviours to produce the f i n a l degree of congruence. That i s the nature of the interdependence. However this does not eliminate the usefulness of i n v e s t i g a t i n g , despite intervening v a r i a b l e s , the relationship between behaviour and environment. 3 - 3 t h e s t u d y o f h u m a n b e h a v i o u r i n t h e b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t The formulation of how human behaviour interacts with the physical environment and the methods for uncovering t h i s information are f a r from complete. A review of some of the work that has already been done in this area that serves as background for the research of t h i s thesis i s outlined below. Roger Barker (1968) and his colleagues at the Midwest F i e l d Station have i n i t i a t e d an approach to the study of behaviour known as ecological psychology. Their unobtrusive observation of behaviour i n natural settings i s ecological in i t s intent and methods. Their purpose i s to study behavioural phenomena as they occur i n t a c t , in t h e i r natural 17 sett ing. The methodological objective is to obtain information about behaviours without disrupting the on-going behavioural events (Barker, 1965). This technique of course, demands the application of techniques by which a human observer can unobtrusively record behavioural phenomena (Webb et a l . , 1966). Barker and his co-workers were concerned with the behaviour-e l i c i t i n g function of the environment. The f inal adjustment between a person and the environment in terms of the resultant behaviour is strongly influenced by the types of act iv i t ies which the particular environment supports. The environment does more than just provide a background for action: i t actually generates a specif ic form of behaviour. Barker has attempted to break-down the environment into behaviour settings. A behaviour setting is an ecological unit consisting of inter -dependent behaviour and environment systems in which the distinguishable pattern of behaviour is independent of the persons involved. Each region or setting for action generates a specif ic type of behavioural response: a person w i l l behave much differently in a drug store than in a park or restaurant. Each setting has a specif ic geographical location that i t is tied to, a specif ic and regular time for which i t begins and ends; and a standing pattern of behaviour which is understood by i ts participants. There are particular elements which are necessary for the performance of the sett ing, e . g . , chairs, tables or merchandise that may be found in a cafe or drug store. The geographical location, time l i m i t s , pattern of behaviour and physical objects are inseparably l inked, and form the 18 behaviour setting u n i t . Barker's endeavours are concerned with determining the impact of environmental features on the functioning of the behaviour s e t t i n g . Other researchers investigating the interactions between the physical environment and behaviour do attempt to uncover the effects of pa r t i c u l a r environmental v a r i a b l e s . Behavioural maps have been developed as a technique for studying the relationships between behaviour and the physical space in which i t occurs. The necessary features of a behavioural map are "descriptions of behaviour and of participants and statements r e l a t i n g the behaviour to i t s physical locus" (Ittleson et a l . , 1970). The environment under observation i s subdivided into a number of s p e c i f i c locations. Observers then record for each of these predetermined areas the number and des-c r i p t i o n of the participants engaging in each of a set of observational categories of behaviour. The behavioural map thus provides a shorthand description of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of behaviour throughout a s p e c i f i c environ-ment. These descriptions in terms of percentages can be used to compare two d i f f e r e n t situations or conditions. As behavioural maps are applied more widely, generalisations should become possible regarding the use of space in a variety of s e t t i n g s . This may be th e i r major value as a research t o o l . They may also have application as a technique for pre-d i c t i n g quantitatively the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of behaviour in a new project, before i t i s b u i l t . De Jonge (1967-68) has also studied the manner in which the environment evokes behavioural responses. Using photographs of p u b l i c , 19 recreational parks in the Netherlands, he found varying d i s t r i b u t i o n s of v i s i t o r s over the observed regions. This was attributed to "valences," the q u a l i t i e s of the environment which either a t t r a c t or repel people. These tendencies were associated with the following environmental con-fig u r a t i o n s : close areas, focal points, edge e f f e c t s , group t e r r i t o r y and p o l a r i s a t i o n . The highest concentration of people were found in close areas, the areas closest to the main entrances and parking l o t s . Intensities pf people were located at focal points which were either natural or man-made such as open a i r cafes, playgrounds, pools, tops of h i l l s , w a t e r f a l l s . The edge e f f e c t , s i m i l a r to tendencies found among breeding b i r d s , was observed along border zones between two park areas such as beaches, banks, or edges of woods where concentrations of people were found. Bounded t e r r i t o r i e s , l i k e islands or clearings in forests served as "group t e r r i t o r y , " an area exclusively occupied by one group and respected as such by others. Subsequent v i s i t o r s would be repelled and have to fin d t e r r i t o r y of t h e i r own. Polarisation of areas was related to d i f -ferent groups of people picking s i t e s of varying degrees of closeness or remoteness from entrances. To a certain extent the findings showed that the polarisations of an area were c u l t u r a l l y determined with manual workers using the areas near entrances more frequently and white c o l l a r workers using the more distant portions of the parks. Researchers carrying out ecological and ethological studies with animals have shown that s p e c i f i c rules e x i s t by which animals come to structure t h e i r environment s p a t i a l l y (Tinbergen, 1968; Hediger, 1961). 20 Much of t h e i r work has been directed towards gaining an understanding of how organisms adapt to t h e i r environment and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , how they interact with other organisms co-operatively to establish some form of social organisation. Some aspects of social behaviour which have been studied are related to communication, the dominance hierarchy, t e r r i t o r i -a l i t y , and the balance between c o n f l i c t i n g basic drives (e.g., i s o l a t i o n vs. aggregation, competition vs. co-operation, aggression vs. passive-ness). The o r i g i n of many of these environment-behaviour relationships in the animal kingdom l i e s i n the basic need to reduce sources of con-f l i c t which often lead to stress and related pathologies. Current research in the f i e l d of man-environment relations has provided results indicating that much of the social behaviour found i n animals may s t i l l be operating in humans. Preiser (1971) has catalogued studies of human spatial behaviour in terms of one or more spatial con-cepts: t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , personal space, proxemics, density. T e r r i t o r i -a l i t y refers to any active mechanism that spaces individuals or groups away from one another. I t involves an active defence of occupied space. In many instances the concept of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i s investigated i n r e l a -tion to studies of dominance hierarchy in social groupings. Very closely associated with the notion of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and often confused with i t , i s that of personal space as developed by Sommer (1969). Personal space refers to the distance which people tend to main-tain between themselves and other people. His studies are concerned with the behaviours associated with the acquisition and marking of the boundaries of this space. In l i b r a r y studies he found that personal 21 space, unlike t e r r i t o r y , would not be defended from i n t r u s i o n . In studies of small group ecology he found d e f i n i t e patterns of spacing of people in conversation in r e l a t i o n to the distances they maintain and seating arrangements chosen depending on the intentions of the people involved. Proxemics i s a f i e l d of study developed by Hall (1966) which i n -vestigates four relationships among people. These relationships ( i n t i -mate, personal, social and public) deal with the distance or 'space bubble' that people maintain around themselves in d i f f e r e n t social set-t i n g s . Hall found that these proxemic distances were c u l t u r a l l y deter-mined and that v i o l a t i o n s of them often resulted in c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n s . Much of the work related to the effects of crowding and density on human behaviour has been r e s t r i c t e d to speculative theorising extra-polated from findings of studies with animals (Ardrey, 1966; Lorenz, 1967; Morris, 1969; Calhoun, 1962). Many of these theories are highly controversial and demand much more empirical research before conclusions from animal studies can be applied to human s i t u a t i o n s . For example, Calhoun's studies of the behaviour of rats under conditions of crowding may suggest that the high crime rate in dense urban areas would be at least p a r t i a l l y due to crowding. S i m i l a r l y , i t has been proposed that the aggression found in conjunction with t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n animals may be the cause of much violence under crowded urban s i t u a t i o n s . Goffman was also concerned with the way people arrange themselves in space. His work focuses on the spatial arrangements of people i n social encounters and the rules that control them. For example, he has shown in discussions of conversations in public places that the 22 arrangement and spacing of seats w i l l affect the number and kinds of encounters in a physical space. Once again, the interest in the work i s directed towards the interface between behaviour and the b u i l t environ-ment. Goffman (1963) develops the concept of social occasion to describe t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n : When persons come into each other's immediate presence they tend to do so as participants of what I sh a l l c a l l a social occasion. This i s a wider social a f f a i r , undertaking or event, bounded i n regard to place and time and t y p i c a l l y f a c i l i t a t e d by fixed equipment; a social occasion provides the structuring social context in which many situations and t h e i r gatherings are l i k e l y to form, dissolve and reform, while a pattern of conduct tends to be recognized as the appropriate (often) o f f i c i a l or intended one--"standing behaviour pattern" to use Barker's term. Examples of a social occasion are a workday in the o f f i c e , a p i c n i c , or a night at the opera. S t i l i t z (1970) has conducted a survey of a number of studies of pedestrian behaviour in high density c i r c u l a t i o n spaces. Using a tech-nique s i m i l a r to the behavioural mapping of Ittleson and his co-workers (1970) he was able to show that despite the complexity of the interaction of pedestrians and environment, researchers can detect systematic pat-terns of behaviour. In studies of subway stations and theatre lobbies he concentrated on the effect of stationary groups on moving pedestrians. The location of stationary groups was observed p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to physical elements such as columns, t i c k e t machines and kiosks. He found that line-ups affected the flow of movement for certain t r a f f i c d e n s i t i e s , and the flow of movement i t s e l f affected the position of other stationary groups, e.g., people waiting would tend to seek shelter from the moving crowd. These protected areas were usually found next to columns, edges, niches and corners. 23 Wolff (1970b) in his studies of pedestrian behaviour on c i t y streets has also uncovered rules or patterns which tend to regulate be-haviour. He found that the "most s i g n i f i c a n t factor affecting and modi-fying the behaviour of pedestrians in a metropolis i s the population density in t h e i r immediate environment." Pedestrians co-operated and followed sidewalk rules "to adapt t h e i r spacing to the existing density of t r a f f i c , with re s u l t i n g changes in walking s t y l e and relationships to th e i r fellow walkers" (Wolff, 1970a). Another related study conducted by Winkel and Hayward (1971) investigated the causes of congestion in several subway stations and on subway cars in Manhattan. Using d i r e c t observation of behaviour i n the form of tracking and d i s t r i b u t i o n studies, they came to the conclusion that there was a tendency for people to cluster around entrance points causing considerable congestion. A d e f i n i t e relationship between entrance points and benches also existed with respect to where people boarded a t r a i n . Winkel and Hayward were also able to come to some conclusions about the effect of vending machines, s t a i r s and escalators on c i r c u l a t i o n . Included in the report are proposals for minor changes in the subway s t a -tions studied to a l l e v i a t e some of the congested conditions. Preiser (1971) investigated informal behaviour in a public plaza. His objective was to observe and analyse people's reactions to and i n t e r -actions in an area. He was interested in the effects of "Space Estab-l i s h i n g Elements" on human a c t i v i t i e s . Space Establishing Elements are v i t a l factors in determining how people w i l l arrange themselves s p a t i a l l y for the purpose of interacting with one another, i n 24 providing privacy for social groups or i n d i v i d u a l s , in allowing for movement flows, e t c . The position and cha r a c t e r i s t i c s of these elements, defined in terms of l o c a t i o n , shape, d i r e c t i o n , s i z e , colour, and texture w i l l p o t e n t i a l l y enhance or lessen the purpose for which an environment has been designed. The study i s of value in that i t provides quantitative informa-tion about the spatial relationships between behaviour and the physical elements supporting i t . Preiser (1971) states that In attempting to judge the quality of a plaza or parts of i t , i t would seem important to be able to specify not only the desired be-haviour categories but also the amount of each desired for a p a r t i -cular s e t t i n g . The intent was to report on any relationships which might e x i s t between behaviour and environment. There was no attempt made to evaluate the plaza studied or to make recommendations as to how i t might be improved. The above discussion of human behaviour in the man-made environ-ment suggests evidence for the following hypotheses: 1. a n a l y t i c a l methods of observing and recording behaviour make i t possible to detect arrangements of behaviour i n public places; 2. there i s a range of i d e n t i f i a b l e elements of the physical environ-ment that are associated with s p e c i f i c behaviours and not with others; 3. public places can be evaluated in terms of the congruence between environment and behaviour. 4-0 environmental patterns 25 26 4-1 d e s i g n p r o c e s s Any person involved with the shaping of the environment, whether he is an architect, planner, landscape architect , or inter ior designer, must be concerned with design. A search through the l i terature found a variety of interpretations of what this term encompassed. For example, the design of pedestrian spaces has been described by Stuart (1968) as involving "the visual aspects of such physical details as street fu rn i -ture, sidewalk f ix tures , and incidental a c t i v i t i e s . " A preview, such as that outlined by Stuart, would be considered by many people as being of l imited scope. A more r e a l i s t i c approach might be to consider design as a problem-solving ac t i v i t y : The problems design sets out to solve are the results of relations between people and between people and nature. Its success is mea-sured by the completeness with which i t analyzes and solves the problem. (Eckbo, 1966) In the past, the process of design has been based on the intui t ive assumptions of the designer and his t radit ional ly held be l ie fs . As the present day design problems increase in quantity, complexity and scale with similar increases in technology, social structure and culture the feas ib i l i t y of designing environments on an intui t ive basis alone becomes more remote. In recent years the development of more rational processes of design based on exp l ic i t methodologies has grown at a considerable 27 rate. In conjunction with this change, there has been a growing emphasis on environmental design involving the accommodation of human needs, both biological and non-biological (Studer and Stea, 1966). Christopher Alexander (1964) was one of the f i r s t design methods theorists to connect the relationship between human behaviour and the man-made environment with a specif ic design methodology. In his book Notes on the Synthesis of Form he describes a way of systematically ap-proaching design problems that would emphasise functional or igins. The basis of this design theory was that: every design problem begins with an effort to achieve fitness between two ent i t ies : the form in question and i t s context. The form is the solution to the problem; the context defines the problem. In other words, when we speak of design, the real object of discussion is not the form alone but the ensemble comprising the form and i t s context. Good f i t is a desired property of this ensemble which relates to some particular division of the ensemble into form and context. Good f i t results from forms which are suitable in a given context, while misf i t is caused by forms that are not appropriate. Alexander's major concern was to locate examples of poor f i t be-tween the bu i l t environment and the complex of human behaviour i t should accommodate. His theory is that the man-made environment neither meets human needs nor forms an organic whole. He sees two problems as being responsible for this (Alexander, 1968). F i r s t , under current practices, designers are unable to answer many questions of social psychological, economic and technical content. Further, there is no mechanism by which schematic solutions can be carried from one project to another, and so improve cumulatively and systematically over time. Second, there is no 28 way in which individual design projects can be co-ordinated throughout the c i t y . As an attempt to solve these problems, the Center for Environ-mental Structure (CES) was formed in Berkeley, Cal i forn ia . The Center approaches the solving of these problems by applying some of the ideas presented in Notes (with some changes that w i l l not be discussed here). Two complementary concepts have been developed, v i z . that of environ-mental patterns and environmental pattern language. These concepts and the reasons for including them in this thesis w i l l be considered in the following three sections. 4-2 e n v i r o n m e n t a l p a t t e r n s Environmental patterns define spatial arrangements among parts of the environment. Each pattern consists of four d ist inct parts: 1. Context—This defines the set of conditions in which the pattern is applicable. 2. Problem—This is a conf l ic t between tendencies that are l ike l y to occur in a stated context (Alexander and Payner, 1966). A ten-dency is a testable statement or hypothesis about some need that people w i l l actively try to satisfy i f given the opportunity ( i b i d . ) . The problem discusses a human conf l ic t which occurs when a particular arrangement of the environment is not shaped to f i t the act i v i t ies in i t . The statement of a problem should be considered in i t s broadest sense. 29 3. Prescription—This defines the spatial arrangement of parts which must be present in the given context in order to solve the prob-lem. The physical image i t describes has the advantage of being adaptable to each situation as well as presenting organisational principles which are applicable in every s i tuat ion. Each pattern is usually supplemented with a simple diagrammatic sketch pro-viding a visual explanation of the prescription. The sketch is frequently accompanied with a photograph of an existing example of the pattern. 4. Discussion--In this part, the problem may be discussed in more d e t a i l . The evidence on which the prescription is formed is pre-sented in d e t a i l . This evidence may be empirically derived, design-based, or i f necessary, intu i t ive in o r ig in . The idea of environmental patterns is not new. Experienced de-signers have always used personalised prototypes or private patterns. These serve the designer as an individual vocabulary of prototypical solutions which can be applied with modification repeatedly to each re-lated design problem. Private patterns have much in common with environ-mental patterns as developed by the CES. But they also have weaknesses. Designers' patterns have the disadvantages of being private: they are not known or available to cr i t ic ism by others, and they tend to be unco-ordinated with other ventures (Alexander, 1968). Environmental patterns attempt to al leviate the frequently i n t u i -tive basis of private patterns by being substantiated whenever possible by sc ien t i f i c data. The data provide evidence to suggest that the 30 formulated problem does exist as stated, and to support the solution pro-vided in the prescription. The use of the patterns also enables the design process to be externalised. By formalising the patterns i t puts them in a readily communicable form thus enabling them to be public and open to c r i t i c i sm. An openness to cr i t ic ism is considered one of the major advan-tages of patterns because i t allows them to develop and change with time (Alexander, 1968). It is expected that as new empirical evidence is un-covered, or as the patterns are bu i l t and put to practical use, modifica-tions w i l l be necessary and the patterns changed. Sources of error or improvement may occur in any of the four parts (context, problem, pres-c r ip t ion , discussion) of a pattern ( i b id . ) . For example, the problem either may not actually occur in the given context or may not occur to the extent claimed. Or the spatial relationship defined in the prescrip-tion may not sat is factor i l y solve the problem. In addit ion, patterns are reflections of a culture and therefore are subject to change along with that culture. From this discussion, i t becomes apparent that patterns are l ike sc ien t i f i c hypotheses: they are based upon empirical evidence and may be tested and refuted (Duffy and Freedman, 1970). Deciding whether a pattern is suitable for a particular design is a rational process rather than a matter of in tu i t ion . Like sc ien t i f i c hypotheses, patterns remain val id unti l new evidence is found to suggest that they be modified or abandoned. 31 4 3 e n v i r o n m e n t a l p a t t e r n l a n g u a g e The environmental pattern language was developed to perform this task of bringing together the patterns into complex forms. The language is simply a "system which co-ordinates the patterns with one another" (Alexander, 1968). It is the ordering of the patterns to allow them to be incorporated into the total design. The practical purposes of the pattern language are as follows: 1. to allow the uniqueness of each s i te to be provided fo r ; 2. to indicate the hierarchical ordering of the patterns. From past experience, i t is apparent that some patterns are of major importance for the whole design while other ones neither affect nor are affected by other patterns; 3. to indicate which patterns are concerned with a specif ic part of the whole in order that they may be considered at the same time (Alexander, 1968). The language also provides a means for communicating the patterns to the users so that they w i l l be able to understand where each pattern is important and what other patterns must be considered at the same time. To c la r i f y the nature of pattern language, the analogy has often been made between patterns and pattern languages, and spoken languages (Duffy and Torrey, 1970). A natural language is a col lection of words that express simple ideas and a method (rule of grammar) for retrieving them and combining them into an in f in i te number of sentences. The 32 pattern language is l ike the rules of grammar (method) which combine the patterns or design ideas into a form. 4 - 4 u s e o f p a t t e r n s i n t h i s s t u d y 0 The fourth hypothesis of this study states that the patterns (as developed by Christopher Alexander and others, Center for Environmental Structure, Berkeley, Ca l i fo rn ia ; see Appendix I) that pertain to the public places under investigation can be evaluated in the public places. Reference was made ear l ier to the increasing consideration of human behaviour variables in the design process and the emergence of the pat-tern language approach as a design methodology speci f ica l ly concerned with human behaviour. The pattern language approach although in i t s early stages of development has major advantages for both researchers and designers as a methodology. Duffy and Torrey (1970) have stated that: Patterns cannot exist without data, and data unrelated to design problems are d i f f i c u l t to use. The designer uses data and ideas about physical solutions simultaneously and does not want them to be presented to him separately. The formulation of patterns demands data based on observation and experimentation to "prove the hypothesis" of each pattern. This material must come from a wide range of f i e l d s : sociology, psychology, anthro-pology, ecology and many others. In 1966 Sommer stated however that "the entire art of design rest's on empirical underpinnings so weak that no consensus exists about what arrangements are e f f i c i e n t , beautiful or 33 even relevant to a given ac t i v i t y . " Studer (1970) has also commented that "we haven't an adequate empirical understanding to precisely cor-relate environmental and behavioural variables." The major reason for this shortage of empirical findings would appear to rest with social scientists who have t radit ional ly conceptualised studies of humans accor-ding to three systems—cultural, s o c i a l , and personality—ignoring the physical system and especially the man-made environment almost completely (Michelson, 1970). The imbalance originating from a lack of understanding of environ-ment and behaviour variables has begun to be corrected by the recently emerging f i e l d of man-environment studies. However, this f i e l d is s t i l l at such an immature stage that i t s theoretical paradigms have not yet been accepted (Rapoport, 1970), and the amount of research which has been completed is l imited. As a resul t , the evidence for the patterns has been "anything-analysis, conjecture, simulation, interview, personal experience" (S i lverste in , 1969). Many of the patterns which have already been developed have not been tested or "proven" with experimentally derived .data. This is essential to determine their va l id i t y . The pattern language approach to design holds promise as a method for relating information about people's act i v i t ies in designed environ-ments to the design process. This study w i l l therefore take some of the patterns which have already been developed for public places and either support or refute them on the basis of the behavioural data collected in the four public places being investigated. The following patterns are to be tested: 34 Activ i ty Pockets; South Facing Open Space; Hierarchy of Open Space; Central Place Focus; Stair Seats; Linear Open Space; Continuous Rain Shelter for Related Functions; Outdoor Seats. The text of these patterns (as developed by Alexander and others) is i n -cluded in Appendix I. i 5-0 the setting d o w n t o w n p u b l i c p l a c e s 35 36 The City of Vancouver is located on a peninsula of land lying between the north arm of the Fraser River on the south, the Strait of Georgia on the west, and Eurrard Inlet to the north.. It is protected from the Pacific Ocean by the mass of Vancouver Island, but its proxi-= mity to this ocean keeps its climate moderate throughout the. year. The mountains of Vancouver Island and to a lesser extent, the Olympic Mountains of northwest Washington, protect Vancouver from the direct onslaught of storms moving off the north Pacific Ocean. However the Coast Mountains beyond the city give a l i f t to the moisture laden air so that rainfall over the area is plentiful with an annual precipi-= tation (rain and snowfall) of sixty inches. The rainy season extends from late fall to middle spring. These same Coast Mountains provide protection to the city from outbreaks of Arctic air during winter, Only the major onslaughts of cold weather are able to overcome this mountain barrier. The natural determinants of geography and topography have played a major role in the history of the city. Its extensive waterfront, land' locked harbour, and proximity to areas of natural resource production ena-= bled it to become A major port and the western terminus of the railway. Today Vancouver is the focal point of four major railways and many highways. It i v scrvrd by an international airport, and i t is the terminus of oil OAV pipelines. The city's busy export trade exceeds that of all other p . M H on the Pacific Coast of North America, including 37 San Francisco and Los Angeles. This study w i l l focus on the downtown of Vancouver. The down-town, or central business d i s t r i c t (CBD), of Vancouver is the area bounded by Main, Burrard, Robson and Hastings Streets. It is the busi -ness core of the c i ty with the major concentration of r e t a i l , o f f i c e , and service functions. The downtown is the centre for shopping, for entertainment, and culture for the c i t y , and for an expanding metropoli-tan area. Much of the area known as downtown has been covered by busi -ness expansion. A number of subareas have developed each with a particular function, with the result that the character of the downtown area is not uniform but varies between these subareas. The four public places chosen for study are Victory Square, Courthouse Square, Bentall Centre Plaza, and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Each place is located in the downtown core of the City of Vancouver (see Figure 1). They were selected for study because of certain important features such as their location, s imi lar i ty with respect to s i ze , and the kinds of act i v i t ies found in them. Victory Square is located in the old business centre of the down-town. The CBD has now shifted farther west, leaving the area immediately surrounding the square occupied by small shops and of f ices . Courthouse Square and Paci f ic Centre Plaza are in a highly commercial and business-oriented area, surrounded by shops, department stores, o f f i ces , public buildings and hotels. Bentall Centre Plaza is situated at the centre of the business core of the downtown, surrounded by l i t t l e other than off ice buildings. !••• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • =EE Figure 1 Map of downtown Vancouver showing the location of public places used in the study 39 Of a l l the land available in the downtown area only 2 per cent exists as or has been reserved for public open space. The spaces that are available for public use are of two types: public parks, plazas and squares, and the grounds of public and private buildings that have been developed for the use of people. Victory Square is the only public space that can qualify as park within the downtown area. The park is the s i te of the original govern-ment Courthouse demolished in 1918, and i t has been held under a ninety-nine year lease for park purposes since that time. The square occupies one c i ty block between Pender, Hastings, Hamilton and Cambie Streets. It owes i t s character to the abundance of mature trees and grass areas which provide an oasis in the heart of the c i t y . The square is heavily used throughout the day by people s i t t ing on the benches and as a pedes-tr ian short cut. It is frequented predominantly by older men who occupy the benches on a semi-permanent basis and use the park as a place to meet and interact with friends (see Plate I ) . Courthouse Square, located on the grounds of the present Provin-c ia l Government Courthouse, was constructed around 1910. It is a formally landscaped plaza with a fountain as i t s central feature program-med to produce sequences of water patterns (see Plate I I ) . The square functions primarily as a diagonal shortcut for pedestrians. Other uses that occur in moderation are s i t t i n g , reading and eating lunch. The fountain serves as an attraction for tourists and sightseers. Bentall Centre Plaza, Burrard Street near Pender Street (con-structed 1969), is an outdoor open area in front of the Bentall Centre 40 Plate I. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Victory Square Plate I. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Victory Square Plate I I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Courthouse Square Plate I I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Courthouse Square 44 off ice towers. It involves a s l ight change of level from the sidewalk, with benches, trees, flowers, fountain and pool (Plate I I I ) . It is used by off ice workers having lunch, reading a newspaper or watching the people go by: but primarily i t is used for access to the Bentall Centre off ice towers. Paci f ic Centre Plaza occupies the open space remaining after the Paci f ic Centre tower and Eaton's building development of 1971. The inter -section of Granville and Georgia Streets is the busiest corner in the downtown. The plaza which occupies one corner of this forms an important focal point in the busy off ice and commercial area. It accommodates thousands of workers moving to and from the buildings four times a day, shoppers going to Eaton's or Paci f ic Centre M a l l , and people shortcutting between Granville and Georgia Streets. The plaza is very seldom used for other outdoor ac t i v i t ies (Plate IV). In summary, each of the four places chosen for study provide f a c i l i t i e s that attempt to accommodate the various needs of the surroun-ding population. In terms of physical character ist ics , i t is possible to arrange the four places on a continuum ranging from the park- l ike sur-roundings of Victory Square to the urban plaza or square features of Paci f ic Centre Plaza. Courthouse Square and Bentall Centre Plaza were included as examples of transitions between these two extremes. The social context of both immediate and regional environments of the four places is varied although the predominant users (with the excep-tion of Victory Square) would appear to be white col lar workers. The use reaches a moderate to heavy peak at lunchtime and may extend into the afternoon. It is much less active in the morning or evening. Plate I I I . Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Bentall Centre Plaza Plate III. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Bentall Centre Plaza Plate IV. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of P a c i f i c Centre Plaza Plate IV. Visual i l l u s t r a t i o n s of P a c i f i c Centre Plaza 6-0 methods 49 50 6 1 m e t h o d o l o g y : d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n o f b e h a v i o u r The design and planning professions are seriously lacking in any method for objectively analysing behaviour in the bu i l t environment and lacking in any empirical data that relates human behaviour with the environment. The f i e l d of man-environment studies has the potential of providing these. This thesis f a l l s within the realm of man-environment studies. Its objective is to investigate the relationship between behaviour and the environment of public places. The second major objective of the thesis is to i l lus t ra te the potential of analytical methods of observing and recording behaviour by using them in the study. The method of data col lection developed in this study is one of direct observation of behaviour employing a combination of time-sampling and behavioural mapping techniques. It was f e l t that these techniques would best achieve the goals outlined above. 6.1.1 Advantages and Limitations of Observational Techniques The techniques of direct observation make i t possible to record behaviour as i t occurs: this is i t s greatest asset. Too often the re-search techniques employed in studying human behaviour, such as inter -views and questionnaires', depend on people's reports of their own behaviour. At the time of recording, the respondent may be influenced 51 by a completely different set of factors than those peculiar to the re-search s i tuat ion. The degree to which behaviour can be predicted from interview or questionnaire data is l imited, and often impossible. How-ever, the information obtained can be useful in a comparison with or as a point of departure from actual observed behavioural data. The second advantage of observational techniques, contrary to tradit ional views, is the ease with which the data may be quantified. Quantification is essential i f an accurate description of behaviour is desired and i f hypotheses are to be tested. This is not to imply that a l l observational data must be quantified. In general, this need w i l l be determined by the purposes of the study. The overriding l imitat ion of observational methods l ies in the objectivity of the recordings. An observer may only be aware of the dominant act i v i t ies in a setting while completely overlooking less ob-vious but perhaps more valuable ones. An observer may run the r isk of becoming adjusted to a setting being studied to the extent that he or she overlooks useful information. The combined methods of time-sampling and behavioural mapping make i t possible to systematically and objec-t ively record information about behaviour as i t occurs in everyday situations. Time-sampling is a method of observing behaviour of individuals or groups under the ordinary conditions of everyday l i f e . A survey of the l i terature of time-sampling (Olson and Cunningham, 1934; Hutt and Hutt, 1970; Esser, 1970) indicates that this technique should include the following aspects: 52 1. observation by an eye witness; 2. selection of categories of behaviour to be observed and their def init ion in terms of overt ac t i v i t y ; 3. sampling of behaviour at regular time intervals for a specified observation period. The major assumption involved with the application of time-sampling as a method of data collection in this thesis is that rel iable quantitative measures of the frequency of occurrence of behaviour in a given setting can be obtained from records of the occurrence of the be-haviour in a series of randomly distributed short time intervals . If this assumption is val id i t should be possible to analyt ical ly quantify the behaviour of people in public places. In order to understand the relationship of user behaviour and the bu i l t environment, i t is necessary also to record the location of people using the study areas. To achieve t h i s , a modified version of the behavioural mapping technique developed by Ittleson (1970, see Section 3.0) was combined with time-sampling procedures. The procedure of behavioural mapping involves the analysis of behaviour into relevant categories and the empirical observation of these behaviour categories as they relate to the physical surroundings. In this study, locations Of people were marked on a gridded s i te plan of the study area for a given time interval . Records were then made of the grid location of an individual or group and the act iv i ty each was involved in for that stated time period. This provides accurate infor -mation about what people are doing, where and when for a given area. 53 (See Appendix II for samples of the gridded s i te plans and act iv i ty re-cording sheets.) The following steps are involved in this study of human behaviour in public places: 1. the survey of the central business d i s t r i c t of Vancouver to iden-t i f y public places that are used by people involved in a diver-s i ty of a c t i v i t i e s ; 2. the selection of places for study based on the character of sur-roundings, designed environment, number of people in the place, diversity of act i v i t ies in the place; 3. the establishment of a behaviour repertoire; 4. the compiling of an act iv i ty c h e c k - l i s t - - a l i s t of act iv i ty words to be used in time-sampling; 5. the time-sampling and behavioural mapping: recording of act iv i ty events in the pre-established categories on a standardised data sheet and s i te plans for each place; 6. the testing of interobserver r e l i a b i l i t y ; 7. the quantitative analysis of recorded data. 6-2 s e t t i n g An observational and photographic p i lo t study was conducted of public places in the central business d i s t r i c t of Vancouver to identify those places which were out of doors, accessible to the public and used for a variety of a c t i v i t i e s , both stationary and moving (sol itary and 54 interactive) . In spite of the paucity of such places in downtown Vancouver i t was possible to isolate four areas for further study where the observed amount of act iv i ty was relat ively high. As noted ear l ie r , the public places chosen for study are Victory Square, Courthouse Square, Paci f ic Centre and Bentall Centre. 6 - 3 b e h a v i o u r r e p e r t o i r e A behavioural repertoire of act iv i ty in public places is basic to the development of a time-sampling data sheet. This requires a detailed knowledge of a l l the forms of behaviour which occur in the settings to be studied. It also ensures that the researcher is acquainted with what kinds of behaviour actually occur in the places rather than basing his studies on preconceived notions of what ought to occur, and possibly ignoring segments of the behavioural repertoire. Observations were made in each place to be studied for several f u l l days. A description of the act i v i t ies which took place was written down in long hand in the form of short sentences. Only direct ly obser-vable behaviours were recorded without any attempt to impute a motive or reason for the ac t i v i t y . Key act iv i ty words were isolated from these descriptions and classed together with other similar act i v i t ies such as stationary behaviour or movement. By this procedure, the f u l l behavioural repertoire of people's act i v i t ies in public places was broken down into discrete observable categories. Each behaviour category was then clearly defined to assure a complete understanding of each ac t i v i t y . The 55 following is a l i s t of the behaviour categories developed for this study: 1. directed movement—any act iv i ty involving motion which is direc-ted or has a purpose; e . g . , walking through without lingering or stopping, running; 2. random movement—any act iv i ty involving motion which varies from a directed, uninterrupted path; e . g . , walking back and forth , stopping, l ingering, playing; 3. stationary activity—any act iv i ty which occurs at one place and involves no movement; e . g . , s i t t i n g , l y ing , standing; 4. social interaction—communication with another person or persons; e . g . , ta lk ing , chatting; 5. observer interaction—any responses directed to the observer which may include visual orientation or ta lk ing ; 6. searching--!ooking around a place orienting towards specif ic objects or people; 7. use of Space Establishing Elements (SEEs)--SEEs (a term developed by Preiser, 1971) consist of a range of physical elements in a space either material or designed such as trees, grass areas, shrubbery, gardens, gravel, planters, benches, wal ls , steps, r a i l i n g s , ledges. Use of SEEs is any act iv i ty associated with a SEE such as s i t t ing on a bench, leaning on a p i l l a r . Primarily the interest of the study is with the responses people have to the physical and designed environment in public places, but at the same time an understanding of what kinds of responses were made is desirable so these were also recorded. 6 4 a c t i v i t y c h e c k l i s t 56 The act iv i ty check- l ist employed in the time-sampling studies was based on the above behaviour categories. "The use of a checklist presupposes that the observer is interested in recording a number of specif ic behaviour categories, whether they occur simultaneously or not. A prerequisite for obtaining rel iable and val id data from checklists is a set of clearly defined categories" (Hutt and Hutt, 1970). 6 - 5 d a t a c o l l e c t i o n The technique used to obtain information about act iv i ty in public places was time-sampling and behavioural mapping. A standardised data recording sheet was designed which when used in conjunction with a gridded s i te plan for each place allowed the collection of s p a t i a l , temporal, and behavioural information. Spatial information, the location of s ta -tionary and moving a c t i v i t i e s , was noted on the gridded s i te plan. The data sheet was used to record the time of occurrence (date, time of day), weather, temperature, type of ac t i v i t y , i t s location on the s i te plan, and the number of participants in each act iv i ty event. Act iv i t ies were recorded according to the behaviour categories defined in the act iv i ty check - l i s t . The number of participants refers to the number of people taking part in any stationary ac t i v i t y . For moving act i v i t ies i t was possible only to record the total number of people moving on a particular path for each observation period. 57 It is a characteristic of time-sampling techniques of observation that a decision is made in advance concerning the study of behaviour at regular and constant intervals , irrespective of how frequently the act iv i t ies actually occur. The time interval employed in this study was empirically determined in p i lo t studies based on the frequency of occur-rence of stationary act i v i t ies in public places and the length of time necessary to complete the data sheet. It was found that an observation session of f i f teen minutes adequately sat isf ied these c r i te r ia as well as allowing some time for general observation to supplement the recorded events. Each observer recorded data for sessions of two hours. The gridded s i te plan was obtained by superimposing a standard grid on each of the s i te plans. The s i te plans were drawn to the same scale, so that each unit of the grid represented ten feet on any s i te plan. Copies made of this served as the data sheets for behavioural mapping. The location of each person stationary in the space during the time of observation was recorded by locating a dot on the plan. The location of movement routes was recorded by indicating an arrow on the plan. 6 6 o b s e r v a t i o n s e t u p In a typical observation period, an observer was stationed as unobtrusively as possible in the place to be examined but in a location permitting a f u l l view of the entire area. One data sheet and one gridded s i te plan were used. Place, date, time of day, weather, 58 temperature and observer were noted at the top of each sheet. During the f i r s t minute of the f i f teen minute period, the location of each per-son in the place, whether stationary or moving, was indicated on the s i te plan. This included people that were in the place at the beginning of the minute of recording as well as those people that entered or l e f t the place during the time. At the end of this minute the data sheet was f i l l e d out recording the act i v i t ies of the people observed during the one minute interva l , the corresponding grid locations on the s i te plan, and the number of participants involved in each ac t i v i t y . Movement act i v i t ies were located on flow paths on the s i te plan. The flow path number and the total number of people on a flow path was recorded on the data sheet instead of a grid location; and the number of participants in an individual stationary ac t i v i t y . An extra column enabled the recording of supplementary remarks concerning a description of the stationary act iv i ty (eating, reading) and the body posture ( s i t t i n g , l y ing , leaning); and what SEEs were used. This column also allowed for comments on additional categories not included in the data sheet. The above recording usually took f ive minutes. The next ten minutes were used for general observation and photography. This f i f teen minute recording period was repeated for two hours. Data were collected between the last week in August and the f i r s t week in October, 1972. At that time of year, outdoor act iv i ty was s t i l l at a relat ively high inten-s i t y , and the number of tourists had decreased suf f ic ient ly so that the results would not be dominated by their a c t i v i t i e s . Recordings were taken between 9:00 A.M. and 6:00 P.M., with a few exceptions; and on each day of the week. 59 In a further test of the methodology, additional data were ob-tained in June and July of 1973. These data were collected only in P a c i f i c Centre and Victory Square. In P a c i f i c Centre the opening of the new Eaton's Department store should a l t e r the a c t i v i t y patterns of people in the adjacent plaza from the patterns observed in the f a l l before the store was opened. I f the method of behaviour observation developed i n t h i s thesis was able to detect these changed patterns, i t would be further evidence of i t s usefulness. Supplementary data were collected i n Victory Square due to an i n s u f f i c i e n t quantity of data from the f i r s t recordings to derive ade-quate conclusions. A l l observations were taken by the author and one other person. In Courthouse Square, Bentall Centre and P a c i f i c Centre one observer c o l -lected a l l the data for each observation session. In Victory Square, during periods of intensive use, i t was necessary for the two observers to work together, each recording the a c t i v i t i e s of people in a portion of the place. 6 7 r e l i a b i l i t y c h e c k s Interobserver r e l i a b i l i t y checks were conducted at the beginning and the end of the study to test the s i m i l a r i t y of recordings by each observer. Following thorough trai n i n g in the use of the observation i n -strument both observers simultaneously collected several complete sets of observational data, for Courthouse Square and Bentall Centre. 60 Insufficient time prevented r e l i a b i l i t y studies of Paci f ic Centre and Victory Square. However, since the data for these places were collected over the same time period, and by the same observers as that for Court-house Square and Bentall Centre, i t was f e l t that the r e l i a b i l i t y scores obtained would provide a valid estimate of the overall r e l i a b i l i t y of observations for each place. Two types of r e l i a b i l i t y scores were obtained: overall inter -observer agreement, and interobserver r e l i a b i l i t y for each variable at the beginning and end of the study. The overall interobserver r e l i a -b i l i t y for Courthouse Square was 88.7 per cent and for Bentall Centre was 83.7 per cent. Interobserver r e l i a b i l i t y was computed for each variable at the beginning and at the end of the study. The r e l i a b i l i t i e s for specif ic variables were similar enough to use an average inter -observer r e l i a b i l i t y for the variables. The average interobserver r e l i a b i l i t y for the variables at the beginning and end of the study were then calculated. The average r e l i a -b i l i t y of observations for Courthouse Square were 93.5 per cent at the beginning and 87.2 per cent at the end of the study. Similarly the average r e l i a b i l i t y of observations for Bentall Centre were 92.7 per cent at the beginning and 91.7 per cent at the end of the study. The r e l i a b i l i t i e s of specif ic variables were suf f ic ient ly high to just i fy the use of the observational technique. The analysis of observational data as i t was broken down into behaviour categories, is used with equal frequency by each observer. This indicates there is no bias due to a specif ic observer. Therefore, the results of the 61 r e l i a b i l i t y checks indicate that the method of time-sampling and be-havioural mapping provides a technique of observing and recording be-haviour in public places which yields rel iable data on the use of space. The val id i ty of measures derived by time-sampling and related tech-niques i s , broadly speaking, a function of three factors: the naturalness of the behaviour observed, the accuracy with which i t was recorded, and the adequacy with which i t was sampled. If the obtained indices are interpreted solely as measures of observed f re -quency of the behaviour under the conditions of observation, va l id i ty is synonymous with r e l i a b i l i t y . I f , however, as is usually the case, they are interpreted as representative of the normal be-haviour of the observed individuals in a particular situation or in a l l situations of a given type, their va l id i ty obviously depends not only upon the accuracy of the records but also upon the representa-tiveness of the sampling. (Arrington, 1943) 6 - 8 h a r d w a r e There has been no discussion to this point of the usefulness for observation purposes of hardware such as time-lapse photography, motion pictures, and tape recordings. It is obvious that such methods are easily hidden thus reducing any observer influence on the behaviour of the people being studied. This also applies to the use of tape recordings using hidden microphones. However their use does not solve the problem of gathering data for systematic purposes. The categories of behaviour to be recorded must be established, time intervals determined and a method set for recording. Observations may be recorded either at the time the event occurs, or taken from the movie or recording. For the purposes of this study, i t was f e l t that an observer situated unobtrusively on the s i te would not disrupt normal patterns of behaviour. 6 - 9 a n a l y s i s o f d a t a 62 The information from the data sheets and gridded s i te plans was coded for computer processing. Tables were produced by the computer presenting the number of people observed and the number of occurrences of act i v i t ies in each behaviour category. Graphs of frequency d is t r ibu -tions were obtained to demonstrate the amount of use in each place studied throughout the day. Tables were also produced giving the number of people observed in each grid location under a variety of different conditions. This analysis of the data forms the basis for the discussion of results . 7-0 discussion o f r e s u l t s 63 64 7-1 g e n e r a l b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s Observations were made in each place primarily on weekdays with readings taken at least once for each time period for each day. Obser-vations were restricted to the time between 9:00 A.M. and 6:00 P.M. because very l i t t l e act iv i ty occurred before or after this period in any of the places. Results for the autumn and summer recording sessions w i l l be examined separately for purposes of comparison. Only the information collected for the weekdays Monday to Friday inclusive w i l l be considered in this report. Insufficient data were obtained for Saturday or Sunday to warrant analysis (see Table I ) . Also, of the four places studied, only Victory Square was used by more than occasional s t ro l lers on the weekend. During the morning (9:00 to 11:30 A.M.) act iv i ty was minimal with walking through the spaces as the dominant category. Over the lunch period (11:30 A.M. to 1:30 P.M.) this pattern changed. Movement con-tinued to dominate as people on their lunch breaks made use of the spaces for eating, reading and chatting. After lunch, the stationary act iv i ty again decreased. During the afternoon, with the exception of Victory Square, the spaces were used only moderately. The amount of act iv i ty decreases from 1:30 P.M. with a s l ight r ise in the mid-afternoon noticeable in a few places. The decrease continues unti l after the evening rush hour (5:00 Table I Distribution of observation periods throughout the week for a l l places. Autumn and summer recording sessions. Autumn Recording Session Victory Courthouse Bentall Pacif ic Square Square Centre Plaza Centre Plaza No.obs. % obs. No.obs. % obs. No.obs. % obs. No.obs. % obs. periods periods periods periods periods periods periods periods Monday 0 0 47 39 8 7 13 11 Tuesday 10 56 8 8 26 21 28 23 Wednesday 2 11 16 13 34 28 16 13 Thursday 0 0 37 31 37 31 37 31 Friday 6 33 0 0 10 8 17 14 Saturday 0 0 5 4 6 5 4 3 Sunday 0 0 6 5 0 0 6 5 Total 18 119 121 121 Summer Recording Session Monday 8 17 0 0 Tuesday 0 0 0 0 Wednesday 18 37 21 40 Thursday 0 0 0 0 Friday 22 46 31 60 Saturday 0 0 0 0 Sunday 0 0 0 0 Total 48 52 66 to 5:30 P.M.) when the places are vacated. Movement act iv i ty is predominant throughout the day for each place except in Victory Square. A shortage of data for this place makes i t impossible to draw accurate conclusions about the use of the space, but i t would appear on the basis of the evidence obtained that Victory Square was well used throughout the day for both stationary and movement a c t i v i t i e s . Observations after 6:00 P.M. indicated that the places were nearly without act i v i t y . For this reason, no data were collected after this time. Of course, on evenings when stores remain open for shopping there is some ac t i v i t y , part icularly in Pacif ic Centre Plaza and to a lesser extent in Courthouse Square. The graphs shown in Figures 2 and 3 indicate the average number of people observed in stationary and movement act i v i t ies throughout a typical weekday, for each place, for autumn and summer recordings. The data collected in the autumn and summer recording sessions i l lust rated similar behaviour patterns. One major difference between the two recording sessions was that the number of people observed was consistently higher in the summer than in the f a l l . This may be due in part to higher numbers of tourists or v is i tors in the c i ty during the summer than the autumn or simply that more people are out-of-doors in the summer than in the autumn. The larger number of people using Paci f ic Centre Plaza in the summer recording session was also connected with the opening of the new Eaton's department store facing onto the south corner of the plaza. The new store, by attracting crowds of people has a major effect on act iv i ty patterns in the plaza. 46 + AO' 36 + 26 4-Q DC Oi 16 Z O lc? k-< > 5 + CC UJ 05 CD CC LU Q. 4O--LU CL 35 O LU Q. 30--O 6 z *>+ 15-to + VICTORY SQUARE 45--4 o -36 3o 25--a>.-15 lc? 5 H • H 1 1 * COURTHOUSE SQUARE 67 \ooo [\oo \Qpo iSoo |4oo l5oo \boo \-[oo &° l l c o 12°° 13°° I4a> I50O \yx> \7<x> BENTALL CENTRE PUZA 5»« 45-36' So--*20 • B--lo--PACIFIC CENTRE PLAZA A V ,«** icco i loo |-2«3 isoo !4co 1500 ifcco ifco 1 0 0 0 »°o B« to to e » W it» T IME OF DAY DIRECTED MOVEMENT — STATIONARY ACTIVITIES Figure 2. Average number of people observed in stationary and movement act i v i t ies throughout a weekday for a l l places. Autumn recording session TIME OF DAY DIRECTED MOVEMENT — STATIONARY ACTIVITIES Figure 3. Average number of people observed in stationary and movement a c t i v i t i e s throughout a weekday. Victory Square and P a c i f i c Centre Plaza. Summer recording session 69 From preliminary analysis i t was found that the distr ibution of people observed throughout the day for each day of the week Monday to Friday was similar enough to consider a l l the weekdays together. The analysis therefore represents the conditions of a typical weekday for each place investigated. 7-2 t i m e - s a m p l i n g The time sampling studies provide information about the amounts and kinds of act i v i t ies observed in the four places studied. In Courthouse Square, Bentall Centre Plaza and Paci f ic Centre Plaza the highest percentages of people at the time of observation were engaged in moving act i v i t ies (see Table I I ) . The situation in Victory Square was different. Here 81 per cent of the total observed act i v i t ies were stationary and only 19 per cent were movement, while the propor-tions of people engaging in these act i v i t ies was roughly equal. One of the objectives of this study was to uncover the re lat ion-ship between behaviour and the environment of the four places being examined. To achieve this objective i t was necessary to obtain infor -mation about the occurrence and distr ibution of act i v i t ies within each place. Therefore further analysis concentrated on determining the d i s -tributions and locations of the different kinds of act i v i t ies found in each place. Table III provides information about how users spend their time in each place. The table indicates that the majority of the act iv i ty which Table II Data summary of total number of observed act iv i ty events and people in stationary and movement act iv i t ies for a l l places. Autumn and summer recording sessions. Autumn Recording Session Victory Square Courthouse Square Bentall Centre Plaza Pacif ic Centre Plaze No. % total No. % total No. % total No. % total movement act iv i ty events stationary act iv i ty events 69 297 19 81 380 53 335 47 366 68 170 32 387 130 75 25 total act iv i ty events 366 715 536 517 moving people stationary people 345 365 49 51 1 ,334 72 515 28 1 ,168 85 215 16 2,702 189 93 7 total people observed 710 1,849 1,383 2,898 Summer Recording Session movement act iv i ty events stationary act iv i ty events 165 1,668 9 91 272 243 53 47 total act iv i ty events 1,833 515 moving people stationary people 909 3,229 22 78 2,468 409 86 14 total people observed 4,138 2,877 Table III Number of people observed in each behaviour category for a l l places. Autumn and summer recording sessions. Autumn recording session Summer recording session Behaviour Victory Courthouse Bentall Pacif ic Victory Pacif ic Category Square Square Centre Plaza Centre Plaza Square Centre Plaza No. % total No. % total No. % total No. % total No. % total No. % total directed movement 530 46 1,272 69 1,139 82 2,666 92 908 22 2,452 85 random movement 5 1 62 3 14 1 11 0.4 0 0 0 0 standing 7 1 160 9 50 4 66 2 0 0 10 0.4 reading 45 6 39 2 17 1 5 0.2 35 1 4 0.1 eating 3 0.4 40 2 1 0.1 5 0.2 0 0 6 0.2 drinking 4 1 2 0.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 singing 3 0.4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 playing 0 0 9 1 3 0.2 4 0.1 0 0 0 0 feeding birds 10 1 5 0.3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 using mus. inst . 0 0 1 0.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 looking about 290 41 200 11 132 9 110 4 3,133 76 386 13 photographing 0 0 28 1 4 0.3 0 0 0 0 2 0.1 sleeping 0 0 1 0.1 5 0.4 0 0 0 0 0 0 other stationary 3 0.4 30 2 3 0.2 6 0.2 1 0 0 0 other non-stat. 10 1 0 0 15 1 25 1 1 0 16 0.6 social interaction 117 17 291 16 88 6 107 4 1,158 28 174 6 observer inter . 5 1 8 0.4 2 0.2 0 0 6 0.1 0 0 searching 0 0 15 1 6 0.4 3 0.1 0 0 0 0 72 took place in P a c i f i c Centre and Bentall Centre Plazas was directed movement. In P a c i f i c Centre 92 per cent of the people, and in Bentall Centre 82 per cent of the people observed were found to be using the places solely for directed movement. Usually these people were t r a v e l -l i n g to or from buildings or in P a c i f i c Centre Plaza, shortcutting through the space. In Courthouse Square directed movement also was the dominant form of a c t i v i t y , but with only 68.6 per cent of the to t a l number of people observed. In Victory Square less than half the people observed were found to be in d i r e c t movement. People that spent any length of time i n a place were categorised under random movement, stationary a c t i v i t y or other non-stationary a c t i v i t y . Of the three a c t i v i t i e s , stationary a c t i v i t y was found most often in each of the four places. In order to have a clear understanding of the patterns of behaviour of the users i t was desirable to obtain information, about what people were doing who used the places f o r more than j u s t c i r c u l a t i o n . For this purpose the behaviour repertoire was further c l a s s i f i e d at the time of observation on the data recording sheet. The following subcategories were used on the data sheets: standing, reading, eating, d r i n k i n g , singing, playing, feeding b i r d s , using musical instruments, looking about, photographing, sleeping, other s t a -tionary. At the same time the body postures of the people categorised under a stationary a c t i v i t y were recorded. By breaking down the stationary a c t i v i t i e s into the various com-ponents i t was possible to show that there were d e f i n i t e differences i n the kinds of a c t i v i t i e s in each place. Victory Square had the highest 73 number of people that were generally doing nothing other than s i t t ing and looking around at the surroundings (categorised as "looking about"). It also had the highest number of people reading, and feeding birds of the four places examined. The same pattern was found in both the autumn and summer recording sessions. Courthouse Square had the second highest number of people "looking about," however this was considerably lower than that found in Victory Square (41 per cent of the total people in Victory Square, 11 per cent in Courthouse Square). Courthouse Square also had the highest number of people "standing" (9 per cent of the total) and "eating" (2.2 per cent of the total) of the four places. Bentall Centre was characterised by a low percentage of people in the "looking about" category (10 per cent) and "standing" category (4 per cent). The number of people observed in any of the other stationary act iv i t ies was minimal. Pacif ic Centre had the least number of people in any of the stationary a c t i v i t i e s . Only 8 per cent of the total people observed were engaged in stationary a c t i v i t i e s . Of the total people observed only 4 per cent were "looking about" and 2 per cent were "standing." In summary then, Victory Square had the highest number of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies with looking about and reading predomi-nating. The number of people in stationary act i v i t ies decreased pro-gressively in Courthouse Square, Bentall Centre Plaza and Paci f ic Centre Plaza; with the smallest number found in Paci f ic Centre Plaza. The looking about category was most prevalent in each place. The other 74 a c t i v i t i e s in which people were observed in even moderate numbers were standing and reading. As discussed under the methods of data c o l l e c t i o n , people's use of the space establishing elements (SEEs) was recorded at the same time as a c t i v i t i e s . Table IV shows the percentage of to t a l people using the d i f f e r e n t kinds of SEEs found in each place. In Victory Square the benches were used most often. The s t a i r s and fountain edge in Courthouse Square had the highest number of people associated with them. In Bentall Centre the fountain edge was most used for stationary a c t i v i t i e s . In P a c i f i c Centre the planter-benches were most used. As hypothesised e a r l i e r , i t i s possible to i l l u s t r a t e connections between patterns of behaviour and the environment of the places studied. There i s a d i r e c t relationship between the kinds of a c t i v i t i e s found to occur and the SEEs i n each place (see Tables V, VI and V I I ) . Victory Square i s the only place studied with a reasonable number of benches provided for people to s i t on (see Figures 4 and 5 ) . I t also had the highest number of people engaged i n stationary a c t i v i t i e s with looking about and reading predominating. The provision of benches may be responsible at least in part for people using t h i s place for more than j u s t "moving through." Courthouse Square i s completely lacking in any bench f a c i l i t i e s . However people make use of other kinds of SEEs for the kinds of stationary a c t i v i t i e s found to occur there. People s i t t i n g and looking about were most often associated with s t a i r s and fountain edges. The reduction in number of people j u s t looking about may be due to the shortage of benches. Table IV Number of stationary people using space establishing elements for a l l places. Autumn and summer recording sessions. Autumn recording session Summer recording session Space Establishing Element Victory Square Courthouse Square Bentall Centre Plaza Pacif ic Centre Plaza Victory Square Pacif ic Centre Plaza No. % stat . No. % stat . No. % stat . No. % stat . No. % stat . No. % stat . stairs 0 0 183 36 11 5 30 16 0 0 21 5 r a i l i n g , p i l l a r 6 2 92 18 12 6 53 28 0 0 64 15 bench 311 85 0 0 62 29 91 48 1914 59 0 0 planter edge 0 0 0 0 16 7 2 1 0 0 333 81 fountain 10 3 9 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 fountain edge 0 0 101 20 96 45 0 0 0 0 0 0 grass area 30 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 1243 39 0 0 wall 2 1 6 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 other 5 1 4 1 0 0 4 2 2 0.1 7 1 Figure 4. Site plans showing the locations of space establishing elements in Victory Square and Courthouse Square Site plans showing the locations of space establishing elements in Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza 78 This shortage i s also reflected in the large number of people standing in the place, which i s larger than in any of the other three places. In Bentall Centre Plaza the largest number of people were using the fountain edge for s i t t i n g , looking about and leaning while standing. Roughly equal numbers of people on the benches and fountain edge were s i t t i n g and looking about, but more people were found standing and leaning against the fountain edge. These people were usually waiting to meet someone or waiting for the bus that stopped in front of the fountain. P a c i f i c Centre Plaza provided l i t t l e in the way of SEEs. The planter-benches were used by the people observed in the stationary a c t i v i t i e s involving s i t t i n g , but these people were usually waiting to meet someone or waiting for a bus. 7 - 3 b e h a v i o u r a l m a p p i n g The c o l l e c t i o n of spatial information about the location of stationary and moving a c t i v i t i e s i s made possible by the behavioural mapping technique used in this study. An examination of these findings provides further evidence for the connection between patterns of be-haviour and the environment of the places studied. The results of the stationary and moving behaviour categories w i l l be discussed separately. 7.3.1 Stationary A c t i v i t i e s The stationary a c t i v i t i e s in each place were examined under the following conditions: 79 1. taking a l l the days Monday to Friday together, for a l l obser-vation periods; 2. taking a l l the days Monday to Friday together showing the loca-tion of people for sunny, calm days, windy, and rainy days, for three separate time periods--9:00 to 11:00 A .M. , 11:00 A.M. to 1:30 P.M., and 1:30 to 4:00 P.M.; 3. taking a l l days Monday to Friday together showing the location of people engaged in each behaviour category separately for the same time periods—9:00 to 11:00 A.M. , 11:00 A.M. to 1:30 P.M., and 1:30 to 4:00 P.M. The locations of people engaged in stationary act i v i t ies were examined for each day of the week separately (Appendix III) and compared with the total locations of people over a l l the days of the week (Figures 6 and 7). The results indicate there is no daily bias for the locations people chose in any of the four places. Based on this f inding, a l l subsequent behavioural maps were obtained by considering a l l the days Monday to Friday together. The effects of weather (sun or shade, precipitation and wind) on the location of people involved in stationary act iv i t ies in each place w i l l be discussed separately; and then, where possible, general results w i l l be stated. The number of observation periods in which data were collected for each weather condition is not equal. Therefore the results shown on the s i te plans indicate only general trends of behaviour patterns. 1U-I J ,oi**> to rax Co o Figure 6. S i t e plans showing the locations of people engaged in stationary a c t i v i t i e s t o t a l l e d over alii weekdays. 'Victory Square awd Courthouse Square. /Autumn ireGQindfling sessiM 00 Figure 7. Site plans showing the location of people en-gaged in stationary act iv i t ies totalled over a l l weekdays. Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 82 7.3.2. Victory Square Victory Square i s used more extensively when i t i s sunny and there i s no wind or only a l i g h t breeze (Figure 8 ) . Under these condi-t i o n s , a high proportion of the bench f a c i l i t i e s are used with as many as s i x people occupying one bench at a time. The amount and location of the stationary a c t i v i t i e s does vary with time of day. During the morning and early afternoon up to 1:30 P.M., a l l the grass areas and the benches along the northwest walk are most heavily used (seventy-nine people were observed while only twenty-seven people were using the benches on the southeast walk). In the afternoon, t h i s pattern changes as the benches along the southeast walk get more use (twenty-two people were observed on the southeast benches whereas only seventeen people were on the north-west benches and the grass areas). As the afternoon progresses the use of the grass areas decreases. One explanation for t h i s change i n lo c a -tion i s the position of the sun. In the morning, people s i t t i n g along the northwest walk are facing into the sun, and in the afternoon, people s i t t i n g along the southeast walk are facing the sun. Only p a r t i a l recordings were possible in the lower portion of Victory Square sur-rounding the cenotaph but the findings indicate heavy use during the morning which decreases into the afternoon. Once again, the sun's rays are d i r e c t l y on this area in the morning. Observations were also made of the location of stationary a c t i v i t i e s with windy, cloudy weather. Under these conditions the number of people found in Victory Square was reduced by 75 per cent from sunny days. Benches were s t i l l used for stationary a c t i v i t i e s , but the grass VICTORY SQUARE VICTORY SQUARE Sunny, calm weather „ ,_, , Windy, cloudy weather H-TT—1 it r - i i 01*0 IP rcrr rerr Figure 8. Site plan showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary act iv i t ies at noon. Victory Square. Autumn recording session 84 areas were not occupied. There were no obvious shifts in location throughout the day as there were under sunny conditions. No observations were made in Victory Square under rainy condi-tions . Observations of stationary act iv i t ies made during June and July of 1973 verify the above results with one major difference. The number of people observed in the second recording session was much higher. More people were using the place for stationary a c t i v i t i e s , as shown in Table I I . The benches were fu l l y used and large numbers of people were also found s i t t ing or lying on the grass areas. The relationship between stationary act i v i t ies and the physical environment was also examined by plotting the location of each behaviour category separately. This was done to determine i f different kinds of behaviour have specif ic locations in any of the places. Generalisations about the locations of many of the behaviour categories are impossible due to the small number of people observed that were engaged in them. However, data on several of the behaviour categories did demonstrate that some positions were favoured for specif ic a c t i v i t i e s . This prefer-ence was usually connected with the presence of a SEE, as shown in Table V. In Victory Square the act iv i ty "looking about" was associated with the benches, and at peak times of use, with the grass areas (Figure 9). "Social interaction"and "reading" also were associated with the benches, and grass areas. These three act i v i t ies followed the general trend of moving from the west to the east side of the Square from morning 85 Table V Number of stationary events in each behaviour category associated with space establishing elements. Victory Square. Autumn recording session. S-rO , — CU cn — cn TD CL ed cu ea ** e c • cn s- • r-c (O of i _ • i— j= 4-> +-> +-> in *(— , — o c c c in ra •! c rO +-> ra a> 1 o o s-to i- a. cn random movement 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 standing 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 reading 0 0 44 0 0 0 0 0 0 eating 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 drinking 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 singing 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 playing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 feeding birds 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 using mus. inst . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 looking about 0 6 198 0 1 0 22 1 0 photographing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 sleeping 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 other stat . 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 other non-stat. 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 4 01 o t> to rttrx 01 * tJ to rtct CO Figure 9. Site plans showing the effects of weather on ^ the location of people engaged in the stationary act iv i ty "looking about," throughout the day. Victory Square. Autumn recording session 87 to afternoon, as shown by the figures below. S t a ^ o n f y Noon act iv i ty Number of people observed: Afternoon northwest southeast northwest southeast Looking about 49 30 16 27 social interaction 21 7 9 4 reading 15 6 1 5 7.3.3 Courthouse Square Courthouse Square is used most under sunny conditions with no wind or only a l ight breeze. When the weather varies from this condition the number of people using the place at any time decreases considerably (see Figure 10). On a sunny, windless day, people w i l l be found in various loca-tions throughout the square, with the places of maximum use changing from morning to noon to afternoon. In the morning, act iv i ty is at a minimum with most people using the edge of the fountain for any stationary a c t i -v i t i e s . People were also s i t t ing on the stairs to the courthouse, or leaning on the concrete rai l ings as shown by the figures below. It is interesting to note at this stage that a large proportion of the square is in shadow during the morning (see Figure 11). Over the lunch hour the square has the highest number of users and is in the least amount of shadow. At this time the largest propor-tion of the people occupying the square were located on the Courthouse 00 Figure 10. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary acti-vities at noon. Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session 00 Figure 11. Site plans showing the position of shadows i n 1 0 the morning and afternoon. Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session 90 s t a i r s , and were most often eating their lunch. The concrete rai l ings and fountain edge were also used but to a lesser extent than the entrance s t a i r s . Location fountain edge stairs rai l ings Sunny windless weather: Morning Noon Afternoon 17 25 61 6 92 38 5 30 5 During the afternoon, the major location of stationary act iv i ty shi f ts once again to the edge of the fountain. People continue to use the stairs and r a i l i n g s , but as the afternoon progresses this number dimi-nishes. Also during the afternoon, shadow spreads across the square starting at the stairs to the Courthouse and moving towards Georgia Street (Figure 11). During the summer and f a l l , Courthouse Square and Paci f ic Centre Plaza frequently have a combination of sunny and very windy weather con-di t ions. The strong wind which so often occurs in these places is to a large degree caused by the wind tunnelling effect of the t a l l Paci f ic Centre tower building located between them. The result is that i t becomes quite uncomfortable to spend any time in these places. The data verify this response. The figures below show that Courthouse Square is used moderately at a l l times of the day under windy conditions. 91 Number of people observed during . . . . sunny windy weather: Location J J Morning Noon Afternoon stairs 8 6 2 fountain edge 0 6 4 rai l ings 0 0 0 Under overcast conditions the square was used minimally. On an overcast afternoon nine people were found s i t t ing on the fountain edges and six people were s i t t ing on the stairs or leaning on the concrete r a i l i n g . During rainy periods the place was used by only one person for stationary a c t i v i t i e s . As with Victory Square, generalisations about the locations of many of the behaviour categories, when looked at separately, are d i f f i -cult because of small numbers of people engaging in any one of the cate-gories. However the act iv i t ies with larger numbers of people do show definite locational preferences (see Table VI for graphed data and the accompanying text tables for diurnal variations). "Standing" usually occurred on the stairs to the Courthouse, where people stopped to talk before or after a t r ip to the Courthouse. "Standing" also occurred where there was something to lean against such as the concrete rai l ings or p i l l a r s , or something to look at , in particular the fountain. Table VI Number of stationary events in each behaviour category associated with space establishing elements. Court-house Square. Autumn recording session. J -fO r— ai i cu cn *i— CD O- ed cu ea M E £= t. CD S- *i— •i— ra c <D ro ra s- "I— 4-> 4J +-> l/l •r— r ( J c c </) ro "1— £= ra (O 4-> fO CU i— O o s-(/) s- j Q Q- i l -random movement 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 standing 18 35 0 0 0 3 0 2 0 reading 12 15 0 0 0 6 0 1 0 eating 21 1 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 drinking 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 singing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 playing 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 feeding birds 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 using mus. inst . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 looking about 68 14 0 0 1 56 0 2 0 photographing 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 sleeping 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 other s tat . 1 0 0 0 7 3 0 0 2 other non-stat. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 93 Number of people observed in stationary Location . ac t i v i t y , "standing": Morning Noon Afternoon stairs 15 6 15 rai l ings 4 15 1 fountain edge 2 7 3 "Looking about" was usually located where there was something to s i t on such as the stairs or fountain edge. Number of people observed in stationary ac t i v i t y , "looking about": Location J 3 Morning Noon Afternoon stairs 5 30 25 fountain edge 2 10 34 rai l ings 1 9 4 There are no bench f a c i l i t i e s provided in Courthouse Square, so people made use of some of the other SEEs for s i t t i n g . "Social interaction" or talking is also located where people s i t : the stairs and fountain edge. 94 Location Number of people observed in stationary ac t i v i t y , "social interaction": Morning Noon Afternoon stairs 16 32 14 fountain edge 11 11 18 rai l ings 4 23 2 7.3.4 Bentall Centre Plaza Bentall Centre was used for stationary act i v i t ies most often when the weather was sunny with no wind or only a l ight breeze (Figure 12). Under these conditions, the use was minimal in the morning with only fourteen people observed, increasing s l ight ly over the lunch period when nineteen people were observed, and reaching a peak of one hundred eight people in the afternoon. The location most often used was the east corner of the pool where people would lean or s i t . A bus stop opposite this pool corner generated some of the use. The remainder of the pool edge along Burrard Street and facing the sidewalk entrance to the Tower and the cluster of benches at the south end of the Plaza were used moderately during the afternoon, as shown below. Figure 12. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary acti-vities in the afternoon. Bentall Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 96 Number of people observed in stationary Location * act iv i t ies on sunny, calm days: Morning Noon Afternoon east corner of pool 2 2 45 remainder of pool . 0 3 34 benches 5 7 19 During the morning and lunch periods similar locations were occupied, but the number of people observed was noticeably reduced from the af ter -noon. Data for overcast and rainy conditions indicate almost no use throughout the day with one person observed in the morning, three people at noon, and one person in the afternoon under such conditions. The location of stationary act i v i t ies under these weather conditions was usually around the pool edge part icularly along the sidewalk and main entrance to the building. The benches at the south end of the plaza were almost never used. The strong winds which often occur in Courthouse Square and Pacif ic Centre Plaza are not as noticeable in Bentall Centre Plaza. Dur-ing the periods of observation there were no strong winds in the plaza. Shadow studies (Figure 13) indicate that the plaza is in the sun for a large portion of the day. The bench area at the south end of the plaza is in shadow for the latter part of the afternoon, but is s t i l l used at these times. BENTALL CENTRE PLAZA MORNING o » M n e t o • |i 1111 o o o o o o o o o o o BENTALL CENTRE PLAZA AFTERNOON o 'o o 0 • Figure 13. Site plans showing the position of shadows in the morning and afternoon. Bentall Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session 98 Some of the stationary act iv i t ies observed in Bentall Centre demonstrate location preferences. For example, "standing" usually occurred along the sidewalk edge of the pool, or on the stairs to the plaza where people were waiting either to meet someone or to get a bus, Type of Act iv i ty L o c a t i o n Standing Looking About Talking sidewalk-pool edge 14 23 3 paved area 5 31 17 benches and remainder of pool edge 7 45 38 "Looking about" was found where there were benches or the pool edge to s i t on: "social interaction" was located by the same SEEs. 7.3.5 Paci f ic Centre Plaza As discussed in Section 7.2 the act iv i ty in Paci f ic Centre Plaza is dominated by directed movement. Only 8 per cent of the people observed were engaged in stationary a c t i v i t i e s . The stationary people were p r i -marily located on the four planter benches. There is often a strong wind in Paci f ic Centre Plaza caused by the tunnelling of wind by the Paci f ic Centre Tower. In fact no observa-tions were made on sunny days when there was not at least a moderate wind blowing in the Plaza. During these periods the plaza was used only moderately for stationary act i v i t ies with people s i t t ing on the benches 99 or standing waiting for the bus. For example, a total of twenty-two people were observed over the noon period and f i f t y - s i x people during the afternoon period when the weather was sunny and windy. When the weather was overcast, the number of stationary people was minimal, with only twenty-five people observed over a l l observation periods. Under overcast conditions, the locations favoured remained the same as under sunny conditions. With r a i n , stationary act i v i t ies were almost non-existent with the exception of a total of eighteen people taking cover by the entrance to the buildings (see Figure 14). The position of sun shadows may also be a determining factor in the location and quantity of stationary act iv i t ies (see Figure 15). The plaza, due to the position of surrounding buildings, is in the shade for a large portion of the day. During the afternoon, the area of the plaza where the bench-planters are positioned is the only portion not in shadow. It is at this time of day and in this location that stationary act iv i ty reaches i t s peak. Stationary act i v i t ies in Paci f ic Centre Plaza show specif ic loca-tional preferences (see Table VII). "Standing" occurs predominantly on the stairs by the bus stop at the south end of the plaza and by the sign box at the east corner. "Looking about" is located by the planter-benches and sign box. "Social interaction" is also associated with the same SEEs. Figure 14. Site plans showing the effects of weather on the location of people engaged in stationary a c t i -v i t ies in the afternoon. Paci f ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session Figure 15. Site plans showing the position of shadows in the morning and. afternoon. Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session PACIFIC CENTRE PLAZA AFTERNOON 102 Table VII Number of stationary events in each behaviour cate-gory associated with space establishing elements. Paci f ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session. ra r — CD r — OJ cn • r — cn TD a. ed cu ea £= E s-01 s- • i — • i — ra to c a> ra ra s- • i — +-> 4-> to i — o e c c VI r — ra •1— e ro 3 ro i — +-> ro a> j— o O S- ra to S- Q- it- C7) 3 random movement 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 standing 7 12 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 reading 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 eating 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 drinking 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 singing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 playing 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 feeding birds 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 using mus. ins t . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 looking about 16 14 44 0 0 0 0 0 0 photographing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 sleeping 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 other s tat . 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 other non-stat. 0 14 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 103 7.3.6 Moving Act iv i t ies Records were made on the behavioural maps of people moving through each place during the observation periods. Circulation or flow paths were marked on the s i te plans and the people counted on each of these for the minute of recording. The results are shown on Figures 16, 17, and 18 and w i l l be discussed separately for each of the four places. 7.3.7 Victory Square In Victory Square only 19 per cent of the total people observed were involved in moving a c t i v i t i e s . This was the lowest proportion observed in any of the four places. Of the people moving through Victory Square, more than half used the sidewalk cutting diagonally through the park. This route provides a convenient shortcut for people walking from Pender and Hamilton Streets to Hastings and Cambie Streets (see Figure 16). During the summer observation sessions, the increased number of people using Victory Square made i t impossible to keep counts of the number of people on separate flow paths. Only the total number of people moving was tabulated. In the summer i t was found that 9 per cent of the act i v i t ies people engaged in were moving. 7.3.8 Courthouse Square In Courthouse Square 53 per cent of the act iv i t ies observed were categorised as moving. The major flow paths are shown on Figure 16, The path most often used was the sidewalk by-pass on the northeast side n_n l oi*t> to r w O Figure 16. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving ac t i v i t i es , Victory Square and Courthouse Square. Autumn recording session 1220 p e o p l e V ^ igure 17. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving a c t i v i t i e s , Bentall Centre Plaza and Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Autumn recording session Figure 18. Site plans showing the major flow paths for moving a c t i v i t i e s , Pacif ic Centre Plaza. Summer recording session o CM 107 of the plaza. Construction work along Georgia Street during a portion of the f a l l recording session may have encouraged people to walk through the Square rather than along the street. Direct l ine paths through the Square were used as well as one diagonal path. Movement in and out of the Courthouse constituted a smaller proportion of the c i rcu lat ion . 7.3.9 Bentall Centre Plaza In Bentall Centre Plaza 68 per cent of the act iv i t ies during the recording session were moving. The major flow paths used, shown in Figure 17, were a l l connecting the building to the sidewalk or under-ground parking. The plaza was not used to any extent as a sidewalk by-pass or a shortcut to get from Pender to Burrard Streets even though the physical layout permitted t h i s . 7.3.10 Paci f ic Centre Plaza In Paci f ic Centre Plaza over 81 per cent of the observed a c t i -v i t ies were tabulated in the moving categories. During the f a l l record-ing session the principal circulation paths were between Granville and Georgia Streets and the Paci f ic Centre building. Diagonal shortcuts were also used to get through the plaza (Figure 17). In the summer recording sessions, the pattern of flow paths was noticeably different from the f a l l (Figure 18) due to the opening of the new Eaton's store. At that time, the path most heavily used was between Granville Street and the store entrance. The path from the Granville and Georgia Street corners to the Pacif ic Centre building continued to be used. 108 7-4 e n v i r o n m e n t a l p a t t e r n s In this section evidence from the study to support or refute the environmental patterns presented in Section 4.0 w i l l be discussed. The patterns being evaluated are those pertaining to public places and were developed by Christopher Alexander, Center for Environmental Structure, Berkeley, Cal i forn ia . The text of these patterns is included in Appendix I. 7.4.1 Act iv i ty Pockets This pattern states that the l i f e of a public space forms naturally around i t s edge. If the edge f a i l s then the space never be-comes l i v e l y . The solution presented for this problem is to surround any public space where people come to linger and col lect with alternating patterns of small act iv i ty pockets, doorways and access paths. Of the four places investigated in this study, Victory Square is the only one that meets this pattern. The seating areas form small pockets around the edge separated by walkways and plantings. The benches are well used during the day, and people even step over the chain fence to s i t on the grass area (see page 84). The Square is one of the few public places in the downtown that is active and does invite involvement. The shape of the edge is definitely a contributing factor. None of the other three places studied had pockets for act iv i ty around the edges. Also, each of these places had much less stationary act iv i ty than Victory Square (Table I I , page 70). The act iv i ty of walk-ing through always dominated. 109 7.4.2 South Facing Open Space This pattern states that people use open space i f i t is sunny, and do not use i t i f i t is not, in a l l but desert climates. The solu-tion presented for this problem is to place a l l open space on the south side of the buildings which give onto i t - - avo id putting open space in the shadow of buildings, and never let a deep st r ip of shade separate the sunny area from the building i t serves. Reorganise the shape and orientation of l o t s , to make this possible for private houses and small buildings. Results from this study confirm the problem outlined above. The locational preferences for stationary ac t i v i t ies were the areas of each place in the sun. Part icularly in Victory Square and Courthouse Square, as the sun's position changed during the day so did the location of stationary people (see page 82 and 90). Very few people used portions of places that were in the shadow of buildings. This finding is part icularly relevant in Courthouse Square and Paci f ic Centre Plaza. The buildings surrounding these places block large portions of them from the sun for the majority of the day because they are not located on the south side of buildings, as shown in the shadow studies, Figures 11 and 15. 7.4.3 Hierarchy of Open Space | This pattern states that i f the environment does not allow people to move easily to either larger more open space or a smaller, more i n t i -mate space, then they w i l l never feel quite comfortable. The solution provided for this pattern is to place smaller more intimate spaces around no buildings and let them lead out into the larger spaces. Results from this study provide evidence to support the above pattern by showing that people w i l l f i r s t use the edge or wall locations that provide some privacy and the opportunity for visual contact with the outside before they use exposed or central areas. For example, in Victory Square the seats around the edges are occupied f i r s t . When many of these seats are taken then people use the central grass areas. In Courthouse Square, SEEs around the edges such as stairs and rai l ings are used extensively with the edge of the fountain used secon-dar i l y , as discussed on page 90. In Bentall Centre Plaza the edge of the pool is used more than the bench f a c i l i t i e s (see page 96) even though the positioning of the benches enabled a certain amount of privacy. This may be because many of the people using Bentall Centre Plaza are waiting for other people or buses and need the visual contact with the street. Paci f ic Centre Plaza is lacking in SEEs around the edges for seating pur-poses. One bench is provided in the west corner of the plaza but is always in the shade and wind. The other bench-planters are positioned in the central area of the plaza. This may be a contributing factor to the poor use of Paci f ic Centre Plaza for stationary a c t i v i t i e s . 7.4.4 Central Place Focus This pattern states that a public square without a focus loses much of i t s identity and importance. The solution provided for this problem is in every square that is to have an atmosphere of public involve-ment, locate a focal element such as a small garden, small playground for I l l children, seats, trees, a kiosk, e t c . , that w i l l invite people in to par-t i c ipate . The discussion of the pattern states that people w i l l not use a square i f something is not provided in i t to invite involvement. Victory Square part ia l ly contradicts this pattern for i t does not provide a central focus, and yet the act iv i t ies around the edges are enough to make i t a v iable, act iv i ty place. No other focus seems necessary to draw people into i t . Courthouse Square and Bentall Centre Plaza, on the other hand, provide evidence to support the "Central Place Focus" pattern (see pages 90 and 96). Both these places have a focal element in the form of a fountain and pool. The fountains attract many tourists and people use the edges of the pools for s i t t i n g . Both fountains have come to be landmarks in the downtown area. Paci f ic Centre Plaza, however, has no central focal element or act i v i t ies around the edges. As, hypothesised in the pattern, Paci f ic Centre does not act as a place for act iv i ty i t s e l f but more often as an expanse of ground to be covered to get from one side to the other. 7.4.5 Stairs Seats This pattern states that people watching crowds inevitably gravi -tate to high spots. The solution provided is that in any place where people lo i te r surround the place with raised areas which are immediately accessible from below ( l ike stairs with seats, balustrades, a stepped terrace, or a stoop)--a rai led balcony w i l l not do. The only evidence to support the pattern comes from observations 112 made in Courthouse Square. This is the only place studied which does provide areas which are both s l ight ly raised and very accessible from the act iv i ty below. As the pattern claims, people do gravitate towards the s t a i r s , particularly at times when they are in f u l l sun (Figure 10). 7.4.6 Linear Open Space This pattern states that people w i l l not use major open spaces that have l i . t t le diversity and are hard to get to. The solution pro-vided is that major c i v ic open spaces should be long and thin with maxi-mum perimeter for the enclosed area. Within they should be spat ial ly diverse so that they w i l l encourage a variety of uses. The pattern pertains to open spaces of a much larger scale than those investigated in this report. However the statement made that the public places that are used have a diversity of act i v i t ies and sur-roundings, does refer to any public place. The only place studied which is real ly used to any extent is Victory Square. Here there is variation in physical surroundings and a l l ages of people engage in an assortment of act iv i t ies (see Figure 4) . The other three places have neither of these attributes and are not used as much as Victory Square. 7.4.7 Continuous Rain Shelter For Related Functions i This pattern states that when you have to walk outside between buildings frequently each day, rainy weather can make tr ips miserable. The solution provided is to create a canopied walkway between a l l f a c i l -i t i es that w i l l require frequent day and night t r a f f i c between them. 113 The pattern is part icularly applicable to the City of Vancouver where there is a great deal of ra in . Evidence to support the pattern is found in each of the places studied. When i t is rainy, they are not used at a l l (see pages 91 , 96, 99). The only act iv i ty found in this place at these times were people moving through. No shelter has been provided other than covered doorways in Courthouse Square, Paci f ic Centre Plaza and Bentall Centre Plaza. 7.4.8 Outdoor Seats This pattern states that where outdoor seats are set down without regard for view and climate, they w i l l almost certainly be useless. The solutions provided for outdoor seats are: 1. place benches facing direct ly onto pedestrian act iv i ty (or some-thing equally interesting); 2. make the bench open to the south, southeast, and southwest, for sun exposure during winter months (exact angles depend on l a t i -tude) ; 3. cover with roof or overhang or tree in hot cl imates--to give sun protection during midday hours of sommer months; 4. create a wall or barrier of some kind, on those sides where the wind comes down; 5. open the bench to the direction of the summer breeze. Evidence to support this pattern comes from observations made in each place. Bench or other seating f a c i l i t i e s that were in the sun, 114 looking out onto a c t i v i t y and not in a strong wind were usually occupied. When seating areas were covered in shadows, people moved away from them (see pages 90, 96, 99). In Victory Square, as the sun changed position during the day, the concentration of people using the benches shifted from the west to the east side of the Square, as was discussed on page 82. 7 - 5 u s e o f p l a n t m a t e r i a l s The use of plant material in public places was investigated in depth i n the Plant Science 516 course during the winter session 1972-73. The f i n a l project for t h i s course investigated the use of plant materials i n the four places studied i n th i s t h e s i s . The purposes of the project were to establish a set of c r i t e r i a for the use of plant material i n public places, and to evaluate the landscaping of four public places with respect to these c r i t e r i a . The basic ingredients of this project, consisting of written statements and sketches, are provided in Appendix IV. 8-0 conclusions 115 116 8-1 s u m m a r y The objectives of the study were the following: 1. to test objective, analytical methods drawn from ethology in order to determine their potential for observing and recording human behaviour in everyday s i tuat ions; 2. to u t i l i s e the most applicable of those analytical methods in a study of human behaviour in public places in Vancouver, speci -f i c a l l y time-sampling and behavioural mapping; 3. to f ind the relationship between user behaviour and the environ-ment in these public places; 4. to evaluate the existing environment of these public places by assessing the congruence between environment and user behaviour. The objectives were implemented by applying a time-sampling and behavioural mapping technique of observing human act iv i ty in four public places in downtown Vancouver. The data obtained from this methodology provided accurate information about what people do, when they do i t , and where they do i t . The information collected about user act i v i t ies was then applied to an evaluation of each public place based on an assessment of congruence between behaviour and environment. The data collected were further u t i l i sed to test the va l id i ty of the environmental patterns pertaining to public places. 117 8 - 2 c o n c l u s i o n s The method of observation of people's act iv i t ies used in this study has been successful as a means of evaluating the relationship be-tween behaviour and the physical environment in public places. The results of the study provide interesting suggestions for the design of public places. Although the evaluation of four case studies might not be suff ic ient by i t s e l f to prove or disprove the val id i ty of the methodology, or to jus t i f y the formulation of generalisations and con-clusions, many of the observed phenomena had been examined previously by other investigators and were confirmed in this study. Some of the findings may appear intu i t ive ly obvious to the de-signer of a public place; for example, how a bench arrangement may affect user behaviour. However very l i t t l e research has been done that l inks the relationships between behaviour and the supporting physical environ-ment in quantitative terms. The methodology developed in this thesis has provided additional information about the quantity and quality of behaviour found in particular settings. The evaluation of each place, based on the data collected enabled an assessment of the congruence or f i t between environment and behaviour. This evaluation has provided insights into how public places examined could be changed now to better meet the needs of their users. These recommendations are discussed in the Epilogue. The f i e l d of man-environment studies, part icularly as i t relates to the design of environments is in i ts formative stage. In no aspect 118 of the f i e l d i s this more true than in the area concerned with people's a c t i v i t i e s in the urban outdoors. The research which has been published i s l i m i t e d . Alexander's environmental patterns make i t possible to apply research about human behaviour to physical design. But in many cases the findings used to support the or i g i n a l patterns were t h e o r e t i c a l l y or i n t u i t i v e l y based. Unbiased research was lacking. The behavioural information obtained i n this study has provided more objective proof of the v a l i d i t y of the concept, "environmental patterns," as i t might per-tain to public places. 9-0 epilogue 119 120 9-1 r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s f o r c h a n g e s t o t h e p u b l i c p l a c e s s t u d i e d As a result of this study several implications for changes to the design of the four places became apparent. Only small scale changes will be discussed here, changes that would include only minimal time and costs, and that might make the places more congruent with the activities of the people using them. The rationale for these changes is based on the following set of generalisations drawn from the study of the places. Although many of the findings can be considered only within the context of one particular place, some of the connections between behaviour and the physical environment do recur and overall generalisations are possible. These generalisations may appear natural or obvious to the reader, however the fact remains that they are often disregarded in the design of public places. The generalisations which follow refer to the two sets of acti-vities, "stationary" and "moving": 1. people use outdoor places most often when i t is sunny and there is no wind or only a light breeze; 2. people will sit in the sun; 3. people do not use places that are uncomfortably windy; 4. overcast skies and rain limit stationary activities; 5. the stationary activities "standing," "looking about" and "social 121 interaction" were connected with specif ic locations in each place, usually because of the presence of a space establishing element; 6. stationary act i v i t ies were often located on major flow paths, e . g . , stairs in Courthouse Square, planter-benches in Paci f ic Centre Plaza; 7. flow paths took direct routes between entrances to each place such as doors, s ta i r s . 9.1.1 Victory Square In terms of overall f i t between environment and behaviour, based on the behavioural observations of this study, Victory Square appears to be very successful. The park fac i l i ta tes a diversity of behaviour cate-gories and is well-used throughout the day. No recommendations for further changes are derivable direct ly from the findings. Discussions with the regular users might have uncovered suggestions for rain shelters and covered areas with tables to play checkers, chess and cards. 9.1.2 Courthouse Square An obvious recommendation to improve the environment of Courthouse Square is the provision of bench f a c i l i t i e s . People do use the Square for s i t t ing and therefore some accommodation for this should be made. The lack of well defined sheltered spaces or pockets generally l imits the variety of act i v i t ies and the length of stay in the Plaza. Act iv i ty pockets could be established now by means of bench clusters separated from 122 the main area by carefully arranged plantings. Some seating areas could be covered to provide rain protection. 9.1.3 Bentall Centre Plaza Bentall Centre Plaza is used only in f a i r weather and during business hours. It does not f a c i l i t a t e a diversity of a c t i v i t i e s , once again due to a shortage of act iv i ty pockets or sheltered spaces. As suggested for Courthouse Square, these pockets could be formed by bench areas from the central part of the plaza with plantings. Also rain shelters are a definite necessity for people waiting along the sidewalk edge. A small outdoor cafe or kiosk sel l ing refreshments would be usable by off ice workers lunching in the plaza. 9.1.4 Paci f ic Centre Plaza Recommendations for changes to Paci f ic Centre Plaza to make i t better suited for people's act i v i t ies must i n i t i a l l y attempt to al ter the micro-climate of the place. During many days of observation the plaza was uncomfortable to be in due to strong downdrafts of wind. Part ial blockage or deflection of the downdrafts is possible by the pro-vision of wind-deflection screens or a row of large trees next _to the buildings. The plaza also does not accommodate a diversity of behaviour categories. Most act iv i t ies are transient in nature, with the length of stay in the plaza being short. Once again this characteristic could be counteracted with the provision of sheltered pockets separated from the 123 main area of the plaza. The locations of movement and stationary a c t i -v i t ies interfere spat ial ly within the plaza. The main flow paths pass directly through and around the bench-planters leaving other parts of the plaza unused (see Figure 18). The stationary act iv i ty pockets could be located in these unused portions. Also the plaza is completely lacking in any central act iv i ty focus, as discussed in Section 4.0. This central focus could be an infor -mation kiosk, a news-stand, or perhaps even a single large tree. Building canopies and other rain shelters are also needed. 9 2 r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s f o r f u r t h e r s t u d i e s This thesis was primarily concerned with designing and testing methods of observing human behaviour in the urban environment. The study process has provided several recommendations for further related studies: 1. Interviews or questionnaires could be conducted to obtain infor -mation about the users' perception of characteristics of the plaza and how they use the plaza. These data would be a valuable supplement to that obtained pertaining to the actual user be-haviour (Sommer, 1972). Time limitations necessitated the ommission of the col lection of this information. 2. Interviews could also be conducted with designers or managers of the places to establish what they perceive to be the uses of the squares and plazas. The intended uses could then be compared with the actual uses to support or refute the hypothesis that 124 designers may have quite different perceptions about their sur-roundings than other people. 3. Time samples could be made during different seasons of the year to determine the seasonal effect on outdoor a c t i v i t i e s . Part icu-la r l y in this climate, seasons have an obvious influence on behaviour patterns. Because of time l imitat ions, the f u l l impact of seasonal bias on behaviour patterns was not explored. One indication of differences comes from the summer recording sessions in Victory Square and Paci f ic Centre Plaza (see Table I I I ) . The results during these periods i l lust rated much more intensive use than during the f a l l sessions. The increase can only be explained adequately for Paci f ic Centre Plaza due to the opening of the Eaton's department store. Most outdoor spaces in the city are not designed to be used a l l year round. 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New York: Graduate Center, City University of New York. Mimeograph. . 1970b. On Pedestrian Behaviour. New York: Graduate Center, City University of New York. Mimeograph. i | appendices 130 a p p e n d i x I Patterns (as developed by Christopher Alexander and others, Center for Environmental Structure, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a ) to be tested in this thesis that pertain to public places Activity Pockets 132 THE LIFE- OF A PUBLIC SPACE FORMS NATURALLY AROUND ITS EDGE. IF THE EDGE FALLS THEN THE SPACE NEVER BECOMES LIVELY In mors d e t a i l : peopls g r a v i t a t e n a t u r a l l y towards t h a t edge of p u b l i c spaces. No one l i n g e r s i n the center of a space, out i n the open. I f the edge does not provide them w i t h places where i t i s n a t u r a l to l i n g e r , i t becomes a place to walk through, not a place t o s t o p . I t i s c l e a r t h e r e f o r e t h a t i t i s the edge o f a p u b l i c space which can b r i n g i t t o l i f e . The edge must be shaped t o encourage p a r t i c i p a t i o n . F u r t h e r , the process of l i n g e r i n g i s •a gradual one — i t happens; people do not make up t h e i r minds to s t a y and l i n g e r , they s t a y or go according t o a process o f gradual involvement. T h i s means t h a t the edge should be c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h entrances, e x i t s and paths through the space so t h a t people can become i n v o l v e d at the edg8 i n the process of going through to a more f o r m a l i z e d a c t i -v i t y . The g o a l - o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t y of coming and going then has a chance to t u r n g r a d u a l l y i n t o a r a t h e r mora r e l a x e d , g o a l — l e s s *involvement'» And once many s m a l l groups from around the edge 'involvements', i t i s l i k e l y t h a t they w i l l begin to overlap and s p i l l towards the cen-t e r of the square. How can we shape the edge of a space to encourage t h i s c a s u a l involvement? I t i s c l e a r t h a t the edge must be i n -v i t i n g to be next t o . A long f l a t u n i n t e r e s t i n g w a l l would be the l e a s t d e s i r a b l e edge. We suggest t h a t the e n t i r e edge of the space be surrounded w i t h s m a l l ' a c t i v i t y pockets'. Semi—enclosed spaces t o pause or s i t down, a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h doorways, and access space so t h a t a ' l i v e ' edge w i l l c r e a t e a ' l i v e ' space. SURROUND ANY PUBLIC SPACE WHERE PEOPLE COME TO LINGER AND COLLECT WITH AN ALTERNATING PATTERN OF SMALL ACTIVITY POCKETS, DOORWAYS, AND ACCESS PATHS. 133 ice People use open space if it is sunny, and don't use it if it isn't, in all but desert climates. This bald statement is amazingly simple, but nevertheless true. Thou-sands of acres of open space in every city are wasted because they are north of buildings, and never get the sun. This is true for public buildings, and it is true for private houses. The recently built Bank of America building in San Francisco —a giant building built by a major architect—has its plaza on the north side. At lunchtime, the plaza is empty, and people eat their sand-wiches in the street, on the south side where the sun is. Just so for small private houses. The lot shapes and orientation common in most developments force houses to be surrounded by open space which no one will ever use because it isn't in the sun. A survey of a residential block in Berkeley, California, confirms this problem dramatically. Along Web-ster Street—an. east-west street—18 of 20 persons interviewed said they used only the sunny part of their yards. Half of these were people liv-ing on the north side of the street— these people did not use their back-yards at ail, but would sit in the front yard, beside the sidewalk, to be in the south sun. The north fac-ing back yards were used primarily for storing junk. Not one of the persons interviewed indicated pref-erence for a shady yard; 2 of 20 gave no preference whatsoever. The survey also gave credence to the idea that sunny areas won't be used if there is a deep band of shade, up against the house, through which you must pass to get to the sun. Four lots to the north had backyards large enough to be out of the shade of the house, and sunny, toward the rear. In only one of these yards was the sunny area reported as being used—and in it, it was possible to get to the sun with-out passing through a deep band of shade. Although the idea of south facing open space is simple, there will have to be major changes in land use, to make it come right. (continued over) 2:1 H ©I Mr,. * 2 1 ^ ma. S Q D Therefore: Place all open space on the south side of the buildings which give onto it — a-void putting open space in the shadow of buil-dings, and never let a deep strip of shade sepa-rate the sunny area from the building it serves. Reorganize the shape and orientation of lots, to make this possible for private houses and small buildings. tern 134 Prob'.cm (continued) This pattern has wide-spread impli-cations for our cities. For example, our res ident ia l neighborhoods would have to be organized quite differently from today. Let us take this case for more detailed discus-sion: • If there is a building to the east or west, make the ycrd at least 2Vi times the height of the building so it will be in the sun as much as pos-sible when the sun is usefully warm, above cbout. 20 degrees elevation— about 25' if it is a one storey build-ing, and 50' if it is two. • In general, private lots would have to be longer north to south, with the houses on the north side. hi t • If there is a city street immediate-ly to the south of the lot, however, it will be better to make the lot longer east to west with the yard to one side so that access to the house does not destroy the privateness of the yard. ' If there is another building to the south, make the yard at least 1 Vi times the height of that building to allow sun in at least some part of the yard and into the house even in winter-about 15' if it is a one storey building and 30' if it is two. (These figures are appropriate for San Francisco. They will vary, of course, for different latitudes.) • * }< ____ r > By: C/iristoplur Alexander unci Mux Jcicobsoii Contribution By: Jim Jones December IV 70 This pattern is tentative. If you have any evidence to support or refute its current formulation, please send it to the Center for EnvirwmcKXl Structure, P.O. Box S156, Berkeley, California 94705; we will add your comments to the next ediiian. 135 IF TH ENVIRONMENT DOESN'T ALLOW PEOPLE TO MOVE EASILY TO EITHER LARGER, MORE OPEN SPACE OR A SMALLER, MORE INTIMATE SPACE, THEN THEY WILL NEVER FEEL QUITE COMFORTABLE. A very general problem i n the en-vironment i s how to r e l a t e spaces of d i f f e r e n t s i z e s to one another. Both psychological and f u n c t i o n a l factors enter i n t o the problem. A c h i l d explores h i s environment seq u e n t i a l l y from the f a m i l i a r space surrounding h i s house to the un-f a m i l i a r spaces just beyond. At any one stage of development, the c h i l d may be moving back and fo r t h between what seems r e l a t i v e l y unknown. As the i n d i v i d u a l develops, h i s world of f a m i l i a r i t y expands — to the livingroom for the i n f a n t to the front yard for the young c h i l d , to the l o c a l playground for the older c h i l d . The c h i l d tends to do t h i s exploring i n stages, i . e . , there are clear boundaries def i n i n g each stage of expectation. I f these boundaries do not e x i s t then the c h i l d i s never quite sure how far he can explore without getting i n t o a dangerous area. This behaviour c l o s e l y resembles a n i -mals' establishment of a t e r r i t o r y within which they f e e l comfortable and safe but beyond which they are l i k e l y to meet with dangerous s i t u a -t i o n s . This behaviour i s also displayed by adults at d i f f e r e n t times of the day depending upon t h e i r mood and the s i t u a t i o n . People ara c o n t i n u a l l y moving back and fo r t h from the small, p r i v a t e and quiet spaces that are a v a i l a b l e to them, to larger p u b l i c and e x c i t i n g areas. These observations which we have a l l made informally have begun to be studied by behavioural s c i e n -t i s t s such as Robert Sommer. He has noted t h i s behaviour in g e r i a -t r i c homes and in mental i n s t i t u t i o n s . He has summarized s i m i l a r findings by de Dongs "There i s a l i n e of research t y p i f i e d by the work of de Dong that has focused on the way people arrange themselves i n parks, r e c r e a t i o n a l areas, and b u i l d i n g s . He has found a preference for areas that are marked, bounded and make possible v i s u a l contact with surrounding areas. Other studies by de Dong PLACE SMALLER MORE INTIMATE SPACES AROUND BUILDINGS AND LET THEM LEAD OUT INTO THE LARGER SPACES. 136 HIERARCHY OF OPEN SPACE P.2 i n Dutch railway s t a t i o n s , c a f e t e r i a s and reading rooms show c l e a r l y that people g r a v i t a t e to wall l o c a t i o n s that have privacy and the opportunity for v i s u a l contact with the outside in preference to exposed tables i n c e n t r a l areas". This pattern i s met when there i s a hierarchy of open space which surround a b u i l d i n g , with smaller, more intimate spaces r i g h t up against the b u i l d i n g which lead i n t o bigger spaces or p l a y f i e l d s . This pattern i s often well met i n s i n g l e family r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The open space of the front s t r e e t gives way to the front yards, which connect by pathways to the more private areas behind, r i g h t down to a small garden bench. Where the pattern i s u s u a l l y t o t a l l y absent, i s i n public b u i l d i n g s and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . Both of these u s u a l l y o f f e r only the l a r g e s t and most formal of spaces. Large p l a y f i e l d s and formal boulevards lead up to and about b u i l d i n g s where private or semi-priv a t e a c t i v i t y i s going on. To step out of a.building i n t o a f o o t b a l l f i e l d i s not a pleasant experience. The reason for t h i s may l i e i n the f a c t that t h i s w i l l s i m p l i f y maintenance tasks. While i t may be easier to cut grass i n large areas without i n t e r -ference of plants and land forms which create smaller spaces, we suggest that t h i s p r a c t i c e has the e f f e c t of making the open space i t s e l f l e s s usable and gives l i t t l e n a t u r a l r e l i e f for the people using and working i n the b u i l d i n g . One notable exception to t h i s common pr a c t i c e i s the Park Board O f f i c e i n Vancouver. One of the many good features of t h i s b u i l d i n g i s the organization of smaller and larger outside spaces around i t . Large areas of parking and grass give way to p l a n -t i n g and smaller spaces before one enters the b u i l d i n g i t s e l f . 137 3 Central Place Focus A PUBLIC.SQUARE WITHOUT A CENTRAL FOCUS LOSES MUCH OF ITS IDENTITY AND IMPORTANCE. The strength i n most public squares l i e s i n t h e i r edges. When the a c t i v i t i e s around the edges are v i a b l e , the square may or may not take on a v i t a l i t y of i t s own. The square can act as ei t h e r a place for a c t i v i t y i t s e l f or merely as an ex-panse of ground that must be covered i n order to gst from one side to the other. I f the square i s to r e a l l y ' l i v e ' i t must contain some focus to draw people i n t o i t . The best example of t h i s i s the t y p i c a l old world water fountain i n the middle of a plaza — where the women come to draw water for the day's a c t i v i t i e s , l i n g e r and chat, watch t h e i r c h i l d r e n — i n short, the focus of pu b l i c l i f e . I t i s our i n t u i t i o n that most success-f u l squares have some f o c a l element i n them, or on soma part o f t h e i r p e r i -meter. The f o c a l element, whether a fountain, a tower, a t r e e , steps, a. s c u l p t u r e , e t c . , w i l l set the tone of the square. This i s most evident when people begin to describe the square i n terms of i t s f o c a l p o i n t s , for example, 'Old Maple Tree Square' i n the heart of Gastown. There appear to be two ways i n which f o c a l elements are used i n squares: as monuments to be admired from afar,and/ or as objects ( o r , i f you w i l l , events) around which people are encouraged to gather. An example of the former i s the statue of a mounted Caesar i n the center of Michelangelo's C a p i t o l i n e Square i n Rome. In t h i s case, the square was meant to be ceremonial, not a place for people to come and l i n g e r . Michelangelo placed the statue on a high pedestal that has no p r o v i s i o n for s i t t i n g around. He placed i t i n the middle of the square so that people could not cross d i r e c t l y to the other s i d e , i n order that they take pause as they walked to admire the statue and the t o t a l ambulatory experience of the square. Even today the squari? works as a ceremonial ex-perience. Seldom does anyone go up to the t a l l statue, with the exception of an occasional t o u r i s t IN EVERY SQUARE THAT IS TO HAVE AN ATMOSPHERE OF PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT, LOCATE A FOCAL ELEMENT SUCH AS SMALL GARDEN, SMALL PLAYGROUND FOR CHIL-DREN, SEATS, TREES, A KIOSK, ETC., THAT WILL INVITE PEOPLE IN TO PARTICIPATE. CENTRAL PLACE FOCUS who wants h i s p i c t u r e taken in the h i s t o r i c s i t e . Tna uther kind of f o c a l elomont i s the one -ha': i n v i t e s people to gather around, l i k e a t r e e , steps, a water s c u l p t u r e , e t c . The most extreme example of such an element which e s s e n t i a l l y takes over the square i s that of Lawrence Halprin's Fountain in Portland, Ore. In the fountain people swim, wade, climb, s l i d e , shout, wallow, drink —• i n s h o r t , the f o c a l element becomes a t o t a l experience. The purpose of the fountain was to provide a c i v i c event, one which would bring a l l kinds of people together. And although i t represents an extreme example, i t s concept i l l u s t r a t e s the kind of a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t o r y c i v i c f e a -ture that people are i n t e r e s t e d i n today. Other kinds of f o c a l elements that have the same p a r t i c i p a t o r y e f f e c t are small playgrounds for c h i l d r e n , sculpted s t a i r -ways and seats, a small kiosk, etc.- A statue could do the same i f i t were de-signed i n such a way that i t did not keep people from gathering around i t . The point i s that people w i l l not use a square i f something i s not provided i n i t to i n v i t e involvement. Squares that v i o l a t e t h i s p r i n c i p l e w i l l forever remain perfunctory to the a c t i v i t i e s around them. 139 People watching crowds inevitably gravitate to high spots. 1. On the one hand, they seek a vantage point from which they can take in the action as a whole. 2. On the other hand, they still want to be part of the action; they do not want \o be mere onlookers. Of course, these tendencies do not hold for everybody; but they do hold for a substantial number of people in any crowd. For a person looking at the hori-zon, the visual field is far larger be-low the horizon than above it. It is therefore clear that anybody who is "people-watching" will naturally try to take up a position a few feet above the action. The trouble is that this position will usually have the effect of re-moving a person from the action. Most people want to be able to take it in, and also want simultaneously, to be part of it. This means that any places which are slightly elevat-ed to meet tendency 1, must also be within easy reach of the action, hence on circulation paths, and di-rectly accessible from below, to meet tendency 2. There is a simple kind of evi-dence, both for the reality of the tendencies, and for the value of the pattern. When there are areas in public places which are both slight-ly raised, and very accessible, peo-ple naturally gravitate toward them. Cafe terraces, steps surrounding public plazas, stoops, porches, stat-ues and seats and other perches, all give examples. The photographs show typical cases. P u b l i c P l i c e Therefore, in any public place, where people loiter: Surround the place with raised areas which are immediately accessible from below (like stairs with seats, balustrades, a stepped terrace, or a stoop) - a railed balcony won't do. 322 LINEAR OPEN SPACE People won't use major open spaces that have  little diversity and are hard to get to. Civic oprn spaces are enjoyable when there is a diversit, of activities and surroundings with people coming and going over the whole day. When an open space has a good degree of diver-sity it is because different age groups. Mch with its own special spatial and activity require-ments have bcren satisfactorily accommodated. Specialized open spaces do not offer such diversity. When large open ipicsi are too concentrated in shape, either square of round, only a small number of people hav« the benefit of living and working at their edge. Few have the benefit of being within easy walking range. Therefore major civic open spaces should be  long and thin with maximum perimeter for the  enclosed area. Within, they should be spatially  diverse so that they will encourage a variety of uses. DtSCUSSON Successful recreation space* have the generic attributes of diversity and a c c e s s i b i l i t y . When there is a variety of activities and surrounding* with people coning and going over the whole day. then such spaces are very enjoyable. For example, large open space* such as playing f i e l d s encourage l i t t l e diversity sod therefore serve a small range of people for a small part of the tls>e. Because they are r e l a t i v e l y Isolated f roa the doeMln of peoples' a c t i v i t i e s they lack the opportunity to generate diverse a c t i v i t i e s . This lack of physical variety tends to H o l t other uses since psopl* don't generally engage l n SAS.11 a c t i v i t i e s l n these large open spaces. The s e n s i t i v i t y and v i t a l i t y of recreational •paces derive frees this fact that the space la • ays test of relationships, both external and in t e r n a l . Consequently, the Morphology of recreational space he* both internal and external components. This fore can be beet  net by s linear pattern and a necklace of The fact that recreational apace sjust meet a spontaneous compoomut l a a person's need for recreation especially children's, means that recreation space should occur everywhere. This store general sad therefore store predictable component leads to a pattern of e necklace of re- creational spaces which open off pedestrian paths  and at tinea fore part of the pedestrian paths). Such e pattern r e f l e c t s a system of contacts and separetlone which studies .of particular age group needs suggest. The following develops the foregoing Ideas store f u l l y . DIV EM ITT For d i v e r s i t y to occur within the recreational spaces, the surrounding areas Bust Include a variety of l i f e s t y l e s , land use and economic conditions. If t his does not occur, the recreational apaces are not f u l l y used. They may be very active for short periods of time but for nost parts of the day they l i e unused. "In real l i f e only diverse surroundlags have the p r a c t i c a l power of Inducing a n a t u r a l c o n t i n u i n g flow of l i f e and oae" (Jane Jacobs, The Death h L i f e of  Great American C i t i e s . ) Recreation spaces have a good decree of d i v e r s i t y when d i f f e r e n t age groups, each with I t s own s p e c i f i c s p a t i a l and a c t i v i t y requirements, have been s a t i s f a c t o r i l y acc ommod a t ed. It haa been found that age groups give th« best way of a r t i c u l a t i n g r e c r e a t i o n a l space requirements. L i f e s t y l e s or sub-cultures r e a u l t l n only minor d i f f e r e n c e s . (London  Open Space Study. 1968.) The d i v e r s i t y of spaces and a c t i v i t i e s d e r i v e s from these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s as does the system of con-t a c t s and separations which are r e q u i r e d . For exaaple, mothers and young c h i l d r e n should be able to use open space i n contact w i t h each other but separated from the a c t i v i t i e s of older c h i l d r e n . A l s o , o l d e r people want the choice of being able to observe and be part of the scene as well.as being able to enjoy • c e r t a i n q uietness. The consideration of these age groups yields a Mrlu of needs which can be synthesized to form three basic patterns of use. The three basic patterns of use to which the recreational pattern must respond are: 1) short distance, short duration, high frequency end therefore vlthin the domain of a perse*'s dally l i f e ; 2) more selective, longer distance, selective low frequency family and weekend use; 3) high selectivity, low frequency, special occasion use. Studies (London Open Space Study 1968) reveal that people exercise discretion ln their choice of open space which at certain dlstsnces, site cesses to be the basis for decision making. Larger spaces do not necessarily prove to be more attrac-tive. Our observation also suggests that recrea-tional space tends to be formed around such areas aa branch l i b r a r i e s , corner stores and schools. A necklace of a c t i v i t i e s connected by pedestrian paths accosamodates these tenden-cies. The spacing is governed by specific consider at lone of access (from house, from «hop, from school, from work). 142 ACCESSIBILITY A c c e s s i b i l i t y i s an important issue l n the success of open space. A c c e s s i b i l i t y i s best conceived In rerns of a f e e l i n g of p r o x i m i t y . V l s a b l l l t y Is an important f a c t o r . For example, a study of two types of open space a c c e s s i b i l i t y revealed that v i s i b i l i t y and easy p h y s i c a l access g r e a t l y increased the range over which the open space was used and the number of users. (JAIP, Sept. 1970). This suggests that the d i s p o s i t i o n of the l i n e a r form should be such that i t naxlmlzes p h y s i c a l and v i s u a l a c c e s s i b i l i t y . To be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e , some open space should be v l t h i n about 600' of every resldence. ORGANIZATION There are b a s i c a l l y three a l t e r n a t i v e ways to organize open space: concentrated, d i s p e r s e d , l i n e a r . CONCENTRATED Fewer people are able to be at the edges, i f It Is too b i g , children are overpowered by i t . There-f o r e It i s suitable f o r only a select group of people. I t cannot take advantage of unique and varying sites. DISPERSED I t is generally too fragmented, no one gets to-gether and the spsces lack diversity. LINEAR Potentially i t touches a greater variety of people and a c t i v i t i e s and allows more people to l i v e ln close proximity to i t s perimeter. This allows better use of the open space. It can maximize visual accessibility and physical accessibility so that the specs Is used f u l l y . It allows seg-mented growth. It encourages specific a c t i v i t i e s to be generated while at the same time Integrating the diverse a c t i v i t i e s ln s suitable system of contacts and separation. For example, i t allows small parks to be formed which are popular for women and elderly people without Isolating them frem other a c t i v i t i e s and people. It invites the child to expand his do-main whereas large parks and roams form bsrrlers. T h i s K l v e s r i s e to a iu:cki.i«.c of ac i i v 1 t i es . l i n e a r s y s t e m Is h o t t e r a b l e t o e x p l o i t u n i q u e p h y s i c a l q u a l i t i e s of t h e •• i : ••. The topr.>>raj ic. and t he e x i s t In* a c t i v i t y a r e a s ~sak<> t h e I i niMi f o r m an e x c e l l e n t response- to I he s.c re<|u i re.:.«-:u & T h e r e f o r e , the s t a n d a r d c r i t e r i a lur open s,-i.-e w i t h a h i e r a r c h v of s i * e a r e i r r e l e v a n t . In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t the l i n e a r p a t t e r n meets the t h r e e b a s i c p a t t e r n s ot r e c r e a t i o n s p a c e use w i t h -out h a v i n g t o be a s i m p l e h i e r a r c h y of s i z e s . The use of r e c r e a t i o n a l s p a c e a t n i g h t I s a l s o f a c i l i t a t e d by a n e c k l a c e ct a c t i v i t i e s and a l i n e a r f orm. R e c r e a t i o n a l space w h i c h i s t o o l a r g e w o uld have l i m i t e d use at n i g h t . The l i n e a r p a t t e r n I s b e i n g r e a l i z e d l n the London and Roae open s p a c e p l a n s , i n C h a n d l g a r c h . as w e l l •a l n p a r t s o f V a n c o u v e r a l o n g t h e w a t e r . In a l l o f t h e s e c a s e s t h e p r i n c i p l e I s t h e s a j i e : That r e c r e a t i o n s p a c e be shaped l i n e a r l y , r e a c h i n g t h r o u g h o u t t h e c i t y , w i t h s p a c e s f o r s p e c i a l i z e d a c t i v i t y b e i n g pro-v i d e d a l o n g I t . W i t h i n a s h o r t w a l k • p e r s o n w i l l pass a f u l l r a n g e of t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s . Continuous Rain Shelter For Related Functions WHE\ YOU HAVE TO WALK OUTSIDE BETWEEN BUILDINGS FREUUEislTLY EACH DAY, RAINY WEATHER CAN MAKE TRIPS MISERABLE. The problem of G e t t i n g about i n the rai n traditional.".,- r.as been approached i n two ways: f i r s u , by providing • t o t a l 1 protection with completely covered paths and malls, as demonstrated i n many modern shopping centers; and second, by e s s e n t i a l l y ignoring the problem and providing sh e l t e r only at doc:r. <ys, at b'js steps, under an occa-sior,:«l trae, etn. The d i f f i c u l t i e s with t o t a l protection are t v o f o l d : J . It i s d i f f i c u l t to provide a large* protective canopy without blocking out most of the natural l i g h t . Da»-signers w i l l either r a i s e the canopy j<3?y high o f f the ground, thus en-lar g i n g the scale of the space; or, they w i l l r e i n f o r c e the l i g h t by a r t i f i c i a l means. Neither of these solutions s t r i k a s the r i g h t balance between shadow and sun l i g h t . 2. On the days when the weather i s f i n e , the protective canopies keep the sunshine out. Again tha large canopies above cast so much shadow that there are few places to go to f e e l the warmth of the sun's rays. Ignoring r a i n s h e l t e r protection i s not the answer e i t h e r . Wnen people are faced with waiting i n the r a i n or having to cross wide open areas without cover, the oppression of wet, cold weather r e a l l y comes down on them. This can become t o t a l l y unbearable when much of the a c t i v i t y that one does i n the day forces him outside frequently and more often than not, with something l i k e books, papers or groceries in hand. Every-thing gets wet and the whole day i s ruined. 2 CREATE A CANOPIED WALKWAY BETWEEN ALL FACILITIES THAT WILL. REQUIRE FREQUENT DAY AND NIGHT TRAFFIC BE-TWEEN THEN. MAKE THE PATH AT LEAST 6» WIDE AMD THE CANOPY OVERHEAD WIDE ENOUGH TD .sEEP THE PATH DRY IN RAINY WEATHER. WHEN THE CANOPY CONES UP AGAINS; THE BUILDING, PUNCH HOLES IN IT WITH SKYLIGHTS, CLERESTORIES OR GAPS, TO LET THE NATURAL LIGHT IN. 145 \2 CONTINUOUS R A ISHELTER FOR RELATED ' FU'.CTIONS Such experience brings us to the con-c l u s i o n that some kind of r a i n s h e l t e r i s needed that l i n k s the kinds of r e -l a t e d f u n c t i o n s that w i l l nave people walking between them many " i ^ e s i n the oay or n i g h t . The protectiJ:-. should be continuous between f a c i l i t i e s but shaped i n such a w..>y that they allow i n the maximum amount of n a t u r a l l i g h t and d i r e c t sun's rays. Observation i n the Vancouver area has shown that the angle at which r a i n f a l l s to the ground i s seldon l e s s than 70°. Therefore, to c a l c u l a t e the necessary width of path, draw a l i n e at 70° from the edge of the path to the h o r i z o n t a l l i n e mar-king the d e s i r e d h e i g h t , as i l l u s -t r a t e d . Ue ascertain the minimum width of a public outside path to be ap p r o x i -mately 6'. A 6 ' wide path w i l l accommodate three people abreast on i t , thus allowing two people walking and t a l k i n g to pass one person walking the other way. The minimum dimension i s appropriate only for pedestrian paths where there are not large groups of pedestrians. In areas where groups are expected, i . e . , i n a school or outside a swimming pool, the width of the path should accommodate the average group s i z e . This r u l e d i c t a t e s that the width of the canopy i s d i r e c t l y propor-t i o n a l to i t s height above the path. This proportion must be adhered to i f a dry s t r i p of walkway i s to be provided during most wet days. Even with a minimum amount of canopied s h e l t e r , i t w i l l s t i l l be necessary to allow in the maximum amount of natural l i g h t , e s p e c i a l l y against b u i l d i n g s . Therefore whenever pos-s i b l e , break the roof of the canopy with s k y l i g h t s , c l e r e s t o r i e s , or gaps in the s t r u c t u r e , or remove i t a f8w feet from the face of the b u i l d i n g . io'-o» It- ^ - j Where outdoor seats are set down without regard for view and climate, they will almost certainly be useless. 146 Outdoor Seats An informal observation: We made random spot checks of selected benches in dense pedestrian areas. A small number of benches in Berkeley, California, showed the following: At the moment of observation, we recorded four facts about each bench. Was it occupied or empty? Did it give a view of current activity or not? Was it in the sun or not? What was the current wind velocity? Of the eleven spot checks, three showed occupied benches, and eight showed empty benches. At the moment of observation, all three occupied benches looked onto activity, were in the sun, and had a wind velocity of less than 1.5 feet per second. At the moment of observation, none of the eight empty benches had all three of these characteristics. Three of them had shelter and activity but no sun; three of them had activity, but no sun and wind greater than 3 feet per second; two of them had sun and shelter, but no activi-ty. Old people particularly seek out benches that are pro-tected from wind, open to warm sun, and facing some-thing interesting. Karren and Palmer confirm our obser-vation. They show that, given a choice of benches, peo-ple select those with best exposure to view and sun. ("Personal Space on Benches", unpub. ms.. Department of Architecture, University of California, Berkeley, 1968.) (continued over) Therefore, five rules of thumb for outdoor seats are: 1. Place benches facing directly onto pedestrian activity (or something equally interesting). 2. Make the bench open to the south, southeast and southwest, for sun exposure during winter months (exact angles depend on latitude). 3. Cover with roof or overhang or tree in hot climates — to give sun protection during midday hours of summer months. 4. Create a wall, or barrier of some kind, on those sides where the winter wind comes down. 5. Open the bench to the directic of the summer breeze. Outdoor Seats 147 Problem (continued) A second series of observations compared the numbers of old peo pie in Union Square, at 3:00 P.M., on a sunny day, with the number at 3.00 P.M. on a cloudy day. Number of persons sitting on 126 linear feet of bench in Union Square Sunny Cloudy 65 21 The air temperature was approxi-mately the same on both days. The wind velocity was 2 ft/sec. on both days. These informal observations leave much to be desired. However, in the absence of any further evi> dence, it seems reasonable to con-clude that benches should be placed in such a way as to give onto activi-ty, to be in the sun during cool parts of the year, and to be shel-tered from wind. Finally we note that in hot sum-mers, during the hot part of the day, people do not want to sit in the sun, and do seek a breeze. For hot climates, benches should be placed so that they are shaded from the high midday summer sun. Context Any place in town; but especially places within walking distance of old people's dwellings, where some-thing potentially interesting is going on (park, school, street life). By: Christopher Alexander, Sara Ishikawa, Murray Silverstien. July I VhS revised June 1V 70 This pattern is tentative. If you have any evidence to support or refute its current formulation, please send it to the Center for Environmental Structure, P.O. Box 5156, Berkeley, California 94705; we will add your comments to the next edition. 148 a p p e n d i x II Samples of the gridded s i t e plans and a c t i v i t y recording sheets VICTORY SQUARE ILJ-1 I 01 W IO PZEX 150 153 place: date: time: weather: temperature: observers PM: purposeful movement, CM: casual movement, PS: purposeful stationary, NS: non-active stationary, SEE: use of SEE, SI: social interaction, 01: observer interaction, VE: visual exploration l o c a t i o n behaviour category # of people notes a p p e n d i x III Site plans showing the location of people engaged in stationary a c t i v i t i e s for each day of the week, for a l l places. Autumn recording session tn Site plans showing the locations of people engaged 0 1 in stationary act iv i t ies for a l l places, for a Monday. Autumn recording session VICTORY SQUARE r_n—i Site plans showing the locations of people engaged in stationary act iv i t ies for a l l places, for a Tuesday. Autumn recording session ^ 4 tt_n i olo-» to rcrr Site plans showing the locations of people engaged in stationary act iv i t ies for a l l places, for a Wednesday. Autumn recording session VICTORY SQUARE ILTT I Of 9*> Site plans showing the locations of people engaged in stationary act iv i t ies for a l l places, for a Thursday. Autumn recording session f S. VICTORY SQUARE it_n I 01 o *> «a rerr Cn Site plans showing the locations of people engaged °° in stationary act iv i t ies for a l l places, for a Friday. Autumn recording session 165 a p p e n d i x I V Plant Science 516. The use of plant materials in public places 166 \ 167 1 Plants soften the e f f e c t s of b u i l t form with colour texture and shade, and provide human s c a l e . Plants remove carbon dioxide from the a i r and replace i t vn'th oxygen, needed by man. 168 TREE PLACES Vi c t o r y Square 'The trees and plantings are arranged' 1n natural qroupinqs and are substantial enough to form enclaves i n which s o c i a l gatherings can occur. Courthouse Square P a c i f i c Centre Plaza Bentall Centre Plaza The plantings are "decoration" and " t r i m " . Their unnatural arrangement leaves no p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the formation of "tree places". Consider the e f f e c t of one large tree or c l u s t e r of trees i n the heart of P a c i f i c Centre P l a z a . 169 SUN PROTECTION Sun TxDosure or Sun Protection Successful ooen space provides outdoor seating options. During the winter months people seek out benches that are ooen to warm sun. In summer, during the hot part of the day, people prefer some shade. Only Victory Square has seating in both sun and shade. \ PEDESTRIAN CIRCULATION Hedges as Fences Uhere fences are necessary to direct circulation, plants are alternatives to fences. In Victory Square the low fences along sidewalks are an eyesore and could easily be replaces by hedges. The removal of wire fences in Courthouse Square is visual proof of how they detract from the quality of the environment. ATMOSPHERIC PURIFICATION Respiration If for no other reason, plants are an essential ingredient of the downtown for the physiological function they perform. GLARE AND REFLECTION REDUCTION Glare from Buildings and Paving at certain times of the day is unoleasant and irritating in Pacific Centre Plaza and Bentall Centre Plaza. Careful selection and placement of plants would screen and soften this glare. PRECIPITATION AND HUMIDITY Tree canopies Drovide protection from p r e c i D i t a t i o n Plantings serve this purpose in Victory Square but not in Courthouse Square Pacific Centre Plaza Bentall Centre Plaza. NOISE CONTROL The noise of traffic is annoying for pedestrians, and disturbs the peace and quiet of public places. Noise Buffer The plantinqs around the edge of Victory Square seem to provide a buffer to noises of the street. The quantity and kinds of plants necessary to reduce noise has not been determined, but the potential should not be overlooked. 172 Victory Square The trees are the focal point. Pacific Centre Plaza There is no focus. A single large tree or cluster of trees would provide i t . \ WIND CONTROL Pacific Centre Plaza and Courthouse Square Strong downdrafts from the Pacific Centre often make both places uncomfortably windy. A row of trees would be an effective barrier. Victory Square The trees already there are a good wind barrier. Bentall Centre Plaza The present arrangement of buildings does not necessitate further wind control. ACCENTUATION Courthouse Square Formal landscaping provides continuity and order to the square, and emphasizes the courthouse b u i l d i n g . 'The accentuation i s less pronounced i n the other three places. FOCAL POINT The most active public places usually contain a focal element which a t t r a c t s people and i n v i t e s them to p a r t i c i p a t e . sculpture fountain kiosk tree playground Courthouse Square and Bentall Centre Plaza The fountain at the centre provides a focus. P a c i f i c Centre Plaza An increase in the va r i e t y of plantinqs would e s t a b l i s h a .more human scale i n the p l a z a . Bentall Centre Plaza The summer plantings show good contrast i n form, texture and co l o u r . The shortage of evergreen shrubs reduces the va r i e t y of plantings in w i n t e r . Bentall Centre Plaza During the summer, flowers and shrubs are placed in the plartters which are sufficiently large and dense to create private areas behind them. VARIETY Victory Square and Courthouse Square Good use of contrasting form, texture and colour of plant materials contributes to the diversity variety and interest of these two places. PRIVACY Vi c t o r y Square Is the only p i , in which trees and shrubs are substantial enough to create a sense of enclosure. P a c i f i c Centre Plaza and Courthouse Square in t h e i r present layout make no attemnt to nrovide secluded areas. 177 Bentall Centre Plaza The trees next to the b u i l d i n g contribute to the v e r t i c a l space d e f i n i t i o n . Planters and benches are used to seperate areas of the p l a z a . 1 P a c i f i c Centre Plaza d e f i n i t i o n and provis i o n of human scale has been underestimated here.' Trees that are large enough and c a r e f u l l y placed reduce the scale of b u i l d i n g s . M w o b< w a u n < \ 179 Courthouse Square Hedges and a va r i e t y of shrubs divide the place into areas Flowering cherry and plum trees provide human s c a l e . Formal foundation plantings soften the e f f e c t s of b u i l t form. SPACE DEFINITION 180 The need for safety security comfort . convenience nrivacy health and well-being can be supported by a space of a human scale. Human scale can be achieved when plants aid in defing the three dimensions. Victory Square Plants define the place in three dimensions. Large trees and mature plantings provide a human scale. Shrubs and trees divide the park into distinct areas. BENTALL CENTRE PLAZA 181 construction date 1969 l o c a t i o n - on Burrard Street near Pender S t r e e t , In front of the Bentall Centre Towers - in the business centre of downtown contents - paved plaza with benches, p l a n t e r s , flowers, t r e e s , fountain and pool uses - moderately throughout the day - o f f i c e workers eat t h e i r lunch, enjoy the sun, wait for friends PACIFIC CENTRE PLAZA construction - 1971 date loc a t i o n - southwest corner of G r a n v i l l e and Georgia Streets - occupies open space remaining a f t e r P a c i f i c Centre tower and Eaton's b u i l d i n g development contents - furnished with flower planter - benches, one L-shaped concrete seat, two small planting beds uses - accommodates thousands of workers moving to and from buildings four times a day, shoppers going to Eaton's or P a c i f i c Centre M a l l , and people shortcutting between G r a n v i l l e and Georgia Streets - very seldom used for other outdoor a c t i v i t i e s —™U, COURTHOUSE SQUARE 183 construction - circa 1910 date location - in the heart of the central business district - surrounded by hotels, office tower, department store and courthouse contents - formally landscaped with a fountain as the central feature - large paved area around fountain bordered by hedges and railings uses - primarily a pedestrian shortcut - used moderately at lunchtima by people for lunch, reading, talking with friends - stairs, railings, and fountain edge used for seating in the absence of benches - fountain is an attraction for tourists and sightseers Map of downtown Vancouver showing the locations of public ''j^ V-t-v/X z:\ places used in the study. \^ J// / t VICTORY VICTORY SQUARE construction - 1918 date location contents \ in the old office and retail area of the downtown occupies one city block between Pender, Hastings, Hamilton and Cambie Streets park is divided into two areas seperated by a flight of stairs, trees and shrubs lower protion has a large monument surrounded by grass, paving and seating areas upper area has drinking fountain, trees, shrubs, flowers and grass are walks around edges and diagonally through park are benches along walks used heavily throughout the day benches occupied by older men on a regular basis, who use the park as a social centre grass areas used by others as places to s i t In the sun, read, eat lunch used by pedestrians for shortcutting ATMOSPHERIC PURIFICATION Animals including man depend on plants for their survival. In respiration we inhale oxygen \ \ \ V/ / / / / / / / / / 4 V— p~ l \ — l l GLARE AND REFLECTION REDUCTION Building materials which are smooth or polished are also highly reflective. Light which is reflected from buildings or paving will often cause considerable discomfort to pedestrians. Plant materials, chosen and / / \/ 11 excessive glare. A r \ ti 186 PRECIPITATION AND HUMIDITY Plants can affect the microclimate by intercepting fog dew rain frost snow sleet or h a i l . NOISE CONTROL Plants can aid in the screening of noise. Leaves, twigs and branches because of thier softness and flexibil i t y will absorb some sound. Trunks of trees and heavy branches scatter sound be deflection. \ PRIVACY Informal groupings of plants provide security of enclosure, Plants forming visual barriers give screening and privacy. SPACE DEFINITION Plant material defines exterior space in three dimensions. Plants together with other plants, architecture, or land forms help to break up areas and give verticality to a space. Plants reduce the oppresive effect of tall buildings by forming spaces of a more human scale. \ How public places are used is determined by people's needs and values, and the state of the environment. These needs include safety security comfort convenience order diversity variety interest choice privacy health and well-being THE CRITERIA emphasize functional aspects of the environment necessary to support the needs of its users. 193 PUBLIC PLACES play a vital role in the l i f e of the downtown, providing places for people to interact with individuals or in large groups. PUBLIC PLACES provide a place for refuge form the bustle of city streets: places for relaxation refreshment reading chatting waiting people watching This study endeavours to establish a set of criteria for the use of plant material in public places, and to evaluate the landscaping of'four public places with respect to these criteria. PUBLIC PLACES are areas of onen S D a c e , e i t h e r publicly or orivately owned, that are accessible to a l l members of the community. 195 

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