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Post-war Japanese immigrants in Canada : job transferability, work, and social participation Ujimoto, Koji Victor 1973

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r i POST-WAR JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA: JOB TRANSFERABILITY, WORK, AND SOCIAL PARTICIPATION by KOJI VICTOR UJIMOTO, B . S c , M.A. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We acoept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1973 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. K. Victor Ujimoto Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date A P r i l 9 » 1 9 7 3 i ABSTRACT The primary objective of th i s thesis i s to explain differences i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n of post-war Japanese immigrants i n voluntary organisations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s * Among the conditions to be considered which are expected to influence s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be ( 1 ) the immigrant's accomplishments and experiences during the i n i t i a l period of residence i n Canada, ( 2 ) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought with them from Japan, and (3 ) the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work. The various factors considered to be important i n the i n i t i a l employment seeking process of the Japanese immigrants are contained under the rubric of "Job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y " and a des c r i p t i v e account of the immigrant's s o c i a l contact networks p r i o r to emigration, the immigrant's occupational s k i l l l e v e l , o r a l English a b i l i t y , Job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n Canada, and the professional c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements of the job are provided. These determinants of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y are then examined i n terms of the immigrant's l a t e r employment p r o f i l e . The differences i n the conditions of work i n Canada and i n Japan, and the various forms of technical constraint on the job are discussed i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r e f f e c t on the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the Job. Subsequently, the e f f e c t of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job on the employee's l i f e 11 away from the work environment i s described. The research survey was designed to be representative of the post-war Japanese immigrants which consisted of the yoblyose (sponsored Immigrants) and the g l j u t s u lmln (tech-n i c a l immigrants) who had entered Canada since the promul-gation of the 1 9 5 2 Immigration Act. A random sample of survey respondents were selected from a l i s t of post-war Japanese immigrants who resided i n the Vancouver and Lower Mainland areas. The data analysis consisted of percentage comparisons between ( 1 ) various forms of constraint and the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work, and ( 2 ) s o c i a l Interaction on the job and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary associations and other a c t i v i t i e s . Our study revealed that the highest percentage of immigrants with membership i n professional associations, trade unions, and trade associations consisted of those who secured immediate employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan. With the exception of membership i n church and other r e l i g i o u s group a c t i v i t i e s , the highest percentage of immi-grants who were members of s o c i a l groups and clubs were also those who secured immediate employment i n the same occupation as that held p r i o r to emigration. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s such as family and friendship networks, and i n a c t i v i t i e s by s e l f such as reading and studying, consisted more of immi-i i i grants who were s t i l l i n the process of adjustment and who required household essentials to be purchased than of immi-grants who were able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n other forms of s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s that required f i n a n c i a l resources* Our f i n d i n g also i l l u s t r a t e d the p r i o r i t y given by the immigrant to purchase e s s e n t i a l household goods over p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary associations and i n a c t i v i t i e s that required money. For further research, i t i s suggested that consideration be given to the changing Japanese values and customs as they rel a t e to the importance placed on t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships i n Japan and l a t e r i n the Canadian society. i r TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v l i LIST OF FIGURES l x ACKNOWLEDGMENT x CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 1. H i s t o r i c a l Overview of Japanese Immigration 1 2. The Research Problem 5 3* Immigrant Selection Process 10 l*. The Japanese Immigrant Population 12 5* A r r i v a l and the Search f o r a Job 17 6. Network of Social A f f i l i a t i o n s 27 7* Scope of Research 33 I I . RESEARCH PROCEDURE 35 1. Selection of the Sample 35 2. The Pre-Test and Interview Schedule 39 I I I . JOB TRANSFERABILITY **8 1. Introduction **8 2. The Immigrant*s Job History *»9 3. Determinants of Job T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y 65 • CHAPTER Page U, Relationship between Employment and Job T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y 73 IV. WORK IN CANADA 80 1• Introduction 80 2. Differences i n the Work Setting 83 3* Technical Constraints and So c i a l Inter-action on the Job 95 k. Relationship between S o c i a l Interaction on the Job and Constraints at Work 101 V. SOCIAL PARTICIPATION 107 1. The Research Problem Re-Visited 107 2. Membership i n Voluntary Organisations 118 3* Summary 142 VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 1*»6 1. Summary 1^ 6 2. Conclusions 151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 163 APPENDICES A Post-War Japanese Immigrant Sample: Occupation at Time of Emigration 187 B Post-War Japanese Immigrant Sample: By Year of A r r i v a l 189 v i APPENDICES Page C Interview Schedule (In English) 190 D Interview Schedule (In Japanese) 2 l 7 E - l Constraints and Soc i a l Interaction at York E-3 Constraints and Soc i a l Interaction at Work F-l S ocial Interaction on the Job and P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Voluntary Associations and Other A c t i v i t i e s F-2 So c i a l Interaction on the Job and P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Voluntary Associations and Other A c t i v i t i e s 2 ^ E-2 Constraints and Soc i a l Interaction at Work 2^5 246 E - U Constraints and S o c i a l Interaction at Work 2^7 2kb 2k9 v i i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1.1 Number of Japanese Immigrants Entering Canada, 1946-1971 1.2 Japanese* Chinese, and East Indian Immigrants to Canada. 19^1-1970 15 1.3 Change in Occupation of Japanese Immigrants 19 1.4 Number of Job Changes in Canada for Different Occupational Categories 25 1.5 Type8 of Sponsorship of Post-War Japanese Immigrants to Canada 29 11.1 Basic Survey Data 44 11.2 Respondent's Characteristics k6 111.1 Immediate Employment in Canada in the Same Occupation as that held in Japan 63 111.2 Conditions of Job Transferability and Immediate Employment in the Same Occupation 75 IV.1 Constraints and Social Interaction at Work 103 V.l Membership in Voluntary Organizations by Employment 120 V.2 Membership in Voluntary Organizations by Employment 122 V.3 Membership in Voluntary Organizations by Employment and Household Furnishings 124 V.4 Participation in Activities by Employment 127 V*5 Participation in Activities by Employment and Occupation 129 V.6 Participation in Activities by Employment, Occupation, and Material Requirements 132 v i i i Table Page V* 7 Membership in Voluntary Organisations by Education 135 V* 8 Membership in Voluntary Organisations by Duration of Residence 135 V. 9 Membership in Voluntary Organisations by English Ability 137 V.10 Membership in Voluntary Organisations by English Ability 139 V . l l Participation in Voluntary Associations and Other Activities and Social Inter-action on the Job IkO i x LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 3.1 Work History of A Single Professional Worker 50 3*2 Work H i s t o r i e s of Professional Workers 53 3*3 Work H i s t o r i e s of Proprietory) Managerial, and Lesser Professional Workers 5** 3 *4 Work H i s t o r i e s of C l e r i c a l Employees 56 3*5 Work H i s t o r i e s of S k i l l e d Employees 58 3*6 Work H i s t o r i e s of Semi-Skilled and Those i n Service Trades 59 3*7 Work H i s t o r i e s of Farmers, Fishermen, and Uns k i l l e d Labourers 61 X ACKNOWLEDGMENT An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y undertaking of thi s nature necessarily involves the advice and assistance of numerous people. I wish to express p a r t i c u l a r gratitude to Professor Martin Meissner, the chairman of my d i s s e r t a t i o n committee, and to Professors C y r i l S. Belshaw, Milton Bloombaum, George Gray, John F. Howes, and Graham E. Johnson f o r t h e i r time spent i n consultation and f o r the valuable suggestions put forward throughout the research and writ i n g of this thesis. I would also l i k e to express my appreciation to Professor Ernest Landauer and the members of the Metropolitan Vancouver Urban Research Project (I966-I969) to whom I owe my o r i g i n a l i n t e r e s t i n the i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y study of various ethnic groups i n Vancouver. I am indebted to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r the un i v e r s i t y graduate fellowships and to the Canada Council f o r the doctoral fellowships which enabled me to continue my studies. I am also indebted to the various members of the Department of Manpower and Immigration at the Vancouver International A i r p o r t f o r t h e i r assistance at various stages of my research. I am very g r a t e f u l to the members of the U.B.C. S t a t i s t i c a l Centre--Judy B i r d . V i r g i n i a Green. Frank Flynn, and Dave Malcolm f o r t h e i r assistance throughout the survey research. x i The members of the graduate methodology seminars have been extremely h e l p f u l and I wish to express my appreciation to Mumtaz Akhtar, Scott Burbidge, Diane Erickson* S y l v i a Hale. Elizabeth Humphrey. Scott Meis, B i l l Reimer, Jack Scheu, Kathy S t o r r i e , Mary-Rose Treasurywala, and Peter Wiebe f o r t h e i r c r i t i c a l comments. F i n a l l y , I wish to thank my wife Mutsuko who has been at a l l times the source of encouragement and i n spite of a broken wrist, managed to type the f i n a l manuscript. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1. H i s t o r i c a l Overview of Japanese Immigration Japanese immigrants to Canada before World War II were generally characterized as u n s k i l l e d labourers. Although precise d e t a i l s are not a v a i l a b l e , l t has been recorded that the f i r s t Japanese to set foot i n Canada was a s a i l o r named Manzo Nagano.1 Nagano f i r s t came to New Westminster i n 1877 and he managed to remain i n Canada f o r about two years during which time he t r i e d his hand as a fisherman. Nagano returned to Japan but came back to New Westminster i n 1884. Later he proceeded to Seattle where he operated a restaurant but was soon on his way back to Japan again. Nagano eventually returned to Canada i n 1892 and he s e t t l e d down i n V i c t o r i a , B.C. where he opened a Japanese novelty store. Another early v i s i t o r to Canada was a Gihei Kuno, a carpenter from Mio v i l l a g e . He came to Canada i n 1877 and was so impressed by the salmon f i s h i n g on the west coast that he 2 encouraged many Mio v i l l a g e r s to come to Canada. By 1908, 1Ken Adachi, A History of the Japanese Canadians i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Toronto: Japanese Canadian Citizens Associa-t i o n , 1956)» p. 1. 2 Tadashi Fukutake, Man and Society i n Japan (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, I 9 6 2 ) , p. 149. emigration from Japan became a matter of great concern f o r the Canadian government and thus a series of gentlemen's agree-3 ments were made between Japan and Canada. The general tendency of the Japanese immigrants to make money and then to return to Japan was not l i m i t e d only to the Japanese fishermen but also extended to the Japanese labourers who came to Canada under contract to work on the construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. Japanese immigrants were also engaged i n the boat b u i l d i n g , lumbering, and mining indus-t r i e s and this eventually resulted i n economic r i v a l r y between the Japanese and Occidentals i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In 1907* the United States government passed l e g i s l a t i v e measures which prohibited Japanese immigrants from entering the U.S. This resulted i n the mass i n f l u x of Japanese immi-grants to Canada and the concomitant increase i n h o s t i l i t y and prejudice eventually culminated i n the Vancouver race r i o t of September 7, 1907* The Canadian government appointed a Royal Commission and the f i r s t Gentlemen's Agreement r e s t r i c t e d Japanese immigrants to Canada to the following four classes k of people1 -'Warren E. Kalbach, The Impact of Immigration on Canada*  Population (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 15 k Adachi, op. c l t . . p. k. (1) returning immigrants and t h e i r wives and children, (2) emigrants engaged by Japanese residents i n Canada for bona f i d e personal or domestic service, (3) labourers under special contracts approved by the Canadian government, and (4) immigrants brought under contract by Japanese resident a g r i c u l t u r a l holders i n Canada. With.the exception of the f i r s t category noted above, an annual quota of 400 persons was established f o r each of the other categories. By 1924, this quota was further reduced to 150 and i n 1928, quota r e s t r i c t i o n s were imposed to include the wives and children of Japanese residents i n Canada. Since the end of World War I I , the number of immigrants of Japanese o r i g i n i n Canada has increased s t e a d i l y . This i s shown i n Table 1.1. During the i n i t i a l f i v e year period a f t e r the war, there were only 37 Japanese who immigrated to Canada.^ However, with the l e g i s l a t i o n of the 1952 Immigration Act and subsequent amendments,^ the number of post-war Japanese immi-grants since 1952 totaled more than 6,000. Of this t o t a l , approximately 1,898 Japanese immigrants s e t t l e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia, mainly i n the lower mainland region of the province and excluding the concentration i n Ontario, constituted the second largest c o l l e c t i v i t y of Japanese immigrants i n Canada. ^Kalbach, op_. c i t . , p. 426. ^The Immigration Act. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1968. 4 TABLE 1.1 NUMBER OF JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS ENTERING CANADA, 1 9 4 6 - 1971 Year Number Year Number 1 9 4 6 * 3 1 9 5 9 1 9 7 1 9 4 7 2 I 9 6 0 I 6 9 1 9 4 8 6 1 9 6 I * * 1 1 4 1 9 4 9 13 1 9 6 2 1 4 1 1 9 5 0 13 1 9 6 3 171 1951 3 1 9 6 4 1 4 0 1 9 5 2 7 1 9 6 5 1 8 8 1 9 5 3 4 9 1 9 6 6 500 1 9 5 4 73 1 9 6 7 8 5 8 1 9 5 5 1 0 2 1 9 6 8 6 2 8 1 9 5 6 1 2 4 1 9 6 9 6 9 8 1 9 5 7 1 8 5 1 9 7 0 7 8 5 1 9 5 8 1 9 3 1971 81 5 * Sourcet Warren E. Kalbach, The Impact of Immigration on  Canada'a Population (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 4 2 6 - 2 7 . (by ethnic origin) ** Source: Immigration S t a t i s t i c s . Department of Manpower and Immigration. (by country of ci t i z e n s h i p ) 2. The Research Problem In contrast to the pre-war Japanese Immigrants composed mainly of farmers, fishermen, and u n s k i l l e d labourers, the post-war immigrants to Canada consisted of those with a diverse range of occupations such as craftsmen, technicians, musicians, c l e r k s , s c i e n t i s t s , engineers, a r t i s t s , and architects to mention only a few. With such d i v e r s i t y i n occupations, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to make generalizations about the immigration process as each immigrant must s a t i s f y certain selection c r i t e r i a . However, regardless of one's occupation, there were ce r t a i n conditions or factors that applied to a l l immi-grants during the l a t e r adjustment period i n the new host country. In t h i s thesis we w i l l describe the process through which a Japanese immigrant proceeds from the time of i n i t i a l s e l e c t i o n i n Japan, the subsequent period of seeking employ-ment i n Canada, the accumulation of material n e c e s s i t i e s , and the eventual s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary organizations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . There are several important reasons why i t i s necessary to describe i n d e t a i l the various process through which the immigrant proceeds. The immediate problem with which th i s thesis i s concerned i s to explain differences i n p a r t i c i p a -tion of post-war Japanese immigrants i n voluntary organiza-tions and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . Some immigrants become members of voluntary organizations, others belong to a network of social a f f i l i a t i o n s , and s t i l l others belong to both* What explanation can be provided to account for this difference in social participation? Among the conditions to be considered which are expected to influence social participation w i l l be ( 1 ) the immigrant's accomplish-ments and experiences during the i n i t i a l period of residence in Canada, (2) characteristics which the immigrants brought with them from Japan, and (3) the immigrant's social inter-action at work. At the outset of our study, i t was established from the pre-test survey data that the immigrant's participation in voluntary organizations depended on employment. If the immigrant was already employed in the same occupation as that held prior to coming to Canada, he or she tended to be members of voluntary organizations. In contrast, immigrants who were temporarily employed in whatever job that was available, were pre-occupied with studies, job re-training, or the search for permanent employment in one's chosen occupation such that very l i t t l e free time was available for other a c t i v i t i e s . Conse-quently, these immigrants tended not to be members of voluntary groups and they limited their social contacts to friends. Another observation was that Japanese immigrants arrived in Canada with very few personal belonging and as the f i r s t step to adjust to their new environment, certain household furnishings had to be purchased immediately. Since extremely few immigrants came to Canada with any financial wealth, the 7 a c q u i s i t i o n of kitchen u t e n s i l s , household appliances, and other f u r n i t u r e was a gradual process i n which a substantial portion of the immigrant's i n i t i a l salary went towards the purchase of these basic necessities* Again, during t h i s i n i t i a l period of adjustment, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i v i -t i e s tended to be i n small c o l l e c t i v i t i e s l i m i t e d to personal contacts and no p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary organizations. From these observations, i t was decided that f o r our present study, the meaning of the immigrant's 'accomplishment' w i l l be l i m i t e d to only two f a c t o r s . F i r s t , we w i l l be concerned with the immigrant's employment i n Canada, and second, with the accumulation of material possessions, such as f u r n i t u r e , kitchen u t e n s i l s , and household appliances which are a l l considered necessary by Canadian standards for everyday l i v i n g . The f a c t that Japanese immigrants did not have the f i n a n c i a l means to make the necessary household purchases upon a r r i v a l i n Canada meant that immediate employment was a c r u c i a l f a c t o r which governed the time taken by the immigrant to adjust and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the various a c t i v i t i e s of the host society. However, not a l l immigrants were able to secure immediate employment and the less fortunate ones experienced considerable d i f f i c u l t i e s . Some of these d i f f i c u l t i e s stemmed from differences i n professional and technical standards between Japan and Canada and others from language d i f f i c u l t y . Before we discuss some of the factors associated with 8 the job s e e k i n g e x p e r i e n c e , i t i s necessary to s p e c i f y one assumption which i s c e n t r a l to our study. Because of the y s t r i c t c o n t r o l e x e r c i s e d by the Canadian government i n g r a n t i n g immigration v i s a s only to those people whose occu-p a t i o n a l s k i l l s are i n demand i n Canada, i t i s assumed that those s e l e c t e d to come to Canada w i l l t r y to secure employ-ment i n the same o c c u p a t i o n as t h a t h e l d i n Japan. Given t h i s demand, why i s i t th a t d i f f i c u l t i e s are encountered by the Japanese immigrants i n s e c u r i n g employment i n the same oc c u p a t i o n as t h a t h e l d p r i o r to emigration? In order to address t h i s problem, i t w i l l be found that the d i f f i c u l t i e s met d u r i n g the job s e e k i n g p e r i o d i s h i g h l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought w i t h them from Japan. I t w i l l a l s o be found t h a t some of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n f l u e n c e not only the job s e e k i n g experience but a l s o the immigrant's l a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n v a r i o u s s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s • One such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which has a b e a r i n g on both the employment experience and l a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s i s the immigrant's a b i l i t y to understand and to / s p e a k E n g l i s h . U n l i k e the E n g l i s h speaking immigrants from Europe or from the U n i t e d S t a t e s who seek employment i n Canada, the Japanese immigrants are disadvantaged by t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to converse f r e e l y i n the E n g l i s h language. In a d d i t i o n , there v/are c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s which may a c t as a handicap when competing with Canadians for a given job vacancy. Another important condition which i s related to employ-ment and thus i n d i r e c t l y with the immigrant's l a t e r s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n stems from the immigrant's occupational charac-t e r i s t i c s . Some occupational s k i l l s held by the Japanese immigrants may not be recognized i n Canada as the same professional or technical standard and consequently additional t r a i n i n g may be required p r i o r to employment. This of course, res u l t s i n some delay i n the i n i t i a l s e t t l i n g - i n and adjust-ment process and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l tend to be lim i t e d to a c t i v i t i e s within a sphere of f r i e n d s . There i s one other factor which determines the time taken to secure employment i n Canada and that depends on the s o c i a l contacts the immigrant was able to es t a b l i s h p r i o r to emigration. Such contacts were important information sources and i n some instances, the Canadian contact acted as the immigrant's sponsor. Immigrants who had sponsors usually had guaranteed employment and this factor alone expedited the immigrant's i n i t i a l adjustment process. The various factors b r i e f l y described above provide f o r variations i n the job seeking process which are important i n determining whether or not the immigrant secures employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan. In order to be able to better understand why ce r t a i n conditions and factors have been selected as important issues to be studied 10 f o r this t h e s i s , a b r i e f d e scriptive account w i l l be provided of the more general aspects of the immigration process and the various conditions that must be met p r i o r to securing employment i n Canada. 3, Immigrant Selection Process With the opening of the Canadian v i s a o f f i c e i n Tokyo i n June 1966, the time required to process an immigrant ap p l i c a t i o n has been reduced considerably. Candidates f o r se l e c t i o n f a l l into either the sponsored or non-sponsored categories. In the sponsored immigrant category, the sponsor may be one's spouse or r e l a t i v e already i n Canada or i t may be one's future employer. In the l a t t e r case, some form of employment i s usually arranged p r i o r to emigration. The only r e s t r i c t i o n that may apply i n this case i s that the employer may be required to provide some evidence that a s i m i l a r l y q u a l i f i e d Canadian i s not immediately available f o r employ-ment. For example, Japanese cooks and waitresses who are sponsored by a Canadian hotel or restaurant usually obtain t h e i r immigrant visas within a r e l a t i v e l y short time a f t e r t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n whereas i t may take unsponsored cooks anywhere from one to three years. I t i s p r a c t i c a l l y impos-s i b l e f or an unsponsored waitress to immigrate because lack of sponsorship means that she competes with Canadian waitresses seeking employment. I t should be noted that u n t i l November 3» 1972. the Immigration Act permitted v i s i t o r s to Canada to 7 apply f o r landed-immigrant status from within the country. However, with the current slowdown i n the Canadian economy, concomitant unemployment problems, and flagrant abuse of the immigration laws, the Canadian Government suspended the right g of v i s i t o r s to apply f o r landed-immigrant status. For the unsponsored candidates, the "point-system" i s employed as a guide f o r the s e l e c t i o n c r i t e r i a . Under t h i s system, i t i s necessary to accumulate at least 50 points out of a possible 100 points i n order to secure an immigrant v i s a . The categorical breakdown f o r this point system i s as follows: 1. Age (18-35) 10 possible points 2. Education and Training 20 3. Occupational S k i l l 10 k. Arranged Employment 10 5* Occupational Demand 15 6. Area Demand 5 7* Language (English or French) 10 8. Relative i n Canada 5 9* Personal Assessment 15 Total 100 A casual examination of the above may give the appearance that i t i s rather easy to obtain 50 points, however, i n r e a l i t y i t 7 For data on appeals and decisions on appeals, see Immigration Appeal Board, A Review of Operations. 1967-197 n« Ottawa: Information Canada, 1971* 8 Globe and Mail, November 4, 1972. i s extremely d i f f i c u l t because of the lack of a precise s c a l i n g or point awarding procedure. In other words, too much i s l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l d i s c r e t i o n of the examining o f f i c e r . Of a l l the possible factors subsumed under the point system, three factors appear to be the most c r u c i a l from the point of view of both the s e l e c t i o n process and l a t e r employment i n Canada. These are the candidate's technical or professional q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , h i s oral English a b i l i t y , and job a v a i l a b i l i t y or demand i n Canada* I f the candidate possesses an exceptionally high degree of s k i l l i n an occu-pation or trade i n demand but scores below the required standard i n his oral English t e s t , he i s enrolled i n a month-long English orientation course sponsored by the Japan Emi-gration Service. The orientation courses are scheduled to meet the demands of the Canadian v i s a o f f i c e i n Tokyo and usually have t h e i r highest enrollment during the spring and summer months. k. The Japanese Immigrant Population It i s necessary to provide at the outset a b r i e f descrip-t i o n of the Japanese immigrant population. This necessity arises from the f a c t that our universe of Japanese immigrants consists of a diverse group such as the kika n i s e i , the yoblyose. and the g i j u t s u imin. Each group possessed d i f f e r e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and thus a b r i e f account of each w i l l explain why our study has been l i m i t e d to the yobiyose and gijutsu imin. The outbreak of the Second World War resulted i n the mass evacuation of a l l persons of Japanese ancestry from the coastal areas of B r i t i s h Columbia. One of the consequences of the Canadian Government War Measures Act was that Japanese f a m i l i e s , both c i t i z e n s and a l i e n s , were relocated to various centers i n the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n Alberta, Manitoba, and Ontario. A f t e r the r e l o c a t i o n , those who elected to return to Japan renounced t h e i r Canadian c i t i z e n -ship and were repatriated* The re a l v i c t i m of th i s episode were the Canadian-born Japanese who were s t i l l minors at the time and consequently exercised no option and just followed t h e i r parents back to Japan. After the end of World War I I , a number of Japanese-Canadians returned to Canada. They were known as the kika  n i s e i or the "returned second generation" and were usually sponsored by r e l a t i v e s who resided i n Canada. I t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to determine whether the kika n i s e i were o f f i c i a l l y included i n the Canadian government immigration s t a t i s t i c s f o r the period 19>6 to 1952 since i t was only a f t e r the l e g i s -q l a t i o n of the 1952 Immigration Act that a Canadian c i t i z e n y0ffice Consolidation of the Immigration Act. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , I 9 6 8 . 14 resident i n Canada was able to sponsor a wife, husband, or unmarried dependent under 21 years of age* I t i s quite conceivable that the 40 or so Japanese immigrants who entered 10 Canada between 1946 and 1951 may have been those who had e a r l i e r renounced t h e i r Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p due to the p o l i t i c a l considerations of the time* There are, of course, numerous factors to be taken into account before one may attach the "immigrant" l a b e l to the kika n i s e i . However, that i s beyond the immediate concern of this thesis and i t w i l l s u f f i c e to note that the kika n i s e i constituted one group of Japanese frequently included under the rubric of post-war Japanese immigrants. The number of Japanese immigrants to Canada gradually increased as a r e s u l t of the 1952 Immigration Act. This increase was further f a c i l i t a t e d by the subsequent Order i n Council PC 1957 - 1675 which "enabled residents (non-citizens) to sponsor the admission from Asia and other countries of 11 t h e i r spouses, unmarried minor children and aged parents." Sponsored Japanese immigration to Canada, or the yobiyose. was the highest between 1952 and 1965* There were fewer immigrants from Japan than from China and India as shown i n Table 1.2. See Table I . l , p. 4. Kalbach, op. c i t . . p. 23* 15 TABLE 1.2 JAPANESE, CHINESE, AND EAST INDIAN IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA, 1941 - 1970 Five Year Period Japanese Chinese East Ind. 19^1 1 946 1951 1956 1961 1966 - 19**5J - 195oJ - 1955} - 196C-1 - 1965; - 1970^ 5 37 234 868 861 3,504 0 2,654 U ,524 10,407 11,785 23,218 5 356 837 2,557 8,576. 25,349* 1 . Source: Kalbach, The Impact of Immigration on Canada*s Population, p. 43. 2. Source: Canada Year Book, 1941 - 1970. 3 . Source: Immigration S t a t i s t i c s , 1966 to 1970 i n c l u s i v e . Department of Manpower and Immigration, Ottawa. 4. Categorized as Indian C i t i z e n s h i p . Note: Canada Year Book categorization by e t h n i c i t y . 16 U n t i l 1965, post-war Japanese immigrants to Canada were mostly r e l a t i v e sponsored, enabling immigrants who lacked both education and occupational s k i l l s to enter Canada. This usually resulted i n the employment of the Japanese immigrant i n his or her sponsor's family occupation or i n some other make-shift work arrangement within the ethnic community. The only Japanese community i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s Steveston. I t had i t s o r i g i n i n the mass transplantation of a f i s h i n g v i l l a g e from Mio-raura, Wakayama Prefecture, Japan. Emigra-1 2 t i o n from Mlo-mura reached i t s peak i n 1926. Consequently, a f t e r World War I I , a number of sponsored immigrants came to reside i n the Steveston and Richmond areas and were employed i n the f i s h i n g industry. Sponsored Japanese immigrants were also destined to the various a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of southern Alberta, Manitoba, and Ontario. Perhaps, next to those immigrants who were employed i n the f i s h i n g industry, the immigrants i n the various a g r i -c u l t u r a l occupations constituted the second largest group of 1 3 sponsored immigrants to Canada. The remainder of the Fukutake, op. c i t . , p. 23• 13 An attempt was made to obtain s t a t i s t i c a l information from the Department of Manpower and Immigration on sponsored Japanese immigrants to Canada, such as t h e i r intended occupa-tion and destination i n Canada. Unfortunately, t h i s informa-t i o n was not available due to the c o n f i d e n t i a l nature of other information also on the micro f i l m of the immigrant's a p p l i -cation form. 1 17 sponsored immigrants did not immediately enter the labour force and includes children, housewives, and "picture-brides* to give a few examples* With the establishment of the Canadian visa office in Tokyo in I 9 6 6 , a vigorous advertising campaign was launched in Japan to attract highly qualified technical and profes-sional people. It was a great success as evinced by the nearly three-fold increase in immigration for that year. (See Table I.l) There were significant differences between those Japanese immigrants who entered Canada after 1966 and those who had arrived previously. Japanese immigrants to Canada after I966 were known as gijutsu imln or l i t e r a l l y translated "technical immigrants." Unlike their predecessors, the gijutsu imin constituted of both professional and tech-nical people, were highly educated, had several years of experience in their own occupations, and were able to converse in English. 5* Arrival and the Search for a Job Most Japanese immigrants enter Canada through Vancouver International Airport. A very small number of immigrants arrive by ship, or by bus from the United States. Regardless of the mode of travel to Canada, a l l immigrants face similar problems upon a r r i v a l . They must obtain immediate accom-modation and commence the search for a job once temporarily settled. 18 Those immigrants fortunate enough to be met upon a r r i v a l by the hostesses of the Immigrant Reception Committee are directed to either the Y.M.C.A., Y.W.C.A., Barclay Manor, or some other economically priced h o t e l . At one time, volunteer members of the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee met a l l incoming f l i g h t s from Tokyo, however, with the gradual increase i n the number of new immigrants since 1965) this became an impossible task. In order to cope with the demands placed on the volunteer members of the reception committee, a weekly orientation session was organised to meet every Monday evening at the Burrard Y.M.C.A. Information pamphlets about the reception and orienta t i o n meetings were placed at s t r a t e g i c locations such as the information desk at the Vancouver Inter-national A i r p o r t and the Manpower and Immigration o f f i c e i n downtown Vancouver. With the exception of the sponsored Japanese immigrant who had i n most instances arranged a job p r i o r to emigration, the newly arri v e d immigrant eventually finds h i s way to the Manpower and Immigration o f f i c e i n order to obtain current information on the l o c a l employment s i t u a t i o n . Table 1 * 3 i l l u s t r a t e s the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of Japanese immigrants by occupation p r i o r to emigration and a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. The data presented here i s based on our immigrant survey which i s described i n d e t a i l i n Chapter II and Appendix A provides a l i s t of occupations selected f o r each occupational category 19 TABLE 1.3 CHANGE IN OCCUPATION OF JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS Category of No. i n Per cent whose Last Occupation Survey occupation i n Canada i n Japan* at the time of the survey was the same as the l a s t occupation i n Japan 1. Professionals 25 **8% 2. Proprietory, Managerial, 7 w and Lesser Professionals ^ 3. C l e r i c a l Employees 12 337° 9 78% k. S k i l l e d Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and ^2 &k% Service Trades 6. A g r i c u l t u r a l , U n s k i l l e d Labour N = 1 0 0 * See Appendix A f o r a l i s t of occupations f o r each of the categories based on Blishen Scores. •'* Survey procedure described i n d e t a i l i n Chapter II 20 based on Blishen Scores. In Table 1 . 3 , i t w i l l be noted that eighty four per cent of the immigrants i n the semi-skilled and service trades category were able to secure employment i n the same occupa-t i o n as that held p r i o r to emigration. In contrast, i t w i l l be noted that those respondents who were farmers or labourers when they were i n Japan had a l l changed t h e i r occupation i n Canada by the time of our survey. In p a r t i c u l a r , the farmers had a l l l e f t the farms f o r the urban centers i n order to seek a "better l i f e . " Consequently, care must be exercised i n in t e r p r e t i n g the data presented i n Table 1 . 3 i n that i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to determine i f the immigrant changed occupations on his or her own v o l i t i o n or through circum-stances beyond the immigrant's immediate contr o l . In most instances, immigrants with the necessary techni-cal or professional s k i l l s and the a b i l i t y to converse i n the English language experience l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n securing employment i n the same occupation as that held p r i o r to emigration. An exception to the above generalization occurs when an immigrant although f u l l y q u a l i f i e d must s a t i s f y the residence and c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements of the professional association of the province. In thi s category are the medical doctors, de n t i s t s , nurses, lawyers, pharmacists, and to a lesser degree, professional engineers. I f the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that the required c e r t i f i c a t i o n can be obtained within a few years, then employment i n one's chosen profession 21 i s deferred u n t i l such time and temporary employment i s secured i n a related occupation. The c e r t i f i c a t i o n r e s t r i c -tions are not l i m i t e d to the professions only but may also apply to c e r t a i n trades with s t r i c t union regulations. For example, a barber cannot cut h a i r without a license which can only be obtained by passing an examination set by the Vancouver Barber's Association. In the event that profes-sional c e r t i f i c a t i o n i s an i m p o s s i b i l i t y because of extreme language or other d i f f i c u l t i e s , the immigrant w i l l of course change occupation. These immigrants who f a i l to obtain employment which l a s t s f o r any length of time should also be noted. I f an immigrant i s w i l l i n g to accept any available employment regardless of how menial the job, his job hi s t o r y tends to be characterized by a succession of temporary jobs. A high proportion i n this l a t t e r category are those with severe language d i f f i c u l t i e s . How can such a s i t u a t i o n occur when the screening process at the Tokyo v i s a o f f i c e appears to be so thorough? Ohe reason i s that the immigrant's oral English a b i l i t y cannot be adequately assessed and thus i t i s only a f t e r the immigrant's a r r i v a l i n Canada that problems associated with rather routine matters s t a r t to accumulate. The other reason i s that those who a r r i v e i n Canada as t o u r i s t s and l a t e r acquire landed-immigrant status are p r e c i s e l y those immigrants who lack the long term commitment 22 to s e t t l e down* They tend to move from one job to another and from one geographic l o c a t i o n to another. Those who come as t o u r i s t s with the intent of obtaining landed immigrant status l a t e r also tend to possess lower occupational s k i l l and experience than applicants processed i n Tokyo. Unlike the sponsored immigrants whose employment may have been already determined by t h e i r sponsors, the employ-ment opportunities f o r the non-sponsored immigrants are rather limited* The l a t t e r compete immediately with other immigrants and Canadian-born job seekers. I f they cannot understand English adequately, they must r e l y on the ethnic s o c i a l network to f i n d employment. For the newly arrived Japanese immigrant* the care of such an ethnic network i s the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee at the Y.M.C.A., from which contacts are made with various organisations) groups, and i n d i v i d u a l s . The church organizations such as the Japanese United Church, Japanese Anglican Church, Japanese Mission Church, and ethnic associations such as the Japanese-Canadian Citizens Associations, a l l form the v i t a l l i n k s of the ethnic s o c i a l network and t h e i r members render assistance whenever c a l l e d upon. Employment obtained through ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n i s i n most cases only a make-shift arrangement. During the spring and summer months, employment as gardening assistants can be ea s i l y obtained, but only a few Japanese immigrants l a s t 23 more than a few weeks i n this extremely strenuous occupation. Other sources of temporary employment are hotels, restaurants, paperbox f a c t o r i e s , and various delivery services such as the l i q u o r outlets and grocery chain stores. Japanese immi-grants who cannot obtain even temporary employment may be sponsored by the Manpower and Immigration department to take an English course so that the immigrant can compete more successfully i n the Canadian labour market. In order to q u a l i f y f o r such a course, the immigrant must be unemployed and must provide evidence that he or she i s unable to pay t u i t i o n f o r a s i m i l a r English course given to new Canadians at regular vocational schools. As stated previously, the core of the ethnic s o c i a l network i s the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. This committee i s composed of ministers from the Japanese United Church and the Japanese Anglican Church, a representative from the Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association, a represen-t a t i v e from the Canadian Japanese business community, and a few Japanese immigrants who have resided i n Vancouver f o r a few years. In this voluntary organization, the church ministers can most af f o r d the time and e f f o r t to a s s i s t the new immigrants to become s e t t l e d i n i t i a l l y . However, the extent to which assistance can be given to obtain employment i s l i m i t e d . Once the usual employment sources such as the hotels, restaurants, and gardening firms are exhausted, the 24 immigrant must either j o i n the rank and f i l e of the un-employed, rechart his future career by changing his occupation completely* move to eastern Canada with the hope of securing some suitable employment there* or else prepare to return to Japan. Although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to secure accurate s t a t i s t i c s , i t seems that the rate of return to Japan has been quite low. In the words of one unemployed immigrant, "I've been given so many g i f t s and such a tremendous send-off at Haneda Air p o r t that I can never return to Japan so soon. I ' l l try my luck i n Toronto." The number of job changes a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada f o r various occupational categories i s shown i n Table 1.4. In my 1971 survey of post-war Japanese immigrants who resided i n the greater Vancouver area, 30 per cent of the respondents had no job change since t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada, 27 per cent changed jobs only once, and 26 per cent changed jobs twice. Only 7 per cent of the respondents had changed jobs f i v e or more times. The data presented i n Table 1.4 reveal that s k i l l e d employees and those i n the service trades occupations had a lower percentage of three or more job changes than f o r any other occupational group. Once the employment contacts established by the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee are exhausted, the immigrant usually takes to the street on foot with the l a t e s t copy of the c l a s s i f i e d ads section of the Vancouver Sun. With good 25 TABLE 1.4 NUMBER OF JOB CHANGES IN CANADA FOR DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES Occupational Number of Job Changes Per cent Category at No. i n i n Canada 3 or more time of Survey job changes emigration 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. Professionals 25 16 28 40 12 4 16% 2. Proprietory, Managerial, 15 k 7 2 0 13 13 7 20% & Lesser Professionals 3. C l e r i c a l 12 25 33 17 1 7 8 25% Employees * 33 .5 .1 U , 1 * Employees 5. Semi-Skilled & Service 32 38 25 25 6 6 12% Trades 6. A g r i c u l t u r a l , Unskilled 7 14 14 43 29 29% Labour _______________ Total 100 30 27 26 7 3 4 2 1 17 26 fortune and assistance from accidentally made Canadian friends, some form of employment i s generally found. Sometimes, a humourous situation, when viewed retrospectively, can occur. One young immigrant was so overwhelmed at the prospect of a job after continued rejections from over forty firms that he offerred to work for f i f t y cents an hour. When asked why he was willing to work for such low wages, he responded that after so many job refusals he honestly believed that he was only worth f i f t y cents an hour. The time taken to secure employment in one's chosen occupation w i l l have a crucial bearing on one's later l i f e styles. Those immigrants who find more permanent forms of employment are able to make plans to settle down on a more permanent basis by purchasing a home. In contrast, those immigrants with a series of temporary jobs may also find themselves changing their place of residence from boarding house to apartment, from apartment to other apartments and so forth. Regardless of whether one i s permanently settled or not, the immigrant w i l l need some household and kitchen utensils as most immigrants arrive in Canada with few house-hold goods. The rate of accumulating material goods is a function of the financial resources available to each immigrant which in turn depends on his particular employ-ment situation. The longer i t takes to secure a steady monthly income, the longer one must forego the purchase of 27 a vacuum cleaner or a washing machine and i s forced to r e l y on the broom and scrub-board. For those immigrants who must defer permanent employment i n t h e i r chosen occupation because of professional c e r t i f i -cation or other educational requirements, a temporary delay of at least a few years w i l l be experienced p r i o r to achieving the same l e v e l and standard of l i v i n g as his immigrant counter-part who managed to secure permanent employment immediately upon a r r i v a l i n Canada. I t w i l l be shown l a t e r that a high proportion of Japanese immigrants w i l l have a l l t h e i r basic household needs purchased by the end of t h e i r t h i r d or fourth year of residence i n Canada, and by that time, they w i l l have embarked on a plan to finance the purchase of a car or a new home. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between employment s t a b i l i t y and facets of the immigrant adjustment process i n Canada w i l l be described i n the following chapters. 6. Network of Social A f f i l i a t i o n s The December 20, 1957 amendment to the 1952 Immigration Act enabled non-Canadian c i t i z e n r e s i d i n g i n Canada to sponsor the admission of immigrants from Asia. However, i t would appear from avai l a b l e immigration s t a t i s t i c s that most relative-sponsored immigrants were admitted to Canada p r i o r 28 to this time and that extremely few post-war Japanese immigrants were sponsored by r e l a t i v e s i n Canada. Table 1 . 5 provides a breakdown of the various forms of sponsorship. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of Japanese immigrants by various forms of sponsorship shown i n Table 1 . 5 indicates the low proportion of relative-sponsored immigrants. This fact accounts f o r the lack of kin-oriented s o c i a l networks of Japanese immigrants i n v i v i d contrast to the Chinese, I t a l i a n , and East Indian social-network patterns which are predomi-nantly kin-oriented. The networks of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n which do exist among the post-war Japanese immigrants i n Vancouver can be credited to two d i f f e r e n t sources. It may be r e c a l l e d from the e a r l i e r d e s c r i p t i o n of the immigrant se l e c t i o n process i n Tokyo that the immigrant may be enrolled i n the English language orientation course p r i o r to emigration. There are approximately f i f t e e n to twenty-five candidates per orienta-tion course. During the month of intensive language t r a i n i n g , a very cohesive group of friends can be established. Although See Stanford H . Lyman, "Contrasts i n the Community Organization of Chinese and Japanese i n North America," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 5» 1968, pp. 5 1 - 6 7 ! C l i f f o r d J . Jansen, "The I t a l i a n Community i n Toronto," i n Jean Leonard E l l i o t , ed., Immigrant Groups (Scarborough: Prentice H a l l , 1 9 7 1 ) , pp. 2 0 7 - 1 5 ; and Joy I n g l i s and Michael N. Ames, "Indian Immigrants i n Canada," The Indo-Canadlan, Vol. k, No. k - Vol. 5» No. 1 , 1 9 6 8 , pp . " "2~6" TABLE 1 . 5 TYPES OF SPONSORSHIP OF POST-WAR JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA Sponsored by No. i n Survey 1. Spouse 3 2 . Other Relatives 7 3 . Future Employer 10 k. Canadian Friend 5 5 . Business Acquaintance 2 6 . None 73 Total 100 immigrants from Japan tend to be more i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c than Japanese i n c o l l e c t i v i t y o r i e n t e d mass s o c i e t y , i t appears that a group s p i r i t can be r e k i n d l e d by the E n g l i s h o r i e n t a -t i o n course* T h i s i s manifested by the course membership group photos, course o u t i n g s and p i c n i c s , and sometimes, t r a v e l to Canada on the same a i r f l i g h t . The other source f o r the fo r m a t i o n of the Japanese immi-grant s o c i a l network i s the environment s u r r o u n d i n g the Japa-nese Immigrant Reception Committee at the Y.M.C.A. Although t h i s group meets only once a week, those immigrants who experience d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g employment r e t u r n to the Y.M.C.A. week a f t e r week to exchange t h e i r unemployment e x p e r i e n c e s . Others, who have experienced n o t h i n g but a f u l l week of f r u s t r a t i o n t r y i n g to converse i n h o s t i l e E n g l i s h , r e t u r n to the Y.M.C.A. to r e l e a s e t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s i n a tongue i n which they are most a b l e to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r f e e l i n g s . A f f i l i a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d through these two sources do not tend to be s t a b l e and l a s t i n g . Classmates i n the E n g l i s h o r i e n -t a t i o n course soon d i s p e r s e to v a r i o u s geographic l o c a t i o n s depending on where they o b t a i n employment. S i m i l a r l y , f o r those immigrants whose s o c i a l c o n t a c t s were e s t a b l i s h e d through the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee, attendance a t the Y.M.C.A. meetings decrease markedly once the immigrant secures employment. Thus, the r e c e p t i o n committee i s f r e q u e n t l y w i t h -out a resource person to a s s i s t and a d v i s e new immigrants. 31 Not a l l Japanese immigrants to Canada attend the English language orientation courses held i n Tokyo. Less than 13 per c e n t ^ of the t o t a l number of immigrants to Canada are chanelled through these courses. For most Japanese immigrants, th i s source of future s o c i a l t i e s does not exist and contacts which do occur with other Japanese immigrants w i l l be found through the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. However, many Japanese immigrants do not make any contact with the reception committee unless they encounter extraordinary d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f i n d i n g work. Some even make a deliberate e f f o r t to stay away from other Japanese immigrants and l i m i t t h e i r a f f i l i a t i o n s to Canadians. Once employment i s secured by the Japanese immigrants, s o c i a l relationships tend to be directed towards t h e i r new acquaintances made at t h e i r place of work. The formation of new s o c i a l contacts i s sometimes f a c i l i t a t e d by the fac t that the Japanese immigrants i n the technical trades can make t h e i r job s k i l l s available o f f the job. I t i s not uncommon f o r a radio technician or an auto mechanic to be asked by a neigh-bour or f r i e n d to do some repair work, perhaps i n exchange for some other service or goods. Such exchanges are usually ^Japan Emigration Service S t a t i s t i c s (Tokyo: Kaigai Iju JigyS-Dan, 1972), p. 1. 32 non-monetary i n nature. Whether new acquaintances are r e a d i l y formed on the job or not depends on a m u l t i p l i c i t y of f a c t o r s , such as technical constraints on the job, i n d i v i d u a l personality t r a i t s , and the a b i l i t y to converse i n English. Our survey data suggest that, f o r immigrants with r e l a t i v e l y short residence i n Canada, s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with Canadian friends which includes both co-workers and non-workers i s l i m i t e d to occasional v i s i t s and phone c a l l s . The data also suggest that only a f t e r f i v e or six years of residence i n Canada the immigrant s t a r t s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n voluntary organizations. One possible explanation as to why i t takes a Japanese immigrant such a long time to extend his range of a f f i l i a t i o n to organizations i s the p r i o r i t y given to the a c q u i s i t i o n of material goods and property. This r e s u l t s i n the subordi-nation of a l l relaxation and l e i s u r e time a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y those which require f i n a n c i a l resources such as g o l f , bowling, or going to the movies. Access to personal r e l a t i o n s with Canadians and to voluntary associations would tend to be much more l i m i t e d f o r Japanese immigrants admitted to Canada p r i o r to 1965 who were mostly relative-sponsored and who had l i t t l e or no p r o f i c i e n c y i n oral English. These early post-war immigrants were more often forced to re l y on kinship t i e s and subsequently were 33 pulled into the a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r own ethnic community. 7. Scope of Research As stated e a r l i e r , the immediate problem with which thi s thesis i s concerned i s to explain differences i n the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n of post-war Japanese immigrants i n voluntary organizations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . From the b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the immigrant's s e t t l i n g - i n period which was provided, i t was observed that both employment and s o c i a l contacts available to the newly arrived immigrant performed an important part i n the immi-grant's l a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary organizations or i n the network of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . Preliminary observations of Japanese immigrants i n the process of securing employment revealed that those immigrants with occupations that were 'readily transferable' from Japan to Canada experienced less d i f f i c u l t y i n obtaining permanent employment. 'Readily transferable' occupations are those which require s k i l l s applicable i n the host country without additional t r a i n i n g of more than a few weeks. Examples of rea d i l y transferable occupations are barber, gardener, auto-mechanic, h a i r s t y l i s t , and t a i l o r . Certain professional occupations, such as lawyer, engineer, d e n t i s t , and physician, 34 are not as r e a d i l y transferable from Japan to Canada because of the variat i o n s i n the professional standards held i n these two countries. Thus i t i s expected that immigrants with occupations which require r e - t r a i n i n g of considerable duration w i l l begin working i n t h e i r occupation only l a t e r . The argument presented thus f a r suggests the following question: For persons emigrating from one country to another, i s high job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y associated with immediate employ-ment i n the same occupation as that held p r i o r to emigration? In order to answer this question, several factors have been selected as important to our study and these are described i n Chapter I I I . It has also been suggested i n Chapter I that immigrant p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary organisations or i n the l i m i t e d network of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s i s related to both the duration of residence i n Canada and to the amount of material posses-sions available to the immigrant. Again, central to both of these factors i s the f a c t that employment must be secured f i r s t by the immigrant i n his or her chosen occupation and thus i n d i r e c t l y , we f i n d that c e r t a i n conditions which were c r u c i a l to the immigrant s e l e c t i o n process to have important consequences f o r both l a t e r employment and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a -t i o n . The boundaries of our problem thus extends through the three concepts of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y , work, and s o c i a l p a r t i c -i p a t i o n and they w i l l be discussed i n Chapters I I I , IV, and V respectively. CHAPTER I I RESEARCH PROCEDURE 1. S e l e c t i o n of the Sample I t has been noted i n Chapter I that i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to determine o b j e c t i v e l y the exact s t a t u s of the k i k a n i s e i w i t h r e s p e c t to immigration because of the numerous p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s such as the v a r i o u s Orders i n C o u n c i l of the wartime p e r i o d which p e r t a i n e d to c i t i z e n s h i p and r e p a t r i a t i o n that must be c o n s i d e r e d . I t was t h e r e f o r e decided at the o u t s e t of t h i s study of post-war Japanese immigrants not to i n c l u d e the k i k a n i s e i i n the immigrant p o p u l a t i o n . As a r e s u l t of t h i s d e c i s i o n , the r e s e a r c h survey was designed to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the post-war Japanese immigrants which c o n s i s t e d of the yobiyose and g l j u t s u i m i n who had entered Canada s i n c e the 1952 Immi-g r a t i o n A c t . The i n i t i a l problem to be addressed was that of c o m p i l i n g a l i s t of post-war Japanese immigrants who r e s i d e d i n the G r e a t e r Vancouver a r e a . For t h i s purpose, two p r i n c i p a l sources were a v a i l a b l e . These were the Japanese Canadian D i r e c t o r y p u b l i s h e d by the G r e a t e r Vancouver Japanese-Canadian C i t i z e n s A s s o c i a t i o n (JCCA) and the 36 Vancouver and Lower Mainland D i r e c t o r i e s . A general l i s t of Japanese names was prepared i n i t i a l l y from the Vancouver and Lower Mainland Directories and this l i s t was then cross referenced with the JCCA Directory. Af t e r the compilation of a general l i s t of Japanese names, the next procedure was to delete the names of the Canadian born and the naturalized f i r s t generation or i s s e i c i t i z e n s who came to Canada before 19^5» This task was accomplished by further cross-checking with a l i s t of post-war Japanese immigrants prepared by the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. This permitted the general l i s t to be reduced to a manageable s i z e , such that i n the doubtful cases a telephone c a l l enabled one to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the post-war immigrants from the non-immigrants. The areas included i n the survey consisted of Vancouver, West Vancouver, North Vancouver, Burnaby, Coquitlam, New Westminster, Richmond, Delta, and Surrey. These geographic areas were selected f o r the following two reasons. F i r s t , Japanese names of a l l those who are resident i n these c i t i e s or municipalities were readi l y available through the Vancouver and Lower Mainland Directories which thus permitted the employment l a t e r of a cross reference procedure with other compilations of Japanese immigrants such as the one provided by the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. Second, from a p r a c t i c a l standpoint, the geo-graphic areas selected for the research were a l l within one 37 hour d r i v i n g distance from the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The compilation procedure described above produced a l i s t of post-war Japanese immigrants which consisted of 3^ 7 names. A l l i n d i v i d u a l s i n the population were numbered and a random sample of approximately one t h i r d of the t o t a l population was created. 1 The occupational d i s t r i b u t i o n of the interview respondents i n the sample i s provided i n Appendix A. The d i s t r i b u t i o n by year of a r r i v a l in Canada i s given i n Appendix B. The question of an appropriate sample size has been considered by several authors. The necessity i n exercising caution i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n from a small sample size i s noted 2 by Richmond. Labovitz^ suggests various methods to control fo r two or more variables i n p a r t i a l l i n g operations when the sample size i s small and Davis recommends a rule of thumb fo r a minimal si z e i n order to have expected frequencies of f i v e V i r g i n i a Green prepared the l i s t of random numbers and Dave Malcolm wrote the program which sequentially l i s t e d the random sel e c t i o n of immigrants. Their assistance i s g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged. 2 Anthony H. Richmond, Post-War Immigrants i n Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), p. 282. ^Sanford I. Labovitz, "Methods fo r Control with Small Sample Size," American So c i o l o g i c a l Review, 30 ( A p r i l , I 9 6 5 ) , p. 2 ^ 3 . 3 8 or more i n each c a l l of the f o u r f o l d table. Although the suggestions advanced by these authors were taken into account, i t was decided to further test the adequacy of the sample size by "smallest space analysis" of selected question-naire items. The rule of thumb advanced by Davis f o r minimal sample size i n terms of expected c e l l frequencies applied to two variable relationships i n a f o u r f o l d table. Davis states that " f o r a 3 0 : 7 0 norm for marginals, a sample of approximately 50 cases i s a good rule of thumb."^ For our present study, however, we also have nominal and ordinal data on the immi-grant's s o c i a l network which do not read i l y lend themselves 6 to r e l a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l a nalysis. Thus an independent test i s desired to determine whether or not a sample size of 50 respondents i s s u f f i c i e n t to adequately represent a l l facets of the immigrant's network of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . Stated i n another way, the following question can be asked: Does i t make any difference to the s o c i a l network pattern exhibited by the post-war Japanese immigrants i f the sample h James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice H a l l , 1 9 7 1) , p. 50~. 5 I b i d . , p. 5 1 . ^Ibid., p. 5 • 39 size i s increased from f i f t y respondents to seventy or one hundred respondents? Since what i s required i s a "rigorous multivariate analysis under the constraints of no special 7 assumption," the nonmetric technique of smallest space analysis was employed to answer the above question. 2. The Pre-Test and Interview Schedule The t h e o r e t i c a l concepts i n i t i a l l y examined i n terms of t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y to our own research strategy stem from numerous studies i n work and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n but mainly ft Q I f ) from Wilensky, Hagedorn and Labovitz, and Meissner. " These three studies s p e c i f i e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between work and non-work a c t i v i t i e s i n terms of the "compensatory" 'Milton Bloombaum, "Doing Smallest Space Analysis," C o n f l i c t Resolution, Ik (September, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. k09. ^Harold L. Wilensky, "Work, Careers, and Social Inte-gration," i n S.N. Eisenstadt, ed., Comparative Social Problems (New York: The Free Press, 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 3 0 6 - 2 1 . ^Robert Hagedorn and Sanford Labovitz, " P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Community Associations by Occupation: A Test of Three Theories," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 33 ( A p r i l , I 9 6 8 ) , pp. 2 7 2 - 8 3 . *°Martin Meissner, "The Long Arm of the Job: A Study of Work and Leisure," I n d u s t r i a l Relations, 10 (October, 1 9 7 1 ) , pp. 2 3 9 - 6 0 . l e i s u r e hypotheses or i n terms of the " s p i l l - o v e r , " "gener-a l i z a t i o n , " or "carryover" hypotheses. Although there are a number of dimensions which underlie the sphere of work and non-work a c t i v i t i e s , i t was decided to l i m i t the in v e s t i g a -t i o n to the dimension of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . This would permit us to concentrate our study on the eff e c t of the various forms of i n t e r a c t i o n on the job on the immigrant's l a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l network and voluntary organiza-t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . This decision was also s t r a t e g i c from the point of view of our o r i g i n a l research problem i n that our substantive concern was to provide a descriptive account of a given process and not s p e c i f i c a l l y to test a given hypothesis or theory. P r i o r to the administration of the f i r s t pre-test questionnaire, the boundaries of our research extended through the sphere of work and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various voluntary organizations. I t was r e a l i z e d a f t e r the i n i t i a l return of ten test questionnaires that the respondents had indicated l i t t l e or no p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c t i v i t i e s such as sports organizations, f r a t e r n a l orders, voluntary organizations, and church related a c t i v i t i e s . In other words, the pre-test questionnaire f a i l e d to extract information related to the respondent's non-work time a c t i v i t i e s . As a consequence of the pre-test findings, i t became necessary to account f o r the extremely low s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n the various spheres of a c t i v i t y . I t was discovered through p a r t i c i p a n t observation of the f r i e n d s h i p p a tterns of the newly a r r i v e d immigrants that t h e i r immediate needs were adequately looked a f t e r by the members of the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. Both the number and the d u r a t i o n of contact of the immigrant w i t h the members of the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee v a r i e d i n r e l a t i o n to employment s t a b i l i t y of the immigrant. These observations suggested that our study must be enlarged to secure more i n f o r m a t i o n on the various processes i n v o l v e d p r i o r to that p o i n t i n time at which the new immi-grant was able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the numerous s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s of the host country. This meant an examination i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l of the s e v e r a l f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n the employment process. In other words, what were the important f a c t o r s i n order to secure immediate employment i n the immigrant's chosen occupation? Consequently, the p r e - t e s t q u e s t i o n n a i r e was enlarged to i n c l u d e questions on aspects of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y from Japan to Canada. The questions in c l u d e d under the r u b r i c of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y p e r t a i n e d to contact network p r i o r to emigration, the immigrant's occupational s k i l l l e v e l and o r a l E n g l i s h a b i l i t y i n Canada, and to the p r o f e s s i o n a l c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements of the job. Each of these f a c t o r s i s discussed i n Chapter I I I . I n a d d i t i o n to the i n f o r m a t i o n secured on the employ-ment p r o c e s s , one other r e l a t e d area r e q u i r e d f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . I f the immigrant was unable to p a r t i c i p a t e i n o r g a n i z e d a c t i v i t i e s u n t i l h i s or her employment became more or l e s s permanent, what a l t e r n a t i v e forms of a c t i v i t y were a v a i l a b l e ? The q u e s t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with the immigrant's network of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s were thus added to the p r e -t e s t q u e a t i o n n a i r e so t h a t the immigrant's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e i t h e r or both s o c i a l network a c t i v i t i e s and v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s c o u l d be o b t a i n e d . For our study, we d e f i n e d v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s as those o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n which membership must be maintained e i t h e r through r e g u l a r attendance or through r e g u l a r f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n , f o r example, l a b o u r unions, p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , b u s i n e s s or trade a s s o c i a t i o n s , e t h n i c a s s o c i a t i o n s , or community s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The network of p e r s o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n s i s u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d i n terms of k i n and non-kin o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t i e s . * * Thus f a m i l y outings and v i s i t s with r e l a t i v e s would be examples of k i n o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t i e s whereas chats across the fence w i t h one's neighbours and v i s i t s to a co-worker's home are examples of non-kin o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t i e s . E l i z a b e t h B o t t , Family and S o c i a l Network (London: T a v i s t o c k P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1968), p . l l E T ^ 4 3 The appropriate questions to obt a i n the necessary i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the two spheres of a c t i v i t y j u s t described are i n c l u d e d i n Appendix C* In the second p r e - t e s t , twenty f i v e immigrants were inte r v i e w e d whose names were i n c l u d e d i n the l i s t which c o n s t i t u t e d the sampling universe of post-war Japanese immigrants but were not part of the f i n a l sample. The o v e r a l l composition of the i n t e r v i e w schedule was not changed at t h i s time but c e r t a i n questions had to be r e v i s e d . A f t e r the f i n a l r e v i s i o n of the i n t e r v i e w schedule, i t was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o Japanese. (See Appendix D.) The t r a n s l a t e d v e r s i o n was used i n i n t e r v i e w s w i t h twenty seven of the respondents who d i d not understand E n g l i s h s u f f i c i e n t l y . Table I I . 1 shows the composition of our b a s i c survey data. Six respondents refused to be i n t e r v i e w e d and seven had moved to undisclosed areas. Immigrants who are unable to secure employment i n B r i t i s h Columbia u s u a l l y migrate to Ontario and very seldom to other pr o v i n c e s . Three immigrants had returned to Japan, and two had migrated to the United S t a t e s . From a t o t a l sample of 118 immigrants, 100 were i n t e r -viewed. In the event of a r e f u s a l or a m i s s i n g s u b j e c t , we simply proceeded to administer the que s t i o n n a i r e to the next person on the random sample l i s t . The p r e - t e s t was conducted i n A p r i l and May 1971, and the r e v i s e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e admin-i s t e r e d between June and September 1971* Although the t o t a l kk TABLE I I . 1 BASIC SURVEY DATA Interview Refused 6 Immigrant Moved (undisclosed d e s t i n a t i o n ) 7 Returned to Japan 3 Moved to the United States 2 Interviewed 100 T o t a l i n Sample 118 4 5 number of persons who refused to be interviewed i s quite 1 2 low, i t should be noted that twenty six of the respondents had to be contacted more than three times i n order to obtain 13 an interview. Some of the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of people interviewed are presented i n Table I I . 2 . From the data presented i n Table I I . 2 , i t w i l l be noted that there was a greater proportion of male than female respondents i n our sample. Of a l l the female respondents interviewed (twenty two), only one was married at the time of emigration. In contrast, f o r t y one of the seventy eight male respondents were married at the time of emigration. Sixty nine per cent of the respondents were under t h i r t y f i v e years of age and only eleven per cent had resided i n Canada for seven or more years. Our f i n d i n g that a high proportion of respondents A s i m i l a r l y low refusal rate was reported i n Dore's study of a Tokyo ward i n which out of a t o t a l sample of 3 2 5 households, there were only 3 r e f u s a l s . See R.P. Dore, City  L i f e i n Japan (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 39^7 13 ^A number of people of r e l a t i v e l y short residence i n Canada were s t i l l reacting to the interviewer i n the customary Japanese way of not being too d i r e c t i n refusing an interview. Instead of an outright refusal or "no," suggestive comments that an interview was not desired were made. In some cases, more than f i v e interview appointment times had to be made, a good example of the interviewer not responding to the verbal cues given by the subject. It i s of i n t e r e s t to note that only the more "Canadianized" immigrants who had resided i n Canada fo r more than three years responded most d i r e c t l y i n the negative manner. 46 TABLE I I . 2 RESPONDENT'S CHARACTERISTICS Marital Status At time of At time of Interview , A r r i v a l Non Married Women 14 21 Married Women 8 1 Total 22 22 Non Married Men 18 37 Married Men 60 41 Total 78 78 Age D i s t r i b u t i o n Number of Respondents 2 1 - 2 5 5 26 - 30 37 31 - 35 27 3 6 - 4 0 19 4 1 - 4 5 7 46 and over 5 Duration of Residence i n Canada Number of Respondents 1 year 11 2 years 19 3 years 15 4 years 26 5 years 1 5 6 years 3 7 years or more 11 Family Composition Number of Respondents Self Only 26 Self and Spouse 17 One Child 24 Two Children 20 Three Children 9 Four Children 4 N = 1 0 0 47 (eighty eight per cent) were under forty years of age can be explained by the fact that unsponsored immigrants from Japan had to be under t h i r t y f i v e years of age. Respondents who were over fo r t y one years of age (twelve per cent) were mostly sponsored r e l a t i v e s and a few were professional immigrants who came to Canada v i a the United States. In Table 1.1, i t was shown that a sudden increase i n the number of Japanese immigrants occurred i n 1966 and since then, a gradual increase has taken place. This fact i s also r e f l e c t e d i n our data shown i n Table II.2 by the few number of respondents with seven or more years of residence i n Canada. CHAPTER III JOB TRANSFERABILITY 1. Introduction The main problem with which this thesis i s concerned i s to explain differences i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n by post-war Japa-nese immigrants i n voluntary organizations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . I t was b r i e f l y indicated i n Chapter I that employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan was an important fa c t o r which determined whether or not the immigrant p a r t i c i p a t e d i n voluntary organi-zations or i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . In this chapter, we w i l l be concerned with some of the factors c r u c i a l to the employment process i n Canada and i n order to determine those f a c t o r s , a d e s c r i p t i v e account of the immigrant's job history a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada i s presented. For our study, occupations w i l l be regarded as "readily transferable" i f t h e i r s k i l l s can be u t i l i z e d i n Canada with-out r e t r a i n i n g of more than a few weeks. This simple d e f i n i -t i o n of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y raises several important questions. What are some of the factors which help the immigrant to do the same work i n Canada as that which he or she did p r i o r to emi-gration? What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these factors 1*9 selected as important and immigrant employment i n Canada? These are the two questions with which we are concerned i n th i s chapter. 2. The Immigrants Job History I t i s not a simple task to select out the various factors that contribute to job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y as some factors are only c r u c i a l to c e r t a i n occupations. For example, a farmer may be able to secure employment i n Canada without having any English speaking a b i l i t y or without having to s a t i s f y profes-sional requirements unlike the immigrant who i s a nurse or a pharmacist. In order to provide a graphic representation of the various jobs held by the immigrants and the changes i n the work positions between various occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the job h i s t o r i e s f o r each of our respondents were plotted. These are shown i n Figure 3»2 to Figure 3«7* An example of how we have charted the various job changes of our respondents i s given i n Figure 3«1« Here, the charting refers to one respondent who was a professional worker at the time of emigration. The horizontal axis represents the number of years resident i n Canada and the v e r t i c a l axis represents the six major occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s arranged according to Blishen Scores. (See Appendix A.) The respondent charted Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3 . Clerical Employees 4. Skilled Manual Employees Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3.1. Work History of A Single Professional Worker 51 i n Figure 3.1 was a mechanical engineer i n Japan but upon a r r i v a l i n Canada, he obtained a job as a welder and he remained i n this trade for two years. He then changed jobs and became a tool and die maker. A f t e r a year i n t h i s trade, he managed to e s t a b l i s h his own machine shop and thus became a proprietor. The graphical representation follows the technique employed by M i l l e r and Form* and the l a s t job, which i s represented by a c i r c u l a r dot, i s used as the c r i t e r i o n to place our respondent i n one of the occupational groups shown along the v e r t i c a l axis. A heavy dot denotes the occupational group the worker was i n at the time of our interview. Figure 3*2 shows the job h i s t o r i e s f o r the twenty f i v e immigrants who were i n the professional occupational category at the time of emigration. In this group, six subjects or twenty four per cent of the respondents were"able to maintain employment i n the same occupational category a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. At the end of one year, only one respondent was able to return to the professional l e v e l . Two respondents took two years, two more took three years, and two required four years to return to professional status. In other words, at the end of four years of residence i n Canada, thirteen respondents or f i f t y two per cent of the immigrants i n the professional Delbert C. M i l l e r and William H. Form, In d u s t r i a l  Sociology (New York: Harper and Row, I963), P» 576. 52 occupational group was able to achieve the same p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s as that h e l d p r i o r to emigration. For other s , our chart i l l u s t r a t e s the many d i f f e r e n t o c cupational l e v e l s i n which the p r o f e s s i o n a l immigrants remained. Several explanations can be provided to account f o r the v a r i a t i o n s i n the job h i s t o r i e s presented i n Figure 3.2. Immi-grants who secured immediate employment i n Canada i n the same p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations were f l u e n t i n E n g l i s h , had minimal p r o f e s s i o n a l requirements to s a t i s f y , and a l l had e s t a b l i s h e d some form of contact w i t h Canadian employers p r i o r to l e a v i n g Japan. They a l s o possessed s i x or more years of experience i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s w h i l e i n Japan. Those who were unable to s a t i s f y the p r o f e s s i o n a l requirements entered the labour f o r c e at a lower occupational s t a t u s l e v e l and l a t e r , some were able to r e t u r n to t h e i r o r i g i n a l p r o f e s s i o n a l occupation. Immigrants who were unable to speak E n g l i s h took whatever job that was a v a i l a b l e and u s u a l l y , remained at the same occupational l e v e l f o r a few years. The job h i s t o r i e s i n Canada f o r immigrants who were i n the p r o p r i e t o r y , managerial, and l e s s e r p r o f e s s i o n a l occupa-t i o n s i n Japan are shown i n Figure 3.3. Six respondents ( f o r t y per cent) were able to secure employment i n the same occupa-t i o n s a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. A f t e r a d u r a t i o n of residence of one year, two respondents ( t h i r t e e n per cent) were able to reach the p r o p r i e t o r y , managerial, and l e s s e r p r o f e s s i o n a l Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3. Clerical Employees 4. Skilled Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3.2. Work Histories of Professional Workers V 4 Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3. Clerical Employees 4* Skilled Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour -UL-. / / */ / *- 6 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Number of Years in Canada Pipure 3.3. Work Histories of Proprietory,Managerial, and Lesser Professional Workers 55 l e v e l . For the second, t h i r d , and fourth year of residence i n Canada, one immigrant per year achieved the proprietory, managerial, and le s s e r professional status. The remainder of the respondents were at various occupational l e v e l s . Apart from those immigrants who secured employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan, only two immigrants exhibited any s t a b i l i t y . This occurred i n the c l e r i c a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l occupational cetegory. Again, immigrants who secured immediate employment i n the same occupations were characterized by fluency i n English, had established contact with someone i n Canada p r i o r to emigration, had six or more years of experience i n Japan, and a l l had experienced minimal occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements. Figure 3 .4 represents the job h i s t o r i e s f o r those who were i n the c l e r i c a l occupations at the time of emigration. A l l respondents were female. Five subjects (forty one per cent) were able to secure jobs i n the c l e r i c a l occupations i n Canada. Two immigrants (seventeen per cent) obtained jobs i n a higher occupational status group and the remainder (forty two per cent) secured jobs at the semi-skilled, service trades, and a g r i c u l t u r a l occupational l e v e l . From this group, only one respondent managed to return to the c l e r i c a l employee occupa-t i o n a l l e v e l and th i s was achieved a f t e r four years of residence i n Canada. For the c l e r i c a l occupations, complete fluency i n English was essential and although the test given to s e c r e t a r i a l Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3 . C l e r i c a l Employees 4. Skilled Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. A g r i c u l t u r a l , Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3»4. Work Histories of C l e r i c a l Employees Vft ON 57 job a p p l i c a n t s cannot be c l a s s i f i e d i n the same category as p r o f e s s i o n a l c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements, n e v e r t h e l e s s , Japanese c l e r i c a l employees were s e r i o u s l y handicapped by t h e i r l a c k of knowledge and experience i n Canadian o f f i c e p r a c t i c e s . The network of s o c i a l contact became important only when employ-ment was sought i n a branch o f f i c e of a Japanese f i r m i n Canada. This was because " c l e r i c a l d u t i e s " i n Japanese firms i n c l u d e d every conceivable matter from making t e a , arranging f l o w e r s , to seeing your boss o f f at the r a i l w a y s t a t i o n . Thus, i t was not so much the c l e r i c a l competence of the job a p p l i c a n t , but h i s or her general p e r s o n a l i t y , l o y a l t y , and resourcefulness that mattered the most. Hence, the heavy r e l i a n c e on proper i n t r o d u c t i o n s and the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . Immigrants who were i n the s k i l l e d o ccupational category were the most s u c c e s s f u l of a l l immigrants to secure immediate employment i n Canada i n the same occupations as that held p r i o r to emigration. As shown i n Figure 3»5» e i g h t out of the nine respondents i n t h i s o c cupational category ( e i g h t y nine per cent) obtained employment i n Canada at the same occupational s t a t u s l e v e l . This group was a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the s t a b i l i t y manifested i n t h e i r job h i s t o r i e s . Only one immigrant e x h i b i t e d a downward and then extreme upward m o b i l i t y . Immigrants i n the s e m i - s k i l l e d and s e r v i c e trades occupations a l s o e x h i b i t e d great s t a b i l i t y . This i s shown i n Figure 3 . 6 . Here again, twenty four of the t h i r t y two respondents (seventy f i v e per cent) Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3 . Clerical Employees 4. Skilled Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3.5- Work Histories of Skilled Employees 09 Occupational Category 1 . Professionals 2 . Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3. C l e r i c a l Employees 4. Skilled Manual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3.6. Work Histories of Semi-Skilled and Those in Service Trades NO 6 0 were able to secure Immediate employment In Canada i n the same occupations as that held i n Japan. Of the remaining eight respondents who secured employment at a lower occupational status l e v e l , six managed to achieve higher occupational status within two years a f t e r a r r i v a l . Immediate employment i n both the s k i l l e d employee, semi-s k i l l e d and service trades occupational lev e l s occurred because of the demand i n Canada f o r those possessing the necessary s k i l l s . In p a r t i c u l a r , immigrants i n the service trades usually secured immediate employment because of the heavy demand for t h e i r service s k i l l s . English a b i l i t y and contact network were not c r u c i a l but some service occupations such as hairdresser and barber required professional c e r t i f i c a t i o n . Although frequent job changes were manifested, very l i t t l e occupational mobility from one occupational l e v e l to another was indicated. The l a s t chart, Figure 3*7, represents the job h i s t o r i e s of those immigrants who were i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l , f i s h i n g , and general labourer occupational groups. Although there were only seven immigrants i n this group, three were able to obtain employment i n occupations of a higher occupational status. The others secured employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan but by the end of the second year of residence i n Canada, a l l had moved up into other occupations. Employment in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector occurred mainly through sponsored immigration and hence the importance of s o c i a l contact p r i o r Occupational Category 1. Professionals 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals 3. Clerical Employees 4. Skilled Esaual Employees 5. Semi-Skilled and Service Trades 6. Agricultural, Unskilled Labour Number of Years in Canada Figure 3 . 7 . Work Histories of Fanners, Fishermen, and Unskilled Labourers to emigration i s s e l f e vident. Sponsored immigration a l s o meant that the job vacancies a v a i l a b l e i n Canada were not being f i l l e d by Canadians. Our sample i n c l u d e d only a few immigrants who came to Canada as farmers or farm l a b o u r e r s . This i s because most of the sponsored farm immigrants s e t t l e d i n south-ern A l b e r t a and only those who migrated to B r i t i s h Columbia were i n c l u d e d i n our p o p u l a t i o n of post-war immigrants. To conclude t h i s s e c t i o n on the immigrant's job h i s t o r y , Table I I I . l i s provided to i l l u s t r a t e the d i s t r i b u t i o n of immigrants i n the v a r i o u s occupational c a t e g o r i e s who managed to secure immediate employment i n the same occupation as that h e l d p r i o r to emigration. Only twenty four per cent of the immigrants i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations secured immediate employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that h e l d i n Japan. I n c o n t r a s t to the immigrants i n the other occupational c a t e g o r i e s , t h i s low percentage stemmed from the f a c t that a number of f a c t o r s such as the immigrant's E n g l i s h a b i l i t y , o c c u pational c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements, the number of years of experience i n Japan, and the immigrant's contact or l a c k of contact w i t h Canadian employers a l l acted i n concert to de t e r -mine the immigrant's immediate e m p l o y a b i l i t y i n Canada. For those i n the p r o p r i e t o r y , managerial, and l e s s e r p r o f e s s i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s , one's a b i l i t y to speak E n g l i s h , work experience i n Japan, and contacts e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r to emigra-t i o n were a l s o important. However, occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n 63 TABLE I I I . l IMMEDIATE EMPLOYMENT IN CANADA IN THE SAME OCCUPATION AS THAT HELD IN JAPAN Occ u p a t i o n a l Category No.in Per cent who secured at time of E m i g r a t i o n Survey immediate employment i n t h e same occupation as that h e l d i n Japan 1 . P r o f e s s i o n a l s 25 2k% 2 . P r o p r i e t o r y , M a n a g e r i a l , and 15 40 L e s s e r P r o f e s s i o n a l s 3 . C l e r i c a l Employees 12 k\ k. S k i l l e d Manual Employees 5 . S e m i - S k i l l e d and S e r v i c e Trades 89 32 75 6 . A g r i c u l t u r a l , 7 c 7 U n s k i l l e d Labour ' N = 100 6k requirements were not so c r u c i a l as i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l occu-p a t i o n s . S i m i l a r l y , immigrants i n the c l e r i c a l occupations r e q u i r e d a working knowledge of E n g l i s h but were l e s s con-s t r a i n e d by c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements. Immigrants i n the t e c h n i c a l l y s k i l l e d , s e m i - s k i l l e d , and s e r v i c e trades secured immediate employment mainly because of the demand i n Canada f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s and consequently E n g l i s h a b i l i t y was not as c r u c i a l as i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. S i m i l a r l y , the number of years of experience i n Japan d i d not appear to i n f l u e n c e one's e m p l o y a b i l i t y as i t d i d the employment of immigrants i n p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. With the exception of barbers and h a i r d r e s s e r s , occupational c e r t i -f i c a t i o n requirements were a l s o minimal. Those immigrants i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l and u n s k i l l e d labour category who secured immediate employment i n Canada were able to do so through contacts e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r to emi-g r a t i o n . Most immigrants i n t h i s l a t t e r category were sponsored and thus job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n Canada and s o c i a l contacts were the two important f a c t o r s f o r both emigration and employment. 65 3 . Determinants of Job T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y From our study of the immigrant's job h i s t o r i e s , f i v e factors emerged as important f o r securing employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan. These conditions of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y were (1 ) ' oral English a b i l i t y , ( 2 ) occu-pational experience or the number of years of work experience i n the immigrant's given occupation, ( 3 ) pre-immigration contact with people i n Canada, (k) job a v a i l a b i l i t y , and (5) occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements. It was revealed i n our d e s c r i p t i o n of the immigrant's job h i s t o r y that not a l l of the job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y conditions were applicable to a l l of the immigrants who sought employment but the importance of each fa c t o r varied with the immigrant's occupation. For example, with reference to employment i n Canada, the immigrant's a b i l i t y to read, write, and speak English was most c r u c i a l f o r those i n the professional occupa-tions and i n the service trades i n which occupational c e r t i f i -cation was mandatory but i n contrast, English a b i l i t y was not as important f o r sponsored a g r i c u l t u r a l immigrants. Immigrants who were fluent i n English took less time to pass the required occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n examinations. Although immigrants i n the c l e r i c a l and s e c r e t a r i a l occupations were not required to meet the r i g i d occupational 66 c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements such as those required i n the professional occupations, the immigrant's a b i l i t y to read, write, and converse i n English was nevertheless an important factor f o r securing immediate employment i n Canadian com-panies. A few immigrants who experienced d i f f i c u l t y i n oral English managed to obtain employment i n Japanese speaking companies, however, because of the l i m i t e d number of Japanese firms i n Vancouver, i t was not always possible to obtain work i f one's a b i l i t y to speak English was l i m i t e d . Regardless of occupation, i f the immigrant was unable to f i n d employment because of language d i f f i c u l t i e s , the Department of Manpower and Immigration sponsored the immigrant to attend an English language school. For our study, the assessment of the immigrant's English a b i l i t y was based s o l e l y on the respondent's subjective evalua-tion of his or her a b i l i t y to read, write or speak English and not on a standard test i d e a l l y administered at the time of the f i r s t job interview i n Canada. A record of such an examina-tio n i s available only f o r those who i n i t i a l l y registered with the Department of Manpower and Immigration such as f o r those Japanese immigrants who experienced d i f f i c u l t y i n th e i r i n i t i a l employment or f o r those who sought f i n a n c i a l assistance to attend various Manpower sponsored courses. Another source f o r an evaluation of the immigrant's oral English a b i l i t y i s that contained i n the records of immigrant s e l e c t i o n maintained by 67 the Canadian v i s a o f f i c e i n Tokyo. For both p r a c t i c a l and b u r e a u c r a t i c reasons, access to t h i s l a t t e r source of informa-t i o n was insurmountable and the only immediate resource was to ask the Japanese immigrant the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n which was p r i n t e d on a card: When you f i r s t came to Canada, how good was your E n g l i s h ? (Show card) Fluent - able to read, w r i t e , and speak at normal c o n v e r s a t i o n a l speed Average - able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n job i n t e r v i e w i n E n g l i s h Read and Write only - unable to p a r t i c i p a t e i n job i n t e r v i e w i n E n g l i s h L i t t l e No E n g l i s h An approximate rank order of the immigrant's E n g l i s h a b i l i t y i s obtained but i t i s r e a l i z e d that f o r those immigrants w i t h a long d u r a t i o n of residence i n Canada, the problem of i n a c c u -r a t e r e c a l l i s introduced. Occupational experience r e f e r r e d to the number of years of work experience i n the immigrant's chosen occupation. Occu-pat i o n s which r e q u i r e d some form of l i c e n s e or c e r t i f i c a t i o n p r i o r to employment i n Canada o f t e n s p e c i f i e d a given p e r i o d f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g before one was able to apply f o r c e r t i f i c a t i o n . Thus, immediacy of employment and the time taken to meet occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n were often r e l a t e d . Examples of such occupations are the l e g a l , m edical, and engineering p r o f e s s i o n s . I n the c l e r i c a l and s e c r e t a r i a l occupations, work 68 experience i n Japan did not count very much towards immediate employment i n Canada. This stemmed from the fact that both c l e r i c a l and s e c r e t a r i a l procedures d i f f e r e d considerably between Japan and Canada and the Canadian employers often made Canadian o f f i c e experience a requirement before employment. This resulted i n secretaries doing c l e r i c a l duties only. Immigrants i n the s k i l l e d , semi-skilled, and service trades \ occupations usually obtained immediate employment regardless of work experience because of the demand i n Canada f o r t h e i r services. However, the immigrant's i n i t i a l salary was usually related to p r i o r work experience. Immigrants who were sponsored by Canadian employers to f i l l a s p e c i f i c job requirement i n Canada were selected on the basis of the person's work experience i n Japan and thus for sponsored immigrants, work experience was i n d i r e c t l y a factor f o r immediate employment i n Canada. Occupational experience as a factor of job t r a n s f e r a b i l -2 i t y required data from several d i f f e r e n t perspectives. The various occupations held by the immigrants can be c l a s s i f i e d into occupational l e v e l s based on Blishen Scores (see Appendix A) such as (1) pr o f e s s i o n a l , (2) proprietory, managerial, and les s e r professional, (3) c l e r i c a l , (4) s k i l l e d employee, For a discussion of occupational c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of labour migrants i n terms of occupational s k i l l s , see Stanley L. Friedlander, Labor Migration and Economic Growth, A Case Study  o f Puerto Rico (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1965), pp.108-28. 69 ( 5 ) s e m i - s k i l l e d and s e r v i c e t r a d e s , and ( 6 ) a g r i c u l t u r a l and u n s k i l l e d labour. I n some cases, the immigrant's occupation i t s e l f determined whether or not immediate employment could be secured. For example, farm workers u s u a l l y obtained immediate employment regardl e s s of job experience, job respon-s i b i l i t y , or previous work h i s t o r y . In d i r e c t c o n t r a s t , immi-grants i n c e r t a i n p r o f e s s i o n a l , t e c h n i c a l , or s e r v i c e occupations had to meet c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements. Thus, i n order to obtain as much i n f o r m a t i o n as p o s s i b l e w i t h respect to the immigrant's occupational experience, the f o l l o w i n g questions were asked: Ques. 2 2 . What was your occupation i n Japan j u s t before you l e f t f o r Canada? Q.ues. 23 What was the name or job t i t l e f o r your job? Ques. 2k, For how many years were you a ? y.ues. 2 5 * I n Japan, were you employed by someone or d i d you work f o r y o u r s e l f ? Q.ues. 2 6 . W i l l you please give us a d e s c r i p t i o n of your work or what you a c t u a l l y d i d i n Japan p r i o r to your emigration? (Probe f o r job r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , t r a i n i n g r e q u i r e d , s u p e r v i s o r y or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a s k s , mechanical, or t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s , task co-ordinated or independent of others) . For those who planned to emigrate from Japan to Canada, s e v e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n sources were a v a i l a b l e i n Tokyo. The Canadian Embassy, the Canadian Government T r a v e l Bureau, and the various Canadian f i r m s represented i n Japan were u s u a l l y h e l p f u l i n p r o v i d i n g general i n f o r m a t i o n about Canada. I n some i n -stances, the Canadian Embassy was able to provide the names and addresses of Canadian f i r m s seeking workers from Japan and consequently d i r e c t correspondence was e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h prospec-7 0 t i v e employers i n Canada. Thus, the immigrant was ofte n assured of employment immediately upon a r r i v a l i n Canada. In c e r t a i n i n s t a n c e s , r e l a t i v e s i n Canada. Canadian t o u r i s t s , v i s i t i n g teachers and students, and businessmen i n Japan were a l s o able to provide h e l p f u l i n f o r m a t i o n regarding employment i n Canada. Thus the network of s o c i a l contact and in f o r m a t i o n sources a v a i l a b l e to the Japanese people p r i o r to emigration a l s o performed an important f u n c t i o n i n the job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y process by p r o v i d i n g r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n . Sponsored immigrants experienced r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e problem i n sec u r i n g immediate employment i n co n t r a s t to those who had to f i n d a job on t h e i r own. Our data on the immigrant's informa-t i o n sources were obtained by aski n g the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s : Q.ues. 18. When you were s t i l l i n Japan, d i d you correspond w i t h anyone i n Canada about your job? I f yes, wi t h whom? Q.ues. 1 9 . Did you have any i n f o r m a t i o n from Canadian o f f i c i a l s i n Japan about your new job i n Canada? Ques. 20. Did you t a l k to anyone e l s e i n Japan about employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n Canada? Q.ues. 21. Did you have any other i n f o r m a t i o n about Canada i n Japan? (Probe f o r i n f o r m a t i o n from various communications media, i n t r o d u c t i o n s , t o u r i s t s , v i s i t i n g Canadian teachers and students i n Japan, etc.) The above s e r i e s of questions are h i g h l y r e l a t e d to each other and the data i n d i c a t e a s i m i l a r d i s t r i b u t i o n i n responses to the four questions asked. For example, t h i r t y seven per cent of the respondents had corresponded w i t h contacts i n Canada p r i o r to emigration and t h i r t y nine per cent had 71 access to i n f o r m a t i o n provided by Canadian government o f f i c i a l s i n Japan. Twenty nine per cent of the respondents had an opportunity to d i s c u s s w i t h someone i n Japan c o n d i t i o n s r e l a t e d to employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n Canada. The data thus suggest that only about a t h i r d of the t o t a l number of Japanese immi-grants to Canada had some i n f o r m a t i o n on v a r i o u s aspects concerned w i t h employment i n Canada. With respect to other i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e i r new host country, f i f t y e ight per cent of the respondents had some general i n f o r m a t i o n . Another important determinant of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y i s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of jobs i n Canada. Occupational demand accounted f o r f i f t e e n p o i n t s and area demand f o r f i v e p o i n t s toward the r e q u i r e d f i f t y p o i n t s necessary to secure a immi-g r a t i o n v i s a . Information on both occupational and area demand i s a v a i l a b l e at the head o f f i c e of the Department of Manpower and Immigration i n Ottawa. I n a d d i t i o n , manpower p r o j e c t i o n s f o r v a r i o u s labour f o r c e requirements i n Canada are a l s o a v a i l a b l e and a l l immigration o f f i c e s abroad have access to these i n f o r m a t i o n . Thus, the g r a n t i n g of a immigration v i s a to Japanese a p p l i c a n t s was c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s a v a i l a b l e i n Canada. The q u e s t i o n of whether job vacancies s t i l l e x i s t e d or not when the Japanese immigrant a r r i v e d i n Canada was another matter. Several questions were thus designed to o b t a i n more i n f o r m a t i o n on job vacancies i n Canada at the time of a r r i v a l i n the same occupation which the 72 immigrant held p r i o r to emigration. These questions were: Ques. 30a. Was your job arranged before you came to Canada? Q.ues. 30b. How did you learn about the job vacancy? (Probe whether information obtained from newspaper ads, manpower counsellor, or through some other network) Ques. 30c. Were there job vacancies i n your p a r t i c u l a r occupation or f o r your p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l s ? (Probe to determine whether job p o s i t i o n existed but no vacancy or demand, i . e . , not open, or i f job p o s i t i o n existed at a l l i n Canada, or whether a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n was created. Note a l l contact networks mentioned i n the job hunting process) Each immigrant was asked i f job arrangement had been made p r i o r to emigration. The rationale f o r the in c l u s i o n of this question was that a guarantee of employment would j u s t i f y the assumption that a job existed or was s p e c i a l l y created f o r the immigrant. Only nineteen per cent of the respondents had jobs pre-arranged. The responses to the question "How did you learn about the job vacancy?" confirmed the fac t that the immigrants were a l l informed of these vacancies through various networks such as the professional associations, Manpower and Immigration o f f i c e s , various business firms, r e l a t i v e s , Japanese immigrant f r i e n d s , and Canadian f r i e n d s . The most appropriate ind i c a t o r of job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n Canada consisted of answers to the question "Were there job vacancies i n your p a r t i c u l a r occupation or f o r your p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l s ? " Another condition of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y consists of special job requirements, or c e r t i f i c a t i o n , necessary f o r 73 employment. The requisites vary considerably from profession to profession. The common denominator to be considered here i s the question of whether a license or c e r t i f i c a t i o n had to be obtained by the immigrant p r i o r to employment. The respondents were asked, "Was i t necessary f o r you to meet any special requirements before getting a job, for example, a license or other q u a l i f y i n g c e r t i f i c a t e ? " Seventy one per cent of the respondents indicated that they did not require c e r t i f i c a t i o n . Of the remainder, eighteen per cent q u a l i f i e d f o r both c e r t i f i -cation and p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g requirements, nine per cent passed written examinations, and two per cent of the respondents secured employment based on p r a c t i c a l tests only. 4 . Relationship between Employment and Job T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y The procedure followed to examine the re l a t i o n s h i p between employment i n Canada and job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y r e l i e d upon separate analysis of the f i v e determinants of job trans-f e r a b i l i t y and employment. The employment variable was constrained by two conditions. F i r s t , because of the control exercised by the Canadian government i n granting immigration visas only to those people whose occupational s k i l l s were i n demand i n Canada, i t was assumed that those selected to come to Canada w i l l make every e f f o r t to secure employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan. Second, employment i n Canada 7k i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan had to be obtained within a given period of time a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. For our study, employment within fourteen days a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada was considered as immediate employment. In order to assess the ef f e c t of conditions of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y on immediacy of employment, the respondent's f i r s t job experiences were divided into those who obtained employment immediately i n the occupation they held p r i o r to immigration, and those who obtained employment i n th e i r p r i o r occupation only l a t e r or not at a l l . Table I I I . 2 i l l u s t r a t e s the relationships between the various conditions of job trans-f e r a b i l i t y and immediate employment i n the same occupation held p r i o r to immigration. In Table I I I . 2 , the re l a t i o n s h i p between the immigrant's English a b i l i t y and immediate employment i n the same occupation held p r i o r to immigration indicates a weak p o s i t i v e association. There are several reasons f o r this lack of a more pronounced percentage difference i n our data analysis. One reason i s that our measure of the immigrant's English a b i l i t y may not have been precise enough to c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e the immigrant's English a b i l i t y as i t related to the immediacy of employment. This lack of preciseness i n our measurement resulted because our data was based on the immigrant's subjective evaluation of his or her English a b i l i t y and not on a standard t e s t . Another reason for the weak re l a t i o n s h i p stemmed from the 75 TABLE III.2 CONDITIONS OF JOB TRANSFERABILITY AND IMMEDIATE EMPLOYMENT IN THE SAME OCCUPATION Conditions of Per cent who obtained Job T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y immediate employment in same occupation (N=100#) English A b i l i t y High: "average" or "f l u e n t " Low: "only read and write" or " l i t t l e or no English" Difference 39 32 7 (69) (3D Work experience i n Japan High: six years or more Low: less than six years Difference 41 32 9 (56) (44) Pre-immigration contact with Canada High: had contacts Low: had no contacts Difference 79 j7 52 (19) (81) Job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n the immigrant's occupation High: There were immediate vacancies Low: There were no immediate vacancies Difference 55 11 44 (63) (37) Freedom from c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirement High: No c e r t i f i c a t i o n required Low: License, c e r t i f i c a t e , or examination necessary 43 24 (7D (29) Difference 19 76 f a c t that i n our data a n a l y s i s , our small sample s i z e d i d not permit us to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between respondents i n the various occupations. As st a t e d p r e v i o u s l y , the a b i l i t y to read, w r i t e , and converse i n E n g l i s h was a c r u c i a l f a c t o r f o r those r e q u i r e d to o b t a i n occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n before employment. Thus, i f we had accounted f o r the immigrant's occupation, then f o r c e r t a i n occupations a stronger r e l a t i o n s h i p between E n g l i s h a b i l i t y and immediate employment may have been i n d i c a t e d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between work experience i n Japan i n the immigrant's chosen occupation and immediacy of employment i n Canada a l s o r e s u l t e d i n a weak r e l a t i o n s h i p . Here again, a more pronounced percentage d i f f e r e n c e may have been i n d i c a t e d i f d i f f e r e n c e s i n the immigrants* occupation were taken i n t o account. I n occupations that r e q u i r e d a l i c e n s e or some other form of occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n p r i o r to employment i n Canada, work experience was a p a r t of the c e r t i f i c a t i o n or l i c e n s i n g requirement. I n some i n s t a n c e s , medical doctors and pharmacists were r e q u i r e d to have e i t h e r American or Canadian work experience before c e r t i f i c a t i o n a p p l i c a t i o n s could be made. In c o n t r a s t , immigrants i n the s e m i - s k i l l e d , s e r v i c e t r a d e s , and a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations who were sponsored by f u t u r e Canadian employers were assessed on t h e i r work experience i n Japan p r i o r to the g r a n t i n g of t h e i r immigration v i s a s . Since sponsored immigrants were assured of immediate employment upon a r r i v a l i n Canada, work experience i n Japan was a c o n d i t i o n a l 77 and i n d i r e c t f a c t o r , i . e . , immediacy of employment. Since we d i d not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between sponsored and non-sponsored immigrants and a l s o between occupations* our a n a l y s i s of work experience and employment r e s u l t e d i n a r a t h e r weak r e l a t i o n -s h i p . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between pre-immigration contact w i t h Canadians and immediacy of employment i n d i c a t e d a r e l a t i v e l y h igh degree of a s s o c i a t i o n . This can be explained i n terms of the success achieved by the Canadian Embassy i n Tokyo i n p r o v i d i n g the Japanese people w i t h names and addresses of Canadian f i r m s seeking s p e c i a l i z e d workers and correspondence thus e s t a b l i s h e d often r e s u l t e d i n sponsored immigration. As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, sponsored immigrants were assured of immediate employment upon a r r i v a l i n Canada. In cases whereby sponsorship d i d not occur a f t e r i n i t i a l contact was made w i t h Canadians, the r e s u l t a n t access to various i n f o r m a t i o n sources p r i o r to emigration helped minimize the time taken by the immigrant to secure employment a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. A high degree of a s s o c i a t i o n between job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n Canada and immediacy of employment was i n d i c a t e d by our data. Several explanations can be advanced to account f o r t h i s . One i s that job a v a i l a b i l i t y i n Canada was one of the important f a c t o r s considered by the Canadian Immigration s e l e c t i o n o f f i c e s p r i o r to the g r a n t i n g of an immigration v i s a . Thus, i f the 78 immigrant was not constrained by language or occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements, immediate employment was nearly always possible. Another explanation for our high degree of association between job a v a i l a b i l i t y and employment was that our sample of respondents consisted of a high proportion of immigrants in the s k i l l e d , semi-skilled, and service trades occupations. Immigrants i n these occupations were in great demand i n Canada and consequently immediate employment was obtained with l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between occupational c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements and immediacy of employment resulted i n a weak measure of association. One possible reason for our r e l a t i v e l y low percentage difference stemmed from our categorization schema i n which immigrants who required a l i c e n s e , a c e r t i f i c a t e , or an examination were a l l included i n the "low" freedom from c e r t i f i -cation category. A more precise d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n our cate-gorization schema may have resulted i n a more pronounced in d i c a t i o n of our measure of association. Before we proceed to discuss the consequence of job t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y and employment on the various aspects of the i n i t i a l s o c i a l adjustment process of Japanese immigrants, one other task remains and that i s to describe the several factors associated with the immigrant's work environment. The various conditions which are expected to influence the immigrant's 79 s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work w i l l now be discussed i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter* CHAPTER IV WORK IN CANADA 1* Introduction I t has been suggested i n previous chapters that differences i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n by post-war Japanese immigrants i n voluntary organisations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s were associated with the immediacy i n which the immigrants were able to secure employment i n Canada, and i n Chapter I I I , several factors were selected as important conditions f o r the immigrants to secure employment i n the same occupation as that held p r i o r to emigration. I t was also mentioned e a r l i e r that Japanese immigrants did not have the f i n a n c i a l means to make the necessary household purchases upon a r r i v a l i n Canada and t h i s further meant that immediate employ-ment was a c r u c i a l f a c t o r which governed the time taken by the immigrant to adjust and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the various a c t i v -i t i e s of the host society* Although a l l of the conditions noted above are important factors to be considered when explaining differences i n p a r t i c i -pation by Japanese immigrants i n terms of t h e i r immediacy of employment, there i s another condition which should be con-sidered i f we are to adequately account f o r the differences i n 81 social participation* This stems from the question of whether or not the immigrant i s able to participate in any social interaction at work with other people. This i s an important question to be considered in our study because Japanese immigrants who have limited opportunity to interact with work-mates or other people during work may attempt to compensate for this condition by talking with various people during coffee and lunch breaks, before and after work, or by establishing new friends away from the place of work. A contrary work situation in which the immigrant i s able to enter into conversation with numerous people may result in the situation that friendship thus established at the place of work may eventually get extended away from the work setting. Another possibility which must be entertained In our study i s that the Immigrant's activ-i t i e s away from work may be totally unaffected by the Job. The effect of social interaction on the Job on activ-i t i e s away from the work setting w i l l be discussed in detail in Chapter V* In this chapter, we w i l l limit our discussion to the various conditions of work. Among the conditions of work to be considered which are expected to influence the immigrant's social interaction at work are ( 1 ) the differences in the work setting in Canada and Japan, and ( 2 ) technical constraints on the Job* The organizational and physical differences in the work setting between Canada and Japan do not directly influence the 82 immigrants* a c t i v i t i e s away from work, however* the various differences nevertheless provide the immigrants with a set of perspectives which enable them to define c e r t a i n conditions as constraints or hindrances which may prevent them from ta l k i n g with workmates either at work or away from work* Other differences i n the work s e t t i n g may be perceived as f a c i l i -t a t i n g the immigrant's own desire f o r s e l f expression which may eventually get extended from the work situations to a c t i v i t i e s away from work* Differences i n the work s e t t i n g which stem from the p a t e r n a l i s t i c nature of Japanese firms i s a prime example and these w i l l be described f i r s t i n d e t a i l i n t h i s chapter* Technical constraints on the job r e f e r to those condi-tions i n the work environment that tend to l i m i t the oppor-tunity f o r communication among workers* Such constraints can be manifested i n a vari e t y of ways. For example, a worker may be required to coordinate h i s or her actions with the movement of assembly l i n e s , or the worker may be confined to a s p e c i f i c work lo c a t i o n , or a worker may be able to carry out his or her task only a f t e r another task had been performed f i r s t . These various forms of technical constraints which l i m i t e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n among workers at t h e i r place of work have been described by Meissner as constraints of time, space, and func-tion.* A desc r i p t i o n of the constraints of time, space, and Meissner, "The Long Arm of the Job,** p. 246. 83 function* s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job, and how each of these were measured w i l l be provided i n t h i s chapter. 2* Differences i n the Work Setting To the casual observer* the organisational structure of a Japanese firm would appear s i m i l a r to that of Canadian firms of comparable s i z e . In both Japanese and Canadian companies* o f f i c e s are arranged i n h i e r a r c h i c a l order* but a closer examination w i l l reveal less f l e x i b i l i t y i n the Japanese case. Nakane describes the bureaucratic structure of business enter-prises i n Japan ass • • • a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of sections accompanied by f i n e r gradings i n o f f i c i a l rank. During these twenty years there appeared uniforms f o r workers, badges ( l a p e l buttons) worn as company i n s i g n i a and s t r i p e s on the uniform cap to indicate section and rank. Workers thus came under a more r i g i d i n s t i t u t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y . 2 One might expect that the emphasis on f i n e r rank d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Japanese firms would r e s u l t i n d i f f e r e n t operational and admistrative procedures employed by firms i n Japan when compared to those i n Canada. Some of the problems facing the Japanese immigrant seek-ing employment i n Canada may have t h e i r source i n these organizational and procedual diff e r e n c e s . In Japan, an i n d i -Chie Nakane, Japanese Society (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 17* 84 vidual's social and educational background Is considered quite important when i t comes to employment, but a letter of recommendation submitted with the job application is equally important. Employment in a medium to large Japanese firm i s usually a life-time commitment and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to d i f f e r -entiate between the normal social relations of one's home and those of the company. A Japanese company provides housing, medical and hospital benefits, recreational f a c i l i t i e s , group outings, and numerous other services* Given this paternalistic nature of a Japanese firm, the letter of recommendation serves a similar purpose as the nakodo (marriage broker) and often the procedure followed in the employment process can be as time consuming as that of an arranged marriage. The Japanese term for the "go-between" in the employ-3 ment process i s called the kone, which means "connection." It refers to a person, or a friend of a person, who is already employed i n a company in which the individual sought future employment* Thus a letter of introduction by a kone is always in great demand* In actual fact, most people have to be satisfied with letters written by a friend or a friend of a kone* In other words, the resources of a social network are For a brief description on how to establish a kone, see Ezra F. Vogel, Japan's New Middle Class (Berkeley! University of California Press, 1965), p. 61* 8 5 k frequently employed i n securing employment i n Japan. In contrast, the newly arrived Japanese immigrant i n Canada i s unable to u t i l i z e the s o c i a l network well established i n Japan. Furthermore, the curriculum vitae and l e t t e r s of recommenda-t i o n are not of importance i n Canada and the immigrant i s forced to seek out his own source of employment. Even with the absence of a kone i n Canada, Japanese immigrants soon e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l contacts to whom the t r a d i -t i o n a l role performed by the kone i n Japan i s d i r e c t l y trans-ferred. I f the s o c i a l contact happens to be a Japanese immi-grant who had arrived i n Canada a few years e a r l i e r , then he or she acts as the sempai or senior immigrant and subsequently assumes the role assigned to the kone i n securing employment. In Canada, t h i s results not i n wr i t i n g l e t t e r s of recommenda-t i o n , but making personal v i s i t s to possible employment sources together with his kohal or junior immigrant f r i e n d . Even i n the event that immediate employment i s not obtained, the kohal immigrant can more or less rest assured that his sempai w i l l eventually succeed i n f i n d i n g suitable employment. In th i s manner, a system of mutual obligations i s established between the sempai and kohal For the North American case, see Fred E. Katz, "Occupa-t i o n a l Contact Networks," So c i a l Forces, 37 (October, 1 9 5 8 ) , PP. 5 2 - 5 5 . 86 I f the new s o c i a l contact In Canada happens to be a Canadian or a Japanese Canadian, the role of a kone cannot be rea d i l y transferred as thi s i s an a l i e n concept altogether i n Canada. Numerous Japanese immigrants have assumed that once a f r i e n d l y contact was made with a Canadian or a Japanese Canadian, employment opportunities would soon materialise but such contacts alone have not been very f r u i t f u l . When seeking employment-in Canada, the Japanese immi-grant often does not make a second c a l l back to a prospective employer, because a person brought up i n Japan tends to attach greater s i g n i f i c a n c e to i n d i r e c t answers. In Japan, i t i s often common not to give a negative response to a question too d i r e c t l y . A series of Indirect and abstract excuses w i l l often s u f f i c e to convey to the respondent the negative feelings of the speaker. Thus, i n the Canadian s i t u a t i o n , i f an employer should reply that possible job vacancies w i l l not occur u n t i l the following month, the Japanese immigrant interprets t h i s to mean an outright job ref u s a l and consequently f a i l s to return f o r a follow-up job ap p l i c a t i o n . The Japanese practice of inducing l i f e - t i m e commitments through numerous incentives at regular i n t e r v a l s contrasts sharply with the experience of abrupt termination of employ-ment without any explanation i n Canada. In the more fortunate instances, notice was given a few days i n advance. The pos-s i b i l i t y that termination of employment was less related to the 87 technical or professional competence of the Japanese immigrant and more to Canadian economic circumstances was seldom under-stood by the immigrant* Such unexpected job terminations were often interpreted as manifestations of r a c i a l discrimination* Similar experiences by immigrants of other ethnic groups, as well as by migratory Canadians, tended to d i s p e l notions of discrimination. The c r i t i c a l d ifference i n employment patterns can be best i l l u s t r a t e d by Abegglen's observation! When comparing the s o c i a l organisation of the large factory i n Japan and the United States one difference i s immediately noted and continues to dominate and represent much of the t o t a l difference between the two systems. At whatever l e v e l of the organisation i n the Japanese factory, the worker commits himself on entrance to the company fo r the remainder of his working career. The company w i l l not discharge him even temporarily except i n the most extreme circumstances. He w i l l not q u i t the company fo r indus-t r i a l employment elsewhere. He i s a member of the company i n a sense resembling that i n which persons are members of f a m i l i e s , f r a t e r n a l organisations, and other intimate and personal groups i n the United States.-* Abegglen's comparison of a Japanese company to that of a family or f r a t e r n a l organisation i s quite appropriate. The parent-c h i l d role of family r e l a t i o n s h i p i s also manifested i n the oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n s h i p of a Japanese business firm regardles of i t s s i t e . Various descriptions of the oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n ship have been given. Iwao Ishino notes that: -'James Abegglen, "Social Structure i n a Japanese Factory i n Charles R. Walker, ed., Modern Technology and C i v i l i s a t i o n (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Book Company Inc., 1 9 6 2 ) , p. 3 U 9 . 8 8 The oyabun-kobun I n a t i t u t i o n i s one i n which persons usually unrelated by close kin t i e s enter into a compact to assume obligations of a d i f f u s e nature s i m i l a r to those ascribed to members of one's immediate family. The r e l a -tionship i s formally established by means of a ceremony inv o l v i n g many of the expressive symbolisms of b i r t h and marriage. Both the terms of address and the assign-ment of roles within the group are patterned on the Japanese family system: the leader becomes a r i t u a l parent and h i s followers, symbolic c h i l d r e n . These "c h i l d r e n , " i n turn, are r i t u a l brothers to each other and s e n i o r i t y among them i s formally recognised by terms which imply elder brother-younger brother d i s t i n c t i o n s . " Nakane's desc r i p t i o n of the oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n s h i p i s s i m i l a r to that given by Ishino. Nakane comments that "the e s s e n t i a l elements i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p are that the kobun receives benefits or help from h i s oyabun, such as assistance i n securing employment or promotion, and advice on the occasion of important decision-making. The kobun, i n turn, i s ready to 7 o f f e r his services whenever the oyabun requires them." The extent to which the oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n s h i p i s practiced i n Japan i s subject to considerable debate and i t may not be as extensive throughout Japanese society as Nakane asserts. W h i t e h i l l and Takezawa state that i t s current useage i s l i m i t e d g to c e r t a i n s o c i a l groups only. This assertion i s supported by Iwao Ishino, "The Oyabun-Kobun: A Japanese Ritual Kin-ship I n s t i t u t i o n , " American Anthropologist, 55 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , p« 6 9 6 . ^Nakane, op. c i t . , pp. 42 - 4 3 . 8 Arthur M. W h i t e h i l l and S h i n i c h i Takezawa, The Other  Worker (Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1 9 6 8 ) , p. 8 5 * 89 Cole who suggests that the oyabun-kobun pattern of r e l a t i o n s Is found "most often i n cer t a i n i n d u s t r i a l sectors peripheral to the key i n d u s t r i e s associated with modern i n d u s t r i a l development. They are found i n construction, longshoring, and f o r e s t r y where the labor contractor continues to play a key o r o l e . " Nakane aptly describes the e f f e c t s of the sempai and kohal r e l a t i o n s h i p i n d a i l y conversationst The consciousness of rank which leads the Japanese to ignore l o g i c a l procedure i s also manifested i n the patterns and practices of d a i l y conversation, i n which a senior or an e l d e r l y man monopolizes the talk while those Junior to them have the role of l i s t e n e r . Generally there i s no development of d i a l e c t i c s t y l e i n a Japanese conversation, which i s guided from beginning to end by the interpersonal re l a t i o n s which exi s t between speakers. In most cases a conversation i s e i t h e r a one-sided sermon, the I agree completely' s t y l e of communication, which does not allow f o r the statement of opposite views; or parties to a con-versation follow p a r a l l e l l i n e s , winding i n c i r c l e s and ending exactly where they started . . . Because of the lack of a d i s c i p l i n e f o r relationships between equals, the Japanese do not practice these three basic steps of reason-ing and must overcome great odds i n order to advance or c u l t i v a t e any issue brought under discussion. Hence most conversations are i n t e l l e c t u a l l y d u l l , emotionally enjoyable to the speaker, with a higher status, rather than the l i s t e n e r , with a lower s t a t u s . 1 0 I f the immigrant had observed i n Japan the rules of propriety associated with eit h e r the sempai-kglial or oyabun-kobun r e l a t i o n s h i p s , then one possible consequence i n Canada might be that informal conversations w i l l not develop with fellow workers although the Japanese immigrant may be able to Nakane, op. c i t . , pp. 34-35. 9 0 speak English f l u e n t l y . Part of th i s reluctance to converse with fellow workers i s conditioned by rank consciousness which evolved out of the sempal and kohal ranking system i n Japan. The very fact that a Japanese immigrant enters new employment i n a given company i n Canada places the Immigrant i n the most junior p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to other workers who are already employed* and thus the reluctance to i n i t i a t e a conversation. The Japanese awareness of rank becomes most noticeable when we compare the answers of Japanese immigrants employed i n Canadian firms with those of Immigrants employed i n the overseas o f f i c e s of Japanese firms i n Canada. Without excep-t i o n , those employed i n Canadian firms expressed surprise and r e l i e f at the informality i n conversations between senior and junior members of the firm and the frequent use of f i r s t names. In Japanese firms, by contrast, personal names were seldom used to address persons i n higher rank, and t i t l e s such as kacho (section c h i e f ) , bucho (department c h i e f ) , or shltencho (branch manager) were used. In some instances, the t i t l e alone was substituted f o r simple greetings, f o r example, when the section chief arrived at the o f f i c e i n the morning, the junior employee simply said "kacho" instead of "good morning." Differences i n behaviour depend on the status of the person addressed and are manifested i n the use of h o n o r i f i c words, intonation, posture, or manner of speech. Nakane notes that " i n Japan the range of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( i n s o c i a l behavior) 91 i s much wider and more elaborate, and d e l i c a t e c o d i f i c a t i o n i s necessary to meet each context and s i t u a t i o n . " 1 1 This i s r e a l l y an understatement as i t l i t e r a l l y takes years and years f o r a westerner to adequately understand the Japanese rules of propriety. Differences i n work habits which stem from c u l t u r a l v a r i a t i o n s between Canada and Japan also tend to l i m i t Japanese immigrants from j o i n i n g t h e i r workmates f o r a glass of beer or a cup of coffee a f t e r work. The higher degree of i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n , and the demonstration of l o y a l t y , which a Japanese immigrant attaches to h i s new place of employment, i n comparison to h i s Canadian counterpart, i s often a source of f r i c t i o n during the i n i t i a l adjustment period. An i n d i c a t i o n of the way 6 i n which the immigrant places company i n t e r e s t s above his own i s when he or she remains a f t e r work to complete unfinished work. In our survey, automechanics, dental technicians, s e c r e t a r i e s , and even c l e r k s , have a l l indicated that they had remained past t h e i r normal hours of work at one time or another. This type of expression of devotion or d i l i g e n c e i s seldom understood by Canadians. I t i s often interpreted as an example of Japanese immigrants attempting to out-perform others. In one extreme instance , i t was considered as i n d u s t r i a l espionage. 92 While technological constraints tend to be inflexible, cultural constraints should decrease with longer residence in Canada, and as Canadian customs become adopted. To conclude this section, the differences in the work setting between Japan and Canada, can be illustrated by the account given by a geological engineer to the question: "How does your work in Canada compare with the work you did in Japan?" The basic difference between my job in Canada and in Japan results from the differences in the organisational structure of Japanese businesses and from some of the more traditional practices within that narrow structure. For example, here in Canada, a consulting geological engineer can be assigned to a job where he does just what he is supposed to do as a consultant or as a research geologist. But in Japan, there are so many unrelated tasks one must do in addition to one's primary duties as a geologist. For example, when one's boss is leaving on a t r i p , we must a l l go to the r a i l station to see him off. We must go to the station again when he returns. In the office i t s e l f , there are many administrative duties which an ordinary clerk can do. In Japan, i t is extremely d i f f i c u l t to see the boss at the top of the organisation. It may be said that traditionally, one does not just c a l l on the boss directly. You must follow the chain of command and then make an appointment through the boss* secretary. Here in Canada, I found that i t i s quite easy to just knock on the boss* door and drop in to have a chat. Canadian management leaders really have that leadership quality. They can make decisions and then pass that decision down the organization. In Japan, i t is not so. The boss invariably asks for some f e a s i b i l i t y study and the various recommendations f i l t e r up back to him. If the finding confirms the boss* original decision or agrees with his basic orientation, then he w i l l state his decision. There is no gamble or risk involved and consequently the whole chain of command shares in the responsibility should the project f a i l or i f the f i n a l decision results in some unfavorable situation. 9 3 In Canada, i t i s possible to discuss matters eith e r business, mutual i n t e r e s t , or personal regardless of the age fa c t o r of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . In Japan, the age thing i s a big f a c t o r , s e n i o r i t y must always be respected. A junior member of the firm just does not express his good ideas to the top members of the firm but only to h i s immediate superior. I f his immediate superior agrees with the suggestion, then a hanko (stamp) i s used to c e r t i f y approval and th i s paper moves up to the next l e v e l of command. Again, i f approved, i t i s stamped and so f o r t h , the paper proceeds up to the boss. The boss i n turn examines the number of hanko on the suggestion before f i n a l approval i s granted. In Canada, anyone with a bright idea can receive c r e d i t f o r i t but not i n Japan because of th i s hanko system. In Canada, a bright young fellow can r e t a i n his good ideas and s t a r t up his own company. Since he has the ideas, he can place himself as the president of the new firm and then employ consultants or whatever he desires, regardless of the general age f a c t o r of both employer and employees. In Japan, a young upstart i s discouraged from th i s sort of i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c endeavour* In Japan as i n Canada, the business organization i s arranged v e r t i c a l l y but the interchange of ideas v e r t i c a l l y i s accomplished much more smoothly i n Canada. Also, even between two v e r t i c a l l y structured organizations, there i s a vast amount of exchange of ideas and cooperation whereas i t i s p r a c t i c a l l y non existent i n Japan. Only i n extreme cases, usually f o r n a t i o n a l i s t i c reasons, i s there any cooperation. Such cooperation i s evident i n the collabo-ra t i o n between government agencies and various trading companies who trade o f f trading areas such as South East Asia f o r say, South America, and so f o r t h . In Japan, i n t e r - f i r m v i s i t i n g can only be done between persons at the same rank or age l e v e l and never with a person who may rank higher than you* In Canada, v i s i t i n g i s u nrestricted regardless of the rank l e v e l , age or other s e n i o r i t y factor* For that matter, even phoning other company personnel i s very minimal compared to Canada. There i s another big difference between the Japanese and Canadian decision-making process. Two company presidents, one a Japanese and the other a Canadian, may be discussing a cert a i n deal. The Canadian president makes a decision about something or some transaction and agrees. The Japanese president, however, does not make a s i m i l a r decision on the spur of the moment. He must return to his subordinates f o r some study and eventual report. I f the report agrees with whatever the Japanese president wishes 94 to say, then at t h i s l a t e date only i s the Canadian president f i n a l l y informed. I f the f i n d i n g of the study does not agree with the ideas held by the Japanese president, then the transaction w i l l be delayed, c a l l e d o f f , or lapsed into a non-commital state whereby the o r i g i n a l negotiations die a natural death. This i s i n t e r e s t i n g to observe because t h e o r e t i c a l l y , both men at the top are presidents with equal decision-making authority but t h i s i s not s t r i c t l y so. Of course the Canadian president i s i n a more vulnerable p o s i t i o n to be sacked should h i s decision prove to be wrong as witnessed by the recent Kaiser coal deal. In Japan, I used to work f o r the government. Since I l e f t i t during my mid career, i t i s impossible f o r me to re-enter government service again. This i s i n great contrast to the Canadian s i t u a t i o n where i t i s much easier to move around between government departments and even to return again at a much higher l e v e l . The same thing applies to mobility between commercial firms. In Japan, a person who moves i s immediately suspected. Not so here i n Canada. As a matter of f a c t , i t i s one sure sign of occupational mobility and promotion. This respondent had l i v e d i n Canada f o r about six years and was i n a p o s i t i o n to describe o b j e c t i v e l y the many differences i n the structure and culture of work i n Canada and i n Japan. From our d e s c r i p t i o n of the differences i n the work s e t t i n g , several factors stand out as possible sources of influence that may a f f e c t the Japanese immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r -action with workmates at work and away from work. I f the immi-grant had observed while i n Japan the rules of propriety associated with the r i g i d rank d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n system of Japanese companies which i s based upon s e n i o r i t y , the sempal-kohai, and oyabun-kobun patterns of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , then i t i s quite possible that the values and norms of Japanese society i n s t i l l e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l may be carried over to the host 95 Canadian society and consequently be r e f l e c t e d i n the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n patterns* Another fa c t o r that may have some e f f e c t on the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n patterns of immigrants at work i s that the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s established through the kone i s l i m i t e d and hence new ones must be established. Whether new friends and acquaintances can be formed or not at work depends to a large extent on the work environment i t s e l f and the presence of those factors that may act as a constraint or hindrance which prevents s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n to take place among workmates. Some of the factors which are expected to influence the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with workmates are discussed i n the following section* 3* Technical Constraints and S o c i a l Interaction on the Job In addition to those factors r e s u l t i n g from the d i f -ferences i n the work s e t t i n g which are expected to influence the behavior of immigrants toward t h e i r workmates, there i s another aspect of the work s e t t i n g that may influence the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with workmates* This l a t t e r aspect has been subsumed under the rubric of technical con-s t r a i n t s on the Job and i t refers to those conditions i n the work s e t t i n g that tend to l i m i t the opportunity f o r communi-cation among workers* The term " s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n " i s employed 9 6 here to refer to. a l l forme of communication and social discourse. As stated earlier in this chapter, constraints on the job can be manifested in a variety of -ays and they have been described as constraints of time, space, and function. Regard-less of the form of constraint present at the place of work, there w i l l be a concomitant decrease in social interaction and the Japanese immigrant faced with this situation can exercise one of several alternatives available. Those who are unable to talk to others during work may compensate for this condition either before work, during coffee and lunch breaks, or after work. Such a situation may readily occur when only visual contact with others can be established during work and famil-i a r i t y thus established may help to i n i t i a t e a conversation during work breaks. In contrast, a person working alone and confined to a specific work location may not be able to meet others even during work breaks. In such an event, compensation for this isolation can only occur away from the work setting, i f i t occurs at a l l . In the event of minimum technical constraints on the job, several friends may be established while at work and such friendship may eventually get transferred to evening or week-end social a c t i v i t i e s . The examples given here suggest some of the implications the variations in constraints can have 97 on one's social interaction both at work and away from work. For our study, the measures of technical constraints were obtained by asking several questions. To determine whether or not our respondent's dally work required any co-ordinated effort with others, we asked the questions "Do you decide on your own work speed or what determines how you use your time?" Spatial constraints were assessed by the questions "Do you have a fixed work place or are you able to move around during your work?" The functional dependence of the respondents on others was determined by the following two questionst "Does the way other people do their work affect you in your job?" and, "If you had to stop in the middle of your work, how may other people would eventually have to stop?" The fact that our Japanese immigrant sample contained a diverse range of occupations meant that the questions employed to measure the various forms of constraints were not equally applicable to a l l respondents and thus had to be general enough to e l i c i t responses from a l l our subjects. For example, instead of asking a specific question on machine pacing, we simply askedt "Do you decide on your own work speed or what determines how you use your time?" A general question such as this evoked responses from a l l subjects regardless of their occupation whereas a specific constraint question probably would have e l i c i t e d a reply only from those concerned with that 98 specific constraint* The measures of social interaction on the job adopted for this present research are similar to those employed by 12 Meissner in his study of industrial workers. Social inter-action with workmates i n terms of the number of workmates the Japanese immigrant spoke to while at work was determined by the question! "While you are actually working, how many of your workmates do you talk to?" Our data indicated that conversations with workmates while at work increased gradually for the f i r s t two years and then reached a plateau between the third and f i f t h years of residence in Canada. A sudden decrease in the number of social interactions occurs after the sixth year of residence. This can be explained by the fact that Japanese immigrants who arrived prior to 1965 were mostly relative-sponsored immigrants and consequently were less fluent in English. Social interaction with non-workmates was determined by the question! "While you are actually doing your work, do you get to talk to other people besides those you work with?" Thirty two per cent of the respondents did not talk to other people besides workmates. The remainder of the respondents were able to converse with people other than workmates. These 12 Meissner, op. c i t . , p. 2 k l 99 respondents were mainly employed in the professional and service trades occupations and thus had the opportunity to meet other people. The content of conversations with workmates was deter-mined by the questions "What do you talk about (during work)?" This question was included so that some verification of the fact that a conversation took place could be obtained and that verbal communication was not limited to simple greetings only. Our data revealed that only six per cent of the respondents did not participate in any conversation. Thirty four per cent of the respondents had limited their conversations to work-related matters, twenty one per cent talked about subjects other than work, and thirty nine per cent discussed both work and other matters* A decrease in the amount of social inter-action i s again recorded for those Japanese immigrants who had resided in Canada for more than six years* It i s of interest to note that conversations which concerned work matters was higher during the f i r s t year in Canada than for succeeding years, and conversations at work related to non-work activities gradually became more pronounced. Social Interaction information as measured by the number of conversations held with workmates during coffee, lunch, and other breaks during work was also obtained. In contrast to the six per cent who indicated no conversation with 100 workmates during work, twenty two per cent did not engage i n any conversation during t h e i r break periods at work. Fewer Japanese immigrants who had resided only a year i n Canada (nine per cent) did not converse with workmates during work breaks compared to the t h i r t y one per cent of the respondents who had resided two years i n Canada and who did not converse with t h e i r workmates during work breaks. Our data further revealed that nearly a l l of those respondents who indicated no conversation with t h e i r workmates were either fluent In English or above average i n Eng l i s h fluency. This f i n d i n g lends some support to our e a r l i e r generalisations which concerned c u l t u r a l differences that i n h i b i t e d the Japanese from expressing them-selves f r e e l y . In response to the questiont "Do you ta l k to your work-mates e i t h e r before or a f t e r your work?," f i f t y per cent of the respondents Indicated that they did ta l k to t h e i r workmates either before or a f t e r work. This single question obviously cannot portray a very accurate picture of the t o t a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n pattern with fellow workers during non-worktime and thus another question was posedt "Do you meet any of the people you work with o f f the job?" In contrast to the answers received f o r the previous question, s i x t y eight per cent of the respondents indicated that they met t h e i r workmates away from t h e i r place of work. An examination of the frequency of contact revealed that only eighteen per cent of the respondents 101 met once a week, t h i r t y per cent once per month, and the remainder at less frequent i n t e r v a l e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job and the various forms of con-s t r a i n t s w i l l be presented i n the following section, k» Relationship between So c i a l Interaction on the Job and Constraints at Work The r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the Job and the various forms of constraints w i l l now be discussed. We have d i f f e r e n t i a t e d our measures of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with (1) non-workmates, (2) work-mates, ( 3 ) by conversation content, and (k) conversations during coffee, lunch, and other breaks. S i m i l a r l y , technical constraints on the job have been s p e c i f i e d thus f a r i n terms of (1) work speed, (2) s p a t i a l confinement, and ( 3 ) task depend-ence. For our assessment of the e f f e c t s of the various forms of constraints on the immigrant's s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work, we have included two a d d i t i o n a l factors f o r consideration as constraints. These are the immigrant's (1) English language d i f f i c u l t i e s and, (2) period of adjustment i n Canada. Since the work s e t t i n g i n Canada f o r the Japanese immi-grants i s predominantly an English speaking one, i t i s obvious that the immigrant's i n a b i l i t y to converse i n English w i l l l i m i t conversation. The period of adjustment i n Canada has been included as a possible constraint f a c t o r and our reason f o r doing so stems from our e a r l i e r discussion on the d i f f e r -ences i n the work s e t t i n g i n Japan and i n Canada* Immigrants with only a few years of residence i n Canada w i l l more l i k e l y be s t i l l influenced by the values and norms of Japanese society and consequently continue to observe.the rule of propriety associated with rank d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n than w i l l those immigrants of much longer duration of residence i n Canada. Table IV.1 i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the various forms of constraints and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work. Only the percentage difference values are shown here and the calculations are provided i n Appendix B. The differences which work speed makes for the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with non-workmates i s shown by the upper l e f t entry of Table IV.1 which i s - 2 2 . This i s interpreted that as work speed constraints increases from "low" to "high," the proportion of workers with high s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work with non-workmates declines. The "low" and "high" cutoff points f o r our data are also provided i n Appendix E. 1 3 Unlike the Meissner study which produced a consistent negative r e l a t i o n s h i p between technical constraints and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job, the r e s u l t s shown i n Table IV.1 indicate that the various constraints which we have examined do not Meissner, i b i d . , p. 2 k 8 . 103 TABLE IV.1 CONSTRAINTS AND SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WORK Soc i a l Interaction at Work Work Speed Constraints S p a t i a l Task English Confine- Depend- D i f f i c u l -ment d ence d t i e s d Period of Adjustm't d 1. With Non-Workmates -22 • 2 -10 -9 2. With Workmates 3. By Content -2 -1 -8 -5 +3 • 5 -12 +3 -1 -6 k. Coffee, Lunch, and other +9 breaks -3 -1 + 8 * d sa percentage difference i n 2 X 2 tables See Appendix E f o r c a l c u l a t i o n s . I ok produce consistent results with respect to social interaction. Interaction with both workmates and non-workmates and inter-action in terms of conversation content are a l l reduced as work speed constraints increase. In contrast, interaction during ooffee, lunch, and other breaks increases which suggests a degree of compensation for constraints during work. Constraints imposed upon the immigrants because of spatial confinement effectively reduces social interaction during both work and work breaks as indicated by our data. The positive relation between spatial confinement and social interaction at work with non-workmates may suggest some degree of compensation for isolation due to confinement at a specific work location, however, since this i s a weak positive relation and i t i s not manifested later during coffee and other breaks, the notion of compensation i s not tenable. The relationship between task dependence and social interaction at work produced a consistently positive although weak relationship which shows that social interaction on the job increased as constraints due to task dependence increased. This finding was not what we would have expected and thus in order to seek an explanation for our results, we re-examined our questionnaire responses i n terms of the specific question asked. The intended meaning for the term "task dependence" was that the immigrant was dependent on the task performance of other people before the immigrant was able to carry on with 1 0 5 his or her Job* Thus, to obtain our information on task dependence, ve therefore asked the question, "Does the way other people do their work affect you i n your Job?" Those who were affected were coded as "high" task dependence and those not affected as "low" task dependence* An examination of our "high" task dependence responses revealed that what our questionnaire succeeded in obtaining was information on task co-operation or teamwork* For example, a draftsman indicated task dependence when co-operation with other engineers were involved* Similarly, a landscape engineer indicated task dependence by indicating teamwork with gardeners and other labourers was necessary* Consequently, our data cannot be viewed as valid indicators of task dependence* Social interaction with both workmates and non-workmates and social interaction during coffee, lunch, and other breaks in terms of English d i f f i c u l t i e s produced negative relation-ships which meant that increased language d i f f i c u l t i e s resulted in less conversation* Although i t i s a weak relationship, language d i f f i c u l t i e s and social interaction, as specified by "content" which referred to work related and other subject matters, resulted in a positive relationship* This suggests that the immigrant made some effort to discuss various subjects other than work related matters. Since the work setting in Canada for the Japanese immigrants i s predominantly an English speaking one, the i n a b i l i t y to speak English w i l l obviously 1 0 6 limit conversation* The consequences of limited social inter-action on the job on the immigrant's acti v i t i e s away from the Job remain to be examined and these w i l l be discussed in the following chapter* It was stated earlier in this chapter that differences i n the work setting may possibly influence the immigrant's social Interaction with workmates and that immigrants with only a few years of residence in Canada w i l l more lik e l y be s t i l l influenced by the values and norms of Japanese society and consequently continue to observe the rules of propriety resulting in less social interaction. Our data in Table IV.1 specifying the relationship between social interaction and the period of adjustment in Canada Indicate that the shorter the period of adjustment, the less social interaction with workmates, non-workmates, and by content which tends to support our earlier generalisation. Note, however, that during coffee, lunch, and other breaks, newly arrived immigrants tend to engage more in conversations than those immigrants of longer residence in Canada* The fact that one i s a newcomer probably f a c i l i t a t e s informal discussions with others during work breaks by having to respond to such questions as "How do you like i t here?," and "How long have you been in Canada?" CHAPTER V SOCIAL PARTICIPATION 1• The Research Problem Re-Visited In t h i s chapter, ve w i l l explain differences i n s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of post-war Japanese immigrants i n voluntary-organisations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . Some immigrants become members of voluntary organisations, others enter a network of s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s , and some others do both. What explanation can be provided to account f o r t h i s difference i n s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n ? We have indicated e a r l i e r that among the conditions which are expected to influence s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n are (1) the immigrant's accomplishments and experiences during the i n i t i a l period of residence i n Canada, (2) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought with them from Japan, and (3 ) s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work. However, thus f a r i n our study, we have not examined the s o c i a l p a r t i c i -pation data obtained i n our study i n terms of these conditions. I t remains the task of t h i s chapter to analyse our data based on the immigrant's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various a c t i v i t i e s away from work i n r e l a t i o n to the three conditions noted above which are expected to influence s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n Under the rubric of 'accomplishments,' our study i s 108 United to only two fmotors* The f i r s t i s concerned with the immigrant's employment in Canada in the same occupation as that held prior to emigration* Because of the s t r i c t control exercised by the Canadian government in granting immigration visas only to those people whose occupational s k i l l s are in demand in Canada, we have made the assumption that Japanese immigrants selected to come to Canada w i l l attempt to secure employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan.* The second factor, which i s dependent on the immediacy of employ-ment, has to do with the accumulation of material possessions, such as furniture, kitchen utensils, and household appliances* The rationale for considering the immediacy of employ-ment and the accumulation of material possessions as important factors i n explaining differences in participation in voluntary organisations and in the network of social a f f i l i a t i o n s i s as follows* Japanese immigrants arrive in Canada with very few personal belongings and as the f i r s t step to adjust to their new environment, certain household furnishings must be purohased immediately* The differences in basic design and furnishings Our survey data revealed that nearly a l l of our respond-ents had made at least one attempt to secure employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan. Immigrants in the pro-fessional occupations encountered some d i f f i c u l t y to be recognised by the professional associations. For a discussion on the importance of the i n i t i a l adjustment stages in the formation of the immigrant's attitudes toward their new country, see W.D* Borrie, The Cultural Integration of Immigrants (Parisi UNESCO, 1 9 5 9 ) , pp. 109-112* 1 0 9 of a hone i n Canada aa coapared to one in Japan also necessitates the immediate purchase of certain items by Japanese immigrants* for example, in Canada, one si t s on a chair or sleeps in a bed whereas in Japan both of these functions are accomplished on the tataml (straw mats)* Since extremely few immigrants come to Canada with any financial wealth, the acquisition of kitchen utensils, household appliances, and other furniture i s a gradual process during which time a substantial portion of the immigrant's salary goes towards the purchase of these basic necessities* Because of the priority assigned to the acquisition of household necessities especially at a time when the immigrant i s i n the least favourable financial situation, participation in social and leisure a c t i v i t i e s that require money tend to get subordinated* Thus while the immigrant i s s t i l l in the process of acquiring material goods during the f i r s t few years of residenoe in Canada, entertainment and recreational activ-i t i e s that require money such as going to movies, attending concerts, bowling, and skiing are substituted by less expensive act i v i t i e s at home such as watching television, listening to the radio, or reading a book* Similarly, membership in volun-tary associations and in social groups which may be a financial burden for the Immigrant w i l l not be considered and substituted by participation in less expensive informal c o l l e c t i v i t i e s such as the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s * 110 An associated factor to be considered in relation to the purchasing of household necessities i s the immediacy of employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan, or in other words, the occupation for which the Immigration visa was granted and for which there was a demand in Canada* With the exoeption of a few immigrants such as those who applied for landed immigrant status after coming to Canada as visitors or those immigrants sponsored by their relatives, most post-war Japanese immigrants selected by Canadian immigration o f f i c i a l s in Japan were highly ski l l e d people. Because of the professional or technical s k i l l s possessed as well as the immigrant's previous experience, employment in Canada in the same occupation as that held prior to emigration meant that the immigrant was able to command a higher starting salary than those immigrants temporarily employed in whatever job that was available. Thus, the sooner one became employed in the same occupation as that held in Japan, the sooner one was able to allocate a portion of income towards the purchase of house-hold necessities. In the event the immigrant was unable to secure employ-ment i n the same occupation as that held in Japan, temporary employment was found. However, frequent job changes, low salary, and even unemployment often meant that either the accumulation of material necessities was not immediately possible or that i t took a longer period of time. With only a given I l l amount of money that can be spent each month during the i n i t i a l few years of residence i n Canada, preference was usually given to the purchase of necessary household a r t i c l e s to that of entertainment or other obligations associated with 2 membership i n s o c i a l organisations. Immediate employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan also meant that the immigrant not only had a source of Income but also more time to p a r t i c i p a t e i n voluntary a c t i v i t i e s . Those who d i d not secure employment i n previously held occupations were busy preparing f o r c e r t i f i c a -t i o n examinations, job r e - t r a i n i n g , or were enrolled i n one of the several courses offered by the Department of Manpower and Immigration and consequently had l i t t l e time f o r other s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . Thus, immediate employment i s a c r u c i a l f a c t o r which governs the time taken by the immigrant to adjust and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the various a c t i v i t i e s of the host country. The second set of conditions which are expected to influence s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought with them from Japan. Under the rubric of Dore notes i n h i s study of a Tokyo ward that the Japa-nese are not enthusiastic joiners of e i t h e r formal or informal leisure-time associations. He suggests that t h i s may be p a r t l y explained by the "general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n Japanese society." See Ronald Dore, City L i f e i n Japan (Berkeley! University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 19o"3T7 p. 247. 'characteristics,• our study w i l l be limited to the immigrant's level of education, and a b i l i t y to converse in English. 3 4 Studies by Foskett, and Hagedorn and Labovitz have indicated that education i s a crucial factor to account for one's social involvement in various a c t i v i t i e s . Foskett recognizes that social participation in community activ i t i e s cannot be simply explained by education, income or age and he thus draws upon role behavior theory as his theoretical frame-work for analysist The basic position in role behavior theory is that social behavior i s primarily learned behavior and is a function of the position the individual occupies in the social system. Thus, just as much of the behavior of a male, a teacher, or a child i s a consequence of occupying the position or status of a male, a teacher, or a ohild i n our culture, so social participation which involves particular kinds of acts i s a consequence of an individual's having a position in the social structure that calls for that kind of behavior.5 Foskett asserts that people with different levels of education occupy differ e n t i a l positions in the "social system" which in turn results in varying social attitudes, food habits, dress, and various patterns of participation in social a c t i v i t i e s . Foskett's proposition that social participation i s a 3 John M. Foskett, "Social Structure and Social P a r t i c i -pation," American Sociological Review, 20 (August, 1955)* PP. * 3 l -3T. If Robert Hagedorn and Sanford Labovitz, "Participation in Community Associations by Occupation! A Test of Three Theo-ries , " p. 274. ^Foskett, pp. c i t . , p. 436. 113 form of role behavior i s supported by a later study by Hagedorn and Labovits who have also shown that "the greater the degree of formal education, the more the joining and participation in community association."^ Both the Foskett and Hagedorn and Labovits studies suggest that people in the upper educational and income levels participate in community activi t i e s simply because their educational or occupational status position carries a set of expectancies regarding one's social a c t i v i t i e s . 7 It has been noted by Hodge and Treiman that membership in voluntary organisations as well as other aspects of social participation in one's network of social a f f i l i a t i o n s are positively associated with socio-economic status. This association was explained in terms of the recruitment processes involved for social participation. There are numerous other studies that document the relationship, between socio-economic status and membership in voluntary organisations. A few Hagedorn and Labovits, loc. c i t . ^Robert W. Hodge and Donald J. Treiman, "Social p a r t i c i -pation and Social Status," American Sociological Review, 33 (October, 1968), p. 723. 114 a Q in are those studies by Dotson, Reissman, Axelrod, Freeman, 11 1? 11 14 et a l . , Wright and Hyman, Hausknecht, J Erbe, and 1 5 Babcook and Booth. Although a positive association between socio-economic status and membership in voluntary organisations is established in a l l of the above studies, i t is rather problematic to assume for our immigrant population that socio-economic status based on education, occupation, and income w i l l Q Floyd Dotson, "Patterns of Voluntary Association among Urban Working Class Families," American Sociological Review, 16 (October, 1951)» pp. 687-93. 9 ^Leonard Reissman, "Class, Leisure, and Social P a r t i c i -pation," American Sociological Review, 19 (February, 1 9 5 4 ) , pp.76-84. 1 0Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social P a r t i c i -pation," American Sociological Revlew, 21 (February, 1956), pp.13-18. ^Howard K. Freeman, Edwin Novak, and Leo G. Reeder, "Correlates and Membership in Voluntary Association," American  Sociological Review. 22 (October, 1957)» pp. 528-33. 12 Charles R. Wright and Herbert H. Hyman, "Voluntary Association Memberships of American Adultst Evidence from National Sample Surveys," American Sociological Review, 23 (June, 1 9 5 8 ) , pp. 284-94. 13 'Murray Hausknecht, The Joinerst A Sociological Descrip-tion of Voluntary Association Memberships in the United States -(New Yorkt Bedminster Press, 1962). 1^William Erbe, "Social Involvement and P o l i t i c a l Activitys A Replication and Elaboration," American Sociological  Review. 29 (April, 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. 198-215. 1 5 Nicholas Babcock and Alan Booth, "Voluntary Association Memberships A Longitudinal Analysis," American Sociological Review, 34 (February, I 9 6 9 ) . pp. 3 1 - ^ 5 . 1 1 5 also carry a set of expectancies regarding the immigrants participation in various social a c t i v i t i e s . In contrast to the sample population employed in the studies cited above, our immigrant population i s not a stable population in that immigrants with the exception of those with long duration of residence in Canada are s t i l l in the process of adjustment in their new environment. Until such time that the immigrant i s well established in the host society such that he or she can converse freely In English with other Canadians and also when i t i s no longer necessary to make the choice between purchasing essential household articles or spending money on leisure a c t i v i t i e s or some other social activity that requires money, then and only then can we expect for the Immigrant population a stable system of social rela-tions similar to that of the host Canadian society. When the immigrant i s no longer burdened by the requisites of purchasing household essentials and financial resources can be allocated toward leisure and social a c t i v i t i e s , we would expeot a component of social rank such as education to come into force and participation in voluntary organisations and other social a c t i v i t i e s to be manifested. Whether this occurs or not in the caee of the Japanese immigrants can be determined by our survey data later in this chapter by examining the various facets of social participation in relation to the immigrant's education, English a b i l i t y , and duration of 116 residence in Canada. In our study, a high proportion of respondents were characterised as having completed post secondary education i n Japan but since English was not their f i r s t language, i t was decided to examine both educational level and English a b i l i t y of the immigrants in relation to participation in various a c t i v i t i e s . The f i n a l condition to be considered in this chapter and which i s expected to influence social participation in ac t i v i t i e s away from work is social interaction at work. The effect of work on the employee's l i f e away from the work environment has been a subject of study by several researchers. Wilensky, 1^ Dubin, 1^ Seeman,1® and Meissner 1^ have a l l discussed the effect of work and the work setting on the employee's l i f e away from work. The relations between work and leisure can be specified in several ways and Meissner notes 20 the possible options as followst (1) Workers compensate for 1^Harold Vilensky, "Work, Careers, and Social Integra-tion," International Social Science Journal, 12 ( F a l l , i 9 6 0 ) pp. 5 k3-60. 17 'Robert Dubin, "Industrial Yorkers' Worlds: A Study of the Central Life Interests of Industrial Workers," Social  Problems, 3 (January, 1 9 5 6 ) , pp. 131-42. 1 fi °Melvin Seeman, "On the personal Consequences of Alien-ation in Work," American Sociological Review, 32 (April, 1 9 6 7 ) . pp. 272-85. 1^Martin Meissner, "The Long Arm of the Job," pp.239-60. 20 Ibid., p. 241. 1 1 7 the constraints (or lack of discretion) and s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n of the job i n t h e i r free time* (2) The experiences of constraint and i s o l a t i o n c a r r i e s over into free time* (3) L i f e away from work i s unaffected by the job. Although the propositions noted above can be r e a d i l y tested using our immigrant survey data, the interpretations that can be rendered to our findings become problematic because of the i n s t a b i l i t y incorporated i n the s o c i a l r e l a -tions of the immigrant. This i n s t a b i l i t y occurs, f i r s t , from the f a c t that the immigrant i s s t i l l i n the process of adjustment i n the host society, and second, from the Influence of the values and norms of Japanese society i n s t i l l e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l which i s c a r r i e d over to Canadian society and which we have described i n previous chapters. Ve have described b r i e f l y several conditions which are expected to influence s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by Japanese immi-grants i n various a c t i v i t i e s . These were ( 1 ) the immigrant's accomplishments and experiences during the i n i t i a l period of residence i n Canada, (2) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought with them from Japan, and (3) s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work* These three conditions as i t relates to s o c i a l p a r t i c i -pation i n the various spheres of a c t i v i t i e s such as i n volun-tary associations and i n the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s w i l l now be discussed with reference to our questionnaire data* 118 2. Membership in Voluntary Organisations Social participation in a given organisation can be specified by the number of memberships in voluntary associa-tions , the executive or committee position held, the number of meetings attended, or the amount of time spent in ac t i v i t i e s of organisations* Since the number of immigrants in our survey sample who held executive or committee positions was extremely small, we have deleted social participation information based on executive or committee positions from 21 our data analysis* Data on the amount of time spent on various act i v i t i e s were also omitted because inadequacies in our survey questionnaire resulted in inaccurate time budget data* Consequently, we were able to employ only two Indicators of social participation in voluntary associations. These were, (1) membership, and (2) number of meetings, discussions, or ac t i v i t i e s attended during the six months prior to our survey. It has been suggested earlier that participation in voluntary organisations depended on immediacy of employment. If the Immigrant was already employed in the same occupation Although the various organisations list e d by the survey respondents cannot be considered as " e l i t e " associations, nevertheless representation in the executive or committee positions was minimal. Porter notes that the small ethnic representation in e l i t e groups suggests that the opportunity to achieve the top positions are few. See John Porter, The  Vertical Mosaic (Torontoi University of Toronto Press, 1968) for a discussion of ethnic representation in e l i t e groups. 1 1 9 as that held p r i o r to coming to Canada, he or she tended to be members of voluntary organisations* In contrast, immigrants who were temporarily employed i n whatever job that was ava i l a b l e , were pre-occupied with studies, Job t r a i n i n g , or the search f o r permanent employment i n one's chosen occupa-t i o n and consequently very l i t t l e free time was available f o r other a c t i v i t i e s * The data presented i n Table V.l indicate that a higher percentage of immigrants who had secured immediate employment i n Canada i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan were members i n at least one voluntary organi-sation than those who were employed i n d i f f e r e n t occupations or those who did not secure immediate employment* Although the data presented In Table V.l tend to support our e a r l i e r statement that s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary associations depended i n part on the immediacy of employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan, a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t picture r e s u l t s i f membership i n voluntary associa-tions i s sub-divided into various categories such as membership i n professional associations, trade unions, trade associations, church and other r e l i g i o u s groups, and membership i n other groups or clubs* This breakdown i n voluntary association membership i s provided i n Table V.2. In Table V.2, i t w i l l be noted that membership i n professional associations, trade unions, and trade associations again consisted of a higher percentage of immigrants who 120 TABLE V.l MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY EMPLOYMENT Membership i n at least one voluntary organisation Immediate Employment i n Canadat Same Different Occupation Occupation Not Immediate Employment * * * Yes 85 75 75 No 15 25 25 N - 100 <*8) (28) (2k) 121 managed to seoure immediate employment than those who did not. However, i t must be r e a l i s e d that f o r some immigrants, membership i n a professional association or trade union was a condition of employment and thus i t cannot be always generalised that membership i n cert a i n voluntary associations stem from immediate employment. With reference to church or other r e l i g i o u s group membership, the data presented i n Table V .2 reveal that immediacy of employment i n Canada makes very l i t t l e d i f f e r -ence. 2 2 In our case, the highest percentage of church or other r e l i g i o u s group membership consisted of those immigrants who were unable to secure immediate employment ( t h i r t y three per cent) i n contrast to the twenty three per cent of the immigrants who secured immediate employment i n the same occu-pation as that held i n Japan and who were church or other r e l i g i o u s group members. 2 3 ' i n Vancouver, both the Japanese United Church and Japanese Anglican Church ministers were very active p a r t i c i -pants of the Japanese Immigrant Reception Committee. New immigrants were constantly encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the various church related a c t i v i t i e s and subsequently t h i s resulted i n regular church membership. Immigrants who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the BukkyS Kal (Japanese Buddhist Church) and i n predominant Japanese r e l i g i o u s groups such as the SPka Gakkal (Value Creating Society) were already members of these groups p r i o r to t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada. 23 Approximately two thirds of the church or r e l i g i o u s group membership was composed of members of a Chr i s t i a n church and only a t h i r d of the membership belonged to S5ka Gakkal and Japanese Buddhist Church. Although our sample f a i l e d to include members of other Japanese r e l i g i o u s sects, i t should 122 TABLE V.2 MEMBERSHIP IH VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY EMPLOYMENT Membership Immediate Employment i m in Canadat Not Same Different Immediate Occupation Occupation Employment % * * Professional Associations, Trade Unions, Trade Ass'n. Churoh or Religious Group Other Groups or Clubs* Yes No (N-l00%) Yes No (N-l00$) Yes No (N-100$) 46 54 (48) 23 77 (48) 54 46 (*8) 57 43 (28) 29 71 (28) 46 54 (28) 3 7 63 ( 2 4 ) 33 6 7 (24) 58 42 (24) Included in the miscellaneous group category were the common interest groups such as the flower arranging group, tea ceremony group, prefeetural associations, mahjong, and Japanese chess group* For comparative examples of associations based upon common interests, see Edward Norbeck, "Common Interest Associations in Rural Japan," in Robert J. Smith and Richard K. Beardsley, eds., Japanese Culture, Its Development and  Characteristics (Chicagos Aldine Publishing Co., 1962), p. 75. 1 2 3 From the date shown In Table V . 2 , l t Is d i f f i c u l t to make any conclusive statement regarding the r e l a t i o n s h i p between employment and membership i n other s o c i a l groups and clubs. I t was therefore decided to further examine our s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n data to determine whether or not the f a c t that the immigrant was not yet i n f u l l possession of necessary household furnishings made any difference i n voluntary association membership* The data f o r t h i s analysis i s provided i n Table V * 3 * I f the immigrant indicated that at least one of the following household items s t i l l had to be purchased, then he or she was coded i n the "furnishing required" category* Our l i s t of household essentials consisted of tables* chairs, bed, r e f r i g e r a t o r , stove, washing machine, dryer, t e l e v i s i o n or radio, vacuum cleaner, and l i v i n g room f u r n i t u r e . Although a number of immigrants indicated the need to purchase a car or a house, these items were considered as "luxury" items and were not included i n our category of required items. In Table V . 3 , the highest percentage of immigrants with membership i n professional associations, trade unions, and trade associations consisted of those who secured immediate employment i n the same occupation as that held i n Japan and who had obtained a l l e s s e n t i a l household furnishings* An be noted that r e l i g i o u s groups such as the Selchg no l e , Tenrl Ky5 do e x i s t i n Vancouver. See H. N e i l McFarland, The Rush Hour of the Gods (New York* Macmillan, 1 9 6 7 ) f o r an excellent account of the new r e l i g i o u s movements i n Japan* 124 TABLE V.3 MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY EMPLOYMENT AND HOUSEHOLD FURNISHINGS Membership int Immediate Employment in Canadat Same Occup'n Diff.Occup'n Furnishings Furnishings Not Req'd Req'd Not Req. Req, % % % % Not Immediate Employment Furnishings Not Req. Req. Professional Associations * Trade Unions. Trade Assn. Yes 8k 21 57 57 56 27 No 16 79 43 43 44 73 (N m 100%) (19) (29) (14) (14) (9) (15) Church or Religious Groups Y e 8 20 2k 17 37 0 42 No 80 76 83 63 100 58 (N - 100%) (15) (33) (12) (16) (5) (19) Other Groups or Clubs „ Yes 86 41 27 59 4o 63 No lk 59 73 41 60 37 (N m 100%) d k ) (34) (U) (17) (5) (19) 1 2 5 interesting point to note is that regardless of the immediacy of employment, immigrants with no need to purchase household essentials constituted a higher percentage of membership than those who s t i l l had purchases to be made. Again, this finding does not apply to church or religious group member* ship. The highest percentage of those who were members of other social groups and clubs consisted of immigrants who secured immediate employment in the same occupation as that prior to emigration and who had no household furnishings to be purchased. Although this finding supports our earlier generalisation that membership in voluntary associations depended on immediacy of employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan and on the necessity of purchasing household ar t i c l e s , i t w i l l be noted that contrary evidence is manifested for the other two employment categories shown in Table V.3. Here, the highest percentage of immigrants who were members of other social groups and clubs consisted of immigrants who s t i l l required essential household items to be purchased. An explanation for this can be found in the fact that the social group or club in which the immigrants indicated that they were members consisted of friendship associations or a network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s such as a reading club to discuss various articles written in English, a music appreciation club, or a mahjong club. Many of these 126 informal groups had impressive names. Membership was usually limited to a close c i r c l e of acquaintances and there were no membership fee. Thus, such factors as immediacy of employ-lment or lack of material resources made no difference in 2k participation in these friendship groups. The data presented thus far tended to support our earlier statement that participation in voluntary associations depended on the immediacy of employment in the same occupa-tion as that held in Japan. In contrast to this situation, participation in the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n such as family and friendship networks, and in ac t i v i t i e s by self only such as reading and studying, did not appear to d i f f e r to any great degree between immigrants who were immediately employed and those who were unable to secure immediate employment. This condition i s illustrated by our data presented in Table V.l*. It w i l l be noted that a slight variation occurs with reference to ac t i v i t i e s requiring money such as bowling, golf, and tennis. Immigrants who secured immediate employment tended to favour these acti v i t i e s more than those immigrants who did not secure immediate employment. See Norman Shulman, "Social Networks in an Urban Setting: An Examination of the Formation and Functions of Network Relationships." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association, Memorial University, St. John's, Newfoundland, June, 1 9 7 1 * 1 2 7 TABLE V . 4 PARTICIPATION IN ACTIVITIES BY EMPLOYMENT Participation in Immediate Employm't Not Immediate Activities in Canada $ Employm't % I. Social Network A f f i l i a t e d Activities 1 . With Kin or Family - listening to radio, stereo - watching T.V. Yes 83 87 No 17 13 (N - 100#) ( 7 6 ) (24) - going for a drive Yes 50 54 No 50 46 ( 7 6 ) (24) 2. With Neighbours and Friends - chats, tea, coffee, v i s i t s Yes 82 83 No 18 1 7 ( 7 6 ) (24) II. Activities Requiring Money 1• Entertainment - movies, theater Yes 21 21 No 79 79 ( 7 6 ) ( 2 4 ) 2 . Recreation - bowling, golf, tennis Yes 30 21 No 70 79 ( 7 6 ) ( 2 4 ) III. Activities by Self 1 . Reading y e a ^ 5 $0 No 55 50 ( 7 6 ) (24) 2 . Studying Yes 24 21 No 76 79 ( 7 6 ) ( 2 4 ) 128 A more noticeable variation in social participation in the various social activities occur in our data i f immigrants in the immediate employment category are differentiated as to immediate employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan and immediate employment in Canada but in a different occupation. This variation in social participation i s i l l u s -trated in Table V.5. In Table V.5» i t w i l l be noted that immigrants who were immediately employed but who were in a different occupation participated less in the various act i v i t i e s than either those immigrants immediately employed in the same occupation or those immigrants who were not immediately employed. Again, an exception to this pattern occurs with respect to p a r t i c i -pation in recreational ac t i v i t i e s that require money. One possible reason for this variation stems from the fact that golf and tennis are prestigious recreational a c t i v i t i e s in Japan and participation i s limited to an extremely few 25 people. The new immigrant thus takes immediate advantage of the relative ease in which one may golf or play tennis in Canada. It was mentioned earlier that immigrants who were 2 5 i n Japan, golf i s usually limited to the business el i t e because of prohibitive costs and only employees of large companies that have their own recreational f a c i l i t i e s can readily participate in other forms of recreation and sports. 129 TABLE V.5 PARTICIPATION IN ACTIVITIES BY EMPLOYMENT AND OCCUPATION Participation in Immediate Employment Not Immediate Activitiest in Canada* Employment Same Occup'n Different 2 2 2 I. Social Network A f f i l i a t e d Activities 1. With Kin or Family - listening to radio, stereo - watching T.V. Yes 88 75 87 No 12 25 13 (N = 100%) (48) (28) (24) - going for a drive Yes 56 39 $k No 44 61 46 (48) (28) (24) 2. With Neighbours and Friends - chats, tea, coffee, v i s i t s Yes 83 79 83 No 17 21 17 (48) (28) ( 2 4 ) II. Activities Requiring Money 1. Entertainment - movies, theater Yes 23 18 21 No 77 82 79 (48) (28) ( 2 4 ) 2. Recreation - bowling, golf, tennis Yes 25 39 21 No 75 61 79 (48) (28) ( 2 4 ) III. Activities by Self 1. Reading Yes 50 36 50 No 50 64 50 (48) (28) ( 2 4 ) 2. Studying Yes 10 46 21 No 90 54 79 (48) (28) (24) 130 temporarily employed i n whatever job that was available were usually preoccupied with studies, job t r a i n i n g , or the search f o r a more permanent form of employment i n one's chosen occupation. Although our data presented i n Table V. k did not reveal any discernable difference between immigrants who secured immediate employment and those who did not, the data given i n Table V . 5 i l l u s t r a t e s the marked percentage d i f f e r -ence between immigrants immediately employed In the same occupation as that held p r i o r to emigration and those immi-grants not employed i n the same occupation. The highest percentage of immigrants who indicated studies were immigrants employed i n d i f f e r e n t occupations and who were s t i l l t r y i n g to secure professional c e r t i f i c a t i o n , a d d i t i o n a l t r a i n i n g , or to improve t h e i r English p r o f i c i e n c y . Another observation mentioned previously was that Japanese immigrants arrived i n Canada with very few personal belongings and as the f i r s t step to adjust to t h e i r new environment, c e r t a i n household furnishings had to be purchased. Since extremely few immigrants came to Canada with any f i n a n -c i a l wealth, the a c q u i s i t i o n of household essentials was a gradual process. I t was stated that during this i n i t i a l period of adjustment, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary associations was minimal and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n tended to be i n small groups which consisted of a network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s such as r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . I f support f o r this l a t t e r 131 statement i s to be found i n our survey data, we would expect immigrants p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n personal a f f i l i a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s to consist more of immigrants who are s t i l l i n the process of adjustment and who require household essentials to be purchased than of immigrants who are able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n other voluntary associations. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various forms of s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s by immigrants who require or do not require furnishings i s shown in Table V . 6 . With reference to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n family or friendship network a f f i l i a t e d a c t i v i t i e s such as l i s t e n i n g to the radio or stereo, watching t e l e v i s i o n , going f o r a dri v e , or v i s i t i n g friends and neighbours, there i s i n d i c a t i o n that a greater percentage of Immigrants who s t i l l require f u r n i s h -ings to be more active i n these a c t i v i t i e s than those immi-grants who do not require furnishings to be purchased. A noticeable exception occurs with reference to v i s i t s with neighbours and f r i e n d s . In t h i s instance, immigrants who pa r t i c i p a t e i n v i s i t s consisted mostly of those who did not require the purchase of household e s s e n t i a l s . This suggests that f o r r e c i p r o c a l a c t i v i t i e s such as v i s i t i n g neighbours and f r i e n d s , the notion of being able to present the "r i g h t display" i n terms of household furnishings possessed appears 26 to be important. *°The Japanese norm of enryo ( r e s t r a i n t , reservation, hesitation) and the f e e l i n g of hasuka a h i l (embarrassment) are important aspects to be considered with reference to Japanese 1 3 2 TABLE V . 6 PARTICIPATION IN ACTIVITIES BY EMPLOYMENT, OCCUPATION, AND MATERIAL REQUIREMENTS Immediate Employment Not Immediate P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canadat Employment i n Same Occupation: D i f f e r e n t : A c t i v i t i e s Furnishings Furnishings Furnishings Not Req'd Req. Not Req. Req. Not Req. Req, % * * * * * I. S ocial Network A f f i l i a t e d A c t i v i t i e s 1. With Kin or Family - l i s t e n i n g to radio, stereo - watching T.V. Yes 79 93 71 79 78 93 No 21 7 29 21 22 7 (N - 100%) ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) d k ) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) - going f o r a drive Yes 4 7 62 4 3 36 56 53 No 53 3 8 57 64 4 4 4 7 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) With Neighbours and Friends - chats, tea, coffee , v i s i t s Yes 95 76 79 79 78 87 No 5 24 21 21 22 13 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) I I . A c t i v i t i e s Requiring Money 1. Entertainment - movies, theater III Yes 24 21 21 14 33 14 No 76 79 79 86 67 86 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) 2 . Recreation - bowling, g o l f , tennis Yes 4 2 14 57 21 4 4 7 No 58 86 4 3 79 56 93 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) A c t i v i t i e s by Self 1 . Reading Y e s 4 7 52 14 57 22 67 No 53 4 8 86 4 3 78 33 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) 2 . Studying 14 21 71 11 23 Yes 5 No 9 5 86 79 29 89 73 ( 1 9 ) ( 2 9 ) (14) (14) ( 9 ) ( 1 5 ) 1 3 3 The p r i o r i t y attached to the a c q u i s i t i o n of household necessities e s p e c i a l l y at a time when the immigrant i s i n the least favourable f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n r e s u l t s i n less p a r t i c i -pation i n s o c i a l and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s that require money. This condition i s supported by our data shown i n Table V.6 which indicates that f o r a c t i v i t i e s requiring money such as going to movies, theater, bowling, g o l f , or tennis, a greater percentage of immigrants who do not require household f u r n i s h -ings tend to p a r t i c i p a t e more than those immigrants who are s t i l l i n the process of acquiring material goods. Further support f o r our e a r l i e r statements that immigrants who had household essentials to be purchased p a r t i c i p a t e d more i n a c t i v i t i e s associated with personal a f f i l i a t i o n s i s provided by our data on reading and study. A higher percentage of immigrants who required household furnishings indicated p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n reading and study a c t i v i t i e s than did immi-grants with no household essentials to be purchased. Another set of conditions which we have discussed as influ e n c i n g s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the immigrants brought with them from Japan and i n our study, these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were l i m i t e d to the immigrant's l e v e l of education and to h i s or her a b i l i t y to converse i n English. behavioural manifestations and the presentation of a s o c i a l l y acceptable image. See Harry H.L. Kitano, Japanese Americans, The Evolution of a Subculture (Englewood C l i f f s t Prentice H a l l , 1 9 6 9 ) , pp. 1 0 2 - 5 . 1 3 k Although a review of the literature indicated that education is a cruoial factor to be considered to account for one's social participation in voluntary associations, the prob-lematic nature of our sample was noted. Our immigrant population was not a stable population in that immigrants with the exception of those with a long duration of residence in Canada were s t i l l i n the process of adjustment and consequently priority was given to the purchase of essential household goods over social participation in voluntary associ-ations. The data presented in Table V.7 illustrates the fact that for our sample, higher education does not necessarily mean greater participation in voluntary associations as measured by association membership. In Table V . 8 , the data concerning membership in voluntary associations by duration of residence i s provided. Immigrants with the longest duration of residence in Canada also had the highest percentage of membership in four or more voluntary associations which supports our earlier statement that participation in voluntary associations are limited u n t i l the immigrants are well established in the host Canadian society. Another important factor to be considered in relation to social participation i s the immigrant's a b i l i t y to converse in English. Unlike other ethnic communities in the Vancouver area, the number of predominantly Japanese speaking voluntary 1 3 5 TABLE V . 7 MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY EDUCATION Education Membership: Jr. High High School Vocational or University Completed Completed College Compl. Completed ± i i i None 10 31 lif 18 One 30 23 14 18 Two 10 17 33 9 Three 0 12 29 26 Four or more 50 17 10 29 (N a 100%) ( 1 ° ) (35) ( 2 1 ) (34) TABLE V.8 MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY DURATION OF RESIDENCE Duration of Residencet Membershipt 2 yrs or 3 yrs k yrs 5 yrs 6 yrs less or more % % % % * None 22 29 26 13 7 One 22 3 5 1 5 7 22 Two 22 18 1 5 7 22 Three 1 5 6 26 4 0 7 Four or more 19 12 18 33 4 2 (N = 100%) (27) ( 1 7 ) (27) ( 1 5 ) (14) 1 3 6 associations are few i n number and thus the e f f e c t of these few associations on immigrants who spoke l i t t l e English 27 remained r e l a t i v e l y low. Immigrants with s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s had to seek out those associations outside the Japanese community and consequently the a b i l i t y to converse i n English took on increased importance. The more fluent the immigrant, the greater the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r exchanging information with members of the host Canadian society and t h i s subsequently lead to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a variety of a c t i v i t i e s . Table V.9 shows the immigrant membership i n voluntary organisations i n terms of the immigrant's a b i l i t y to speak English. With the exception of the few immigrants who spoke l i t t l e or no English (six cases), immigrants with greater fluency i n English also tended to have more voluntary a s s o c i -ation membership than those of le s s e r English a b i l i t y . A further examination of the composition of t h i s voluntary Our minor exception i s the influence of the Japanese speaking r e l i g i o u s organisations on the newly arrived immi-grant. Although there i s some i n d i c a t i o n here to support Breton's thesis that the d i r e o t i o n of the immigrant's p a r t i c i -pation i n community a c t i v i t i e s i s determined by what he c a l l s the " i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness" of the immigrant's own ethnic community, we did not have s u f f i c i e n t data to ade-quately assess the e f f e c t of the various Japanese r e l i g i o u s organisations on the new immigrant. See Raymond Breton, " I n s t i t u t i o n a l Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants," American Journal of Sociology, 70 (September, 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. 1 9 3 - 2 0 5 , f o r an account of the e f f e c t of one's own ethnic community on the d i r e c t i o n of i n tegration into the host society. 1 3 7 TABLE V . 9 MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY ENGLISH ABILITY English A b l l i t y t Membership! L i t t l e or None * Read dt Write * Average * Fluent % None 16 28 20 15 One 33 16 2 5 0 Two 50 1 2 16 1 5 Three 0 24 16 31 Four o more 0 20 23 39 (N * 100%) ( 6 ) ( 2 5 ) ( 5 6 ) ( 1 3 ) 138 association membership i s provided in Table V.10. In the professional associations, trade unions, and trade associa-tions, immigrants who were of average or fluent English a b i l i t y made up the highest percentage of those with member-ship in this category of voluntary associations. This trend stems mainly from professional associational membership where English proficiency was extremely important whereas member-ship in trade unions and trade associations were more or less automatic and a condition of employment. In Table V.10, membership in church and other religious groups presented only a very slight variation with reference to one's English a b i l i t y . This was because of the predom-inantly Japanese speaking nature of the religious groups concerned. Membership in other groups or clubs also remained constant regardless of the immigrant's a b i l i t y in English, however, those who were most fluent constituted the highest percentage in membership in this latter category of a c t i v i t i e s . The f i n a l set of conditions to be considered in our examination of social participation data consists of the effects of social interaction at work on the immigrant's l i f e away from the work environment. This i s shown in Table V . l l . Only the percentage difference values are presented in this table and a l l calculations are provided in Appendix F. The results of the analysis presented in Table V . l l indicate that 13 of the lk possible relations between social 1 3 9 TABLE V.10 MEMBERSHIP IN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS BY ENGLISH ABILITY Membership i n : English A b i l i t y : L i t t l e or Read A Average Fluent None Write % * % % Professional Associations, Trade Unions, Trade Ass'n. Yes No (N=100%) 1 7 83 ( 6 ) 36 6 4 ( 2 5 ) 1*9 51 ( 5 5 ) 71 29 (Ik) Church or Religious Groups Yes No (N=100%) 33 67 ( 6 ) 28 72 ( 2 5 ) 2k 76 ( 5 5 ) 3 6 6k ( 1 4 ) Other Groups or Clubs Yes No (N»100%) 50 50 ( 6 ) 56 kk ( 2 5 ) 4 9 51 ( 5 5 ) 6 4 3 6 ( 1 4 ) iko TABLE V . l l PARTICIPATION IN VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND OTHER ACTIVITIES AND SOCIAL INTERACTION ON THE JOB Interaction on the Job} Participation With Workmates and During Coffee, i n : Non-workmates Lunch. Other breaks d* d Professional Ass*n Trade Union, Trade +21 +15 Ass'n Meetings Other Group or Club Meetings + 6 + 6 Church or Religious Group Meetings +7 + k 2 Listening to Radio, Stereo, Watching T.V. +12 +23 Going for a Drive +18 +2 Visiting** +11 +1 Recreation*** +3 - 1 0 * d OB percentage difference in 2 X 2 tables. See Appendix F for calculations. * * Visiting friends, relatives, and neighbours. *** Participation in bowling, golf, tennis, and boating. Ikl interaction on the job and participation in various activities are positive. In other words, the interpretation that can be rendered here is that as social interaction on the job increases, the proportion of workers who participate in the various a c t i v i t i e s l i s t e d in Table V . l l also increases. The main exception to our findings occur in recreational a c t i v i t i e s . The largest variation in our percentage difference occurs in our relationship between interaction on the job and p a r t i c i -pation in church or other religious group a c t i v i t i e s . Because of the d i f f i c u l t y in isolating the effects of numerous other 28 variables, a satisfactory explanation cannot be provided at this juncture for our findings concerning the relationship between interaction on the Job and participation in church or other religious groups. In order to seek an explanation for the negative percentage difference that resulted in our relationship between social interaction on the job and participation in recreational a c t i v i t i e s , one i s tempted to suggest that participation in recreational a c t i v i t i e s requiring money such as bowling, golf, tennis, and boating can be explained only in terms of the ^Variations in social lmteraction related to the cultural factors based on the Japanese concept of g i r i or moral obligations was not considered in our study. Dore notes the numerous situations in which g i r l may be employed to explain certain behavioural acts. See Dore, op. c i t . , PP. 253-5k. ikz financial resources available to the immigrant. If this explanation is to be valid, then we would expect a consist-ently negative relationship and not just one of the two possible cases as shown in Table V . l l . Although the data shown in Table V . l l tend to support the general notion that increased social interaction on the job also results in increased participation in various a c t i v i t i e s , the variations in the magnitude of the percentage differences suggest that further analysis of our data i s required in order to account 29 for influences of other variables. 3 . Summary In this chapter, we have presented data from our survey of post-war Japanese immigrants to i l l u s t r a t e the differences in social participation in voluntary organizations and in the 30 network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . Differences In p a r t i c i -7One attempt to theoretically specify the precise rela-tionship between work and nonwork act i v i t i e s and to isolate the influence of related variables is the study done by Kando and Summers. See Thomas M. Kando and Worth C. Summers, "The Impact of Work on Leisuret Toward a Paradigm and Research Strategy," Pacific Sociological Review, Ik (July, 1 9 7 1 ) , pp. 3 1 0 - 2 7 . 30 As noted earlier, sponsored immigration from Japan was minimal after 19&5 * n d consequently social network based on kin were also minimal. The fact that Japanese immigrants settled in a widespread geographic area did not encourage the formation of tonarl-guml or "neighbour groups" and this sub-sequently limited the network of social a f f i l i a t i o n s among Japanese immigrants. 143 pation were explained in terms of various conditions expected to influence social participation such as the immediacy of employment in Canada, the accumulation of material resources, certain characteristics which the immigrants brought with them, and the conditions of the work environment. Although the data presented in Table V.l indicated that membership in voluntary associations depended in part on the immediacy of employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan, a further analysis of our data by differentiating voluntary associations into professional associations, trade unions, trade associations, church or religious group, and other groups and clubs did not permit us to make any conclusive statement regarding the relationship between immediacy of employment and membership in voluntary associations. It was therefore necessary to examine our data further in terms of whether or not the immigrant s t i l l had essential household goods to be purchased and which may have influenced the immi-grant's participation in voluntary a c t i v i t i e s . Our data revealed that immigrants who had no household essentials to be purchased tended to be members of voluntary associations more than those who s t i l l required certain household goods to be purchased, Participation in the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n such as family and friendship networks, and in act i v i t i e s by self only such as reading and studying, also did not d i f f e r Ikk between immigrants who secured immediate employment and those who did not* A more noticeable variation in social p a r t i c i -pation was manifested when immigrants in the immediate employment category were differentiated into those with immediate employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan and those who were also immediately employed but in different occupations* Our data also revealed that for ac t i v i t i e s requiring money such as going to movies, theater, bowling, golf, or tennis, a greater percentage of immigrants who did not require household furnishings to be purchased participated more in these ac t i v i t i e s than those who were s t i l l in the process of acquiring essential household goods. This finding supported our earlier claim that immigrants assigned greater priority to the acquisition of household essentials than they did to 31 Joining voluntary associations. Unlike the findings reported in the literature that the higher the education, the greater the participation in voluntary associations, our data did not indicate any direct relationship between education and participation. This stemmed from the fact that our immigrant population was not 31 Another aspect of the enryo syndrome which was vividly illustrated by our data was the Japanese characteristic of gaman or deferred gratification. This i s an important part of Japanese family values and expectations. See Kitano, op. c i t . , p. 6k. 145 a stable population In that Immigrants, vlth the exception of those with long duration of residence in Canada, were s t i l l in the process of adjustment in their new environment. The immigrant's duration of residence and his or her a b i l i t y to converse in English appeared to better account for social participation in voluntary associations than education alone. Finally, the effects of social interaction on the job on the immigrant's l i f e away from the work environment was examined. Our data indicated that as social interaction on the job increased, the proportion of those who participated in various social a c t i v i t i e s also increased. However, i t was noted that caution must be exercised in stating our conclusion because our study did not adequately account for possible 32 influences of other variables. -^The effect of the traditional Japanese cultural values and norms such as g i r l and enryo on the maintenance of social interaction established on the job at settings away from the work environment can also be analysed in terms of symbolic interaction and exchange theory frameworks. See Colleen Johnson, "Interaction Rules and Ethnicity Among the Japanese Americans in Honolulu." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Toronto, Ontario, December 2 , 1 9 7 2 . CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 1. Summary The poet World War II period has seen the gradual increase in Japanese Immigrants in Canada. These immigrants were mostly relative sponsored during the i n i t i a l twenty year period immediately following World War II and were generally characterised by their low educational level and lack of a specialized s k i l l . In contrast. Japanese immi-grants to Canada since 1 9 6 5 consisted mainly of gljutsu imln or technical immigrants and also professional immigrants who possessed highly specialised s k i l l s . 1 The change in the type of Japanese immigrant in Canada in recent years undoubtedly reflects to some extent the educational and social trans-formations of Japan since 1 9 4 5 * It i s noted by Palmer that "Canada began to seek out skil l e d industrial and urban-oriented immigrants capable of assisting Canada's industrial expansion and capable of 'integrating' more rapidly than rural immigrants. . . . The post-war immigration policy s t i l l included a discriminatory clause giving preference to those of Br i t i s h and French origin and virtua l l y excluding Asians and West-Indians." See Howard Palmer, "Mosaic vs. Melting Pott Reality or Illusion?" Paper presented at the Eighth Annual Conference of the Canadian Association for American Studies, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, October 26-28, 1 9 7 2 , p. 1 6 . 147 The random sample of Japanese immigrants selected for this present study represented only those Japanese immi-grants who resided in the greater Vancouver area and thus the imposition of this geographic limitation automatically excluded those immigrants who may have resided in the Fraser Valley and who were engaged in agriculture* An examination of the Fraser Valley Directory revealed only a few Japanese names and consequently i t was concluded that the geographic limitations placed on the research survey did not seriously affect the overall occupational composition of the Japanese immigrant random sample* The nogyo lmln or agricultural immigrants usually emigrate to Canada as a group only once a 2 year and thus far, a l l have settled in southern Alberta. The substantive concern of this thesis was to provide a descriptive account of the processes through which the Japanese immigrants proceed from the time of i n i t i a l selec-tion in Japan, the subsequent period of seeking employment in Canada, and the eventual participation in selected formal and informal organisations and social network a c t i v i t i e s . Most nggyg lmln are contract farm labourers destined to potato and sugar beet farms. See Mainlchl Dally News (Osaka edition), September 23» 1 9 6 6 , July i o , 1 9 6 7 , April 14, 1 9 6 8 and October 18, 1 9 6 8 for an account of farm labourers to Alberta* The only other known group emigration to Canada were the coal miners who were also destined for Alberta* See Mainichl Dally News, November 8 , 1 9 7 0 . 148 This present study differred from other Canadian immigrant studies in that i t did not make the assumption that the immigrant c o l l e c t i v i t i e s consisted of a stable population such that the immigrants were more or less settled in the community and that their non-work time ac t i v i t i e s can simply be compared to those a c t i v i t i e s of the long-time residents of I the host communities. It was therefore decided to include within the scope of this study the three dimensions of job transferability, work, and social participation in order to examine some of the factors that may have contributed to the adjustment of Japanese immigrants to Canadian society. Those factors considered important in the i n i t i a l employment seeking process of the Japanese immigrants were contained under the rubric of job transferability and a descriptive account of the immigrant's social contact networks prior to emigration, the immigrant's occupational s k i l l level, oral English a b i l i t y , job a v a i l a b i l i t y in Canada, and the profeesional certification requirements of the job were provided. These determinants of job transferability were then examined in terms of the immigrant's later employment profile and some of the consequences of Job transferability and employment on several aspects of the i n i t i a l social adjust-ment period of the Japanese immigrants were discussed. The differences in the conditions of work in Canada and In Japan, and the various forms of technical constraint on the job were discussed in relation to their effect on the imml-149 grant's social Interaction on the job. Subsequently, the effect of social interaction on the job on the employee's l i f e away from the work environment was described. Although there are numerous studies which specify the relationships between orderly careers and membership in formal organisations, and the effect of social interaction on the job on non-work related act i v i t i e s away from the work setting, our present study did not attempt to retest some of the 5 theories advanced in these studies. Our original objective was to provide a descriptive account of the processes through which the Japanese immigrants proceed prior to f u l l p a r t i c i -pation in selected organisational and social network activ-i t i e s in Canada. The various theories provided in the literature contributed to the formation of our general research framework, scope conditions, and the resultant questionnaire items. In contrast to the sample population employed in the -'Harold L. Vilensky, "Orderly Careers and Social Par-ticipation: The Impact of Work History on the Social Integra-tion in the Middle Mass," American Sociological Review, 26 (August, 1 9 6 1 ) , pp. 5 2 1 - 3 9 . kMeissner, "The Long Arm of the Job," pp. 2 3 9 - 6 0 . -*For a recent replication and extension of Wilensky's study, see Peter M. Wiebe, "Education, Orderly Work Careers, and Organisational Participation: A Replication and Extension of Wilensky's Model." Unpublished Master's thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., A p r i l , 1 9 7 2 . 150 studies cited in the literature, our immigrant population was not a stable population in that immigrants with the exception of long time residents were s t i l l in the process of adjustment in their new country* Furthermore, unlike the rather homogeneous nature of the subsample of industrial workers interviewed in the Meissner study, the post-war Japanese immigrant sample consisted of workers in a diverse range of occupations* As a result, the constraints of time, space, and function were not equally applicable to the immi-grant respondents of our sample and hence questions employed to measure the various forms of constraint had to be general enough to obtain both technological and non-technological constraints data. The latter referred mainly to factors which may have limited the extent of social exchange by Japanese immigrants with their fellow Canadian workers. These factors were (1) the immigrant's a b i l i t y to converse in English, and (2) the immigrant's period of adjustment in Canada. Social participation in a given organisation was specified in terms of membership in professional associations, trade unions, trade associations, churches, religious groups, and other miscellaneous groups and clubs. Because of the small number of immigrants who held executive or committee positions, social participation data based on these acti v i t i e s had to be deleted. Data on the amount of time spent on various daily a c t i v i t i e s were also omitted because of 151 inadequacies in our questionnaire for securing accurate time budget data. In order to account for the social a c t i v i t i e s of those who did not belong to formal organisations, pro-visions were made in the questionnaire to secure information related to the informal and social network acti v i t i e s of the Japanese immigrants.^ Finally, differences in social participation of post-war Japanese immigrants in voluntary organisations and in the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s were explained in relation to the immigrant's accomplishments and experiences during the i n i t i a l adjustment period in Canada, characteristics which the immigrants brought with them from Japan, and the effect of social interaction on the job on acti v i t i e s away from the work setting. 2. Conclusions Certain general conclusions can be drawn from this study of post World War II Japanese immigrants to Canada. The f i r s t generation Japanese immigrants or the Issel who came to Canada before World War II placed considerable importance on the traditional social relationships which basically stemmed from the Japanese concept of g i r l or moral obligations. In contrast, i t appears that the post-war Japa-nese immigrants have subordinated, i f not completely forgotten, the social niceties of traditional Japanese manners and customs. Kitano also observes that cultural change in Japan has been more dramatic than change for the Japanese in America. See Harry H.L. Kitano, Japanese Americans. The Evolution of a Sub-culture, p. 78. 1 5 2 In contrast to the immigrants who arrived before World War II, the post-war immigrants possessed a higher level of education as well as technical or professional s k i l l s which enabled them to secure employment in Canada without i too much reliance on the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s . An important factor to be considered to account for the differences in education as well as in the degree of s k i l l s possessed by the post Second World War Japanese immigrants would be to examine the Canadian government immigration policies before and after World War II. It w i l l be noted that before the war, Japanese immigrants were allowed into Canada mainly to satisfy the demand for Q cheap contract labour by the Canadian corporations and thus government policy did not stress the quality of immigrants. However, since 1 9 4 5 , the Canadian government has made vast revisions in the immigration regulations and in the selection system which vividly reflected the demand With reference to immigration to Canada in general, Ziegler notes that the new immigration regulations introduced in 1 9 6 7 reinforced the trend to select well-educated and skil l e d immigrants. It i s also observed that 30 per cent of a l l immigrants were in the professional, technical and managerial occupations and relatively few immigrants were destined to work in the primary industries such as agriculture, mining, and forestry. See Edgar Ziegler, "Manpower Challenges of the 1 9 7 0 * 8 . " Canada Manpower Review. 5 (Second Quarter, 1 9 7 2 ) , pp. 2 - 3 . Charles H. Young, H.R.Y. Reid and W.A. Carrothers, The Japanese Canadians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 3 8 ) , p. 1 0 . 1 5 3 Q for skilled immigrants• It i s suggested that the real i t i e s of p o l i t i c a l control and the ideology of the government in power are extremely important facets to be considered when examining international migration. As noted by Freda Hawkins, the control and regulation of international migration by governments are almost always based on their own national interests and consequently 10 intergovernmental consultation is limited. Japanese immigrants who came to Canada after 19&5 secured their immigrant visas without recourse to relative or other sponsorship and they were able to obtain sufficient immigration points based solely on individual merit. Since the granting of an immigration visa was partly dependent on occupational demand in Canada, most immigrants secured employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan. Note, however, that immigrants who had to meet professional and technical certification requirements were slightly delayed in their employment. The sudden decrease in sponsored immigration from Japan stems from changes in the Canadian immigration policy. For the most comprehensive account of Canadian immigration policy since the Second World War, see Freda Hawkins, Canada and Immigration, Public Policy and Public  Concern (Montreal: McGill - Queen's University Press, 1 9 7 2 ) . 1 0 I b i d . , p. 4. 154 The elimination of racial discrimination as reflected in the 1 9 6 2 Canadian immigration regulations resulted in several changes in the c r i t e r i a for immigrant selection. Subsequently, the major c r i t e r i a in the selection of immi-grants, were "education and training" and thus Japanese applicants were able to secure sufficient merit points based on individual qualification and occupational demand in Canada. Apart from the changes in the Canadian government immigration regulations, one other factor should be noted when accounting for the decrease in sponsored immigration from Japan after the Second World War. One of the most striking characteristics of Japanese Canadian l i f e in Vancouver before the war was i t s highly cohesive i n s t i -tutional structure.^ 1 Prior to the evacuation of the Japanese Canadians, the Japanese community known as " L i t t l e Tokyo" was a physically segregated area and was charac-terized by a network of social a f f i l i a t i o n s established by "family l i f e , religious groups, trade associations, welfare and promotional acti v i t i e s such as the Canadian Japanese Association, and the co-operatives, extended kinship organizations such as the kenjin-kal (prefectural Young, Reid, and Carrothers, op_. c i t . , p. 115« 155 1 2 association)** 1 The highly interrelated social arrangements and interdependence between these various associations resulted in an extremely cohesive Japanese community which encouraged sponsored immigration of relatives and friends from Japan. The highly integrated nature of Japanese-Canadian l society prior to 1940 was vividly illustrated by the fact that there were 230 units of religious and secular associa-13 tions and 84 Japanese association units in Vancouver alone. J Since World War II by contrast, the Japanese community as a social or physically segregated entity has a l l but completely disappeared. There are only a few associations which can be characterized as being predominantly "Japanese1* in nature. Specific examples are the Hiroshima Prefectural Association, the Japanese Canadian Citizen's Association, and the religious groups such as the Soka Gakkal, Tenri Kyo, and Seicho no Ie. Paid-up membership in these groups is extremely low. Our study revealed that the highest percentage of immigrants with membership in Canadian and American profes-sional associations, trade unions, and trade associations Forrest E. Laviolette, The Canadian Japanese and  World War II (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1948), P* 75. 13 Young, Reid, and Carrothers, op. c i t . , pp. 108-9* 156 consisted of those who secured immediate employment in the same occupation as that held in Japan and who had obtained a l l essential household furnishings. Vith the exception of membership in church and other religious group a c t i v i t i e s , the highest percentage of immigrants who were members of social groups and clubs also consisted of those who secured immediate employment in the same occupation as that held prior to emigration and who had no household essentials to purchase. Participation in the network of personal a f f i l i a t i o n s such as family and friendship networks, and in a c t i v i t i e s by self such as reading and studying, consisted more of immigrants who were s t i l l in the process of adjustment and who required household essentials to be purchased than of immigrants who were able to participate in other forms of social a c t i v i t i e s that required financial resources. Our finding also illustrated the priority given by the immigrant to purchase essential household goods over participation in voluntary associations and in a c t i v i t i e s that required money. Our conclusion that social participation in any given sphere of activity is strongly influenced by both employment and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of material goods to the Japanese immigrant tend to reinforce Porter*s thesis that 1 5 7 14 there exists an "entrance status" to be assumed prior to the acceptance of the immigrant into the status level commensurate with the former occupation held. This implies, for example, that a doctor who is unable to qualify for medical practice in Canada w i l l be designated to a lower level occupational role until the professional requirements are met. Entrance status also implies that regardless of occupational status, an immigrant of a given ethnic group is subject to the "processes of assimilation laid down and judged by the charter group."^^ It remains for a later study to determine whether or not the Japanese have been able to move out of entrance status to equality status. It has been observed that the low proportion of relative sponsored Japanese immigrants to Canada accounted for the lack of kin-oriented social networks. Furthermore, i t was noted that our study did not adequately assess the effects of the ethnically homogeneous c o l l e c t i v i t i e s on the social relationships of the Japanese immigrants. These observations readily suggest that further research should be conducted. It i s recommended that an eastern Canadian setting be chosen for the new study, preferably Toronto, 14 Porter, The Vertical Mosaic, p. 63. 1 5 Ibid., p. 64. 1 5 8 where the Japanese Canadian and post-war Japanese immigrant population is considerably greater than i t i s in metropolitan Vancouver. Another important reason for recommending Toronto as a possible setting for a further study of Japanese immi-grant social relationships stems from the fact that the relocation of Japanese Canadians to the Toronto area at the outbreak of World War II resulted in a highly cohesive social group and a concomitant development was what Breton 16 calls the institutionally complete community. The presence of the Japanese Canadian Cultural Center, the Japanese newspapers, the Japanese churches, and language schools w i l l undoubtedly affect the social relationships of 17 the Toronto Japanese immigrants. The recommended study w i l l provide valuable comparative data between the two largest Japanese immigrant c o l l e c t i v i t i e s in Canada. For a detailed discussion of the social a f f i l i a t i o n s of the immigrant (non Japanese sample) in an ethnic network, see Raymond Breton. "Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants." Unpublished doctoral disserta-tion. Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 17 Recent ethnic studies conducted in the metropolitan Toronto area in which the various c r i t e r i a of institutional completeness were employed are the studies by Anthony H. Richmond and Suzanne Ziegler. See Anthony H. Richmond, Ethnic Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Toronto (Toronto! Institute of Behavioural Research, York University, 1 9 7 2 ) | and Suzanne Ziegler and Anthony H. Richmond, Characteristics of Italian Householders in Metropolitan Toronto (Toronto! Institute of Behavioural Research, York University, 1 9 7 2 ) . 159 Although our study revealed that the p r o p o r t i o n of Immigrants who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n various s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n c r e a s e d as s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job i n c r e a s e d , i t was beyond the scope of t h i s study to provide a more s a t i s -f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the v a r i a t i o n s i n magnitude of our percentage d i f f e r e n c e s . This l a c k of an adequate e x p l a n a t i o n stemmed from the d i f f i c u l t y i n i s o l a t i n g the e f f e c t s of numerous other v a r i a b l e s which may have i n f l u e n c e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on the job and the immigrant's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n vol u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and 1 8 i n other s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . S everal f a c t o r s mentioned to account f o r d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n by Japanese immigrants w i t h other Canadian workers were the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese p r a c t i c e s such as the sempai-kohal ( s e n i o r - j u n i o r ) and oyabun-kobun (parent-c h i l d ) r e l a t i o n s h i p . Data on the sempai-kohal and oyabun-kobun types of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p can not be adequately assessed by employing the q u e s t i o n n a i r e survey technique alone but would a l s o r e q u i r e some form of o b s e r v a t i o n a l For example, the attitudes of the members of the host Canadian society is an important facet associated with the immigrant adjustment process that needs to be addressed. See Frank E. Jones and Wallace E. Lambert, "Attitudes Toward Immigrants in a Canadian Community." Public Opinion Quarterly, 23t pp. 537-46. Another important aspect to be considered i s what Porter refers to as the "entrance status" of the immigrants in which certain roles and expectations are assigned to ethnic groups. See John Porter, op. c i t . , pp. 63-78. 1 6 0 technique such as participant observation conducted over a specified period of time. 1^ Consequently, our study did not adequately assess the effects of the traditional Japanese cultural factors on the social relationships of the Japanese immigrants in the Canadian setting. It is suggested for future research that other cultural concepts such as enryo (restraint, reserva-tion, hesitation), hazukashll (embarassment), g i r i (moral obligations), and gaman (deferred gratification) be a l l taken into consideration prior to the formulation of the data acquisition technique to be employed for the research. This study did not provide any information on Japanese immigrant participation in p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s such as voting in federal, provincial, and civi c elections. The condition that Japanese immigrants must be a resident in Canada for at least five years before an application can be made for Canadian citizenship precluded most Japanese immi-grants in our sample to provide any information on p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . Eighty nine per cent of the respondents yFor a brief account of some of the problems associated with participant observation, see Howard S. Becker, "Problems of Inference and Proof in Participant Observation," in Dennis P. Forcese and Stephen Richer, eds., Stages of Social Research Contemporary Perspectives (Englewood C l i f f s i Prentice Hall, 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 2 0 5 - 1 5 . 161 indicated n i l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s because of t h e i r non Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p status* Only four per cent of the respondents had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l three of the previous f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and c i v i c 20 elections* An addi t i o n a l four per cent of the respondents did not vote at a l l and the remainder of the respondents indicated that they had voted i n at least one f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , or c i v i c e l e c t i o n . I t remains f o r a l a t e r study to provide adequate information on whether or not the duration of residence i n Canada i s i n fact associated with the securing of Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p and the concomi-tant p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the numerous facets of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . I t remains to be seen whether or not the trend i n post-war Japanese immigration to Canada w i l l continue to be characterized by the highly q u a l i f i e d nature of the immigrants selected. The general stagnation i n the Canadian economy and the vast increase i n the number of unemployed i n the Canadian labour force since 1970 have The f i v e year residency requirement may permanently discourage immigrants from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p o l i t i c s * Jones observes that "immigrants, as a category of voters, have not influenced the structure of Canadian p o l i t i c s . " See Frank E. Jones, "Some Social Consequences of Immigration f o r Canada," i n Bernard R. 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Professionals (Blishen Score 70.14 to 7 6 . 6 9 ) * Professor Geological Engineer Mineral Engineer Communication Engineer Mechanical Engineer C i v i l Engineer Computer Engineer Medical Doctor Architect Pharmacist School Teacher 2. Proprietory, Managerial, and Lesser Professionals (Blishen Score 51.11 to 68.80) Sales Manager Art Designer Manager and Owner of Business Computer Programmer Office Administrator Nurse Accountant Dietician Librarian Interpreter Draftsman 3* Clerical Employees (Blishen Score 40 .05 to 50.98) Bookkeeper Cashier Office Appliance Operator Secretary Clerical Occupation Bernard R. Blishen, **A Socio-Economic Index for Occupations in Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and  Anthropology, 4 (February, 1967), pp. 41-53. Notet Socio-economic position for occupations not lis t e d in Blishen scale obtained from Occupational Classification  Manual Census of Canada 1971, Ottawat Information Canada, 1971. 188 4 . Skilled Manual Employees (Blishen Score 1*0,05 to 5 0 . 9 3 ) Mechanic and Repairman, Radio and TV Mechanic and Repairman, Aircraft Electrician, Electronic Technician Dental Technician Medical Technician Toolmaker Diemaker Photographic Processor 5 . Semi-Skilled and Service Trades (Blishen Score 2 9 . 4 3 to 3 9 * 8 6 ) Tailor Dressmaker Bartender Steward Sales Clerk Barber, Hairdresser Leather Cutter Cabinet and Furniture Maker Taxi Driver Painter Motor Vehicle Mechanic Cook Waiter Welder Piano Tuner Plasterer Delivery Boy Dry Cleaner Launderer Cosmetologist 6 . Agricultural, Unskilled Labour (Blishen Score 2 5 * 3 6 to 29*41) Farm Labourer Orchard Farmer Fisherman A r t i f i c i a l Inaeminator 1 8 9 APPENDIX B POST-WAR JAPANESE IMMIGRANT SAMPLE BY YEAR OF ARRIVAL Year of Arrival in Canada Number in Sample 1 9 5 2 1 1 9 5 3 0 1 9 5 4 1 1 9 5 5 0 1 9 5 6 0 1 9 5 7 2 1 9 5 8 0 1 9 5 9 1 i 9 6 0 1 1961 1 1 9 6 2 1 1 9 6 3 2 1 9 6 4 1 1 9 6 5 3 1 9 6 6 1 5 1 9 6 7 26 1 9 6 8 1 5 1 9 6 9 19 1 9 7 0 11 Total = 1 0 0 190 APPENDIX C INTERVIEW SCHEDULE POST-WAR JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA WORK AND SOCIAL PARTICIPATION 1. Respondent Number 2. Respondent's Sex 3. Interviewed By 5. Call Date Male Female If. Data Coded By 1 2 Method Results 6. Final Disposition 1 Completed 2 Imcomplete (Reason) 3 Refused (Reason) If Respondent Moved 5 Not Available (Reason) 6 Other (Specify) 7* Duration of Interviews 8. Commentss hrs mins. 191 9* Which prefecture are you from? (Probe for permanent home address and last address in Japan before emigrating) Permanent Address Last Address Ward or City ____________________ Prefecture 1 0 . When did you leave Japan? Month Year 19 • 1 1 . Did you come to Canada directly or via some other country? Direct 1 Via U.S.A. 2 Other (specify) 3 1 2 . Where did you get your immigration visa? Japan 1 Canada 2 Other (specify) 3 1 3 * How old were you when you came to Canada? 1 4 . When you came to Canada, where did you go f i r s t ? 15» Where did you want to go f i r s t ? 1 6 . When immigrating to Canada, were you sponsored by someone? No 0 Yes, Spouse ___________ 1 Other relative __________ 2 Employer _______ 3 Japanese friend ________ Canadian friend __________ -5 Business Acquaintance 6 Other (specify) 7 1 9 2 1 7 * Did you come alone? Yes ________ 1 No 2 If no, with whom did you come (specify)? Spouse _____ 3 Friend k Other (specify) 5 Contact Network Prior to Emigration 18. When you were s t i l l in Japan, did you correspond with anyone in Canada about your job? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, with whom? (specify) 1 9 * Did you have any information from Canadian o f f i c i a l s In Japan about your new job in Canada? _^ 2 0 . Did you talk to anyone else in Japan about employment opportunities in Canada? _______^m__m_._—^-^^^—^-——-2 1 . Did you have any other information about Canada in Japan? (Probe for information from various communications media, introductions, tourists, v i s i t i n g Canadian teachers and students in.Japan, Etc.) S k i l l Level 2 2 . What was your occupation in Japan just before you l e f t for Canada? 2 3 . What was the name or job t i t l e for your job? 2k. For how many years were you a ? yrs. 1 9 3 2$. In Japan, were you employed by someone or did you work for yourself? Employed f u l l time 1 Employed part time _________ 2 Self Employed 3 Other (specify) 4 2 6 . Will you please give us a description of your work or what you,actually did in Japan prior to your emigration? (Probe fori job responsibility, training required, supervisory or administrative tasks, mechanical or technical s k i l l s , task co-ordinated or independent of others) 2 7 . What was the last grade you finished in school? 28. In addition to the above, have you taken any special vocational training? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, please explaint Conditions of Job Transferability  English Ability 29. When you f i r s t came to Canada, how good was your English? (Show Card) Fluent - able to read, write, and speak at normal conversational speed 1 Average - able to participate in job interview in English 2 Read and Write only - unable to participate in job interview in English 3 L i t t l e k No English 5 1 9 4 Job Availability 3 0 . Now, I'd like to ask you a few questions about your job when you f i r s t came to Canada. a) Was your job arranged before you came to Canada? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, who made the arrangements (Obtain ethnic identity) b) How did you learn about the job vacancy? (Probe whether information obtained from newspaper ads, manpower coun-sellor, or through some other network) c) Were there job vacancies in your particular occupation or for your particular s k i l l s ? No 0 Yes 1 Probe to determine whether job position existed but no vacancy or demand, i.e., not open, or i f job position existed at a l l in Canada, or whether a special position was created. Note a l l contact networks mentioned in the job hunting process. Employment 3 1 . What was your f i r s t job in Canada? 3 2 . Was this the same as your last job in Japan? No Yes 0 1 1 9 5 3 3 * What did you do i n order to get a job? (Probe to see i f employment was obtained i n whatever job that was immediately a v a i l a b l e , i . e . , a series of temporary jobs, or whether occupation had to be changed to a related or perhaps d i f f e r e n t occupation i n order to secure employment). 3 k . Was i t necessary f o r you to meet any sp e c i a l requirements before getting a; job? (For example, a license or other q u a l i f y i n g c e r t i f i c a t e s ) No 0 Yes 1 If yes, please explain: Job History 3 5 * What kinds of job did you have before coming to Canada? What d i d you do? For how long? (obtain dates and record) Name of Job Description of Work For how long? from: to: 196 36. Are you now employed or do you work for yourself? Employed _________ 1 Unemployed _________ 2 Self Employed 3 Other 4 If employed, who Is your employer? (Probe for ethnic identity) 37* Could you t e l l me what you actually do at your work? 38. What are your responsibilities? 39. Do you decide on your own work speed or what determines how you use your time? (Probe for machine pacing, cooperation with work mates, production schedules followed, foreman demands, and other constraints.) 40. Do you have a fixed work place or are you able to move around during your work? fixed work place _________ 1 Can move about 2 kl• Does the way other people do their work affect you in your job? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, explain* 1*2. If you had to stop in the middle of your work, how many other people would eventually have to stop too? 1 9 7 4 3 . What kinds of job hare you had since coming to Canada? What did you do? For how long? (record dates) Name of job Description of Work For how longt From: To: 1 4 4 . Were you ever out of a job in Canada? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, for how long? What did you do during unemployment? With whom? (record ethnic identity) When out of a job: From: To: Main Activities What? With Whom? For how long: 198 Interaction on the Job 4 5 . While you are act u a l l y working, how many of your work mates do you talk to? ________ Who are they? Record ethnic i d e n t i t y also 4 6 . What do you ta l k about? (Probe f o r content such as jokes, shop-talk, d a i l y happenings, l o c a l gossip, etc.) 4 7 . Are there other Japanese immigrant workers where you work? No 0 Yes 1 I f yes, how many? What do you talk about? 4 8 . While you are act u a l l y doing your work, do you get to talk to other people besides those you work with? (Probe f o r i customers, d r i v e r , etc.) No 0 Yes 1 I f yes, who are they? (ethnic i d e n t i t y ) How many i n a day? What do you ta l k about? Ethnic i d e n t i t y How many? What about? 1 9 9 J»9« How does your work in Canada compare with the work you did in Japan? Is the way you do i t any different? Please describe. 5 0 . What kinds of problem did you have on your job after you came to Canada. 5 1• What did you do about it? 5 2 . Do these problems s t i l l exist? No 0 Yes 1 If yes, please explains 5 3 * What other kinds of problem do you have concerning your job now? (Probe to see i f any other problem not connected with the job ever occurred or s t i l l exists) 200 54. With whom do you take your coffee breaks? (If not alonet Do you always have your breaks together with the same people? What do you talk about? What about during lunch? What about other free periods during the day?) Record duration. Coffee break Lunch break Other breaks Who with? Always the same people? What do you talk about? 55» Do you ta l k to your boss? No _______ 0 Yes 1 N/A 9 I f yes. what about? Probe f o r nature of the subject matter, whether a personal matter, job suggestions, complaints about work, etc. 56. How many times a day does your boss talk to you? None _____ I What about? Probe f o r nature of the subject, whether a personal matter suggestions concerning job, complaints, etc. 1 2 3 N/A 9 201 5 7 . Do you talk to your work mates either before or after your work? No 0 Yes 1 5 8 . Do you meet any of the people you work with off the job? (If yes, get ethnic Identity.) On what occasion? What do you do? How often? No 0 Yes 1 Person (Ethnic Identity) Occasion or Activity Did what How often? 5 9 . Are you doing any kind of work for money in your spare time? No Yes 0 1 If yes, what kind of work i s it? Organizations Now, I would like to turn to something else and ask you in what groups or organizations you participate. 6 0 . Are you a member of a trade union, professional organization, or a trade association? No 0 Yes 1 (IF NO, SKIP TO QUESTION 70 ) 6 1 . What i s the name of the organization? (Record a l l ) 2 0 2 6 2 . How did you become a member? (Probes whether introduced by a friend, membership sought out by himself, or whether any pressure tactic employed by the group) 6 3 . For how long have you been a member? yrs. mos, 6k, Do you hold any kind of position? (If yes) How would you describe it? 0. No 1. Yes (position) 9. DK, NA 6 5 . Are you a member of any committee? (If yes) What is i t called? 0. No 1. Yes (committee). 9. DK, NA 6 6 . Have you ever had a position or have you been active in any other way before? (If yes) What was it? 0. No 1. Yes (position, committee, what else), 9. DK, NA 6 7 . Did you attend any meetings, discussions, or activities of the union), (association) in the last six months? (If yes) How many did you attend? If none, record 0 below: Meetings attended: 2 0 3 6 8 . In the l a s t four weeks, how many hours did you spend on anything to do with the (union), (association)? Number of hourst 6 9 . When was the l a s t time you talked to a representative of your (union), (association)? 7 0 . Are you a member of a church or other r e l i g i o u s group? (If yes) What i s the name of the church (group). 0 . No 1. Yes (Name of Church or group) 9 . DK, NA I (IF NO, PLEASE SKIP TO QUESTION 7 9 ) 7 1• How did you become a member? Were you introduced or i n v i t e d by a f r i e n d or by the minister, did you seek out the church by yourself? Probe f o r pressure t a c t i c s used by the church or r e l i g i o u s group. 7 2 . Are you making f i n a n c i a l contributions over and above open col l e c t i o n s ? 0 . No 1. Yes 2 . Other (explain) 9 * DK, NA 7 3 * For how long have you been a member? yrs, 7 4 . Do you hold any positions? ( I f yes) How would you describe i t . 0 . No 1 . Yes (position) 9 . DK, NA 20k 75* Are you a member of any committee? (If yes) What is i t called? 0. No 1. Yes (committee) 9. DK, NA — ~ 76. Have you ever had a position or have you been active in any other way before? (If yes) What was it? 0. No 1. Yes (position, committee, what else) 9. DK, NA ~—' 77* Did you attend any services or any other activities of your church (group) in the last six months? (If yes) How many did you attend? 0. No 1. Yes Number | | | 9. DK, NA 78. In the past four weeks, how many hours did you spend on anything to do with your church? Hours 2 0 5 79. Of what other groups or clubs are you a member? (Sports, crafts, clubs, music, recreation, PTA and so forth) NOTE: For each membership, ask the following questions and record response below: Name of No.of Member Position/ Previous Mtngs Hrs. group Jap. how Committee position att'd spent Immig. long yes, no last last 6 mos. k wks. 2 0 6 Activities Now. we would like to ask a few questions about what you do during the week. Let me start with the last week-end or your last days off. 80. On your days off, what did you do away from the house? Old you do that together with someone else? For how long was that? (Record ethnic identity) Activity With whom? For how long? (ethnic identity) Total Hrs. Ask the following questions again as a further probe for question 58. Do you see any of the people you mentioned above at work or any other occasion? (Specify) 207 81. What did you do at home during those days off? Activity With whom? For how long? (ethnic identity) I Total Hrs Ask the following question again as a further check for Question 58. Do you see any of the people you mentioned above at work or any other occasion? (Speoify) 208 82. In the last seven days, how much time did you spend In public places (such as the theatre, restaurant, sports event, beer parlour, and so forth)? Vhat? With Whom? For how long? (Ethnic identity) Total Hrs: 83. During the same seven days, did anyone drop in to v i s i t you? Who was it? What did you do? For how long? (specify ethnic identity) No 0 Yes 1 If yes: Who? (Ethnic identity) What? and Where? Hours: Total Hrs: Ask the following question again as a further check for question 58. Do you see any of the people you mentioned above at work or at any other occasion? (Specify) 209 6k. Did you go visiting? (If yes) Vho did you visit ? What did you do? For how long? No 0 Yes 1 If yes. Who? (Ethnic identity) What? How long? (record geographic location also) Total Hrsi 85* And how much time did you spend on hobbies and sports? With whom? (Skip i f already mentioned under week-day activities) What and Where? With Whom (Ethnic identity) How long? Total Hrsi 8 6 . Are there any seasonal activities that you have participated in during the past year that you have not mentioned above? (Probe for concerts, skiing, vacation trips) No Yes If yest What and Where? 0 1 With whom (Ethnic identity) How long? Total Hrst Ask the following question again as further check for question 5 8 . Do you see any of the people you mentioned above at work or at any other occasion? (Specify) 210 Networks Now I would l i k e to ask a few questions about persons other than your spouse and children who may have depended on you for help at ce r t a i n times. 87* Did anyone ask you fo r help about the following: a) money or other f i n a n c i a l matter? (Probe whether a r e l a t i v e , f r i e n d , and record ethnic i d e n t i t y ) . . . . . . v ' ' (ethnic id.) No . Yes b) immigration problem? No Yes c) at times of i l l n e s s ? No Yes d) at times of sudden emergencies? No Yes e) at any other time? (specify) No Yes b) about immigration matters? No Yes c) at times of i l l n e s s ? No Yes d) at times of sudden emergencies? No Yes e) at any other time? (specify) No Yes 88. Have you helped anyone with the following! (ethnic id.) a) money or other f i n a n c i a l matters? No _________ Yes 211 89* Whom did you ask for advice or help when you were faced with? Who? (ethnic identity) a) educational problems? b) problems with your children? ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ c) illness in your family? -d) money or other financial matter? ^ - m ^ - m m ^ m ^ ^ — ^ m ^ ^ ^ m ^ ^ . e) at times of sudden emergencies? f) business matters? ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m ^ ^ m m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m g) personal matters? ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ h) other problems? (specify) ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m Now I would like to turn to something else and ask you about your friends. 90. Who are your friends? Where do they live? How often do you get in touch with each other? (Probe for means of contact, i.e., telephone, chat across fence, greeting cards, letters, v i s i t s . Record ethnic identity) Friend (ethnic identity) Where they live? Means of How Often? Contact? 2 1 2 Now there are only a few short questions I wish to ask about yourself and your family: 91 • Are you married? Single 1 Married 2 Widowed 3 Divorced ___________ Separated ___________ -5 9 2 . Were you married when you came to Canada? Single 1 Married 2 Widowed 3 Divorced __________ ^ Separated 5 93« How many people are li v i n g here now including yourself? ('living here' refers to people sharing the same cooking f a c i l i t i e s ) Number of persons: If alone, skip to next question. 9 4 . For each of the other persons l i v i n g here, could you t e l l their relation to you? If you have children, how old are they? (When spouse mentioned, ask what kind of work wife/ husband employed In) Relationship Age Work 2 1 3 95* In what year were you born? 96. Are you a Canadian citizen now? (Record whatever reason or excuse given for non-citizenship) No 0 Yes 1 97* How long have you lived in Canada? yrs. mos. in B.C.? in this city? 98* Are you a homeowner? If yes. No Yes Rent Other 0 1 2 3 a) How soon after your arrival in Canada did you purchase your home? _______________ yrs. ' mos. b) Was this a straight cash purchase (CP), financed through some government plan (GP), some other financial company (FC), or a combination of these. (Specify and note details of mortgage arrangements) Cash purchase __________________________ Government plan or loan __________ Finance company ___________________________ Other (specify) c) If financed, how much are you paying each month and for how many years w i l l this continue? $ per month years 99. a) How soon after your arrival did you buy the following: (Note: If any of the items provided as part of the apartment or house, specify as P. i f rented, specify as R, i f borrowed, specify as B, and i f s t i l l planning to buy, P.B.) b) For each purchased item, specify financial arrangement, i.e., cash, finance company loan, loan from relatives or others. purchased P,R,B, Finance when: or P.B. arrangem't Table and Chairs Bed Refrigerator Stove Washing machine Dryer 1st car new or used 2nd car new or used 3rd car new or used T. V. Vacuum cleaner Living room furniture,— —— — new or used 100. Is there anything else that you s t i l l do not have and you plan to buy soon? (Prove for specific item and record 215 101. Are you saving money now for some future plan? (Probe for specifics and record) 102. Many people are unable to vote in elections because of il l n e s s , lack of citizenship or for other reasons. Can you remember whether or not you voted in the last federal election in June 1968? In the last B.C. provincial elec-tion in August 19697 In the last city election in Decem-ber 1969? Check appropriate box Federal B.C. City 1. Voted 2. Did not vote 3 . Can't remember k. Was too young 5* Was not a citizen 6. Was not registered 7* Other reason 9. DK, NA 216 1 0 3 . Can you t e l l me which letter f i t s the bracket which best represents the total income that you received at the end of your f i r s t f u l l year of employment In Canada? Which bracket best represents the total income received during the last f u l l year of employ-ment? A. Under $ 1 , 0 0 0 1 B. $ 1 , 0 0 0 to $ 1 , 9 9 9 2 C. $ 2 , 0 0 0 to $ 2 , 9 9 9 3 D. $ 3 , 0 0 0 to $ 3 , 9 9 9 4 E. $4 ,000 to $4 ,999 5 F. $ 5 , 0 0 0 to $ 5 , 9 9 9 6 G. $ 6 , 0 0 0 to $ 6 , 9 9 9 7 H. $ 7 , 0 0 0 to $ 7 , 9 9 9 8 I. $ 8 , 0 0 0 to $ 8 , 9 9 9 9 J. $ 9 , 0 0 0 to $ 9 , 9 9 9 A K. $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 to $14 ,999 B L. $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 to $ 1 9 , 9 9 9 C N. over $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 D THANK THE RESPONDENT FOR HIS/HER TIME. ASK IF HE/SHE HAS ANY QUESTION OR COMMENTS ABOUT THIS INTERVIEW. RECORD YOUR AND RESPONDENT'S COMMENTS BELOW AND ON REVERSE; APPENDIX D 2 1 7 JAPANESE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 1 . 0 * * 4hi 2 . fflfc* 3. i>rt-*7— 4. J B M 2 3 5 1 6 . 1 3 0 V £ J £ £ <if_>) k ©**#*•** 5 — 7 . 4 > 7 t _ _ . - « 0f/-j) 8. 3 / >h : 1 2 218 9 . ^ f c f c <> ajfr^ u <^ Jt 4i»- if 1**6 i & Mr* & B$t) 4 & 10.H-7 A © U L / i * \ tit!*. «>hL<) i 2 U n X • 0 1 If 2 t+pXi&A. 5 2 1 9 1 7 . -M 'tfteU.l/iv*. l % i t 1 . » , |3 J L , . 4 l» 2 4 .A uv>i 0 I*- M 1 2 2 . D £ it; ID i l ^ j Jfatf; 2 2 0 t'iJk®!* i A0-*- 2 3 ( < ^ t < ; ^ 27. h*h* hfr¥t%HL 28. Jt_ feC /t* . /*7 0* fftjj f & fe '7 L E L« w ^  . 0 t L 4 'Efc i . % & 5 221 -1< n it 0 / * n 1 ^ • 1 £ f -u o u ^ i o i* u i 222 34. 'te f # z - f t f / i v * n w , t o »> i 35. nr$- iz ft ftftj o> f h - „z 1*% $Q it) 223 A if) i %rf* 2 £<£f; 3 *  3 7 . chfcfc* rt_>- ^ | : ( , -> uz. 3 8 . ft * f fe ifl if. ko.ih^tZf%nj i^i^t m * y H t < to**}* Jf$j£tt<f.ij*>. n i t . 0 14 1 224 43. ii'ri~K$KJk. t'*>tJ>*fr§>i--fl_fLhtr?t\. it) Ijt n 1 225 4 7 . tef <-£<>> Q*Ai%<i% *v- n * * * ; M "<t 0 4T H 1 ^ $• 4 8 . i t)#rU *H A k it i ij } 0 226 227 \u . / • * I I 1 56. t-i'JLlt. ^& * i*j I i] fl h rf. tz / : H i »IJ * ? *>v — 1 57. i f i # M * ^ « M b * j flt'- i t o ^ " * ? * ^ . 228 0 1 0 1 59. ^|>^7M *\ i ^ - i ^ w H ^ - n 1 'z, o 60. f^i-TUt % ib fate, $ f£, iU . ft4; * * - ? 0 / • * - 1 ' 1 6 i . y^ -w-.-*-^  " 3 tfj^v*^ 229 62. M. />-A - /- £ V * 6 * ^ V 63. t-« <s«. A/£ u i^ atif «N 0 64. 0 u i n i l . 9 rV/ft 65. i>| £ « / v A > / c * «<>M*N-0 tw'i. 9 P /< , /// J 66. o u ^ 1 z, " ~ 67. 230 70. 0 L » 1/1 z. i V i ' JL," ^ 72. 0 L V V . i l  1 (i~ i > 2 i« <e <tt*ty 9 £>/<, /V/? 73. 74. 0 u \ 7^ 9 p/<, 231 75. ^ " | > * * />A"- « ff ->1 " ?-0 H v 1 i*- »> C £ 9 D K, N /? 0 u i ^ z , 1 /*»> i 7 ^ . i*9& 9 Dk. tffl i »> ' t l j ^ I I I—I—I 232 233 JLi_0- 4 f - _ M • ^ I T ) E ; ft i*) fe-2Jk ! tftfi'&to u t (AH w ffj *?,a\ / i w *3 M ft I I 1 235 8 3 . | f l L- i l l ' - ' \yhff\%:»- i i ill K 236 84. )*U" aa^ \%\V\!>*L*-^. o i t - 1 ' i • e f t t - v z - | g n UJtia) '^itjxK I* p 1 237 i i " 8 8 . tt b'f f> -z- # £ Jj> ifrz. - fc ^ - ^ ^ ? » V l£ n -238 i l l b c A i t # j ) a. fctf b. c. g. fox.69* * *39 *j>6 92. D t YK\Q% hit-a. fafy i 2 3 5 1 2 3 5 A l t 9 4 . fyfaK^k-* \~n\> X . 4^  Zk 0 95. * 96. fcOkfrUtrgljfc T-1» 97. ^ f ; " / - - <fj^ {ik-v-mi *\ 0 1 98, l-j. i i *** 0 1 2 3 1 2kl 99. >K* i->$. 1iT}'>.#f&fl f«<^>z~ fltKLitrz* 7'T>^.%rt\- 1 1 ~ -v •* V >$~A'4- : -X\- 7" >% 4 K 7 ^ Y - : (ktyw " f CPf$-th) *• rf. s- 1 i o i . i f c & ^ J i f - - t^ (M^ 242 &Htxdi B.C. y i filer: I 1 3 \k?$ £ l £ I j j t l / l . . £ * ' > — — — 4 (ri* l,£ 11 6 * J K T > > $ ^ o DK- Nfl 2 4 3 103. W'--/> i . j f c * * rfl^tfv&ILKt. lg£ A. $1 , 0 0 0 1 B. $ 1 , 0 0 0 » v $ 1 , 9 9 9 2 C. $ 2 , 0 0 0 *%7 $ 2 , 9 9 9 3 D. $ 3 , 0 0 0 *S $ 3 , 9 9 9 4 E. $4 , 0 0 0 $4 , 9 9 9 5 F. $5,ooo r > $ 5 , 9 9 9 6 G. $ 6 , 0 0 0 *'> $ 6 , 9 9 9 7 H- $ 7 , 0 0 0 *4> $ 7 , 9 9 9 8 I. $ 8 , 0 0 0 ^ $ 8 , 9 9 9 9 J. $ 9 , 0 0 0 $ 9 , 9 9 9 A K. $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 $ 1 4 , 9 9 9 B L. $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 » > $ 1 9 , 0 0 0 C N. $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 >/-£- D 244 APPENDIX E-l CONSTRAINTS AND SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WORK rorm of Constraint P e r cent w l t h s o c i a l Interaction at work with non-workmates* (N»100%) Work Speed Highs Governed by foreman, boss, work schedule, or others i n production l i n e 53 ( 3 2 ) Lows Own speed or by customer 7 5 ( 6 8 ) Difference at - 2 2 S p a t i a l Confinement Highs f i x e d place 69 (42) Lows Can move about 6 7 ( 5 8 ) Difference 3 + 2 Task Dependence Highs Affected by others 71 ( 3 4 ) Lows Not affected 67 ( 6 6 ) Difference — +4 English D i f f i c u l t i e s Highs "Only read and write" or " l i t t l e or no English" 61 ( 3 D Lows "Average" or " f l u e n t " 71 ( 6 9 ) Difference at - 1 0 Period of Adjustment i n Canada Less than or equal to three years Four years or more 64 73 ( 5 5 ) ( * 5 ) Difference m - 9 *Low i n t e r a c t i o n « "No, don't ta l k to others" High i n t e r a c t i o n m "Yes, ta l k to others" 245 APPENDIX E-2 CONSTRAINTS AND SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WORK _ _ „ . _ . Per cent with Form of Constraint i n t e r a c t i o n at s o c i a l work (Nml00%) with workmates Vork Speed Right Governed by foreman, boss, work schedule, or others i n production l i n e 94 (32) Lows Own speed or by customer ?6 (68) Difference m —2 S p a t i a l Confinement <*2) Highs Fixed place 90 Lows Can move about 98 (58) Difference « - 8 Task Dependence Highs Affected by others 97 (34) Low s Not affected 94 (66) Difference • +3 English D i f f i c u l t i e s Highs "Only read and write" or " l i t t l e or no English" 87 (3D Lows "Average" or " f l u e n t " Difference (69) Period of Adjustment i n Canada Shorts Less than or equal to three years 95 (55) Longs Four years or more 96 (45) Difference E3 —1 Low i n t e r a c t i o n s Talked up to four workmates High interactions Talked to f i v e or more workmates APPENDIX E - 3 CONSTRAINTS AND SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WORK 246 Form of Constraint Per oent with s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n at work (N-100$) by content* Work Speed High. Governed by foreman, boss, work schedule , or others i n production l i n e Lows Own speed or by customer Sp a t i a l Confinement Highs Fixed place Lows Can move about Task Dependence Highs Affected by others Lows Not affected English D i f f i c u l t i e s Highs "Only read and write" or " l i t t l e or no English" Lows "Average" or " f l u e n t " Perlod of Adjustment i n Canada Shorts Less than or equal to three years Longs Four years or more Difference Difference 78 79 76 81 ~T 82 22. Difference o + 5 81 Difference - +3 76 82 Difference = - 6 (32) (68) (42) (58) (34) (66) ( 3 D (69) (55) (45) Low i n t e r a c t i o n - Does not communicate or work matters only High i n t e r a c t i o n s - Work and other matters APPENDIX E-4 CONSTRAINTS AND SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WORK 2h7 Form of Constraint Par cent with s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n during Coffee, lunch and other breaks* ( N o 1 0 0 % ) Work Speed Hight Governed by foreman, boss, work schedule . or others i n production l i n e Lows Own speed or by customer Difference S p a t i a l Confinement Highs Fixed place Lows Can move about 8k 75 Difference +9 7 6 12. Task Dependence Highs Affected by others Lows Not affected English D i f f i c u l t i e s Highs "Only read and write** or " l i t t l e or no English" Lows "Average" or " f l u e n t " Period of Adjustment i n Canada Shorts Less than or equal to three years Longs Four years or more Difference « Difference =* - 3 8 2 7 7 7 8 "-T" 8 1 Difference ( 3 2 ) ( 6 8 ) (kz) ( 5 8 ) (3k) ( 6 6 ) ( 3 D ( 6 9 ) (55) (k5) Low i n t e r a c t i o n m Spoke to none High i n t e r a c t i o n « Spoke to one or more persons 2 4 8 APPENDIX F - l SOCTAL INTERACTION ON THE JOB AND PARTICIPATION IN VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND OTHER ACTIVITIES Interaction on the Jobs Professional Ass'n, Trade Union. Trade Ass'n Meetings Other Group or Club Meetings Church or Religious Group Mtgs. % With Workmates t% Non-Workmates High** 67 (47) 89 ( 6 3 ) Low 46 ( 1 1 ) 83 ( 2 9 ) Difference +21 +6 (N = 100%) During Coffee. Lunch, and Other Breaks High 6 5 ( 3 7 ) 8 8 ( 4 2 ) 92 ( 2 5 ) Low 50 ( 1 0 ) 8 2 ( 1 1 ) 50 ( ( 2 ) Difference +15 +6 + 4 2 (N m 100%) Non-members excluded i n th i s column and following two columns. "High" and "Low" i n t e r a c t i o n categories as s p e c i f i e d i n Appendix E. 249 APPENDIX F - 2 SOCIAL INTERACTION ON THE JOB AND PARTICIPATION IN VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND OTHER ACTIVITIES Interaction on the Job Lis t e n i n g to Radio, Stereo, Watch T.V. 1 _ Drive V i s i t i n g Recreation JL With Workmates & Non-Workmates High* Low Difference ( N » 100$) 77 (99) 65 (47) + 12 54 (67) 86 (110) 48 (61) 36 (27) 75 (54) 45 (33) + 18 + 11 +3 During Coffee, Lunch and Other Breaks High 78 (78) Low 55 (22) Difference +23 (N m 100%) 47 (78) 82 (78) 45 (22) 81 (22) + 2 + 1 45 (78) 55 (22) -10 "High** and "Low" i n t e r a c t i o n categories as s p e c i f i e d i n Appendix E. 

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