UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

om a "Whopper" to a "Green and Clean" development : modernity, environmentalism, and the Canadian-American… Van Huizen, Philip 2007

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_2007-0626.pdf [ 3.07MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0101198.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0101198-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0101198-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0101198-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0101198-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0101198-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0101198-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0101198-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0101198.ris

Full Text

FROM A "WHOPPER" TO A "GREEN AND CLEAN" DEVELOPMENT: MODERNITY, ENVIRONMENTALISM, AND THE CANADIAN-AMERICAN LIBBY DAM PROJECT by P H I L I P V A N H U L Z E N A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (History) T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Augus t 2007 © Philip Van Huizen, 2007 ABSTRACT In the 1940s, planners in both the American West and British Columbia were in the throes of what anthropologist James Scott has termed "high modernism." Development rhetoric during this period promoted the construction of large dams in ways that stressed the rational "conquest of nature" using tools provided by science and technology. The Libby Project, included as part of the Columbia River Treaty and located along the Kootenay River in northwestern Montana and southeastern British Columbia, was initially promoted in a similar fashion. By the time construction of the Libby Dam began in 1966, though, a growing environmental movement changed how planners, such as the U S Army Corps of Engineers in Montana and various scientists, politicians, and bureaucrats in Brit ish Columbia, described and designed the Libby Dam and its reservoir, Lake Koocanusa. This thesis traces how the "environmental turn" affected the Libby Project from 1948 to the late 1970s. I argue that the larger North American environmental movement gave pre-existing conservation groups and government agencies in Montana and Brit ish Columbia greater influence over politicians and legislation. In response, L ibby Project planners implemented mitigation measures, "blended" the dam and reservoir into the Kootenay landscape, and appropriated First Nation's symbols and artefacts to make the project seem "native" to the Canadian-American Kootenay Basin. Such efforts also affected how local residents in the area viewed environmentalism and the Libby Dam. In this way, L ibby project experts and Kootenay residents were affected by, and a part of, the more general shift from high modernism to environmental modernism that occurred in North America in the mid-to-late twentieth century. T A B L E O F CONTENTS Abstract i i Table o f Contents i i i Acknowledgemen t s i v Introduction 1 1. "The M o s t Useless L a n d " : H i g h M o d e r n i t y and the L i b b y Project 7 2. A M i t i g a t e d Development : Env i ronmen ta l i sm and the L i b b y Project 19 3. A " N a t i v e " Development : Def lec t ing C r i t i c i s m and Shaping P u b l i c Percept ion 32 C o n c l u s i o n : Env i ronmen ta l M o d e r n i s m and the L e g a c y o f the L i b b y D a m 40 B i b l i o g r a p h y 48 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A number o f institutions and people helped me w i t h this thesis. A Canada Graduate Scholarship A w a r d from the S o c i a l Sciences and Humani t ies Research C o u n c i l o f Canada greatly aided the research and wr i t i ng process. M a n y different archivists and l ibrarians were helpful , especial ly R i c h Aars tad o f the M o n t a n a Hi s to r i ca l Society , who a l lowed me to read and cite his paper on the L i b b y D a m . U B C professors T i n a L o o , Rober t M c D o n a l d , Ma t thew Evenden , Joy D i x o n , and E r i c N e l l i s , as w e l l as K i n d y G o s a l o f the C o l u m b i a B a s i n Trust , p rov ided valuable feedback on various drafts. Professor Steven L e e has been an extraordinary supervisor whose patience and constructive c r i t i c i sm has greatly improved m y research and wr i t i ng sk i l l s . I am also grateful to m y parents, who read numerous drafts and proposals and have always supported and encouraged me. F i n a l l y , I am indebted to m y wife , He lena , who helped w i t h every aspect o f this project - f rom bra ins torming to researching to edi t ing. 1 Introduct ion In 1972 the U.S . A r m y Corps o f Engineers (Corps) he ld an international compet i t ion for a 27 by 10 foot sculpture to commemorate the L i b b y D a m , located just north o f L i b b y , M o n t a n a , and its 150-kilometre long reservoir, L a k e Koocanusa , w h i c h extends into southeastern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The w i n n i n g design, by Albe r t W e i n o f E n c i n o , Ca l i fo rn i a , was instal led i n 1975 on the upstream w a l l o f the L i b b y D a m Treaty Tower , a 57-foot structure constructed hal fway a long the dam's crest. In the sculpture, a muscular , lo inc lo th-c lad " Indian" man, meant to symbo l i ze the dam, b locks the path o f two w i l d horses, meant to represent the raging Koo tenay R i v e r . 1 L i g h t streams d o w n from a par t ia l ly c loudy sky, as i f f rom heaven, w h i l e Canada geese f ly i n the air above and two fish s w i m i n ca lmed waters at the man ' s feet. The entire scene rests atop a half-eagle, half-maple leaf to acknowledge the two nations i n v o l v e d in the project. The sculpture is s t r ik ing, not on ly as a piece o f artwork, but also because the d a m is not inc luded i n the scene, nor is any other image t radi t ional ly associated w i t h technology, such as power l ines, gears, or levers. Instead, by appropriat ing an image o f a stereotypical, "prehistoric Ind ian" for the d a m and i nc lud ing images o f f ish and geese, the sculpture naturalized the L i b b y D a m , w h i c h separated it f rom previous artwork that had depicted dams as machines that conquer nature. 2 Thus , the sculpture reflects how planners, at the t ime, wanted the L i b b y Project to be seen: an example o f international cooperat ion and 1 Spelled "Kootenai" in the United States. Although rivers often cross international boundaries, their spellings sometimes do not. In the interest of consistency, I use the Canadian spelling in this paper, except when quoting from American sources. 2 Sculptor Oscar J .W. Hansen has explained that his Greco-Roman styled artwork for the Hoover D a m was meant to symbolize that "man's control over natural forces has grown in proportion to his increasing knowledge of the true nature of this universe of which we are a part." See, Oscar J .W. Hansen, With the Look of Eagles: Sculptures at Hoover Dam (Washington D C : Bureau of Reclamation, Department of the Interior, 1967), 10. For reflections on other Western American dams through artwork, see Newton Harrison et. al., Arrested Rivers (Niwot, C O : University Press of Colorado, 1994). 2 technical achievement that maintained a l i n k wi th both the natural environment and the history o f the Kootenay R i v e r B a s i n . 3 The design and promot ion o f the L i b b y Project, however , d id not a lways contain this message. The process that led to its comple t ion was long and controversial and covered a per iod when general perceptions o f the environment, land use, and development shifted. W h e n the idea o f d a m m i n g the Koo tenay R i v e r near the forty-ninth paral le l first occurred in the 1940s, planners i n both the A m e r i c a n W e s t and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a were i n the throes o f what James Scott has termed "h igh modern i sm," a t ime that Patr ick M c C u l l y , perhaps more appropriately for this paper, has label led "the b i g dam era ." 4 Deve lopment rhetoric dur ing this per iod promoted the construction o f large dams, such as the H o o v e r and G r a n d Cou lee i n the A m e r i c a n Wes t and the K e n n e y D a m in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , i n ways that stressed the rat ional "conquest o f nature" us ing tools provided by science and technology . 5 Inspired by the enormous popular i ty o f such dams, L i b b y Project supporters in i t i a l ly promoted their d a m i n a s imi la r fashion. B y the t ime construction o f the L i b b y D a m began i n 1966, though, a g rowing environmental movement caused many to question the benefits o f high-modernis t projects and to focus on their adverse environmental impacts. T h i s , i n turn, affected how planners described and designed subsequent projects. L i b b y Project planners changed 3 US Army Corps of Engineers, "Libby Dam Treaty Tower Commemorative Sculpture Competition" (Seattle District, 1972), City of Vancouver Archives (CVA), Ilek Imredy Collection, 620-D-5, file 1. 4 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); for analysis of high-modernism in BC see Tina Loo, "People in the Way: Modernity, Environment and Society on the Arrow Lakes" BC Studies 142-143 (Summer, 2004), 161-196; and Am Keeling and Robert McDonald, "The Profligate Province: Roderick Haig-Brown and the Modernizing of British Columbia" Journal of Canadian Studies 36 (3) (Fall 2001), 7-23. Patrick McCully, Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams (London: Zed Books, 1996). 5 R.J. Forbes, The Conquest of Nature: Technology and its Consequences (New York: Praeger, 1968). 3 their designs and promotions f rom ones that stressed the dam's "conquest o f nature" to others that focused on their compat ib i l i ty ; technology no longer dominated nature but complemented and inter twined wi th it. In this way , L i b b y Planners anticipated the decline o f large dam construct ion that w o u l d occur in the Un i t ed States and Canada due to environmental pressure i n the mid-1970s and the 1980s respect ively . 6 The L i b b y D a m , then, spans more than just the wid th o f the Koo tenay R i v e r . The process leading up to and inc lud ing its construction also stretches between the high-modernist , b i g dam era and the contemporary per iod o f environmental modern ism. A pessimist ic argument might posit that planners changed their designs and sought to b lend the L i b b y D a m and reservoir into the Kootenay R i v e r V a l l e y on ly to " s e l l " the project i n the face o f increasing environmental c r i t i c i sm. Indeed, this has been the story told by many scholars who have examined development projects i n the twentieth century Canadian and A m e r i c a n Wests . These works , although they acknowledge that a general po l i t i ca l shift towards more "envi ronmenta l ly f r iendly" pol ic ies occurred in the Un i t ed States and Canada dur ing the 1960s and 1970s, s t i l l pit technology, moderni ty, and development against nature, sustainabil i ty, and environmental a c t i v i sm . 7 Recent scholarship, however , has compl ica ted such dual isms. Inspired by historians W i l l i a m C r o n o n and R i c h a r d W h i t e , some A m e r i c a n scholars have chal lenged 6 Patrick M c C u l l y , Silenced Rivers, 23-28. 7 Patrick M c C u l l y , Silenced Rivers; Matthew D . Evenden, Fish versus Power: An Environmental History of the Fraser River (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 270-321; Samuel P. Hays, Beauty, Health and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955-1985 (Cambridge and New York : Cambridge University Press, 1987); Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New Y o r k and London: W . W . Norton and Co . , 1987); Donald Worster, Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985). 4 nature-technology binaries by examin ing topics as diverse as the creation o f "wi lderness" to the evolu t ion o f organisms used as technology by humans. 8 Rober t Got t l ieb has chal lenged the idea that the environmental movement that emerged after 1970 was entirely new and separate f rom progressive movements that had existed i n the U n i t e d States since the 1890s. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a historians T i n a L o o , A r n K e e l i n g , and Rober t M c D o n a l d , on the other hand, have chal lenged the homogenei ty o f h igh modern i sm by showing that alternative v iews o f moderni ty competed throughout the modern iz ing o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 9 A l t h o u g h this work has been fruitful and exci t ing , for the most part scholars s t i l l assume that a strict nature-technology binary continued to exist for "experts" i n v o l v e d i n large-scale construction projects i n the twentieth cen tury . 1 0 A n examinat ion o f the design and promot ion o f the L i b b y Project, though, reveals that this assumption is too s impl is t ic . L i b b y Project planners, especia l ly after 1960, were aware o f and often exploi ted apparent contradictions between a desire to develop and modernize the A m e r i c a n W e s t and B r i t i s h William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature" in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1995), 69-90; Richard White, The Organic Machine (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995); Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement Revised Edition (Washington: Island Press, 2005, originally published, 1992); Jeffrey K. Stine and Joel A. Tarr, "At the Intersection of Histories: Technology and the Environment," Technology and Culture 39 (October 1998): 601-640; Jennifer Price, Flight Maps: Adventures With Nature in Modern America (New York: Basic Books, 1999); Edmund Russel, "Introduction: The Garden in the Machine: Toward an Evolutionary History of Technology," in Susan R. Schrepfer and Philip Scranton eds., Industrializing Organisms: Introducing Evolutionary History (New York and London: Routledge, 2004): 1-16. 9 Loo, "People in the Way:", 161-196; Keeling and McDonald, "The Profligate Province," 7-23. 1 0 By experts, I mean professional planners involved in the design and promotion of large dam projects, such as architects, engineers, and developers. This also includes biologists and sociologists who, in the late 1960s, were used as experts to mitigate the effects of dams on flora, fauna, and humans living nearby. Experts involved in the construction of "natural" tourist destinations, such as National Parks and Niagara Falls, on the other hand, have been depicted as more aware of grey areas between nature and technology. See Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935-1970 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001); and William Irwin, The New Niagara: Tourism, Technology, and the Landscape of Niagara Falls 1776-1917 (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996). 5 C o l u m b i a and a desire to preserve its " f ront ier - l ike" qua l i t i e s . " Deve lopment planners for the L i b b y Project were part o f the environmental shift that occurred after the Second W o r l d W a r , and incorporated envi ronmenta l ly modern ideas into their projects. T h i s argument is compl ica ted , though, by the fact that the Koo tenay R i v e r B a s i n straddles the Canad ian -Amer i can border. A s some scholars have pointed out, the po l i t i ca l boundaries o f nation-states encapsulate more than just the l imi t s o f a nation's geography. T h e y are also powerful socia l constructions that often cause academics to define and examine their studies on ly w i th in the geographical l imi t s o f their respective nation-states. Border lands , or "bioregions ," such as the Kootenay R i v e r B a s i n , however , and the rivers, people, f lora, and fauna that inhabit them, do not adhere to the same po l i t i ca l ly created borders. ' A n y study o f the Koo tenay B a s i n , then, must cross these same boundaries, wh i l e also accounting for how they have affected the area. 1 ' The term "frontier" has a long and contested history. It is used here in the form popularized by Frederick Jackson Turner, who described the American frontier as both a physical, " w i l d " place and a formative process that "created" Americans as they tried to tame the West. See Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," (1893) reprinted and abridged in Weber and Rausch, eds, Where Cultures Meet: Frontiers in Latin American History (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1994): 1-18. For a discussion of how this term has since been contested see Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron , "From Borderlands to Borders: Empires, Nation-States, and the Peoples in Between in North American History," American Historical Review 104(3) (June 1999): 815-16. 1 2 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism Revised Edit ion (London: Verso, 1983, 2003); Ian Tyre l l , "Mak ing Nat ions/Making States: American Historians in the Context of Empire," The Journal of American History 86(3) (1999): 1015-44. 1 3 North American borderland studies are extensive. For an overview of Spanish/Mexican-American works, see Dav id J. Weber, "The Spanish Borderlands, Historiography Redux," The History Teacher 39(1) (November 2005), 43-56; For western Canadian-American borderland studies see, Sterling Evans ed., The Borderlands of the American and Canadian Wests: Essays on Regional History of the Forty-Ninth Parallel (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2006); Elizabeth Jameson, "Dancing on the R i m , Tiptoeing through Minefields: Challenges and Promises of Borderlands," Pacific Historical Review 75(1) (2006), 1-25; Paul W . Hirt ed., Terra Pacifica: People and Place in the Northwest States and Western Canada (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1998); John M . Findley and K e n S. Coates, eds., Parallel Destinies: Canadian-American Relations West of the Rockies (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002). For a discussion of the term "bioregion," see Dan Flores, "Place: A n Argument for Bioregional History," Environmental History Review 18(4) (1994): 1-18. For examples of "bioregion" scholarship, see Katherine Morrissey, Mental Territories: Mapping the Inland Empire (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997); Theodore Binnema, Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environmental History of the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University o f Oklahoma Press, 2001). 6 The purpose o f this thesis is to examine how the environmental movement i n the Pac i f ic Northwest and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a affected the promot ion and construct ion o f the L i b b y D a m and the mi t igat ion o f its environmental effects, f rom 1948 unt i l the late 1970s. A s such, it is d iv ided into four sections, roughly organized chrono log ica l ly . The first part, after a br ief history and descript ion o f the Koo tenay R i v e r B a s i n , examines the early years o f the L i b b y Project, f rom 1948 unt i l the early 1960s. D u r i n g this per iod the L i b b y Project was first promoted as another example o f h igh modern development, but ran into controversy because o f compet ing development schemes i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The second part examines how the general shift in publ ic op in ion concerning the environment dur ing the 1960s, especial ly i n urban centres l i ke Vancouver , He lena , and Seattle, changed the L i b b y Project. D u r i n g this period older conservation and preservation groups and government agencies a t federal , p rov inc ia l , state, and local , levels gained greater influence over development projects and were able to force development agencies to adopt environmental mit igat ion strategies. The third section analyzes how such environmental is t pressure forced those responsible for creating L a k e K o o c a n u s a i n the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a S o c i a l Credi t government and the U S A r m y Corps o f Engineers to change their development po l ic ies . A l t h o u g h s t i l l commit ted to constructing large dams, each developed strategies to ensure that the L i b b y Project w o u l d be seen as environmenta l ly modern. F i n a l l y , i n the fourth section I conclude by br ief ly descr ibing the legacy that such a change i n "the pol i t ics o f development" has had for the Kootenay R i v e r B a s i n . 1 4 1 4 H.V. Nelles, The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydro-Electric Power in Ontario, 1849-1941 (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada Ltd., 1974). 7 1. " T h e Most Useless L a n d " : H igh Modern i ty and the L i b b y Project The history o f the Koo tenay B a s i n , much l i ke the water that defines its l imi t s , has never been static. The people w h o have inhabited it, as w e l l as their perceptions o f the area, have been in constant f lux , reacting to both phys ica l changes i n the bas in ' s eco logy and to changing ideas about how to manipulate its environment. In the early twentieth century, many Canadian and A m e r i c a n pol i t ic ians and planners began to promote the construction o f a large-scale dam to control the seasonal f looding o f the Koo tenay R i v e r and to produce electr ici ty. A s part o f a larger, g lobal ideo logy o f h igh modern i sm, its supporters promoted the dam using rhetoric that stressed "man ' s " abi l i ty to dominate and subdue nature. A l t h o u g h a treaty that w o u l d a l low the dam to be bui l t was unan imous ly ratified by both countries i n 1964, such a massive development was not without controversy. H o w e v e r , those w h o were not in favour o f it s t i l l supported the "conquest o f nature" but had different ideas about where and how it was should be accompl ished . The Koo tenay B a s i n has long been separated by the r iver that runs through it. The Koo tenay R i v e r originates i n Koo tenay Na t iona l Park in the R o c k y Moun ta ins o f eastern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . F r o m here it f lows south through the R o c k y M o u n t a i n Trench , across the Canad ian -Amer i can border, and into Mon tana . Af ter reaching the town o f L i b b y , Mon tana , it turns northwest to Bonners Ferry , Idaho, curves north, and crosses back into B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , near Cres ton, after w h i c h it eventual ly empties into the C o l u m b i a R i v e r . In total, the Koo tenay R i v e r is approximately 746 ki lometers (464 mi les) long and drains a basin o f nearly 50,000 square ki lometers (19,300 square m i l e s ) . 1 5 1 5 M.R. Whatley, Effects on Fish in Kootenay River of Construction of Libby Dam (Victoria, Fish and Wildlife Branch, Department of Recreation and Conservation, April 1972), 2-3. Whatley gives his measurements in miles, the conversions are my own. 8 Before the mid-eighteenth century, the Koo tenay B a s i n was predominant ly inhabited by the Ktunaxa /Koo tena i peoples, who loose ly separated themselves into two groups according to the upper (eastern) and lower (western) arms o f the Koo tenay R i v e r , d iv ided roughly at L o w e r Koo tenay Fa l l s , near present-day L i b b y , M o n t a n a . 1 6 U p p e r Ktunaxa /Koo tena i managed large populations o f horses and often crossed the mountains onto the prairies to hunt buffalo. L o w e r Ktunaxa /Koo tena i , on the other hand, were more stationary and predominant ly hunted and fished wi th in the Koo tenay B a s i n . Af te r the forty-ninth paral lel was imposed on the region i n 1846, more and more non-Ktunaxa /Koo tena i settlers entered the area i n search o f minera l and forest resources. K tunaxa /Koo tena i populat ions were decimated by disease and most were eventual ly forced on to seven different reserves by government officials in the 1870s and 1880s: two in northwestern M o n t a n a and northern Idaho respectively and five i n southeastern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h i s began a l ong per iod o f po l i t i ca l marginal iza t ion o f the K tunaxa /Koo tena i , i n both Canada and the U n i t e d States, w h i c h continued unti l w e l l after the L i b b y D a m was f i n i s h e d . 1 7 N o n - K t u n a x a / K o o t e n a i settlers were first drawn to the f loodpla in regions o f the lower Koo tenay R i v e r in the western part o f the Koo tenay B a s i n , near Bonners Fe r ry Idaho, and Cres ton, N e l s o n , and T r a i l i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . Large settler populat ions were 1 6 Also known as the Kootenay First Nation in British Columbia. In 1990, they officially changed their name to the Ktunaxa Nation. In Montana and Idaho they refer to themselves predominantly as the Kootenai, but also as the Ksanka. See, Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy, First Nations' Ethnography and Ethnohistory in British Columbia's Lower Kootenay/Columbia Hydropower Region (Victoria: British Columbia Indian Language Project, Prepared for Columbia Power Cor., 2000), 9-12. Throughout this paper I will refer to them together as the Ktunaxa/Kootenai. 17 Not So Long Ago: Recollections of Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Elders coordinated by Troy Hunter (Cranbrook: Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council, 1999); Kootenai Cultural Committee of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes, Ktunaxa Legends (Pablo, MT: Salish Kootenai College Press, 1997); Spritzer, Waters of Wealth, 6-54; Olga Weydemeyer Johnson, Flathead and Kootenay: The Rivers, the Tribes and the Regions Traders (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1969). 9 drawn to the area's minera l wealth and product ive so i l , as one o f the most fertile plateaus west o f the R o c k y Moun ta in s was located here. B y the late nineteenth century, steamship operations were set up a long the lower Koo tenay R i v e r . In the eastern part o f the Koo tenay B a s i n , l ogg ing and m i n i n g operations began to f lour ish in L i b b y and E u r e k a i n Mon tana , and i n Cranbrook , K i m b e r l e y , Fernie , and Fort Steele, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a after the 1890s. F a r m i n g was more diff icul t a long the upper Koo tenay R i v e r , though, and on ly a scattered number o f ranches had been set up outside o f m i n i n g towns by the end o f the 18 Second W o r l d W a r . A s such, early v iews about development and moderniza t ion var ied in the Koo tenay B a s i n . Ext rac t ive resource areas, such as towns that supported m i n i n g and logg ing industries, generally supported major growth and development schemes. Smal ler-scale ranchers and farmers, on the other hand, desired growth on ly i n immediate relat ion to the lands they occupied and generally preferred less "outs ide" interference. 1 9 H o w e v e r , such interference increased as high modernist ideas spread i n the Koo tenay B a s i n , especia l ly after the Second W o r l d W a r . H i g h modern i sm can be loose ly defined as a more specific and exaggerated form o f modern ism. B o t h denote a be l ie f in scientific ra t ional ism, technology, and standardization, but believers in h igh moderni ty apply these ideas on a mass scale. Th i s requires r i g id , "top d o w n " control , generally by pol i t ic ians and bureaucratic "experts," i n order to control nature (both human and non-human). A c c o r d i n g to James Scott, [high modernism] is best conce ived as a strong, one might even say muscle-bound, vers ion o f the self-confidence about scientif ic and technical progress, the expansions o f product ion, the g rowing satisfaction o f human needs, the mastery l s Spritzer, Waters of Wealth, 32-117. 1 9 Hugo Tureck, Social Impact of the Libby Dam, Lincoln County: The Case of Absentee or Extra-Local Influence (Bozeman: Montana State University, 1972), 8-47. 10 o f nature ( inc luding human nature), and, above a l l , the rat ional design o f soc ia l order commensurate w i th the scientific understanding o f natural l a w s . 2 0 The emergence o f h igh modern i sm as a predominant (though, not the sole) ideo logy amongst planners and government off ic ials i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and the A m e r i c a n Pac i f ic Northwest i n the immediate years preceding and those f o l l o w i n g the Second W o r l d W a r 2 1 ' has been wel l -documented. In this per iod, federal, p rov inc ia l , and state planners and pol i t ic ians , as w e l l as many private interests, envis ioned their areas indus t r ia l iz ing i n a homogenous fashion that cou ld be rat ional ly planned and control led. A major component o f such planning i nvo lved the construction o f "mega-projects," such as the large-scale manipula t ion o f r iver systems, especia l ly w i th enormous mult ipurpose dams. A m e r i c a n government agencies l i ke the A r m y Corps o f Engineers , the Bureau o f Rec lama t ion and the Tennessee V a l l e y Au thor i ty became famous for the construction o f immense dam networks a long the Co lo rado , C o l u m b i a , and Tennessee R ive r s . These networks were w i d e l y credited wi th modern iz ing their respective r iver basins by produc ing electr ici ty for industry and p rov id ing i r r igat ion and f lood control for 22 large-scale agriculture. Pol i t ic ians and planners in other areas o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , and indeed the w o r l d , envis ioned harnessing r iver waters and constructing dams i n a s imi la r fashion i n other r iver basins. A s A . G . L . M c N a u g h t o n , Canadian C o m m i s s i o n e r for the Canad ian -Amer i can water management insti tution, the International Joint C o m m i s s i o n " Scott, 4. For discussions on modernity in general, see Stuart Hall et al., eds., Modernity: An Introduction to Modern Societies (Oxford: Blackwell Pub., 1996). 2 1 See, Loo, "People in the Way"; Keeling and McDonald, "The Profligate Province"; Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West, 270-96; Robert E. Ficken, Rufus Woods, The Columbia River, and the Building of Modern Washington (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1995);Michael P. Malone et. al. Montana: A History of Two Centuries Revised Edition (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 314-46; Reisner, Cadillac Desert, 151-75. 2 2 Kevin Wehr, America 'sFight Over Water: The Environmental and Political Effects of Large-Scale Water Systems (New York: Routledge, 2004), 1-58; McCully, Silenced Rivers, l-28;Loo, "People in the Way," 163-66. 11 ( IJC) , expla ined i n 1954: "an expanding industr ial economy requires continuous and ever-increasing sources o f electr ical power. Canadian hydro-electr ic power potential is large, but to a great extent this power potential has not been assessed and most o f our possible developments are s t i l l to be planned." " Undeve loped rivers were seen as wastes o f potential energy sources, wh i l e a developed r iver was seen as the nucleus o f a system that w o u l d modernize its surrounding region. The poss ib i l i ty o f d a m m i n g the eastern Koo tenay R i v e r first arose after major f looding occurred in the W e s t Kootenay flats i n 1934, and was investigated by the Corps throughout the 1940s. H o w e v e r , the idea was not seriously considered unt i l 1948, after the worst f looding i n decades k i l l e d fifty people and caused over a hundred m i l l i o n dollars worth o f damage to property and crops a long the Koo tenay and C o l u m b i a rivers i n Mon tana , Idaho, Wash ing ton , and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 2 4 A s a result, in 1950 the 8 1 s t Congress passed the F l o o d C o n t r o l A c t , w h i c h authorized the Corps to design and construct a mult ipurpose dam to control f looding and generate electr ici ty near L i b b y , Mon tana , provided an international agreement c o u l d be reached . 2 5 In 1951, the Corps submitted an applicat ion for this dam to the I J C , w h i c h had been established in 1909 by the International Boundary Waters Treaty to negotiate the development o f shared water resources between the U n i t e d States and Canada. H o w e v e r , due to disagreements over the dam's locat ion , compensat ion for f looded lands, and the poss ib i l i ty o f d iver t ing the Kootenay into the C o l u m b i a R i v e r i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the I J C d id not successfully 2 3 Letter from A G L McNaughton to the Secretary of the IJC Treasury Board, 2 November, 1954, p. 1, Simon Fraser University Archives (SFUA), W A C Bennett Papers, F-55 Container 47 File F-55-29-0-12. 2 4 Neil A . Swainson, Conflict over the Columbia (Montreal: McGil l-Queen ' s University Press, 1979), 41-43; Donald E. Spritzer, Waters of Wealth (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Co., 1979), 136-137. 2 5 "New Dams to Control Floods Asked" Province July 27, 1948, p. 1; "Canada, U.S. Plan Curbs for Kootenay" Vancouver Sun July 27, 1948, p.9; "Flood Control in Northwest Recognized as International" Christian Science Monitor August 5, 1948, p. 13. "U.S. to Seek Authorization to Build Big Kootenay Dam" Victoria Times Aug. 19, 1950, p. 17. 12 negotiate terms for the L i b b y D a m unt i l 1961, when it was inc luded as part o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty. The C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty, signed i n January 1961 by Canadian P r ime M i n i s t e r John Diefenbaker and A m e r i c a n President D w i g h t E i senhower and ratified i n 1964, p rov ided B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w i t h nearly U S $ 6 5 m i l l i o n to construct three storage dams along the Canadian por t ion o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r to provide storage for A m e r i c a n dams downstream. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was also entitled to ha l f o f the addit ional power that A m e r i c a n dams w o u l d produce as a result o f the extra storage, w h i c h it so ld to the Un i t ed States for a thirty-year l u m p sum o f U S $275 m i l l i o n . 2 6 The treaty also gave the Un i t ed States permiss ion to construct the L i b b y D a m , and thus f lood part o f southeastern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , but d id not compensate B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a for f looded lands nor for the cost o f developing its side o f the reservoir. In addit ion, no regulations or guidelines were inc luded that addressed the environmental or socia l impacts o f the L i b b y D a m . F r o m the beginning , A m e r i c a n planners and pol i t ic ians , especia l ly those situated downstream, ove rwhe lming ly supported d a m m i n g the upper Koo tenay R i v e r . These supporters bragged that the dam w o u l d be almost 450 feet h igh and over 3000 feet wide and proudly described it as a "whopper" after the 1950 F l o o d C o n t r o l A c t passed easi ly 28 through Congress . Support for the dam ranged f rom the practical to the symbo l i c . The four year lapse between signing and ratification was the result of a controversy between W A C Bennett, the Canadian government, and private lobbyists, such as former IJC Chairman A : G . L . McNaughton, over British Columbia's right to sell power to the United States, the possibility of diverting the Kootenay River into the Columbia River, and the autonomous management of Canadian water resources. This was eventually resolved when the Canadian Government granted B C the right to sell its power entitlement to the United States. For a detailed account of this controversy and the Columbia River Treaty see Swainson's Conflict Over the Columbia; John V . Krutilla The Columbia River Treaty (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967); and Loo, "People in the Way," 163-64, 181-88. 27 The Columbia River Treaty, Protocol and Related Documents (February, 1964), Article 12, sec. 2 , 66-67. 2 8 "New Dam is a Whopper," Province, Nov., 14, 1950, p.l 1; Spritzer, 137. 13 M o n t a n a Congressman W e s l e y D ' E w a r t argued that " a l l w i l l admit" the land to be f looded had a very l o w agricul tural value, whereas f lood control afforded the reclamation o f "extremely fertile l ands . " 2 9 Pract ical arguments such as this stated that the L i b b y D a m enabled the Koo tenay r iver system to be reorganized. F l o o d i n g that generally occurred i n the fertile lower port ion o f the B a s i n w o u l d be moved to the upper region where agricul tural potential was greatly inferior. U l t ima te ly , the argument went, this w o u l d mean greater weal th and prosperity for everyone. Just as important, though, was the dam's symbo l i c value. Congressman M i k e M a n s f i e l d suggested that the dam be constructed by both countries on the Canadian-A m e r i c a n border, arguing it cou ld be " . . . a s y m b o l o f the friendship and the dependence, one upon the other, o f the people o f Canada and the U n i t e d States ." 3 0 M o r e than just a symbo l o f peaceful international relations, though, the dam w o u l d also be a testament to male ingenuity and dominance over the natural w o r l d . A s Idaho Senator Frank C h u r c h expla ined, " . . . the L i b b y D a m [wi l l ] demonstrate again that man is not powerless to control his env i ronment . " 3 1 The symbol i c value o f the L i b b y D a m was transferred to its in i t i a l designs, w h i c h were power fu l ly s imple and undecorated. Released i n the late 1940s, early drawings depicted the dam as an unadorned mass o f concrete that stretched majest ical ly across the "Advantages of Dam Extolled" Daily Colonist, April 9, 1953, p.3. 3 0 "Senator Seeks Friendship Dam" Daily Colonist, April 7, 1960, p . l . 3 1 As quoted in Spritzer, 143. It is unclear whether Church's use of the term "man" here refers to humanity in general, or if it is indicative of how technology was often gendered male while nature was gendered female. Evidence for how descriptions of the Libby Dam may or may not have been gendered is limited. Unfortunately it is beyond this paper to expand on this point. For more detailed analyses of gendered descriptions of human-nature and human-technology relationships and power dynamics see Susan R. Schrepfer, Nature's Altars: Mountains, Gender, and American Environmentalism (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2005); Virginia Scharff, ed., Seeing Nature Through Gender (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2003); Ruth Oldenziel, Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999); Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work For Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1983). 14 Koo tenay R i v e r V a l l e y , dwarf ing the mountains, trees, and r iver also inc luded i n the 32 drawings. These designs and the rhetoric that went w i th them were a continuat ion o f ideas that had been appl ied to large development projects throughout the early to m i d -twentieth century, beginning wi th the H o o v e r D a m in the late 1920s. H o o v e r ' s m a i n architect, G o r d o n B . Kaufmann , rejected designs that inc luded, among other things, two A m e r i c a n eagle statues perched on the dam's observation towers. K a u f m a n n ' s revised design a imed for s imp l i c i t y and clean l ines; the dam w o u l d speak for i tself as a s y m b o l o f "greatness, power , and d o m i n a t i o n . " 3 3 Kaufmann ' s design worked , and the dam attracted mi l l i ons o f tourists i n its first decade, many o f w h o m were left speechless w i th a " w o r l d ' s fair fee l ing" o f a w e . 3 4 A c c o r d i n g to historian D a v i d N y e , this " w o r l d ' s fair f ee l ing" was the result o f a dis t inct ly A m e r i c a n obsession wi th the " technologica l sub l ime ." P rev ious ly , Amer i cans had reserved the term subl ime for natural objects, such as N iaga ra Fa l l s and the G r a n d C a n y o n , w h i c h were seen as potent examples o f G o d ' s creation and caused visi tors to feel terrified and entranced simultaneously. W i t h the onset o f the Industrial R e v o l u t i o n i n the late-nineteenth century, though, nature increas ingly lost its subl ime status to technological wonders, such as sky scrapers, bridges, and dams. L i b b y Project designers i n the U n i t e d States, then, designed their dam i n such a w a y that capi ta l ized on and i l Pictures and discussions of initial designs of the dam can be found in the Guy Constable collection on microfilm at the B C Archives (BCA), A00671, 21-1; also in "New Dam is a Whopper," Province, Nov., 14, 1950, p.l 1. 3 3 Theodore Steinberg, "That World's Fair Feeling': Control of Water in 20 ,h-Century America," Technology and Culture, 34, 2 (April, 1993): 402. 3 4 Wallace Stegner, "Myths of the Western Dam," Saturday Review October 23, as quoted in Steinberg, 401. 15 encouraged these sorts o f reactions f rom visi tors , further strengthening their "affection for spectacular t echnolog ies . " 3 5 W i t h i n Canadian and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a government and p lanning ci rc les , the L i b b y D a m was much more controversial . Howeve r , this was not because o f the potential destruction that f looding w o u l d cause for B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s populat ion or eco logy or because Canadians were less enthralled by the technological subl ime than Amer i cans . Instead, controversies i n v o l v e d compensat ion for power benefits and whether it was more i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s interest to divert or dam the Kootenay R i v e r wi th in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . N o one questioned the fact that the r iver needed some sort o f massive development. In fact, the most v iable alternative plan to divert the Kootenay R i v e r into the C o l u m b i a w o u l d have caused far more destruction, since a much greater quantity o f the C o l u m b i a and Kootenay R i v e r V a l l e y s w o u l d have been inundated." Those i n favour o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty dams i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a jus t i f ied their construction us ing high-modernist arguments s imi la r to ones made in the U n i t e d States. One o f the pr inc ipa l purveyors o f such arguments was W . A . C . Bennett . Bennett and his pro-development S o c i a l Credi t government, w h i c h ran the province f rom 1952 to 1972, engaged i n numerous projects to modernize and connect the ou t ly ing regions o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . Bennet t ' s "b lack top government" i n the 1950s, for example , constructed more h ighways , bridges, and roads than a l l previous governments c o m b i n e d . 3 7 The S o c i a l Cred i t government approached the construction o f mult ipurpose dams i n a s imi la r fashion. In a speech to commemorate the formal rat if ication o f the 3 5 David E. Nye, American Technological Sublime (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), xii i ; xi-43. 3 6 David J. Mitchell, W.A.C. Bennett and the Rise of British Columbia (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1983 second edition, 1995), 298. 3 7 Loo, "People in the Way," 162-63. 16 C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty at the Peace A r c h Cros s ing between Wash ing ton and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , Bennett stated: " W e have a l l witnessed the benefits to every sector o f a developing economy w h i c h f o l l o w the development o f massive b locks o f hydro-electr ic power. It is inf in i te ly . . . rewarding to see them extended to mi l l i ons o f people i n both our countries."" These arguments were also c o m m o n l y used in the southwestern Koo tenay f loodpla in region near T r a i l and Cres ton, where farms were situated on over 15,000 acres o f rec la imed land. In the eyes o f L i b b y promoters, the development o f these fertile lands just i f ied the sacrifice o f less product ive areas and people. Dennis W i l l i a m s , editor o f the Trail Daily Times, argued that the land to be f looded by the L i b b y D a m represented "some o f the most useless land in the province . . . land w h i c h consists in the ma in o f rocky , over-grazed range, scrub-cattle owned by sub-marginal farmers (many o f w h o m rely on Chr is tmas tree cutt ing and socia l welfare payments for subsistence) and acres o f jackpines not worth the cost o f ha rves t ing . " 3 9 A s for the southwestern Koo tenay region, on the other hand, expanding industry, such as the C o m i n c o smelter at T r a i l , desperately needed more power, and the fertile plains cou ld be further expanded to provide food for B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A s M L A L e o n J . Ladner put it, "the economic destiny o f Western Canada and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n particular, affecting the welfare and happiness o f generations unborn, is at s take ." 4 0 W.A.C Bennett speech at Columbia River Treaty ratification ceremony, Peace Arch, Sept. 16, 1964, SFUA, W A C Bennett papers, F-55 container 62 file F-55-39-0-20. 3 9 Dennis A. Williams, Columbia River Treaty Project of Most Value To Us (Trail: The Trail Daily Times, 1966), 3-4. 4 0 Leon J. Ladner, "The Columbia River and our Destiny" speech delivered at the Banquest of the Associated Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce of Southeastern B C , April 5, 1977, V C A , Leon J. Ladner Fonds, Add Mss 641, 570-F-5, file 155. 17 A s these examples show, the rhetoric used to promote the L i b b y D a m was s imi lar for pol i t ic ians outside o f the Koo tenay B a s i n , and for state and p rov inc i a l pol i t ic ians and residents wi th in the downstream regions o f the Koo tenay R i v e r , on both sides o f the Canad i an -Amer i can border. F o r these people, the Kootenay R i v e r was a "menace" that threatened the agricul tural use o f the f loodpla in . H o w e v e r , in areas upstream from the potential site for the L i b b y D a m , i n the East Kootenay region o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and i n L i n c o l n C o u n t y i n Northwest Mon tana , v iews about the, L i b b y D a m were m u c h different. M o s t o f the residents that l i v e d i n areas o f the Koo tenay R i v e r V a l l e y that w o u l d be inundated were against the dam, but resigned themselves to its eventual existence. A s Jack A y e , a rancher who l i v e d near Wardner , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , expla ined: A t first we [ranchers] had thought about organiz ing , but on g i v i n g it further thought we decided that it w o u l d be futile for us to try and stop the b u i l d i n g o f this dam. I k n o w m y s e l f for one, I am certainly not i n favour o f it, probably for a very selfish reason. W e have spent the most product ive part o f our l ives b u i l d i n g up a ranch that w i l l be f looded in this area, and the place is just now starting to produce . . . it is not a very nice feel ing to have something l i ke this come on you. Bu t , I do not feel that there is anything that I can do to stop it . . . . " 4 1 Residents i n L i n c o l n Coun ty came to s imi la r conclus ions and many were apathetic about the dam's potential existence, since they felt its construction was inevitable. A n Execu t ive Commi t tee o f the Greater L i b b y Assoc i a t i on for the L i b b y D a m argued, "the dam w i l l come whether or not people here are for or against it and the people o f this c o m m u n i t y should start p lanning ahead to meet and get the most out o f the situations ar is ing f rom the projec t . " 4 2 4 1 International Joint Commission, "Public Hearing at Cranbrook, British Columbia, March 1951: In the matter of the application of the government of Unites States re. Libby Dam," (January 12, 1951): 42-43, B C A , B C Ministry of Environment Water Management Branch, GR 1427, Box 1, File 22. 4 2 As cited in Hugo Tureck, Social Impact of the Libby Dam, Lincoln County: The Case of Absentee or Extra-Local Influence (Bozemena, M T : Montana State University, 1972), 51. 18 T h i s does not mean that these residents were anti-modern. A s T i n a L o o has argued for residents f looded out o f the A r r o w Lakes region a long the C o l u m b i a R i v e r , upstream residents expressed an alternative vers ion o f moderni ty that supported growth and development, but s t i l l a l lowed for their independent, self-sufficient existence free from government interference. 4 3 F o r the most part, residents supported the modernizat ion o f their regions; however , they felt that they were pay ing a much higher pr ice for it than downstream regions and distant urban centres that reaped a l l o f the rewards. Fernie B o a r d o f Trade member, K . N . Stewart stated that "we feel that wh i l e the Wes t Koo tenay -Cres ton area is ga in ing a benefit . . . we are the ones that are direct ly los ing . O u r economic l ife is be ing direct ly concerned. It is being lowered to a certain extent due to the f looding and cutt ing of f o f our po ten t i a l . " 4 4 Residents who were negatively affected by the reservoir 's f lood ing , though, consisted o f a m u c h smaller populat ion than those who w o u l d potential ly benefit f rom it. A s such, project planners and supporters generally ignored or d ismissed them due to the relat ively unproduct ive value o f their land. L a n d use, then, was calculated i n a typ ica l ly high-modernist fashion i n order to " s i m p l i f y " the Kootenay R i v e r V a l l e y and make it " l e g i b l e . " 4 5 F o r boosters and planners l o o k i n g at the Koo tenay B a s i n " f rom above," the upper port ion consisted o f l o w populat ion densities and unproduct ive lands, wh i l e the lower reaches were product ive, yet ravaged by nature. B y transferring f loods f rom productive areas to unproduct ive ones, the L i b b y Project w o u l d transform the Kootenay R i v e r B a s i n into a more product ive system, one w h i c h inundated useless lands for the improvement o f more useful areas. 4 3 Loo, '"People in the Way,'" 196. 4 4 DC, "Public Hearing at Cranbrook," 47. 4 5 For a discussion of this aspect of high modernity, see Scott, 11-52. 19 These sorts o f just i f icat ions and rhetoric began to change, though, dur ing the L i b b y D a m ' s construct ion. A g r o w i n g environmental movement and a greater awareness o f some o f the adverse effects o f large dams altered the socia l m i l i e u w i th in w h i c h the L i b b y D a m was constructed. A s a result, the rhetoric used by government off ic ia ls , scientists, and the media changed dur ing its construction phase. 2. A Mi t igated Development: Envi ronmenta l ism and the L i b b y Project Despite over a decade o f controversy and stalled negotiations, the A r m y Corps o f Engineers began construct ion o f the L i b b y D a m i n the summer o f 1 9 6 6 . 4 6 D u r i n g this per iod, however , a general environmental movement gained momentum and concerns about the effects o f h igh modern mega-projects became more c o m m o n . Focus w i t h i n Mon tana , Idaho, and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a began to shift to the L i b b y D a m ' s environmental effects as conservation groups and government agencies conducted numerous fish and w i l d l i f e impact studies for the L i b b y D a m dur ing the 1960s and early 1970s. Such studies revealed the harm that the L i b b y Project posed for the Koo tenay B a s i n ' s eco logy and out l ined measures that w o u l d mitigate its effects. C o m b i n e d wi th increasing media and publ ic attention on the project, this continuous pressure forced the Corps and the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a government to undertake a more "environmenta l ly f r iendly" approach to dam and reservoir construct ion. The specifications for the L i b b y D a m had changed little since the or ig ina l plan g iven to the I J C i n 1951. The dam was to be bui l t 27 ki lometres (17 miles) upstream from L i b b y , Mon tana , w o u l d be 135 metres (446 feet) above bedrock, nearly a k i lomet re (3055 feet) wide , and was estimated to cost over U S $ 3 5 0 m i l l i o n for the U n i t e d States port ion 4 6 "Libby Dam Officially under way" Province, Aug. 15, 1966, p. 12. 20 and nearly U S $ 2 0 m i l l i o n for B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The reservoir, named L a k e Koocanusa by an area resident i n 1970, w o u l d have a storage capacity o f 4.965 m i l l i o n acre-feet o f water, a m a x i m u m length o f 155 ki lometres (90 miles) - 72 ki lometres o f w h i c h w o u l d be in Canada - a m a x i m u m wid th o f 3 ki lometres (2 mi les) , and a m a x i m u m depth o f 107 metres (356 feet). The electr ical output o f the dam, both onsite and downstream, w o u l d add a total o f 854,000 ki lowat ts to Pac i f ic Northwest and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a grids. In addi t ion, inundation caused by L a k e Koocanusa w o u l d require the relocat ion o f hundreds o f residents i n M o n t a n a and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; the entire town o f Rex fo rd , Mon tana ; sections o f the Bur l ing ton-Nor thern Ra i l road i n M o n t a n a and the Canadian Na t iona l Ra i l road in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; the construction o f a 2 mi l e - long r a i lway tunnel i n Mon tana ; the relocation o f M o n t a n a State H i g h w a y 37 and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a H i g h w a y 3; and the construction o f new access roads and bridges across and around the reservoir and the Koo tenay R i v e r . 4 7 The environmental impact o f these changes w o u l d be substantial, and a g rowing sense o f envi ronmenta l i sm i n both countries led to greater demand for governmental responsibi l i ty for these impacts. Nature preservation and conservation groups, such as the Sierra C l u b and various w i l d l i f e organizations and R o d and G u n C l u b s , had existed since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries i n both the Un i t ed States and Canada; however , their ab i l i ty to affect general pub l ic op in ion was slight unt i l after the Second W o r l d W a r . 4 8 A c c o r d i n g to 4 7 H.R. Hamilton et al., Koocanusa Reservoir (Calgary: HydroQual Ltd., 1990), 3; U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Environmental Statement Final Draft (Seattle, 1972), 1-2 and 9. 4 8 There is some debate as to whether the United States has traditionally been more concerned with wilderness preservation and, as a result, environmentalism, since there was no Canadian equivalent to preservation societies like the Sierra Club before the late 1960s. Instead, it is argued, Canada has been more concerned with conservation. See Donald Worster, "Two Faces West: The Development Myth in Canada and the United States," in Paul W. Hirt, ed., Terra Pacifica: People and Place in the Northwest States and Western Canada (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1998), 71-92 and Frank Zelko, "Making Greenpeace: The Development of Direct Action Environmentalism in British Columbia," BC Studies 21 Samue l H a y s , the growth o f the environmental movement after 1945 was due to a combina t ion o f post-war increases in wages, standards o f l i v i n g , leisure t ime, and univers i ty enrolments, especia l ly i n urban centres . 4 9 In addi t ion, the g r o w i n g popular i ty o f eco log ica l studies l ike R a c h e l Carson ' s Silent Spring (1962) led to a greater general awareness o f human- induced changes i n the natural w o r l d , especial ly as a result o f unchecked populat ion, consumpt ion , and industrial growth. F i n a l l y , increased media attention on issues concerning health and qual i ty-of- l i fe and the growth o f counterculture movements i n large urban centres i n the late 1960s resulted i n the establishment o f various environmental groups i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and the Pac i f ic Nor thwes t ci t ies, such as the Scient i f ic Po l lu t i on and Env i ronmenta l C o n t r o l Socie ty (1968), Fr iends o f the Ear th (1969), and Greenpeace (1971) . 5 0 These groups gained prominence i n the media and pub l ic sympathy in the early 1970s, w h i c h , i n turn, pressured governments into incorporat ing more o f an environmental agenda into their pol ic ies . 142/143 (Summer/Autumn, 2004),220-222. Unfortunately it is beyond this paper to engage sufficiently in this debate. Suffice it to say that, although there may be some truth to the aforementioned argument, it is complicated by the fact that natural resources are under the direct control of provincial governments in Canada. Thus, although preservation has been a part of the conservation movement in Canada, it has tended to be local in nature. See Tina Loo, States of Nature:Conserving Canada's Wildlife in the Twentieth Century (Vancouver: U B C Press, 2006); Arn Keeling, ' " A Dynamic, Not a Static Conception': The Conservation Thought of Roderick Haig-Brown," The Pacific Historical Review 71 (2) (2002), 239-68. 4 9 Samuel P. Hays, Beauty, Health and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955-1985 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); ibid. A History of Environmental Politics since 1945 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000); For a similar argument for environmentalism in Canada, see Jennfier Read, "Addressing ' A Quiet Horror': The Evolution of Ontario Pollution Control Policy in the International Great Lakes, 1909-1972" (PhD Dissertation: Queen's University, 1999), 200-42. 5 0 See Robert Righter, 77?e Battle Over Hetch Hetchy: America's Most Controversial Dam and the Birth of Modern Environmentalism (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 2005); Arn Keeling, "Sink or Swim: Water Pollution and Environmental Politics in Vancouver, 1889-1975," BC Studies 142/143 (Summer/Autumn, 2004), 69-101; Frank Zelko, "Making Greenpeace: The Development of Direct Action Environmentalism in British Columbia," BC Studies 142/143 (Summer/Autumn, 2004), 197-239; Kevin Wehr, America's Fight over Water: The Environmental and Political Effects of Large-Scale Systems (New York and London: Routledge, 2004); Mark T. Harvey, A Symbol of Wilderness: Echo Park and the American Conservation Movement (Albequerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994); Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind Fourth Edition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001, originally published, 1967). 22 A l t h o u g h such an environmental movement was important i n focusing pub l ic attention on dams i n general, preservation and conservat ion groups and government agencies were far more important to the L i b b y D a m and the mit igat ion o f its environmental effects. A c c o r d i n g to Rober t Got t l ieb and A r n K e e l i n g , the environmental movement ' s roots in Canada and the U n i t e d States extend further back than historians l i ke Samue l Hays have argued. S ince the late 1890s, progressive groups, i nc lud ing conservat ion and preservation societies, l a id the groundwork for envi ronmenta l i sm, and eventual ly became a part o f the much larger environmental movement in the 1960s and 1970s. 5 1 F o r the L i b b y D a m , such conservation groups, l ike the M o n t a n a W i l d l i f e Federat ion and Koo tenay R o d and G u n C l u b s , capi ta l ized on the g rowing popular i ty o f general environmental awareness and forced the Corps and the S o c i a l Cred i t government to introduce extensive mi t igat ion measures. Th i s affected the L i b b y Project as early as 1961, when the President o f the M o n t a n a W i l d l i f e Federat ion, B o b Sykes , began to lobby M o n t a n a Senators M i k e M a n s f i e l d and L e e M e t c a l f to "protect and maintain the fish recreational value o f [the L i b b y D a m ] . " A c c o r d i n g to Sykes , p rev ious ly constructed dams i n Mon tana , such as the 1953 H u n g r y Horse D a m on the Flathead R i v e r , caused tremendous problems for fish and w i l d l i f e i n the surrounding r iver basin. Sykes pointed out that "the State o f M o n t a n a is now being confronted w i t h the problem o f how to rehabilitate and maintain [the H u n g r y Horse] reservoir . . . . There is no p rov i s ion for the expense." Sykes also reminded the Senators that they had prev ious ly shown "interests on conservat ion" and thus should show "serious considerat ion for reasonable l eg i s la t ion" that w o u l d prevent such problems 5 1 Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement Revised Edition (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2005, first published 1993); Arn Keeling, '"A Dynamic, Not a Static Conception,'" 239-68. 23 f rom repeating wi th the L i b b y Project. Sykes also be l ieved that a coordinated effort was needed that w o u l d inc lude federal, state and Canadian organizations i n order to properly address any future problems." In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , s imi la r concerns were raised by East and W e s t Koo tenay R o d and G u n C l u b s . The K i m b e r l e y R o d and G u n C l u b had been act ively l o b b y i n g to protect the area's fish and w i l d l i f e f rom the effects o f the L i b b y reservoir since at least 1 9 6 1 / " T h e y were jo ined i n these efforts by the Wes t Koo tenay R o d and G u n C l u b , w h i c h was concerned about the downstream effects o f the L i b b y D a m . A c c o r d i n g to representatives, al though the e l imina t ion o f annual f looding i n the Koo tenay f loodpla in w o u l d a l l ow for greater agricul tural use, it w o u l d also dry up wetlands, w h i c h w o u l d prove disastrous for w i l d l i f e and water fowl and thus for hunters. A s such, both groups lobbied the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a F i s h and G a m e B r a n c h to coordinate w i t h A m e r i c a n agencies and plan for m i t i g a t i o n . 3 4 Such lobby ing was successful as, i n 1962, representatives from various levels o f government i n the U n i t e d States and Canada formed the L i b b y Project P l ann ing Commit tee (Commit tee) to analyze future f ish and w i l d l i f e issues. C o m p o s e d o f scientists and planners f rom the Canadian W i l d l i f e Service , the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a F i s h and G a m e B r a n c h , Idaho and M o n t a n a Departments o f F i s h and G a m e , the U S Forest Service , the U S Bureau o f Sport Fisheries and W i l d l i f e , and the U S A r m y Corps o f Engineers , the Commi t tee spent the f o l l o w i n g year assessing the dam and reservoir 's impact on f ish and 5 2 Letter to Senators Metcalf and Mansfield from Bob Sykes, President Montana Wildlife Federation, Feb. 21, 1961, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 172 125-5. 5 3 Kimberley Rod and Gun Club "Recreation in the Libby Project Area," Annual Convention of the B C Federation of Fish and Game Clubs in Vernon, B C , 1963, B C A , B C Energy Commission, GR 1390 Box 14. 5 4 L D . Smith, Probable Effects of the Libby Dam upon Wildlife Resources of the East and West Kootenay (Victoria: Wildlife Management Division, Fish and Wildlife Branch, Department of Recreation and Conservation, Feb. 1970), 1. 24 w i l d l i f e resources i n the entire Kootenay B a s i n and released a report in 1963. The Commit tee conc luded that, al though the dam's soc ia l impact i n the region w o u l d be re la t ively smal l , its effect on w i l d l i f e and fish resources in Mon tana , Idaho, and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w o u l d be substant ia l . 5 5 The ar t i f ic ial lake w o u l d destroy over forty-thousand acres o f pr ime winter graz ing lands that w o u l d result i n the permanent loss o f thousands o f b i g game ungulates, such as elk, big-horned sheep, and white- tai led deer. The loss o f winter range w o u l d cause these animals to starve, since the snow on the remain ing portions o f the va l l ey w o u l d be too deep to f ind food. T h i s was o f part icular concern for mountain sheep, since they were already an endangered species. Furthermore, the relocation o f ra i lways and h ighways and the creation o f other roads w o u l d destroy another 2,000 acres o f grazing territory, and, l i ke the reservoir, w o u l d permanently impede migra t ion patterns. The dam w o u l d also destroy wetlands downstream i n the f loodplains o f Mon tana , Idaho, and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h w o u l d wipe out water fowl and water-based w i l d l i f e , such as geese and muskrats. It w o u l d also alter r iver condi t ions , both upstream and d o w n , w h i c h w o u l d eradicate pr ized game fish, i nc lud ing d o l l y varden, whitef ish, and, Mon tana ' s state f ish, cutthroat trout. Instead, non-game fish, such as suckers and chub, w o u l d f lour ish i n the reservoir and upstream tributaries and downstream as far as Koo tenay L a k e . 5 6 The Commi t t ee was on ly concerned w i t h fish and w i l d l i f e that it deemed important as resources for the Kootenay B a s i n ' s f ishing and hunting industries. A s such, it recommended that the area needed to be carefully managed, on both sides o f the border, i n order to maintain valuable an imal populat ions. Th i s inc luded construct ing barrier dams 5 5 Libby Project Planning Committee on Fish and Wildlife Resources, Libby Dam and Reservoir Project, Kootenai River, Canada and the United States (1963), 6. 5 6 Libby Project Planning Committee, 8-54. 25 on Kootenay's upstream tributaries to separate game from non-game fish so that desired fish could spawn in natal streams; funding projects that would "eliminate" non-game fish from the reservoir altogether; constructing a hatchery to stock the reservoir with cutthroat trout and whitefish; hiring biologists to work with project engineers and architects to ensure that new roads and rail lines were constructed in ways that would not inhibit wildlife; clearing all trees and undergrowth in areas that would be flooded; and purchasing private lands around the reservoir in order to convert them into winter grazing areas for big-game ungulates. By purchasing all remaining private lands, natural resources not affected by the dam were to be preserved from private abuse, such as ranching or logging, by reserving them for wildlife preservation and public recreational use. Finally, the Committee recommended that all measures should be carried out according to national boundaries. Thus, just as responsibility for dam and reservoir construction was separated by the Canadian-American border, the Corps and the British Columbia government should also be separately responsible for environmental mitigation.37 Such an acknowledgement of the Libby Project's effects did not automatically translate into funding for mitigation. Initially, in the United States, the Corps was reluctant to set aside funds for any of the mitigation measures recommended by the Committee, except for reservoir clearing which had always been a part of the project. Technically, legislation had been in place since 1946 under the US Fish and Wildlife Coordination Act that required the Corps to consult federal and state fish and wildlife agencies whenever any dam was constructed. However, the law had been loosely enforced throughout the 1950s and few funds were ever allocated for fish and wildlife 5 7 L ibby Project Planning Committee, 8-54. 26 management. T h i s lack o f p lanning for the environmental effects o f other M o n t a n a dams, especial ly the H u n g r y Horse D a m (1953) on the Flathead R i v e r and the C l a r k C a n y o n D a m (1964) on the Beaverhead R i v e r , had w iped out game fish be low the dams and i n the reservoir and had severely reduced b i g game popu la t ions . 5 8 T o prevent such results for the L i b b y Project, and bolstered by a s w i n g i n pub l ic op in ion against such effects, conservation groups began to aggressively push the Corps to set aside funds for the Commi t t ee ' s environmental mi t igat ion recommendations. In 1964, just after the C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty 's rat if ication, Sykes again lobb ied M o n t a n a pol i t ic ians to push the Corps to provide funds for the Commi t t ee ' s mi t igat ion p l a n s . 5 9 Sykes was j o i n e d i n his efforts by M o n t y Kennedy , president o f Flathead W i l d l i f e Incorporated, who angr i ly argued that "even tho [sic] this is supposed to be a mul t ip le use reservoir, the Corps o f Engineers refuses to recognize necessary and proper expenditures pertaining to fish and w i l d l i f e damage, replacement and recrea t ion ." 6 0 In response, Senators M e t c a l f and M a n s f i e l d and Congressman A r n o l d O l sen lobb ied the U S Department o f the Interior to conduct a further study o f the L i b b y D a m ' s effects, w i th the request that they pressure the Corps to adopt any recommendations. In 1965, the U S Bureau o f Sports Fisheries and W i l d l i f e , a subsection o f the Department o f the Interior, released a report that further ampl i f ied the need for environmental mi t igat ion measures. Its regional director, P a u l Q u i c k , also berated the Corps for not accounting for fish and wi ld l i f e . Q u i c k c r i t i c i zed project planners, poin t ing 5 8 Letter to Senator Lee Metcalf from Frank H . Dunkle, Director, Montana Department of Fish and Game, Dec. 3, 1965, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 172 125-6. 5 9 Letter to Senators Mike Mansfield and Lee Metcalf and Representatives James F. Battin and Arnold Olsen from Bob Sykes, Montana Wildlife Federation, Feb. 20, 1964, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 125-4. 6 0 Letter to Senator Lee Metcalf from Monty Kennedy, President, Flathead Wildlife Incorporated, March 19, 1964, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 172 125-4. 27 out that, f rom the beginning , "conservat ion, development, and improvement o f f ish and w i l d l i f e [was] not an authorized purpose o f the project." H e argued that this should change: "capi tal and operation and maintenance costs o f mit igat ion measures recommended as project costs [should] be treated i n the same manner as other project jo in t costs and allocated among the beneficial purposes o f the project ." 6 1 T o further complicate the matter, the Bureau also recommended that a system be instal led to regulate r iver temperature and f low downstream. M o s t older dams on ly released water f rom the bot tom o f their reservoirs, w h i c h was much colder than r iver temperatures. T h e y also d id not maintain consistent f low patterns. A c c o r d i n g to the Bureau ' s report, these two problems expla ined w h y downstream fish were negatively affected by large d a m s . 6 2 W h e n it became clear that the Corps was also ignor ing the Bureau ' s recommendations, conservat ion groups and government agencies conducted a media campaign to draw attention to the C o r p s ' reluctance to fund mit igat ion efforts. Conduc ted largely i n M o n t a n a newspapers, such as the Missoulian, The Tobacco Valley News, and the Western News, Mon tana ' s F i s h and G a m e Department and fish and w i l d l i f e groups compla ined that " i t appears that the day is hurr iedly c o m i n g when w i l d r ivers w i l l be as scarce as D o d o bi rds ." ~ Mon tana ' s media were sympathetic to such c la ims and began to regular ly report that M o n t a n a ' s fish and w i l d l i f e were wag ing a " lo s ing battle" against the A r m y Corps o f Engineers , most often because o f "cost-benefit r a t ios . " 6 4 The media 6 1 Paul Quick, "Report of the Regional Director" in US Department of the Interior, " A Detailed Report on Fish and Wildlife resources Affected by Libby Dam and Reservoir Project Kootenai River Montana" (Portland, February, 1965), 2, 10. 6 2 US Department of the Interior, " A Detailed Report...," 35-36. 6 3 "Libby Dam Wil l Hurt Area Wildlife Assets," Western News April 11,1964, MHS, Department of Health and Environmental Sciences - Environmental Sciences Division Records, S 86-6 2-30. 6 4 "Libby Dam Construction to Cause Irritations" The Missoulian, Aug. 8, 1965, p.6; "Fish-Game Fights Losing Battle" The Missoulian, March 20, 1966, p. 15; "Libby Dam Wildlife Needs Stressed" The Missoulian, November 1, 1966, p.4, all articles from MHS, Merriam Papers, M C 58 11-1. 28 also polled Montana views on the dam's environmental impact, which ranged from "dam good for business," to "mixed," and "disgusted."65 In British Columbia, a similar sort of intergovernmental and media pressure occurred, although a little later. As a result of controversial problems with other treaty dams, such as the lack of proper debris-clearing and the mud-flats that occurred with the Arrow Lakes project and the high number of fish deaths that occurred at the Mica Dam, public attention focused on the potential effects of the Libby project.66 In the late 1960s the British Columbia Fish and Wildlife Branch commissioned two separate studies to assess the impact of the Libby Dam in British Columbia: I.D. Smith's 1970 study on the effects of the Libby Dam on East Kootenay wildlife and M.R. Whatley's 1972 study of its effects on fish. Smith's study agreed with the Project Planning Committee's assessment that significant wildlife populations would starve as a result of flooding. Lake Koocanusa would destroy 18,000 acres of winter range in British Columbia, which would result in the loss of habitat for white-tailed and mule deer, elk, beaver populations, endangered big horn sheep, and small numbers of waterfowl, osprey and golden eagles.67 Of particular concern for Smith, though, was the threat that the reservoir posed to deer and elk populations, since their decline would most affect the hunting industry. Smith stated that, during the previous few decades, big game populations had already declined within the 6 5 "Effect of L i b b y Dam on Eureka Discussed" Kalispell News, Mar . 12, 1964, p . l ; "Dam Good Business for Publ ic" The Missoulian, Sept. 24, 1965, both articles from M H S , Merr iam Papers, M C 58 11-1; "L ibby Area Residents Views on Dam M i x e d " Great Falls Tribune, Feb. 23, 1964; "Rexford not Bitter, Just Disgusted" Great Falls Tribune, Oct. 8, 1965, p. 14, both articles from M H S , Metca l f Papers, M C 172 681-11. 6 6 Loo , "People in the W a y , " 183-196; "Dams K i l l , Injure Salmon," Daily Colonist, Oct. 23, 1970, p.22; "Fish Deaths Probed," Victoria Times, June 14, 1972, p. 16. 6 7 I .D. Smith, Probable Effects of the Libby Dam upon Wildlife Resources of the East and West Kootenay (Victoria: Wi ld l i fe Management Divis ion , Fish and Wildl i fe Branch, Department of Recreation and Conservation, Feb. 1970), 11-16. 29 Rocky Mountain Trench due to competition for winter grazing lands with ever-increasing cattle populations. These ranchlands were all within the area that would be flooded by Lake Koocanusa. Smith's recommendation, then, was to buy out grazing lands from ranchers who would be flooded and to thereafter disallow cattle farming in areas surrounding Lake Koocanusa. Whatley's study of the Libby Dam's effect on British Columbia fisheries also stressed that mitigation measures were needed. According to Whatley, the nature of fishing in the area would change upstream, from a winter industry that favoured whitefish, to a summer lake fishery that favoured trout. However, a hatchery would be needed in order to keep the reservoir stocked with valuable fish. In addition, pollution from the Sull ivan Mine in Kimberley and a pulp and paper mi l l in Skookumchuck upstream, would have a serious impact on reservoir fish populations and, if not curtailed, would create water discoloration and algae blooms in the reservoir. 6 9 As for downstream fish, Whatley concurred with the U S Bureau of Sport Fisheries report that a temperature regulation system was needed, since "effects of reduced water temperatures and flows wi l l prove deleterious to feeding, mitigation, and spawning of fish ... originating from Kootenay Lake. Thus, in both Brit ish Columbia and Montana, conservation groups, government agencies, and media pressured the Corps and the Social Credit government to account for the environmental impact of the Libby Dam. In the United States, similar pressure on other American development projects, in coordination with growing public sentiment 6 8 Smith, Probable Effects ...,24. 6 9 M . R . Whatley, Effects on Fish in Kootenay River of Construction of Libby Dam (Victoria: Fish and Habitat Protection Section, Fish and Wildl i fe Branch, 1972), 27, 44-46. 7 0 Whatley, Effects of Fish, 46. 30 towards the environment i n general, cu lminated i n the N i x o n administrat ions ' 1969 Na t iona l Env i ronmen ta l P o l i c y A c t ( N E P A ) . N E P A authorized the creation o f an Env i ronmenta l Qua l i t y C o u n c i l and, for the first t ime, required national agencies to publ i sh environmental impact statements and mit igat ion plans for a l l ongoing and future 71 projects. A l t h o u g h the L i b b y D a m was w e l l under construction at this t ime, it was s t i l l a number o f years f rom comple t ion , and, since the Corps was a government agency, an environmental impact statement was required - one o f the first that w o u l d be conducted 72 for a dam i n the U n i t e d States. H o w e v e r , N E P A d i d not require the assessment to be conducted by an independent agency and d id not outline regulations for international developments. A s a result, the Corps conducted its o w n assessment o f the effects o f the L i b b y D a m and reservoir in the early 1970s, but on ly assessed its impacts up to the Canad ian -Amer i can border. The C o r p s ' environmental statement addressed many o f the concerns p rev ious ly raised by the L i b b y Project P lann ing Commit tee and the U . S . Bureau o f Sport Fisheries and W i l d l i f e . It acknowledged that, without proper precautions, the dam w o u l d have a significant detrimental effect on fish and wi ld l i f e , potential ly e l imina t ing valuable game fish and b i g game ungulate populations. ' T o compensate for fish losses, the Corps stated that it w o u l d b u i l d a hatchery to per iod ica l ly stock the reservoir w i th 25,000 pounds o f cutthroat trout; ins ta l l a selective wi thdrawal system that w o u l d draw water f rom different 7 1 "Nixon Confirms Intention to Create US Panel on Environment Policy" The Washington Post, Mar. 25, 1969, p. A5; "Protecting the Environment" New York Times, Dec. 5, 1969, p.44; "Environment Package" Christian Science Monitor, Dec. 16, 1969, p.3. For a general history surrounding the act, see Hays, Environmental Politics, 61-62 and 126-27. 7 2 For a history of the construction of the Libby Dam, see Rich Aarstad, "The Libby Dam" written for the US Army Corps of Engineers Libby Dam Project (unpublished, 2001); and Spritzer, Waters of Wealth, 136-54. 7 3 Corps, Environmental Statement: Libby Dam and Lake Koocanusa, Kootenai River, Montana Final Draft (Seattle District: 1972), 14. 31 levels o f the reservoir to control downstream r iver temperatures; and construct barrier dams i n Koo tenay tributaries to impede the migrat ion o f non-game fish into the rese rvo i r . 7 4 T o mitigate the effects that the loss o f grazing land w o u l d have on wi ld l i f e , the Corps w o u l d provide funds for the Forest Service to implement a " t imber and wi ld l i f e habitat management program on about 7,000 acres o f Na t iona l Forest L a n d s . " Furthermore, the Corps promised to purchase an addi t ional 12,000 acres o f pr ivately owned land to recreate winter graz ing lands and provide recreational access around the A m e r i c a n por t ion o f the rese rvo i r . 7 3 In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , or Canada for that matter, no law s imi la r to N E P A existed. H o w e v e r , the S o c i a l Cred i t government, i n response to Smi th ' s w i l d l i f e conservation report, organized an Env i ronment and L a n d - U s e Subcommit tee composed o f representatives f rom the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L a n d Service , Forest Service , Wate r Resources Service , Department o f Agr icu l tu re , Department o f M i n e s , Department o f M u n i c i p a l Af fa i r s , and Department o f Recreat ion and Conservat ion . In 1971, the Subcommit tee released a report that agreed wi th S m i t h ' s recommendations and advised that the government not use c r o w n land as compensat ion for ranchers whose lands w o u l d be inundated by L a k e Koocanusa . Instead, it recommended that the government change land use w i th in the East Kootenays f rom ranching to "preserving wi lderness" for w i l d l i f e conse rva t ion . 7 6 H o w e v e r , the S o c i a l Credi t government lost the next elect ion at the end o f 1972, and D a v e Barret t ' s subsequent N D P government d i d not adopt the Subcommit tee ' s recommendations. Th i s is most l i k e l y because the N D P had been c r i t i ca l o f the C o l u m b i a 7 4 Corps, Environmental Statement, 13. 7 5 Corps, Environmental Statement, 14-15. 7 6 "Dam May Mark End of Ranching" Province, Jan. 14, 1970, p.22; "Bar to Crown Land Advised for those Ousted by Flooding" Vancouver Sun, June 3, 1971, p. 17. 32 R i v e r Treaty dams since the mid-1960s , especial ly concerning the amount o f money invo lved . W i t h the N D P government u n w i l l i n g to shell out more, the Subcommit tee ' s 77 recommendations went ignored. Despi te this, the L i b b y Project had changed s ignif icant ly. B e g i n n i n g wi th the L i b b y Project P lann ing Commi t t ee i n the early 1960s, the increasing power o f environmental c r i t i c i sm throughout the decade forced both the Corps and the S o c i a l Credi t government to plan ways to mitigate the L i b b y D a m ' s environmental effects. Th i s symbo l i zed a dramatic shift in the rhetoric behind the construction o f the L i b b y Project. N o longer were planners on either side o f the border referring to the L i b b y Project us ing high-modernist language that promoted the conquest o f nature. Instead, they emphasized mit igat ion efforts, such as a fish hatchery, a selective wi thdrawal system, and habitat management. Increased mi t iga t ion plans, though, were not the on ly way that pressure f rom the environmental movement affected the L i b b y Project. 3. A "Native" Development: Deflecting Criticism and Shaping Public Perception Increasing environmental awareness affected more than just a pract ical concern for nature. It also inf luenced publ ic perceptions o f development and forced development planners to change how they wanted their projects to be seen. In the 1960s, especia l ly in the U n i t e d States, protest against dams had chal lenged previous depictions o f them as symbols o f dominat ion . In response, both the Corps and Bennet t ' s S o c i a l Cred i t government developed new design plans for the L i b b y Project that natural ized the dam and reservoir so that they w o u l d be seen as "nat ive" to the Koo tenay B a s i n . See, Swainson, Conflict Over the Columbia, 283; Spritzer, Waters of Wealth, 152-53. 33 In Montana, Corps planners had always been optimistic about the Libby Project's potential as a tourist destination and aggressively worked to develop it. However, from the late-1950s, as a result of protests over dams in Echo Park and Glenn Canyon in the Colorado River Basin, Corps planners realized that the previous popularity of dams as symbols of the "technological sublime" was complicated by increasing concern over their 78 environmental effects. As a result, the Corps changed how they designed their projects so that they would be seen as existing in harmony with nature. As one plan for the Libby Project put it, "aesthetics, architectural treatment and landscape preservation and restoration are emphasized to illustrate that man can develop and utilize water resources without obliterating natural scenic value."79 To further this goal, the Corps hired prominent Seattle architect Paul Thiry in 1962 as the supervising designer for the Libby Project. In his previous work, including as the principal architect for Seattle's World Fair from 1957 to 1962, Thiry had combined modern technology with an area's surrounding, natural beauty, thereby tempering high modernist architecture, made famous by the French architect Le Corbusier, with a sense 80 of regionalism. For the Libby Dam, Thiry recommended that "the overall project be designed to create a feeling of belonging - that the structures grew there ... the dam and all elements of the project [should be] designed as an architectural extension of the surrounding terrain."81 The best way to accomplish this was through a particular type of landscape design. According to Thiry, landscape was a medium that would "provide a 7 8 Wenr, America's Fight over Water, 187-224; Harvey, A Symbol of Wilderness, 287-301. 7 9 Corps, "Section 3 - Visitors' Accommodations Concept" (date unknown): 1, Montana Historical Society (MHS), Libby Dam, Libby M T - Recreation File. 8 0 Meredith L. Clausen, "Paul Thiry" in Jeffrey Karl Ochsner, ed., Shaping Seattle Architecture: A Historical Guide to the Architects (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994), 246-51. For an analysis of Le Corbusier's high modernist designs, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, 103-46. 8 1 Corps, "Section 3," 1-2. 34 transition between the manmade features of the project and the natural surroundings." 8 2 Anything that blocked views of the dam and reservoir, such as large rocks, shrubs, or trees with low leaf bases was removed. Instead, viewpoints were constructed that "framed" built structures with flora, either with breaks in vegetation or by planting trees with high foliage that would not obstruct views. The use of "intrinsic elements," such as vegetation, rocks, and fallen trees, would form a "landscape identity" that would fulfill what visitors expected to see. As another planner plainly put it, "these intrinsic elements are the basis of subliminal advertising to which we are all exposed every day." Thus, only "native plant material ... [that would] enhance, suggest, or maintain the character of the natural landscape" was used, rather than "sheared shrubs and manicured lawns," in order to convince visitors that not much had changed in the area surrounding the dam. 8 3 In the Libby Dam's environmental statement, the Corps used Thiry's designs to downplay the dam's adverse environmental effects. The Corps stressed that the "near wilderness setting" of the dam's location would be preserved by combining the dam, powerhouse, and visitors' facilities into one structure and that the area would be managed in order to maintain a sense of "nature." In addition, "the aesthetic qualities of the shoreline [would] be maintained in a near-natural state by proper planning and the prevention of unplanned, unsightly development." Finally, roadways would be designed to "generally [follow] natural contours .... to reduce ... environmental impact." 8 4 Corps, "Section 3," 1-2. 8 3 Corps, Design Memorandum 44: Libby Dam - Lake Koocanusa Project Master Plan (Seattle District, 1983): section 9, p. 1 and 6. For other discussions of the use of landscape to subliminally advertise the "natural development," see MacEachern, Natural Selections; John M . Findlay, Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940 (Berkley: University of California Press, 1992), especially 70-72. 8 4 Corps, Environmental Statement, "near wilderness setting" from p. 9, second quote, 15-16. 35 The Corps also used tours of the Libby Dam to translate its message of environmentally responsible development. Tourists were led by guides through a series of rooms inside the dam - one of which was fashioned into a grotto - that were decorated with artwork and exhibits that displayed the "native" flora and fauna and the "prehistory" 85 of the region. " Even in places where it was supposedly clear that nature did not exist, such as the turbine room and powerhouse, guides continued to emphasize Corps efforts to mitigate the dam's environmental impacts. This included a tour of the dam's selective withdrawal system, which helped regulate water temperatures released downstream. Visitors were constantly reminded of Corps efforts to plan the dam with the surrounding Kootenay River Basin in mind. Corps planners believed that, once this information was provided, visitors would be more likely to not only accept the dam and reservoir's place in the region, but would see them as "natural" choices for development.86 The Corps also encouraged visitors to see the "cultural resources" and "prehistory" that were incorporated into the project. A large part of this involved displaying artifacts and sites formerly used and inhabited by the Ktunaxa/Kootenai. Before the Kootenay Valley was flooded, anthropologists from the University of Montana excavated numerous artefacts, such as pottery, arrowheads, and pipes, much of which was then displayed in the Visitor Center Museum.8 7 Planners understood that by providing a museum that chronicled the history of the Kootenay River Valley and its people they would be able to guide how visitors saw the Libby Project in relation to this 8 5 Corps, "Libby Dam and Lake Koocanusa, Kootenai River, Montana: Dedication Issue" (Seattle District: August 24, 1975), MHS, Libby Dam, Libby MT File; Corps, Interpretive Plan, 2. 8 6 Corps, Environmental Statement, 1 -2. 8 7 "UM Anthropologists, Sociologists to Comb Site of Libby Reservoir," Great Falls Tribune, May 12, 1966, p.8, MHS, Department of Health and Environmental Sciences - Environmental Science Division Records, S 86-6 Box 2 Folder 30. 36 history. E x h i b i t s were designed to illustrate "the geologica l development o f the area, Indians and their e thnological and ethnographic development, the per iod o f early fur traders in the area" and, f ina l ly , "the era o f transportation and indus t ry . " 8 8 E a c h ch rono log ica l ly fo l lowed the next, so that a tour o f the displays ended, te leologica l ly , w i th the L i b b y D a m and thus presented a history that was seamless and appeared to progress peacefully. Such a history was also conveyed outside o f the V i s i t o r Center. The Corps constructed trails that led to "his tor ic Indian pictographs" and other "cul tura l sites" not inundated by the reservoir, w h i c h were maintained by the Corps , the U . S . Forest Service , on archaeologists, and anthropologists. T o aid visi tors , the Corps placed interpretive signs in these sites to in fo rm tourists about an i tem's "function or his torical s ignif icance and how it [fit] into the total project and env i ronment . " 9 0 These sites were regarded as part o f the "prehis tory" o f the area, and thus as part o f its natural landscape. In this way , K tunaxa /Koo tena i "cul tural resources" were used to naturalize L a k e K o o c a n u s a and its surrounding area. Lef t out o f the V i s i t o r Center ' s displays and L a k e Koocanusa ' s "cul tural sites," though, was any trace o f fr ict ion or animosi ty that may have existed dur ing or between the Koo tenay B a s i n ' s various "stages" o f history. That K tunaxa /Koo tena i bands d i d not s i m p l y disappear but had been forced onto reserves outside o f the L i b b y Project area by various government agencies, settlers, and diseases nearly a century before and s t i l l l i v e d 8 8 "Task Force Adopts Theme for Museum" Western News July 10, 1969, M H S , L i b b y D a m -Vis i tor ' s Center Fi le . 8 9 Corps, " A Proposed Public Use Plan for L ibby Dam and Lake Koocanusa, Montana," (Seattle District, date unknown), 5, M H S , L ibby Dam, L i b b y M T - Recreation Fi le ; Corps, " A Preliminary Investigation of Recreation, Fisheries and Cultural Resources and Impacts on These Resources i f the Reservoir is Drafted Deeper: Final Report L ibby Dam-Lake Koocanusa Project, Kootenai River, Montana" (Seattle District, 1985), 21. 9 0 Corps, "Section 3," sec. 3, p. 5. 37 re la t ively nearby - most ly on numerous reservations i n M o n t a n a and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a -was not ment ioned . 9 1 N o r were tensions acknowledged that existed between the Ktunaxa /Koo tena i and the Corps and the M o n t a n a and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a governments over rights to such artefacts and "cul tural s i tes ." 9 2 The Corps wanted visi tors to experience first-hand on ly a pleasant vers ion o f the history o f the area, w h i c h w o u l d , planners hoped, harmonize it w i th the present reali ty o f the dam, either through the t imeline-oriented " Ind ian" exhibits i n the V i s i t o r Center M u s e u m , or by " w a l k i n g into the past" a long nature trails that led to "prehis tor ic" s i tes . 9 3 Since the L i b b y D a m was not located i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and L a k e Koocanusa water levels w o u l d drop s ignif icant ly i n the province every year, tour ism plans were not as extensive for the L i b b y Project i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . Howeve r , as p rev ious ly mentioned, other C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty D a m s had been c r i t i c ized concerning their 91 Not So Long Ago: Recollections of Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Elders coordinated by Troy Hunter (Cranbrook: Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council, 1999); Kootenai Cultural Committee of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes, Ktunaxa Legends (Pablo, MT: Salish Kootenai College Press, 1997); Spritzer, Waters of Wealth, 6-54; Olga Weydemeyer Johnson, Flathead and Kootenay: The Rivers, the Tribes and the Regions Traders (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1969). 9 2 Evidence for this point is scarce, presumably since the Ktunaxa/Kootenai were not consulted about the Libby Project by government agencies nor by the media on either side of the border. Tensions are mentioned in a letter to Corps engineer Colonel Roger Yankoupe from Tribal Council Chairman Joseph J. Felsman of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Reservation, April 23, 1985, appended to the end of Corps, " A Preliminary Investigation," exhibit 5. Similar archaeological digs occurred in British Columbia, but, so far, I have been unable to locate evidence of tensions over artefacts and sites between the Ktunaxa Nation and the British Columbia government and/or archaeologists. That some Ktunaxa were involved in digs that did not go well is mentioned by British Columbia Ktunaxa Elder Theresa Pierre, who said in an interview "I worked in archaeology before. That was out by Fort Steele and at the Reservoir. I got mad and walked out." See Not So Long Ago: Recollections of Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Elders, 103. Such digs were not referred to at all, though, in BC's main newspapers, nor in Provincial records. I also looked at every issue of Indian Voice and Native Voice from 1955-1975 but did not find any mention of the Libby Project. Presumably such a lack of evidence would be solved, at least partially, through the use of oral history - which would have enriched other areas of this essay as well. Unfortunately, due to time and monetary constraints, I was unable to conduct any interviews for this paper, and I recognize that my thesis does suffer somewhat as a result. 9 3 For a larger discussion of appropriating and imagining First Nations groups and resources as a way to naturalize tourist destinations see Karen Dubinsky, The Second Greatest Disappointment: Honeymooning and Tourism at Niagara Falls (Toronto: Between the Lines Press, 1999); Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998); Jasen, Wild Things; Daniel Francis, The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992). 38 environmental effects, and the Bennett government was anxious to deflect negative attention. In 1967 E . M . Gunderson , executive director o f B . C . H y d r o - a p u b l i c l y owned corporat ion responsible for, among other things, constructing dams on the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a portions o f the C o l u m b i a and Peace R i v e r s - wrote to Bennett that "the setting up o f another park w o u l d do m u c h to offset the c r i t i c i sm being g iven the government by the p u b l i c . " 9 4 Such advice translated into promises to create numerous parks i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a as the S o c i a l Credi t government began to profess a concern for the environmental effects o f development. In a 1972 radio broadcast, just before the S o c i a l Cred i t Party lost the next elect ion, M i n i s t e r o f H i g h w a y s W e s l e y D . B l a c k stated that " B . C w i l l be kept green and clean . . . . Conce rn for the environment has become a watchword . . . i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the preservation o f a qual i ty environment must become everyone 's bus iness . " 9 5 A l t h o u g h much o f this talk was s imp ly a change in rhetoric that d i d not result i n substantial p o l i c y changes, it d id lead to the creation o f a new park and w i l d l i f e preserve on the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a shore o f L a k e Koocanusa . In 1972, the S o c i a l Cred i t government set aside 1,400 acres o f n e w l y purchased land for the creation o f K i k o m u n Creek P r o v i n c i a l Park to preserve w i l d l i f e and provide a space for recreational activit ies on L a k e Koocanusa . D o n B u r k e , project supervisor for the p rov inc i a l parks branch, described the new park as "different f rom other p rov inc i a l faci l i t ies ," since construction was meant to be as "unobtrusive as poss ib le ." S w i m m i n g areas were designed to be " lagoon-type," and park ing areas and other constructed facil i t ies were separated w i t h "grassed banks and trees" to ensure that, as B u r k e 9 4 Letter from E . M . Gunderson, Executive Director of B C Hydro, to W A C Bennett, June 16, 1967, SFUA, W A C Bennett Papers, Container 55-65, F-55-42-0-1 9 5 Wesley D. Black C K K C radio broadcast, March 30, 1972, pp. 1, 4, 9, B C A , Wesley D. Black Files, MS 449 box 7 file 46. 39 explained, "people w o n ' t see just one great sea o f meta l ." In addi t ion, "trees w i l l be made to keep the park area as natural as possible and swimmers w i l l be protected f rom boat ing areas b y banks around the l agoon ." The park also contained a large camping area and numerous nature trails to a l l ow visi tors to explore its preserved wilderness. Planners hoped that the proper development and subsequent management o f the park w o u l d attract visi tors for both its constructed and natural beauty and that it w o u l d remain a "bright spot" a long the Koocanusa shore l ine . 9 6 In reality, though, the Canad ian side o f the L i b b y reservoir d i d not afford as many recreational opportunities as K i k o m u n planners had hoped. In its first couple o f years, the reservoir was constantly threatened by landslides as water levels fluctuated to produce power downstream. A s one sign in the park warned: " D A N G E R : Sudden landslides and result ing h igh waves w i l l occur in the shoreline and reservoir. The pub l ic is warned to 97 keep away f rom banks and shores except at established boat l aunching ramps." In addit ion, upstream po l lu t ion f rom Cres twood pulp and paper m i l l s i n S k o o k u m c h u c k , coal operations in Sparwood , and C o m i n c o mines near K i m b e r l e y also threatened to destroy any recreational value that K i k o m u n park possessed. A s a result o f such threats, and the reservoir 's constant p rob lem wi th mudflats, K i k o m u n was the o n l y p rov inc ia l park created for L a k e K o o c a n u s a on the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a side o f the border. Instead, the remainder o f the area around the reservoir not occupied by towns l ike Wardne r or Newgate , or by smal l ranches and farms, was left unmanaged . 9 8 "Libby Dam provides new B C park," Vancouver Sun, June 28, 1972, p. 10. 9 7 "Libby Dam provides new B C park," p. 10. 9 8 "Kootenay Preserve Planned," Victoria Daily Times, March 31, 1971, p. 20; "Regional Planner Fears 'Cesspool of the Kootenays,'" Province, April 7, 1971, p. 14. See also, Constance and Christopher Graf, Reflections on the Kootenay: Wardner, BC 1897-1997 (Altona: Friensens Cor., 1997), 557-59. 40 B y the mid-1970s , then, a g rowing environmental movement , combined wi th pressure f rom conservat ion groups and government fish and game departments, drast ical ly changed designs and plans in order to control how visi tors saw the L i b b y Project. In the Un i t ed States, planners attempted to b lend the dam and reservoir into the surrounding area through landscaping, historical exhibi ts , and "cul tural sites" so that the project w o u l d " f i t " into Koo tenay ' s natural history. In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , a s imi la r sort o f log ic went into the development o f a p rov inc ia l park on Koocanusa ' s shores, but mudflats, potential landslides, and po l lu t ion halted further attempts to make L a k e Koocanusa seem "green and c lean." In both M o n t a n a and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , planners i m p l i e d that the dam and reservoir, al though human-made, created an area that inter twined technological and natural elements, thereby creating a "new" Koo tenay region - a "second nature" -centred on a lake system instead o f a r i v e r . " Conclusion: Environmental Modernism and the Legacy of the Libby Dam The comple t ion o f the L i b b y D a m in 1975 marked the end o f a controversia l process that took almost three decades to complete . A s was c o m m o n dur ing the " b i g dam era," in i t i a l controversies d i d not concern the possible adverse environmental or socia l impacts o f the dam. Instead, arguments over the dam i n v o l v e d compensat ion for lost land and power benefits, and where the d a m should be buil t . The issue o f whether the Kootenay R i v e r should be dammed i n the first place never arose; those i n v o l v e d assumed that i f the dam was not bui l t at L i b b y it w o u l d be buil t somewhere else. In typica l h igh 9 9 Corps, Environmental Statement, 21. For further discussions of "second nature," see Cronon's Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hi l l and Wang, 1983) and ibid., Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York and London: W W Norton & Co., 1991). For water resource development and "second nature," see White, Organic Machine and Irvin, The New Niagara. 41 modernist fashion, when the environment was ment ioned it was to warn o f the potential destructive power o f nature, to celebrate "man ' s " progress through the domina t ion o f nature, or to point out the "uselessness" o f the area that the L i b b y reservoir w o u l d inundate. A s the dam neared the construct ion stage, though, attitudes concerning large dam development began to shift. A g rowing sense o f envi ronmenta l i sm focused pub l ic attention on the adverse effects o f d a m projects, w h i c h gave environmental groups and pro-conservation pol i t ic ians and government agencies a greater amount o f power to push for environmental mi t iga t ion . A s a result, p lanning and the language o f development changed. Government agencies on both sides o f the border conducted studies that assessed the potential effects o f the dam on the Koo tenay environment and advocated for a shift in land use pol ic ies in the area that was to be inundated by the reservoir, f rom pr iva te ly-owned farms to pub l i c ly -owned w i l d l i f e and recreation areas. In response, both the Corps and the B C S o c i a l Cred i t government adopted "green and c lean" development pol ic ies . The L i b b y Project was no longer celebrated as a "whopper , " or as a majestic s y m b o l o f "man ' s " dominance over nature. Instead, planners, especia l ly i n the U n i t e d States, emphasized the project 's " w i l d " setting and attempted to b lend the two together. In this way , the rhetoric, plans, and eventual ly the impact o f the L i b b y D a m changed, f rom " t aming" and "conquer ing" nature to "mi t iga t ing" and "manag ing" it. A l t h o u g h the promot ion o f the dam was no longer high modernist in tone, the overa l l emphasis was s t i l l on the rat ional management o f nature by trained experts, w h i c h can instead be described as a form o f environmental modern ism. In this way , L i b b y Project planners anticipated the decl ine o f the " b i g d a m era" in N o r t h A m e r i c a , as concern for the 42 environment s lowed dam construction immense ly i n the U n i t e d States beg inn ing i n the mid-1970s and about a decade later i n Canada . The legacy o f such a change in "the pol i t ics o f development" is complex , and affects people as w e l l as the environment. M a n y o f the measures adopted to mitigate the dam's environmental effects worked fair ly w e l l , and its environmental impact - though not insignif icant - was relat ively control led, especia l ly compared to dams o f s imi la r size that d id not p lan for environmental m i t i g a t i o n . 1 0 0 The dam's selective wi thdrawal system successfully regulated the temperature o f water released from the reservoir, w h i c h m i n i m i z e d the decl ine o f trout, whitef ish, and do l ly varden downstream. A hatchery was constructed at M u r r a y Springs i n 1974 to stock the reservoir w i th cutthroat trout, w h i c h , i n combina t ion w i t h upstream barriers, prevented the reservoir f rom being taken over by non-game f i s h . 1 0 1 W i l d l i f e mi t igat ion measures were also relat ively successful. Changes to land use a l lowed most w i l d l i f e to continue to graze i n the area w i th in stable populat ion 102 levels . F i n a l l y , the L i b b y Project also managed to lower pol lu t ion levels i n the Koo tenay R i v e r . In the late 1960s and early 1970s, pressure from po l lu t ion control groups, such as the Vancouver -based Socie ty for P o l l u t i o n and Env i ronmen ta l C o n t r o l and the B C Env i ronmen ta l C o u n c i l , as w e l l as f rom the A r m y Corps o f Engineers , forced industr ial complexes upstream to reduce effluents released into the Koo tenay R i v e r and its tributaries. A l t h o u g h phosphorus levels remained fourteen times higher than 1 0 0 For a comprehensive listing of the environmental effects of dams all over the world, see McCully, Silenced Rivers. 1 0 1 Vito A. Ciliberti, Jr., The Libby Dam Project: An Ex-Post Facto Analysis of Selected Environmental Impacts, Mitigation Commitments, Recreation Usage and Hydroelectric Power Production (Missoula: University of Montana, April 1980), 122-127; Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife and Parks, Kootenai River Investigations Final Report, 1972-1982 (March, 1983). 1 0 2 Chris Yde and Arnold Olsen, Wildlife Impact Assessment and Summary of Previous Mitigation Related to Hydroelectric Projects in Montana: Volume One - Libby Dam Project (Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife and Parks, Funded by Bonneville Power Administration, 1984). 43 recommended levels , it s t i l l prevented L a k e K o o c a n u s a f rom becoming the "cesspool" that some had f ea red . 1 0 3 E v e n wi th these mit igat ion efforts, the L i b b y D a m s t i l l had unanticipated environmental effects. Bar r ie r dams and the M u r r a y Springs hatchery keep the reservoir wel l - s tocked wi th game f ish , but an over-dependence on these hatchery-raised f ish has threatened species compos i t ion and diversi ty. Downs t ream, rare giant whi te sturgeon, w h i c h can grow up to nine feet in length, are now nearly extinct, since the L i b b y D a m cut them off f rom spawning territories ups t r eam. 1 0 4 B l a c k bear and U r a l - T w e e d b ighorn sheep populations were also almost decimated, as not nearly as m u c h land as promised was set aside, and much o f it that had been was not suitable for them. Furthermore, upstream b i rd populat ions, i nc lud ing grouse, geese, ducks, and eagles, dropped signif icant ly , as fluctuating reservoir levels destroyed most nesting areas . 1 0 5 M i t i g a t i o n efforts for the L i b b y Project also affected more than just the environment. Dec i s ions for environmental management were left i n the hands o f a smal l group o f experts, and loca l communi t ies were not consulted. F o r K tunaxa /Koo tena i groups w h o had inhabited the area inundated by L a k e Koocanusa , this meant that their history, cul tural artefacts, and even their identities were appropriated without consultat ion i n order to help sel l the L i b b y Project as "nat ive." Guides for the L i b b y D a m and L a k e " "Firm Cuts Pollution in Two Rivers," Vancouver Sun, Nov. 20, 1969, p. 40; "Regional Planner Fears 'Cesspool of the Kootenays,'" Province, April 7, 1971, p. 14; "Lake Scum Threatens to Spread," Province, Aug. 9, 1973, p.9; "Kootenay's Colour Regrettable Says Company," Vancouver Sun, Dec. 16, 1974, p.17. 1 0 4 Vaughn L . Paragamian "Changes in the Species Composition of the Fish Community in a Reach of the Kootenai River, Idaho, after Construction of the Libby Dam" Journal of Freshwater Ecology 17(3) (September 2002), 375-83; ibid, et al., "Spawning Habitat of Kootenai River White Sturgeon, Post-Libby Dam" North American Journal of Fisheries Management 2] (2001), 22-33; E . M . Rubridge and E.B. Taylor, "An Analysis of Spatial and Environmental Factors Influencing Hybridization between Native Westslope Cutthroat Trout and Introduced Rainbow Trout in the Upper Kootenay River Drainage, British Columbia" Conservation Genetics 6(3) (May 2005), 369-84. 1 0 5 Yde and Olsen, Wildlife Impact Assessment, 12-69. 44 Koocanusa are pleased to in fo rm visi tors that "surpr is ingly , Koocanusa is not an Indian name." Rather, it was created i n 1970 by A l i c e Beers o f Rex fo rd , M o n t a n a - and chosen for the reservoir by the Corps and the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Department o f Recrea t ion and Conserva t ion - by c o m b i n i n g the first three letters o f the words Koo tenay and Canada wi th U S A . 1 0 6 Howeve r , just as the " Ind ian" man i n the Treaty T o w e r sculpture was invented to make the L i b b y D a m seem more "nat ive" - and thus more natural - so was the "Indian"-sounding name o f its reservoir an invent ion meant to accompl i sh the same goal . These invent ions, though, do not acknowledge that K tunaxa /Koo tena i groups d i d not s imp ly disappear f rom the area, but had been pushed out nearly a century before and s t i l l l i v e d i n the Kootenay B a s i n . N o r do they acknowledge tensions between them and government agencies over such cul tural appropriations. F o r loca l residents forced to move because o f the reservoir, the environmental mi t igat ion pol ic ies incorporated into the L i b b y Project meant something different. Such residents, especial ly ranchers and farmers, resented the fact that "outsiders" w o u l d construct a dam and reservoir that w o u l d f lood their homes to benefit those l i v i n g downstream and in faraway urban cent res . 1 0 7 The fact that, i n addi t ion to be ing relocated, they w o u l d be unable to continue ranching i n the area due to the "unprecedented procedure" o f environmental mit igat ion was part icular ly g r a t i n g . 1 0 8 Such plans i n v o l v e d changing tradit ional land use i n the area from sma l l , independent ranches and farms to 1 0 6 Corps, "Libby Dam and Lake Koocanusa, Montana/British Columbia" (Seattle District, 1999); "Dam Reservoir to get a Two Nation Name" Vancouver Sun, Dec. 15, 1970, p.3. 1 0 7 Susan Toller and Peter N . Nemetz, "Assessing the Impact of Hydro Development: A Case Study of the Columbia River Basin in British Columbia" BC Studies 114 (Summer 1997), 5-13. 1 0 8 "Libby Dam Area Landowners" Great Falls Tribune, July 17, 1966, MHS, Merriam Papers, M C 58 11-1; "Rexford Not Bitter, Just Disgusted" Great Falls Tribune, Oct 8, 1965, p. 1, M H S , Metcalf Papers, Mc 172 681-11; "Kootenay Ranchers Protest Dam Land Grab" Vancouver Sun, Jan. 13, 1970, p.26; See also, Constance and Christopher Graf, Reflections on the Kootenay: Wardner B.C. 1897-1997 (Altona: Friesens Co., 1997), 551-59. 45 w i l d l i f e preserves that were "envi ronmenta l ly f r iendly" and good for tourists, but bad for those w h o ca l led the area home. In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the buy-out process was part icular ly controvers ia l . A l t h o u g h the B C M i n i s t r y o f H i g h w a y s was responsible for c lear ing the land for the reservoir, B C H y d r o was brought i n to negotiate and buy property because o f its experience wi th the C o l u m b i a R i v e r dams. Howeve r , since B C H y d r o was not responsible for any development i n the area, it d i d not use much tact in the buy-out process. Thus , residents felt as though no discernable p o l i c y existed, and the purchases seemed c l u m s y and ad hoc. S o m e ranchers i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a set up roadblocks, wh i l e others refused to s e l l . 1 0 9 In 1973, such controversy, a long wi th c r i t ic i sms o f ba l loon ing C o l u m b i a R i v e r Treaty D a m costs, dissuaded Dave Barret t ' s new N D P government f rom purchasing addi t ional properties for winter graz ing lands, and such environmental mi t igat ion plans were s c r apped . 1 1 0 In Mon tana , the Corps was c lear ly responsible for the L i b b y Project, w h i c h made it easier for conservation groups to push for w i l d l i f e habitat preservation. In i t i a l ly the Corps was reluctant to purchase addit ional lands for the same reason the N D P government d id not do so i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A s one Corps engineer expla ined , "many M o n t a n a residents, par t icular ly those i n L i n c o l n Coun ty , are opposed to any further Federal land acquis i t ion in the project v i c i n i t y . " " 1 Howeve r , po l i t i ca l and m e d i a pressure was on the side o f conservationists. Lobby i s t s managed to convince the governor, Forrest Ande r son , to threaten legal action against the Corps i f they d i d not honour their l 0 9 ; "Kootenay Ranchers Block Highway Crews" Province, Feb., 13, 1970, p. 31; "Hurting Too Many Little People" Province, April 8, 1971, p.4 "° "Libby Dam land battle drawing slowly to a close," Vancouver Sun, March 19, 1973. 1 , 1 Letter to Senator Lee Metcalf from Thomas Nelson, L T C Corps of Engineers, Feb., 8, 1972, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 172 99-4. 46 commitment to create winter graz ing lands. Ande r son angr i ly wrote: " I w i l l not stand i d l y by and permit the flooding o f the L i b b y D a m reservoir without f i rm assurance that sufficient compensat ion w i l l be prov ided for b i g game habi ta t . " 1 1 2 W i t h po l i t i ca l pressure such as this, as w e l l as further l o b b y i n g by Senator Metca l f , Congress eventual ly passed the Water Resources Deve lopment A c t i n 1974, w h i c h provided the Corps w i t h U S $ 2 m i l l i o n to purchase land for habitat mi t igat ion. Howeve r , by the late 1970s funds ran out after on ly 2,400 acres had been purchased, far short o f the 12,000 that had been previous ly p r o p o s e d . 1 1 3 Since this per iod, envi ronmenta l i sm wi th in the Koo tenay region, especia l ly i n Mon tana , has increased substantially, hal t ing numerous subsequent development proposals for the Koo tenay R i v e r . The first o f these was B C H y d r o ' s resurrection o f a previous plan to divert part o f the Koo tenay R i v e r into the C o l u m b i a to produce more power at the Revels toke and M i c a D a m s . Such a development w o u l d have created a reservoir nearly twice the size o f L a k e Koocanusa in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , and w o u l d have rendered the L i b b y D a m nearly useless. Thus , a combina t ion o f pressure f rom environmental groups protesting the project 's "total i r respons ib i l i ty" and the A m e r i c a n government protesting its affect on the L i b b y D a m halted discuss ion o f the project in B . C . nearly as q u i c k l y as it had b e g u n . 1 1 4 A second, more realist ic poss ib i l i ty was the C o r p s ' late 1970s proposal to b u i l d a re-regulation d a m to generate more power downstream from the L i b b y D a m . A l t h o u g h 1 1 2 Letter to Sydney Steinborn, District Engineer, Corps, from Forrest Anderson, Montana Governor, February 7, 1972, MHS, Metcalf Papers, M C 172 99-4. 1 1 3 John Mundinger and Chris Yde, Final Report: Wildlife and Wildlife Habitat Mitigation Plan for Libby Hydroelectric Project (Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife and Parks, January 1985), 1-3. 1 1 4 "Cut in Libby Dam Water a Disaster: Mansfield," Victoria Times, Aug. 4, 1975, p.2; " A Mightier Mica," Vancouver Sun, August 8, 1975, p.4; "River Diversion Irresponsible," Victoria Colonist, July 27, 1977, p.2. 47 the dam w o u l d not have inundated more than 2,000 acres and had always been considered a future part o f the L i b b y Project, environmental groups used the 1973 Endangered Species A c t to stop the development in 1977 because o f the r isk it posed to g r i z z l y bear populations. N o t everyone wanted the development halted, however . A s one L i b b y resident, B o b W i l k i n s , put it, " i t was a b ig controversy about that R e - R e g D a m . It was a he l l o f a fight . . . [that] d idn ' t do this communi ty any good at a l l , and it was handled p o o r l y . " ' 1 5 T h i s split was exacerbated when addi t ional proposals for Koo tenay R i v e r dams at L o w e r Fa l l s , M o n t a n a and just outside o f Bonners Ferry , Idaho were also shelved as a result o f pressure f rom environmental groups i n Mon tana , Idaho, and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 1 1 6 Thus , al though fo l low-through was often less than promised, a significant change occurred dur ing the L i b b y Project, f rom 1948 unt i l the late 1970s, as a g rowing environmental movement affected not on ly publ ic perceptions o f development projects but also how planners designed and planned for their environmental effects. Env i ronmen ta l i sm, then, d i d more than just alter pub l ic perceptions o f ecology, land use, and development. It also changed h o w projects were designed and how they functioned, or, determined whether they w o u l d be bui l t at a l l . These changes, i n turn, had significant effects, both posi t ive and negative, on the flora, fauna, and people o f the Canad ian-A m e r i c a n Koo tenay B a s i n . The repercussions o f this continue to be felt, as ideas concerning development and the environment continue to shift according to different t imes, places, and people. 1 1 5 Bob Wilkins Interview, May 13, 2002, p. 21, MHS, OH 2004. 1 1 6 "U.S. Dam Building Proposals 'threaten fish in the Kootenay,'" Vancouver Sun, July 21, 1977, p.18. Bibliography Archival Sources BC Archives B C Energy C o m m i s s i o n , G R 1390. B C M i n i s t r y o f Env i ronment Wate r Management Branch , G R 1427. B C M i n i s t r y o f Recreat ion and Conservat ion F i s h and G a m e B r a n c h , G R 1027. W A C Bennett Fonds , G R 1414. W e s l e y D . B l a c k Fonds , M S 449. G u y Constable Fonds , M i c r o f i l m , A 0 0 6 7 1 . L e o N i m s i c k Fonds , M S 0854. City of Vancou ver A rchi ves Ilek Imredy Fonds , A d d M s s 1371. L e o n J . Ladner Fonds , A d d M s s 641. Montana Historical Society Department o f Hea l th and Env i ronmenta l Sciences, S 86-6. Frances L o g a n M e r r i a m Papers, M C 58. L e e M e t c a l f Papers, M C 172. L i b b y D a m , L i b b y M T F i l e . L i b b y D a m , L i b b y M T - Recreat ion F i l e . L i b b y D a m - V i s i t o r ' s Center F i l e . B o b W i l k i n s Interview, M a y 13, 2002, O H 2004. Simon Fraser University Archives W A C Bennett Papers, F 55. 49 Newspapers Christian Science Monitor Kimberley Daily Bulletin New York Times Vancouver Province Vancouver Sun Victoria Daily Colonist Victoria Times P r i n t e d S o u r c e s Boucha rd , R a n d y and Kennedy , Doro thy . First Nations' Ethnography and Ethnohistory in British Columbia's Lower Kootenay/Columbia Hydropower Region. V i c t o r i a : B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Indian Language Project, Prepared for C o l u m b i a P o w e r Cor . , 2000. C i l i b e r t i , V i t o A . Jr. The Libby Dam Project: An Ex-Post Facto Analysis of Selected Environmental Impacts, Mitigation Commitments, Recreation Usage and Hydroelectric Power Production. B o z e m a n : M o n t a n a Wate r Resources Research Center, M o n t a n a State Unive r s i ty , A p r i l 1980. Columbia River Treaty, Protocol and Related Documents. Issued by the Departments o f Ex te rna l Affa i rs and Nor thern Affa i r s and Na t iona l Resources. Ot tawa: Queen ' s Printer, Feb . 1964. 50 H a m i l t o n , H . R . et a l . Koocanusa Reservoir : State of the Aquatic Environment, 1972-1988. Prepared for B . C . M i n i s t r y o f Envi ronment . Ca lgary : H y d r o Q u a l Canada L t d . , 1990. L i b b y Project P lann ing Commi t t ee on F i s h and W i l d l i f e Resources. Libby Dam and Reservoir Project, Kootenai River, Canada and the United States. 1963. M o n t a n a Department o f F i s h , W i l d l i f e and Parks, Kootenai River Investigations Final Report, 1972-1982. M a r c h , 1983. M u n d i n g e r , John and Y d e , C h r i s . Final Report: Wildlife and Wildlife Habitat Mitigation Plan for Libby Hydroelectric Project. M o n t a n a Department o f F i s h , Wi ld l i f e , and Parks , January 1985. Smi th , I .D . Probable Effects of the Libby Dam upon Wildlife Resources of the East and West Kootenay. V i c t o r i a : W i l d l i f e Management D i v i s i o n , F i s h and W i l d l i f e B r a n c h , Department o f Recreat ion and Conservat ion , Feb. , 1970. U S A r m y Corps o f Engineers . Libby Dam: Groundbreaking, 13 August, 1966. Seattle Dis t r ic t , 1966. —. Environmental Statement: Libby Dam and Lake Koocanusa, Kootenai River, Montana F i n a l Draft. Seattle Dis t r ic t : 1972. —. Interpretive Plan: Libby Dam Project. Seattle Dis t r ic t , December , 1973. —. Design Memorandum 44: Libby Dam - Lake Koocanusa Project Master Plan. Seattle Dis t r ic t : 1983 —. A Preliminary Investigation of Recreation, Fisheries and Cultural Resources and Impacts on These Resources if the Reservoir is Drafted Deeper. F i n a l Repor t 51 L i b b y D a m - L a k e Koocanusa Project, Koo tena i R i v e r , Mon tana . Seattle Dis t r ic t : 1985. — . Pamphlet . " L i b b y D a m and L a k e Koocanusa , Mon tana /Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a " Seattle Dis t r ic t , 1999 U S Department o f the Interior. A Detailed Report on Fish and Wildlife resources Affected by Libby Dam and Reservoir Project Kootenai River Montana. Port land: February, 1965. Wha t l ey , M . R . Effects on Fish in Kootenay River of Construction of Libby Dam. V i c t o r i a : F i s h Habitat Protect ion Sect ion, F i s h and W i l d l i f e B r a n c h , Department o f Recreat ion and Conservat ion , A p r i l 1972. Y d e , C h r i s and Olsen , A r n o l d . Wildlife Impact Assessment and Summary of Previous Mitigation Related to Hydroelectric Projects in Montana: Volume One - Libby Dam Project. M o n t a n a Department o f F i s h , W i l d l i f e and Parks, Funded b y B o n n e v i l l e Power Admin i s t r a t ion , 1984. Books and Articles Aarstad , R i c h . "The L i b b y D a m . " Wr i t t en for the U S A r m y Corps o f Engineers L i b b y D a m Project (unpublished), 2001 . A d e l m a n , Jeremy and A r o n , Stephen. " F r o m Border lands to Borders : Empi r e s , N a t i o n -States, and the Peoples i n Be tween in Nor th A m e r i c a n H i s t o r y . " American Historical Review. 104(3) (June 1999): 814-41. Ande r son , Benedic t . Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. R e v i s e d E d i t i o n . L o n d o n : Ve r so , 2003, first publ ished, 1983. Bankes , N i g e l . " R i v e r Treaties and Chang i ng V a l u e s , " Law Now 28(6) (Jun./Jul. 2004). B a r m a n , Jean. The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia. Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 1991. B i n n e m a , Theodore . Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environmental History of the Northwestern Plains. N o r m a n : Un ive r s i t y o f O k l a h o m a Press, 2001. C r o n o n , W i l l i a m . Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England. ( N e w Y o r k : H i l l and W a n g , 1983. Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West. N e w Y o r k and L o n d o n : W W N o r t o n & C o . , 1991. — ed. Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature. N e w Y o r k : W . W . Nor ton and C o . , 1995. D a w s o n , M i c h a e l . Selling British Columbia: Tourism and Consumer Culture. Vancouve r : U B C Press, 2004. D e l o r i a , P h i l i p J . Playing Indian. N e w H a v e n and L o n d o n : Y a l e Un ive r s i t y Press, 1998. D u b i n s k y , K a r e n . The Second Greatest Disappointment: Honeymooning and Tourism at Niagara Falls. Toronto: Be tween the L i n e s Press, 1999. Evans , Ster l ing, ed. The Borderlands of the American and Canadian Wests: Essays on Regional History of the Forty-Ninth Parallel. L i n c o l n and L o n d o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f Nebraska Press, 2006. Evenden , Ma t thew. Fish versus Power: An Environmental History of the Fraser River. Cambr idge : The Cambr idge Un ive r s i t y Press, 2004. Farmer, Jared. Glen Canyon Dammed: Inventing Lake Powell and the Canyon Country. Tucson : The Un ive r s i t y o f A r i z o n a Press, 1999. 53 F i c k e n , Rober t E . Rufus Woods, The Columbia River, and the Building of Modern Washington. P u l l m a n : Wash ing ton State Un ive r s i t y Press, 1995. F i n d l a y , John M . Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940. B e r k l e y : Un ive r s i t y o f Ca l i fo rn i a Press, 1992. —. and Coates, K e n S., eds. Parallel Destinies: Canadian-American Relations West of the Rockies. Seattle: Un ive r s i t y o f Wash ing ton Press, 2002. F lores , D a n . "Place : A n Argumen t for B i o r e g i o n a l H i s t o r y . " Environmental History Review 18(4) (1994), 1-18. Forbes, R . J . The Conquest of Nature: Technology and its Consequences. N e w Y o r k : Praeger, 1968. Francis , D a n i e l . The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture. Vancouver : A r s e n a l Pu lp Press, 1992. Fergusson, Ian. " L i b b y D a m : Invitation to Disaster ." National Parks and Conservation Magazine. 47(4) ( A p r i l 1973), 18-21. G o l d s m i t h , E . and H i l d y a r d , N . The Social and Environmental Effects of Large Dams v o l . 1-2. Wadebr idge : Quin t re l l and C o . , 1984. Got t l i eb , Robert . Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement. R e v i s e d E d i t i o n . Wash ing ton : Island Press, 2005, o r ig ina l ly publ ished, 1992. Graf, Constance and Chris topher . Reflections on the Kootenay: Wardner B.C. 1897-1997. A l t o n a : Friesens C o . , 1997. H a l l , Stuart et a l . , eds. Modernity: An Introduction to Modern Societies. O x f o r d : B l a c k w e l l Pub. , 1996. 54 Hansen, Oscar J . W . With the Look of Eagles: Sculptures at Hoover Dam. Wash ing ton D C : Bureau o f Rec lamat ion , Department o f the Interior, 1967. Har r i son , N e w t o n et. a l . Arrested Rivers. N i w o t , C o : Un ive r s i t y Press o f Co lo rado , 1994. Harvey , M a r k T . A Symbol of Wilderness: Echo Park and the American Conservation Movement. Albequerque: Un ive r s i t y o f N e w M e x i c o Press, 1994. H a y s , Samuel P . A History of Environmental Politics since 1945. Pi t tsburgh: Un ive r s i t y o f Pit tsburgh Press, 2000. —. Beauty, Health and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955-1985. Cambr idge and N e w Y o r k : Cambr idge Un ive r s i t y Press, 1987. Hi r t , Pau l W . , ed. Terra Pacifica: People and Place in the Northwest States and Western Canada. P u l l m a n : Wash ing ton State Un ive r s i t y Press, 1998. I rw in , W i l l i a m . The New Niagara: Tourism, Technology, and the Landscape of Niagara Falls 1776-1917. Un ive r s i t y Park: The Pennsy lvan ia State Un ive r s i t y Press, 1996. Jameson, E l i zabe th . " D a n c i n g on the R i m , T ip toe ing through M i n e f i e l d s : Chal lenges and Promises o f Border lands ." Pacific Historical Review 75(1) (2006), 1-25. Jasen, Patr ic ia . Wild Things: Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario, 1790-1914 Toronto: Un ive r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 1995. Johnson, O l g a Weydemeyer . Flathead and Kootenay: The Rivers, the Tribes and the Region's Traders. Glenda le , C A : Ar thu r H . C l a r k C o . , 1969. K e e l i n g , A r n . " S i n k or S w i m : Water Po l lu t i on and Env i ronmen ta l Po l i t i c s i n Vancouver , 1889-1975." BC Studies. 142/143 (Summer 2004), 69-101. — . ' " A D y n a m i c , N o t a Static C o n c e p t i o n ' : The Conserva t ion Thought o f R o d e r i c k H a i g - B r o w n . " The Pacific Historical Review 11 (2) (2002), 239-68. 55 — , and M c D o n a l d , Robert . "The Profl igate Prov ince : R o d e r i c k H a i g - B r o w n and the M o d e r n i z i n g o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . " Journal of Canadian Studies. 36(3) ( F a l l 2001), 7-23. K h a g r a m , Sanjeev. Dams and Development: Transnational Struggles for Water and Power. N e w Y o r k : C o r n e l l Un ive r s i t y Press, 2004. Koo tena i Cu l tu ra l Commi t t ee o f the Confederated Sa l i sh and Kootena i Tr ibes , Ktunaxa Legends. Pab lo , M T : Sa l i sh Koo tena i Co l l ege Press, 1997. K r u t i l l a , John V . The Columbia River Treaty: The Economics of an International River Basin Development. Ba l t imore : The Johns H o p k i n s Un ive r s i t y Press, 1967. L i m e r i c k , Pa t r ic ia N e l s o n . The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West. N e w Y o r k and L o n d o n : W . W . Nor ton and C o . , 1987. L o o , T i n a . States of Nature:Conserving Canada's Wildlife in the Twentieth Century. Vancouver : U B C Press, 2006. — . "People i n the W a y : M o d e r n i t y , Envi ronment , and Socie ty on the A r r o w L a k e s . " BC Studies 142-143 ( S u m m e r / A u t u m n 2004), 161-97. M a c E a c h e r n , A l a n . Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935-1970. M o n t r e a l & Kings ton : M c G i l l - Q u e e n ' s Un ive r s i t y Press, 2001 . M a l o n e , M i c h a e l P . et. a l . Montana: A History of Two Centuries. R e v i s e d E d i t i o n . Seattle: Un ive r s i t y o f Wash ing ton Press, 1991. M a r x , L e o . Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America. N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d Un ive r s i t y Press, 1967. M c C u l l y , Patr ick. Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams. L o n d o n : Z e d B o o k s , 1996. 56 M c K a y , Ian. The Quest of the Folk: Antimoderism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia. M o n t r e a l and K i n g s t o n : McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994. M c N e i l l , J .R . Something New Under the Sun: An Environmental History of the Twentieth Century World. N e w Y o r k : W . W . N o r t o n and C o . , 2000. M i t c h e l l , D a v i d J . W.A.C. Bennett and the Rise of British Columbia. Vancouve r : Douglas and M c l n t y r e , 1983 (second edi t ion, 1995). M o r r i s s e y , Kather ine. Mental Territories: Mapping the Inland Empire. Ithaca and L o n d o n : C o r n e l l Un ive r s i t y Press, 1997. Nash , Rode r i ck . Wilderness and the American Mind. N e w H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982, first publ ished, 1967. Ne l l e s , H . V . The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydro-Electric Power in Ontario, 1849-1941 . T o r o n t o : M a c m i l l a n C o . o f Canada L t d . , 1974. Not So Long Ago: Recollections of Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Elders, coordinated by T r o y Hunter . Cranbrook: Ktunaxa /Kinbaske t T r i b a l C o u n c i l , 1999. N y e , D a v i d E . American Technological Sublime. Cambr idge : M I T Press, 1994. O l d e n z i e l , Ru th . Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945. Ams te rdam: A ms t e r dam Un ive r s i t y Press, 1999. Ochsner , Jeffrey K a r l ed. Shaping Seattle Architecture: A Historical Guide to the Architects. Seattle: Un ive r s i t y o f Wash ing ton Press, 1994. Paragamian, V a u g h n L . "Changes in the Species C o m p o s i t i o n o f the F i s h C o m m u n i t y i n a Reach o f the Koo tena i R i v e r , Idaho, after Const ruc t ion o f the L i b b y D a m . " Journal of Freshwater Ecology. 7(3) (September 2002), 375-83. 57 — , et a l . " S p a w n i n g Habitat o f Koo tena i R i v e r W h i t e Sturgeon, P o s t - L i b b y D a m . " North American Journal of Fisheries Management. 21 (2001), 22-33. Pr ice , Jennifer. Flight Maps: Adventures With Nature in Modern America. N e w Y o r k : B a s i c B o o k s , 1999. Read , Jennfier. "Addre s s ing ' A Quiet H o r r o r ' : The E v o l u t i o n o f Ontar io P o l l u t i o n C o n t r o l P o l i c y i n the International Great Lakes , 1909-1972." P h D Disser tat ion: Queen 's Un ive r s i ty , 1999. Reisner , M a r c . Cadillac Desert: The American West and Its Disappearing Water. N e w Y o r k : V i k i n g Penguin Inc., 1986. Righter , Robert . The Battle Over Hetch Hetchy: America's Most Controversial Dam and the Birth of Modern Environmentalism. Ox fo rd : Un ive r s i t y o f O x f o r d Press, 2005. Ro thman , H a l . Devil's Bargains: Tourism in the Twentieth Century American West. Lawrence : Un ive r s i t y Press o f Kansas , 1998. Rubr idge , E . M . and T a y l o r , E . B . " A n A n a l y s i s o f Spat ial and Env i ronmen ta l Factors Inf luencing H y b r i d i z a t i o n between Na t ive Wests lope Cutthroat Trout and Introduced R a i n b o w Trout i n the U p p e r Koo tenay R i v e r Drainage, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . " Conservation Genetics. 6(3) ( M a y 2005), 369-84. Scharff, V i r g i n i a , ed. Seeing Nature Through Gender. Lawrence : Un ive r s i t y Press o f Kansas , 2003. Schrepfer, Susan R . Nature's Altars: Mountains, Gender, and American Environmentalism. Lawrence : Un ive r s i t y Press o f Kansas , 2005. — and Scranton, P h i l i p , eds. Industrializing Organisms: Introducing Evolutionary History. N e w Y o r k and L o n d o n : Rout ledge, 2004. 58 Schwar tz C o w a n , Ru th . More Work For Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave. N e w Y o r k : B a s i c B o o k s Inc., 1983. Scott, James C . Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition have Failed. N e w H a v e n and L o n d o n : Y a l e Un ive r s i t y Press, 1998. Shallat , T o d d . Structures in the Stream: Water, Science, and the Rise of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. A u s t i n : Un ive r s i t y o f Texas Press, 1994. Spritzer, D o n a l d E . Waters of Wealth: The Story of the Kootenai River and the Libby Dam. Bou lde r : Pruett Pub l i sh ing C o . , 1979. Steinberg, Theodore. ' "Tha t W o r l d ' s Fa i r F e e l i n g ' : C o n t r o l o f Water in 20 t h -Cen tu ry A m e r i c a , " Technology and Culture, 34, 2 ( A p r i l , 1993): 401-409. Stine, Jeffrey K . and Tarr , Joel A . " A t the Intersection o f His tor ies : Techno logy and the Env i ronment , " Technology and Culture. 39 (October 1998): 601-640. Swainson , N e i l A . Conflict Over the Columbia: The Canadian Background to an Historic Treaty. M o n t r e a l : M c G i l l - Q u e e n ' s Un ive r s i t y Press, 1979. T a y l o r , Joseph E . III. Making Salmon: An Environmental History of the Northwest Fisheries Crisis. Seattle: Un ive r s i t y o f Wash ing ton Press, 1999. To l l e r , Susan and Nemetz , Peter N . "Assess ing the Impact o f H y d r o Development : A Case Study o f the C o l u m b i a R i v e r B a s i n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . " BC Studies. 114(Summer 1997), 5-30. Tureck , H u g o . Social Impact of the Libby Dam, Lincoln County: The Case of Absentee or Extra-Local Influence. B o z e m a n : M o n t a n a State Unive r s i ty , 1972. Turner, Freder ick Jackson. "The Signi f icance o f the Front ier i n A m e r i c a n H i s t o r y , " (1893) reprinted and abridged i n Weber , D a v i d J . and Rausch , Jane eds. Where Cultures 59 Meet: Frontiers in Latin American History. W i l m i n g t o n : Scho la r ly Resources Inc., 1994,1-18. T y r r e l l , Ian. " M a k i n g N a t i o n s / M a k i n g States: A m e r i c a n His tor ians i n the Context o f E m p i r e . " The Journal of American History 86(3) (1999), 1015-44. Weber , D a v i d J . "The Spanish Border lands , His tor iography R e d u x . " The History Teacher 39(1) (November 2005), 43-56. W e h r , K e v i n . America's Fight over Water: The Environmental and Political Effects of Large-Scale Systems. N e w Y o r k and L o n d o n : Rout ledge, 2004. W e y d e m e y e r Johnson, O l g a . Flathead and Kootenay: The Rivers, the Tribes and the Regions Traders. Glenda le : Ar thu r H . C l a r k C o . , 1969. W h i t e , R i c h a r d . The Organic Machine. N e w Y o r k : H i l l and W a n g , 1995. — . "The Nat iona l iza t ion o f Nature ." The Journal of American History. 86(3) (1999), 976-86. W i l l i a m s , Dennis A . Columbia River Treaty Project of Most Value To Us. T r a i l : The T r a i l D a i l y T i m e s , 1966. W i l s o n , Alexander . The Culture of Nature: North American Landscape from Disney to the Exxon Valdez. Cambr idge M A : B l a c k w e l l Publ ishers , 1992. Worster , D o n a l d . Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West. O x f o r d : O x f o r d Un ive r s i t y Press, 1985. Z e l k o , Frank. " M a k i n g Greenpeace: The Deve lopment o f Di rec t A c t i o n Env i ronmen ta l i sm i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . " BC Studies. 142/143 (Summer 2004), 197-239. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0101198/manifest

Comment

Related Items