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Enrique de Villena, El tratado de la consolacion; a critical edition with introductory study and notes Carr, Derek Cooper 1971

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ENRIQUE DE VILLENA EL TRATADO DE LA CONSOLACI6N A CRITICAL EDITION WITH INTRODUCTORY STUDY AND NOTES by DEREK COOPER CARR B.A. , University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Hispanic and I ta l ian Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December, 1971 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t fr e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of HlSMMfC 4rJ> iTALMrJ $To^>i£S The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date 3>ec£rtG£R ) V )17) 7 ABSTRACT Although a number of ar t ic les have been written on Enrique de V i l l e n a , he has not been adequately treated since the publication of Cotarelo y Mori's monograph i n 1896, and only one of his works has been given a c r i t i c a l edition i n recent years. This dissertation i s intended to bring up to date our knowledge of V i l l e n a , and to provide an i n t e l -l i g i b l e text of his Tratado de l a Consolacion, hitherto accessible only i n an i n f e r i o r transcription of one manuscript published by Foulche-Delbosc i n 191T. The preliminary study i s organized as follows: Chapter I gives a c r i t i c a l outline of the main advances i n our knowledge of V i l l e n a from the 1766 Escurial edition of the Arte Cisor ia to work in progress at present i n Spain. It concludes that Menendez Pelayo and Cotarelo are s t i l l to be regarded as the pr inc ipal authorities on V i l l e n a . Chapter II deals with V i l l e n a ' s l i f e and works, and i s i n three parts. The f i r s t i s a new biography of V i l l e n a , i n which the use of documentary sources inaccessible to nineteenth-century scholars has made i t possible to f i l l several lacunae i n Cotarelo's work. The second part i s a detailed catalogue of the extant manuscripts and incunabula of V i l l e n a ' s works ; i t contains no surprises, but a number of manuscripts are described there for the f i r s t time. Some attention has been paid to the problems of dating certain works: there i s evidence to suggest that the Tratado de l a Consolacion was written i n lk2k, a year later than previously thought; the Tratado de l a Fasciriacion is dated precisely between May 26 and June 3, 1^25. March 15, 1^32 is offered as a tentative i alternative to Cotarelo's dating of the Epfstdla a Suero de Quinones. This work was found to contain the earliest reference in Spanish l i t e r a -ture to Pedro de Corral's Croriica Sarrazina. Chapter I I , Part III i s an assessment of Villena's literary-formation and knowledge of foreign languages. The matter requires further study, hut the following points can be made: There is no objective evidence of Villena's knowledge of European languages other than Latin, Castilian, Italian and lemosi (Catalan-Provencal); his Hebrew and Arabic references seem to derive chiefly from a) medieval Latin translation, b) second-hand information, and c) conversations with Jewish acquaintances. Evidence of first-hand knowledge of original "oriental" sources is at best circum-stantial. His cultural formation, therefore, is largely that of the Latin Middle Ages, and is hardly influenced by Romance tradition. Chapter III, Part I examines the general characteristics of the Classical and early Christian consolatio mortis , and the transmission of the consolatory topoi during the Middle Ages. However, l i t t l e evidence has been found of the continuing tradition of a formal prose consolatio  mortis in medieval literature. The study of Villena's Tratado i n Part II shows that i t i s ideologically much closer to the Classical and Patristic consolatio than to the plaintive medieval attitude to death and adverse fortune, and may be the f i r s t example of the genre written i n Castilian. The chief features of Villena's style are linked with his interest in rhetoric, a point ignored by previous scholars. Finally the ed i t o r i a l c r i t e r i a are discussed. The text of the Tratado de l a Cdnsolacion is based on Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. 6 5 9 9 , >^ut i s carefully corrected with the a s s i s t a n c e of Santander, B i b l i o t e c a de Menendez P e l a y o , Ms. 68 and a manuscript belonging t o the p r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n o f the l a t e D. Antonio Rodriguez-Monino. The c r i t i c a l apparatus l i s t s a l l the v a r i a n t s of s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of an i n t e l l i g i b l e t e x t ; the notes d e a l v i t h s p e c i f i c e d i t o r i a l problems , i d e n t i f y the sources , and e x p l a i l e x i c a l and s y n t a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION: A SUMMARY OF VILLENA CRITICISM AND THE SCOPE OF THE PRESENT STUDY 1 I I . VILLENA'S LIFE AND WORKS 2k I . A New Biography of Enrique de V i l l e n a 2h I I . An Inventory of the Manuscripts and Printed Editions of V i l l e n a ' s Works 68 I I I . V i l l e n a ' s Literary Formation 134 III . EL TRATADO DE L A C0NS0LACI6N 157 I . The General Characteristics of the Literary Coiisolatio 157 I I . V i l l e n a ' s Consolatory Treatise 190 A. Content and General Argument 190 B. Language and Style 198 C. The Manuscripts and E d i t o r i a l C r i t e r i a 206 IV. ENRIQUE DE VILLENA. EL TRATADO DE LA CONSOLACION. TEXT 22k CRITICAL APPARATUS. ABBREVIATIONS 315 CRITICAL APPARATUS 3l6 TEXTUAL NOTES U l5 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED U54 i v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Individual acknowledgements of assistance on specific points have been made in the appropriate notes and, of course, i n the bibliography of this study. On a more personal l e v e l , I would l i k e to thank a l l those friends and colleagues at the University of Br i t i s h Columbia who have read the manuscript, either in whole or in part, and offered valuable advice and criticism. To Professor Harold V. Livermore, for his constant help and encouragement, I owe a special debt of gratitude. Thanks are also due to Dr. Walter H. Gage in his capacity as Dean of Inter-Faculty and Student Affairs for financial assistance i n the form of Graduate Fellowships; also to the Canada Council for a Pre-Doctoral Fellowship i n 1970-71. The staff of the Inter-Library Loan department of the University Library deserve special mention for their invaluable assistance and prompt processing of my frequently esoteric requests, and I am very grateful to Miss Elizabeth Amezcua for submitting herself to the trying task of typing my rather complicated manuscript. F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank my wife, Silvana, for her unceasing encouragement, especially during the f i n a l stages of this work, and for the contribution of much technical assistance i n the compilation of the bibliography. v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: A SUMMARY OF VILLENA CRITICISM AND THE SCOPE OF THE PRESENT STUDY Throughout the five centuries which have elapsed since his death in IU3U, Don Enrique de Aragon, more commonly known as Enrique de Villena and, incorrectly, as e l Marques de Villena, has continued to occupy a peculiar position in Spanish literature and folk-lore. Although the Faust-like legends which grew up around him, and which would have us believe that he learned necromancy and the Black Arts from Satan in la_ cueva de Salamanca, 1 do not appear in l i t e r a r y form u n t i l the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, already towards the end of his l i f e rumours of magic and occult practices had "begun to collect about him. Shortly after his death, the majority of his books were burned at the command of Juan II of Castile by the king's confessor, Fray Lope de Barrientos, though not before the worthy f r i a r , who was marked for preferment in the Church, had examined the books for suitable material which he might profitably include in his own writings. The combination of this auto-da-fe, malicious rumour, popular superstition and the a r t i s t i c licence of the li t e r a r y productions in which Don Enrique appears as a central figure, resulted in the creation of el magico Villena, a strange, distorted character, inhabiting that shadowy domain between history and legend, who exercised such a strong fascination upon the collective imagination of many generations of his fellow-countrymen. Indeed, i t was not u n t i l the eighteenth century that the f i r s t attempts were made to dispel the aura of mystery sur-rounding "Villena the Magician," and to separate legend and reality. This 1 2 task was continued, with much more worthwhile resul ts , by nineteenth-century scholars, and i t i s to their efforts that we owe most of our present knowledge of the h i s t o r i c a l Enrique de Aragon and the curious works which he l e f t to posterity . In 1766 Fr . Francisco Nunez, bibl iotecar io mayor of the Real B i b l i - oteca de E l E s c o r i a l , published the text of the manuscrito escurialense of V i l l e n a ' s Arte Cisoria with a b r i e f prologue and v i t a of the author. Hither-t o , only two of V i l l e n a ' s works were known: Los doze trabajos de Hercules, written i n 1^17, printed i n ll+83 and again i n 1^99, and surviving i n several fifteenth-century manuscript copies; the second work was the Arte de Trovar which, unfortunately, has come down to us i n only a fragmentary state. Quevedo possessed a copy of this t rea t ise , and i t was known to Zurita and a number of seventeenth-century Aragonese historians , but we do not know whether they were acquainted with the complete version or the extracts which o . . . 3 survive today.^ With i t s publication in 1737 by Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar i t became the second of V i l l e n a ' s works to appear i n p r i n t , and was followed i n 1766 by the edition of the Arte Cisor ia which we have already mentioned. Both of these editions contain many errata and are now of l i t t l e value for scholarly purposes. V i l l e n a ' s translation of the Aeneid was f i r s t brought to the attention of los eruditos i n 1778 by P e l l i c e r i n the chapter on Don Enrique contained k i n his Ensayo de una bibl ioteca de traductores espanoles, although the manu-script described by P e l l i c e r , preserved i n the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, contains only the translation and glosses of the f i r s t three books. Shortly afterwards, the Biblioteca Nacional acquired a copy of the manuscript i n the Biblioteca Colombina, S e v i l l e , which contains V i l l e n a ' s t ranslat ion , though 3 without the glosses, of the f i r s t six books of the Aeneid.^ In 18UU, ap-parently without realizing that he was probably dealing with the remainder of Villena's translation, Eugenio Ochoa described the manuscript in the Royal Library at Paris (now the Bibliotheque Nationale) which contains a Castilian version of the last nine books of the Aeneid, purporting to have 6 been written by one Juan de Villena, criado of the Marques de Santillana. As Ticknor remarked, in a note on the manuscripts described by Pellicer and 7 Ochoa, " i t would be curious to ascertain whether the two have any connexion." This comment was brought to the attention of Spanish scholars in I85I with the publication of the Spanish translation of Ticknor's History of Spanish  Literature and in the following year, 1852, a strong case was made for the identification of the Paris MS. with Don Enrique de Villena's translation 8 by the anonymous author of an ar t i c l e in the Semariario Pintoresco Espanol. By comparing Pellicer's description of the Madrid MS. with Ochoa's description of the Parisian text, the author was able to show that, i n the examples quoted by Ochoa, the division of each book or canto of the Aeneid into an apparently arbitrary number of capitulos in the Paris MS. corresponds exactly with the 9 method expounded by Villena in his Prohemio to Book I in the Madrid MS. Unfortunately, the author of the a r t i c l e was unable to come to any definite conclusions as. he had not seen the Paris MS. and was thus unable to check the division of the entire nine f i n a l books of the Aeneid with the method proposed by Villena. Neverthelesss , the coincidences he had noted were suf-fic i e n t to lead him to believe that "ambas traducciones no son mas que una sola, y los dos codices en que se encuentran, partes de una misma obra.""'"^ The necessary comparison of the Paris MS. and the various Spanish codices which had come to light since the publication of Pellicer's essay was undertaken by Amador de los Rios with the assistance of M. Ie Comte k de Circourt . Thus , i n the words of Menendez Pelayo, . . . pudo comprobarse que los tres primeros l ibros de los nueve corresponden exactamente a los codices que en Espana se conservan, y que, por consiguiente, los otros seis pertenecen de igual modo a l a version de D. Enrique, no habiendo diferencia de e s t i l o , y sabiendose que e l de V i l l e n a tradujo toda l a Eneida. Ademas , e l numero de capitulos es exactamente e l mismo que anuncia D. Enrique en su Prohemio: 3^6 para toda l a obra, que con los 20 parrafos del Prohemio hacen 366, uno para cada dia del a n o . H This dis t inc t ion between Enrique de V i l l e n a , author of the translation of the Aeneid, and Juan de V i l l e n a , copyist of the Paris MS. , has been general-l y accepted by subsequent scholars, with the notable exception of Gonzalez de l a Calle who, i n an essay in the Anales de l a Universidad de_ Madrid i n 1933, expressed doubts that Enrique de V i l l e n a ever completed his t ranslat ion, and suggested that the last six books found i n the Paris MS. were added by 12 Juan de V i l l e n a . Gonzalez is undoubtedly correct i n questioning the logic of the assertion that the last six books of the Paris text were necessarily composed by Enrique de V i l l e n a , simply because the version of Books III-VI contained i n the Spanish MSS corresponds exactly with the f i r s t three books 13 of the Paris MS. Nevertheless, i t must be admitted that the rather flimsy grounds for his conjecture are further weakened by the fact that he had not consulted the Parisian codex, and was thus unable to adduce any concrete reasons, such as a s t y l i s t i c analysis of the last six books, i n support of his contention that they were a continuation of V i l l e n a ' s translation by another author. His suspicions, therefore, must remain simply suspicions and, as a detailed examination of this question l i e s beyond the scope of this present study, we must reserve judgement u n t i l such a time as a c r i t i c a l edition of V i l l e n a ' s translation of the Aeneid is made avai lable , u t i l i z i n g 5 a l l the resources of modern scholarship. Apart from the information on his other l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t i e s provided lk by V i l l e n a himself i n the Prohemio to his translation of V i r g i l , the earl iest indication of the existence of other works from his pen seems to have been given i n 178? by Don Rafael Floranes who described a manuscript . ^ 1 5 copy, dated 1U80, of V i l l e n a ' s Tratado de l a Fascinacion. Intimations of even more works were given i n 1788 by Don Juan Sempere y Guarinos who had access to a fifteenth-century MS which contained various tratados attributed 16 to V i l l e n a . Details of other t i t l e s , a l l but completing the corpus of the extant writings of V i l l e n a , were given by Don Pascual de Gayangos and Don 17 Enrique de Vedia, the translators and annotators of Ticknor; the c o n t r i -butions of Amador de los Rios were valuable i n matters concerning the author-18 ship of works attributed incorrectly to Don Enrique; Puymaigre placed the notorious incident of the burning of V i l l e n a ' s books i n i t s proper perspective, clearing up a number of misconceptions which had arisen from a too l i t e r a l acceptance of the authenticity of Cibdarreal's Centon E p i s t o l a r i o , and exonerat-ing Fray Lope de Barrientos from many of the unjust charges which had been 19 level led against him. In I878 Sancho Rayon published i n facsimile the 1^99 edition of Los doze trabajos de Hercules, though without any preliminary study. It was followed i n 1879 "by Don Felipe-Benicio Navarro's excellent edition of the Arte C i s o r i a , s t i l l the most useful i n spite of i t s rather antiquated introduction, notes and numerous appendices. The apocryphal Carta de los veinte sabios cordubeses a_ don Enrique de Vi l lena and the la t te r ' s 20 supposed reply were published by Don Ramon de Luanco i n I889 , and the proba-bly equally apocryphal Tratado de Astrologia was the subject of a short study 21 by Serrano y Sanz i n 1892. 6 The most complete and authoritative accounts of the l i f e and works of V i l l e n a appeared i n I89U with the publication of Menendez Pelayo's study 22 of Don Enrique in Volume V of his Antologia de poetas l f r i c o s castellanos 2 and a series of ar t ic les by Cotarelo y Mori in the review La_ Esnafia Moderna, 24 reprinted i n one volume with three new appendices i n 1896. In the words of Cotarelo's reviewer, Don Jose Lomba Pedraja, "ambos trabajos se completan. 25 E l primero es mas sintetico y breve; e l segundo mas anal i t ico y extenso," 26 but his subsequent remarks are perhaps a l i t t l e too optimistic viewed i n the l ight of later research, negligible though i t may be i n comparison with 27 what preceded i t . Nevertheless, Cotarelo's book s t i l l remains the funda-mental work of reference for students of Enrique de Aragon. One of the most suggestive contributions to V i l l e n a studies was made i n 1899 by Mario Schiff as a result of his researches into the l ibrary of the 28 Marques de Santil lana. Among the many manuscripts which formed part of this famous fifteenth-century c o l l e c t i o n , Schiff discovered an I tal ian copy of the Divina Commedia. He describes the codex as follows: Ce volume compte CCVIII f e u i l l e t s de papier non f o l i o t e s . II contient l a Divine Comedie en i t a l i e n ecrite en I t a l i e et probablement a" Florence; 1 'explic i t du Paradis porte l a date du 10 de Novembre 135U. En marge commentaires la t ins assez nombreux pour l ' E n f e r , plus rares pour le Purgatoire, dans le Paradis i l CsicI font totalement defaut. Ces notes sont contemporaines du texte i t a l i e n . En marge egalement se trouve l a traduction espagnole en prose, ecrite dans l a premiere moitie du XV e s i e c l e , quelques uns des commentaires la t ins semblent § t r e de l a meme main que l a traduction. De plus par c i par l a le texte est accompagne de no^es et de sigles de l a main meme du Marquis de Santillane. S c h i f f ' s detailed study of the manuscript and the Spanish translation led him to to the following conclusions: l ) . That the provenance of the MS was Santi l lana's " l i b r e r i a de Guadalfajara." 2). The script and language of the translation belong def ini te ly to the f i r s t half of the f if teenth century. 7 3). The speed with which the translation was evidently undertaken proves that i t was "un t r a v a i l d'a cote, ecrit au courant de l a plume pour donner une idee du contenu de l'oeuvre de Dante et sans grand souci de forme." h). The disposition of the translation throughout the margins of the text , together with the evident corrections of style and vocabulary, give i t "une indeniable allure d ' o r i g i n a l " which, he says, would explain the absence of copies. 5 ) . The style i s that of Don Enrique. "Nous croyons done, en nous fondant sur tout ce qui precede, pouvoir attribuer a Don Enrique de V i l l e n a l a traduction complete de l a Divine Comedie, annotee par le Marquis de Santi l lane, que contient le ms. I i -110 Cnow 10186] de l a Bibliothe"que Nation-ale de Madrid. S c h i f f ' s conclusion has been generally accepted, i f not as 'def ini te ly proved' , then at least as muy verosimil , by most scholars who have had occasion 31 to deal with this subject. A number of possible objections to the attribution of this translation to V i l l e n a were raised by the late Dr. Mario Penna i n 1965, but D. Jose A. Pascual Rodriguez, i n a recently completed study of the t ranslat ion , presented as a doctoral thesis in the University of Salamanca, has found nothing to support them and is prepared provisionally to accept S c h i f f ' s hypothesis. Pascual's work has led to some interesting conclusions. The f i r s t part of his thesis deals with certain p h i l o l o g i c a l problems in the translation. In i t he has shown that , as a result of the speed with which the translation was undertaken, the translator has had recourse to the general context of many of the passages i n the Commedia i n order to resolve the meaning of the I ta l ian words, and to an interpretation of their meaning on the basis of their s imi lar i ty to C a s t i l i a n , Catalan and Latin words, a l l of which leads to a very l i t e r a l t ranslat ion. The second main characteristic of the translation 8 is the abundance of Latinisms, compared with the almost t o t a l absence of Italianisms, notwithstanding S c h i f f ' s assertion that the influence of the 33 I ta l ian text i s apparent i n the translat ion. Both these t ra i t s are typica l of fifteenth-century Cast i l ian texts, but in this case are accentuated by the nature of the t ranslat ion. Pascual i s convinced that i t was undertaken so that someone (possibly Santillana) could read the Commedia i n I tal ian and could have recourse to the translation to resolve the l e x i c a l problems presented by the I ta l ian text. For this reason the translation had to be very l i t e r a l and free from Italianisms, as only i n this way would i t be use-f u l to a reader whose knowledge of I ta l ian was very l imited . The trans-la t ion is based on a knowledge of L a t i n , Catalan and C a s t i l i a n , and there are many examples which show that the translator himself had a poor command of I t a l i a n , but was able to resolve his l e x i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s with reference to Latin and Catalan words or the s imi lar i t ies between I ta l ian and C a s t i l i a n . Pascual states that these considerations reinforce. the view that i n the ide -ological bases of the f i f teenth century in Spain, the language of theology, medieval L a t i n , was the most important. Another interesting discovery was that the translation was made from an I tal ian manuscript different from the one i n which i t i s written. Having compared the translation with the I ta l ian text of Santi l lana's MS and the c r i t i c a l apparatus of Petrocchi's edition of the Divina Commedia (h v o l s . , Mondadori, 1966-1967) , Pascual found that the translation was based on a copy of the Commedia which derives from MS. Co. (Petrocchi's abbreviation; = Cortona, Biblioteca del Comune e dell'Accademia Etrusca, Codice 8 8 ) ; i t coincided i n the main with C o . , and to a lesser extent with Eg. (London, B r i t i s h Museum, MS. Egerton 9^3) , Pa. (Paris , Bibliotheque Nationale , MS. I t a l . , 5 3 8 ) , Laur. (Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS. hO. 2 2 ) , and Ham. 9 (Berl in , Preussische Staatsbibliothek, MS. Hamilton 2 0 3 ) , a l l of which are derivatives of Co_. On the other hand, coincidences with other MSS of the Commedia are few. Taking a l l this into consideration, together with numerous examples of acoustic confusion, Pascual has concluded that the translation i n Santil lana's MS was taken down by dictation rather than copied from a written version. A s t a t i s t i c a l study of the vocabulary seems to point to only one translator , although Pascual admits that i t i s impossible at present to decide def ini te ly whether the translation is the work of one or more authors. In general he concludes that the version seems to sat isfy a l l the conditions which must have prevailed for V i l l e n a when he undertook his trans-la t ion of Dante, and that there are no reasons at the moment for rejecting S c h i f f ' s claim to have found in Santil lana's manuscript Don Enrique's Cas-. . . 35 t i l i a n version of the I ta l ian masterpiece. Other twentieth-century studies on Don Enrique de V i l l e n a are gener-a l l y of uneven quality and, with few exceptions, contribute very l i t t l e to what we already know about him. Cotarelo's outline of the development of 36 . the V i l l e n a legends was expanded into an interesting and detailed study by Samuel H. Waxman i n 1916. In the same year a transcription of E l _ l i b r o 38 de l a guerra was published by Lucas de Torre, but V i l l e n a ' s authorship of this treatise is by no means certain. Tres tratados by V i l l e n a were published by Foulche-Delbosc, under the pseudonym of J . Soler, in the Revue Hispanique 39 for 1917. This transcription represents the f i r s t printed versions of the Tratado de l a Consolacion and the Tratado de l a Lepra; the version bf the Tratado de l a Fascinacion contained i n the MS transcribed by Foulche-Delbosc ko (Soler) i s superior to that which is found i n the MS u t i l i z e d by Floranes. However, three factors mil i tate against the value of this edition of the Tres tratados. In the f i r s t place, the accuracy of Foulche-Delbosc's 10 transcription leaves much to he desired, especially i n the Tratado de l a  Consolacion; secondly, his punctuation of the texts is frequently incorrect and, f i n a l l y , the edi t ion , of i t s very nature as a paleographic transcription of one particular text, does not take into account other MS versions of the three treat ises . Unfortunately, the MS which Foulch^-Delbosc chose to t ran-scribe does not contain the best text of V i l l e n a ' s minor works and the edition is therefore of l i t t l e use for scholarly purposes. These remarks do not apply to the edition of the fragments of the Arte de Trobar published by Sanchez kl Canton i n 1919; i t must stand as the def ini t ive version u n t i l such a time as the complete work i s rediscovered, however unlikely that may be. The vexed question of the burning of V i l l e n a ' s books was dealt with anew i n 1927 by Fr . Getino in his biography of Lope de Barrientos. Unfortu-nately the quality of the book is marred by the author's lack of objectivity and a tendency to view the events of 1^3^-35 from a s t r i c t l y orthodox, twentieth-century, Catholic point of view. His almost m i l i t a n t , partisan preference for Fray Lope is matched by an equally violent distaste for every-thing connected with V i l l e n a . Thus, although there seems to be l i t t l e reason to question the h i s t o r i c a l veracity of Getino's account of Fray Lope's career, his judgements on many aspects of i t , especially i n matters concerning V i l l e n a , cannot be accepted without grave reservations. The work is valuable, neverthe-l e s s , for i t s edition of Barrientos' writings. Interesting contributions to the history of science in medieval Spain are the two apparently independent studies of the Tratado de l a Astrologia kk „ 1*5 by Francisco Vera and Milias V a l l i c r o s a , even though they remain incon-clusive on the question of authorship. A f i c t i o n a l i z e d biography of V i l l e n a , . i n which legendary and h i s t o r i c a l material are combined, was published by he Tomas Crame i n 1 9 ^ . Although eminently readable, the book can scarcely be 11 considered the work of that Spanish Goethe envisaged by Menendez Pelayo. A second edition of the Tratado de l a Lepra, transcribed by Luis Contreras, appeared i n 19^5 as an appendix to an edition of the medical writings of 1*8 Alonso Chirino ; Contreras was evidently unaware of Foulche-Delbosc's h9 earl ier and much superior transcription of the same manuscript. The most notable twentieth-century contributions to V i l l e n a studies have been made in the post-war period. Margherita Morreale's edition of Los doze trabajos de Hercules is invaluable for the l ight i t sheds on certain aspects of Don Enrique's l i t e r a r y techniques. Especially interest-ing is her comparison of V i l l e n a ' s essentially medieval approach to mytho-l o g i c a l exegesis with Coluccio Salutat i ' s more humanistic and s c i e n t i f i c 51 attitude towards the same topic . The research carried out i n the Archivo 52 de l a Corona de Aragon and elsewhere by Rubio y Balaguer and Martin de 5 3 Riquer, apart from indicating possible new paths of investigation, has provided us with useful h i s t o r i c a l background to V i l l e n a ' s l i f e and times, furnished new biographical data and illuminated the attitudes of Martin e l Humano and the Aragonese Court towards Don Enrique and his aspirations. S imilar ly , the a r t i c l e by Milias Val l i c rosa on "La medicion de alturas en tiempos de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a " has not only given us an amusing b i o -graphical anecdote, but also indicated a source of information on V i l l e n a which was mentioned only b r i e f l y by Cotarelo. The two modern editions of the Arte Cisoria prepared by Enrique 55 , 56 Diaz-Retg and Federico Carlos Samz de Robles are ediciones para b i b l i o f i l o s rather than scholarly texts. Diaz-Retg's s i x t y - f i v e pages of 57 introduction are elegantly discursive, i f somewhat u n c r i t i c a l ; the more telegraphic nota preliminar to the edition by Sainz de Robles is also marred 12 by imprecise information and a number of errors. Neither editor acknowledges the existence of the older , more authentic and altogether preferable manu-script copy of the Arte Cisoria preserved in the Biblioteca de Menendez Pelayo — i n fac t , Sainz de Robles seems to imply that the codice escurialense 59 i s the only surviving copy — and both ignore the fragment of the Santander manuscript published by Cotarelo i n order to f i l l the lacuna which occurs at the end of chapter XIX i n the codice escurialense and i n the editions based 6 0 . , 6 1 on this text. Samz de Robles i s apparently unaware of Diaz-Retg's edi t ion. It would seem that a c r i t i c a l edition of the Arte Cisor ia , based on the Santander manuscript, is long overdue. Paul Wernert's a r t i c l e on Enrique de V i l l e n a as "un pionnier medieval 62 de l a prehis to i re , " taking as i t s point of departure a passage from Lucretius paraphrased by V i l l e n a i n the Arte C i s o r i a , makes an interesting point concern-ing Don Enrique's awareness of the c l a s s i c a l concept of the development of prehistoric society. On the other hand, Doris Arjona King's essay on V i l l e n a 63 and the Arte Cisoria can be considered as l i t t l e more than a basic obra de  divulgacion for an audience unacquainted with Don Enrique's writings. A more interesting and comprehensive study of V i l l e n a ' s l i f e and works is Leonie F. Sachs' "Portrait of the Magician as an Outsider ." This lengthy a r t i c l e i s the most complete study of V i l l e n a since the publication of Cotarelo's biography of Don Enrique in I896. One is l e f t with the impression, however, that the author's knowledge of V i l l e n a ' s works is confined to a rather super-f i c i a l acquaintance with those which have appeared i n p r i n t , and her excessive reliance on secondary sources (chiefly Cotarelo) for information on V i l l e n a ' s obras meditas has led her into a number of errors. Certain schools of professional medievalists w i l l also tend to question the v a l i d i t y of her attempts to illumine " V i l l e n a ' s many-faceted personality" and " s h e d . . . l i g h t 1 3 not only upon the c i v i l i z a t i o n of northern Spain during the t ransi t ional period of the late Middle Ages "but also on some general aspects of the Spanish temperament" in terms of alienation or "rejection by the environ-ment", "opposition to prevail ing values" and similar concepts diluted from 66 the changing fashions of North American socio-psychological theory. Whatever merit may be imputed to this perhaps too hasty survey of V i l l e n a studies, i t has at least shown that no_ se_ ha agotado e l tema, notwith-standing Lomba Pedraja's assertion that the work of Menendez Pelayo and Cotarelo y Mori constitutes " l a ultima palabra de l a c r i t i c a sobre D. Enrique 67 de V i l l e n a . " This remark approximates to a statement of absolute truth i n only a very l imited sense: that i s , i n the assessment of the aesthetic quali t ies of V i l l e n a ' s writings. In spite of his acceptance as an "authority" by the Spanish Academy, i t would be d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to make out a convincing case i n favour of Don Enrique as the master of a noble and castizo prose s tyle . C r i t i c a l attitudes vary, of course, as do l i t e r a r y 68 . . tastes and fashions, but i t is unlikely that the results of further reasearch w i l l bring about any substantial reappraisal , i n the realm of aesthetics, of the generally well-balanced c r i t i c a l judgement of Menendez Pelayo and Cotarelo. For this reason, and also because the purpose of the present study is phi lo logica l and h i s t o r i c a l , I w i l l make no attempt, beyond these pre-liminary remarks, to indulge i n "aesthetic appreciation." V i l l e n a has l e f t us no great poetry, no prose masterpieces. Yet, i n the history of Spanish l i t e r a t u r e , he is a figure of no mean importance. Endowed with an insatiable cur ios i ty , and fascinated by the culture of the past, he typif ies that nascent s p i r i t of enquiry, that new cultural awareness, which was the f i r s t f r u i t , so to speak, of the influence of the I tal ian Renaissance in Cast i le . Ik As one of the earl iest exponents of that rhetorical and l a t i n i z e d prose which we may characterize as "proto-baroque" or incipient cultismo, his place i n the development of Spanish l i t e r a r y style is s i g n i f i c a n t , i f imperfectly understood. This present study, then, is intended as a modest contribution to our knowledge of Enrique de V i l l e n a and his writings. A major portion of the work has been the preparation of the f i r s t i n t e l l i g i b l e and c r i t i c a l text of V i l l e n a ' s Tratado de l a Consolation. This exteriso tratado is perhaps the most accomplished and erudite of the extant minor works of Don Enrique. Written during the period of his greatest l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t y , i t affords us one of the best texts for the purpose of studying V i l l e n a ' s most singular prose s ty le , and for assessing the range of his vast and undisciplined learning. My work is divided into three major sections. Section I deals with V i l l e n a ' s l i f e and works, and is i n three parts. The f i r s t i s a new b i -ography of Don Enrique which hopefully may provide the nucleus of that "biografia cabal" whose lack is noted by Margherita Morreale in her Intro-70 duction to Los doze trabajos de Hercules. In i t I have made use of new data which have come to l ight since the publication of Cotarelo's work in 1896, and I have thus been able to bring that work up to date. I have also t r i e d to give a somewhat f u l l e r idea of the h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l milieu i n which V i l l e n a was involved. The second part deals with V i l l e n a ' s works. Rather than produce a general discursive essay, I have thought i t more useful to make known the results of my investigations in this f i e l d in the form of an inventory of the printed editions and a descriptive catalogue of the manuscript copies of V i l l e n a ' s extant opera. It i s , at the time of 15 •writing, the most complete and accurate l i s t available. The t h i r d part i s a rather summary examination of V i l l e n a ' s l i t e r a r y formation, and represents the outline of a study which I hope to amplify at a later date. It also serves as a connecting l i n k between what has gone before and with the second main section of this dissertation which is an analysis of the Tratado de l a Consolacion. In i t I attempt to situate the work within the rhetor ical t radi t ion of the Latin Middle Ages, with particular reference to the topics of consolatory oratory, and to l ink this with V i l l e n a ' s attitudes towards the vernacular and the reasons for his adoption of his characteristic s tyle . The f i n a l section of the dissertation comprises the edition of the Tratado de l a Consolacion, the c r i t i c a l apparatus, and the textual notes. The l a t t e r , i n conjunction with my observations on V i l l e n a ' s l i t e r a r y formation, are intended as a p a r t i a l fulfilment of Margherita Morreale's suggestion that "tambien podrian apurarse con mas detalle y exactitud las 71 heterogeneas lecturas de este v e r s a t i l poligrafo medieval." In doing so we may be able to f i l l some gaps, and correct some errors in Cotarelo's 72 attempt to reconstruct the funds of V i l l e n a ' s l i b r a r y . 16 NOTES TO CHAPTER I The legends surrounding Villena involve: subterranean studies and magical powers obtained by means of a diabolic pact from which D. Enrique escapes by a t r i c k , the Devil being l e f t with his shadow; a talking "cabeza de bronce" such as,.Don Quixote saw in Barcelona, and Villena's attempt to gain immortality by being cut up into pieces and bottled i n a "redoma encantada." There is very l i t t l e in these tales which is peculiarly Spanish; they a l l appear in a sli g h t l y different guise throughout the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in connection with several famous personages. The story of the "redoma encantada", for example, is told of Faust, Roger Bacon, Paracelsus, Cornelius Agrippa and many others. It probably derives from the curious medieval legends of V i r g i l , for an account of which, see the second volume of Comparetti's permanently indispensable work V i r g i l i o nel  Medio Evo. The most detailed account of the Villena legends is to be found in Samuel M. Waxman's lengthy and well-documented study "Chapters on Magic in Spanish Literature," Revue Hispanique, XXXVIII (1916), especially Chapter III, "Enrique de Villena, the Magician," pp. 387-^38. A chapter on "Don Enrique de Villena y l a leyenda de l a Cueva de Salamanca" was included i n an unpublished doctoral thesis entitled "La cueva de Salamanca en l a l i t e r a -tura espanola" by Miguel Ingunza de Santo Domingo (University of Madrid, 19^6), but I have not seen this work. The Villena legends enjoyed a tre-mendous vogue in Spain and stories based on them were s t i l l being written in the 19th century. The only country outside of Spain in which they found l i t e r a r y expression was Germany, where Theodor Korner, at the beginning of the 19th century, wrote Per Teufel in Salamanca, a ballad based, in a l l proba-b i l i t y , on an account of the legend found i n a traveller's description of Spain published by Limburg von Roden in I69O. See Edmund Dorer, "Heinrich von Villena, ein spanischer Dichter und Zauberer, "Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, XLI Jahrgang, 77. Band (Braunschweig, 1887), 129-1^ and espec. 11+2-1^ 3. 2 For the earliest references to the Arte de Trobar, see the introd. to Sanchez Canton's edition in Revista de f i l o l o g i a espanola, VI (Madrid, 1919), pp. 158-160. Los doze trabajos de Hercules was, u n t i l Ticknor's time, generally referred to as a poem. See his History of Spanish Literature, vol. I (London: John Murray, I8U9), pp. 329 and 330n. But see Amador de los Rios, Historia  c r i t i c a de l a literatura espanola, vol. VI (Madrid, 1865) , pp. 76-77 and notes, for a refutation of Ticknor's claim to be the f i r s t to point out this fact. 3 Origenes de l a lengua espanola, II (Madrid, 1737), pp. 321-3^2. k Vol. II (Madrid, 1778), pp. 58-76. ^ See Menendez Pelayo, "Traductores espanoles de l a 'Eneida'," in Bibliografia  hispano-latina clasica, VIII, Obras completas, LI (Santander, 1952), p. 361. 17 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 lU P e l l i c e r knew of the Sevi l le MS. and was also aware of the existence of a copy of the glosses i n the Cathedral Library at Toledo. Catalago razonado de los manuscritos espanoles existentes en l a B i b l i o - teca Real de Parfs (Paris, 181*10, p . 375-Hist , of Spanish L i t . , I , p. 329n, and c f . , p. 383n of v o l . I of the f i r s t ed. of the Spanish translation (Madrid, l 8 5 l ) . (Madrid, 1 8 5 2 ) , pp. 3^ -6— *^7- The author incorrectly attributes the note to "los senores traductores" of Ticknor. The divis ion of the 12 Books into subsidiary capitulos i s , i n fac t , any-thing but arbitrary. In glosa e on f o l . 1 5 r of MS. 187** (olim M. l 6 ) of the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, we read that, for the convenience of the reader, V i l l e n a divided Book I of the Aeneid into 29 chapters, Book II into 31, III into 2 5 , IV into 2 8 , V into 17 , VI into 32, VII into 3 1 * , VIII into 2 7 , IX into 2 9 , X into 31, XI into 30 and XII into 33 . "E catando e l prohemio en que son veinte parraphos pringipales que pueden i r en quenta de Capitulos serien por todos tregientos y sesenta y seis quantos dias ay en e l ano ansi que leyendo cada dia vn capitulo e l perecoso leedor a l menos a l cauo del ano toda l a obra acauar pueda." P e l l i c e r ' s "quotation" from this glosa (copied i n part by Cotarelo y Mori , who situates i t on f o l . I V ) i s a modernized abbreviation rather than a f a i t h f u l transcription. p. 31*6. op. c i t . , p. 36k. "Contribucion a l estudio de l a primera version castellana de l a 'Eneida , ' " II (Letras) , 131-157 and 259-28**, where we are informed that the study "concluira , " although the f i n a l chapter of the work seems to have escaped publicat ion. Gonzalez's argument is based chiefly upon the fact that a l l the MSS of V i l l e n a ' s translation preserved i n Spain are incomplete. "Hay, pues, algun motivo para sospechar que acaso Juan de V i l l e n a fuere e l cont i -nuador de D . Enrique de V i l l e n a y que transcribiendo una parte de l a version de este ul t imo. . . . cont inuara y completara l a labor inconclusa del citado procer, imitando su e s t i l o . F a c i l imitacion, por otra parte, pues como ya veremos, D . Enrique, a l verter l a Eneida v i r g i l i a n a , se autoriza los mas pedantescos y barrocos latinismos. Ese amaneramiento es mas facilmente imitable que e l e s t i l o personal de V i l l e n a . " (p. ihk) — A statement which is extremely debatable. pp. l l i 2 - l U 3 . "E estoue en aquella primera extracion vn ano y doge dias non tancto por l a graueza de l a obra como por otras ocupagiones que se entrepusieron y caminos que traxeron dilagiones , e aun otras traslagiones que durando esse mismo tiempo f i z e ansi como l a comedia de dante que bulgarige em CsicD prosa castellana, e l a rrectorica nueua de t u l i o e otras obras menudas por entreponer algumd [sic3 trauajo solazosso non tan graue como l a Eneyda 18 15 16 comenzada en quien l a major p a r t e de aquel tiempo ayrossamente estuve ocupado." BN., Madrid, MS. 1874, f o l . 1 7 r . And c f . g l o s a a on t h i s passage ( a l s o f o l . 17 ): "Aqui dige que tardo en f a c e r e s t a t r a s l a d a g i o n vn afio y doge dia s , este aho entiendese s o l a r y l o s d i a s n a t u r a l e s , a demostrar que l a grauega de l a obra r e q u i r i o t a n t a d i l a g i o n , mayormente mezclandose en e l l o muchos estoruos a n s i de caminos como de o t r a s ocupa-giones de entender; y porque non entiendan que continuandose s i n ynmediatas ynterpolagiones se f a z i e mejor, dige que durante este tiempo f i g o l a t r a s -l a d a g i o n de l a comedia de dante ha preges de ynigo lopez de mendoga y r r e c t o r i c a de T u l i o nueua para algunos que en b u l g a r l a querien aprender y o t r a s obras menores de e p i s t o l a s y arengas y propusigiones y p r i n g i p i o s en l a lengua l a t i n a de que fue rrogado por diuersas personas, tomando esto por s o l a z en conparagion d e l t r a u a j o que en l a Eneida passaua." D i a r i o c u r i o s o , e r u d i t o , e t c . (Madrid, May 3 0 , 1 7 8 7), p. 609. F l o r a n e s ' d e s c r i p t i o n o f the MS, w i t h a t r a n s c r i p t i o n of the Tratado d e l aojamiento, was p u b l i s h e d posthumously i n the R e v i s t a contemporanea, IV (Madrid, I 8 7 6 ) , 402 - 4 2 2 , w i t h a b r i e f commentary by J u l i o Somoza de M o n s o r i n i . H i s t o r i a d e l luxo de Espafia, v o l . I (Madrid, 1 7 8 8 ) , pp. 176-179, but the t r e a t i s e mentioned by Sempere ( E l t r i u n f o de l a s donas) has been shown by Amador de l o s Rfos t o be the work of Juan Rodriguez d e l Padron. The MS (now i n the Academia de l a H i s t o r i a ) c o n t a i n i n g e x t r a c t s from the 15th century codex used by Sempere was d e s c r i b e d by G a l l a r d o , Ensayo de una  b i b l i o t e c a espanola de l i b r o s raros y_ c u r i o s o s , I , a r t . 219• I t w i l l be mentioned i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l i n the s e c t i o n of t h i s study which deals w i t h the MS t r a d i t i o n o f the Tratado de l a Consolacion. H i s t . d e l a l i t , esp. , I , pp. 545-46. H i s t o r i a c r i t i c a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola, V I , pp. 267-272. "Don Enrique de V i l l e n a et sa b i b l i o t h e q u e , "Revue des Questions H i s t o r i q u e s , XI ( P a r i s , 1 8 7 2 ) , pp. 526-536. A t y p i c a l outburst of v i t u p e r a t i o n against B a r r i e n t o s can be found i n a short note by Blanco White e n t i t l e d "Quema de l a l i b r e r i a d e l Marques de V i l l e n a , " i n Variedades, o Mensagero de Londres , I (London, 1 8 2 4 ) , pp. 142-143. Blanco White quotes the t e x t of the much-debated E p i s t o l a LXVI of the Centon, and continues: "Es imposible no reconocer en e s t a p i n t u r a de B a r r i e n t o s l a c l a s e de persona, l o s medios, y l o s abusos que, hasta nuestros d i a s , han impedido e l progreso de l a L i t e r a t u r a y e l Saber, en g e n e r a l , en quantos pueblos hablan l a lengua Espanola." La a l q u i m i a en Espafia, v o l . I (Barcelona, 1889) , pp. 9-24. " E l magico V i l l e n a , " R e v i s t a de Espafia, CXLII (Madrid, I 8 9 2 ) , pp. 303-311. I have c o n s u l t e d t h i s study i n A n t o l o g i a de poetas l i r i c o s c a s t e l l a n o s , I I , Obras Completas, X V I I I (Santander, 195*0, pp. 31-50. 2 3 "Vida p u b l i c a de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , " LXVII (Madrid, J u l y , 189k) , pp. 48-77: "Vida l i t e r a r i a de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , " LXIX (September, I 8 9 4 ) , pp. 18-42; LXX (October, 1 8 9 4), pp. 91-114; "La leyenda y l a r e a l i d a d acerca de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , " LXXI (November, 1 8 9 4 ) , pp. 39-67. 17 18 19 20 21 22 19 2k 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Don Enrique de V i l l e n a . Su vida y obras (Madrid: Rivadeneyra). The appendi-ces are: I . "Sobre e l 'Arte C i s o r i a ; ' " I I . "Una obra desconocida de D. Enrique de V i l l e n a , " an ar t i c le on the Epistola a Suerb dei Quinones, r e -printed from the Revue Hispanique (March, 1895) ; I I I . "Biblioteca de D. Enrique de V i l l e n a , " an attempt to reconstruct the contents of V i l l e n a ' s l i b r a r y from the authors mentioned in his works. Revista c r i t i c a de h i s t d r i a y l i t e r a t u r a , II (Madrid, 1 8 9 7 ) , P- 21 . " E l primero f i j o para siempre, en un cuadro lleno de'arte y de v i d a , e l concepto en que debe ser tenido por l a culta posteridad e l sabio y discutido procer del s iglo XV que, no obstante su sabiduria y su alcurnia , 'fue avido en pequefia reputacion de los reyes de su tiempo — segun testimonio del sefior de Batres — y en poco reverencia de los caballeros' ; e l segundo investiga prolijamente todo lo que hoy nos queda referente a D. Enrique, fundando su u t i l i d a d y su merito en no haber dejado punto alguno por explorar, a s i en lo que toca a su biografia como en lo que atane a sus escr i tos . " Ibid . The major contributions to V i l l e n a studies, pr ior to the publication of Cotarelo's work, have been dealt with i n the text . The following ar t ic les may also be mentioned: Juan Colon y Colon, " E l marques de V i l l e n a , " Semanario pintoresco  espafiol (Madrid, l 8 U o ) , pp. 1+3-1+5, a br ie f but competent study, now somewhat out-of-date; Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch, "Trozos del retrato de D. Enrique de Aragon, marques de V i l l e n a . . . . , " E l Laberinto (Madrid, 181+1+), pp. nk and 131; Cayetano R o s e l l , "Del primer marques que hubo en C a s t i l l a , " Semanario pinto- resco espafiol, ano XI , t . I ( l 8 H 6 ) , pp. 1+1-1+3, a b r i e f account of the origins of the marquesado de V i l l e n a ; Damian Menendez Rayon, "La 'Eneida' de V i r g i l i o traducida por D. Enrique de V i l l e n a , " Revista Iberica , I (Madrid, l 8 6 l ) , pp. 1+1+3-1+55, an interesting study of the 15th-century MS of which BN. I87I+ is probably a copy; Cayetano Vidal y Valenciano, "Imitadores, t r a -ductores y comentadores espaftoles de l a 'Divina Comedia,'" Revista de Espana, X (Madrid, 1 8 6 9 ) , pp. 217-231+ and 517-533, now completely out-of-date insofar as V i l l e n a is concerned. "La premiere traduction espagnole de l a 'Divine Comedie,'" Homenaje a Menendez y Pelayo, I ( 1899) , pp. 269-307. i b i d . , pp. 271+-275. i b i d . , pp. 306-307. See, for example, F a r i n e l l i , Dante i n Spagna. (Turin, 1 9 2 2 ) , pp. 88-93 et passim, and c f . , W.P. Fr iederich , Dante's Fame Abroad (Rome, 1 9 5 0 ) , pp. 27-28 et_ passim. 32 "Traducciones castellanas antiguas de l a 'Divina Comedia'", Revista de l a Universidad de Madrid, XIV ( 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 81-91 . 33 31+ op. c i t . , p. 307. If this i s the case, i t may be argued that Schiff is incorrect in asserting that the text has "une indeniable allure d ' o r i g i n a l , " as the dictation of 2D 35 36 37 38 39 1+0 i n 1+2 1+3 such a lengthy t ranslat ion, by one whose grasp of I ta l ian seems to have been less than perfect , might tend to presuppose the existence of an ear l ier working copy. There i s , i n fac t , a "missing l i n k , " namely the MS copy of the Commedia on which the translation is based. Pascual has been unable to f ind i t , or anything approximating to i t , in Spanish l i b r a r i e s , and the apparati of modern editions of the Commedia serve only to indicate i t s relationship with MS. Co. The answer to this mystery may just possibly be provided by the MS which found i t s way into the collections of Henry VII and Henry VIII of England, perhaps from the personal effects of Catherine of Aragon. According to an old catalogue, i t contained "Danti's works i n the Cast i l ian tongue," which, sicut F a r i n e l l i , op. c i t . , pp. 92-93 and notes, must have been V i l l e n a ' s version, though his reasoning is not conclusive. C f . , also Fr iederich , op. c i t . , p. 28. My own attemps to secure further information concerning the fate of this MS have not been successful, and Pascual has fared no better . The conclusions reached by Pascual in the second part of his thesis may be summarized b r i e f l y as follows: 1. Corominas is correct i n affirming that Italianisms are v i r t u a l l y non-existent in 15th-century C a s t i l i a n ; there are almost no Italianisms i n the text. 2. There are few Catalanisms, though more than Italianisms. 3. Latinisms abound. A possible th i rd part of his thesis , though not essential to the study, i s his edition of the translation of the Inferno; Pascual has, i n manuscript, a transcription of the trans-la t ion of the entire Commedia. I am deeply indebted to Jose Pascual for the information which, i n a most cordial exchange of correspondence, he has given me concerning the progress of his research, and I would l i k e to express my gratitude for his permission to summarize in this study the main con-clusions of his investigations. op-, c i t . , pp. 125-135. See note 1 above. Revue Hispanique, XXXVIII (1916), pp. 1+97-531. XLI, pp. 110-211+. See note 15 above. The most accessible text i s that already cited i n note 2. It was reprinted as a separata i n the series Biblioteca espanbla de divulgacion c i e n t i f i c a (Madrid, 1923). Vida v_ obras de fray Lope de Barrientos, i n v o l . I of Anales Salmantinos (Salamanca). Tratado del dormir, pp. 1-85; Tratado de l a adivinanza, pp. 89-197; Contra  algunos zizafiadores de l a nacion de los convertidos del pueblo de I s r a e l , pp. 180-201+; Tratado de caso y fortuna, pp. 205-21+5. ^ " E l tratado de Astrologia del Marques de V i l l e n a , " Erudicion lb er o-Ultr amar i na, I (Madrid, 1930), pp. 18-67. h5 h6 hi hQ h9 50 51 52 53 5^ " E l 'Libro de Astrologia ' de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , " Revista de f i l o l o g i a  espafiola, XXVII (Madrid, 19^3), pp. 1-29. Don Enrique de V i l l e n a (Madrid: Ediciones A t l a s ) . "En su leyenda Cla de Vi l lena] habia e l germen de un Fausto espanol, a quien solo ha faltado un Goethe que le desenvolviese." Antologia, ed. c i t . , p. 31. Menor dano de medicina and Espejo de medicina., ed. Angel Gonzalez Palencia and Luis Contreras Poza, Biblioteca cldtsica de l a medicina espanbla (Madrid: J . Cosano), pp. 615-638. A rapid comparison of the f i r s t four fo l ios of the MS of the Tratado de  l a Lepra (BN. MS. 6599) with the versions of Soler (Foulche-Delbosc) and Contreras, reveals some 5** errors i n the l a t t e r ' s t ranscr ipt ion, many of which affect the meaning of the text , e . g . , conqierna for conuerna; que for aqui ; bruna for b r i u i a ( B i b l i a ) ; nos for uos (twice) ; expressase for expressare ( f u t . ) ; manera for menear; yo contar for yr_ contra; ciertos for secretos; asumando for afirmando; repesgada for apesgada; est irar for mostrar; toda for mas (J) ; esta for seca, etc. Soler 's transcription of the same portion of the text contains some 11 minor inconsistencies which have l i t t l e effect on the meaning of the tratado. Contreras' punctuation is much i n f e r i o r to S o l e r ' s , but my remarks (page ' ) s t i l l stand. Biblioteca selecta de clasicos espaholes de l a Real Academia Espafiola (Madrid, 1958), and cf . her a r t i c le "Un ensayo medieval de exegesis mitologica: 'Los Doze trabajos de Hercules' de Enrique de V i l l e n a , " i n Revista de Li teratura , V (Madrid, 195*0,'pp. 21-3*+, reprinted as part of the introduction to the above edit ion. "Coluccio Salutat i ' s 'De laboribus Herculis ' (l*+06) and Enrique de V i l l e n a ' s 'Los doze trabajos de Hercules' (l*+17), " i n Studies i n Philology, LI (Chapel H i l l , 195*0, pp. 95-106. Vida espafiola en l a epoca gotica (Barcelona, 19**3), espec. pp. 182 and 276 and their corresponding notes. Cf. also the chapter on Catalan l i terature i n the Historia general de las l i teraturas hispanicas, III (Barcelona, 1953), pp. 755-758. "Don Enrique de V i l l e n a en l a corte de Martin I , " in Miscelanea en  homenaje a Mons. Higinio Angles, II (Barcelona: Consejo superior de investigaciones c ient i f icas , 1958-1961), pp. 717-721. See also Apendice I of Riquer's edition of the Obras de Bernat Metge (Barcelona, 1959). Boletin de l a Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, XXVIII (Barcelona, I959-I960), pp. 179-183. Mi11as' source for this a r t i c le was the unpublished Cronica de D. Fernando de Antequera of Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria. (Barcelona, 19*+8). A l imited edition of 300 copies. 22 (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, I967). E - S « » PP- 34-35, where his account of the destruction of V i l l e n a ' s l i b r a r y is taken from the long-discredited Ceritori epistolario of Cibdarreal ; Barrientos is accused of "ignorancia y estrechez mental." He attributes to V i l l e n a , without comment, the poem Las fazanas de  Ercules (p. 37) > now generally considered a forgery (see Menendez Pelayo, "Enrique de V i l l e n a , " Antologia, ed. c i t . , p. 49); his i n f o r -mation on the translation of the Divina Commedia (p. 30) is incorrect , and he omits a l l mention of the minor treatises such as the Consolacion, Fascinacion, Exposicion del salmo and Epistola a_ Suero de Quinones. E . g . , p. 11: "Entre los l ibros de V i l l e n a que se salvaron de l a quema estan: Composicion a l e g o r i c a . . . . e s c r i t a para las fiestas de l a coronacion de don Fernando de Antequera." The attr ibution of this work to V i l l e n a is doubtful and no copy survives. He also attributes def ini te ly to V i l l e n a (p. 12) Las fazanas de Ercoles , the doubtful Tratado de Astro- logf a and a certain Tratado de las especies de adivinanca which is , i n fac t , the work of Fray Lope de Barrientos. His assertion that " V i l l e n a tradujo — en parte Dny emphasis] — l a Divina Comedia" i s peculiar . "De tan curiosa e importante obra solo se conserva un manuscrito en l a Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de E l Escor ia l " (p. 12) , but the sentence i s ambiguous. See Cotarelo, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , pp. 139-141. See p. 13 where Sainz de Robles quotes only the editions of 1766 and 1879. Nor i s any mention made of Diaz-Retg's edition i n the short bibliography (p. Ik). Bulle t in de l a Societe Prehistorique Franqaise, LVI (Paris, 1959)> PP> 6 4 - 6 8 . Hispania, XLIII (Wallenford, i 9 6 0 ) , pp. 209-213. Studies i n Philology, LXIV (Chapel H i l l , A p r i l , 1967), pp. 109-131. The following pieces of inaccurate and misleading information may be pointed out: p. 110, note 2, contains an incorrect entry. Edmund Dorer, "Heinrich von V i l l e n a , ein spanischer Mystiker und Zauberer," Archiv fur romanische  Sprachen und Li teratur , LVII (Braunschweig, 1887), 129-44 should read: "Heinrich von V i l l e n a , ein spanischer Dichter und Zauberer," Archiv fur  das Studium der neuren Sprachen und Litteraturen, XLI Jahrgang, 77• Band, etc. The quotation on p. 113, taken from the Libro de l a guerra, i s intended to illuminate V i l l e n a ' s attitude to that subject, but no mention is made of the work's doubtful authenticity. On p. 114 there i s a quotation which the author claims is taken from La Consolatoria; i t i s , in fac t , a repro-duction of one of Cotarelo's quotations from the glosses to the Aeneid. A strange statement is made on p. 124, note 40 , to the effect that " V i l l e n a ' s " native dialect was Aragonese i n which — i f not in Catalan — he f i r s t wrote some of his own works and translations before rewriting them in a Cast i l ian idiom which, however, s t i l l contains some Aragonese features." Now the only 23 66 work of V i l l e n a ' s which we know was written f i r s t in Catalan and subse-quently translated into Cast i l ian was the Doze trabajos de Hercules. V i l l e n a ' s other works certainly (and quite naturally) contain a number of Aragonese and Catalan features , but there is absolutely no evidence whatsoever which could lead us to suppose that they were f i r s t written in a language other than C a s t i l i a n . Besides, there would be very l i t t l e need for a 15th-century text in l i t e r a r y Aragonese to be rewritten in C a s t i l i a n , or vice-versa. On the same topic i s the assertion on p. 125 that " V i l l e n a ' s is the f i r s t rendition of the Aeneid into Spanish, made from his or ig inal version i n Catalan." This "or ig inal version i n Catalan" is Sachs' own invention. Also on p. 125 is a reference to V i l l e n a ' s "prose translation of 'several portions Lmy emphasis] of the Divine Comedy". In this case I suspect that the author has confused the parts transcribed by Schiff with the whole. See p. 110. Further shades of popular psychology are to be found on p. 128, where we are informed that "we come to understand V i l l e n a ' s studious re -tirement as well as his p r o c l i v i t y for r i c h foods and women as a means of escape from his unhappiness and f r u s t r a t i o n . " 67 68 69 70 71 72 Rev, c r i t . de h i s t , y l i t . , II ( l897) , p. 28. A rapid glance at the sections on V i l l e n a i n the standard 19th and 20th-century histories of Spanish l i terature w i l l y i e l d suff ic ient proof of t h i s . Our knowledge of V i l l e n a ' s connections with other writers and scholars i s very scant indeed, and no attempt has yet been made to investigate his possible influence on the l i t e r a r y style of Mena and Santi l lana. There i s no doubt that they share common s t y l i s t i c features, but i t is d i f f i c u l t to ascertain whether this is the result of conscious imitation or simply separate manifestations of a common tendency ar is ing from the cultural situation within the Peninsula at that time. It is equally d i f f i c u l t to determine whether in fact there is any definite l i n k between the style of the learned poets and prosistas of the 15th century and the culteranismo of the l 6 t h and 17th. It i s interesting to note that Quevedo possessed a manuscript containing various v/orks by V i l l e n a which, i n the prologue to his edition of the works of Fray Luis de Leon (quoted by Cotarelo, p. 42n), he referred to as "obras . . . .de grande u t i l i d a d y elegancia." However, i t i s perhaps too f a n c i f u l to claim for V i l l e n a any influence on the style of the famous s a t i r i s t . On Mena's possible knowledge of V i l l e n a ' s writings, see my note "Los doze trabajos de Hercules: fuente posible del Laberinto de Juan de Mena," in a forthcoming issue of the Hispanic Review. p. VIII . i b i d . op. c i t . , pp. 151-175-CHAPTER II VILLENA'S LIFE AND WORKS I. A NEW BIOGRAPHY OF ENRIQUE DE VILLENA Don Enrique de Vi l lena was born in 1384. As yet no documents have been found which f i x the precise date and place of his b i r t h , but the year can easily be computed from the information provided by Perez de Guzman who t e l l s us that Vi l lena "murio en Madrid en edad de ginquenta anos,"^ and by the Cronica del Halconero de Juan II which specifies the date of his death as "miercoles a 15 dias del mes de dizienbre, afio del 2 Senor de 1434 afios." V i l l e n a ' s father was Don Pedro de Aragon, son of Don Alfonso de Aragon, Count of Denia and Ribagorza, f i r s t Marquis of V i l l e n a , f i r s t Condestable of Castile and, l a t e r , Duke of Gandia, also called E l Duque Real. He, i n turn, was the son of the Infante Don Pedro de Aragon. V i l l e n a ' s mother was Dona Juana de C a s t i l l a , i l legi t imate daughter of the King of Cas t i le , Enrique II , and Dona E l v i r a Ifiiguez de l a Vega. With the blood of two royal houses in his veins, i t might be thought that the young Enrique de V i l l e n a was destined for a l i f e of great honours and renown. That this was not the case is due to a certain extent to his own studious temperament, "ageno e remoto, non solamente a l a cavalleria 3 mas aun a los negogios del mundo e a l rigimiento de su casa e fazienda;" other important factors contributing to his gradual lapse into obscurity were the apparent errors of judgement on the part of his grandfather which l e f t Enrique in an extremely insecure situation v i s - a - v i s the Cast i l ian court. The fact that the strength of V i l l e n a ' s character was unequal to the force of his ambitions did l i t t l e to improve the si tuation. In order 24 25 to appreciate the circumstances in which V i l l e n a found himself at a r e l a t i v e l y early age, i t i s necessary at this point to examine b r i e f l y the pertinent facts of Don Alfonso's career. I base my account largely on Cotarelo y Mori , whose documentation, i n this instance, I have v e r i f i e d h to be generally accurate; however, I have c l a r i f i e d his rather haphazard chronology and, i n my biography of Don Enrique which follows this br ief preamble, I have drawn on sources which were inaccessible to Cotarelo. During the b i t t e r struggles which took place in the middle of the fourteenth century between King Pedro I of Castile and his bastard h a l f -brother Enrique de Trastamara, Don Alfonso de Aragon was a constant sup-porter of the l a t t e r . In 1366, i n recognition of his valuable services, Enrique conferred upon Don Alfonso, i n Burgos, the t i t l e of Marquis^ with dominion over the important V i l l e n a estates situated on the eastern boundaries of Cast i le . In 1367 Don Alfonso was taken prisoner by the English at the battle of Najera. He was freed by the Prince of Wales when his sons, Alfonso and Pedro, were given up as hostages. Alfonso remained i n the hands of the Prince of Wales and Pedro i n the custody of the Count of Foix u n t i l their father, the elder Alfonso, raised the enormous ransom demanded for their release. The following year, when Enrique de Trastamara had secured the crown of Castile (having taken King Pedro by surprise at Montiel and stabbed him to death with his own hand), Don Alfonso's elevation to the rank of Marquis of V i l l e n a was confirmed. Enrique gave him 50,000 f lor ins to obtain the release of his two sons who were s t i l l held i n England. However, Enrique II imposed certain conditions. The fact that they were not complete-ly adhered to was subsequently to be used as a pretext to s t r ip Don Alfonso of his t i t l e s of Condestable of Castile and Marquis of V i l l e n a , with the '26 result that Enrique de V i l l e n a lost a l l hope of inherit ing the la t ter and enjoying i ts material benefits . It appears that the king's donation of 50,000 f l o r i n s was insuf-f i c i e n t to cover the ransom demanded for the release of Don Alfonso's sons. Accordingly, Enrique II arranged the marriage of two of his bastard daughters with the sons of the Marquis and gave Don Alfonso an advance payment of the joint dowry of 60,000 f lor ins to be added to the or ig inal 50,000 paid to the English. Don Alfonso, the elder son of the Marquis, was to marry, within two years of his release, the king's daughter Dona Leonor; Don Pedro, the younger son of the Marquis, was to marry the king's other bastard daughter, Dona Juana, within four years of his release from capt ivi ty . And, i f this arrangement was not f u l f i l l e d , the Marquis, or his sons, were to return to the king the dowry of 60,000 f l o r i n s . At the beginning of 1 3 7 8 , just over a year before the king's death, Don Pedro de Aragon completed his part of the bargain by marrying Dona Juana de C a s t i l l a i n Burgos. However, Don Alfonso the younger refused to marry Dofia Leonor because of her notorious immorality. No doubt he f e l t j u s t i f i e d i n his refusal on moral grounds, but i t was nevertheless a breach of the agreement between his father and the King. Whether he f e l t that the death of Enrique II absolved him from the obligation to honour the bargain, we do not know; what i s certain i s that , under the administration of Enrique I I I , the refusal of Don Alfonso to marry Dona Leonor was to mil i ta te against the interests of his father and the young Enrique de V i l l e n a . According to Zur i ta , Alfonso later married a sister of the King of Navarra. The marriage of Don Pedro and Dofia Juana seems, however, to have been successful. They had three children, the eldest of whom, Enrique, was born, as we have seen, i n 1384. Doubtless with the object of placating 27 the new King, Juan I, Don Alfonso the elder had conceded his t i t l e of Marquis of V i l l e n a to his son Don Pedro, with the proviso that he retained for himself the income from the estates for the rest of his l i f e . Unfortu-nately, Don Pedro was destined not to enjoy the benefits of the Marquisate f o r , on August i h , 1385, the year after the b i r t h of Enrique de V i l l e n a , he died f ighting for Castile i n the battle of Aljubarrota. Don Pedro must have been held in high regard by the King, for shortly before he met his tragic end i n the f i e l d he had been named i n the w i l l of Juan I as tutor to the King's son, the future Enrique I I I , i n the event of his being pre-deceased by the Marquis Don Alfonso. However, now that his son had died f i r s t , the duties of tutor to the King's heir remained with Don Alfonso. Juan I had granted the Marquis a stipend of 100,000 maravedis for the discharge of this important and i n f l u e n t i a l o f f i c e , an amount which ex-ceeded by some 30,000 maravedis the stipend offered to the other tutors named i n the testament. As we shal l see, Don Alfonso's obstinate refusal to obey the summons to take charge of the education of the heir to the Cast i l ian throne was to have unfortunate repercussions both for himself and for his grandson. Upon the death of Don Pedro de Aragon, the chi ld Enrique de V i l l e n a remained under the tutelage of his grandfather and, when the time came for his education to begin, went to l i v e with Don Alfonso on his estates i n Aragon. L i t t l e i s known of his mother except that she later remarried, becoming the wife of the Infante Don Dionis , pretender to the Portuguese throne, thereafter s tyl ing herself "Queen of Portugal ." In fact we know very l i t t l e of the early education of Enrique de V i l l e n a , beyond that which Perez de Guzman t e l l s us. From him we learn that Don Alfonso wished to bring up the chi ld as a knight but that, doubtless to his grandfather's 28 everlasting dismay, the young Enrique much preferred his study and his books to the manly art of chivalry . E l en su ninez quando los nifios suelen por fuerca ser llevados a las escuelas, e l contra voluntad de todos se dispuso a aprender. Tan s o t i l e alto engenio avia que ligeramente aprendia qualquier giengia e^arte a que se dava, ansi que bien paregia que lo avia a natura. Who his teachers were, and where he obtained his books, we do not know. The popular legends of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries connect him, as a young man, with the schools of "magic" ( i . e . science) at Toledo and with the University of Salamanca. Whilst Waxman i s incl ined to take this cum grano s a l i s , pointing out quite correctly that the legends are much older than V i l l e n a and that they have simply been transferred to a more contemporary Spanish loca le , i t must be admitted that V i l l e n a does show some acquaintance with many s c i e n t i f i c works which are s t i l l preserved today i n the Cathedral Library at Toledo. At the same time, however, we have no evidence to support any claim that he attended a University and the nature of the somewhat haphazard learning displayed i n his extant works does not seem to be the result of formal schooling i n any particular d i s c i p l i n e , but rather of the enquiries of a par t icular ly curious autodidact. On July 6 , 1382, Don Alfonso de Aragon had been appointed Condestable •7 of Castile by Juan I , with an annual stipend of 40,000 maravedis. In 1391 , when the condestablia was worth 60,000 maravedis, Don Alfonso was removed from off ice because of his continued refusal to heed the frequently repeated summons to present himself at the court as tutor of the new King Enrique III who had not yet reached his majority. Don Alfonso's reasons for refus-ing to comply with the terms of the w i l l of Juan I are not known; we do know, however, that the condestablia passed to the King's uncle, the Count Don Pedro Enriquez and that in 139*+ Don Alfonso came to Illescas in order to pet i t ion Enrique III (who had now come of age) for his reinstatement as Condestable. Don Alfonso attempted to excuse his previous conduct; the King, doubtless to test his loyal ty and good f a i t h , asked for Alfonso's assistance against the forces of the Duke of Benavente which were dis turb-ing the peace of Cast i le . When this was refused, the King and Don Alfonso parted company on less-than-cordial terms, the la t ter returning to his estates. This was not the attitude to take with the King of Cas t i le , and Enrique III was not prepared to le t the matter rest . Don Alfonso's removal from the off ice of Condestable had been ample return for his refusal to serve as the young monarch's tutor ; his insolence in seeking reinstatement whilst at the same time refusing the King his assistance in a matter of internal security required sterner measures. Accordingly, the King cast about for an excuse to avenge himself on the Marquis' insubordination ,_.ahd very soon found what he was looking for . The matter of the only p a r t i a l l y f u l f i l l e d marriage agreements between the sons of Don Alfonso and the daughters of Enrique II (aunts of the new King Enrique III) had not been set t led. Dona Leonor had, to a l l intents and purposes, been cheated out of a husband and the crown had been cheated out of the 30,000 f l o r i n s which represented her part of the dowry of 60,000 paid in advance to the Marquis. Also , Don Alfonso no longer had any right to retain the 30,000 f l o r i n s paid on behalf of Dona Juana, now that she was a widow. In order to reclaim these losses, the King confis -cated the marquisate of V i l l e n a and revoked Don Alfonso's t i t l e , which thus passed to the crown. As Cotarelo points out, "algo ancha tuvo D. Enrique e l Doliente l a manga en este procedimiento; porque, siendo e l importe de l a reclamacion 60.000 doblas j^sic^ , las equiparo a t e r r i t o r i o s que valfan 30 mas de 1+00.000." But there were other motives of a more p o l i t i c a l nature, even discounting the King's acquisitive tendencies. It appears that Don Alfonso, as Marquis of V i l l e n a , had ruled over his estates as though he were in fact a monarch in his own r ight . That the "King's writ" did not run i n the marquisate is made quite clear by the Cronica de Juan I : "E despues que e l senorio del marquesado ovo e l dicho Marques, non consentia que ninguna apelacion de su t i e r r a fuese a l Rey, nin a l a su Audiencia, 9 nin consentia que carta del rey fuese en su t i e r r a conplida." Whether Don Alfonso was act ively transferring his loyal t ies to Aragon, i t is impossible to say; however, i t certainly must have appeared to the court of Juan I that his unswerving allegiance to the Cast i l ian crown could no longer be taken for granted, and that the vast border estates of V i l l e n a in the hands of an Aragonese nobleman — royal ty , in fact — constituted a 10 > threat to the security of the realm. The outcome was that Don Alfonso found himself stripped of a l l the possessions and dignities which had been conferred upon him by Enrique II and Juan I , although he retained control , temporarily, of the w e l l - f o r t i f i e d towns of V i l l e n a and Almansa. The person who suffered most from this reverse of fortune was, of course, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a . Don Alfonso was s t i l l a powerful man in Aragon, but the heir to his Aragonese estates was his eldest son Alfonso, Enrique's uncle. (in fac t , both father and son were to present themselves at the Compromiso de Caspe as r i v a l claimants to the throne of Aragon). The marquisate of Vi l lena had reverted to the Cast i l ian crown, thus making i t v i r t u a l l y impossible for Don Enrique to succeed to i t ; he could expect to inherit nothing in Aragon and l i t t l e else i n Castile from his mother, by now the se l f - s ty led "Queen" of Portugal. His ambitious attempts to better his unhappy lot were, as we shal l see, 31 doomed to f a i l u r e , with, the result that he spent the rest of his l i f e in a state of what, for a man of such noble lineage, must have been tantamount to dire poverty. Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , therefore, began his public l i f e with the prospect of a rather uncertain future. The earl iest date recorded of his part icipation in state ceremonies i s October, 1399 5 when Martin e l Humano was crowned in Zaragoza. On the day of the coronation there was a pro-cession of "los q u e . . . . s e habian de armar caballeros ," . . . y e l ultimo de todos iba e l Marques de V i l l e n a , a quien e l Rey habia de dar t i t u l o de Duque de Gandia; y delante de e l llevaba su nieto D. Alonso hermano de Enrique un chapeo muy adornado de piedras y perlas , que era l a insignia de aquella dignidad que habia de r e c i b i r , y detras seguia D. Enrique, su nieto, que llevaba l a bandera de sus armas. H During the f i n a l years of the fourteenth century (we do not know the precise date), V i l l e n a l e f t Aragon for the court of C a s t i l e , where he seems to have enjoyed a certain measure of protection and friendship from his cousin, Enrique III . Somewhere between the years l 4 0 0 and 140U (again the precise date is not known) he married Dona Maria de Albornoz, daughter of Don Juan de Albornoz (who was the son of the mayordomo mayor of Enrique II) and Dona Costanza de C a s t i l l a (bastard daughter of the Count Don T e l l o , brother of Enrique I I ) . The indications are that i t was s t r i c t l y a marriage of convenience. The Albornoz estates included a number of towns or v i l l a s which had formerly belonged to Don Alfonso de Aragon and which, under normal circumstances, would have been inherited by Enrique de V i l l e n a . To a certain extent, therefore, the marriage can be seen as an attempt to compensate p a r t i a l l y the loss of the V i l l e n a estates. It 32 has been suggested that , as a result of the obvious favour shown towards him. by the King, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a had attempted to assert his claims to the Marquisate of V i l l e n a i n the hope that his cousin would return to 12 him his r i g h t f u l inheritance. There is no documentary evidence to support this contention, but i t i s a dis t inct p o s s i b l i t y . We do know, however, that " e l rrey don Enrrique. . .querfalo bien, e f izo conde de Cangas e Tineo" (in Asturias ) , perhaps i n an attempt to make amends. The date of V i l l e n a ' elevation to the rank of Count i s not known,but i t must have been before 1404. Rumour would have us believe that his wife , Dona Maria, had become 15 the King's mistress. If i t i s true, i t may help to explain why, i n the spring of l 4 o 4 , at the age of twenty, V i l l e n a took i t into his head to leave the court and to t ravel the world in search of his fortune. This curious fact emerges from a let ter sent to him by Martin el_ Humano, dated "Valencia, 22 maig 1404." Lo rey d'Arago. Don Henrich: sabut havem per letres de nostre molt car nebot lo rey de Castella e en al tre manera, que vos sens l i c e n c i a e voler seu vos sots par t i t d ' e l l e havets deliberat anar e descorrer per lo mon 11a on l a sort o fortuna vos port , de l a qual cosa som estats e som meravellats e par que ' l d i t rey de Castella ne sia estat e s ia granment despagat, e com de semblant persona que vos sot no's pertanga anar per lo mon, maiorment en partides stranyes, com ne puxats encorrer p e r i l l s grans e segons requir vostre stat vos no enets sens vostra confusio e vergonya, pregam vos tan affectuosament com podem que per complaure'n a l d i t rey de Castella e a nos e squivar p e r i l l s de vostra persona e fugir a vergonyoses casos qui per aquesta rao vos son apparellats seguir, vos en vullats tornar a l d i t rey de Castella segons e l l vos scr iu e fa saber per sa l e t r a e per res no l i n desplagats n e ' l agreugets, com axi com sabets gran part de vostre be esta en e l l e vos lo devets granment reverenciar e honor, e sera cosa de que farets a l dit rey e a nos singular plaer e a vos matex gran prof i t e honor, dada en Valencia sots nostre segell secret a . x x i i . dies de maig del any . m c c c c i i i i . rex Martinus. A nostre molt car nebot don Henrich de V i l l e n a . Dominus rex mandavit mihi Guillelmo Poncii.-'-" 3 3 How far V i l l e n a ' s intentions to anar e descdrrer per lo mon took him, we do not know; nor do we know the extent and nature of his contacts with the Aragonese crown before that date. However, i t seems fairly-certain that the l e t t e r from Martin e l Humano, as well other considerations, secured V i l l e n a ' s prompt return to the Court of C a s t i l e , although, as we shal l see, within four years he was in Martin's Court at Barcelona. One of the other considerations instrumental i n effecting his return to Castile yr i n ihOk was the death, "en edad de setenta anos," of Don Gonzalo Nunez de Guzman, Maestre of the Order of Calatrava. With an ambition v i r t u a l l y amounting to insolence in a young man of twenty years, Enrique de V i l l e n a presented himself as a candidate for the maestrazgo, with the f u l l support of the King of C a s t i l e , Enrique III had sound p o l i t i c a l reasons for en-couraging V i l l e n a i n this ambitious scheme. It is well known that he had long cherished the desire to wage war on the i n f i d e l kingdom of Granada in the hope of f in ishing off the work of reconquest which, over the centuries, had gradually lost i t s momentum. With the assistance of his brother, Fernando, he was s t i l l making plans for his campaign as he lay on his death-bed towards the close of l * + 0 6 . When Enrique III died on Christmas Day of that year, Casti le was on the brink of war. . Now one of the most outstanding characteristics of the p o l i t i c a l situation of fifteenth-century Castile i s the extremely precarious balance of power between the Crown, as the supposed central authority, and the n o b i l i t y . Thanks to the mercedes of Enrique I I , considerable power had been distributed w i l l y - n i l l y to the great nobles with the result that the authority of the Crown had been greatly diminished. As the King kept no standing army, he was forced to re ly on the nobles and on the M i l i t a r y Orders to provide for his mil i tary needs. But the pla in fact was that , 3 U because of the Crown's fundamentally weak posi t ion , he could not re ly on them to support his ventures i f they did not approve. The preparations for mounting a campaign such as Enrique had i n mind involved, therefore, p o l i t i c a l machinations of almost Machiavellian proportions before there could be any hope of an army taking to the f i e l d . The King had to make very sure that the balance of power swung i n his favour. As Ines MacDonald points out: Power was essential for the Crown's preservation, especially since the middle of the fourteenth century, when the new hierarchy of nobles had been created by Henry I I . But even before then History had recorded various encroachments by the crown on the privileges of the M i l i t a r y Orders, which, by the opening of the f i f teenth century, constituted a menace to the State. It was because the Crown had no army of i t s own that i t so coveted the Maestrazgos of the M i l i t a r y Orders . . . But, owing to the or ig inal constitution of these bodies , the Comendadores had to be l e f t free to elect as Maestre whomsoever they chose; moreover, as they only recognised the authority of the Pope above that of the Maestre, they did i n fact form a State within a State. The Kings, therefore, i f they wished to be sure of the support of the Orders , had to persuade the Comendadores to elect a candidate chosen by the Crown. 1 8 Both to safeguard the security of the realm and to ensure the r e -l a t i v e l y trouble-free approval of his requests for troops and provisions for his proposed mil i tary campaigns, i t was very much i n Enrique's interests to succeed i n obtaining the election of his cousin as Maestre de Calatrava. V i l l e n a , however, was not e l i g i b l e ; on the one had, he held the t i t l e of Count of Cangas and Tineo and, on the other, he was married. The f i r s t impediment was easily surmounted by V i l l e n a ' s renunciation of the t i t l e i n favour of the Crown, together with the waiving of his rights to the Marquisate. A solution to the second problem was conveniently supplied by his wife 's pet i t ion for a divorce on the (unsubstantiated) grounds of his impotence. V i l l e n a did not contest the p e t i t i o n . Dona Maria, doubtless 35 with the object of winning a swift papal decision i n her favour, made the token gesture of wishing to embrace the religious l i f e . She was taken to the convent of Santa Clara de Guadalajara by Fray Juan Enriquez, os-tensibly to become a nun. In fac t , the King had made i t quite clear that she would only remain within the cloisters u n t i l Don Enrique was elected Maestre, after which she would be free to return to the Court and ( i f the 1 9 rumours are to be believed) to the King's bed. In the meantime, Enrique III had ordered the postponement of the election of the new Maestre u n t i l he could be there i n person, and secretly prevailed upon the most i n f l u e n t i a l of the electors to cast their votes in V i l l e n a ' s favour. They met i n convocation at the church of Santa Fe i n Toledo. V i l l e n a ' s renunciation of his secular claims and t i t l e s was made p u b l i c ; the papal b u l l of separation, absolving him from his marriage to Dona Maria, was proclaimed; Don Enrique was at t i red i n the habit of f r e i l e i n the Order of Calatrava, having received papal permission to dispense with the novi t ia te , and f i n a l l y , i n the presence of the King, he was elected Maestre. The e lec t ion , however, did not go unopposed. A number of knights of the Order met i n Calatrava to declare the Toledo election i n v a l i d , and to appoint their r i v a l Maestre i n the person of Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman, nephew, or possibly the son, of the previous Maestre. The King and V i l l e n a were thus obliged to go to Calatrava to confirm the election which had taken place at Toledo. Doubtless under the threat of violence, the dissident faction was subdued, with the exception of Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman who f l e d to A l c a n i z , the pr inc ipal encomienda and convent of the Order i n Aragon, where he would be able to plead his cause with the Pope i n an atmosphere less fraught with personal danger. 36 It was i n this rather dubious manner that V i l l e n a became Maestre de Calatrava, though he was not destined to enjoy the t i t l e for very long. Rades y Andrada, i n his Croriica de Calatrava, records a number of minor items referr ing to V i l l e n a ' s administration of the Order, and indicates that V i l l e n a was present (as we would have expected) at the Cortes which Enrique III held i n Toledo towards the end of lUo6 to make preparations 20 for his proposed campaign against the kingdom of Granada. The King's death on December 25, 1406, brought to a close V i l l e n a ' s short period of undisputed enjoyment of the Maestrazgo. The Cronica de Juan II indicates that V i l l e n a had committed "muchos desaguisados e sinrazones" against the 21 f r e i l e s comendadores of the Order. For this reason, upon the death of Enrique I I I , the knights "le quitaron l a obediencia," having congregated i n Calatrava and f o r t i f i e d the convent i n anticipation of a siege. V i l l e n a was not l e f t without supporters, however, and with their assistance he was 22 able to maintain his authority by force of arms for some time. His closest fr iend at this time was his cousin, the Infante Don Fernando, co-regent of Castile with the queen-mother Dofia Catalina de Lancaster (or Alencastre as i t appears i n the chronicles) during the minority of Juan I I . In 1407 V i l l e n a accompanied Don Fernando to Andalusia at the start of the campaign against the Moors of Granada. He entered Sevi l le with the Infante'and numerous other knights and dignitaries on Wednesday, June 22 23 of that year. However, there is no record of V i l l e n a having played any part i n the f ighting which took place during this f i r s t campaign. In February, l 4 o 8 , when Don Fernando, Dona Catalina and the Procuradores of Castile were wrangling over the question of the continued financing of the Moorish campaign, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a was i n Barcelona, at the Court of Martin e l Humano. A document dated February 22, l 4 0 8 records the following 37 ceremony: En aquest dia lo senyor Rey [Don. Martin 1 edif f icha lo monestir de l a orde dels frares Celestins , lo qual fon edificat en . 1 . pati contiguu eri lo seu Palau Major de l a ciutat de Barchinona, ab aquella sollemnitat de proffessons e altres serimonies segons se pertany. En los fonaments del qual foren posades , lo di t d i a , les pedres segiients, go es: l a primera pedra per l 'archabisbe de C a l l e r ; l a segona langa lo senyor Rey per s i mateix; l a terga langa lo di t senyor per l a senyora Reyna, de bona memoria, muller qui fon de di t senyor; l a quarta l a reyna dona Yolant; l a , v a . lo senyor rey de S i c i l i a , l a qual langa per e l l mossen Ramon Torrelles ; l a . v i . l a reyna de Xipre ; l a . v i i a . l a reyna de S i c i l i a , l a qual langa per e l l a lo dit mossen R. T o r r e l l e s ; l a . v i i i a . lb Mestrede Calatrava; l a . ix . lo bisbe de Barchinona; l a .x . don Ffrederich, ^h, f i l l del rey de S i c i l i a e net del dit s e n y o r . . . . [et a l 2 Now, i n spite of the fact that Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman was s t i l l maintaining the l e g a l i t y of his election as Maestre from the comparative safety of Aragon, there i s l i t t l e doubt that the Mestre de Calatrava mentioned i n this document is Don Enrique de V i l l e n a . Martin de Riquer has made i t quite clear that V i l l e n a not only enjoyed the favour of Martin I , but also his active support i n the matter of V i l l e n a ' s claim to the Maestrazgo. Martin I wrote several let ters on the subject, and refers constantly to V i l l e n a as Maestre de Calatrava. Composed i n the "King's Catalan" or , i n some cases, Aragonese, by Bernat Metge, the earl iest of these letters is dated March 1 8 , 1 * 1 0 9 . It was sent by Martin I to Don Fernando and indicates that at that date V i l l e n a was i n Barcelona. Another le t ter on the same 25 topic was sent to the Pope on March 27, l l + 0 9 . On June 1 6 , 1 ^ 0 9 , Martin wrote again to Don Fernando stating that he had received good news con-cerning the health of his son, Martin 'el JOven,king of S i c i l y . He con-tinues : 38 Como a nos sia bien cierto que ' l Maestro de Sanct Yago es passado d'esta v i d a , e cubdiciemos muyto que ' l venerable frayre Henric, maestre de Calatrava, cosfn vuestro e nuestro, por t i r a r scandalos inconvenientes e pleytos que en sus feytos se porian seguir, s i no h i era devidament provedido, fues transportado en e l maestrado de Sanct Yago vagant, segund que desuso es d i t o , por muert del gaguero aquell possehint, rogamos-vos , assin affectuosa-ment como podemos , muy caro e muy amado sobrino, que por honra nuestra querades s c r i v i r a l Padre Sancto que placia a l a sua Beatitut provedir de dito maestrado de Sanct Yago a l Maestro de Calatrava desuso d i t o , e u l t r a d'esto tener todas las mellores maneras que poredes que est i feyto, e l qual muyto havemos a coragon, venga a conclusion devida.26 On July 2 2 , l U 0 9 , Martin sent the following le t ter to V i l l e n a ' s mother, Dofia Juana, "Reina de Portugal :" Reyna muy cara e muy amada cormana. Nos e l Rey d'Aragon, vos embiamos muyto a saludar, assin como aquella que mutxo amamos e pora qui querriamos que diesse Dios mucha salut e honra. Reyna muy cara e muy amada cormana: una de las cosas que' mas deseamos e havemos muyto a coragon es que ' l Mestre de Calatrava, vuestro f i l l o , caro sobrino nuestro, possediesse pacificament su maestrado, e que los rebelles a e l l fuessen bien punidos , e retornassen aquellos que partidos ne son a su obediencia e devocion. E por esto escrivimos con nuestras letras a l Rey de C a s t i e l l a , nuestro muy caro e muy amado sobrino, rogando que quiera sobre aquesto de algun buen remedio prevehir, car nos e a l Rey de S i c i l i a , nuestro muy caro primogenito, que aquesto ha sobiranament a coragon, h i entendemos ayudar assin con e l Padre Santo como en otra manera en todo lo que possible sera. Por que vos rogamos, Reyna muy cara e muy amada cormana, que vos en aquesto, por amor de nos, querades t rebel lar assin e instar a l dito Rey nuestro sobrino, como en otra manera que possible vos sea, a f i n que nos, qui aquesto havemos singularment a coragon, median£„vuestra intervencion, podemos nuestros deseos obtener. A note at the end of the let ter states that a copy of i t was sent to the Queen of Navarra, Dona Leonor de C a s t i l l a , with hermana replacing cormana. F i n a l l y , on December 13, 1^09, from " l a casa de Bellesguard," Martin wrote to the King of C a s t i l e , asking him to pay some debts incurred by 39 V i l l e n a i n the execution of his duties as Maestre: Rey. muy caro e muy amado. sobrino: E l padre Sancto ha ordenado, segund que poredes veder clarament por su b u l l a , a suplicacion del venerable e re l igioso fray Henric, Maestro de Calatrava, caro cosin hermano nuestro, que a l f i e l nuestro En Ffrancisco P u j o l , notario de Barchinona, o a su procurador, sean pagados e liurados tres mil f lorines d'oro d'Aragon por fray Johan de Camanyo, comendador delCollado, e fray Johan Rodrigues, comendador de S i v i l i a , recebidores e adminis-tradores de las rendas e dreytos del maestrado de Cala-trava, a l qual Ffrancisco los ditos tres mil f lorines son devidos por e l dito Maestre. Per que vos rogamos con grant affeccion, rey muy caro e muy amado sobrino, que por honrra nuestra querades mandar a los ditos comendadores que cumplan luego tan tonst e l mandamiento e ordinacion del dito Padre Sancto a ellos feyto sobre las cosas desuso ditas , quar en otra manera e l dito Maestre no trobaria qui le emprestas o bestragues alguna quantia de moneda en las suyas necessidades, e convendria-le a b i v i r con grant vergonya de vos e nuestra, l a qual cosa devemos muyto esquivar.^" As the King of C a s t i l e , Juan I I , was l i t t l e more than four year old at that time, i t i s l i k e l y that copies of this le t ter were sent to the regents. Now a number of interesting considerations emerge from this corre-spondence. The f i r s t and most obvious point i s that these documents help to f i l l a notable lacuna i n our knowledge of that period of V i l l e n a ' s l i f e when i t was generally thought that he was i n Andalusia with Fernando de Antequera. The second point is that V i l l e n a undoubtedly took advantage of his v i s i t to Barcelona to mingle with the poets , scholars and writers of Martin's Court; we can be f a i r l y certain that he must have come into contact quite frequently with Bernat Metge who, at that time, was secre-tary to the king. The t h i r d , and most important point , concerns the f i e s t a de l a Gaya Ciencia , held i n Barcelona, which V i l l e n a describes in . . 29 such deta i l i n the Arte de trovar. Riquer points out that u n t i l now i t has been generally considered that V i l l e n a f i r s t came to the Aragonese 4o Court in l4 l2 in the entourage of Fernando de Antequera, and that the f ies ta described i n the famous passage from the Arte de trovar took place during Fernando's reign as King of Aragon. Alvar Gomez de Castro, the sixteenth-century writer from Toledo, whose abridged and annotated version of the Arte de trovar i s the one which has come down to us, did not know of the documents which we have just examined, and which prove that V i l l e n a was i n Barcelona at least four years before l 4 l 2 . He did know (probably through the Cronica de Juan I I , as Riquer suggests) that V i l l e n a came to Aragon with Fernando in 1412, and for that reason i t must have seemed l o g i c a l to conclude that the f i e s t a i n which V i l l e n a played such an im-portant part must have taken place during Fernando's reign. However, we now know that V i l l e n a not only enjoyed the friendship and support of Martin I , but that he was i n his Court in l4o8 and l40 Q . As Riquer says, " s i leemos este pasaje Cdel Arte de trovar3 prescindiendo de las ediciones de Alvar Gomez no cabe duda de que l a f ies ta descrita por don Enrique de 3 0 V i l l e n a l a situaremos en e l reinado de Martinel Humano." We do not know whether V i l l e n a l e f t Aragon before or after the death of Martin I in 1410, but on Tuesday, October 14 of that year he was i n S e v i l l e , at the side of Fernando's wife Doha Leonor, l a Ricahembra. As Don Fernando made his triumphant return from Antequera, . . . s a l i e r o n a rescebir a l Infante, de S e v i l l a , Don Alonso Arzobispo d e l l a , e Don Enrique, Conde de Cangas e Tineo, que estaba entonce con l a Infanta Dofia Leonor, muger del Infante, e los Alcaldes e Alguaciles e Veinte y Quatro e Jurados e Caballeros y Escuderos, e todos los of ic ia les de l a cibdad con juegos, y danzas e grande a legr ia , en l a forma que suelen rescebir a los Reyes, aunque hizo grande estorbo a l a f i e s t a l a grande agua que hacia aquel d i a . On June 28, l 4 l 2 , Don Fernando e l de Antequera was elected King of 41 Aragon by the compromisarios at Caspe, and when, on August 5, l 4 l 2 , he 32 set foot i n his new kingdom, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a went with him. We must remember, however, that Don Fernando was elected, not unanimously, 33 but on a majority vote only, and that a Catalan faction of considerable power, unsympathetic to the idea of a Cast i l ian monarch i n Aragon, refused to accept the decision of Caspe and r a l l i e d to the support of their favour-i t e , Don Jaime (or Jaume), Count of U r g e l l . Jaume d 'Urgel l ' s claim to the throne of Aragon was almost as strong as Fernando's. He was, moreover, a Catalan, and from a family older than the royal house i t s e l f . History, however, has not treated him kindly , and he emerges from the pages of Ines MacDonald's account of Fernando's reign as a swashbuckling but p o l i t i c a l l y naive adventurer, completely dependent upon his equally incompetent advisers. Much of his conduct at this period can also be explained by the malign influence of his scheming and ambitious mother, the Dowager Countess of U r g e l l , Dofia Margarita, who goaded him con-t i n u a l l y with her uncompromising repetit ion of the motto she had invented: " F i l l , o r e i o no-res ." Thanks to the rashness of his advisers, his mother's th i rs t for power and his own reckless s tupidi ty , Jaume d 'Urgel l succeeded, both during the interregnum and after the decision of Caspe, i n alienating the sympathies of much of the generally law-abiding ci t izenry of Aragon and Catalonia. Although theoretical ly strong enough at the time of Fernando's e lec t ion, to seize the Crown of Aragon for himself, Jaume had by the summer of 1413, allowed himself to be manoeuvred i n both a p o l i t i -cal and mil i tary sense into an indefensible posi t ion . Ramon Berenguer de F l u v i a , one of his commanders, had advised the Count to attack Lleida and Huesca; with Loarre i n the power of Anton de Luna, the capture of these two towns would have given Jaume command of the \2 greater part of Catalonia and control of the roads to France. F l u v i a , however, had underestimated the resistance which the towns would offer and, having f a i l e d to capture them, the Count was reduced to the much infer ior plan of making Balaguer his base, but keeping his forces moving in the v i c i n i t y of the c i t y , so that he could harass Fernando's armies and keep himself supplied with food from the r i c h lands of the plain of U r g e l l . In the circumstances this was the only feasible alternative which remained, but Jaume at once discarded any chance of success by yielding to the emotional entreaties of his wife and his mother who begged him to remain with them i n the c i t y , rather than r i s k his l i f e i n the uncertainties of g u e r r i l l a warfare with the king's forces. F luvia once more revealed his complete lack of mi l i ta ry acumen by supporting Dona Margarita and the Count's wife. So i t was that Jaume d 'Urgel l found him-sel f shut up i n Balaguer, a town well provided with both natural and a r t i -f i c i a l defences but, through lack of foresight and the sudden change of plan , most inadequately supplied with everything which a prolonged siege required. Throughout the entire period of the Count's r e b e l l i o n , Fernando had acted with a degree of patience which was in direct contrast to Jaume's impetuous and agressive posturing. In this way he succeeded i n attracting the support of his subjects, as the Count succeeded i n losing i t . When i t f i n a l l y became clear that Fernando's policy of conci l ia t ion towards the enemy was having l i t t l e ef fec t , and when the Corts were no longer incl ined to accept any further disturbance in the realm, a case was compiled against Jaume, and Fernando was petitioned (June 27, ll+13) to confiscate the property of the Count and his followers and to administer them a crushing defeat i n bat t le . ^3 Assured of the t o t a l support of the Cbrts, Fernando raised an army and by August 5 was encamped before Balaguer. On August 19, l U l 3 , the Duke of Gandia, V i l l e n a ' s uncle, brought up a troop of some 300 men-at-arms at his own expense, and a contingent of Valencians. By a slow process of bribery and bombardment, Fernando gradually weakened the defences and the morale of the town while he made preparations for a f i n a l attack at the end of September. Cotarelo speaks only b r i e f l y of this episode: "Salio e l Rey en Agosto . . . para s i t i a r a Balaguer, que se sostenfa por e l Conde de Urgel , 35 y adonde no es presumible le siguiese por e l pronto e l de VILLENA." In fact , Cotarelo did not know whether V i l l e n a played any part at a l l i n the siege of Balaguer. Since the publication of his work, however, a copy of Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria's chronicle of the reign of Don Fernando has come to l i g h t , although i t is s t i l l unpublished and has not attracted 36 the attention i t deserves. Thanks to the information provided by Alvar Garcia we can state quite categorically that on September 27, 1^ 13 (and for at least a month after that date), Don Enrique de V i l l e n a was at his cousin's side beneath the walls of Balaguer. During the preparations for the general assault on the town, Fernando suddenly began to have second thoughts about the size of the scaling-towers (escalas or bastidas) . Doubtless he had unpleasant memories of the siege of Antequera when the bastida had been placed badly, f a i l e d to reach the , 37 top of the walls and was burned by the Moors with fuego de alquitran. To avoid a repeti t ion of this catastrophe, Don Fernando resolved to have the height of the walls measured. The task was entrusted to Don Enrique de V i l l e n a who, i n an attempt to put his book-learning to some pract ica l use and to add some s c i e n t i f i c sophistication to the arts of war, decided 44 to make the calculations with the aid of his astrolabe, just as modern surveyor would use a quadrant or a theodolite. No doubt considerations of personal security also influenced his decision to use the astrolabe, as i n this way he could remain at a r e l a t i v e l y safe distance from the truenos , lombardas and other pieces of primitive but potent a r t i l l e r y mounted on the ramparts of Balaguer. Unfortunately, as Alvar Garcia shows us, V i l l e n a had an imperfect grasp of the trigonometrical pr inciple behind the use of the astrolabe i n this fashion. E l rreyaviendo voluntad de l legar las vastidas a l C a s t i l l o del l a ciudad, mando a don Enrrique, e l que diximos en las ystorias antes desto que fue maestre de Calatraua, que fuese medir l a caua por que sy e l escala fuese corta que l a cregiesen antes que se llegasen a l a caba; e don Enrrique fue a medir l a caua del astrolabio. Lleuo su astrolabio consygo e quiso medir las caua por su arte del astrolabio, e f a l l o que segun su medida que seria corta e l escala, e quando vino a l rrey dixo que sic gelo; e l rrey touo que obo hierro yerro en l a medida e que l a no sopo medir, e por ende e l mariscal Alvaro que l a mediese, e echaron encima de l a torre vn dardo atado con vna cuerda e sopieron e l altura de l a torre e medieron l a caua, e asy sacaron l a medida e fal laron que ' l escala que hera asaz luenga, e do e l rrey estaua enojado que avn tenia que ' l escala no l l e g a r i a , e le venieron desir que hera conplida, obo plazer e dixo a don Enrrique: Echad vuestro astrolabio en rremojo pues tan mal saco l a medida.-® The Count lacked not only food and money, but also men, as many had deserted the c i ty i n acceptance of Fernando's repeated offer of a free pardon. Nevertheless, he held out obstinately u n t i l the end of October, 1413, by which time i t became obvious that he would be unable to defend the c i ty against the a l l -out attack which was so clearly imminent. Prepared to surrender, he was not unnaturally fearful for his l i f e , and sent his wife Dofia Isabel to beg the King for mercy. h5 Visto por e l Conde. que ningun remedio t e n i a , rogo a l a Condesa que saliese a demandar merced a l Rey, en l a forma que a l Duque de Gandia lo habia dicho; e l a Condesa sal io e l domingo. veinte nueve dias de Otubre, l a qual embio decir a l Rey como e l l a venia a le besar las manos e le hacer reverencia; que le pluguiere d e l l o . E l Rey le embio decir con Don Enrique, su primo, e l que fue Maestre de 'Calatrava,e"con Diego Gomez de Sandoval, Adelantado de C a s t i l l a , que le rogaba que. volviese a l a cibdad, porque e l no entendia de rescebir tanto trato de parte de Don Jayme su marido. 3 ^ The Count surrendered on October 31 and was taken to Lerida (Lleida) , where he was placed on t r i a l . On Wednesday, November 2 9 , 1^13, Jaume d 'Urgel l was brought before the King and the sentence of "perpetua pr is ion e perdimiento de todos sus bienes, e que dende adelante no seria mas Conde" was read to him, "estando presentes e l Principe Don Alonso, e Don Pedro Qiijos del Rey] . . . y e l Duque de Gandia, e Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , e muchos otros Caballeros e Letrados." On January 1 0 , iklh , Don Fernando l e f t Lerida for Zaragoza where he was to be crowned King of Aragon. Don Enrique de V i l l e n a is t h i r d on the l i s t of Caballeros de Aragon who, by the end of the month, had congregated i n Zaragoza for the coronation ceremonies; in a less conspicuous position among the notables Caballeros que de C a s t i l l a vinieron we f ind the name Ul of Ifiigo Lopez de Mendoza, Senor de Hita y Buitrago. This i s , I bel ieve, the earl iest date at which we can be sure that they met, and the future Marques de Santil lana's contacts with Enrique de V i l l e n a during their sojourn in the Aragonese Court must have been frequent and f r u i t f u l . The coronation of Fernando de Antequera took place on Sunday, Febru-ary 1 1 , l U l U amid elaborate ceremonial and sumptuous feasting. The f e s -t i v i t i e s are described i n great d e t a i l by Alvar Garcia whose chronicle served as a basis for the Coronaciones de los serenissimos reyes de Aragon by h6 Jeronimo de Blancas , printed i n Zaragoza i n l 6 4 l . The passages from Alvar Garcia transcribed by Blancas were for a long time the only extant portions of the o r i g i n a l chronicle, which explains why Cotarelo only mentions Alvar Garcfa i n connection with the coronation of Fernando. The ceremonies have dwell on them at great length here except to point out that V i l l e n a took part i n them and, during the banquet, served as cuchil lo and sobrecopa at the King's table . A word might be s a i d , however, about the pageants and the a l legor ica l spectacles which took place at the banquet i n the courtyard of the A l j a f e r i a . A detailed description of them, based on Alvar Garcia's text , may be consulted i n N.D. Shergold's History of the 43 Spanish Stage and I do not wish to repeat i t here. Suffice i t to say that before each course of the enormous meal, the guests were treated to a juego or entrernes mounted on a lavish and complicated scenario. The banquet began — writes Shergold — with an entry of the gryphon, breathing f i r e and preceding dishes of roast peacock, and while the guests were eating the l a t t e r , God the Father moved the heavens , and a great cloud descended to earth, bearing an angel with a drawn sword who addressed verses to the King. These reminded the monarch of his royal duties , and also expressed the hope that he would heal the schism i n the Church, and restore the Pope to Rome. The cloud then took the angel back to Heaven, after which each of the seven deadly sins in turn spoke a verse about his particular v i c e . Shergold points out i n a note that these verses have been attributed by some to Enrique de V i l l e n a . This is not quite correct ; the verses which have been attributed to V i l l e n a were those sung i n praise of the King by four f igures , representing Just ice , Truth, Peace and Mercy, which stood on the four towers of a "castle" which the King passed as he l e f t the Cathedral after the coronation ceremony. The verses were f i r s t ascribed been adequately described by various scholars, 1*2 and there i s no need to 47 to Vi l lena by Bias Nasarre in the prologue to his edition of the plays of Cervantes, published in 1749- Nasarre claimed Alvar Garcia as his source for this assertion, but the chronicler in fact makes no mention of the authorship of the poems. Alvar Garc£a does indicate that they were written i n Catalan (lemosf), and he quotes his translation of the verse declaimed 45 by the "angel with the drawn sword." But, even granted that i t i s a t ranslat ion, i t reveals none of the s t y l i s t i c features which we have come to associate with V i l l e n a ' s writings. The attribution of these verses to Don Enrique seems, then, to have been the invention of Bias Nasarre. However, this has not prevented i t from being repeated down to the present 46 day, in spite of the fact that Amador de los Rios, Cotarelo and others have pointed out the weakness of the supposition. The Cronica de Juan II t e l l s us that the King remained in Zaragoza u n t i l Monday, June 1 8 , l 4 l 4 , after which he l e f t with his court for Morella , 47 where he was to meet with the Pope, Benedict XIII . Fernando reached Morella on July 1 , and the Pope arrived on July 18. As Benedict XIII approached the town, the King and his chief courtiers came out to meet him and to escort him to the church of Santa Maria i n Morella . E llegando cerca de l a procesion, e l Rey descavalgo, e con e l los principales que con e l venian, e fueron tomar un paho de oro que los o f i c i a l e s de l a v i l l a tenian con sus varas para meter a l Sancto Padre; e tomaron las varas e l Rey, y e l Infante su h i j o , Maestre de Alcantara, y e l Almirante Don Alonso Enriquez, e Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , e Don Fadrique, Conde de j^ g Trastamara, y e l Conde de Cardona, e llevaronlo a s i . The following Sunday (July 22) , the King prepared a banquet for the benefit of the Pope, the Cardinals and the entire Court. As the King and his principales were to serve at the Pope's table , they ate earl ier i n Fernando's U8 quarters. The Bishop of Segovia, the Almirante and the Count of Trastamara sat at the right of the king; on his l e f t were the Infante Don Sancho and kg Don Enrique de V i l l e n a . It i s quite possible that at this meeting with Benedict XIII Fernando had occasion to discuss the marital status of Enrique de V i l l e n a , for i t was during the year iklh that the General Chapter of the Order of Calatrava met to declare n u l l and void V i l l e n a ' s election to the Maestragzo. His r i v a l , Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman, was o f f i c i a l l y recognized as Maestre, and those members of the Order who continued to support V i l l e n a were pro-50 nounced excommunicate. In September, l U l U , the King wrote to Dona Maria de Albornoz to ask her to accept the reconci l ia t ion which her husband, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , so earnestly desired. As Rubio y Balaguer points out, " s i hemos de dar credito a las palabras del rey, l a h i s t o r i a de aquellas ruidosas divergencias conyugales se nos presentaria bajo luz mucho menos 52 desfavorable para e l famoso Don Enrique de lo que cuentan sus biografos." We must r e a l i z e , however, that with the election of Gonzalez de Guzman as Maestre of Calatrava, V i l l e n a found himself without a wife , without his maestrazgo, without any of his t i t l e s (which he had renounced i n favour of the Crown of Castile) and, presumably, without any means of f inancia l support other than the largesse of the King of Aragon. It is quite l i k e l y , therefore, that his swift return to the married state was an economic ne-cessi ty , and, u n t i l we can prove anything to the contrary, there seems to be l i t t l e reason for revising our or ig inal opinions of the s i tuation. We do know, however, that the Pope anulled the divorce and ordered the estranged parties to l i v e together; "e quanto en uno duraron siempre vivieron mal 53 avenidos , adds the Croriica de Juan I I . kg While Fernando was at Morella news reached him of a plot against his l i f e instigated by Dona Margarita, the Dowager Countess of U r g e l l . Her plan was to poison Don Fernando and a l l the members of the Royal family, and to release her son, Jaume d ' U r g e l l , from the castle of Uruefia where he had been imprisoned for l i f e . She had attempted to suborn Pero C a r i l l o de Escalante, who had been placed i n charge of the Count. Escalante, however, was not to be corrupted, and the king was informed of the intrigue. T y p i -c a l l y , before he decided to act , the King waited u n t i l he has acquired incontrovertible evidence against the Dowager Countess. This reached him while he was holding Court at Montblanc. He promptly dispatched Diego de Vadil lo and the Infante Don Juan to Lerida to arrest the Countess, at which time further evidence, in the form of incriminating l e t t e r s , was uncovered. Dona Margarita and her accomplices were t r i e d and convicted. The Dowager Countess was condemned to imprisonment in a castle near Valencia, and the Count's sisters were obliged to re t i re into a convent, a l l their possessions having been confiscated by the Crown. Enrique de V i l l e n a seems to have played a part in the t r i a l , as we f ind him named as a witness to the sentence proclaimed against Dona Margarita in the presence of the king on December 2 9 , iklk, i n the Bishop's Palace at Lerida. It i s , I think, reasonable to assume that V i l l e n a accompanied the Court from Morella to Montblanc and thence to Valencia. He may even have i accompanied Fernando to Perpignan for the conferences with the Pope and the Emperor Sigismund which were intended to terminate the Schism. If this i s the case, we may be f a i r l y certain that he was with the a i l i n g Fernando when he l e f t Perpignan for Castile i n a l i t t e r towards the end of March, lkl6, and may even have been with the king when he died at Igualada near Barcelona on A p r i l 2. But we do not know. There can be l i t t l e doubt, 50 however, that the death of his friend and protector must have "been a great blow to V i l l e n a , and must have greatly influenced, i f not actually caused, his decision to withdraw almost completely from public l i f e . In A p r i l , lUl7 , he was i n Valencia , at which time he informs us that "avia de estar poco en Valencia e dende entendia tomar mi camino para c a s t i l l a e tenia ya liados mis l i b r o s . " ^ By the end of September of that 5' year he was i n Torralba, a town near Cuenca belonging to his wife 's estates, and towards the end of lUl7 or the beginning of lUl8 he came to the Cast i l ian Court to pet i t ion Dona Catalina for some form of compensation for the con-f isca t ion of the Marquisate of V i l l e n a , or his renunciation of the t i t l e of Count of Cangas and Tineo. Don Sancho de Rojas , Archbishop of Toledo, intervened on his behalf, and V i l l e n a was granted the 'sefiorio of the town of Iniesta situated between M o t i l l a and Requena, just south of the main road 5 8 from Madrid to Valencia. This town, and his wife's v i l l a de Torralba were to become his pr inc ipal places of residence for the rest of his l i f e , spent largely beyond the public gaze i n the pursuit of knowledge. His reputation as a scholar and collector of rare books was by now firmly established. In the summer of lUl8, King Alfonso of Aragon sent the convert Jewish poet, Pedro de Santa Fe, from Zaragoza to the residence of Don Enrique de V i l l e n a (probably Torralba) with the following l e t t e r : -Lo rey d'Arago e de S i c i l i a : Car oncle, sabents certament que vos havets un l l i b r e appellat i s tor ies Trogi i Ponpei affectam aquell molt haver per 5 0 que'n pugam translatar a fer-ne traure un latre per a nostre servir vos pregam axi affectuosament com podem que v i s t a l a present nos trametats aquell per Pere de Santafe, portador de l a present, lo qual per aquesta raho va a vos, e translatat vos manarem tornar, e ago no di la te ts s i 'ns desitjats servir e complaure. Dada en Caragoca sots nostre segell secret a . x i . 51 dies de j u l i o l de l 'any mil . c c c c x v i i i . Rex Alfonsus. A nostre car oncle don Henrich. de V i l l e n a . Dominus rex mandavit mihi Paulo N i c o l a i . 5 9 It i s generally considered that Vi l lena had neither the temperament nor the inc l inat ion to take part in the p o l i t i c a l upheavals which charac-60 terized the reign of Juan II . On March 7, 1419, he was present when the 61 Court met i n Madrid to acknowledge the King's coming-of-age, "y desde 62 entonces — says Cotarelo — desaparece enteramente de l a esfera p u b l i c a . " To students of the Cronica de Juan I I , this certainly appears to be the case. However, since the publication of Cotarelo's study of V i l l e n a , two chronicles, considered lost since the sixteenth century, have come to l i g h t . I refer to the Croriica de Halconero de Juan II by Pedro Carri lo de Huete, and to i t s refundicion by Fray Lope de Barrientos, both of which 63 have been admirably studied and edited by Mata Carriazo. As we shal l see, the information provided by these chronicles resolves most of the controversy which has surrounded the burning of V i l l e n a ' s books; they also t e s t i f y to V i l l e n a ' s part icipation i n a p o l i t i c a l act of considerable importance whose ultimate fa i lure would seem to shed a considerable amount of l ight upon V i l l e n a ' s exclusion from the affa i rs of the Cast i l ian Court. With the majority of Juan II in l 4 l 9 , the Crown passed under the influence of powerful favourite , Alvaro de Luna, with his henchmen Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, the Mayordomo mayor, and the l a t t e r ' s nephew Mendoza, Senor de Almazan. This fac t ion, with i t s many supporters, was opposed by a powerful al l iance of nobles led by the Infante Don Enrique de Aragon, the Condestable Don Ruy Lopez Davalos , Garci Fernandez Manrique, the Adelantado Pero Manrique and the Bishop of Segovia, Don Juan de Tordesi l las . In 1420 this group staged a successful palace coup i n Tordesi l las , Juan 52 Hurtado and his nephew being imprisoned. The Infante Don Enrique and his followers made their way to the King's chamber where they found him asleep, with Alvaro de Luna at his feet . The king awoke muy turbado e enojado and the Infante announced: Senor, yo soy aqui venido por vuestro servic io , e por echar e arredrar de vuestra. casa algunas personas que hacen cosas feas e deshonestas e mucho contra vuestro s e r v i c i o , , e por vos sacar de l a subjecion en que estais . This remark was doubtless intended to include Alvaro de Luna, but i t was found that the King's perfervid attachment to his favourite was so great . that i t was unlikely that Juan II could be induced to act without him. The favourite was therefore permitted to remain with the King so that he could be made to prevail upon him to do the Infante's bidding. The King and Don Alvaro were removed to Talavera, where they remained v i r t u a l l y prisoners of the Infante de Aragon. However, Alvaro de Luna and those knights who remained f a i t h f u l to the King, succeeded in escaping with him. They made their way to V i l l a l b a with the Infante i n hot pursuit , but finding the place impossible to defend, they continued to the castle of Montalban which they took by surprise, thanks to the promptaction of Pedro C a r r i l l o , the author of the chronicle. However, there was no food i n the castle and i t was necessary to send for provisions. The following day, Saturday, November 30, 1420, the f i r s t batch of supplies was brought to the castle . However, . . .desque llego e l bastecimiento fasta dos t i ros de bal lesta de Montalban, salieron a ellos Johan Rodriguez de Castafieda, sefior de Fuentduena, e Alfonso Yanes Fajardo, adelantado que fue despues del rreyno de. Murgia, e Ynigo Lopez de Mendoga, senor de F i t a e de 53 Buitrago, f i j o del almirante don Diego Furtado, que a l a sazon era en l a casa del ynfante don Enrrique, con treynta o quarenta rrogines e tomaronla toda sic The same day saw the a r r i v a l of the Condestable Ruy Lopez Davalos, Pero Manrique and Garci Fernandez Manrique, each with some twenty or t h i r t y escuderos. They pitched camp "fasta un t i r o de ballesta de Montal'aan." F i n a l l y , . . . a ora de bisperas, vino e l ynfante don Enrrique, e benia con e l e l arcobispo de Santiago don Lope de Mendoga, e don Enrrique de V i l l e n a , f i j o de don Pedro, nieto del marques de V i l l e n a , e e l adelantado de Cagorla don Alfonso Tenorio, e otros muchos caballeros. E fuese a donde abian asentado e l rea l e l condestable, e Pero Manrrique, e Gargi Fernandez Manrrique. E de t a l manera bedaron las biandas, que a l Rey daban por rracion vn quarto de carnero por l a mafiana, e dos pares de gallinas e medio cabrito por semejante en l a noche, e pan e bino lo que le podia abastar. E a todos los que dentro estaban no les consentian meter nenguna bianda. E segun l a poca bianda que tenian los que estaban dentro, de negesidad fueron muertos dos caballos, e fueron luego comidos. 7 The outcome of the situation is well known. The Infante informed Juan II that he was acting i n his majesty's best interests , that he understood that the King was being held i n Montalban against his w i l l , and would the King make his intentions known. The king assured the Infante that he had come to Montalban of his own v o l i t i o n , that there was nothing to be gained but his disfavour i f the siege continued, and requested the Infante kindly to withdraw. Advised thus of the King's wishes, and having learned that the Infante Don Juan was hastening to the King's support with a large army, the Infante Don Enrique judged i t prudent to retreat . In 1422, the Infante and his mayordomo, Garci Fernandez, were enticed from Ocana to Madrid where, on Sunday, June 14, they were arrested and imprisoned for 5h 63 their part i n the uprising. No doubt this unsuccessful conclusion to the coup of Tordesillas helps to explain why Villena spent at least the lat t e r half of 1422 i n , 69 Aragon. In 1423 he was in Torralba where he wrote the Tratado de l a Consolacion, and where, on September 6, he put the finishing touches to his Arte Cisoria. His ' Expos ic ion del sa,lmo was completed on November 2 8 , , , TO 1424, in Iniesta, and probably in the following year he wrote his Tratado de l a Fascinacion in Torralba. On November 2 9 , 1425, Villena's uncle, Don Alonso de Aragon, Duke of Gandia, died without issue i n Valencia. The legal heir to his considerable estates in Ribagorza was Enrique de Villena, but the inheritance was either given to or seized by the Infante Don Juan, now the King of Navarre. Villena's unsuccessful attempts to obtain r e s t i -tution are alluded to i n the letter of dedication to the King of Navarre which prefaces his translation of the Aeneid, begun on September 2 8 , 1427. 71 A gloss on the passage in question c l a r i f i e s the allusion. As we have seen in the introductory chapter of this study, Villena also spent the period 1427-1428 in translating the Divine Comedy, the Rhetorica ad Herennium, and i n writing otras obras menudas. Somewhere between 1430 and 1434 he wrote, in Iniesta, his Epistbla a Suero de Quinones, and i n 1433 his Arte de Trovar. In December, 1434, Villena was in Madrid, possibly in connection with the a r r i v a l on December 6 of the ambassadors from the King of France. Salieronlos a rrescebir e l condestable don Aluaro de Luna, e e l adelantado Pero Manrrique, e e l conde de Venabente don Rodrigo Alfonso Pimentel, e l conde de Castafieda don Gargi Fernandes Manrrique, e don Enrrique de Villena; perlados, el argobispo de Toledo don Jhoan de Luna, hermano del condestable, e don Pedro, nieto del rrey don Pedro, obispo de Osma. E todos los^^ grandes caualleros que en l a corte estauan a l a sazon. 55 Nine days later V i l l e n a was dead. The Croriica del Halcbnero t e l l s us that . . . a l tienpo que e l f a l l e s g i o , estaua en gran menester, e gotoso de los pies e de las manos. Tanto, que no podia beuer con sus manos ni menearse de los p ies , que sus escuderos lo caualgauan e descaualgauan. E vino a tanto menester, que de todo quanto est^do tenia descendio a tener diez caualgaduras muy pobres,''' To sum up the details of his l i f e , the attitudes of the Court of Juan II towards his achievements, and the circumstances surrounding the burning of his books by Fray Lope de Barrientos , we can do no better than t ran-scribe the chapter from the Refuridicion de l a Cronica del Halconero written by Barrientos himself. Estando e l Rey en Madrid, miercoles quinze dias de dizienbre deste ano de m i l l e quatrocientos e treynta ' e quatro afios , murio a l i i don Enrrique de V i l l e n a , en e l monesterio de Sant Frangisco, donde estaua aposentado. Este don Enrrique era f i j o de don Pedro, f i j o de don Alfonso, marques de V i l l e n a , e de dofia Juana, f i j a del rrey don Enrrique e l Vie jo . E fue casado con dofia Maria de Albornoz, f i j a del conde don T e l l o , senora de Alcoger e de Torralua e de Salmeron. E porque e l rrey don Enrrique, f i j o del rrey don Juan, le queriabien, f i z o l e conde de Cangas y Tineo. E despues que murio e l maestre de Caltraua don Gongalo Nunez de Gusman, este don Enrrique touo manera de se quitar de su muger, e fuele dado e l maestrazgo de Calatraua. E dexo a Cangas e a Tineo. E despues que f a l l e s c i o e l rrey don Enrrique, con j u s t i g i a le fue tirado e l maestradgo de Calatraua, por ser casado; en t a l manera que no le quedo e l maestradgo nin e l condado. E despues que se vido dipuesto de lo vno y de lo otro, touo manera con su muger que se boluise a e l . E suplico a l Rey que le f iz iese alguna merged e limosna en que biuiese , pues de derecho e l marquesado de V i l l e n a era suyo, por quanto auia seydo del marques don Alfonso su abuelo. E l Rey, acatando esto, e e l debdo que con e l tenia , f i z o l e merged de l a v i l l a de Yniesta. E diole mas giento e cinquenta m i l l marauedis para su mantenimiento. Este don Enrrique fue muy grant sabio en todas giengias en espegial en l a Theologia e Nigromangia, e avn fue grant alquimista. Y con todo esto vino a tan grant menester, a l 56 tienpo que fa l lesgio non se f a l l o en su camara con que le pudiesen enterrar. Y fue cosa de Nuestro Senor, porque las gentes conoscan qu£.nto aprouechan las semejantes giengias. Y despues que e*l f a l l e s g i o , e l Rey mando traer a su camara todos los l ihros. que este don Enrrique tenia en Yniesta, e mando a fray Lope de Barrientos, maestro del Pringipe, que catase s i auia algunos dellos de giengia defendida. E e l maestro catolos, e f a l l o bien ginquenta volunes de l ibros de malas artes. E dio por consejo a l Rey que los mandase quemar. E l Rey dio cargo dello a l dicho maestro, e e l pusolo en esecugion, e todos ellos fueron quemados. It may be appropriate to make a few concluding remarks i n order to assess the extent to which the conclusions reached by V i l l e n a ' s previous biographers should be modified by the new information which we now possess about his l i f e . In very general terms, V i l l e n a s t i l l emerges as a man of much learning, but with l i t t l e aptitude for the pract ica l necessities of l i f e . In matters of d e t a i l , however, we may do well to reconsider one or two points. It now seems f a i r l y clear that some of Perez de Guzman's statements must refer to the last ten years or so of V i l l e n a ' s l i f e , es-pecia l ly his remark, that V i l l e n a "fue avido en pequeria reputagion de los 75 reyes de su tienpo e en poca reverengia de los caval leros . " We have seen that , for the f i r s t sixteen years of the f if teenth century at leas t , the f i r s t part of this statement is simply not v a l i d . V i l l e n a enjoyed the friendship and support of Martin I of Aragon whose patronage of the Gaya Ciencia i s well known, and who was not averse to dabbling i n alchemical 76 experiments. He enjoyed similar protection from Enrique III of Castile who, as we have seen, "querialo b i e n . " Also well known is his undisputed friendship with his cousin Don Fernando, and we f ind V i l l e n a part ic ipating i n most of the main events of Fernando's short reign i n Aragon, even i f he did not play much of a part in the actual day-to-day administration of the af fa i rs of state. His nephew, Alfonso,V, also appreciated his accomplish-ments as a scholar, as did Don Juan, King of Navarre, when he asked V i l l e n a 57 to provide him with a translation of the Aeneid. It i s r e a l l y only after V i l l e n a ' s active intervention on the side of the Infante Don Enrique at the cerco de Montalban, following the (ultimately) unsuccessful gblpe de  Tordesillas , that we have any indication of his having incurred the d i s -favour of the Cast i l ian court. The apparently complete withdrawal from public l i f e does not occur u n t i l 1422, after which date most of his extant works were written. Almost a l l of them contain scarcely vei led references to his "curiales e familares ocupaciones" and the "adversidades de l a movible fortuna" which, i n several cases, seem to have prevented him from completing the works according to his or ig inal plan. Perez de Guzman i s probably more accurate when he says that V i l l e n a was held "en poca reverencia de los cavalleros ." The cavalleros of f i f teenth century Castile are not generally known for their learning and s e n s i t i v i t y , but there are exceptions, the Marquis of Santillana being the most notable. Santi l lana's contacts with V i l l e n a , though largely undocumented, must have been considerably. For him V i l l e n a composed his Arte de trobar and trans-lated the Divine Comedy; his translation of the Aeneid also found i t s way into Santil lana's l i b r a r y . V i l l e n a ' s death was lamented by Santillana in a poem which, taking i t s inspirat ion from the f i r s t canto of the Inferno, and reca l l ing Dante's apotheosis of Vergi l i n the fourth canto of the same, i s probably unique i n the medieval vernacular l i terature of the Peninsula. In i t the Muses lament over the death of Don Enrique whom they regard as the last and most distinguished p i l l a r of the Temple of Poetry. Even granted the customary hyperbole which such panegyrics required, the poem is s t i l l a powerful statement. V i l l e n a is exalted as a worthy successor to Dante, Petrarch, and the poets and sages of antiquity. Herein l i e s the o r i g i n a l i t y of the poem, for Santillana i s g lor i fy ing his friend i n 58 a manner which was t r a d i t i o n a l l y reserved for the poets of Class ica l Antiquity. It is also, as. Lapesa points out, " l a primera lamentacion 77 [^espanola] cuya 'fermosa cohertura' es casi totalmente pagana," the r e s u l t , I suggest, of V i l l e n a ' s influence on the l i t e r a r y development of Inigo Lopez. Another admirer was Juan de Mena who, i n his Laberinto de Fortuna, refers to V i l l e n a as "onra de Espana e del siglo presente." 0 i n c l i t o sahio, auctor muy ciente, otras e aun otra vegada yo l l o r o porque C a s t i l l a perdio t a l tesoro . non conocido delante l a gente. 78. Mena laments the loss of V i l l e n a ' s books, "metidos a l avido fuego," but then embarksupon a vituperative attack against those who "escudrifian las dafiadas ar tes , " culminating i n a passionate request to Juan II to "facer destruir los falsos saberes." The juxtaposition of the lament over the burning of V i l l e n a ' s books (which was ordered by Juan II) and the request to the King for the destruction of the occult arts i n Spain remains some-thing of a puzzle. Did i t contain an implied c r i t i c i sm of the King, or did Mena f a i l to realize the apparent contradiction? The simplest expla-nation would seem to be that Mena considered that the artes which V i l l e n a pursued were l i c i t a s rather than i l i c i t a s , which may suggest that he was acquainted with V i l l e n a ' s s c i e n t i f i c studies and therefore incl ined to dismiss as nonsense the rumours of Black Magic which must surely have 79 reached his ears. Be that as i t may; the fact remains that both Santillana and Mena held V i l l e n a i n the highest esteem, and as his friends and admirers, lavished upon him much voluble praise. Mention of Juan de Mena brings us naturally to the question of the fate of V i l l e n a ' s book. It has been known for some time that the destruction 59 of part of V i l l e n a ' s l i b r a r y Cperhaps i n c l u d i n g some of h i s own works) was not the r e s u l t of monkish obscurantism, but of r o y a l decree, and that Fray Lope de Barrientos was not quite the v i l l a i n of the piece. The i m p l i - ' cations of Cibdarreal's Centori e p i s t o l a r i o w i l l not hold water, and, i n s p i t e of Amador de los Rios ' s p i r i t e d i f unconvincing defence of i t s authen-t i c i t y , the work must be considered at worst a forgery and at best un-80 r e l i a b l e . The Cronica de Juan II states that . . . e l Rey mando que l e fuesen t r a i d o s todos l o s l i b r o s que t e n i a V i l l e n a , l o s quales mando que viese Fray Lope de Ba r r i e n t o s , Maestro d e l P r i n c i p e , e v i e s e s i habia algunos de malas a r t e s ; e Fray Lope l o s miro e hizo quemar algunos, e los otros quedaron en su poder. Barri e n t o s , who was a man of considerable c u l t u r e , evidently experienced some d i f f i c u l t y i n r e c o n c i l i n g the orders of the King and the orthodox a t t i t u d e of the church with h i s own s c h o l a r l y c u r i o s i t y and i n t e g r i t y . In h i s Tratado de l a s especies de adivinanza, speaking of a book c a l l e d R a c i e l , he says: Este es aquel que,despues de l a muerte de don Enrique, t u , como Rey c r i s t i a n i s i m o , mandaste a mi t u siervo que l o quemase a vueltas de otros muchos; l o c u a l yo puse en ejecucion en presencia de algunos tus servi&ores. En l o cual ansi mesmo parescio l a gran devocion que tu Senoria siempre tuvo a l a r e l i g i o n c r i s t i a n a . E puesto a que esto fue e es de l o a r , pero por otro respecto, en alguna manera, es bueno de guardar los dichos l i b r o s , tanto que estuviesen en guarda e en poder de buenas personas, f i a b l e s que no usasen de e l l o s , salvo que los guardase, a f i n que en algun tiempo podrian aprovechar a l o s sabios l e e r en l o s t a l e s l i b r o s para defension de l a fe e de l a r e l i g i o n c r i s t i a n a , e para confusion de los i d o l a t r a s e nigromantes. 2 With the exception of "este l i b r o R a c i e l , " ve do not know what other volumes escaped the flames, but thanks to the information that Barrientos 60 h i m s e l f provides i n h i s Refundicion d e j l a . Croniea d e l Halcdnero, we do know th a t he. took the t r o u b l e t o examine the books and, at the King's command, consigned f i f t y o f them t o the b o n f i r e . C i b d a r r e a l i s t h e r e f o r e q u i t e i n c o r r e c t i n s t a t i n g t h a t Fray Lope " . . . f i z o quemar mas de c i e n l i b r o s , que no l o s v i o e l mas que e l Rey de Marroecos , n i mas l o s entiende que e l „ 8 3 Dean de Cida Rodrigo. 61 NOTES TO CHAPTER I I , PART I. 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Generaciones y Semblanzas, ed. R.B. Tate (London: Tamesis Books Limited, 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 33 . Note that the Galindez version published in v o l . 68 of the Biblidteca de Autores Espafioles adds " . . . a quince de Diciembre and de mil e quatrocientos y t reinta y quatro: esta. sepultado en e l Monesterio de San Francisco de l a dicha v i l l a junto a l altar mayor, a l a parte de l a E p i s t o l a . " This is possibly an insertion by Galindez based on the information i n Zurita 's Anales de Aragon. By Pedro C a r r i l l o de Huete, ed. Juan de Mata Carriazo in Coleccion de  Cronicas.Espanolas, VIII (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1 9 4 6 ) , p. l 8 l . This chronicle w i l l be referred to as Halconero in subsequent notes; the Refundicion de l a cronica del halconero by Lope de Barrientos, edited by Mata Carriazo in v o l . IX of the same collect ion w i l l be referred to i n subsequent notes as Refundicion. Generaciones y Semblanzas, ed. c i t . , p. 32. The sources are: Cronica del rey don Pedro I, ano XVIII, caps, i i i & x i i ; Adiciones a l a Cronica del rey don Pedro, XVII, in BAE, v o l . 66 . Cronica del rey don Enrique I I , ano XIII (not VIII as in Cotarelo), cap. i ; Testamento de Enrique I I , item 17 ; Cronica del rey don Juan I_, ano VII , cap. xv; ano XII, cap. x i i i ; Cronica del rey don Enrique III , ano I , caps, xxi & x x i i ; ano II , cap. v i (Testamento de Juan I ) ; ano IV, cap. x i v ; Adiciones a l a Cronica del rey don Enrique III , XII: Cronica del rey don Juan I I , ano XV, cap. v , a l l in BAE, v o l . 6 8 . See also Cotarelo, pp. 13-24. This was a t i t l e which hitherto had not been used i n Cast i le . Generaciones y Semblanzas, ed. c i t . , p. 32 . Again, this was the f i r s t time the t i t l e had been used in Cast i le . Cotarelo, p. 23. The importe de l a reclamacion was 60,000 f l o r i n s ; the Marquisate was worth 400,000 doblas in 1421. See Cronica de Juan I I , ano XV, cap. v (not cap. 1. as i n Cotarelo, loc . c i t . , note 2~T. ano XII, cap. x i i i . "Viviendo todavia Don Juan I , empezo a decirse que no convenia que un estado como e l de V i l l e n a , frontero de Aragon, estuviese en poder de un Principe de aquella Real Casa; y como e l desvio de l a corte que afecto e l Marques durante l a menor edad de Don Enrique III , y e l haberse negado a acompafiarle cuando dice l a Cronica, no eran acciones propias para desvanecer aquel concepto, este Rey, que por otra parte no dejaba de ser codicioso, aprovecho l a ocasion que presentaban las demandas de las nueras del Marques para despojarle del Marquesado, que debia heredar 62 11 12 13 lk 15 16 IT 18 19 20 21 22 23 2U Don Enrique Cde VillenaD , con pretexto de que se vendia judicialmente para pagar deudas." Adiciones a_ l a Cronica de Enrique I I I , XII. Zuri ta , Anales de Aragon, v o l . I I , f o l . h31v. Quoted by Cotarelo, p. 24n. See Cotarelo, p. 26. Hal conero, p. l 8 l and cf . Adiciones a l a Cronica de Enrique I II , XII. As we have seen, the l e g a l i t y of the Crown's confiscation of the V i l l e n a estates was somewhat doubtful, a fact that the king must have realised f u l l w e l l . See the Cronica de Juan I I , ano I , cap. i v , where i t states that the king had "traido maneros con Dona Maria de Albornoz." Although Hartzenbusch (art. c i t ) t r i e d to deny a l l p o s s i b i l i t y of such a l i a i s o n , i t was accepted as common knowledge in the l6th and lTth centuries. Rades y Andrada, the chronicler o f ' t h e M i l i t a r y Orders, minces no words on the matter; nor do the six authors of the play E l rey Enrique e l  enfermo, a Golden Age comedia in which the King makes his desires known to V i l l e n a in the following manner: "Los reales pechos jamas / deben negar lo que han hecho. / Yo quise; era nifio amor / y ya es gigante con celos. / Maestre de Calatrava / habeis de ser, y yo temo / que por ser casado os pongan / don Enrique, impedimento./ Sabio sois , yo soy amante:/ mirad s i hay algun remedio / para que seais maestre / y no se aumentan mis ce los . " (Quoted by Lomba Pedraja in his review of Cotarelo's study). It may be s igni f i cant , as Hartzenbusch points out, that we have no contemporary information concerning this i l l i c i t relation-ship; the words of the chronicle are open to various interpretations. Antonio Rubio y Lluch, Documents per l ' h i s t o r i a de l a cultura catalana mig-eval, v o l . II (Barcelona, 1921), pp. 3T1-372. IX . C . A . , reg. 224T, £ol.~W). Generaciones y Semblanzas, ed. c i t . , p. 19. Don Fernando de Antequera (Oxford: The Dolphin Book C o . , L t d . , 19^8), p. 90. s Cronica de Juan I I , ano I , cap. i v . See Cotarelo, pp. 30-31 and notes, l o c . c i t . Cotarelo, p. 31. Cronica de Juan I I , afio I , cap. xxv. D. Girona Llagostera, " I t inerar i del rey en M a r t i , " in Anuari de 1' Institut d'Estudis Catalans, V (1913-1*0, p. 623. Quoted by Martin de Riquer in "Don Enrique de V i l l e n a en l a Corte de Martin I , " Miscelanea en homenaje a Mons. Higinio Angles, v o l . II (Barcelona, 1958-61), pp. T19-T20. 63 27 28 29 30 2 5 Martin de Riquer, Obras de Bernat Metge (Barcelona, 1 9 5 9 ) , p . * 207n. 26 i b i d . , pp. 207-208. ( A . C . A . , reg. 2187, f o l . 1 2 9 ) . Riquer, art . c i t . , Miscelanea.•. , p. 718. ( A . C . A . , reg. 2188, f o l . 8 2 ) . Obras de Bernat Metge, p. 208. ( A . C . A . , reg. 2252, f o l . 132). Misce lanea . . . , pp. 717, 720-721. i b i d . , p. 721. I transcribe the relevant passage from the Arte de  trobar; the additions by Alvar Gomez are enclosed in square brackets. "En tiempo del rey don Martin, su hermano, fueron mas p r e v i l l e -jados e acrecentads las rentas del consistorio, para las despensas fazederas, asi en l a feparacion de los l ibros del arte , e vergas de plata de los vergueros que van delante los mantenedores, e sellos del consistorio, como en las joyas que se dan cada mes, e para celebrar las fiestas generales. E fizieronse en este tiempo muy asenaladas obras, que fueron dinas de corona. Despues de muerto e l rey don Martin, por los debates que fueron en e l Reyno de Aragon sobre l a sucesion, ovieron de par t i r algunos de los mantenedores e los principales del ' consistorio para Tortosa y ceso lo del collegio de Barcelona. CFue despues elegido e l rey don Fernando, en cuyo servicio vino don Enrrique de V i l l e n a , e l qual procure? l a reformagion del consistorio y senalaronle por e l pr incipal del los . Las materiasque se proponian en Barcelona estando a l i i don Enrrique:3 Algunas vezes loores de Santa Maria, otras de armas, otras de amores e de buenas costumbres. E llegado e l dia pref igido , congregavanse los mantenedores e trobadores en e l palagio donde yo posava, y de a l i i partiamos ordenadamente con los vergueros d e l a n t e . . . " Cronica de Juan II , ano IV, cap. x i i i . 32 Cotarelo (p. 39n) t e l l s us that " e l rey D. Fernando fue en e l otoho de 1412, a Barcelona, a prestar e l juramento como su Conde, acompanandole D. Enrique, como e l propio afirma," at which time, Cotarelo implies, V i l l e n a undertook the renovation of the Cbnsistorios de l a gaya ciencia which had been allowed to lapse since the death of Martin I. However, V i l l e n a ' s "affirmation" ("fue despues elegido e l rey don Fernando, en cuyo servicio vino don Enrrique de V i l l e n a , e l qual procuro l a reforma-gion del c o n s i s t o r i o . . . " ) is in fact a note interpolated by Alvar Gomez, and, as we have seen, the documents published by Rubio y Lluch and Martin de Riquer have led the la t ter to situate the f ies ta described in the Arte de Trobar in the reign of Martin e l Humano. 31 33 3h See MacDonald, op. c i t . , pp. 156-157. i b i d . , pp. 165-166. 3 5 p. 38n. 36 Bibliotheque Nationale, Par is , MS. Esp. 104, "Historia de l a Vida e Echos del Muy Alto e Esclarecido Rey Don Fernando e l I de Aragon Tutor Del Rey Don Juan e l 2 De C a s t i l l a . " The part of Alvar Garcia's 61+ 37 38 39 1+0 1+1 1+2 1+3 1+1+ chronicle covering the years 11+06-19 was known to Zuri ta , Dormer, Uztarroz and Geronimo de Blancas, after which i t disappeared. Morel-Fatio mentions a sixteenth century manuscript of the Alvar Garcia chronicle covering the years ll+06-l6 in his catalogue of the Spanish Manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Par is , and Menendez Pidal refers to i t in an a r t i c l e in the Revista de F i l o l o g i a , 1915, p. 105• Henri Leonardon considered i t a f if teenth century MS, an opinion shared by MacDonald (op. c i t . , pp. 9 - 1 0 ) . Unfortunately, I was late in rea l i s ing the importance of this MS for our knowledge of Enrique de V i l l e n a , and was unable to consult i t in s i t u in Par is . Inexpli -cable delays in obtaining a photocopy have made i t impossible to incorporate a l l the material on V i l l e n a contained in the MS in this chapter, and I have therefore r e l i e d on MacDonald's history of Fernando de Antequera, based largely on Alvar Garcia's chronicle, for details of a certain epidsode in V i l l e n a ' s l i f e . Cronica de Juan I I , ano II , cap. x v i i . Bastidas were scaling-towers, whereas escalas were more probably scaling-ladders; Alvar Garcia seems to use both words synonymously. MS. Esp. 10l+, f o l s . 1 5 8 v - 1 5 9 r , quoted by MacDonald, p. 188. I follow MacDonald's transcription of the text, but borrow the punctuation from Millas V a l l i c r o s a , "Medicion de alturas en tiempo de Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , " Bol . de l a R. Acad, de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, XXVIII (1959-1960), p. l 8 l . Millas inexplicably reads escasso for hierro ; MacDonald confuses e l mariscal Alvaro with Alvar Garcia himself — i t is in fact Don Alvaro de A v i l a . Mil las (pp. 181-182) explains the mathematical problem involved. Cronica de Juan I I , ano VII , cap. x i i . i b i d . , cap. x x i i i , and cf . CODQIN del A . C . A. , Apendice, pp. ll+l+-ll+5. Cronica de Juan I I , ano VIII , cap. i i . e .g. Cotarelo, pp. 31+-37; MacDonald, pp. 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 , and see also her a r t i c l e "A Coronation Service, ll+ll+," Mod. Lang. Review (July, I9I+I). (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 116-121. i b i d . , p. 118. 5 MS. Esp. 10l+, f o l . 1 9 9 v , quoted by MacDonald, p. l 6 l : "Dios te salve rrey magnifico con corazon fuerte l a trenidad santa e verdadera a t i me envia como a f l o r despaha que te mantengas sienpre en buen conorte y reposaras a l t o en los gielos con arcangeles do es muy fuerte C a s t i l l o encomiendote todo e l pueblo menudo que entre los grandes no sea mal caydo pelar mucho fuerte de verdadera crisma defendedor de clara fee 65 46 47 48 h9 50 51 52 l a yglesia de dios a t i se encomienda creyendo gertamente que le quitaras l a gisma lleuando e l santo padre a l i a dentro en rroraa syn toda fal lengia obedegerle han con gran rreuerengia e gesaran las gismas de aqui adelante." Cf. Sainz de Robles in the introduction to his ed. of the Arte Cisoria (Madrid, 1967) , p. 11. Cronica de Juan I I , ano VIII , cap. v i . i b i d . , cap. v i i i . i b i d . , cap. i x . Cotarelo, p. 31 . A . C . A . , reg. 2407, f o l . 48 v. Vida espanola eh l a epoca gotica (Barcelona, 1 9 4 3 ) , p. 182. 53 ano I, cap. i v . 5U 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 MacDonald, p. 213. See CODOIN del A . C . A . , XXXV, pp. 490-494. Los doze trabajos de Hercules, ed. Margherita Morreale, p. l 4 o . i b i d . , p. 3 Cotarelo, p. 6 3 . Francisca Vendrell Gallostra , "La corte l i t e r a r i a de Alfonso V de Aragon y tres poetas de l a misma," BRAE, XX ( 1933) , p. 6 9 . Cf. Cotarelo, p. 64. Cronica de 'JUah II , ano XIII, cap. i . p. 6 3 . See note 2 . Cronica de Juan II , ano XIV, cap. i i . I base my calculation of this date on the information provided by the Cronica de Juan I I , XIV, xxxix. 66 Halconero, p. 5 and cf . Refundicion, p. 4 l . 67 Halconero, l o c . c i t . , and cf . Refundicion, p. 42, 66 68 69 TO TI 12 13 Ik 15 T8 T9 80 Cronica de Juan II, ano XVI, cap. x i . See the letter from Juan Fernandez de Valera which prefaces Villena's Tratado de l a Consolacion. The letter is dated December 13, 1422; in i t Valera states that he would have written to Villena much earlier, but that Villena was in Aragon: "Lo qual, senor, antes de agora suplicara a vuestra mered, salvo porque lo mas deste tienpo aveys sido en Aragon." (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MS. 6599, f o l . I ). But see part II of this chapter for a possible revision of this dating. There is a slight problem in the dating of this work which I shall deal with in part II of this chapter. See Cotarelo, pp. 88-89 and notes. Halconero, p. 1T9» i b i d . , p. 182. Refundicion, pp. 1T0-1T1. Generaciones y Semblanzas, ed. c i t . , p. 33 76 See Luanco, La alquimia en Espana, vol. I (Barcelona, 1 8 8 9 ) . TT La obra l i t e r a r i a del Marques de Sa.ntilla.na (Madrid, 195T), p. 137-Mena dedicates coplas 126-128 to Villena; see pp. 69-Tl of Blecua's edition in Clasicos Castellanos (Madrid, i 9 6 0 ) . Perez de Guzman's remark that Villena "...dexose correr a algunas viles e rahezes artes de adevinar e interpretar suenos e estornudos e senales e otras cosas tales..." considered in conjunction with his statement that "era tanto inabile e inabto que era grant maravilla" sounds like a distant echo of John of Salisbury, Policraticus, l i b . II, cap. i : "Rusticanum et forte O f f e l l i proverbium est: 'Qui somniis et auguriis credit, nunquam fore securum.' Ego sententiam et verissimara et f i d e l i s -siman puto. Quid enim refert ad consequentiam rerum, s i quis semel aut amplius sternutaverit? Quid s i oscitaverit? Quid denique s i unde-cunque sonum emiserit? Haec tamen ex causis quas physici noverunt, aliquatenus ad eum pertinent circa quern fiunt." (Migne, PL, vol. 199, p. 415). Cotarelo (p. 125) says that Guzman "sabia bien lo que deciaj" but the sentiment is commonplace, and Guzman's mention of divination by means of dreams and sneezes cannot be taken as proof that Villena practised such forms of augury. It also illustrates the inconsistent attitude of the times towards "Magic." See Historia c r i t i c a de l a literatura espafiola, vol. VI (Madrid, 1865 -Facsimile edition, 196*9"), pp"! 352-365 and notes; cf. also Puymaigre, "Don Enrique de Villena et sa Bibliotheque," Revue des Questions  Historiques, XI (Paris, 1 8 T 2 ) , pp. 526-53*+. The test of Cibdarreal's letter (no. 6 6 , addressed to Juan de Mena) runs as follows: "No le basto a Don Enrique de Villena su saber para no morirse; ni tampoco le 67 81 82 83 basto ser t i o del Rey para no ser llamado por encantador. Ha venido a l rey e l tanto de su muerte: e l a conclusion que vos puedo dar sera, que asaz Don Enrique era sabio de lo que a los otros cumplia e nada supo en lo que le cumplia a e l . Dos carretas son cargadas de los l ibros que dexo, que a l Rey le han traido: e porque diz que son magicos e de artes no cumplideras de leer ; e l Rey mando que a l a posada de Fray Lope de Barrientos fuesen llebados; e Fray Lope, que mas se cura de andar (tras) del Principe que de ser revisor de nigro-mancias, f izo quemar mas de cien l i b r o s , que no los vio e l mas que e l Rey de Marroecos, ni mas los entiende que e l Dean de Cida Rodrigo; ca son muchos los que en este tiempo se fan dotos faciendo a otros insipientes e magos; e peor es que se fazan beatos faciendo a otros nigromantes. Tan solo este denuesto no habia gustado del hado este bueno e magnifico Senor. Muchos otros l ibros de v a l i a quedaron a Fray Lope que no seran quemados ni tornados. Si Vuestra Merced me manda una epistola para mostrar a l Rey, para que yo pida a Su Sehoria algunos de los l ibros de los de Don Enrique para vos, sacaremos de pecado l a anima de Fray Lope, e l a anima de Don Enrique habra g l o r i a que no sea su heredero aquel que le ha metido en fama de brujo e nigromante." (I quote from Blanco White, "Quema de l a l i b r e r i a del Marques de V i l l e n a , " in Variedades, o Mensagero de Londres, I , 182U', p. 1U3) . aho XXVIII, cap. v i i i . ed. Getino (Salamanca, 1 9 2 7 ) , pp. 117-118. For another text , offering slight variants, see Mata Carriazo, introd. to Refundicion. pp. CXLI-CXLII. See note 80 above. 68 II . AN INVENTORY OF THE MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED EDITIONS OF VILLENA'S WORKS The following descriptive inventory of the V i l l e n a manuscripts and editions is based on the rather summary descriptions found in Cotarelo's study, the l i s t given by Simon Diaz in his Bibliograf1a de l a l i te ra tura Qk espanola, and Margherita Morreale's detailed descriptions of the extant copies of Los doze trabajos de Hercules. However, I have, to a certain extent, been able to supplement and correct these works, and the present catalogue is perhaps the most comprehensive l i s t i n g at present available. My investigations have not led to any s tar t l ing new discoveries, but the l i s t does include a number of items which one w i l l not f ind elsewhere, together with more precise details concerning the provenance of certain texts ; some manuscripts are described here in deta i l for t