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"The noblest act of vertue" : horsemanship and honour in seventeenth-century England Mattfeld, Monica 2007

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" T H E N O B L E S T A C T O F V E R T U E " : H O R S E M A N S H I P A N D H O N O U R IN S E V E N T E E N T H - C E N T U R Y E N G L A N D by M O N I C A M A T T F E L D B . A . , University College of the Cariboo, 2004 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R OF A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (History) T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A May 2007 © Monica Mattfeld, 2007 11 A B S T R A C T The competent use of horses was essential to the seventeenth century English gentleman; however, scholarly analysis of human-horse interactions for this time period has been relatively slim. While historians of honour and masculinity have examined various aspects of gentlemanly honour, such as politics, religion, and gender division, horses and horsemanship have remained unexplored. This study, through the reading of seventeenth-century horsemanship manuals, w i l l place horses and the art of horsemanship into the historians' perception of how gentlemen created, maintained, or lost honour for themselves, for their families, and for the English commonwealth. Horses and horsemanship, other than being pleasant pastimes or symbols of man's domination over nature, were central to gentlemanly honour. The breeding and importing o f great horses" was undertaken according to specific aesthetic and practical criteria which, i f the requirements were followed, improved individual and commonwealth honour. While mounted on a"great horse" a gentleman, along with displaying perfected riding skills, needed to showcase emotional and bodily action bridling to avoid charges of ignorance, ineptness, bestiality, or effeminacy. Horses were a central means of creating gentlemanly honour both for individual advancement and for Englands honourable reputation as a strong and defended kingdom. T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Abstract Table of Contents Acknowledgements Dedication..... Introduction Gentlemanly Honour and Virtue Horses and Horsemanship Honour-Producing Horses Horsemanship and the Passions Passions and the Body The Body and Horsemanship • Honourable Perfection • Conclusion Bibliography Primary Sources.... Secondary Sources iv A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S There have been many people who have supported and helped me throughout my thesis research and writing process. M y advisor, Professor Christopher Friedrichs, has been everything an advisor should be - patient, understanding, knowledgeable, professional, and supportive - and working with him has been a rewarding experience of intellectual growth. Professor Richard Unger's input and aid throughout my graduate years is also greatly appreciated, especially his early help on my thesis. I also wish to thank my second reader, Professor Wi l l i am French, for his time and comments on my project. I also owe thanks to Danielle Metcalfe-Chenail, A l l an Newel l , and Patricia Barkaskas, along with the other graduate students at the University of British Columbia, for their support and knowledge throughout my graduate years. Our seminar discussions always increased my understanding o f the topic covered, and our after-school activities, whether a dinner out or a curling bonspiel on the weekend, w i l l be cherished. Finally, I would like to thank the Pincus family and everyone else at Sheepcote Equestrian Services. M y experiences working there were invaluable to my understanding and appreciation for the subjects of this thesis. F o r m y parents Thank you . 1 Horses have been an integral aspect of the proper functioning of western societies until recently. They were utilized as labourers on farms and in the cities; they were used for transportation of both humans and trade goods; they were an integral part of the military machine; and they were used for personal enjoyment and entertainment. Regardless of their social standing, people would have had some interaction with the animals - directly or indirectly - on a regular basis. This reliance on the horse was especially prevalent in England during the seventeenth century, which witnessed the growing popularization of horse ownership among all sectors of society.1 The horses for sale at the horse fairs or by private owner were o f various qualities, were intended for diverse occupations, and were purchased by a wide array of individuals from the less wealthy to the kingdom's elite. Due to the centrality of the horse to early modern society, the study of its interactions with humans would be a productive avenue for the further understanding of the society. Surprisingly, however, the horse during any time period has rarely been the subject of research for historians. The study of horses or horsemanship has been undertaken by only a handful of scholars.2 Historians of honour and masculinity, such as Mervyn James, Anthony Fletcher and Elizabeth Foyster, have explored the forms of honour for both men and women, and for different sectors of society, in relatively great detail. Mervyn James' pioneering work on honour and English politics has become the standard work on the subject, and both Fletcher and Foyster 1 Joan Thirsk, Horses in Early Modem England: for service, for pleasure, for power, (Reading: University of Reading Press, 1978), 28. 2 Historians who have examined human and horse interactions constantly illuminate the lack of interest for the subject, but it should be reiterated here. The most comprehensive and authoritative works in the field of horse research include a collection of essays ranging in topic from horsemanship and music, French noble vertu, and English nationalism, to German bit books by Karen Raber and Treva J. Tucker, eds., Culture of the Horse, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); and an in-depth study of equestrian portraiture by Walter Liedtke, The Royal Horse and Rider: painting, sculpture, and horsemanship 1500-1800, (New York: Abaris Books, 1989). Two excellent studies which focus on the sixteenth century are: Gabrielle Ann Macdonald, Horsemanship as a Courtly Art in Elizabethan England: origins, theory, and practice, (Ph.D. Dissertation: University of Toronto, 1983); Alan Young and George Philip, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, (London: British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data, 1987). 2 examined honour and virtue in relation to gender, patriarchy, and sexual behaviour. While these and other studies of honour and masculinity have contributed to the understanding of the early modern period, and of gentlemen within that society, none of them have explored the relationship between animals and humans in relation to masculinity or honour. 4 This lapse in academic study may be the result of the diminished place of the horse in today's western society. Due to minimal human interaction with horses, they have been demoted from a central aspect of society to the realm o f sport and quaint hobby. This association o f the horse with the eccentric and uncommon has resulted in a disinclination and inability of many historians to explore such themes in their research. A s a result many important questions - such as: Why did the gentlemen of England seek out the "best" and "rarest" horses available? What did a "great horse" mean to the owner? What was the significance of owning and riding such an animal? - have not been adequately answered. However, these questions, and the relative inattention given to horses by historians, can be resolved through the examination of the various horsemanship manuals published in England during the seventeenth century. 3 Mervyn James, English Politics and the Concept of Honour 1485-1642. Past and present supplement 3 (Oxford: Past and Present Society, 1978). His study has greatly influenced the course of honour studies as focusing mainly on political ideas and honour. For example: Reta Arlene Terry, Little White Oaths: the representation of the evolving codes of honour in early modern England, (Ph.D. Dissertation: University of Saskatchewan: 2001). Anthony Fletcher, Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500-1800 (London: Yale University Press, 1995); Elizabeth A. Foyster, Manhood in Early Modern England: honour, sex and marriage (New York: Longman, 1999). For honour in the sixteenth century see: Curtis Brown Watson, Shakespeare and the Renaissance Concept on Honor, (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1960). 4 To compound this problem, the English civil war has become the convenient time frame for beginning or ending a study either on horsemanship or other subjects. Here, the pre-civil war era is often included in discussions over the sixteenth century or has been treated on its own, and the post-civil war era has become a part of the very long eighteenth century. Alexandra Shepard, though sensitive to the rest of the seventeenth century, tends to fall into this trap, as does Philip Carter for the later century. Alexandra Shepard, "Manhood, Credit and Patriarchy in Early Modern England c. 1580-1640," Past and Present 167 (May, 2000): 76-106; Philip Carter, Men and the Emergence of Polite Society, Britain 1660-1800, (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2001). Furthermore, many of the essays in the collection Culture of the Horse also examine the pre or post civil war eras. Two exceptions to the trend can be found in P.R. Edwards, "The Horse Trade in Tudor and Stuart England," in Horses in European Economic History: a preliminary canter, ed., F .M.L. Thompson,. (Reading: British Agricultural Society, 1983), 113-131; Giles Worsley. 3 These manuals were generally produced for, and introduced to, gentlemanly readers, and covered topics such as breeding, horse selection, training, feeding, tack, farriering, and shoeing. They also frequently included lengthy discussions around ideal behaviour while mounted on a horse or around other people. These didactic pieces o f literature were either written and published by Englishmen who were themselves well versed in the art of horsemanship, or were re-workings of continental manuals which conveyed information that mirrored the English sources. However, there were some exceptions to this custom. For example, Michael Baret confessed he was not practiced horseman, but to qualify his work as an authority on the subject, he made it clear that he had taken his information from other reputable horsemanship authors.5 The horsemanship manuals were not the only literature which discussed honour in relation to horses and riding. Courtesy books occasionally placed horsemanship in a broader discussion of idealized and normative behaviour expectations for the English elite. However, the majority of the literature did not mention horsemanship, but instead focused on examining the proper manners at table, the ideal clothing to be worn, and other accepted methods of entertainment and behaviour for young gentlemen.6 Horsemanship, when discussed, was done so in a similar, though protracted, form to the horsemanship manuals with analogous themes and topics covered. A s a result of the horsemanship and behavioral material within both the horsemanship and courtesy manuals, both styles of didactic literature w i l l be examined to understand of the roles horses and horsemanship played in relation to gentlemanly forms of honour. 5 Michael Baret, An hipponomie or the vineyard of horsemanship, (London: George Eld, 1618). 6 Richard Braithwaite's work, The English gentleman, (London: Felix Kyngston [and R. Badger],1633) is an example of a manual which did not examine horsemanship, while Henry Peacham's did quite clearly. Peacham, The compleat gentleman, (London: John Legat for Francis Constable, 1622). This work was also published in 1627, 1634, and 1661. 4 G E N T L E M A N L Y H O N O U R A N D V I R T U E A gentleman's honour, as historian Anthony Fletcher argued, was at the heart o f his reputation within the kingdom, and at the heart of his identity as a noble in England. It was also key to his admission into the "community of honour," to which all men of elite social status, to some extent, belonged. To be honourable was to hold a privileged position along with other gentlemen, and it enabled the gentleman to define himself, not simply as a nobleman born, but also as a man of superior standards, abilities, and virtue. A person's membership in this honourable community was dependent not only on acknowledgment by the monarch for honourable or virtuous actions, 9 it was also dependent on the collective opinion of the other members. A s historian Mervyn James found, this community of gentlemen was "self-selective and self-authenticating" 1 0 to the exclusion of those who did not possess the requisite level or quality of honour. A s John Cleland wrote in 1607, "honour is not in his hand who is honoured but in the hearts and opinions of other men." 1 1 This belonging was also not a guaranteed constant, as honour could be lost or advanced throughout a gentleman's life. A s a result, gaining the requisite honour and virtue was for the seventeenth century gentleman an all consuming occupation. Honour needed to be continuously monitored and maintained throughout a lifetime, and it needed to be modified to meet the prevailing honour codes of the time. 7 Fletcher, 126. Elisabeth Foyster has also covered the topic in detail. 8 This concept was established by Mervyn James. On honour and class distinctions see: Foyster, 32. 9 Henry Peacham found "the Honour of blood in a Race or Linage," was "conferred formerly upon some one or more of that Family, either by the Prince, the Lawes, customes of that Land or Place," due to exemplary performance of the intellect and the display of above average education, or the display of "knowledge, [and] culture of the mind." These symbols of honour and status could also be bestowed for "some glorious Action performed,... [which] have beene usefull and beneficiall to the Common-wealths and places where they live." These actions would have included service to the state either in the political arena or in the military camp. Peacham, 2. 1 0 James, 22; Foyster, 58. " John Cleland, 1607, as quoted in Fletcher, 126. 1 2 For more information on honour and the fascination it held for the English social elite see Fletcher, 32; Malcolm R. Smuts, Court Culture and the Origins of a Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), 97; James Bowman, Honor: a history (New York: Encounter Books, 2006), 41-67. For honour in the Renaissance see: Terry and Watson. They cover in great detail the sixteenth century definition of honour, the virtues involved, and how honour was won or lost. 5 The honour of a community member came in three interrelated forms during the seventeenth century. First, at the beginning of the century gentlemanly honour was considered not only the possession of the individual, but of the family lineage, of existing family members, and of future descendants. Sir Wi l l iam de Grey related this idea when he wrote in the 1620s that "To traduce my actions, stain my blood and dishonour my father, which is long since dead, are three mortal wounds to my soul which can never be cured." 1 3 A gentleman inherited his familial honour, attempted to maintain it throughout his life, and passed it down to his offspring. Secondly, and most prevalently, the honour of the gentleman was also the honour held by the kingdom or commonwealth as a whole. The sixteenth century had witnessed the gradual introduction of a royally propagated honour which focused on loyalty to the monarch, where the benefit of the K i n g and country were central to noble actions and behaviours. This form of honour developed along with Elizabethan ideals of chivalry and courtly love, but in the seventeenth century, with the halting of the tournament, it gradually surpassed these values to become dominant. 1 4 Therefore, a gentleman's actions, whether they were based on knowledge, military might, or other public service, served in some regard to influence the level and quality of honour for the commonwealth. 1 5 For example, Wi l l i am Segar, in his 1602 Honor military, and ciuill, declared in the first line of the book "the duety of every Subiect is, not onely to obey, but also to the uttermost of his power, in his degree and qualitie, to advance the Honour of his Prince 1 3 William de Grey as quoted in Fletcher, 127. For more information see Jorge Arditi, A Genealogy of Manners: transformations of social relations in France and England from the fourteenth to the eighteenth century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 158. 1 4 James 18-19. See: Young and Philip; Lucy Worsley and Tom Addyman, "Riding Houses and Horses: William Cavendish's Architecture for the Art of Horsemanship," Architectural History 45 (2002): 194-229; Roy Strong, Van Dyck: Charles I on horseback, (London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, 1972) for more information on Elizabethan chivalry and its revival under Charles I. There was also a heavy emphasis on chivalry during the English civil war, especially among Royalists. Terry, 120. 1 5 Foyster, 37; Shelley Burit, Virtue Transformed: political argument in England, 1688-1740 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 150. 6 and Countrey." 1 6 For a gentleman in seventeenth century England the honour of the country was considered the duty not only of the elite, but of all commonwealth members. However, the quality and amount of honour advanced greatly depended upon the social standing of the individual. Those of noble status were able to advance more honour for the kingdom than those who did not have access to the political arena or high military rank. Thirdly, as the above examples have shown, the honour of a gentleman was not only the possession of the family or the commonwealth, but also of the individual. With virtue and honour a gentleman could become a member of the honourable community, and gain social status in the process. Wi l l i am Segar again mirrors this thought in his discussion of virtue where he shows that to possess virtuous characteristics had the potential to advance men of "base" or "poore" lineage to "great titles and dignity," while the lack o f honourable and virtuous behaviour "did utterly deface that honor in their posteritie." 1 7 However, while personal honour and the honour of the family were indeed important, that of the commonwealth was superior to any other forms. A s Michael Baret wrote in 1618, man was "not borne, onely for our selves, but partly for our country, partly for parents, and partly for our friends, but the least part to our selves." 1 8 However, while the emphasis placed on commonwealth and individual honour did not decrease during the century, the emphasis on honour for the family did. Familial honour did not receive much attention from the authors of the early horsemanship manuals, and none from such authors in the era following the C i v i l War. Even the courtesy manuals show this change, but their discussion surrounding this form of honour does not decrease completely. Historians Anthony Fletcher and Elizabeth A . Foyster explain this trend as a reorienting focus from the 1 6 William Segar, Honor military, and ciuil, (London: Robert Barker, 1602), dedication. The emphasis placed on the honour of the prince or king gradually declined in pre-civil war seventeenth century where it was replaced by the emphasis being placed upon the honour of the commonwealth only. James; Arditi, 174. 1 7 Segar, 203. 1 8 Michael Baret, preface to the reader for book I. Shelley Burit terms this need to advance the honour and virtue of others before oneself as "civic virtue." 7. 7 family to the individual. Instead of honour and virtue being partially determined through inheritance, it was increasingly "expressed by goodness of Person rather than greatness of Place." 1 9 Therefore, while familial honour was still an aspect of gentlemanly life by the end of the seventeenth century, it was not a primary motivating factor for the English horseman. A s for how honour was constituted and created, the possession of virtue was obligatory. The very definition of honour for the majority of the century was that of not only the holding of virtue, but its absolute perfection. This perfection was an elusive reality as there was a hierarchy of virtue which was largely dependent on how it was gained and then executed in the form of honourable activities. 2 1 Reta A . Terry found there was a move from an emphasis on military actions to the display of internal virtues through behaviour as a prime method for honour creation during the early part of the century; however honour through the military enjoyed a revival during the c iv i l war. Whichever method was employed, not everyone could become the most virtuous individual in the kingdom, and this was often reflected in the social status of gentlemen within the honourable community. For example, F.S. in his The schoole of vertue, recorded that men who were born with innate virtues - which led to the display of natural honour - were considered to be blessed, but men who gained honour through virtuous actions were "double happy and counted most wyse." Such virtuous actions and behaviours included the display of honesty, temperance and generosity, but the most important virtues to be acquired were the ones which had been traditionally associated with the noble realm of the military. 1 9 Richard Braithwaite as quoted in Foyster, 35. This idea is also found in Fletcher, 35, 127-128; James Salter, Caliope's cabinet opened, (London: G . M . , 1665), 26. For more information on familial honour see: Linda A. Pollock, "Honor, Gender, and Reconciliation in Elite Culture, 1570-1700," Journal of British Studies 46 (January 2007): 3-29. 2 0 Segar, 208 2 1 Anthony Ashley Cooper Shaftesbury, An inquiry concerning virtue, (London: A. Bell, E . Castle, and S. Buckley, 1699), 38. 2 2 Terry, 63. 2 3 Francis Segar, (F.S.), The schoole of vertue: and booke of good nourture for chyldren, and youth to learne theyer dutie by, (London: Wyllyam Seares, 1557), 7 of 29. See Shaftesbury for a later view on the subject. 8 These included the ability to showcase reason and rational thought, the full governing of desires and actions, and the practice of traditionally masculine and militaristic activities. Without the control of emotions and individual actions not only would gentlemanly honour be impeached, but the honour of the kingdom would be harmed as well . Therefore, the successful practice o f reasonable governing o f personal "appetites," "passions," " w i l l " or "senses" was a major distinguishing characteristic of honourable gentlemen in the early modern period. 2 4 Furthermore, it was believed that such "passions" were a part of a person's inborn character, and were clearly mirrored in the physical actions of the individual. While a few naturally virtuous gentlemen may have been born with these - often harmful - "passions" already tempered, they were by far the minority. A gentleman needed to be educated in the curbing of his "passions," and practice such governing constantly throughout his life. Without such education a gentleman would be thought ignorant; as such, "those that know ignorance, can neyther purchase Honour nor weild it." For some of the courtesy literature authors, the diversity of "passions" possessed by an individual had its roots in the balance, or imbalance, of the four humours within the body. 2 6 For example, in his 1678 The compleat gentleman, Jean Gailhard wrote i f a man was of "cholerick humor" he would be "quick and dexterous" in his movements, while the predominance of 2 4 Nicholas Morgan of Crolane, The horse-mans honour, or, The beautie of horsemanship, (London: I. Marriott, 1620), 60, dedication; Jean Gailhard, "Book I," The compleat gentleman, (London: Tho. Newcomb, 1678), 29; James, 3-6. This paper will primarily focus on emotional and physical governance, and on the preoccupation of benefiting the people of England as virtues needed for honour. Foyster covers many of the other virtues from the time, such as religious belief, temperance in drinking or in sexual activities, and honour through marriage. Due to space constraints, and due to the lack of information found in the horsemanship manuals on those virtues, they will not be examined here. 2 5 Nicholas Morgan of Crolane, The Perfection of Horsemanship, drawne from Nature, Arte, and Practice, (London: Edward Allde, 1609), Dedication. 2 6 Popular humoral theory stated there were four elements, and each was associated with its own characteristics and qualities which would be shown in an individual's behaviour and character. There was air (hot and wet), earth (cold and dry), fire (hot and dry), and water (cold and wet). These elements in turn were associated with blood, black bile, yellow bile, and phlegm, and each were connected to individual character; sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic respectively. Alexandra Shepard, Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 51, 59-63; Louise Hill Curth, "The Care of the Brute Beast: animals and the seventeenth-century medical market-place," Social History of Medicine 15, no. 3 (2002): 375-392. 9 "Melancholy" would create "integrity and constancy with Luxury." Some "Phlegm" would result in a person who displayed characteristics of mildness and gentleness, but "the great abundance of blood," or the over abundance of phlegm, would lead to the vices of "simplicity and stupidity" or ignorance. A l l of those qualities, either virtue or vice, would result in "rashness, impatience, dulness, suspicion, and mistrustfulness, which often lead men to cruelty; hence arise discontentedness, murmurings, indifferency for any thing, and a number of passions which so much disturb the peace and quietness of men." These mental and physical traits for Gailhard, such as "integrity," while on the surface may appear to be beneficial to either the individual or the collective, i f left unattended would gain the upper hand and result in the disruption of the communal stability. This view was somewhat similar to Anthony Shaftesbury's in 1699, though Shaftesbury, following the general shift away from faith in the theory over the century, did not place his faith in humoural imbalance. For him, man was born with some level of virtue, which he defined as the naturally occurring desire to improve the public good and which was based on the knowledge of good and i l l . For those who were not born with high levels of virtue, which was again manifested through their actions, the judicious application of reason to their lives would result in a virtue that "is so much the greater" than that possessed by 9R • those who were not required to work for it, or those who chose not to. For both Gailhard and Shaftesbury, then, it was innate traits within an individual which needed to be kept in check through reason for personal gain and commonwealth stability. The gentlemen who did not succeed in the bridling of their "passions" or actions automatically had their social status, masculinity and humanity called into question by other Jean Gailhard, "Book I," 66-67. Shaftesbury, 36. 10 members of the honourable community. A s the lack of controlled and reasoned thought was popularly believed among the elite to be the prerogative of the lower classes, to showcase behaviors associated with "base" individuals had the potential to negatively impact a gentleman's reputation and honour within the community. Henry Peacham eloquently expressed his view on this idea by associating the loss of honour, which led to a loss of good reputation, to immediate social death. He believed the "Temperance" and "Moderation" of the mind, along with its accompanying "passions," was the very "roote" of his good name, reputation, and fame. To express the loss of those gentlemanly belongings he quoted a popular euphamism where "as one saith, we are dead long before we are buryed" i f the management of the emotions was not kept in check. 3 1 Since the application of reason to the senses had the ability to "transform a sloven and a Clown into a neat well-manner'd person," the lack thereof was tantamount to social suicide. 3 2 To display ungentlemanly characteristics, such as sloth or clownish behaviour, automatically created distrust over the gentleman's individual and familial place within the honourable community, and his reputation as a member in good standing within it. In contrast, simply by displaying reasoned and restrained, but moderate, behaviour elevated the individual and family over others within society. Closely connected to the idea of the "sloven" commoner was that of the beastly and inhuman. Those who allowed their emotions to become their masters in different situations were often equated with "ape," "dog" "brutes" or "Beasts" and were associated with unreasoned thought, and with individuals who were unable to manage their actions in society. A s it was the emotions which ultimately dictated the physical behaviours of people, their i l l governance often 2 9 Faramerz Dabhoiwala, "The Construction of Honour, Reputation and Status in Late Seventeenth - and Early Eighteenth - Century England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6, no.6 (1996): 203. 3 0 Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, 70; Foyster, 33-35. 3'Peacham, 185-186. 3 2 Giovanni Delia Casa, [Galateo] The refin'd courtier, or, A correction of several indecencies crept into civil conversation, (London: F.G. , 1679), 209. This book was also published in 1663 and 1686. 11 resulted in inhuman, or beastly, actions contrary to accepted norms. 3 3 Animals, including the horse, were not believed to possess reasoning capabilities, or in some cases, any emotional sense at all . They could not think for themselves, and were completely driven by their humoural consistency. Thus, the vast majority of the didactic literature conveyed this ideology, and advocated the need to distance oneself at all costs from situations and behaviours, such as dishonesty or idleness, which resulted in brutish actions. However, i f a gentleman fell into such a trap, and was associated with the inhuman, he ran the risk of having his reputation as an honourable and virtuous individual slandered to his misfortune. 3 4 Furthermore, to be a community member, a gentleman needed to showcase the qualities of adult masculinity. This masculinity could be defined in two ways. The first was in pairing with the feminine. For gentlemen there was always the danger of falling prey to the emotions and becoming a slave to them in the widely accepted manner of women. 3 5 Seventeenth-century women were often considered by authors of courtesy literature to inherently possess a "more cool and temperate constitution," which effectively resulted in "a natural feebleness" both physically and mentally. A s women were thought to be inherently the weaker gender, anything which resulted in a feeble, weak, or ungoverned mind and body was equated with the feminine. The second definition of masculinity was caught up in the dichotomy of youth and adult. Again, it was primarily the avoidance of lapses in reasoned thought which helped to maintain the status of masculinity. The didactic literature of the seventeenth century often discussed the idea that youths were naturally prone to "absurd actions ... extravagant courses, and preposterous progressions, and aversions," and were thought to be in need of constant control since they were Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, 174; Gailhard, "Book I," 29; della Casa, 209. Alexandra Shepard, "Manhood, Credit and Patriarchy," 83, 85. Shepard, Meanings of Manhood; Foyster, 29-31 Richard Allestree as quoted in Fletcher, 387. 12 "like an untamed colt" who was completely at the mercy of its humors. 3 7 In other words, "The nature of youth ... is wild and almost mad, .... For Youth is a hot age, and full o f blood [hot humours]." M e n were expected to display the virtues of temperance, governance, and reason, while women embodied the opposite qualities and youth had yet to learn those abilities and gain the upper hand over their innate "passions." However, for gentlemen to distance themselves from the feminine, and to establish their own concept of adult masculinity, more than just emotional bridling was needed. In 1678, the influential writer Jean Gailhard, reflecting widely held beliefs, detailed methods for the masculine education of youths so they could ultimately fulfill their honourable duty to the commonwealth. 4 0 Central to such an education was to eschew anything which even hinted at the feminine, and to practice activities which instilled the ideal qualities of masculine adulthood. For example, this included the avoidance of fancy and ornate dress, the refusal of delicately cut meat, and the shunning of any activity which contributed to the weakening of the body. 4 1 In contrast to what was to be avoided, anything which "hardened" an individual from childhood and made him "nimble and stronger" was beneficial to the young man. These activities made "their constitution strong and lusty," and included "Hunting, Riding, Walking, and moderately using 3 7 Francis Lenton and William Guild as quoted in Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, 24. 3 8 Gailhard, "Book I," 66. 3 9 Shepard, Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England, 30. 4 0 Terry found there was a gradual decrease in the emphasis placed on the military as a means of aiding the commonwealth, and it was replaced by Neo-Stoic thought which prioritized politics in military's stead. Terry, 159. 4 1 Delia Casa, 49; Gailhard, "Book I," 81. For example, coach travel instead of travel by horseback was increasingly popular for the societal elite during the seventeenth century; however, not without its critics. In 1678 Lord Thoresby required his sick son to travel from York to Leeds on the back of a horse simply because of the femininity associated with coach travel. Furthermore, in 1660 John Aubrey recorded the outburst of Thomas Tyndale over the state of the gentry in England. Tyndale felt "Now we are come all to our coaches, forsooth! Now young men are so farre from managing good horses, they know not how to ride a hunting nag". He continued the tirade with: "'twas as much a disgrace for a cavalier to be seen in London rideing in a coach in the street as now 'twould be to be seen in a petticoate and waistcoate." Both Thoresby and Tyndale then considered the increasing reliance on traditionally effeminate forms of transportation as harming the masculinities of the kingdom's young men. Stuart Piggott, Wagon, Cariot and Carriage: symbol and status in the history of transport, (Slovenia: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1992), 126. 13 ones body ..." in exercise. 4 2 Masculine physical strength and endurance were considered to be vitally important to a gentleman later in life. Without such qualifications he was considered effeminate and unfit for his duty as military or political protector of the English people and of English honour. Henry Peacham wrote that "the Fountaine o f all Counsell and Instruction, next to the feare of God, is the knowledge of good learning, whereby our affections are perswaded, and our i l l manners mollified" which led "to the attaining of the most commendable qualities that are requisite in every Noble or Gentle-man." 4 3 This learning was a life long process and an exercise in the protection of the constantly imperiled gentlemanly honour. A l l of the embodiments of loss or lack of bridled "passions" ultimately resulted in the questioning or impairment of the gentlemanly ability to influence his, his family's, and the commonwealth's honour and virtue. 4 4 Without the characteristics of temperate and moderate rational behaviour from the managing of the "passions," the very position of a gentleman as a responsible adult male within the community was questioned. Such lapses in judgment were associated with the ignorant and uncouth, beastly animals, weak and irrational women, and rebellious and uncontrollable youth. Therefore, "Temperance or modestie, ought to accompanie every wise man, and chiefly him that hath authoritie over others: For no man there is that can rightly judge, howe to direct the maners of other men, that knoweth not first how to governe him selfe." 4 5 A n individual called his own honour - and the gentlemanly duties associated with it -into question, and such a person possessed the potential to greatly harm the gentlemanly community and kingdom. Unmanaged gentlemen were "brutes" who, in stations of power in the military camp or political cabinet, "having prostituted their reason, and inslaved themselves to their passions," created nothing beneficial to king or country. Thus, "when in man passions are 4 2 Gailhard, "Book I," 79; Foyster, 36. 4 3 Peacham, "The Epistle Dedicatorie." 4 4 James, 74, 78. 4 5 Segar, 208. 14 exalted above reason, nothing follows but disorders, mischiefs, and unavoidable mine both within and without." 4 6 H O R S E S A N D H O R S E M A N S H I P How then did horsemanship, in all of its multiple forms, 4 7 fit with a gentleman's honour and virtue? In his 1620 The Horse-mans Honour, the influential author Nicholas Morgan of Crolane expressed the central importance of horses and horsemanship to the gentlemen of England during the seventeenth century. He found horsemen to be "tryumphers both in Campes and Courts" and thought they were "accompted .... The most excellent & principall members of AO the kingdome, and such as the Maiestie both of K i n g and kingdome depend upon." For Morgan the practice of horsemanship was equated with the honourable duties of participation in the military or in the political arena, and with the defense of the honour - "Maiestie" - of the kingdom. In 1639 Thomas De Grey found horsemanship and horses to be especially beneficial to the individual rather than the collective. He wrote: For if we shall seriously ruminate in how high esteeme that man is who is owner and possessor of good Horses, how much commended, how much respected, how much talked of, and how well proffered from them: but when he shall be knowne to be a breeder of such good Horses, will not his encomiums [praise] be the greater: but when together with these himselfe shall be known to be exquisite in Horsemanship, whereby to cause his Horse to shew himselfe in his Pace, Menage, and all other his postures like as well becomes a right good Horse, perfectly mouthed, delicately borne, obedient to the hand, and to answer the Switch and Spur, will not (I say) that Gentleman be highly commended, and have more eyes upon him as he passeth along than are commonly cast upon a Comet or the Sun eclipsed: yes undoubtedly. For if we due but note when a handsome Horse passeth along, we may observe the people not onely gazee upon him as he commeth towards and against them, but to turn themselves and looke after him so long time as he continueth within their view and sight: Mans love to the Horse is generally so great.... Sithence [sic] then the Horse is ... so much liked and 4 6 Gailhard, "Book I," 29. 4 7 The term horsemanship incorporated a variety of activities and knowledge types under one title. At the beginning of the century, tournament riding (running at the ring and riding at the tilt) was included alongside maneged riding Though the last tournament was held in 1625 it was still considered an aspect of horsemanship in the writings of William Cavendish and William Hope in 1667 and 1696 respectively. Also, at the start of the century ambling (teaching the horse to 'trot' with parallel leg movements instead of the natural diagonal gait designed to improve comfort and ease while traveling) was included under the term, though its practice lost popularity as it was not conducive to the manege. Hunting and racing were included under the term by the minority of authors, and later in the century they were increasingly considered to be separate activities from horsemanship. Finally, horsemanship incorporated other horse knowledges, such as proper feeding (dieting) of horses, first aid (farrier skills), general care (dressing), and in some cases, knowledge of proper shoeing techniques. This paper, due to space constraints, will focus primarily on the mounted aspects of the term with a heavy emphasis on the manege. 4 8 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 9. 15 beloved of all,... it should suit very well with every Gentleman of worth, ranke, and quality, to endeavour (if not to breed, yet at least) to be masters of such Horses (which he must keep) that shall be truely well marked, and singularly well ridden and made [trained], and so he shall the better advance his honour and reputation."49 Thus, while horsemanship was an honourable activity useful for the military and for a career in politics, it was also immensely important for gentlemen who wanted to further their own position within the honourable community. A s membership in the community was dependent on the acceptance of others within it, external displays of honour were needed, and horses and horsemanship lent themselves wonderfully to such pursuits. H O N O U R - P R O D U C I N G H O R S E S Horses, not only the practice of horsemanship, could either create or harm a gentleman's honour and virtue depending on the physical and temperamental qualities of his animals; however, not all horses were equally effective in conveying honour to a gentleman or the commonwealth, or of allowing horsemen to display their honourable status. What were the horses which allowed the gentleman to "better advance his honour and reputation?" What were the selection criteria for the animals? The horses of seventeenth century England, as today, came in a variety of different shapes, sizes and qualities, and they originated from a diverse array of geographies. While the century witnessed the increased democratization of horse ownership among all sectors of society, the majority of horses available within England were not of the standard required for the kingdom's elite. The "best" and "rarest" horses to be found, as the horsemanship manual authors consistently conveyed, were generally from the continent and included Arab, Turk, Neapolitan, Barb, and Spanish horses. These animals, especially those from the regions of Turkey, Arabia or southern Italy, took a great deal of time, resources, and money to have imported into England. For example, horses from Arabia - Arabians - had the highest value attached to them and could be priced "at Five hundred" to "one, two, and three 4 9 Thomas de Grey, The compleat horseman and expert ferrier, (London: Thomas Harper, 1639), dedication. The book was also printed in 1651, 1656, 1670, and 1684. 16 thousand Pounds an Horse." The less expensive, but prized Turk, was priced at one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds. Furthermore, all imported horses were difficult to procure as there was always the danger of theft or harm to the horse during transit. 5 0 With all of these factors inhibiting the vast majority of individuals from owning an elite horse, to be the possessor of one could generate vast amounts of honour for the gentleman and for the commonwealth. A s Thomas de Grey argued, the breeding, importing, and riding of "great horses" resulted in "honour and commendations both from your Prince, and the weale publique." Furthermore, "for in this most generous Creature, next unto Man, consisteth the pleasure, honor, and defence of a most flourishing Kingdome." 5 1 Gentlemen followed specific requirements in their search for honour-producing horses, with overall shape, colour, and temperament being the most prevalent. The first requirement examined during horse selection was conformation, or shape of the horse. Even though there was a perceptible shift in horse usage from primarily military service to personal entertainment over the century, 5 2 the story of horse conformation preferences is one of general stability rather 5 0 As William Cavendish related, once a purchased Turk had been safely taken outside of the "Grand Signor[ls]" territories - which was a challenging goal in itself due to the tendency to restrict export of the horses -other difficulties presented themselves. As he wrote: "There is also the Difficulty of a Long Journey, and the Danger of Sickness, or Laming; For, you must come Thorow Germany, which is a Long Way; and you must have very Careful Men to Conduct them, a good Groom, an Expert Farrier." Furthermore, no one else other than the original hired handlers was to shoe the animal, since "when they [outsiders] perceive there is a Fine Horse, they will Hire a Farrier to Prick him, or Spoyl him, that they may have him: which is Practiced dayly." Therefore, on top of the initially high purchase price, men needed to be hired to take care of the horse and protect it as it traveled through Europe to England. Even "great horses" which had been bred in England were exceptionally expensive. William Hope, "Preface," in Jacques de Solleysel, The compleat horseman, (London: M . Gillyflower and 9 others, 1696), 11; William Cavendish. A new method, and extraordinary invention, to dress horses, and work them according to nature, (London: Tho. Milbourn, 1667), 71. Hope's and Solleysel's work was reprinted in 1671, 1737, and 1740, while Cavendish's was reprinted in 1702, 1706, 1711, 1717, and 1729. Nicholas Cox, The gentleman's recreation, (London: E. Flesher, 1674), 9. This work was also printed in 1677, 1686, 1697, 1706, and 1721. Arthur MacGregor also discusses the monetary value of'great horses' in: "The Household out of Doors: the Stuart Court and the animal kingdom," in ed., Eveline Cruickshanks, The Stuart Court Courts, (Stroud: Sutton, 2000), 95-98. For more information on the English horse trade in general see: P.R. Edwards, "The Horse Trade in Tudor and Stuart England," 113-131; P.R. Edwards, "The Horse Trade of the Midlands in the Seventeenth Century," The Agricultural History Review 27 (1979): 90-100. 5 1 De Grey, 5, The Epistle Dedicatory. 5 2 This paper will follow the desired traits for horses used in warfare and manege riding instead of for hunting and racing. See Nicholas Russell, Like Engend'ring Like: heredity and animal breeding in early modern 17 than of change. Any differences in reasoning behind the various conformation decisions appear to be the personal opinion of the author rather than evidence of a larger belief system. Horsemen throughout the century selected horses based on a body type which was, principally at the beginning of the century when tournaments were still practiced, strong and able to withstand hardship. Nicholas Morgan advocated horses which "ought to be those, which are of the greatest courage, strength, valour, stature, abilitie to performe, and hardieness to endure all assaults of fire, sword, and famine." 5 3 This horse, along with having to be perfect in battle and hardy while on campaign to avoid injury and sickness, also needed to have "comely" and "stately" movement. 5 4 They were required to be able at warfare, but also to look good while doing it. The emphasis on ability to perform in battle, on courageous temperament, and on campaign survival did not disappear from the manuals, but it was gradually surpassed by the need to have a horse which also performed in the manege beautifully, obediently, and courageously. Wi l l i am Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle, expressed this change when describing one of his favourite breeds, the Spanish horse in his 1667 A New Method. He found that "He is of great Spirit, and of great Courage, and Docile: Hath the Proudest Walk, the Proudest Trot, and Best Action in his 7>oi'; the Loftiest Gallop, the Swiftest Careers; and is the Lovingest and Gentlest Horse."55 A fiery nature was tempered by docility in learning, and strength or endurance on campaign was balanced by beautiful movement. However, regardless of these England, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) for more details on racing. Also, see Moorre-Colyer, "Horse Supply and the British Cavalry: a review 1066-1900," Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 70 no. 284 (1992): 251; Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: military innovation and the rise of the West 1500-1800, Second Edition, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 16-17, 37, 69-70 for more information on the changes made to horse breeding and usage for warfare. Cavalry use was in decline from the middle of the sixteenth century, but horses were still an integral component of armies, especially during the English Civil War when cavalry usage briefly increased. 5 3 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 3. 5 4 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 4, 8. 5 5 Cavendish, 50. 18 changes in desirability, the overall shape of the horse was not perceptibly altered over the century. Thus, a horse in demand had a round, high, hollow, smooth, brown jetty [dark] hoofe; / With pasterns [joints just above the hoof] short, upright, (but yet in meane) / Dry sinnowy shanks, strong, fleshless knees, and leane, / With body large, smooth flanks,... / A crested neck, bow'd like a halfe-bent bow, / Whereon a long thin curled Mane doth flow: / A firm full taile, touching the lowly ground, With dock [tailbone] betweene two faire fat buttocks round. / A pricked eare that rests as little space / As his light foot; A leane, bare, bony face, / Full lively flaming, sprightly rowling eyes: / Great foming mouth, hot fuming nostrils wide.5 6 The conformation was selected not only for aesthetic reasons, but also for signs of ideal • 57 temperament and ability to withstand damaging exercises either in the manege or on campaign. For example, a horse with a neck "bow'd like a halfe-bent bow" not only was visually appealing, but also naturally aided the rider in training as the neck was already elevated into the desired head carriage position. Therefore, necks which "Nature hath so well shap'd, and plac 'd, . . . commonly save Art [horsemanship] his greatest labour." 5 8 The legs of the horse also received a great deal of attention by the authors, as without good legs the horse was deemed useless for many activities. In his 1609 Cavelarice, Gervase Markham conveyed the need for the legs to be "large, leane, flat, and excellently ioynted," though he did not give his reasoning behind this belief. 5 9 Other authors found large legs, or those with good bone circumference,* to be strong and resistant to injury, 6 0 and legs which were flat and lean to be without evidence of damage (swellings and fluid accumulation in the legs from blows or strains) and blemishes. DeGrey, 19-20. A.S., The gentleman's compleat jockey, (London: Henry Nelme, 1696), 13. Seethe frontispiece to de Grey's 1639 edition for a good image of a horse with ideal conformation. 5 7 De Grey, 24; E.R., 66. 5 8 Gervase Markham, Cauelarice, or The English horseman, (London: Edward Allde and W. Jaggard), 1607,62. 5 9 Markham, Cavelarice, 9. * The authors did not describe the methods employed in the measurement of good bone, but today it is done by measuring the circumference of the cannon bone just below the knee joint. A good measurement is approximately 21.75cm or 8.5 inches for a horse which stands 15.2hh or 155cm high at the wither. Barbara Cooper, ed., The Manual of Horsemanship, (Kenilworth, Warwickshire: The British Horse Society, 1993), 388. This height was relatively similar, though possibly somewhat higher, to the majority of horses in the seventeenth century. Russell, 63. 6 0 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 4. 19 Finally, non-weight bearing elements of the horses (head, eyes, and ears) were selected and bred according to the belief that internal characteristics and temperaments were visible through external qualities. 6 1 For example, the ideal horse was to have "Fu l l lively flaming, sprightly rowling eyes" with the appearance of "fire, readie to leape out of hys heade," and which were of a dark brown or black colour with little of the white sclera visible. Such a comely and dark eye was thought to exhibit excellence of character and malleability to the rider's w i l l . In 1678 E . R . expressed this belief by relaying a traditional apophthegm where " i f the Black f i l l not the Pit, but the white is always appearing, or i f in moving, the White and Black be seen in equal quantity, it is a sign of weakness and a dogged disposition." Thus, i f a horse's eye was circumscribed fully or only in part by the white sclera it was a somatic signal that a horse was physically and spiritually unsound and difficult to train. Furthermore, an ideal eye was also to be of decent size for the horse's head as diminutive eyes were considered a conformation fault, and these "Pry-eyed" horses were sure to exhibit "signs of weakness" and ocular disease. 6 4 A l l of the disparate elements of horse conformation were required to have a "great horse" which could "better advance" a gentleman's "honour and reputation." The second requirement for horse selection was one of colour. Beginning in the 1620s with Nicholas Morgan and Thomas de Grey, the faith placed in humoural theory to explain horse temperament began to be questioned by the authors of the horsemanship manuals. Morgan still placed the bulk of his faith in the humours, and believed a horse's temperament was primarily 6 1 De Grey, 23. 6 2 De Grey, 19-20; Gervase Markham, (Discource of horsmanshippe) How to chuse, ride, traine, and diet, both hunting-horses and running horses, (London: E. A[llde], 1606), 6 of 47. 6 3 E.R., The Experienced farrier, or, Earring completed, (London:Rich. Northcott adjoyning to St. Peters Alley in Cornhill, and at the Marriner and Anchor upon New-Fish street Hill, near London-bridge, 1678), 66. 6 4 E.R., 66. Today small or closely situated eyes, and eyes which show large amounts of white, are still considered conformation faults. Small eyes are termed "pig eyes," and are associated with horses of an obstinate and poor temperament. Horses with white around the eye are also associated with bad temperament, but also with cowardice and nervousness. This may be due to smaller and close set eyes having a narrower field of vision, which results in a horse which has rather poor vision. Cooper, 392. 20 governed by his humoural balance, but he also found "undoubtedly you shall finde good and bad [horses] of all colours, and without markes." 6 5 Individual observations and experiences began to override traditional ways of knowing. A t the end of the century the knowledgeable horseman A . S . wrote that past authors had "taken that [humours] for a cause which is no cause" for temperament. However, this shift was not compleat; humoural theory continued to influence horse selection and understanding of temperament for the remainder of the century. Thus, the belief that "by the color of the horse you shal ever judge his complexion" remained influential. 6 6 Each humour was connected to its own colour, which when existing in singularity produced horses which were considered "seldome of any great stength" i f choleric, "of nature slow, [and] dul l" i f phlegmatic, and "of nature heavy, and faint hearted" i f melancholic. However, i f the horse was sanguine he was "o f nature pleasant, nimble, free, and of a good strength." Sanguine horses, while they were desirable and were often of bay, dapple gray, or roan colouring,* were not the "best" and "rarest" horses available. These sanguine colours needed to have the introduction of the other humours through beneficial markings to be absolutely perfect. For example, brown bays were mainly sanguine and somewhat melancholic and choleric due to their black points, but a bay with white facial or leg markings incorporated the last and final element of phlegm creating the perfectly balanced and constituted horse available to gentlemen. It was this bay which triumphed in demand as the "best and most perfect" horse not only in England but across early modern Europe. Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 31. 6 6 Gervase Markham, Markhams maister-peece, or, What doth a horse-man lacke, (London: Nicholas Okes, 1610), 25. 6 7 Markham, Markhams maister-peece, 25-27. * Bay - brown body with black points on the mane, tail, ears, legs, and muzzle; Dapple gray - gray coat colour with circular dapples of darker gray; Roan - black, brown, or chestnut body colour with white hairs intermingled. 6 8 Markham, Markhams maister-peece, 21. 21 Even later in the century, with the decreasing emphasis placed on humours, the bay remained the colour of choice among horsemen. De Grey wrote that "The Browne-Bay is so highly esteemed with all Nations, as that they doe with one assent always rank him in the very first place of colours," and in 1696 A . S . related that horsemen still highly favoured this colour. 6 9 The horses which incorporated all four humours, such as the bay, blue roan - "black with silver hairs" - and flea-bitten gray,* to name a few, were "the best" horses for a gentleman. Humoural theory remained relevant even though it was being actively questioned, and as A . S . found, "good and bad of all colours [can be found], but to overcome Custom, is a hard fight." 7 0 What of a gentleman who did not deign to raise, import, or ride "great horses" which followed these general guidelines? If he did decide to spend his time interacting with poor quality animals, his actions had the potential to harm not only his own image and honour and that of the commonwealth for his and future generations. A s the influential and popular author Nicholas Blagrave argued, "as for those Club-headed, distorted, ugly-countenanced, fleshie, Gourdy-limbed, short, thick-necked, low fore-parted, narrow, shallow-breasted, and evil-shaped Jades and Roiles,** turn them either to the Carts, Car-men, or Para-Garden Stable!" Such lowly horses "were never compounded or framed of a true temperature o f the Elements, and therefore impossible to be reduced to the perfection of action, otherwise then by abuse and great force, which Nature abhorreth." A s a result, i f a gentleman persisted in his misguided endeavors in training such jades, his actions "do shadow the Glory of the Kingdom, disparage the Judgment 6 9 De Grey, 38; A.S., 14. Interestingly, the bay remains the horse of highest demand among horsemen today, and it has retained the reputation of reliability, ease of training, and calmness of disposition. Flea-bitten gray -gray body with flecks of dark gray, black, or brown. ™A.S. , 13-14. The term Jade, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, was applied in a derogatory manner to horses which were thought to be of inferior quality, and which were worn-out or of poor conformation, or of poor colour. Such animals could be ill-tempered, and certainly not conducive for use in the manege. The term was often used contemptuously in the form of an insult, and called to mind images of draught horses, or other labouring animals. Roiles also refers to poor quality and draft horses, but it places emphasis on the animal's lack of spirit. "Oxford English Dictionary Online," http://www.oed.com 22 thereof, discourage many Noble and Heroick Gentlemen, either to become Breeders, Riders, or 71 Maintainers of Horses; and lastly cast mists over the perfections of our English Riders." It was the gentleman's actions, and the propagation of poorly shaped and coloured jades instead of "great horses," which resulted in harm to the image and honour of the Kingdom as the production of serviceable horses was being hindered. Furthermore, constantly witnessing training methods which were contrary to the normative behaviour for a gentleman, and seeing the proliferation of "distorted" horses unsuitable for noble pursuits, caused other gentlemen to withstand the noble art of horse raising and riding. That in turn would result in a loss of skill level among the social elite, and the further weakening of the English military due to a lack of suitable horses or horsemen. Finally, as honour was communal, the riding of jades instead of noble animals harmed the reputation and image of other English gentlemen in the community of honour. H O R S E M A N S H I P A N D T H E P A S S I O N S Before horsemanship is examined, the observers who would be in a position to bestow honour on the horseman need to be briefly discussed. A s honour was created through observation, horsemanship also needed to be made available to witnesses. There were various avenues, public and private, available for the display of horsemanship and horses during the seventeenth century. Early in the century one of them was the tournament field where the honour and virtues of the participants would be displayed both to the monarchy or nobility and to other sectors of society. Later in the century, there were also private displays of horsemanship performed to the nobility and monarchy where, usually, a set sequence of movements from the 7 1 Joseph Blagrave, The epitome of the whole art of husbandry, (London: Ben. Billingsley and Obadiah Blagrave, 1669), 213. This book was reprinted in: 1670, 1675, 1685. De Grey, 15. 23 manege was performed. 7 2 Furthermore, many gentlemen participated in the widespread custom of visiting the stables and riding houses of other nobles either for entertainment or for instruction. Wi l l i am Cavendish related the frequent visits of high ranked noblemen to his arena, such as the Prince of Conde, or the Marquess of Carafena, who watched him ride and showcase his "great horses." 7 3 A s to the knowledge of the finer aspects of horsemanship possessed by the nobility, there is ample evidence which shows that the majority of gentlemen within England would have had at least the rudimentary knowledge about basic horsemanship, enough to be able to distinguish between horsemen who were of superior skill and those who remained relatively ignorant of horsemanship's finer points. 7 4 Thus, since horsemanship was a public pursuit, it was simply "[t]he noblest acte of vertue" available to a gentleman for the gaining of honour, and as such was a highly prized activity for the English elite. 7 5 Directly mirroring the qualifications needed to become a member of the community of honour, the qualifications for the title of horseman first and foremost consisted of the managing of the "passions." Michael Baret's 1618 An hipponomie or the vineyard of horsemanship illustrated this belief in the most detail. Baret's "government of a man" began with the bridling 7 2 Markham, Countrey Contentments, (London: I[ohn] B[eale], 1615), 63; Markham, "Book II," Cavelarice, 237; See Alan Young for further information on the power and symbolism of the tournament, and Roy Strong and Walter Liedtke on spectacles of kingship and rule in the early modern period. 7 3 Cavendish, Dedication. See Lucy Worsley, "Riding Houses and Horses," 194-229, for more information on the public performance of horsemanship. 7 4 Hope, 6; Solleysel, 34. He found there was a diversity of knowledge among spectators, but it was a given that some of them would be "skilfull." Many gentlemen either went to the continental academies, or studied in England under a tutor to gain horsemanship skills. Of these some were employed as riders for other gentlemen. Gailhard, "Book II," 46-47; E.R., 24. See: John Wilton-Ely, '"Classic Ground': Britain, Italy, and the grand tour," Eighteenth-Century Life 28 (2004): 135-165; R. Malcolm Smuts, Culture and Power in England, 1585-1685, (London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1999); Chloe Chard, Pleasure and Guilt on the Grand Tour: travel writing and imaginative geography, 1600-1830, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999) for more information on the grand tour and English travel abroad. 7 5 Markham, Cauelarice, Dedication to Book II. For information on equestrian portraiture and the symbolism of the horse in continental society shown in the images, where the horse was a metaphor for the people under a ruler, who was in turn symbolized by the rider in the images, see: Liedtke. 7 6 Baret, "Book I," 26. Many historians acknowledge the symbolism of passion control and good governance of the people attached to riding, but do not explore the intricacies of the symbolism. Lucy Worsley, 224; Karen L.Raber, '"Reasonable Creatures': William Cavendish and the art of dressage," in Renaissance Culture 24 of individual w i l l in much the same manner as advocated by the courtesy literature for the development of virtue and honour; however, for Baret the level o f such governing needed to be altered to the proportion of qualities held by the horse. For example, when riding a horse which was more apt to display characteristics of rebellion or stubbornness in resisting the w i l l of the rider, or one which in a biddable fashion accepted the rider's instructions, different temperances of the emotions needed to be embraced. For the first, stronger and more courageous aids* to the animal needed to be given in order to override the innate rebelliousness of the horse, while for the second, quieter and softer aids were called for to avoid causing disquiet and fear. Therefore, the horseman needed to "proportionate the command of his w i l l and affections, according to his Horses inward disposition." 7 7 Baret, along with other horsemanship authors, was also specific about which emotions needed to be curbed for the benefit of the horse and rider. He detailed his thoughts in a section about the four "perturbations" which man could fall victim to i f he did not apply reason to his life. The first two "perturbations," "Sicknesse and Feare," for him were not essential to discuss because sickness was considered to be the focus for farriers, and as such it was deemed not worthy of discussion by him. Fear was so crippling for the rider that to feel anxiety was to be incapable of achieving the title of horseman. A cowardly man "is as farre from obtaining the true knowledge thereof [knowledge of horsemanship] as a Coward is to gaine so much prowesse as to bee a Generall in the field." Horsemanship was impossible to accomplish in such a situation. and the Everyday, eds., Patricia Fumerton and Simon Hunt, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 46-47; Liedtke. Aids, also termed helps and corrections by Baret, refers to the cues given from the rider to the horse. They came in a variety of forms, and the most commonly used were the rein and leg aids, but the rider's seat, voice, and switch were also heavily relied upon to convey instructions, praise, or punishments to the horse. 7 7 Baret, "Book II," 118. 7 8 Baret, "Book I," 33; Blagrave, 254. 25 However, Baret did discuss the other two "perturbations" which were "Lust or Desire" and "Joy," since these characteristics ultimately resulted in either anger or love, the two most dangerous vices to horsemen and the practice of horsemanship. Love, or the gentleness and compassion felt towards horses and humans, in itself was a beneficial quality for a gentleman rider to possess as it helped to spread the popularity of horsemanship among other gentleman in England. The practice of love, manifested by gentleness in training, was considered a sure method of producing a horse which was responsive and obedient to the rider, and a horse which performed the manege exercises out of enjoyment for the activities and respect for the rider instead of through pain or force. 7 9 Furthermore, this love could "move the mynde to mercie" 8 0 in everyday life and in riding, and as such its practice produced not only good horses but generous and commendable gentlemen. Horsemanship was a highly advocated means of practicing this virtue, and of generating honour because of it. Therefore, "Love constant and faithfull Pithagoras doth call / To be a vertue most principall." However, it was when love was taken to extremes that problems for the gentleman occurred. For Baret, the overabundance of love for a horse would result in the reluctance of the rider to exert his w i l l over the animal's. The consequential lack of respect of the horse for the rider created a situation of the man being subservient, or a slave, to it in a reversal of the 82 perceived natural balance where man had complete domination over the animal kingdom. A s a horse was considered to be an irrational animal, the elevation of it into the position of "Master" over rational man called the man's abilities not only as a horseman into question, but also could severely damage his reputation as a member of the community of honour. To be a slave to an irrational animal made the gentleman subservient to the horse and unfit for a privileged position 7 9Blagrave, 201. 8 0 F . S . , 2 2 o f 2 9 . 8 1 F.S., 22 of 29. 8 2 Baret, "Book I," 34-35. 26 within the kingdom. Furthermore, a gentleman's inability to gain the horse's respect or obedience often resulted in the production of jades which were unseemly to observe, and potentially dangerous to themselves, their riders, and to everyone around them. Anger had an even greater ability to harm the gentleman's or commonwealth's honour, and it, like the result of excess love, often manifested in harm to the horse as well ; both physical maltreatment and damage to the horse's potential as a "great horse" were possible. L ike the other authors of the time, Baret believed the application of unreasoned and angry actions resulted in physical violence directed at the horse, and that such destructive behaviour had a negative impact on its training. It had the ability to produce jades rather than a horse which was responsive to the rider's aids and wi l l . Therefore, it was believed a man who fell victim to anger or wrath "aboundeth in transgression." For other seventeenth-century authors anger was a vice which was increasingly in need of OA control for more personal reasons. For example, Wi l l iam Martyn, author of Youths Instruction, described anger as "unnatural, uncivil l , unreasonable ... base, cowardly, and miserable ... foolish, desperate, and dishonourable." Furthermore, F.S. in his The schoole of vertue also expressed these results for anger, and found that i f a gentleman "be subiecte and to anger thrall / A n d reason thee rule not nedes must thou fall / Conquer thy wyl l and subdue thy luste / . . . For anger and furie wyl l the so chaunge / That thy doynges to wise men wy l l appeare straunge. / Thine anger and wrath seke then to appeace / For wrath saith Plato Leades shame in a leace." 8 6 Such an overtly harmful characteristic - a characteristic which in one fell swoop had the ability to connect individuals who displayed it with the inhuman and "unnatural," with someone who 8 3 Baret, "Book I," 36. See also John Astley, The art of riding, (London: Henrie Denham, 1584) on this point as he found "that Horsseman which neglecteth to use judgement and patience, or omitteth likewise to cherish his horsse upon his weldoing, shall marre more horsses, than he shall make readie or serviceable." 79. 8 4 Karen Harvey, "The History of Masculinity, circa 1650-1800," Journal of British Studies 44 (April 2005): 301. 8 5 William Martyn as quoted in Alexandra Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, 27. 8 6 F.S., 20 of 29. 27 could not fulfill his gentlemanly duties, with irrational youth and women, and with the lower or "base" sectors of society - also had the ability to tarnish a gentleman's honour and virtue through shame. A s a result, anger and violence were constantly described as characteristics which needed to be avoided and bridled by horsemen. However, this regulation did not equate the total abandonment of all anger. Instead a tightly controlled temperance was needed, as the display of some form of this behaviour could increase the courage and forcefulness of the rider in his management of the horse. 8 7 It served as an effective barrier against cowardice, that killer of horsemen. Joseph Blagrave was one of the many manual authors who spoke out against the use of violence and anger towards the horse when riding. For him, "the ignorant and pretended Rider proceedeth to violence, which the Nature of the Horse abhorreth, as a perturbation; for then his Riding becometh grievious and painful, so that he knoweth not what to do, no more then an untowardly Scholar by whipping to say his Lesson delightfully." 8 8 Therefore, an individual who resorted to violent methods was considered "ignorant" in both his abilities to control such anger, and in the methods necessary to train a horse to perfection by employing "sweet and gentle meanes, rather then by corrections and severe chastisements." Furthermore, such bestial actions went against the nature of the animal, 9 0 so by employing violent methods, like beating a horse or using excessive spur, the rider was also demonstrating his inability to act in accordance with the personality of his mount. In a more general sense, E.R. , in his description of what made 8 7 Baret, "Book I," 36. 8 8 Blagrave, 256. For more information on cruelty to animals and social, including school, reform see: Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: a history of the modern sensibility, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), 184. 8 9 De Grey, 28. 9 0 Horses are prey animals, and as such will respond to stressful situations, which those involving physical violence usually are, with the 'flight or fight' response. Whichever way a horse does react to such a situation the end result is not contusive to the training of the animal. The horse will try everything in its power to first escape the situation, which in the seventeenth century usually involved some form of pain (See Christopher Clifford, The schoole of horsmanship, ( London: T. East, 1585), 22 for more information), and if that does not work will fight the individual who is causing such pain. With an animal which was easily over a thousand pounds, such situations could be dangerous for both the rider and the horse, and were thought best to be avoided. 28 a competent rider, found he "must not be o f life dissolute, or debaucht, nor o f Nature harsh, furious, cholericke, or hayre-brained, for the least of either of these Vices, are very unseemly in a Person of this profession, he must be Master over his passions, for he that is not, cannot make a good Horse-man." 9 1 Gentlemen who could not control the violence used and the anger which created it were considered to be without "Discretion" or "a mad man," and they were associated with a "presumptuous beast" and with "fools" who perform acts o f "Ignorance" and " fo l ly . " 9 2 A s ignorance was widely thought to be the basis for harm to the community, to the military, and to the commonwealth, such individuals were not only unable to become good horsemen but were also, by default, not worthy of the honour which accompanied such activities. They ultimately performed the opposite of accepted normative behaviour for a gentleman. P A S S I O N S A N D T H E B O D Y Michael Baret, along with his discussion surrounding the bridling of "passions," included the managing of the horseman's body in his theory of horsemanship, and the two concepts could not be separated from one another. For him, the total control of an individual was simply the complete and simultaneous curbing of both the w i l l and the physical actions of the individual. A s discussed above, for other gentlemen to adequately make a judgment o f a man's skills and characteristics the actions of that man needed to be examined. A s Jean Gailhard wrote: "Actions are certainly the surest rule whereby to judge of a man; for here I make no distinction of ages: every free agent w i l l propound an end to himself of whatsoever he doth." 9 4 However, the control of bodily actions was especially requisite for a horseman. Many of the horsemanship 9 1 E.R., 24. These lines were taken almost verbatim from the earlier work of Thomas de Grey, 27. 9 2 A.S., 38; Blagrave, 284; Clifford, 22; Gervase Markham, Cauelarice, 99-100. Brathwaite found that both men and youths could fall into the category of beastliness by their inability to control their passions. Richard Brathwaite, The English gentleman, (London: Felix Kyngston [and R. Badger], 1633), 2. Clifford also argued that "by rash, bedlem, and brainsicke hastinesse, not onelie horses are disordered and marred, but mightie armies also have beene thereby overthrown, and utterly confounded." 17 of 105. 9 3 Baret, "Book I," 27. 9 4 Gailhard, "Book I," 73. 29 authors mentioned the idea of any faults in the man being instantaneously visible in the behaviour, and way of going, of the horse. Therefore, not only could an individual's bodily actions divulge "the secret fantasies of the minde," 9 5 but now the actions of the horse could as well; the success of emotional and physical control was doubly accessible to a viewer. Baret argued that a "Horseman must (first) know himselfe to have an apt and able body, and also how to governe the same orderly and commendably, for the least disorder in the gesture of the man, causeth a greater in the horse, not onely in his teachings ... but also in the grace of his show, for the least error that a man doth commit in the government of himselfe [mentally and physically], is encreased in the horse, in a double proportion." 9 6 The mind controlled the body, and both needed to be kept on a tight rein. What were the actions of the horse and rider which could express the honour of the gentleman? How were love and anger shown? While most of the authors, as discussed above, advocated training of the horse using gentle methods rather than violent "chastisements," they were often not very forthcoming about what was considered gentle or violent. When reading the manuals the importance of experience as the driving force behind the actions of the riders comes to the forefront of an individual's actions. Through patient and persistent learning and application of knowledge the rider could establish a set of skills which would allow him to respond to his horse in a controlled manner; there was a constant dialectic between the horse's behaviour and the rider's reactions which could only be managed through practical experience. Also , the rider was consistently required to observe and master his "passions" so he could approach each event or situation in a rational manner; to respond to the horse with a firm Brathwaite, 5. Baret, "Book I," 41. 30 mediocrity of w i l l and action. 9 7 However, there were relatively clear boundaries between proper and improper training methods. For example, Michael Baret, breaking with sixteenth century training methods, wanted the rider to proceed in "gradatim" where he would begin his corrections with the least physically abusive aid - the voice - and i f that did not produce the desired response, to proceed up the violence scale, though stronger aids and the switch and culminating in the use of the spur. 9 8 Furthermore, the improper - overly harsh and unnecessary -use of any of the aids, or the utilization of deemed "apish toies" and "frivolous helps," such as severe bits or cavesons* which were altered to maximize their impact on the horse through pain, were thought to be "tormenting and terrifying" to the horse. Such harmful aids and pieces of tack were utilized by "ignorant" individuals who lacked proper education in riding, experience and understanding of the horse, and who lacked the learned ability of emotional temperance. 9 9 Wil l i am Cavendish had a somewhat alternative view of what was to be considered acceptable treatment of the horse when riding. For him, and for Wi l l iam Hope after him, the use of corrections was vastly superior to the use of praise in training. Such corrections were designed to have the horse "Fear" the rider, and from that fear develop love and obedience. 1 0 0 For him, when the horse does well "I Cherish and Reward them [horses]; and when they do i l l , I 9 7 The term mediocrity here describes both the emotional and physical temperance in, primarily, giving punishment or praise to the horse. E.R., 24; Markham, Cavelarice, "Book II," 244. 9 8 Baret, "Book I," 80. The work of Thomas Blundeville, as a re-writing and translation of Frederico Grisone's horsemanship manual, advocates training methods which were firmly rooted in the traditions of the early sixteenth century. Thomas A. Blundeville, The fower chiejyst offices belongyng to horsemanshippe, (London: Wyl lyam Seres, 1609). It was published as early as 1566. The later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries witnessed a gradual softening in the treatment of animals, and this is mirrored in the manuals with the gradual rejection of Blundeville's methods. Kieth Thomas, 100-101. * Cavesons refer to the noseband on a bridle or other pieces of tack for the head. 9 9 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 210-211; Baret, "Book I," 79; Markham, Cavelarice, "Book II," 17-22. Some trainers, such as Blundeville, had nails set into the cavesons which tore the thin skin of the horse's nose when in use. ' 0 0 Cavendish, 198, Hope, 29. Elisabeth LeGuin discusses in great detail the multifaceted meanings and definitions of'fear' which can be applied to early modern horsemanship treatises. Elisabeth LeGuin, "Man and Horse in Harmony," in The Culture of the Horse, eds., Karen Raber and Treva J. Tucker, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 175-196. The punishment which was only to be given seldomly was the use of the spur, and without becoming acquainted with the spur horses were thought to be but "Half Horses" and not fully trained. Cavendish, 182. 31 Punish them; for, Hope of Reward, and Fear of Punishment, Governs this whole World; not only Men , but Horses." However, the correction was only to be given "Discreetly" and "upon just Occasion." Thus, while punishment was advocated by Cavendish and Hope, in contrast to other authors, it was not to be taken to extremes. Wi l l iam Hope continued this line of thought, almost verbatim from Cavendish in his 1696 The compleat horseman, with a discussion surrounding the use of love in horsemanship. For both writers "Love also is not so sure a hold [on the horse], for there yOu depend upon his w i l l , but when he Fears you, then he depends upon your own, which maketh a Ready Horse; Whereas i f you depend upon his, it would make you a Ready Man.,,m To rely on gentle and loving methods of praise and minimal physical domination, as advocated by earlier authors, was to invite disaster and the overthrowing of the established order of man over animal. The horseman would then become a slave to the horse's mastery. 1 0 2 In whatever form violent or gentle behaviour and riding styles were defined over the century, the inclusion of gentlemanly viewer into the situation was necessary for honour to be either gained or lost. For Blagrave, what was considered to be outside the boundary of acceptable behaviour was in the eye of the beholder. He believed a horseman was to "correct" his horse " in the instant time that he erreth" instead of waiting to administer punishment until well after the event. He continued to discuss the matter when he wrote: " [A] l l mens Eyes are witnesses, beholding the common Horse-breakers and ignorant Riders to minister horrible and most violent Corrections, when the Beholder cannot so much as see a cause, nor himself express 1 0 1 Hope, 30; Cavendish, 196. The use of the terms "ready man" was a play on words which alluded the rider who subordinates harsher training methods - which for both authors included the use of spurs in such a fashion that they repeatedly drew blood - to gentler ones, and to a horse which had become completely dominated by the rider. Cavendish, 184, 193; Hope, 29. 1 0 2 The mastery over the horse was gained through reasoned actions, but this discussion tends to drop out of the manuals which rely on the writings of Cavendish and Hope. For them reason was one of many instantaneously interpreted aspects of the "art" of horsemanship which the discerning reader would not require to be explained. However, other later manuals, such as by Blagrave, which draw on works published before Cavendish, continue the discussion of reasoned behaviour, and the courtesy literature does not decrease its focus on the importance of reason. Cavendish, 198. 32 a reason" for such chastisements. Therefore, a rider should " i n that instant time [have his horse] punished for that errour, but not to correct him for ingnorance, which renders the Rider either to be mad, or as ignorant as a Horse ." 1 0 3 Gentlemen who practiced such reprehensible methods were not considered to be a part of the community of honour, and were not worthy of the title of horseman. They not only were associated with the base practice of horse breaking - a profession which had the reputation of infrequently producing horses of even moderate quality and certainly not "great horses" - but also with individuals who had lost their reason completely. They were as unreasonable and as "mad" as an irrational horse i f they did not understand its learning process, and i f they could not differentiate between instances of rebellion in the horse and ignorance or confusion over the rider's instructions. To punish a horse for something he did not understand was an act stemming from the riders impatience, rage and ignorance. A l l were qualities displayed either by women in general, or youths beginning their riding education. But, the association with such people and their qualities called into question a gentleman's ability to participate in activities which contributed to his honour, his family's honour and the commonwealth's honour. T H E B O D Y A N D H O R S E M A N S H I P Regardless of the severity or leniency that the horsemen showed towards their horses and that was witnessed by observers, the physical actions needed to carry out the different aids were also a component of gentlemanly behaviour and honour. A s John Astley summarized in 1584: "though everie Rider be a creature reasonable, yet everie reasonable creature is not a Rider . " 1 0 4 Ski l l on horseback was also needed. Many of the authors agree vast differences in horsemanship 1 0 3 Blagrave, 212. Most other authors, from Baret to E.R., also advocated the punishment or praise of the horse in the instant that some action was performed. There was a practical reason for this insistence on timely punishment, as there is only a three second window in which the rider can respond to an action of a horse so the animal can mentally connect the action performed and the rider's response to it. Anything later and the horse becomes confused about the cause and effect relationship, which could lead to long term negative impacts on the horse's behaviour. Elisabeth LeGuin, 183. 1 0 4 Astley, 3; Blagrave, 255. 33 skill were displayed by English riders, from raw or youthful beginners and individuals trained in the European academies to those who were experts in the field. The ultimate goal of a gentleman was to gain perfection in all horsemanship skills, for i f one did achieve such a level, as most of the manual writers had done themselves, he would obtain "much fame and wealth." 1 0 5 A man reputed to be an able and judicious rider not only produced "great horses" which were beneficial to the commonwealth, he could be employed by others to perform the same. 1 0 6 However, gentlemen who were not perceived to have developed their skills to the level of perfection ran the risk of compromising their honour and reputation within the community. Many authors ridiculed those who did not achieve the requisite level of skil l in their manuals, and most of them focused on the riders' lack of horsemanship knowledge. Wi l l i am Cavendish expressly mocked gentlemen who, though they possessed enough skill to remain mounted, were not considered to be true horsemen. With heavy sarcasm Cavendish wrote: a gentleman "because he hath Ridd a Hundred Miles in a Day (which a Post-Boy can do) thinks Himself a Horse-man; or, Because he can Run a Match with his Groom, or Leap a Ditch, or a Hedge, in Hunting, and Hold by the Main, he thinks he is a Horse-man; but his Hunts-Boy doth as much." Furthermore, "my Lord Mayor when he goes to Weigh Butter, sits a Legg of either side the Horse very Gravely; A n excellent Horse-manl A n d I have seen many Wenches Ride Astride; and Gallop, and Run their Horses, that could, I think, hardly Ride a Horse Wel l in the Manage."™1 Thus, being able to sit a horse for long periods of time during travel over long distances was not enough to distinguish the horseman from common occupations, and racing or hunting were not practices which taught the skills necessary for a true horseman. 1 0 8 It was the '° 5 Markham, Cavelarice, "Book III," 19-20. 1 0 6 E.R., 24. 1 0 7 Cavendish, 47. 1 0 8 Cavendish, earlier in his work, discusses the benefits of hunting where he finds it was beneficial to the horseman as it taught militaristic skills such as strategy and strength. It also was thought to be useful to all horses, but especially the horse for military service which included the maneged horse. However, to just focus on the noble 34 manege - the distinctly aristocratic pastime - which was the only avenue to perfection. Instead, the skills needed for those sports were easily learned by non-nobles such as a "groom" or "hunts-boy," and as such could not create a distinguishing level of rational skill between a gentleman and other sectors of society. In other words, "for the dignity and order of the Common wealth there ought to be degrees of Honour, Lest the Common people and the nobility, private men and magistrates ... a K i n g and a Captain should be all o f one Accompt . " 1 0 9 Furthermore, Cavendish's brief mention of women riding astride illustrates the importance of proper manege riding for gentlemen. Horsemanship was, in the seventeenth century, the primary domain of the male; aristocratic women sometimes rode in hunts and for travel, but very rarely did they ride astride. 1 1 0 To do so, instead o f utilizing the more accepted method of riding by sidesaddle, was considered unseemly and unfeminine. Thus, to participate in forms of riding which could be practiced in part by women, even unseemly women, or "wenches," who rode astride, was to embrace the feminine at the expense of his honourable masculinity. Finally, Cavendish's mockery of the butter weighing mayor may be either a personal attack on the individual, or may be a reference to this individual's lack of military schooling. It is somewhat unclear what Cavendish means by this section, but the connection of : the mundane pursuit of weighing butter to glorious participation in the military may hold the clue. The early modern period witnessed the increasing importance of firearms in warfare, and while such weaponry had been in use since the fifteenth century, it was not until the middle of pursuit of hunting and abandon the manege training would not instill the abilities needed for the perfect governing of the horse. Both could and should be practiced. Cavendish, "Book Three," 1-7. Gervase Markham in his 1606 Discource of horsmanshippe also considered hunting to be immensely beneficial to the military man and horse. For him hunting made horses "sette uppon a Bitte, and ... proud and gallant." Henry Peacham also thought those who did not practice horsemanship or hunting were particularly prone to "effoeminacie." Markham, Discource of horsmanshippe, 31; Peacham, 184. 1 0 9 Ashley as quoted in Foyster, 33. 1 1 0 Betty Rizzo, "Equivocations of Gender and Rank: Eighteenth-Century Sporting Women," Eighteenth-Century Life 26, no. 1 (Winter 2002): 70-93. 35 the sixteenth that the impact on horsemanship could be discerned. With the greater reliance on guns within the military, the effectiveness and feasibility o f the mounted knight was drastically reduced. No longer was a charge at an enemy line in armour, which did not halt bullets, an acceptable method of warfare; instead, what was needed was a more maneuverable force of mounted fighters. This led to the shedding of the heavy armour, the breeding of smaller and more agile horses, and often to the arming of the riders with pistols or carbines. Furthermore, horsemen were increasingly being employed in a scouting and communications capacity alongside service in combat. 1 1 1 Even with this considerable decrease in the importance of the cavalry in military campaigns - which was briefly reversed during the English C i v i l War - the horsemanship authors continued to make the connection between the manege and the military. Horsemen and maneged horses remained the "Glory of the Kingdom," were the "strength of Nations" and the learning of the manege created "much advantage" in "single Combat, or in the 1 1 "7 Warres." It also remained a secure vehicle for establishing and displaying virtues and honour. However, maneged riding was decreasing as accepted training for the military. Wi l l iam Cavendish defended the training of the high airs, against criticisms of it being "no use" with the belief that such "Tricks, Dancing and Gamballs" had the ability to "f i rm" the horse "on the Hand," and that such firmness - contact* - "is good for a Souldiers Horse ."" 3 Karen Raber '" R.J. Moorre-Colyer, "Horse Supply and the British Cavalry: a review 1066-1900," Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 70 no. 284 (1992): 251; Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: military innovation and the rise of the West 1500-1800, Second Edition, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 16-17, 37,69-70. " 2 Blagrave, 265; Gailhard, "Book II," 50; Cavendish as quoted in Raber 'Reasonable Creatures', 46. * Contact is an equestrian term used to describe the connection between the horse's mouth and the rider's hand. A horse should actively seek out a soft connection with the bit and the bars of his mouth - in a contact, and this contact should be supple enough to move with the horse, yet steady enough to contain the forward momentum of the horse and to help create collection later in training. T o "firm a horse upon the hand" was a direct reference to creating a solid contact with the horse, and being in absolute control of all aspects of the horse's going, from his pace to his carriage. See the highly acclaimed work of Colonel Alois Podhajsky, The Complete Training of Horse and Rider in the Principle of Classical Horsemanship, (Bath: The Sportsman's Press, 1991), for more information on contact. He was Director of the Wien Hofreitschule from 1939-1955. 1 1 3 Cavendish as quoted in Raber 'Reasonable Creatures', 45-46. Raber interpreted the idea of the horse being firmed upon the hand as the horse becoming more responsive while being handled from the ground. 36 interpreted this need to defend the airs, the height of manege riding, as a sign of Cavendish's disconnect with prevailing trends which dictated the uselessness of the high manege. Therefore, for Raber, Cavendish's training methods and the manege were "obsolete," and historian Wi l l i am Dent also felt that the manege was "an elaborate pretense" for any military training. 1 1 4 However, while there was a marked decrease in the importance placed on the manege, especially on the learning of the high airs, the continued reference to it as a military pursuit by both the horsemanship manual and courtesy literature authors illustrates that its practice was far from being considered useless and "obsolete." Horsemen continued to be the protectors of English lands and honour, it was a useful method of gentlemanly militaristic display, and it improved the probability of survival during a battle due to the increased responsiveness and obedience of the horse. Thus, according to Cavendish, for a high government official, or any gentleman, to spend his riding time not in military practice but in traveling to check butter was not an honourable or beneficial way to spend his time. A horseman needed to participate in the manege, and to perfect his skills therein, in order to be considered a horseman and honourable gentleman. When participating in the manege, a horseman needed to showcase a very specific set of skills to any observer in order to avoid the label of "ignorance" in exchange for that of a true horseman. Such abilities were gained in a variety of educational venues, from studying in England under the tutelage of another gentleman who was experienced in the craft or had been taught in the academies of Europe, to traveling to the academies of the continent to be taught under the masters there. 1 1 5 Regardless of the venue for education, a gentleman was required to However, what benefit would that have in battle to a mounted fighter? Instead, firming the horse in the hand -strengthening the contact - improves the weight carrying ability of the horse's haunches, creates more collection, and develops more responsiveness to the rider through an increasingly nuanced contact. See Podhajsky for more information. I M Raber, 'Reasonable Creatures', 45-46. 1 1 5 These academies were often patronized by the monarchy, and the most famous of which were in Italy and France. For example, Antoine de Pluvinel, ecuyer to the French king, founded an academy in Paris in 1594 which was, along with other continental academies, popular among English gentlemen. In England there were a 37 learn how to be both a "good" and a "fair" horseman. For Gailhard a good horseman was someone who was able to remain mounted and secure in the saddle through all of the possible actions of the horse, and a fair horseman was someone who developed a particular grace while mounted. Such an individual would be able to "sit handsomely, and well , to compose the motion of his body, according to that of the Horse, to have grace and dexterity in the handling and managing of him." The gentleman would slowly develop the abilities required to manage a horse at all paces, gates, and in all situations, and would perfect his skil l to the level where riding for him appeared effortless. Thus, the gentleman would above all "have a martial look, posture, and countenance on horseback." The developing of a good and fair horseman, "according to grounds and rules" of good management, was for Gailhard "the fit and proper work of an Academy." 1 1 6 On top of developing a graceful appearance when riding the school horses -which were often fully trained and obedient to the rider - a gentleman needed to develop the skills central to the training of a green horse. He had to understand his horse in full, be able to bridle his "passions," and to transfer his knowledge learned during the riding of the school horses to his pupil. He had to gain "a true knowledge of the Principles of the Art*, and a solid number of attempts to form academies as well, one of which was the academy of Frenchman Henry Foubert founded in 1684. Giles Worsley, "A Courtly Art: the history of haute ecole in England." Court Historian 6 (2001): 37, 44; Lucy Worsley, 221. 1 1 6 Gailhard, "Book II," 50. Hope complained the academy pupils from Europe were only taught to sit gracefully and prettily on horseback at the expense of more practical knowledge. With heavy sarcasm he wrote: "You have perhaps been taught a little in some of the Academies in Italy or France, that is something indeed: So many Crowns a Month, and the Horse did not throw you, and that is all." He also acknowledged the relatively good standing of the academies within England among the social elite, but then continues to lambaste the instruction received by the pupils. Sitting prettily was the only skill learned; the horseman had not received a complete and useful education. "For the most part of what they know, is only a Graceful seat, the rest being only a meer Rott, beat unto them by the ser form of Bauling, which Masters commonly make use of so soon as ever their Horses begin a Reprise, of the truth of which many young people when they come to a little more knowledge, are by their woful experience most sensible, especially when they come to break and work any young, Rude, or Unmannaged Horse, which is not already made to their hand." When a pupil comes to train his own horse for the first time, after a supposedly solid education from the academy, he finds that all he has learned is some basic aids. He had not gained the experience needed for training a green horse, he did not understand the solutions to problems in training, and he remained ignorant of how to manage his emotions and reactions to his horse. Hope, 6; Cavendish, 45-47. The term Art refers here to emotional governance, the application of reason and judgment, and the ability to change a riding style according to the horse. Furthermore, it also referred to the abilities and skills needed to achieve all of those activities. 38 Judgement how to apply them." 1 1 7 In other words, "Knowledge must both guide and grace them, the onely fit & natural quallyties of good Horsemen" in order for the gentleman to be able to 1 1 R "purchase Honour." However, such knowledge only came after years of study and experience. To learn and then become master of riding techniques such as "the stayd seating of the Horses body, and also the ture placing of his head, with the easie cariage of his reign, and the proper motion of his going forward, with the easinesse of his going; and moreover, the just and true handling o f his legges" was so complicated and intricate that Baret complained he would require "a whole Volume" to explain such concepts instead of a "small Treatise." 1 1 9 (This from an author whose work was well over four hundred pages in length!) Horsemanship was not simple, and the achievement of its expertise was a clear indication of virtuous honour. The virtues of "Prudence," where a gentleman constantly observed and monitored his riding through reason; of "Justice" in administering corrections and praise; of "Temperance" in governing his unruly w i l l ; and of "Fortitude" in controlling the horse were all showcased in such an accomplishment. 1 2 0 However, as the highest virtue was not innate but was "a reward or a purchase o f pains and industry," it was only through long practice and "by degrees" that such behaviours and skills became ingrained within the individual as "habit." A s Baret and Morgan found, labour in riding "is both the matter and glory of vertue" and honour. 1 2 1 Yet, not all gentlemen wanted to take the pains to learn the intricacies of horsemanship, and some chose to lie about their level of proficiency to boost their image. The close connection with the irrational and effeminate in such individuals was a given for those who laboured in 1 , 7 Hope, 6; Cavendish, 45-47. 1 1 8 Morgan, The Perfection of Horsemanship, Dedication. 1 , 9 Baret, Preface to the Reader. Blagrave also considered the art of horsemanship to be particularly time consuming for the practitioners. Blagrave, 207. Gervase Markham was the only author to shorten the time period -which usually lasted over a couple of years for general training - to a period of three months; however, he also felt that it took considerably longer to truly make a horse perfect. Gervase Markham, Countrey contentments, 36, 55-57. 1 2 0 Baret, Epistle to the Reader for Book II. 1 2 1 Gailhard, "Book I," 91; Baret, "Book I," 43; Morgan, The Perfection of Horsemanship, Dedication. 39 horsemanship. Cavendish felt gentlemen who did not strive to do well in horsemanship, or in any other endeavour, due to the "great Labour, Study, and Practice" involved were more likely to fall victim to unscrupulous pastimes. It was feared they would follow the path of least resistance to learn the "Seven Deadly Sins, Railing, and wearing Fine Cloaths and Feathers.'''' The unmotivated would participate in unsavory behaviour, would fall victim to their "passions" due to lack of attention and time spent in bridling them, and would become effeminate by focusing their efforts on the consumption of fashionable clothing. 1 2 2 Furthermore, the uneducated were thought to be particularly prone to dishonesty to cover their lack of ski l l . When discussing their abilities with other horsemen, such gentlemen, or "Braggadochies," as Thomas de Grey described them, spoke "absurd fol ly" and were thought to be both "Novices" to the art, and "ignorant" about what was needed emotionally and physically to perform horsemanship correctly. Thus, with heavy sarcasm, " in what esteeme they either are or can be among Horsemen, is most easie to be imagined." A s they had not achieved perfection in their knowledge, and then tried to profess the existence of such knowledge, the "Braggadochies" were "derided" for their lack of knowledge, and "scorned^ by their fellow gentlemen for their dishonesty. 1 2 3 Horsemanship, as a traditionally masculine pursuit, and as a clear developer of 1 2 2 Many historians of masculinity discuss dandies, clothing, and women in relation to normative masculinity. For example see Fletcher and Foyster. Delia Casa felt garments needed to be "fashionably made and well put on; otherwise they manifestly declare one of these two things; either that they do not understand what is fit and comely, or (which is worse) that they are not at all solicitous whether they gratifie or offend others, and so beget a suspicion in the minds of their associates; and the natural issue of this carelesness is, that their company is so far from being coveted and belov'd by any, that 'tis an unwelcome Burthen to every one." Delia Casa, 47. However, grand displays of wealth through horse and human clothing were quite common. See the brief discussion on the topic by Arthur MacGregor, 95-98, for more information. Also see Linda Levy Peck, Consuming Splendor: society and culture in Seventeenth-Century England, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) on the consumption patterns of the elite. 1 2 3 De Grey, 26-27. He also found these ignorant individuals had a tendency to breed and train poorly bred "Nags" and "Geldings" to the detriment of the commonwealth. Also, like Hope, de Grey expressed the idea that such ignorance, often shown in the misuse of horsemanship terms, was an ignorance of the entire Art. Michael Baret expressed his dislike of those who spoke of what they did not know, though for him the ignorant individuals performed slander when gossiping about more knowledgeable riders. 107-108. See Shepard, Meanings of Manhood, for more information on slander. Gailhard spoke out against liars, and he found such individuals to be "accounted base and unworthy, not fit to keep company with honest men ... I account him lost in his reputation" if they did lie. Gailhard, "Book II," 82. 40 gentlemanly virtue, was one perfection which was worth the time and effort needed for its accomplishment. Thus, according to Nicholas Morgan, "al l Kings, Princes, and Nobilitie, become Schollers [of horsemanship] for many yeares onely to attaine to ride w e l l . " 1 2 4 Two of the most beneficial abilities required in riding, and the two most likely to convey honour to the individual, were the establishment of a good seat and a proper hand; the formation of both resulted in the development of a graceful and martial, or competent, air on horseback. What was a graceful and secure seat, and what was a good hand? A good and fair seat required the gentleman to sit deep in the saddle on his seat-bones, with his legs hanging relaxed on the horse's sides in a semi-vertical position. The ideal image was one o f a straight line through the rider's shoulders, down through the hip, and out through the heel so the rider sat with "his legges hanging streight downe, neither thrusting downe the toe, nor lifting up the heele, but with his 125 foote in such eevennesse [sic] in the stirrope, as as [sic] i f he stoode upon the ground." Without a good seat a rider lacked the basis to perform any great feats on horseback as he would be insecure and liable to fall off, he would not be able to aid the horse properly, and he would be incapable of avoiding interference with the horse. To highlight the importance of a proper seat, Wi l l i am Hope sardonically described the opposite: a gentleman who had either not received the requisite horsemanship education in its 1 2 4 Morgan, The horse-mans honour, 43. 1 2 5 Morgan, The horsemans honour, 180. See the frontispiece of John Vernon, The young horse-man, or, The honest plain-dealing cavalier, (London: printed by Andrew Coe, 1644); and the many plates in the later publication of William Cavendish, A General System of Horsemanship, 1743, (North Pomfret, Vermont: J.A. Allen, 2000) for images of the ideal seat and overall placement on a horse. 1 2 6 Falling off the horse would probably have been an unavoidable event in some situations (bucking horse, shying, rearing, etc.), though it was not considered an option for the expert horseman. To fall was to incur the loss of extreme amounts of honour as the act insinuated the rider was not practiced or educated in horsemanship to the level which his social status demanded. William Cavendish addressed this issue, but he felt that it was the expert riders who were more likely to be thrown rather than the inexperienced who focused their attention on staying mounted rather than on training the horse. However, he contradicts himself by stating: "But yet I must Tell you, I never knew in my Life, a good Horse-man Thrown, but I have known many Presumptuous ignorant Fellows get Falls." Though, as Cavendish made expressly clear, in the unlikely event a horseman was to be thrown, he should not lose all of his honour, or "Horse-manship" because of it. Cavendish, 15, 17; See Macdonald for a discussion around sixteenth century views towards falling on the tilt field, 31-33. 41 complexities or chose not to spend the time in learning it. For him "a bad Horseman ... never thinks how to make his Horse go wel l : For he knows not how to do it, but holds by the M a i n and Pomel,* his head inclining towards the Horses, which is ready to beat out his Teeth, his Heels also holding fast by the Horses Flancs." This hypothetical rider has done the opposite of what was needed to have a good seat, and be a horseman. He is ignorant of the basic aids, and he is insecure and fearful in the saddle as he must hang onto it or the horse to stay aboard. Furthermore, the rider through his ignorance, has allowed the horse to move in an unpleasing manner with his head in the air - "ready to beat out his Teeth" - instead of with an arched neck and head just in front of vert ical . 1 2 7 Finally, this rider, in another sign of insecurity, has allowed his legs to slide backwards into a position where they could hinder his riding, and hinder the horse in his movement. Hope goes on to state that such a posture made the individual appear "almost deformed, as i f he were an African Monster," while "his Horse is so disordered with it, that to see him sit in that manner, is the most nauseous sight that can be, and the most displeasing to the beholders." 1 2 8 Such an individual not only was ignorant of the art of horsemanship which resulted in harm to his horse, he was bestial in his form and appeared so horrendous as to make the viewers feel physically i l l . Hope's illustration o f an ignorant gentleman also illuminates the need for knowledge o f the hands in riding. B y hanging onto the saddle's pommel the gentleman was unable to * The pomel, or pommel, is the front bridge of the saddle which sits over the horse's withers (shoulders). A rider could grasp it as a form of security in the saddle. 1 2 7 Hope, 5. This position, termed today to be 'on the bit' was a very desired position for the horse's head. At the beginning of the century it was desired mainly for aesthetic reasons, but increasingly for control and collection in preparation for the manege (see MacDonald for more information). When the horse rounded his neck and lowered the head, if done correctly with the momentum of the horse moving from the hind legs, through the now rounded and strong back, out through the head, the horse was considered to have impulsion and was able to collect. Morgan, The horsemans honour, 169. 1 2 8 Hope, 5. William Cavendish also followed this line of thought, and connected such individuals with "Jackanapes" who spent their time in Paris Garden - the notorious home of gambling, theaters, and bull or bear baiting rings - watching the mastiff baiting. For him a "Jackanapes" was someone who was "no Excellent Horse-man." Cavendish, 16. For more information on Paris Garden in the borough of Southwark, see H.E. Maiden ed., "The borough of Southwark: Introduction," 125-35, in A History of the County of Surry: Vol. 4. (1912) British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=43041 42 effectively rein in the horse, or keep a contact, which resulted in the animal raising his head in an unseemly and dangerous manner. Therefore, to avoid charges of ignorance, and to maintain a consistent control of the horse, a rider's hand was required to be responsive to the horse's motions in maintaining a flexible contact, and it could not be in a fixed and static holding position as this would hinder the actions of the horse. Such a heavy hand would interfere with the forward momentum of the animal, inhibit collection, and possibly harm the horse's mouth. John Astley vehemently argued that a person who was considered to have a heavy hand could 1 90 never "be trusted with a horsse of anie value." Likewise, an individual who allowed his "passions" to overcome his rationality, or who was ignorant of any other training methods to achieve his aim, often resorted to pulling or jerking on the reins instead of maintaining a steady and firm contact. These harsh riding methods, according to the authors, led to "lacerated and torne" mouths, to hard mouthed horses,* and to horses which could not perform to the top of their potential. Also , these animals lost the contact for fear of pain in their mouths, which resulted in either horses which "carry their heads so disorderly, continually looking to the Heavens as though they were either devout, or else Astroligers, or Astronomers, observing the starres," or in horses which lost connection from their hindquarters to the bit. Such a horse would "dare not set his forefeet forth, which makes him fret and chase and shake his hinderparts very unseemely." A gentleman who had adopted the use of poor hands was the worst offender of horsemanship possible, and his actions "leadeth to the utter mine both of the subiect and disgrace of the Ar t" and should be "weeded out of the Vineyard of Horsemanship, as not worthy of 1 2 9 John Astley, 67. A hard mouth refers to the insensitivity to pressure from the bit which develops either due to the thickening of the skin of the bars (interdental gap) as calluses, or in the deadening of the nerves there. In any case, a horse with a hard mouth tends to lean on the bit, shirting the carrying and thrusting power from the hindquarters to the shoulders impairing collection, or the horse will take up a contact which is so strong that it becomes uncomfortable for the rider to maintain. Some horses are born with a relatively hard mouth, but the vast majority of hard mouthed horses are created through improper hands and biting. Cooper, 295-296; Astley, 7-8. 4 3 growing there." 1 3 0 These gentlemen, due to their violent and unregulated actions or lack o f knowledge and ski l l , were not considered worthy to be members of the community of horsemen. Therefore, to have both a good seat and a nice hand was requisite for a gentleman. Without either he would lack grace, confidence, and that all-important martial air, and as such, would be greatly dishonored. 1 3 1 In a century which witnessed the growing emphasis placed on graceful deportment, the witnessing of a disturbing, or monstrous, image either of the horse - as it stemmed from rider ignorance - or of the rider himself would have led others to shun a gentleman's company. For example, in his 1679 Galateo, or The refln'd courtier, Giovani della Casa instructed his readers to "stand and walk with his body upright, and not loll like an idle Lubber"132 in order to maintain his grace and stateliness. A gentleman and horseman needed to carry himself according to his rank both on foot and in the saddle for "[H]e who is not Bel homme a cheval, or a Handsome and Graceful Horseman, shall never be Bon homnme a Cheval, or a good Horseman." When such a bodily posture was not maintained the gentleman was associated with all manner of unsavory subjects. It was this connection to the unpleasant and uncomely which created a fear of cross-contamination for other gentlemen. B y associating with a "nauseous" and "rediculous" person, it was feared that one might copy his behaviour, which would then lead to a "regard of scorn and disgrace." 1 3 4 Thus, it was advocated that anything or 1 3 0 Baret, "Book I," 14-15. 1 3 1 William Segar explained that a gentleman who fell from a horse (weak seat) "was most dishonored," and someone who "hurteth an horse is in like predicament with him that falleth" (poor hands). William Segar, as quoted in MacDonald, 31-33. 1 3 2 Delia Casa, 37. Josiah Dare, in his 1673 adaptation of della Casa's work, also wanted a gentleman to "be acquainted with good carriage." Josiah Dare as quoted in Ana Bryson, From Courtesy to Civility: changing codes of conduct in early modern England, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 111. 1 3 3 Hope, 18. Gailhard felt the lack of good carriage would bring the gentleman "into danger, harm, shame, and infamy." "Book I," 58. 1 3 4 Henry Percy, Advice to his Son, 1609, as quoted in Bryson, 134; Baret, "Book I," 46. 44 anyone which "offends any of thine Senses, or annoys the Stomach ... is very carefully to be shunned." 1 3 5 H O N O U R A B L E P E R F E C T I O N A s the above sections make abundantly clear, a gentleman's horsemanship education was a long, difficult, and arduous process full of potential pitfalls; however, absolute perfection for both horse and rider was thought to be the ultimate goal for horsemen. This perfection which was so highly condoned and so difficult to achieve was one of a continuous dialogue between the dominant rider and subordinate horse. This relationship was to be quite without discord or resistance on the part of either participant, and while the majority of control was in the hands of the rider, the horse needed to perform the rider's w i l l of his own accord. The "reforming of mans corrupt qualities, by subjecting his w i l l and all his passions to be governed by reason," along with the translation of that government to his mastered skills on horseback, led to the complete perfection of the horse. Thus, "man is a reasonable creature, and hath the government of the horse, and the faculty of discipline to bring a creciprocall [sic] concord." A s a result, the horse would will ingly and completely obey the slightest command from the rider, and would become so responsive and attuned to his aids and actions that simple and minute shifts in the reins or in the legs would be enough to convey the aids and w i l l of the rider to the horse in a clear manner. The instructions would also be instantly followed in perfect obedience. A n "expert Rider" who possessed a horse which had been trained to perfection would have "small use of a Rod, or any other help, but to keep his true, just, and perfect seat, because his Horse, by the least token of Bridle or Spur, w i l l do all things in such time and measure, as the Beholders 1 3 5 Delia Casa, 9. While he was discussing manners, such as washing of hands or relieving oneself in public, the same concept holds true here. 1 3 6 Baret, "Book III," 99 . 45 wi l l judge the M a n and Horse to be but one Body, one M i n d , one W i l l . " 1 3 7 The aids of the rider to the horse would be rendered all but invisible, and an image of beauty would be the result. This view was often expressed by the authors through allusions to the half-man-half-horse figure from mythology: the centaur. For example, the poet and playwright Ben Johnson felt any observers who witnessed Wi l l i am Cavendish on horseback would behold a "Centaure (past those Tales of Greece) / So seem'd your Horse: and you, both of one peece. / Y o u shew'd like Perseus upon Pegasus; / Or Castor, mounted on his Cyllarus; / Or what we heare our Home-borne Legend tell / O f bold S' Bevis, and his Arunde l . " 1 3 9 There would be no discernable difference between the actions and intent of the rider or the horse, which would in turn lead to awe and envy in an observer. B y experiencing the beauty of a "centaur" it was believed that other gentlemen would also strive to achieve perfection in their own horsemanship studies, and in their passion bridling. The perfection of horsemanship would "not only bring great content to ... [ the rider], but also w i l l so admire the beholders, that they wi l l (like a longing wife) thirst t i l l they be in like maner graffed into this Vineyard" of horsemanship excellence. 1 4 0 The ignorant observers would strive 1 3 7 Blagrave, 227; also verbatim in A.S., 37. 1 3 8 The title of Nicholas Morgan's The horsemans honour, or, the Beautie of Horsemanship clearly illustrates the interconnectedness of perfection resulting in the visual beauty of the horse and rider working as one, and the honour achieved through it. Furthermore, A.S. equated perfection with beauty, for when perfection had been reached a horse would "appear most beautiful, and thereby render both the expert rider, not the ignorant... to appear most nobly, with such delight to the Beholders, that they will seem to be ravish'd with it; all which is attain'd by Discretion, taking of Time, with Moderation and Temperance." A.S., 38. Markham felt a good rider on a trained horse would have aids which were all but invisible to a viewer. Markham, Cavelahce, "Book II," 74. 1 3 9 Ben Jonson writing on William Cavendish as quoted in Lucy Worsley, 217-218. Cyllarus was a centaur in Ovid's Metamorphoses who had Castor was his rider; and Bevis of Hampton was the hero of a c. 324 metrical romance who had Arundel as his war-horse. Ovid, Metamorphoses, University of Adelaide Library Ebooks, http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/index.html; Bevis of Hampton, T E A M S University of Rochester, http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/bevisfrm.htm Bruce Boehrer has argued that the image of the centaur was one of "mythic duality" between man's ability to manage nature and the very untrustworthiness of that nature, where the centaur was at the same time capable of "extraordinary wisdom and equally remarkable depravity." However, though the readings of the horsemanship manuals, the centaur becomes not a symbol of divided human-nature interactions, but of cohesiveness and singularity created through perfection of horse and man. Bruce Boehrer, "Shakespeare and the Social Devaluation of the Horse," in The Culture of the Horse, eds., Karen Raber and Treva J. Tucker, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 95-96. 1 4 0 Baret, "Book I," 28. 46 to achieve perfection regardless of the time and effort involved in learning it, and ultimately avoid falling into the trap of irrationality and dishonour which, as Cavendish has shown, was the fate of those who did not strive for perfection. Furthermore, these newly imped gentlemen, along with the existing masters of horsemanship, would be able to produce great horses instead of jades to the benefit of king and country, and for individual fame and honour. Thus, a gentleman should "labour for learnynge whyle here thou shalt lyve / The ignoraunt to teache and good example geve. / So shalte thou be thought A membre most worthy / The common welth to serve In tyme of necessitie. Experience doth teache And shewe to thee playne / That many to honour B y learninge attayne." 1 4 1 B y preventing this fall from grace, by promoting the learning of horsemanship, and by producing great and made horses though their mastery of horsemanship, horsemen furthered the honour of not only themselves but that of the commonwealth. Furthermore, to have others, especially those of high skill and reputation within the community, observe a rider with awe and appreciation had the potential to transmit great amounts of honour and virtue to the rider which resulted in social advancement. Thus, "[f]or as Socrates, (being asked by what meanes a man might attaine to an honest fame and name) answered i f hee earnestly endeavour himselfe to be such a one indeed as hee desireth to be accompted [accounted of high rank]," or someone of lower rank "desire to be imped [implanted or grafted] in this stock, must frame himselfe to bee such an impe as shall bee held worthy threof." To either be considered of high rank within the community of honour, or to enter it at all , a gentleman needed to be considered worthy by others within the community. He had to gain the title of "Horse-man" through his displays of emotional and physical bridling and skills on horseback. 1 4 2 A gentleman needed to "frame" himself to others in such a way that showcased 1 4 1 F.S., 7 of 29 1 4 2 For Baret, it was only the approval of other community members which were important to a horseman. He felt the "applause of the common people" was not enough to gain status and fame as a horseman. There was "No 47 his honour. Horsemanship, as it consisted of "vertuous exercises" of the mind and body, resulted in individual glory, in the increase of honour, and in benefits for the entire kingdom of England. 1 4 3 C O N C L U S I O N Seventeenth-century English gentlemen continuously sought out the "best" and "rarest" horses available to actively bolster their honour and standing within the gentlemanly community. These animals were chosen by gentlemen for their strong and correct conformation, for colours which signified desirable humoural balance, and for their courageous and docile temperaments. Such beautiful and serviceable horses were ideal for the defense of the commonwealth's honour, and for the display o f individual virtues by the horsemen. However, to ride and train "great horses" a gentleman needed to fully bridle his own emotions and temperament. He was required to treat the horse gently without an overabundance of either love or anger, as the display of either led to disharmony and harm to the horse, and created an image of an unreasonable or ignorant gentleman. Next to his emotional and physical curbing skills, a horseman also needed to gain experience, ski l l , and grace while mounted. A secure and beautiful seat, coupled with a sensitive but firm hand, allowed a truly well educated and governed gentleman to create perfect obedience in the horse to his and the commonwealth's benefit. Therefore, as Nicholas Morgan argued: "what scrutiny can finde a Beaste more behouefull to the greatnesse of persons of Estate, and necessary to men of inferior condition then the Horse, which besides (his serviceable obedience) is beautified with a chiefe Excellency of comely shape and couragious boldenesse. ... Hence it is, that Antiquity, named them Jumenta, as the chiefe Adivmeta or helpes of humane nature, that by credit in the vulgar applause" of the common man, but only in the display of his knowledge in the governing of himself and his horse to the level of perfection. Baret, "Book I," 28. 1 4 3 Blundeville, Dedication. Henry Peacham mirrored this view in his brief discussion around horsemanship. For him, riding "enabled" a person "to command, and [give] service to your Country." He also asked "what, saith Tullis, can bee more glorious, then to bee able to preserve and succour our contry, when she hath neede of our helpe?" Someone who gained horsemanship in preparation for fulfilling his duty to the kingdom "was held deare and beloved of all men." Peacham, 177. 48 the very name, the noblenesse, necessary use and profite of them might be knowen, and the division betwixt the Noble and Worthy, Base and Unworthy, manifested in fit difference." 1 4 4 If performed well , horsemanship allowed the gentleman to maintain and improve his own honour and that of the commonwealth. B y contrast, i f nothing but jades were produced - through poor breeding or purchasing programs, through ungoverned emotions, or through ignorance - the honour of the kingdom and the commonwealth was greatly damaged. Honour for the seventeenth century gentleman was one of "The principall markes whereat every mans endeuour in this life aimeth", while the other was personal "Profit." Wi l l i am Segar found " T h ' one proper to vulgar people, and men of inferior Fortune; The other due to persons of better birth, and generous disposition. For as the former by paines, and parsimony do onely labour to be become rich; so th' other by Mili tary skil , or knowledge in C i v i l l government, aspire to Honor, and humane g lory ." 1 4 5 Horses and horsemanship were a central avenue for a gentleman to gain that "Honor" and "glory" as they allowed him to display his military and social governing skills, and to foster the same skills among other members of the community of honour. Morgan, The Perfection of Horsemanship, Dedication. Segar, Dedication. 49 B I B L I O G R A P H Y Primary Sources A l l primary sources have been taken from Early English Books Online Ebook Collection at http://eebo. chadwyck. com/home A . S . , Gent. The gentleman's compleat jockey: with the perfect horseman and experienc'd farrier: containing I. The nature of horses their breeding, feeding and management in all paces to sit them for war, racing, travel; hunting, or other recreations and advantages: II the true method with proper rules and directions to order, diet andphysick the running-horse to bring him to any match or race with success: III the methods to buy horses and prevent being cheated, noting the particular marks of the good and bad horses in all their circumstances: IV how to make blazes, stars and snips, to fatten a horse with little charge and to make him lively and lovely: V the whole art of a farrier in curing all diseases, griefs and sorrances incident to horses with their symptoms and causes: VI the methods of shooing, blooding, roweling, purging and prevention of diseases and many other things from long experience and approved practice. London: Henry Nelme, 1696. Astley, John. The art of riding: set foorth in a breefe treatise, with a due interpretation of certeine places alledged out ofXenophon, and Gryson, verie expert and excellent horssement: wherein also the true vse of the hand by the said Grysons rules and precepts is speciallie toughed: and how the author of this present worke hath put the same in practise, also what profit men maie reape thereby: without the knowledge whereof, all the residue of the order of riding is but vaine. Lastlie, is added a short discourse of the chaine or cauezzan, the trench, and the martingale: written by a gentleman of great skill and long experience in the said art. London: Henrie Denham, 1584. Baret, Michael. An hipponomie or the vineyard of horsemanship: deuided into three bookes. 1. The theorick part, intreating of the inward knowledge of the man. 2. The first practicke part, shewing how to worke according to that knowledge. 3. The second practicke part, declaring how to apply both hunting and running horses to the true grounds of this art. In which is plainly laid open the art of breeding, riding, training and dieting of the said horses. Wherein also many errors in this art, heretofore published, are manifestly detected. London: George Eld , 1618. Blagrave, Joseph. The epitome of the whole art of husbandry: comprising all necessary directions for the improvement of it...: together with the gentlemans heroick exercise, discoursing of horses, their nature and use ...: to which is annexed by way of appendix, a new method ofplanting fruit trees and improving of an orchard. London: Printed for Ben. Billingsley and Obadiah Blagrave, 1669. . Blundeville, Thomas A . The fower chiefyst offices belongyng to horsemanshippe: that is to saye. The office of the breeder, of the rider, of the keper, and of the ferrer. 50 In the firste parte wherof is declared the order of breding of horses. In the soconde how to breake them, and to make theym horses of seruyce, conteyninge the whole art of ridynge lately se forth, and nowe newly corrected and amended of manye faultes escaped in the fyrste printynge, as well souchyng the bittes as other wyse. Thirdely howe to dyet them, as well when they reste as when they trauell by the way. Fourthly to what diseases they be suiecte, together with the cuses of such diseases, the sygnes howe to knowe them, and finally howe to cure the same. Whyche bookes are not onely paynfully collected out of a nomber of authours, but also orderrly dysposed and applyed to the vse of thys oure coufnjtrey. London: V V y l l y a m Seres dwellyng at the west ende of Paules churche, at the signe of the Hedgehogge. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum, 1609. Brathwaite, Richard. The English gentleman: containing sundry excellent rules, or exquisite observations, tending to direction of every gentleman, of selecter ranke and qualitie; how to demeane or accommodate hi mselfe [sic] in the manage of publike or private affaires. London: Felix Kyngston [and R. Badger], and are to be sold by Robert Bostocke at his shop at the signe of the Kings head in Pauls Church-yard, 1633. Cavendish, Wil l iam. A new method, and extraordinary invention, to dress horses, and work them according to nature: as also, to perfect nature by the subtility of art, which was never found out, but by... London: Tho. Milbourn, 1667. Cavendish, Wil l iam. A General System of Horsemanship, 1743. North Pomfret, Vermont: J .A. Al len , 2000. Clifford, Christopher. The schoole ofhorsmanship: Vvherein is discouered what skill and knowledge is required in a good horseman, practised by perfect experience. And also how to reforme anie restie horse, of what nature and disposition so euer. Briefely toughing the knowledge of the breeder, sadler, smith, and the horseleach. With a strange and rare inuention how to make a new kinde of racke, and how to teach a horse to lie vpon his bellie vntill the rider take his backe. London: T. East for Thomas Cadman, and are to be solde at his shop in Paules Churchyard, at the signe of the Bible, 1585. Cox, Nicholas. The gentleman's recreation: in four parts, viz., hunting, hawking, fowling, fishing: collected from ancient and modern authors forrein and domestick, and rectified by the experience of the most skilfull artists of these times: illustrated with sculptures. London: E . Flesher, for Maurice Atkins and Nicolas Cox, 1674. De Grey, Thomas. The compleat horseman and expert ferrier: In two bookes. The first, shewing the best manner of breeding good horses, with their choyce, nature, riding and dyeting ... The second, directing the most exact and approved manner how to know and cure all maladies and diseases in horses... dedicated to his most Excellent Majestie, by Thomas de Gray Esquire. London: Thomas Harper, and are to be sold by Nicholas Vavasour, at his shop in the inner Temple neere the church doore, 1639. 51 Della Casa, Giovanni. [Galateo] The refin'd courtier, or, A correction of several indecencies crept into civil conversation. London: F . G . for R. Royston, 1679. E . R. The Experienced farrier, or, Farring compleated: In two books physical and chyrurgical. Being pleasure to the gentleman, and profit to the countrey-man. ... For here is contained every thing that belongs to a true horseman, groom, farrier, or horse-leach, viz. breeding; the manner how, the season when, .. and what are fit for generation; the feeder, rider, keeper, ambler and buyer; as also the making of several precious drinks, suppositories, pills, purgations, ... and directions how to use them for all inward and outward disases. Also the paring and shooing of all manner ofhoofes, ... The prices and vertues of most of the principal drugs, both simple and compound belonging to farring, ...As also a large tale of vertues of most simples set down alphabetically and many hundreds of words placed one after another, for the cure of all diseases, with many new receipts of excellent use and value, never yet printed before in any author. London: Rich. Northcott adjoyning to St. Peters Al l ey in Cornhill , and at the Marriner and Anchor upon New-Fish street H i l l , near London-bridge, 1678. F. S. The schoole of vertue: and booke of good nourture for chyldren, and youth to learne theyer dutie by. Newely persued, corrected, and augmented by the fyrst auctor. F.S with a briefe declaration of the dutie of eche degree. London: In Paules Churchyarde at the signe of the Hedgehogge by Wyl lyam Seares, 1557. Gailhard, Jean. The compleat gentleman, or, Directions for the education of youth as to their breeding at home and travelling abroad: in two treatises. London: In the Savoy, printed by Tho. Newcomb, for John Starkey, 1678. Hope, Wil l iam. The compleat horseman: discovering the surest marks of the beauty, goodness, faults and imperfections of horses, the signs and causes of their diseases, the true method both of their preservation and cure, with reflexions of the regular and preposterous use of bleeding and purging: also the art of shooing, with the several kinds of shooes, adapted to the various defects of bad feet, and the preservation of good: together with the best method of breeding colts, backing 'em, and making their mouth &c. / by the Sieur de Solleysell...; to which is added, a most excellent supplement of riding, collected from the best authors, with an alphabetical catalogue of all the physical simples in English, French, and Latin,... London: Printed for M . Gillyflower and 9 others, 1696. Markham, Gervase. A discource of horsmanshippe: Wherein the breeding and ryding of horses for seruice, in a breefe manner is more methodically sette downe then hath been heeretofore. With a more easie and direct course for the ignorant, to attaine to the same arte or knowledge. Also the manner to chuse, trayne, ryde and dyet, both hunting-horses, and running-horses: with all the secretes thereto belonging discouered. An arte neuer heeretofore written by any authour. London: I. C[harlewood] for Richard Smith, and are to be sold at his shoppe at the West-doore of Poules, 1593. Markham, Gervase. Cauelarice, or The English horseman: contayning all the arte of horse-manship, as much as is necessary for any man to vderstand, whether he be horse-keeper, coachman, smith, or sadler. Together, with the discouery of the subtill trade or mistery of horse-coursers, & an explanatiofn] of the excellency of a horses vnderstafnjding, or how to teach them to doe trickes like Bankes his curtail: and that horses may be made to drawe drie-foot like a hound. Secrets before vnpublished, & now carefully set down for the profit of this whole nation. London: Edward Al lde and W . Jaggard for Edward White, and are to be solde at his shop neare the little north doore of Saint Paules Church at the signe of the Gun, 1607. Markham, Gervase. Countrey contentments, in two bookes: the first, containing the whole art of riding great horses in very short time, with the breeding, breaking dye ting and ordring of them, and of running, hunting and ambling horses, with the manner how to vse them in their trauell. Likewise in two newe treatises the arts of hunting, hawking, coursing of greyhounds with the lawes of the leash, shooting, bowling, tennis, baloone &c. By G.M. The second intituled, The English huswife: containing the inward and outward vertues which ought to be in a compleate woman: as her phisicke, cookery, banqueting-stuffe, distillation, perfumes, wooll, hemp, flaxe, dairies, brewing, baking, and all other things belonging to an houshold. A worke very profitable and necessary for the generall good of this kingdome. London: I[ohn] B[eale] for R. Iackson, and are to be sold at his shop neere Fleet-street Conduit, 1615. Markham, Gervase. Markhams maister-peece, or, What doth a horse-man lacke: containing all possible knowledge watsoever wich doth belong to any smith, farrier or horse-leech, touching the curing of all maner of diseases or sorrances in horses: drawne with great paine and most approved experience from the publique practise of all the forraine horse-marshals of Christendpme and from the private practise of all the best farriers of thid kigdome: being devided into two bookes, the first containing all cures physicall, the second watsoever belogeth to chirurgerie, with an addition of 130 mostprincipall chpters and 340 most excellent medicines, receits and secrets worthy every mans knowledge, never written of nor mentioned in any author before whatsoever: together with the true nature, use, and qualitie of everie simple spoken of through the whole worke: reade me, practise me, and admire me. London: Nicholas Okes, and are to be sold by Arthur Iohnson, dwelling at the signe of the White Horse neere to the great North doore of S. Pauls Church,. 1610. Morgan, Nicholas of Crolane. The horse-mans honour, or, The beautie of horsemanship: as the coise, natures, breeding, breaking, riding, and dieting, whether outlandish or English horses: with the true, easie, cheape, and most approued manner, how to know and cure all diseases in any horse whatsoeuer: not innented and drawne from forraigne nations, but by long experience and knowledge of many yeares practise: and now published at the request of diuers honourable and worthy persons, for the generall good of the noble nation of Great Britaine. London: I. Marriott, and are to be sould at his Shop in St. Dunsons Churchyard un Fleetstreet, 1620. 53 Morgan, Nicholas of Crolane. The Perfection of Horsemanship, drawne from Nature, Arte, and Practice.... London: Edward Al lde for Edward W h i t e , and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the Gun, neere the little north dore of Saint Paules, 1609. Peacham, Henry. The compleat gentleman: fashioning him absolute in the most necessary & commendable qualities concerning minde or bodie that may be required in a noble gentleman. By Henry Peacham, Mr. Of Arts sometime of Trinity Coll: in Cambridge. London: John Legat for Francis Constable, and are to bee sold at his shop at the white lio[n] in Paules churchyard, 1622. Salter, James. Caliope's cabinet opened: wherein gentlemen may be informed how to adorn themselves for funerals, feastings, and other heroick meetings: also, here they may know their place and worth with all the degrees and distinctions of honour in the realm, shewing how every one ought to take place with the titles due to them, with other things of antiquity very observable. London: G . M . for W i l l . Crooke, 1665. Segar, Wi l l iam. Honor military, and ciuill: contained in foure bookes: Viz. I. Iustice, and iurisdiction military. 2. Knighthood in generall, and particular. 3. Combats for life, and triumph. 4. Precedencie of great estates, and others. London: Robert Barker, printer to the Queenes most Excellent Maiestie, 1602. Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper. An inquiry concerning virtue: in two discourses, viz., I. of virtue and the belief of a deity, II. of the obligations to virtue. London: A . B e l l . . . E . Castle ... and S. Buckley 1699. Vernon, John. The young horse-man, or, The honest plain-dealing cavalier: Wherein is plainly demonstrated, by figures and other-wise, the exercise and discipline of the horse, very useful for all those that desire the knowledge of warlike horse-man-ship. London: printed by Andrew Coe, 1644. Secondary Sources Ardi t i , Jorge. A Genealogy of Manners: transformations of social relations in France and England from the fourteenth to the eighteenth century. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. Boehrer, Bruce. "Shakespeare and the Social Devaluation of the Horse." In The Culture of the Horse, edited by Karen Raber and Treva J. Tucker, 91-111. N e w York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Bowman, James. Honor: a history. New York: Encounter Books, 2006. Bryson, Anna. From Courtesy to Civility: changing codes of conduct in Early Modern England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. Burit, Shelley. Virtue Transformed: political argument in England, 1688-1740. Cambridge: 54 Cambridge University Press, 1992. Carter, Philip. Men and the Emergence of Polite Society, Britain 1660-1800, Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2001. Chard, Chloe. Pleasure and Guilt on the Grand Tour: travel writing and imaginative geography, 1600-1830. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999. Cooper, Barbara., Ed . The Manual of Horsemanship. Kenilworth, Warwickshire: The British Horse Society, 1993. Curth, Louise H i l l . "The Care of the Brute Beast: animals and the seventeenth-century medical market-place." Social History of Medicine 15, no. 3 (2002): 375-392. Dabhoiwala, Faramerz. "The Construction of Honour, Reputation and Status in Late Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 6, no.6 (1996): 201-213. Edwards, P.R. "The Horse Trade of the Midlands in the Seventeenth Century." The Agricultural History Reveiew 27 (1979): 90-100. Edwards, P.R. "The Horse Trade in Tudor and Stuart England." In Horses in European Economic History: a preliminary canter, edited by F . M . L . Thompson, 113-131. Reading: British Agricultural Society, 1983. Fletcher, Anthony. Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500-1800. London: Yale University Press, 1995. Foyster, Elizabeth A . Manhood in Early Modern England: honour, sex and marriage. New York: Longman, 1999. Giffin, James M . and Tom Gore. Horse Owner's Veterinary Handbook. N e w York: Howell Book House, 1989. Harvey, Karen. "The History of Masculinity, circa 1650-1800." Journal of British Studies 44 (Apri l 2005): 296-311. James, Mervyn. English Politics and the Concept of Honour 1485-1642. Past and present supplement 3 (Oxford : Past and Present Society, 1978). LeGuin, Elisabeth. " M a n and Horse in Harmony." In The Culture of the Horse, edited by Karen Raber and Treva J. Tucker, 175-196. N e w York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Liedtke, Walter A . The Royal Horse and Rider: painting, sculpture and horsemanship 1500-1800. New York: Abaris Books, 1989. MacDonald, Gabrielle Ann . Horsemanship as a Courtly Art in Elizabethan England: origins, theory, and practice. Ph.D. Dissertation: University of Toronto, 1983. 55 MacGregor, Arthur. "The Household out of Doors: the Stuart court and the animal kingdom.'Tn The Stuart Courts, edited by Eveline Cruickshanks, 86-117. Poenix: Sutton Publishing Limited, 2000. Maiden, H .E . , Ed. 'The borough o f Southwark: Introduction," 125-35. In A History of the County of Surry: Vol. 4. (1912) British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=43041 (accessed January 10, 2007). Moore-Colyer, R.J."Horse Supply and the British Cavalry: a review, 1066-1900!' Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 70 (1992): 245-259. Parker, Geoffrey. The Military Revolution: military innovation and the rise of the West 1500-1800, Second Edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Peck, Linda Levy. Consuming Splendor: society and culture in Seventeenth-Century England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Piggott, Stuart. Wagon, Chariot and Carriage: symbol and status in the history of transport. Slovenia: Thames and Hudson Ltd. 1992. Podhajsky, Alois . The Complete Training of Horse and Rider in the Principle of Classical Horsemanship. Bath: The Sportsman's Press, 1991. Pollock, Linda A."Honor, Gender, and Reconciliation in Elite Culture, 1570-1700,''Journal of British Studies 46 (January 2007): 3-29. Raber, Karen L."Reasonable Creatures': Wil l iam Cavendish and the art of dressage!'In Renaissance Culture and the Everyday, edited by Patricia Fumerton and Simon Hunt, 42-64. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999. Raber, Karen and Treva J. Tucker, Eds. Culture of the Horse. N e w York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Rizzo, Betty."Equivocations of Gender and Rank: Eighteenth-Century Sporting Women!' Eighteenth-Century Life 26, no. 1 (Winter 2002): 70-93. Shepard, Alexandra. 'Manhood, Credit and Patriarchy in Early Modern England c. 1580-1640," Past and Present 167 (May, 2000): 76-106. Shepard, Alexandra. Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Smuts, Malcolm R. Court Culture and the Origins of a Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987. Smuts, Malcolm R. Culture and Power in England, 1585-1685. London: Macmil lan Press Ltd., 1999. 56 Strong, Roy. Van Dyck: Charles I on horseback. London: Al l en Lane The Penguin Press, 1972. Terry, Reta Arlene. Little White Oaths: the representation of the evolving codes of honour in early modern England. Ph.D. Dissertation: University of Saskatchewan, 2001. Thirsk, Joan. Horses in Early Modern England: for service, for pleasure, for power. Reading: University of Reading, 1978. Thomas, Keith. Man and the Natural World: a history of the modern sensibility. New York: Pantheon Books, 1983. Watson, Curtis Brown. Shakespeare and the Renaissance Concept on Honor. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1960. Wilton-Ely, John/Classic Ground: Britain, Italy, and the grand tour!' Eighteenth-Century Life 28 (2004): 135-165. Worsley, Giles ."A Courtly Art: the history of haute ecole in England!' Court Historian 6 (2001): 29-47. Worsley, Lucy and Tom Addyman."Riding Houses and Horses: Wi l l i am Cavendish's Architecture for the Art of Horsemanship"^rc/nYectara/ History 45 (2002): 194-229. Young, Alan and George Philip. Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London: British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data, 1987. 

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