UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Cleavage in Ireland and integration in Europe Mallon, Catherine Mary 1991

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CLEAVAGE I N IRELAND AND INTEGRATION I N EUROPE by CATHERINE MARY HALLON  .A.,  The U n i v e r s i t y o f S t i r l i n g ,  S c o t l a n d , 1988,  A T H E S I S SUBMITTED I N P A R T I A L FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Departaent of P o l i t i c a l Science)  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d standard.  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA AUGUST 1 9 9 1 ©Catherine Mary M a l l o n , 1991.  In  presenting  degree  this  thesis  in  at the University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  of  the  requirements  for  of  department  this or  thesis by  for scholarly  his  publication of this thesis  or  her  purposes  may be  representatives.  PcX-l T( c A < -  ^ C i g - ^ g  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  to-"*  A  It  is  granted  for extensive  by the head  understood  that  for financial gain shall not be allowed without  permission.  Department of  ^ ) o S b  1*VM.  advanced  I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission copying  an  of  my  copying  or  my written  (ii)  ABSTRACT;  The o b j e c t  o f t h i s s t u d y i s t o e x a m i n e the  i m p l i c a t i o n s a new u n i t e d divided  s t a t e s o f Europe c o u l d  have f o r a  i s l a n d s u c h a s I r e l a n d . The p u r p o s e i s t o a s s e s s t h e  extent t o which "Project  1992" has a f f e c t e d , d i r e c t l y o r  indirectly,  a member o f t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m u n i t y ( E C ) , f o r  which there  i s separate representation  southern  f o r i t s n o r t h e r n and  parts.  Specifically,  the discussion w i l l  be r e l a t e d t o t h e  S i n g l e E u r o p e a n A c t ( S E A ) a n d i t s 1992 d e a d l i n e possible  consequences f o r the I r i s h p o l i t i c a l  and t h e scene.  M e m b e r s h i p o f t h e EC, i t i s s u g g e s t e d , c u r r e n t l y the  i s l a n d of I r e l a n d , w i t h major o p p o r t u n i t i e s  p r o g r e s s . The p o t e n t i a l i s t h e r e Ireland's  present troubled  t h e m s e l v e s w i s h t o do s o .  to greatly  provides t o make r e a l  improve  circumstances, i f the I r i s h  (iii)  TABLE OF COMTBMT8  Abstract.  ( i i )  Introduction.  1  C h a p t e r One.  A "Common E u r o p e a n Home."  10  C h a p t e r Two.  The I r i s h  19  Chapter Three.  N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d . The P r o b l e m Perpetrated.  29  Chapter Four.  The R e p u b l i c o f I r e l a n d . The Problem Complicated.  40  Chapter F i v e . Conclusion.  Prospects f o r Future Integration i n Europe.  52  Crisis.  References and Notes.  68  Bibliography.  71  1  INTRODUCTION:  Recently Europe has been a t t h e center o f many dramatic events. These e v e n t s have taken p l a c e both i n s i d e and o u t s i d e t h e European Community. They have changed and are  changing t h e nature o f t h e Community, p r i m a r i l y by  s t r e n g t h e n i n g i t as a p o l i t i c a l  entity.  Great h i s t o r i c upheavals, d e s t r o y i n g o l d o r t h o d o x i e s and o l d c e r t a i n t i e s a r e l e a v i n g Europe with new hopes, new v i s i o n s and a sense t h a t t h e f u t u r e i s b l e s s e d l y open. P o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l d i v i s i o n s a r e d i s a p p e a r i n g . Europe, i t has been s a i d , has emerged from a p e r i o d o f E u r o s c l e r o s i s and Europessimism.  x  There has been a new d i s c o v e r y o f Europe by Europeans, p a r t i c u l a r l y with t h e EC, f o l l o w i n g t h e a d o p t i o n o f the S i n g l e European A c t . The S i n g l e European A c t marks the c u l m i n a t i o n o f s e v e r a l y e a r s o f debate about how t o r e s t o r e the  impetus t o t h e process o f European i n t e g r a t i o n . I t  r e p r e s e n t s a great s t e p forward i n t h e h i s t o r y o f European i n t e g r a t i o n and has a symbolic and p r a c t i c a l importance both w i t h i n and o u t s i d e t h e twelve member  countries.  The governments o f t h e EC have committed themselves t o grand sounding European g o a l s and c u r r e n t l y t h e r e i s w e l l underway t h e p r o c e s s o f p a s s i n g t h r e e hundred European laws to set  r e s u l t i n t h e opening o f Europe's f r o n t i e r s . The p r o j e c t f o r 1992 aims t o open up a f r o n t i e r l e s s market i n which  2  twelve n a t i o n s with very d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s and systems o f government  will  c o - e x i s t and compete.  In a b l i t z o f speeches and a d v e r t i s i n g , governments a r e p r o c l a i m i n g  European  t h e b e n e f i t s that w i l l  flow from  a s i n g l e European market o f t h e n i n e t i e s . C i t i z e n s o f Europe are being t o l d that by the end o f 1992 they w i l l  belong t o a  s o r t o f European haven and genuine common market i n which neither  physical  nor commercial b a r r i e r s w i l l d i v i d e them,  and t o a market and f r e e t r a d e arrangement which stands t o make them a l l r i c h e r than they otherwise would be. The c r e a t i o n o f a r e a l common i n t e r n a l market i s t h e biggest  s i n g l e c o n t r i b u t i o n t h a t the community as such  could  make towards the r e s t o r a t i o n o f Europe's i n d u s t r i a l competitiveness. I t a s p i r e s t o t h e overcoming and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of previously  warring peoples and a l s o  p r o v i d e s f o r a c l a s s i c example o f how Europe can enhance the scope and c a p a c i t y  o f what can be achieved a t a n a t i o n a l  l e v e l . By 1992 the members o f t h e EC a r e expected i n union t o c o n s t i t u t e a r e a l European working o r d e r . Designed t o break down t h e b a r r i e r s which had h i t h e r t o prevented t h e EC from becoming p o t e n t i a l l y t h e l a r g e s t market i n t h e f r e e world, t h e main aims and o b j e c t i v e s o f the S i n g l e European Act a r e f o r the p r o v i s i o n o f an economic environment i n which t h e i n d u s t r i e s o f Europe can be more c o m p e t i t i v e on t h e world s t a g e . A c o m p e t i t i v e b u s i n e s s arrangement i s t o be created  t o f o s t e r wealth and j o b  3 c r e a t i o n a c r o s s t h e whole o f t h e EC and t o b r i n g down p r i c e s and  reduce i n f l a t i o n . The  and  m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s o f t h e Community a r e obvious,  each member judges that t h e r e i s more t o be gained from  being  i n t h e Community than being out. For although t h e  p a r t i c u l a r balance o f advantages and disadvantages v a r i e s from s t a t e t o s t a t e , Community l e g i s l a t i o n aims t o have a d i r e c t e f f e c t on member s t a t e s , o f f e r i n g t h e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r c o u n t r i e s t o pursue s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s through  collective  action. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e European Commission  considers  Northern I r e l a n d an area o f s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r two member s t a t e s and assumes that t h e t h r u s t o f European economic and s o c i a l development must l o g i c a l l y  involve  i n t e g r a t i n g t h e whole i s l a n d o f I r e l a n d . I t s document, d e t a i l i n g t h e Community Support Framework 1989-93 f o r t h e north,  contains  clues to t h i s thinking.  As with a l l a s p e c t s o f EC p o l i c y , t h e document attaches political  s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e t o f r o n t i e r r e g i o n s . The c o n f l i c t provides  t h e main reason why Northern  I r e l a n d was made an " o b j e c t i v e one r e g i o n " and t h e r e p o r t declares: should  " . . . t h a t i t i s , t h e r e f o r e , important that t h e EC  c o n t r i b u t e i n some ways towards a l l e v i a t i n g i t s  consequences and, w i t h i n t h e EC's p o s s i b i l i t i e s , make some c o n t r i b u t i o n towards a c h i e v i n g a s o l u t i o n . " The  latest manifestation  "Transportation  2  o f E.C. a s s i s t a n c e , t h e  Programme, Northern I r e l a n d 1989-1993" has,  4 s p e c i f i c a l l y , a cross-border d i m e n s i o n . Inter-Reg Programme which w i l l o p e r a t i o n t o new The 1994  will  9  But i t i s the  r a i s e north-south  co-  heights.  Inter-Reg Programme which covers the y e a r s have a budget of ECU  1990-  800 m i l l i o n . " * T h i s , i n  p a r t i c u l a r , p r o v i d e s a t a n g i b l e commitment t o i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h i n I r e l a n d (as does the Community's support f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e Co-operation N o r t h ) . The f a c t t h a t , s i n c e the announcement of such an i n i t i a t i v e i n e a r l y 1990, has been l i t t l e  there  comment, might appear simply t o r e f l e c t  the  u n d e r l y i n g s e n s i t i v i t y of a programme with a l a r g e budget, capable of t r a n s f o r m i n g north-south R e i n f o r c i n g the EC's dimension  relations.  i n t e r e s t i n the cross-border  w i t h i n the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d i s a l s o i t s  s u b s t a n t i a l subvention t o the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Fund, amounting to more than ECU  200 m i l l i o n over the next two  y e a r s . There e x i s t those p o l i t i c i a n s  to three  (and businessmen with  investments on both s i d e s of the b o r d e r ) , t h e r e f o r e , who hope t h a t the EC w i l l  u l t i m a t e l y help provide a settlement  of the p a r t i t i o n problem by c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the convergence of the n o r t h e r n and southern economies and  by making r e -  u n i f i c a t i o n with the Republic more p a l a t a b l e t o the n o r t h . There i s , a t the same time, a s p e c i a l r o l e f o r the EC t o a s s i s t the B r i t i s h government i n d i s e n t a n g l i n g i t s e l f p o l i t i c a l l y from Northern  I r e l a n d and  from a problem t h a t  has spanned e i g h t c e n t u r i e s , from the very f i r s t  time  B r i t a i n i n v o l v e d h e r s e l f i n the a f f a i r s of I r e l a n d .  5 B r i t a i n p r e s e n t s i t s e l f as an honest broker i n Ireland, desperately two  t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h peace between  h o s t i l e communities of the north. But  the  i t s involvement i s  p a r t i s a n . S i n c e the Northern I r e l a n d s t a t e i s a  partisan  c r e a t i o n , B r i t a i n i s upholding a s t a t e which r e p r e s e n t s v i c t o r y of one against  community over another;  n a t i o n a l i s t s and  the  discrimination  C a t h o l i c s i s b u i l t i n t o i t s very  being. B r i t i s h p o l i t i c i a n s , moreover, have i n s u l a t e d themselves from the more general problems of the r e g i o n have proved themselves i n c a p a b l e of understanding various d i f f i c u l t i e s  and  the  there.  Furthermore, D i r e c t Rule from London i s not, considered a long term s o l u t i o n t o the  in fact,  I r i s h problem. I t  e x i s t s mainly because the v a r i e t y of s e t t l e m e n t s , t r i e d the past, f a i l e d  in  to command enough l o c a l support t o succeed.  There i s the hope now,  though, that a new  solution  can  be found with f u t u r e European a s s i s t a n c e .  Positive  i n t e r v e n t i o n on the part of the  be i t i n economic,  "new"  EC,  p o l i t i c a l or s o c i a l terms should improve, at l e a s t , B r i t a i n ' s own and  increase  already  track  record  i n the governance of the i s l a n d ,  the amount of f i n a n c i a l a i d and  support  Ireland  c u r r e n t l y the o n l y two  members  receives.  B r i t a i n and  I r e l a n d are  of the European community with such an acute o u t s t a n d i n g territorial national  quarrel.  In 1922,  a f t e r one  of the f i r s t wars of  independence i n modern times, the m a j o r i t y  of  the  6  I r i s h people e s t a b l i s h e d which i s now  the p o l i t i c a l l y independent  the Republic of I r e l a n d . S o v e r e i g n t y over  Northern I r e l a n d r e s t s with the B r i t i s h but  i s disputed  by the Republic,  crown i n parliament  whose c o n s t i t u t i o n  r i g h t t o j u r i s d i c t i o n over the whole i s l a n d . The claims  j u r i s d i c t i o n over the s i x I r i s h  c o n s t i t u t e Northern I r e l a n d and the B r i t i s h government r e f u s e s The  state  counties  claims  Irish  state  which  remain p a r t of B r i t a i n , to r e l i n q u i s h  and  sovereignty.  i s l a n d of I r e l a n d , however, c o n s t i t u t e s a s i n g l e  geographical  e n t i t y , i t s natural  of conquest and  u n i t y destroyed as a r e s u l t  c o l o n i z a t i o n , with the e x i s t e n c e  s e p a r a t e s i x county s t a t e s t a n d i n g the n a t u r a l  i n basic  of a  contradiction  to  n a t i o n a l u n i t y of the whole country. Northern  I r e l a n d i s regarded by the Republic as a fragment s o c i e t y having broken away from a l a r g e r s o c i e t y of which i t once an i n t e g r a l p a r t .  In so f a r as t e r r i t o r i a l  i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h e o r i e s of n a t i o n a l i s m , Irish nationalism  would argue that the whole s t a t e of  already  them,  to mention the h i s t o r y of I r e l a n d and  B r i t a i n , should lead to the e x i s t e n c e s t a t e s . The  contiguity  the proponents of  I r e l a n d should occupy the i s l a n d to i t s e l f . For geography, not  was  of two  f e e l i n g of I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m ,  so w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d  Great  separate i s l a n d  moreover, i s  i n both Northern and  Southern of  I r e l a n d t h a t i t p r o v i d e s a s t r o n g s o u r c e of i d e n t i t y . There i s the problem w i t h i n the north-east the  I r i s h i s l a n d , though, t h a t not everyone has  corner of the same  7 sense o f i d e n t i t y and a r i v a l r y now e x i s t s between two d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i s t groupings. In c o n t r a s t t o the I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t s , comprising  one  t h i r d o f the s t a t e o f Northern I r e l a n d , there are, a t the same time, those descendants o f the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s  sent  to c o l o n i z e I r e l a n d more than t h r e e hundred y e a r s ago, the U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s . Comprising two t h i r d s o f the p o p u l a t i o n , they r e f u s e t o accept I r i s h r e - u n i f i c a t i o n , i n s i s t i n g i n s t e a d on t h e continued  i n t e g r a t i o n o f the area with the  B r i t i s h mainland. T h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s , i n c i d e n t a l l y , have never been confined  t o party  competition.  R e l i g i o n and disagreement  about n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y have l e d U l s t e r P r o t e s t a n t s and U n i o n i s t s and I r i s h C a t h o l i c s and N a t i o n a l i s t s t o take up arms t o s e t t l e matters o u t s i d e Parliament, and the whole political  b a t t l e has been waged l a r g e l y by v i o l e n c e on the  streets. Both p a r t s o f I r e l a n d accept the need f o r v i o l e n c e as a necessary means t o t h e i r p o l i t i c a l ends. D i s c o r d  had been  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d f o r c e n t u r i e s and i t s i n t e n s i t y i n v o l v e d the use o f f o r c e t o break the deadlock. Yet,  a l l the i n h a b i t a n t s o f I r e l a n d , north and south,  are now w i t h i n an EC which i s making a b i g push towards integration.  I n t e g r a t i o n w i t h i n Europe i s l i n k e d t o g r e a t e r  i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h i n I r e l a n d , f o r i n t e g r a t i n g Europe i n v o l v e s i n t e g r a t i n g I r e l a n d . European i n t e g r a t i o n i s a dynamic  8 process i n which one s t e p i n v i t e s and  l e a d s on n a t u r a l l y t o  others. W i t h i n the new  Europe which has now  opened up t h e r e  are p r o v i d e d the c o n d i t i o n s f o r an e v o l v i n g and  modernizing  i n t e g r a t i o n of the whole i s l a n d . For I r e l a n d , p a r t i t i o n e d it  as  i s , a Europe without borders i n the f u t u r e has e s p e c i a l l y  significant The  implications.  1992  programme of European  integration i s fast  becoming an important economic and s o c i a l determinant, and a political  s t i m u l a n t i n the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d . Yet i s the  p o s s i b i l i t y of p r o g r e s s u l t i m a t e l y t o be held back by the by-products of h i s t o r i c B r i t i s h p o l i c y and the r i v a l r i e s of U l s t e r Unionism and  I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s m , on the one hand, or  r e t a r d e d by the p a r o c h i a l i s m of economic and other i n t e r e s t s i n the R e p u b l i c on the o t h e r ? The European  Parliament CEP) p r o v i d e s the o p p o r t u n i t y  f o r members from Northern I r e l a n d and the Republic t o d i s c u s s t h e i r s o c i a l as w e l l as economic problems i n an assembly  t h a t i s accepted as l e g i t i m a t e by both.  f a c i l i t i e s and encouragement g i v e n by the  The  European  Commission and the p r o j e c t s c a r r i e d out through Community funds enable r e g u l a r meetings  t o take p l a c e on a l o c a l  and  n a t i o n a l l e v e l between I r i s h p o l i t i c i a n s from both s i d e s of the border. These a r e meetings,  i n c i d e n t a l l y , which take  p l a c e amidst the c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the p r o v i n c e of the north, and o f f e r the hope of p o s s i b l e  reconciliation.  9 The growth i n mutual understanding among the p a r t i c i p a n t s could w e l l be the i n v i s i b l e power which e v e n t u a l l y l e a d s t o genuine peace and j u s t i c e on the i s l a n d of  Ireland. The European framework  B r i t i s h government  has a l s o made i t e a s i e r f o r the  ( e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r much  n e g o t i a t i o n ) t o o f f i c i a l l y d i s c u s s with  barren  the I r i s h  government  the problems o f Northern I r e l a n d and t o f o s t e r an improvement  i n Anglo-Irish relations.  More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , whereas the B r i t i s h government has typically failed north,  t o deal adequately with  the problems o f the  t h e r e now e x i s t s a p r o v i s i o n i n the S i n g l e European  Act which s t i p u l a t e s t h a t a n y t h i n g  that can not be c a r r i e d  out s a t i s f a c t o r i l y a t the l o c a l ,  r e g i o n a l or n a t i o n a l  i s t o be managed a t the European  level.  level  The completion o f the i n t e r n a l market w i t h i n the EC, scheduled  f o r 1992, holds out major o p p o r t u n i t i e s from the  I r i s h p o i n t o f view, both north and south. European p o l i t i c a l  In a wider  p e r s p e c t i v e , with a l l the s t r a t e g i c  s o c i a l and economic consequences o f membership, i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o a s i n g l e market i s expected t o c r e a t e the f e e l i n g o f common d e s t i n y among a l l EC c o u n t r i e s d e s p i t e d i f f e r e n c e s . T h i s should  their  c o n t r i b u t e t o a l l a y i n g some o f the  d i f f e r e n c e s between the two I r e l a n d s , thus drawing them c l o s e r together  and improving t h e i r present  s i t u a t i o n . Such,  at l e a s t , i s the hope t h a t u n d e r l i e s t h i s t h e s i s .  10  CHAPTER ONE:  A COMMON EUROPEAN HOME.  As a consequence of World War  I I , the c o u n t r i e s of  Western Europe were demoted to a s u b o r d i n a t e affairs, and  f a c i n g i n c r e a s e d competition  p l a c e i n world  from the United  States  Japan, as w e l l as the T h i r d World. Hence the governments  of Europe have pre-occupied approach and  themselves with a  collective  with attempts t o e r e c t a more manageable and  effective political  u n i t at some " s u p r a - n a t i o n a l " l e v e l .  The  i n c r e a s i n g cohesion  throughout these y e a r s has r e s u l t e d i n  the r e c o g n i z a b l e i n t e g r a t i o n of Western Europe today. Having long recognized defense,  the need to c o n s i d e r , not  only  but a l s o s o c i a l and economic d e c i s i o n s w i t h i n some  wider a l l i a n c e , and  i n an attempt to maintain  peace and  p r o s p e r i t y , s e v e r a l of the s m a l l e r powers and medium s i z e d s t a t e s of Western Europe came together i n 1952  to remove the  customs f r o n t i e r , the main symbol of the d i v i s i o n s between the c o u n t r i e s of Europe, and t a r i f f . T h i s was  to e r e c t a common e x t e r n a l  f o l l o w e d by moves towards the  eventual  c r e a t i o n of a common market which came i n t o being i n the T r e a t y of Rome i n 1957. (EEC)  T h i s European Economic Community  s e t up r u l e s t o e l i m i n a t e the monopoly of t r a d e ,  p r o t e c t i n g the l e s s developed  thus  r e g i o n s , and a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d  c o n d i t i o n s of genuine competition throughout the Community. I t a l s o created a common a g r i c u l t u r a l  policy.  The economic component i n the i n t e g r a t i o n o f Europe, however, should not be o v e r e s t i m a t e d . European u n i f i c a t i o n i n t h e aftermath o f World War II was fundamentally a r e f l e c t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l  r e a l i t i e s a t the time. T h i s was  the " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " theory t o a s s u r e peace and s t a b i l i t y i n Europe. Thus, economics may have brought  the i n d i v i d u a l  European s t a t e s together, but i t was the n e c e s s i t y f o r political  i n t e g r a t i o n that i n s p i r e d i t .  In view o f the p r a c t i c a l i t i e s ,  the need t o hold Europe  together, as w e l l as t o f a c e the common problems o f " r e c e s s i o n , unemployment and i n f l a t i o n " ,  the European  Community was a p o l i t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e formed t o s t a b i l i z e and c o - o r d i n a t e "a dynamic community i n an environment o f change" . But whereas the Rome T r e a t y d i d not s t a t e any 19  provision for p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y or defense,  i n t e g r a t i o n , i n t h e sense o f f o r e i g n  i t was, i n f a c t , aimed and "determined t o  e s t a b l i s h the f o u n d a t i o n s o f an ever c l o s e r union among t h e European p e o p l e s " . The Founding 6  1953  F a t h e r s o f the Community i n  had q u i t e simply f e l t t h a t the coming together o f t h e  economic i n t e r e s t s of the Community could c r e a t e a sense of common w e l f a r e . It should be noted t h a t the i n i t i a l  agreement had o n l y  i n v o l v e d s i x members, namely France, West Germany, I t a l y , Belgium,  Luxembourg and the Netherlands.  In 1973 B r i t a i n  e n t e r e d , a l o n g with I r e l a n d and Denmark. Ten y e a r s  later  Greece opted f o r membership as d i d Spain and P o r t u g a l i n 1986.  Yet while years  the economic union was  expanding i n those  the same can h a r d l y be s a i d of the p o l i t i c a l  soon became c l e a r t h a t p o l i t i c a l  union. I t  u n i f i c a t i o n simply  did  not  a r i s e a u t o m a t i c a l l y as a consequence of the Community's economic d e c i s i o n making arrangement as had  first  been  expected. In subsequent years,  however, there was  a move towards  e s t a b l i s h i n g v a r i o u s procedures f o r p o l i t i c a l t o speed up  c o n s u l t a t i o n and  d u r i n g emergencies. The  decision-making, e s p e c i a l l y  endeavors to improve mutual  understanding through more r e g u l a r contact development of the European P o l i t i c a l Designed to e x i s t a l o n g s i d e EEC,  co-operation  r e s u l t e d i n the  Community  (EPC).  the e x t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s of  the  the attempts at the c o - o r d i n a t i o n of f o r e i g n p o l i c y  views, w h i l e  conducted o u t s i d e the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the  more o f t e n than not mirrored The  the views and  EEC,  progress i n s i d e .  European Commission a l s o remained very much an  i n t e r - s t a t e or an inter-governmental subordinated  body, i t s power  t o the C o u n c i l of M i n i s t e r s ( u s u a l l y the  f o r e i g n m i n i s t e r s ) . Many d e c i s i o n s were, i n f a c t , d u r i n g meetings of government l e a d e r s , with  reached  national  d i f f e r e n c e s p l a c i n g narrow c o n s t r a i n t s on common p l a n s . By general  c o n t r a s t , i n more recent years,  there has  been the  r e c o g n i t i o n of the need f o r a " t r u e common market"  t o take p l a c e i n 1992.  The  c o u n t r i e s of the EC were seen to  need a common o b j e c t i v e which could r a i s e t h e i r s i g h t s above d a i l y r o u t i n e problems and  thereby concentrate  their  13 e n e r g i e s . Hence, i n 1983, t h e heads o f government o f t h e member s t a t e s met a t S t u t t g a r t and acknowledged the need f o r the Community t o "strengthen i t s cohesion, r e t a i n i t s dynamism and i n t e n s i f y i t s a c t i o n s . A n d t o t r a n s f o r m themselves  they were r e s o l v e d  i n t o a European union.  Then i n 1985, a l r e a d y i n v o l v e d i n a wide range o f economic and other f u n c t i o n a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c i e s , the member s t a t e s adopted  the S i n g l e European Act. The S i n g l e European  Act was designed  t o sweep b e f o r e i t a l l n a t i o n a l  i n t e r e s t which had h i t h e r t o prevented  self-  the EC from becoming a  s i n g l e i n t e r n a l market. The was  c r e a t i o n o f a homogeneous i n t e r n a l  community a r e a  i t s c h i e f p r i o r i t y and was t o be achieved i n the main  through  t h e completion o f the Rome T r e a t y . Designed  t o break  the l o g jam o f l e g i s l a t i o n which had p i l e d up f o r n e a r l y a decade through  the i n t e r n e c i n e r i v a l r y o f quarrelsome and  competing governments, the S i n g l e European A c t intended t o break down t h e b a r r i e r s which had up t o then prevented t h e EC from becoming p o t e n t i a l l y the l a r g e s t market i n the f r e e worId. The  legislation itself  covers the most d i f f i c u l t  parts  of the task o r i g i n a l l y s e t out by t h e T r e a t y o f Rome, i n c l u d i n g matters t h a t have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r personal freedom and s e c u r i t y , monetary s t a b i l i t y and v a r i o u s other p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e i s s u e s . I t s c o n t r i b u t i o n , moreover, means not j u s t the e l i m i n a t i o n o f c o n s t r a i n t s sapping e f f e c t i v e b u s i n e s s performance, but more i m p o r t a n t l y the  14  c r e a t i o n of a new  and  p e r v a s i v e c o m p e t i t i v e c l i m a t e i n which  the p l a y e r s of the EC can e x p l o i t new b e t t e r reach a v a i l a b l e consumers.  o p p o r t u n i t i e s and  Wealth and  job c r e a t i o n  are to be f o s t e r e d a c r o s s the whole of the EC, with the movement of persons and i n intra-community establishment fiercely  free  goods and a b o l i t i o n of d i s t o r t i o n s  trade. This w i l l  r e s u l t i n the  of an i n t e g r a t e d common market and a l s o a  c o m p e t i t i v e business environment, b r i n g i n g down  p r i c e s and  reducing  inflation.  In order to s t r e n g t h e n the Community d e c i s i o n making process, the S i n g l e European Act w i l l a l s o a l l o w most of the 1992  l e g i s l a t i o n to pass by q u a l i f i e d m a j o r i t y v o t i n g ,  r a t h e r than by the unanimous vote by i n d i v i d u a l members which up to now  has always operated. E q u a l l y important,  a c t fundamentally "harmonization"  r e - o r i e n t s t h a t l e g i s l a t i o n away from  or the quest  r u l e s toward the concept 1992,  f o r uniform Community wide  of mutual r e c o g n i t i o n "  8  moreover, i m p l i e s a major t r a n s f e r of power to  EC i n s t i t u t i o n s and more democratic. example, w i l l significant  the  t h e r e has been the push to make them  The e x i s t i n g European Parliament  p l a y a l a r g e r o l e and w i l l  CEP), f o r  have a more  l e g i s l a t i v e f u n c t i o n than i n the past.  The e x t r a powers of the Parliament are embodied i n the S i n g l e European Act which re-arranged  the  responsibilities  of the C o u n c i l of M i n i s t e r s , the European C o u n c i l and European Parliament. For the 518 Euro Members of CMEPs), t h i s means a new  power to amend d r a f t  the  Parliament  laws on  the  15 1992  p r o j e c t and a r i g h t o f veto on i n t e r n a t i o n a l agreements  concluded  by the C o u n c i l of M i n i s t e r s . The P a r l i a m e n t ' s  new  powers come on top o f those i t a l r e a d y had: these i n c l u d e the r i g h t t o sack the Commission and j o i n t  responsibility  with the C o u n c i l o f M i n i s t e r s f o r f i x i n g the Community's budget. The EP's p o s i t i o n has a t t r a c t e d s u b s t a n t i a l  support  among i n d i v i d u a l governments, p a r l i a m e n t s , i n t e r e s t and  groups,  the p u b l i c i n member s t a t e s . C e r t a i n c o n t r a r y f o r c e s ,  however, remain s t r o n g p a r t i c u l a r l y i n b u r e a u c r a c i e s , making processes and d i f f e r e n t Nevertheless, there i s s t i l l  civil  policy  service traditions.  a good chance t h a t the end o f  the century w i l l see an economic and monetary union, as w e l l as a Common Market governed by i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t can be called  federal. 1992  and  has i n f u s e d the EC with a new sense of confidence  purpose. There i s a v i s i o n of Europe. I t i s a v i s i o n o f  peace and hope, and growing p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l  interdependence.  o p p o r t u n i t y t o t u r n fragmentation c o n f l i c t i n t o a broader  and economic, but a l s o I t permits a h i s t o r i c a l  and the t h r e a t o f armed  process o f European c o n c e r t a t i o n and  unity. Members o f the Community have, together, come t o p l a c e g r e a t e r emphasis on cohesion and more equal s h a r i n g o f economic o p p o r t u n i t y and s u c c e s s . They have moved on from the p r a c t i c e o f l o o s e p o l i t i c a l  c o - o p e r a t i o n t o a more  s y s t e m a t i c and c o n s i s t e n t s t r a t e g y . The c o n t i n u i n g process  i n Europe i s one that b r i n g s an ever s t r o n g e r committment t o democracy, p l u r a l i s m , the r u l e of law, f u l l  respect for  Human R i g h t s and the p r i n c i p l e of market economy. The s i n g l e market i s b e g i n n i n g t o take shape. member s t a t e s have r e c o g n i z e d the need t o q u i c k l y Community d i r e c t i v e s i n t o n a t i o n a l themselves t o a new  The  translate  law and have adapted  rhythm of Community decision-making.  Progress towards completing the i n t e r n a l market i s i r r e v e r s i b l e and t h e r e i s the widespread  feeling,  both  i n s i d e and o u t s i d e the Community, that the o b j e c t i v e w i l l  be  achieved on time. When Western Europe takes i t s g i a n t s t e p i n 1992, i t will  have i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d what has been t r u e f o r y e a r s .  Borders w i l l  be open t o people, commerce and  ideas.  The EC i s today a community of twelve n a t i o n s a l l heading i n the same d i r e c t i o n : more than 340 m i l l i o n  people  heading towards a common f u t u r e . A s u c c e s s f u l model of economic i n t e g r a t i o n has evolved i n t o a major  political  p r o j e c t , and has created a p a t t e r n and a p o l e of a t t r a c t i o n for  a l l European The new  of  a radical  European  countries.  framework developed by the Community grows out change i n consciousness. Whereas, the o l d  n a t i o n a l i s m s of the past placed t h e i r t r u s t i n  i d e o l o g y , the new  community ethos puts i t s t r u s t i n people.  These people a r e , then, i n t u r n , r e a l i z i n g that 1992 means some fundamental their  change that w i l l  c h i l d r e n i n y e a r s t o come.  b e n e f i t them and  also  17 1992 w i l l see the removal of a l l borders i n Western Europe. Boundaries w i l l  come down between Northern and  Southern I r e l a n d , and between I r e l a n d and other European c o u n t r i e s . The development  o f Europe, p a r t i c u l a r l y the  completion of the i n t e r n a l market of 1992, w i l l  undoubtedly  decrease the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the I r i s h borders, making i t harder t o deny, t h e r e f o r e , the mutual i n t e r e s t s of the two p a r t s of the i s l a n d r e l a t i v e t o B r i t a i n . European p a s s p o r t s a r e now  replacing  traditional  B r i t i s h and I r i s h ones, and independently s o v e r e i g n s t a t e s , as we have t r a d i t i o n a l l y viewed both the I r i s h Republic and the United Kingdom, are, i n the near f u t u r e , t o be something of the past. The p o t e n t i a l f o r a new  international p o l i t i c s  uniting  f o r c e s i n Northern and Southern I r e l a n d has never been b r i g h t e r . The widespread support f o r the EC i s not merely s e n t i m e n t a l and r h e t o r i c a l , whereas the Community i t s e l f  has  more than t h i r t y y e a r s of e x p e r i e n c e i n b r i n g i n g s m a l l and medium s i z e d n a t i o n s together i n an economic  unit.  Far from h a l t i n g the great journey towards  European  Union, the events i n E a s t e r n Europe have speeded i t up. Those who  had expected the e r u p t i o n of  post-communist  n a t i o n a l i s m t o i n f e c t Western Europe a r e amazed. Most EC members have, i n f a c t , become keener t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e i r mutual t i e s and proudly independent non EC Europeans, such as the Swiss, a r e a l s o keener t o scramble aboard.  18  Growing p o l i t i c a l without b a r r i e r s ,  freedom i n the E a s t , a B e r l i n  a cleaner environment, a l e s s  militarized  Europe, a l l taken together, a r e the f o u n d a t i o n of a v i s i o n o f Europe that i s f r e e , itself.  larger  prosperous and a t peace with  19 CHAPTER TWO: THE IRISH CRISIS  No d i s c u s s i o n o f I r e l a n d a t a l l ,  or the I r i s h , can  begin without a b r i e f survey o f the country's h i s t o r y . For the I r i s h themselves a r e very  inward l o o k i n g , a p p e a l i n g t o  the past and a l l o w i n g i t t o dominate them. To understand I r i s h mentality,  and something o f the i s l a n d ' s p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e , the s u b j e c t matter must be placed  i n historical  context. Any  examination o f I r i s h p o l i t i c s must s t a r t from the  e x p e r i e n c e o f c o l o n i a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m  which ended i n a  compromise with the former c o l o n i z e d denied  true  emancipation. The r o o t s of the p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s i n Northern I r e l a n d a r e s e t i n the d i f f e r e n t i a l s u c c e s s o f British  c o l o n i a l p o l i c y i n the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d .  I r e l a n d , i t s a i d , i s B r i t a i n ' s o l d e s t problem and B r i t a i n i s I r e l a n d ' s . The p r o v i n c e  o f Northern I r e l a n d has  never been absorbed and i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the r e s t o f the United other itself  Kingdom and has never been t r e a t e d i n the same way as p a r t s of B r i t a i n . Ever s i n c e B r i t a i n d i r e c t l y  involved  i n the government o f the country i n 1169 t h e r e has  been i n t e r m i t t e n t s t r i f e and warfare. T h i s has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been portrayed  as a c o n f l i c t between the B r i t i s h  s t a t e and the n a t i v e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n , becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y marked d u r i n g nineteenth  century  imperial  with the c o n f l i c t  the l a t t e r p a r t o f the  when I r e l a n d began t o a s s e r t i t s e l f  with  renewed v i g o r i n the s t r u g g l e f o r home r u l e and then n a t i o n a l independence. P l a n t a t i o n was the means by which E n g l i s h r u l e was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . An attempt was made t o uproot one group of people, t h e C a t h o l i c s , and r e p l a c e them with P r o t e s t a n t  o u t s i d e r s whose l o y a l t y was assured. The  g r e a t e r s u c c e s s o f the p o l i c y i n the north-east province  of Ulster  The  Republic  apart. o f I r e l a n d , by c o n t r a s t , r e c e i v e d  independence i n 1922. P o l i t i c a l as a p r e c o n d i t i o n  s e t the  independence was  nominal  recognized  f o r the economic development of Southern  I r e l a n d , whereas the continued i n d u s t r i a l i z e d north-east  p r o s p e r i t y of the more  depended on m a i n t a i n i n g  its  f u n c t i o n w i t h i n the B r i t i s h f r e e - t r a d e system. Hence two d i s t i n c t and s p e c i a l i z e d sub-economies emerged, fundamentally independent o f each other although more or less s t i l l  dependent on B r i t a i n .  P o l i t i c a l l y speaking, what developed i n t h e north o f the country from 1921 onwards was an " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d caste system" with the P r o t e s t a n t  majority of the province  i n permanent and complete c o n t r o l o f t h e government.* The Protestant  ascendency p r o t e c t e d  i t s own s t a t e i n conformity mentality.  with the n o t o r i o u s  Ulster Protestants  hopeless m i n o r i t y  i t s i d e n t i t y and organized siege  had avoided becoming a  i n C a t h o l i c I r e l a n d and the continued  defense o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n was i n the b u i l d i n g o f a B r i t i s h s t a t e l e t o f t h e i r own where they had a h e l p l e s s C a t h o l i c minority  t o dominate.*° P r o t e s t i n g t h e i r apprehensions of  Catholic nationalism Protestants  and  C a t h o l i c working c l a s s and  c l a s s i c appliance  impera" . 1 1  Republican t h r e a t s , the  northern  showed t h e i r continued r e a l f e a r of a union of  the P r o t e s t a n t "the  and  maintained  of the p r i n c i p l e " d i v i d e e t  Irishmen of d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o n s and  p e r s u a s i o n were s e t a g a i n s t  one  another and  political  the o l d b e l i e f  "that d i s s e n t e r s were a people d i f f e r i n g i n character the a b o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s of I r e l a n d "  1 2  was  Indeed, a s i g n i f i c a n t defense a g a i n s t still  enforced. "the  apprehended  t h r e a t to P r o t e s t a n t  liberties"  through an e l a b o r a t e  system of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a l o n g  1 3  from  o p e r a t e s today the  l i n e s of r e l i g i o u s cleavage, u n f a i r employment opportunities,  prejudice  i n the a l l o c a t i o n of housing,  e l e c t o r a l manipulation. Everything  from i t s past  has  and  been  "dredged up to b u i l d these f o r t i f i c a t i o n s . . . t h e c u l t s of King W i l l i a m  and  J u l y the t w e l f t h " * * to mention but a  few,  1  with the r e s u l t that Northern I r e l a n d emerged as a one s t a t e where the  " u n i o n i s t m a n i p u l a t o r s of p r e j u d i c e ,  genuine f e a r s and  t r a d i t i o n s had  party  of  produced a system of  tyranny that operated on more than one  t h i r d of the whole  population." . 1 S  To C a t h o l i c s , t h e i r P r o t e s t a n t "canting feared  b i g o t s and  hypocrites",  as  f o r the very l i b e r t i e s they  t o l o s e f o r themselves i n an overwhelming C a t h o l i c  s t a t e of a l l I r e l a n d ,  they d e p r i v e d  Ireland,  to be a one  exist.  f e l l o w s appeared  however, had  It was  forced  others o f .  l s  Northern  p a r t y s t a t e i n order  to d i s c r i m i n a t e  to  i n order to p r e s e r v e  itself.  I t was simply t h a t a s e c t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n ( t h e  C a t h o l i c s e c t i o n ) was d e f i n e d chance o f p o l i t i c a l had  t o be a v o i d e d . If p o l i t i c a l  as i n h e r e n t l y d i s l o y a l . Any  power or i n f l u e n c e f o r them,  therefore,  1 7  power or i n f l u e n c e f o r C a t h o l i c s might be  gained through the b a l l o t box, then arrangements had t o be made t o counter i t . In a s t a t e where votes were o n l y  given  t o the t e n a n t s of the houses, that meant not g i v i n g tenancies  t o those who were known t o be d i s l o y a l . That l e d  t o d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n housing. There were not enough jobs f o r everyone, and i f there had t o be d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , that would i n v o l v e the work p l a c e . The lack of jobs was used t o s t o k e up s e c t a r i a n f e e l i n g . I f p o l i t i c a l  boundaries had t o be  gerrymandered i n order t o r e t u r n u n i o n i s t m a j o r i t i e s i n a r e a s ( l i k e Derry C i t y or i n the County of Fermanagh) that were p a t e n t l y a n t i - u n i o n i s t , then they had t o be gerrymandered. W i t h i n the boundaries of the s t a t e l e t of Northern I r e l a n d , many C a t h o l i c s were d i s c r i m i n a t e d  against  with  B r i t i s h acquiescence. I n s t i t u t i o n a l i n j u s t i c e s were b u i l t i n t o the system from the very s t a r t . The C a t h o l i c was s y s t e m a t i c a l l y excluded from p o l i t i c a l the enemy w i t h i n , and d e p r i v e d  population  power, t r e a t e d as  of i t s economic and  civil  rights. At the end of the s i x t i e s , a s e c t i o n o f t h e C a t h o l i c community f i n a l l y r e b e l l e d , and f o r the past  twenty y e a r s  B r i t a i n has been s t r u g g l i n g t o put t h i s r e b e l l i o n down.  Having been d r i v e n out o f predominant p l a c e s o f employment ( i . e . the s h i p y a r d s and many o f the l a r g e r e n g i n e e r i n g works) i n the e a r l y y e a r s o f the Stormont regime, today remain excluded, with the problem  Catholics  of job  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n e s p e c i a l l y acute i n recent y e a r s o f high unemployment. At the same time, C a t h o l i c s and n a t i o n a l i s t s l i v i n g i n predominantly  P r o t e s t a n t areas were d r i v e n out o f  t h e i r homes and f o r c e d t o seek refuge i n C a t h o l i c areas, where they continue t o l i v e . They  remain unable t o a c q u i r e  p o s i t i o n s o f p r e s t i g e and importance civil  i n areas such as the  s e r v i c e , and p r i v a t e i n d u s t r y , w i t h i n the s e c u r i t y  f o r c e s and i n l o c a l government. A l l these j o b s and a s s o c i a t e d b e n e f i t s a r e awarded on the b a s i s o f e t h n i c i t y , mostly t o P r o t e s t a n t s . C i v i l  liberties,  limited f o r nearly  f i f t y y e a r s under Northern I r e l a n d ' s "emergency legislation",  have been cut back and abused even f u r t h e r .  Repression i n terms of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e with the P r e v e n t i o n of T e r r o r i s m Act, e n t a i l i n g a r r e s t s without warrant  and internment without t r i a l  f o r up t o seven  days,  was enacted by the almost e x c l u s i v e l y P r o t e s t a n t Royal U l s t e r Constabulary  (RUC) and the P r o t e s t a n t a u x i l i a r y  p o l i c e u n i t , the U l s t e r Defense Regiment CUDR). T h i s a c t , i n c i d e n t a l l y , was u n t i l  1984 o n l y temporary,  being  considered and renewed every year. Now, however because o f persistent  I r i s h t e r r o r i s t a c t i v i t y and i n c r e a s e d Republican  v i o l e n c e , i t i s permanent  statute.  1 0  The  r i g h t to t r i a l  by j u r y has  r u l e s of evidence so r e l a x e d  been removed and  that a person can be sentenced  to l i f e imprisonment s o l e l y on the b a s i s of a which was  the  not made v o l u n t a r i l y . The  confession  implications for c i v i l  l i b e r t i e s are very s e r i o u s indeed. F i n a l l y , whereas e l e c t i o n s i s now  Protestant  gerrymandering of  somewhat c i r c u m s c r i b e d ,  it still  local  e x i s t s to  weaken the C a t h o l i c vote e s p e c i a l l y i n Fermangh, where despite t h e i r majority  p o s i t i o n , C a t h o l i c s are  underrepresented at the l o c a l government Hence, s u c c e s s i v e  still  level.  Southern governments have  that Northern I r e l a n d d i s c r i m i n a t e s a g a i n s t C a t h o l i c s t h e r e , d e p r i v i n g them of s o c i a l ,  claimed  the m i n o r i t y political  and  economic r i g h t s . They have concluded that as long as u n i t of Northern I r e l a n d remains, i t would, e n t a i l majority  r e p r e s s i n g the m i n o r i t y .  seen by the Republic which cuts a c r o s s  The  i s to d i s s o l v e the a r t i f i c i a l  the  boundary  Ireland. of I r e l a n d to be thi  cause" of the problem, denying Northern n a t i o n a l i s t s  t h e i r democratic r i g h t as part of the N a t i o n a l i s t majority" political  minority.  Northern I r e l a n d was i t s genesis  was  an  illegal  artificially not  merely  because i t p a r t i t i o n e d the i s l a n d , but because of particular  political  on the i s l a n d , by t u r n i n g them i n t o a permanent  created e n t i t y , and  3:1  the  obvious s o l u t i o n , as  P a r t i t i o n i s seen i n the Republic "root  of  boundaries drawn. I t was  protestant  m a j o r i t y and  the  c o n t r i v e d to ensure a  a system stacked  h e a v i l y agains  C a t h o l i c s and n a t i o n a l i s t s who were made t o compromise a permanent m i n o r i t y o f the t o t a l  population.  Consequently,  Northern I r e l a n d ' s i n c l u s i o n w i t h i n t h e United  Kingdom (UK)  c o n s t i t u t e d t h e d e n i a l of t h e r i g h t t o s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the m a j o r i t y w i t h i n the i s l a n d . C u r r e n t l y D i r e c t Rule from Westminster and the presence o f B r i t i s h troops on the s t r e e t s have enhanced the c r e d i b i l i t y of t h e R e p u b l i c ' s continued  p o s i t i o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . The  B r i t i s h presence c o n s t i t u t e s a form o f c o l o n i a l  r u l e , a p o i n t the Southern government and t h e s u b - n a t i o n a l e l i t e s o f the north exploit. should  have been quick  I t i s unthinkable  t o a p p r e c i a t e and  that the n a t i o n a l  territory  i n p r i n c i p l e be regarded as detachable, a l l t h e more  so i n l i g h t o f the emergence o f a r e - u n i t e d Germany o f c l o s e to 80 m i l l i o n people i n t h e heart o f Europe.  Divided  s o v e r e i g n t i e s on i s l a n d s a r e r a r e , and the continued d i v i s i o n o f I r e l a n d i s an anomaly l e f t over from an e a r l i e r period. Much has been made i n s i d e the EC of the B r i t i s h government's o v e r a l l attempt and f a i l u r e a t " c r i s i s management" o f t h e I r i s h problem. P a r t i c u l a r c r i t i c i s m has been l e v e l e d a t B r i t a i n ' s f a i l u r e t o t a c k l e the c o n t i n u i n g phenomenon o f employment d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t T h i s has put t h e i s s u e o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t f i r m l y back on the p o l i t i c a l  Catholics. Catholics  agenda.  As an important part o f necessary reform, t h e EC has suggested a new b i l l  of r i g h t s f o r Northern I r e l a n d .  2 0  The  i n t r o d u c t i o n of a b i l l  of r i g h t s , i t i s s a i d , would be a  c l e a r e x p r e s s i o n of B r i t a i n ' s committment t o Human R i g h t s . It  i s seen, by the EC to be an e s s e n t i a l element i n any  eventual is  r e s o l u t i o n of the c o n f l i c t of Northern  Ireland. It  thought, by the European Commission, to be the  primary  means to t a c k l e m i n o r i t y g r i e v a n c e i n the t r o u b l e d of  the  province  north. To the B r i t i s h government's e v i d e n t annoyance, the  has a l s o i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z e d the whole q u e s t i o n of conflict  i n Northern  EC  the  Ireland.  Much c r i t i c i s m has been l e v e l e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y at B r i t a i n ' s most recent and burden and  partial  h a l f hearted e f f o r t to share  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Northern  the government of the I r i s h In November 1985,  the  I r e l a n d with  Republic.  l a r g e l y as the r e s u l t of B r i t i s h  I r i s h i n t e r a c t i o n at a European l e v e l , and  and  following a  barren phase of A n g l o - I r i s h disagreement, t h e r e was i n t r o d u c t i o n of an A n g l o - I r i s h Intergovermental  the  Council  and  an arrangement whereby the twin governments of London and D u b l i n became locked i n t o an A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement to d e a l , on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , with p o l i t i c a l , stemming from the c o n f l i c t i n the  l e g a l and s o c i a l  matters  north.  However, d e s p i t e the p e r s i s t e n t enthusiasm on the p a r t of  the Thatcher  (and now  years l a t e r l i t t l e ,  Major) governments, more than  i n e f f e c t , has  changed. Many of  five  the  s p e c i f i c reforms spoken o f , such as a change i n the o p e r a t i o n of the non-jury  D i p l o c k Courts, with the  suggested  replacement o f one judge by three, o u t r i g h t l y and r e p e a t e d l y latter  have been r e j e c t e d  by the B r i t i s h government. The  has a p p a r e n t l y f a i l e d  t o s t o p the "shoot t o k i l l "  p o l i c y o f the B r i t i s h S e c u r i t y F o r c e s , a s u b j e c t o f continuing published  c o n t r o v e r s y s i n c e the RUC have not as y e t a code o f conduct as promised. Shootings,  e x p l o s i o n s and deaths have a l l p e r s i s t e d , and the l o y a l i s t p a r l i a m e n t a r y presence has i n c r e a s e d searching  of p o l i t i c a l  prisoners  on the scene. The s t r i p  continues, as do the  a l l e g a t i o n s o f p o l i c e b r u t a l i t y and i l l treatment a t interrogation  centers.  At the same time, the i s s u e of r e l i g i o u s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n a l l areas of p u b l i c l i f e has s t i l l tackled  properly  there s t i l l  t o be  and s u c c e s s f u l l y , and i n c u l t u r a l areas  e x i s t s the ban on the p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l  symbols o f the n a t i o n a l i s t community. High e m i g r a t i o n Catholic society  within  Cat the alarming r a t e of 17% o f the  community's t o t a l ) a l s o continues, as does the d i s r e s p e c t that C a t h o l i c s r e c e i v e as a group. Thus, w h i l e the B r i t i s h government a p p a r e n t l y t o the D u b l i n government an a d v i s o r y Northern I r e l a n d ,  i t , nevertheless,  conceded  r o l e i n the a f f a i r s o f t y p i c a l l y f a i l e d to deal  with the problem o f Northern I r e l a n d adequately. The parameters o f the B r i t i s h p o l i c y remain much the same. C r i s i s management i s s t i l l  the most s u i t a b l e d e s c r i p t i o n of  how the B r i t i s h government r u l e s the p r o v i n c e .  The approach i s t o concede as l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e as l a t e as p o s s i b l e . Any reforms  t h a t have been i n t r o d u c e d have  been more a grudging  t o C a t h o l i c a g i t a t i o n and  response  v i o l e n c e than a n y t h i n g e l s e . B r i t a i n has u s u a l l y o n l y ever brought reforms  i n a t the l a s t minute, and what has been  done has normally been inadequate.  At no stage has B r i t a i n  ever taken any r e a l reforming i n i t i a t i v e s , and the combined e f f o r t o f i t s h a l f measures i n the past twenty y e a r s has o n l y had l i m i t e d  effect.  Notwithstanding  the p a r t i a l s h a r i n g of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  with the Republic, the burden of governing Northern has not d i m i n i s h e d . The d i f f i c u l t  problem o f governing the  north p e r s i s t s a l o n g s i d e the R e p u b l i c ' s c h a l l e n g e t o the s i x I r i s h  Ireland  irredentist  c o u n t i e s i n the f a c e o f B r i t a i n ' s  i n s i s t e n c e on m a i n t a i n i n g s o v e r e i g n t y . L e f t t o themselves,  the two I r e l a n d s and the United  Kingdom o f Great B r i t a i n have not been a b l e t o r e s o l v e a c o n f l i c t whose r o o t s a r e c e n t u r i e s o l d . Yet i t j u s t might be that the simultaneous  e n t r y o f a l l the i n h a b i t a n t s o f  I r e l a n d , north and south, and the two s u r r o g a t e governements, the B r i t i s h government and the government o f the Republic o f I r e l a n d , i n t o a new European arrangement, can p r o v i d e a l a r g e r canvas a g a i n s t which the I r i s h can be addressed  i n a different  light.  question  CHAPTER THREE: NORTHERN IRELAND. THE PROBLEM PERPETRATED.  As a f r i n g e s t a t e l e t on the p e r i p h e r y  of the United  Kingdom o u t s i d e B r i t i s h s o c i e t y , Northern I r e l a n d i s f a r removed i n p h y s i c a l terms from the r e s t o f mainland Europe. P s y c h o l o g i c a l l y too, and t o a f a r g r e a t e r extent Republic,  than the  i t i s cut o f f from the c o n t i n e n t a l mainland f o r  i t s external  r e l a t i o n s a r e channeled through London.  Northern I r e l a n d has been d e s c r i b e d as a p l u r a l s o c i e t y p o s s e s s i n g  by Arend L i j p h a r d  the a t t r i b u t e o f a " c o l o n i a l  fragment" * and o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o by many as a 2  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l o d d i t y s i n c e i t has never been f u l l y integrated  i n t o the UK, e i t h e r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y or  p o l i t i c a l l y . At times i t has been considered e n t i t y i n i t s own r i g h t and not simply  a political  a s u b o r d i n a t e part o f  the UK, but u l t i m a t e l y i t l a c k s i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n . There e x i s t i n Northern I r e l a n d two r i v a l and  polarities  e t h n i c i t i e s . They a r e two powerful detached and  unmistakable n a t i o n a l i s t groupings both v y i n g f o r the same small s t a t e l e t and n e i t h e r one prepared t o g i v e up. There a r e two n a t i o n s  i n one s t a t e , namely those people descended  from the E n g l i s h and S c o t t i s h s e t t l e r s o f the seventeenth century,  and those r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the o l d G a e l i c  stock,  the so c a l l e d n a t i v e I r i s h . T h i s l a t t e r group, i t s r o o t s t r a c e a b l e f a r back i n t o time, e x i s t e d i n some form as a  30  nation  long before  the a r r i v a l o f any n a t i o n a l i s t i d e o l o g y .  Indeed, t h i s form of a n a t i o n was so s t r o n g t h a t i t s u r v i v e d the d e p l e t i o n o f the I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n  a t the time o f the  Great famine i n 1847, when one m i l l i o n I r i s h d i e d due t o s t a r v a t i o n and another m i l l i o n emigrated. Within  t h i s fundamental d i v i s i o n there a r e f u r t h e r  d i f f e r e n c e s . But whereas the d i s t i n c t i o n between more extremist  and l e s s e x t r e m i s t  u n i o n i s t s and between  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and n o n - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  n a t i o n a l i s t s serves  merely t o compound the whole problem, each s i d e ' s f a c t i o n s agree on the same grievances  and long term  goals.  N a t i o n a l i s t s agree on the n a t u r a l u n i t y o f the whole i s l a n d , u n i o n i s t s on the need f o r m a i n t a i n i n g C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s p e a c e f u l l y i n the other but  the l i n k with  Britain.  have been a b l e t o c o - e x i s t  c o u n t r i e s o f Europe and of the world  they a r e unable t o do so i n the north o f I r e l a n d . There,  C a t h o l i c and P r o t e s t a n t  a r e terms that r e f e r t o profound  ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s , standing  as important symbols o f  s o l i d a r i t y a t l e a s t s i n c e the seventeenth century, outbursts  o f v i o l e n c e s e r v i n g t o r e i n f o r c e the s o l i d a r i t y of  each s i d e . As n e i t h e r party, aversion prevalent  with  therefore,  has ever shown an  t o v i o l e n c e , t h i s stands i n sharp c o n t r a s t t o the atmosphere and ethos o f i n t e g r a t i o n t a k i n g  place  i n the r e s t o f Western Europe. Northern n a t i o n a l i s m  has created an i n t r a c t a b l e  problem. The problem i s not t h a t everyone i n Northern I r e l a n d has a sense o f n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y but r a t h e r  that  t h e r e i s no agreement about the n a t i o n to which they belong. The  cause of the d i f f i c u l t y i s the s t r o n g a s s o c i a t i o n of  I r i s h n e s s with C a t h o l i c i s m .  I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m i s a form of  n a t i o n a l i s m i n which the C a t h o l i c i d e n t i t y i s c r u c i a l . P r o t e s t a n t s r e j e c t t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s m . They f e e l t h e i r own  r e l i g i o u s and  civil  l i b e r t i e s would be eroded by a  s t a t e dominated by C a t h o l i c s . I t i s a case, one  nationalism  the  other. Yet  t h e r e f o r e , of  c o n t r a d i c t i n g the n a t i o n a l i s t a s p i r a t i o n s of  t h e r e are r e a l b e n e f i t s f o r a l l i n Northern  I r e l a n d i n any  new  o r g a n i z a t i o n of Europe. In p a r t i c u l a r ,  there i s the p r o v i s i o n i n the S i n g l e European Act t h a t where p o l i c y cannot be c a r r i e d out s a t i s f a c t o r i l y a t the r e g i o n a l or n a t i o n a l l e v e l ,  i t can i n s t e a d be executed more  e f f e c t i v e l y at the European l e v e l . The  European Commission  has a l s o given the Community's r e g i o n s and fresh opportunity regards  the EC's  municipalities a  to express themselves on a l l q u e s t i o n s r e g i o n a l p o l i c y and  i m p l i c a t i o n s of a l l i t s other should,  local,  r e g i o n a l and  policies.  2 2  Thus,  local  there  i n the f u t u r e , be encouraged more a c t i v e and  r e g i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the A superstate  as  direct  EC.  of Europe p r o v i d i n g f o r i n c r e a s e d  local  autonomy at the expense of c e n t r a l government, e n a b l i n g i n t e r a c t i o n of r e g i o n a l e l i t e s and  community  could, i n f a c t , prove i t s e l f a success  Eurocrats  i n view of the North  I r i s h problem. Indeed, t h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y so i n the of the c u r r e n t B r i t i s h C o n s e r v a t i v e  the  context  government's endeavors  t o d i s p l a y i t s pro-European sentiments and a l s o s i n c e the p r o v i n c e o f Northern  I r e l a n d c u r r e n t l y enjoys a  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a t the European l e v e l out o f a l l p r o p o r t i o n t o i t s p o p u l a t i o n per head. For t h e r e a r e t h r e e Members o f the European Parliament i n the p r o v i n c e f o r a p o p u l a t i o n of 2.5 m i l l i o n people,  compared with S c o t l a n d , f o r example,  which has f i v e MEP's f o r a p o p u l a t i o n o f 7.5 m i l l i o n people.  2 3  But the people o f the Northern still  Ireland are apparently  unaware o f t h i s p o t e n t i a l . D e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t l o c a l  government o f the north ( t h e p r o v i n c e being considered a s p e c i a l r e g i o n a t European l e v e l ) has b e n e f i t t e d  from  Community membership as a f i n a n c i a l r e c i p i e n t of European economic a s s i s t a n c e i n general and p a r t i c u l a r l y with huge farm s u b s i d i e s and grants from the Regional Fund,  local  people remain preoccupied with the n a t i o n a l q u e s t i o n . Between 1973 and 1988, the a r e a was a l l o c a t e d ECU 118 m i l l i o n from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and ECU 160 m i l l i o n f o r A g r i c u l t u r a l Guidance- Then, f o r the 1979,  1984 and 1989 e l e c t i o n s t o the EP, a s e p a r a t e v o t i n g  system was a l s o used  i n the p r o v i n c e , d i f f e r e n t from the  r e s t o f the United Kingdom, t o ensure  the C a t h o l i c m i n o r i t y  t h e r e was p r o p e r l y represented a t Strasbourg.*** Yet, still  remained p r o v i n c i a l i z e d .  Indeed, the b i g o t e d e l e c t i o n  campaigns and the subsequent v i c t o r i e s o f the e l e c t e d the defeated candidates could even be seen t o have r e i n f o r c e d such  views.  matters  over  The  m a j o r i t y o f the U l s t e r U n i o n i s t ' s l o y a l t y  continues  t o be paid t o the n a t i o n - s t a t e o f B r i t a i n  than t o any "embryo e q u i v a l e n t " nationalists,  2 0  rather  of Europe, whereas most  i n c l u d i n g those middle c l a s s elements who can  be seen t o b e n e f i t d i r e c t l y from European s u b s i d i e s , continue t o look i n s t i n c t i v e l y t o D u b l i n ,  as opposed t o  B r u s s e l s , as t h e focus o f t h e i r n a t i o n a l a l l e g i a n c e . Thus, i n s p i t e o f Northern I r e l a n d ' s d e c l i n i n g i n d u s t r i a l excessive  base,  unemployment, poor l i v i n g standards and low wages,  not t o mention the B r i t i s h government's c o n s i s t e n t of the p o l i t i c a l  neglect  problem, no r e a l improvement by the way o f  European a c t i o n can be made without the s i g n i f i c a n t support t h a t i s o s t e n s i b l y l a c k i n g The perceived  sub-national  local  there.  e l i t e s o f the north  t h e i r own s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t  have never  the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y  as n e c e s s a r i l y compatible with the o b j e c t of s u p r a - n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Hence, any s o p h i s t i c a t e d European o r g a n i z a t i o n might be seen t o pose a t h r e a t t o the r e g i o n a l i s m province, considered Ireland  o f the  e s p e c i a l l y i f the new arrangement i s t o be i n terms of t h e continued  lifted  of the M a r x i s t  t o a higher  c o l o n i z a t i o n of  more i n t e r n a t i o n a l plane.  In view  r h e t o r i c o f the I r i s h Republican Army (IRA),  the e s c a l a t i o n o f v i o l e n t r e s i s t a n c e t o a c a p i t a l i s t convention o f Western Europe would appear a l l t h e more l i k e l y i f i t i s seen t o perpetuate and r e i n f o r c e B r i t i s h capitalist  imperialism  a t home. F e e l i n g that t h e s u p r a -  n a t i o n a l model o f the EC might d e t r a c t from t h e i r  localized  34  n a t i o n a l s t r u g g l e , I r i s h Republicans s t e p up t h e i r  might seem l i k e l y  campaign of v i o l e n c e .  I r i s h t e r r o r i s m has been t r a n s p o r t e d t o the  continent  with random, i n d i s c r i m i n a t e a t t a c k s on i n d i v i d u a l army personnel,  British  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n West Germany. S i n c e  s h o o t i n g i n G i b r a l t a r of t h r e e unarmed IRA B r i t i s h SAS  to  i n 1988,  (apart from those  considers i t s e l f  v o l u n t e e r s by  however, I r i s h t e r r o r i s t  f o r c e d to concentrate  IRA  the  c e l l s abroad  i n o p e r a t i o n around m e t r o p o l i t a n  have held t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n check. The  the  London)  currently  i t s violent  campaign  back i n the North of I r e l a n d . Simultaneously,  U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s might be expected,  e s p e c i a l l y as they have always espoused t h e i r t r a d i t i o n and continued  British  h e r i t a g e as the p r i n c i p a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r t h e i r  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l insurance  i n s i d e the UK,  f e a r a " t r u e " European community a f t e r  1992  and  a  predominantly C a t h o l i c European Assembly usurping s o v e r e i g n t y of B r i t i s h Westminster  the  rule.  Having i n the past proclaimed than the B r i t i s h ,  to a l s o  themselves more B r i t i s h  they have, at the same time, r e s o r t e d to  v i o l e n c e i n d e f i a n c e of the B r i t i s h parliament  (exemplified  most r e c e n t l y i n t h e i r o b j e c t i o n s to the A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement i n 1985,  as i n 1912  Ulstermen were prepared  and  1974  when P r o t e s t a n t  to f i g h t a g a i n s t the  government with e x t r a p a r l i a m e n t a r y  means, and  to remain part of B r i t a i n . ) . They maintain British,  British a l l i n a bid  their  c l a i m to be  but r e f u s e to be part of B r i t a i n i n the most  35  elementary sense of obeying the B r i t i s h government's p l a n s f o r the p r o v i n c e , and render  have demonstrated t h e i r c a p a c i t y to  U l s t e r ungovernable by t a k i n g up arms a g a i n s t  Queen and  country.  The  P r o t e s t a n t m a j o r i t y of the  i n s i s t s t h a t t h e i r p r o v i n c e has r i g h t s and  totally  north  duties  d i f f e r e n t from any other part of the UK and  their  no  t h a t they  are  l o y a l to the Crown, w h i l e at the same time, h a r s h l y  opposing the B r i t i s h government . Thus, i n r e l a t i o n to Europe, U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s might be expected to withhold support  as they have i n the past, r a l l y i n g around  traditional  cry of " no surrender  their  their  ", t h i s time t o B r u s s e l s  i n s t e a d of D u b l i n . Europe, f o r U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s , i s to be cast i n the r o l e of a d i v i s i v e a l i e n , encroaching hastening  the d i l u t i o n of cherished t r a d i t i o n s  Amid an ever  S B S  body, .  i n c r e a s i n g t e n s i o n i n Northern I r e l a n d .  Ian P a i s e l y , leader of the Democratic U n i o n i s t Party > throughout the e i g h t i e s and c o n s i s t e n t l y repeated  now  c o n v i c t i o n by the bombs and  i n the n i n e t i e s ,  will  not be swayed i n t h a t  b u l l e t s of the IRA  l e s s by the machinations of Europeans who of the s i t u a t i o n here h i s general e l e c t i o n success  still  understand  little  In the hope of improving t o the Westminster  on  Parliament  i n a h i g h l y p e r s o n a l i z e d manifesto  e l e c t i o n campaign to the European parliament it  D.U.P  t h a t "...the m a j o r i t y here are  determined to remain B r i t i s h and  e a r l i e r i n 1987,  (  i n 1989  c l e a r t h a t " f o r a f r e e , f e a r l e s s P r o t e s t a n t and  and he made loyalist  36  v o i c e i n Europe the P r o t e s t a n t Any  ,,3MS  he was  the best p o s s i b l e nominee from  community.  p o s s i b l e u n i t e d and  c e n t r a l convergence of Europe  could be seen to t h r e a t e n u n i o n i s t sympathies and  values,  their  and  l o y a l t y to the Monarchy, t h e i r Protestanism  commitment to the s o v e r e i g n t y of the Westminster T h e i r concerns,  moreover, are rendered  the f a c t t h a t Northern I r e l a n d borders I r e l a n d and  exists,  neighboring  h o s t i l e and  their  Parliament.  a l l the more acute the Republic  of  i n the u n i o n i s t view, a l o n g s i d e another a n n e x a t i o n i s t member of the  EC.  U n i o n i s t s consider the s u c c e s s i v e governments of the  Irish  Republic  the  to have pressured  the B r i t i s h government at  European l e v e l to r e c o g n i z e an I r i s h dimension to problem w i t h i n i t s borders.  the  They have r e p e a t e d l y denounced  d u r i n g the v a r i o u s meetings of the heads of the two throughout the e i g h t i e s and " c o n t r i v e d s e l l - o u t " and  now  "abandonment with  2 3  a r e u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with an  states  i n t o the n i n e t i e s , a  c o n t r i v a n c e " . T h i s i s the reason  reason  European  that supporters  "un-Ulsterness"  and  of the  conflict  from  1971.  Thus, whereas c r e a t i n g an enlarged of n a t i o n s and  EC  a l s o the  u n i o n i s t s have voted a g a i n s t EC membership r i g h t  the s t a r t i n  by  democratic Europe  r e g i o n s could have been seen to h e l p reduce  i n Northern I r e l a n d by p r o v i d i n g a formula  whereby  the p r o v i n c e ' s  c i t i z e n s and  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s could r e l a t e t o  each other and  to the r e s t of the Community through B r u s s e l s  r a t h e r than Westminster, i t might not seem t h a t t h i s i s the  37  way  f o r matters i n the p r o v i n c e  l i k e l y that the P r o t e s t a n t t o bypass W h i t e h a l l prospect  to t u r n out.  I t i s not  m a j o r i t y of the north w i l l want  when d e a l i n g with B r u s s e l s and  any  f o r the i n t e g r a t i o n or p o s s i b l e r e - u n i f i c a t i o n of  the i s l a n d , t h e r e f o r e , might seem unimaginable. U l t i m a t e l y though, s u r e l y U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s must a l s o r e a l i z e the p a t e n t l y undemocratic manner i n which they have been governed. The  present  too  system of government i n  Northern I r e l a n d dates from the a b o l i t i o n of the Stormont Parliament and  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of D i r e c t Rule i n 1974.  seventeen y e a r s the p r o v i n c e u n s a t i s f a c t o r y and  has  been s u b j e c t  to  an  undemocratic p o l i t i c a l system i n which  the people of the province,  both u n i o n i s t , as w e l l  n a t i o n a l i s t , have been deprived they are governed. The  of any  in  how  people of Northern I r e l a n d have a l l political  i n s t i t u t i o n s designed to prevent s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l  of r e a l and  as  e f f e c t i v e say  been l e f t with a h e r i t a g e which i n c l u d e s  •n i t s own,  For  moreover, Northern I r e l a n d has  no  change. prospect  s u s t a i n a b l e growth. Because of i t s weak  manufacturing base and  high  unemployment, the economy w i l l  continue to be dependent upon o u t s i d e  resources  f o r some  time to come. The  economy of Northern I r e l a n d i s i n s e v e r e  In the f i f t i e s and  sixties,  l o c a l i n d u s t r y was  run down and  dominate i t s economy. But process has  the p r o v i n c e  was  transformed  as  m u l t i n a t i o n a l s moved i n to  i n the l a s t twenty y e a r s  gone i n t o r e v e r s e ,  crisis.  with m u l t i n a t i o n a l s  the reducing  38  t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s or p u l l i n g out s u b s i d i e s and  together.  Only huge  3 0  e x t e r n a l a i d keep Northern I r e l a n d a f l o a t ;  without these the province a matter of a few  could o n l y s u r v i v e on i t s own  for  weeks.  C e n t r a l to the north's f u t u r e i s , i n f a c t , then,  the  maintenance of the s u b s t a n t i a l amount of f i n a n c i a l a i d  the  area a l r e a d y  gets from the EC and  i t expects t o get  a l s o the i n c r e a s i n g amount  i n the f u t u r e under the new  p r o v i s i o n s of  the S i n g l e European Act. U l s t e r ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p o s i t i o n i s the product of turbulent  h i s t o r y and  i n t r i c a t e geography. D i f f e r i n g v i s i o n s  have h i t h e r t o prevented the two  communities i n Northern  I r e l a n d from s i t t i n g down together out.  They have always looked  i n s t i n c t i v e l y to D u b l i n and the p o l i t i c a l  working t h e i r  of n a t i o n a l i s t s and  over t h e i r shoulder London. For  both s i d e s , however,  European trends  u n i o n i s t s are no  i s changing and  U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s have long  Now,  s i d e over the  Both n a t i o n a l i s t s and  must  be  however, the problems of  can be s e t i n a s t a b l e context,  v i c t o r y f o r one  European  Ireland.  that what i s good f o r one  d i s a s t r o u s f o r the other.  aims  valid.  to s u r v i v e i n the new  I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t s and l i v e d by the theory  the o r i g i n a l  longer  environment, so must the i n h a b i t a n t s of  north  destiny  scene i s changing i r r e v o c a b l y .  Because of the new  Everything  and  without  the  representing  other.  u n i o n i s t s can  look t o the EC  a n e u t r a l or wider framework f o r examining Northern  as  I r e l a n d ' s problems and  can share the b e l i e f t h a t Europe  has  the p o t e n t i a l to c o n t r i b u t e towards a l l e v i a t i n g the t r o u b l e s t h e r e . Both s i d e s , i f they resources  choose, can draw on the wider  the EC has made a v a i l a b l e to f i n d more adequate  answers to the problems. In the absence of v i a b l e domestic initiatives,  the EC p r o v i d e s the o p p o r t u n i t y  to t h i n k a f r e s h  v i s - a - v i s Northern I r e l a n d . Yet 1992  and  i f there i s to be any  adequate p r e p a r a t i o n f o r  i f the promised f i n a n c i a l and  i n t e r n a t i o n a l support  i s to be p r o p e r l y u t i l i z e d , then the s o r t of s e c t a r i a n controversy witnessed  c o n t i n u a l l y throughout the whole area  must be r e p l a c e d by a more c o - o p e r a t i v e p o l i t i c a l  dialogue.  Otherwise, both communities i n Northern I r e l a n d r i s k the l o s e r s i n the new  Europe t h a t i s being  Perhaps o n l y when the next g e n e r a t i o n o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n a post  1992  system t h a t f o r c e s the two new  Europe and  being  forged. takes  over,  a s i n g l e monetary  t r a d i t i o n s to work together,  answers begin to appear.  may  40  CHAPTER FOUR: THE  REPUBLIC OF  IRELAND. THE PROBLEM  COMPLICATED.  The Republic of I r e l a n d , though a member s t a t e and  not  a r e g i o n , n e v e r t h e l e s s shows some p a r a l l e l s with the r e g i o n s of l a r g e r s t a t e s . Hence the Commission c o n s i d e r s the whole of the Republic an " a s s i s t e d r e g i o n " . There e x i s t s i n the Republic a c u r i o u s f a m i l y resemblance t o the north and a s i m i l a r p r e - o c c u p a t i o n with the past. The o b s e s s i v e concern with p o l i t i c s  and  n a t i o n a l i t y i s a l s o common t o both s i d e s of the border, as i s the frequent, flamboyant  Irish  use of r h e t o r i c  and  symbols drawn from the past e i g h t hundred y e a r s of the whole i s l a n d ' s p a r t i c u l a r l y troublesome  history.  In common with other p e r i p h e r a l areas of the Community, i n c l u d i n g the p r o v i n c e of the north, the Republic of I r e l a n d has s u f f e r e d high unemployment, huge government d e f i c i t s and slow g r o w t h . the poorer  31  Southern  I r e l a n d remains one of  c o u n t r i e s i n Western Europe. I t owes an enormous  debt t o l o c a l and  f o r e i g n bankers and a t one stage i n the  mid e i g h t i e s i t had the f o u r t h h i g h e s t debt per c a p i t a i n the world. A t h i r d of i t s p o p u l a t i o n l i v e below the poverty l i n e and  the country has f o r many c e n t u r i e s experienced  a  c a t a s t r o p h i c p a t t e r n of e m i g r a t i o n . Hence, the Republic of I r e l a n d s h a r e s a common i n t e r e s t with Northern  Ireland i n  41 s e e k i n g more generous r e g i o n a l t r a n s f e r s w i t h i n the S i n g l e European Act, p a r t i c u l a r l y those d i r e c t e d t o s o c i a l and economic  concerns.  However, f o r much of t h e twentieth century,  Northern  I r e l a n d and the Republic c u l t i v a t e d what was e s s e n t i a l l y a p o l i t i c a l and economic n o n - r e l a t i o n s h i p . Whereas t h e Republic remained p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y n e u t r a l d u r i n g and a f t e r World War I I , the north p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the f o r e i g n p o l i c y o f the c e n t r a l government i n London and was i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the western system o f a l l i a n c e and coo p e r a t i o n . Indeed, the c u r r e n t n e u t r a l i t y of the I r i s h Republic s t i l l  remains unique w i t h i n the EC. Southern  I r e l a n d , as the o n l y member w i t h i n the twelve t o e x i s t o u t s i d e NATO, i s always r e l u c t a n t t o get i n v o l v e d i n a n y t h i n g t o u c h i n g on defense and s e c u r i t y .  3 2  So too have the commercial and economic problems of north and south had l i t t l e i n common. As an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the UK, the north was p r i m a r i l y concerned while the Republic pursued which domestic  with f r e e trade,  a p o l i c y of p r o t e c t i o n i s m under  a g r i c u l t u r e and s m a l l i n d u s t r i e s were  p r o t e c t e d by import d u t i e s from f o r e i g n competition. Thus Northern  I r e l a n d and the Republic  co-operated  only  o c c a s i o n a l l y on p r o j e c t s which seemed t o promote t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e common t o both. Then, i n 1961, the Republic of I r e l a n d a p p l i e d t o j o i n the EEC s i m u l t a n e o u s l y with B r i t a i n and p r i m a r i l y because of i t s dependence on B r i t a i n . The I r i s h government f e a r e d that  42 i f B r i t a i n j o i n e d the common market and I r e l a n d d i d not, I r i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l e x p o r t s t o t h e B r i t i s h market would s u f f e r and i t s manufactured e x p o r t s would f a c e  tariff  b a r r i e r s i n s t e a d o f the t a r i f f - f r e e a c c e s s they had had since  1958.  33  In 1965, the Republic committed i t s e l f of i t s own t a r i f f s  against  to a  reduction  B r i t i s h imports i n a f r e e  trade  agreement and i n January 1973 i t j o i n e d the EEC a l o n g with B r i t a i n and Denmark. Membership brought s i g n i f i c a n t f i n a n c i a l  b e n e f i t s , as  w e l l as a d d i t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s f o r r e g i o n a l development. Simultaneously, i t transformed t h e t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between two c o u n t r i e s o f such unequal s i z e and d i s p a r a t e r e s o u r c e s as the Republic and B r i t a i n ,  p l a c i n g I r e l a n d on a  new f o o t i n g with B r i t a i n as part o f a broader m u l t i c u l t u r a l relationship. Marking the c u l m i n a t i o n  o f I r i s h trade  liberalization  p o l i c y , membership of the EC i n 1973 opened up t h e European market t o I r i s h a g r i c u l t u r e e x p o r t s and enabled I r e l a n d t o a l s o b e n e f i t from the Community's Common A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c y (CAP)  and from i t s r e g i o n a l and s o c i a l  funds. "* Thus 3  was o f f e r e d f o r I r e l a n d , new market o p p o r t u n i t i e s ,  there  new  overseas investment, and a l s o the promise of new s o u r c e s o f economic a s s i s t a n c e Under s o c i a l considered  i n t h e form o f f i n a n c i a l fund g u i d e l i n e s ,  transfers.  Ireland i s currently  a " s u p e r - p r i o r i t y " r e g i o n o f the type cast on the  r e g i o n a l maps o f the EC as one o f Europe's " p e r i p h e r a l and  43  under-developed a r e a s . " areas,  3 B  Endemic poverty e x i s t s i n many  p a r t l y as the r e s u l t of the country's  s u b s i s t e n c e economy and  low  rural  p r o d u c t i v i t y and  the  excess of people employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e , and r e s u l t of few  i n d u s t r i e s , a low  the  s i n c e the l a t e  r e g i o n s , the Republic  as expected, done w e l l from Community  a  eighteenth  As r e g i o n a l p o l i c y i s by d e f i n i t i o n t a r g e t e d on  p a r t i c u l a r l y disadvantaged has,  p a r t l y as  l e v e l of u r b a n i z a t i o n and  high s u s t a i n e d r a t e of e m i g r a t i o n century.  great  the  of I r e l a n d  redistribution  funds. As a major b e n e f i c i a r y of Community spending programmes, the Republic b i g g e s t per  p r e s e n t l y e x i s t s as one of  c a p i t a r e c i p i e n t s from the Economic  Development Fund CERDF), i n p a r t i c u l a r , and Community's s t r u c t u r a l funds,  from  the  Regional the  i n g e n e r a l . The ERDF i t s e l f  has r e c e i v e d a great deal of p u b l i c i t y i n I r e l a n d with r e g u l a r press r e p o r t s announcing the award of a grant to a f i r m or a l o c a l a u t h o r i t y f o r v a r i o u s p r o j e c t s . However, f o r the Republic,  the Community's CAP  represented  o u t s e t the most r e c o g n i z a b l e aspect of the EC and  from  the  involvement  the most s t r i k i n g aspect of Community membership  has  been the r i s e i n farm incomes. For a g r i c u l t u r e , membership of the EC was  the key  to  breaking out of dependence on the low p r i c e UK market. To the advantages of improved market access were added  the  expected b e n e f i t s of high guaranteed farm p r i c e s f i n a n c e d the Community as a whole. Hence, e n t r y to the EC  by  eliminated  44  some o f the country's main a g r i c u l t u r a l competitors on the B r i t i s h market and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y gave the I r i s h a c c e s s t o the a v a i l a b l e a g r i c u l t u r a l s u b s i d i e s . Membership  a l s o r e s u l t e d i n a s u b s t a n t i a l r i s e i n the  importance of t r a d e with almost a d o u b l i n g of e x p o r t s i n the first  f i f t e e n years, accompanied by a c o n s i d e r a b l e  d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of export markets away from the UK and towards the r e s t of the EC. The Community's share of the total  I r i s h e x p o r t s i n c r e a s e d from 5X i n 1958 t o 35Z i n  1985. =»  s  At the same time as the Community has encouraged b u s i n e s s and i n d u s t r y  Irish  to expand i n t o Europe, many I r i s h  businessmen and p u b l i c s e r v a n t s have seen the EC as an o p p o r t u n i t y t o develop t h e i r t a l e n t s i n a wider s e t t i n g than before. So too has the EC done i t s best to a t t r a c t a tremendous amount of inward investment. Japanese e l e c t r o n i c companies and US computer  companies such as IBM have been  persuaded of the advantages o f r e - l o c a t i n g i n I r e l a n d .  Most  r e c e n t l y on the i n d u s t r i a l f r o n t , Sharp, the manufacturer of video r e c o r d e r s and microwave ovens and B r o t h e r , the t y p e w r i t e r manufacturers, have made arrangements t o s e t up companies i n I r e l a n d , market of 340 m i l l i o n  no doubt a t t r a c t e d by a European wide consumers.  37  A g r i c u l t u r a l l y speaking, the Republic o f I r e l a n d i s , a t the present time, the p r i n c i p a l b e n e f i c i a r y of the Community's budget i n terms o f net r e c e i p t s per head of  45 p o p u l a t i o n because of the t r a n s f e r i t r e c e i v e s under the CAP,  as the o n l y food s u r p l u s country amongst the  Community's t h r e e poorest members. Even with the present reforms,  Ireland w i l l s t i l l  continue t o b e n e f i t . For d e s p i t e  the vote i n the EP t o cut a g r i c u l t u r a l spending, 173,000 m i l l i o n t o ECU agreed  CAP  26,954 m i l l i o n ) * , 3  3  (from  ECU  the Parliament  t h a t t h e r e should, at the same time, be an i n c r e a s e  i n a p p r o p r i a t i o n s f o r other areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y policies, g i v e a new  t r a n s p o r t and t o t a l of ECU  social  improvements i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o 45,086 m i l l i o n ,  10Z of which  has  been a l l o c a t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y t o the Republic of I r e l a n d .  3 3  The Commission, moreover, has j u s t very r e c e n t l y announced a s p e c i a l programme of ECU rural  communities and  medium s i z e farms."*  0  308 m i l l i o n f o r the  f o r the encouragement of s m a l l and Thus, i n any post 1992  major concern of the I r i s h Republic w i l l , to p r o t e c t the p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment r e c e i v e d from  arrangement a  understandably,  i t has, as a r u l e ,  community membership and a l s o to take  advantage of any p o t e n t i a l new  be  full  gains.  The S i n g l e European Act, s i m u l t a n e o u s l y o f f e r s  the  hope of a d o u b l i n g of ERDF and other EC s t r u c t u r a l funds,  as  w e l l as, an i n c r e a s e d emphasis on c o n c e n t r a t i n g r e s o u r c e s i n the poorest a r e a s . Reforms i n t r o d u c e d i n 1985 brought  have a l r e a d y  i n t o o p e r a t i o n a more f l e x i b l e procedure  ERDF. The e x i s t i n g quota arrangement, with controlled until  1985  from  the  spending  by n a t i o n a l quotas s e t t i n g out  the  exact p r o p o r t i o n s of the fund t o be a l l o c a t e d t o each member  46 s t a t e , was  replaced  at that time, by the system of  " i n d i c a t i v e ranges" which now  d e f i n e s the the minimum  maximum a l l o c a t i o n s each member s t a t e r e c e i v e s from fund. The  the  minimum a l l o c a t i o n s t o t a l approximately 18Z  fund, l e a v i n g a margin of o n l y the d i s c r e t i o n of the most i n need. * 1  1  12Z  and  of  the  a v a i l a b l e t o be spent at  community i n the c o u n t r i e s and  Hence there i s broadly  regions  an unchanged  p r o p o r t i o n of community funds to each of the more w e l l o f f nations,  as w e l l as an i n c r e a s e d  potential for  concentrating  spending on the l e a s t a f f l u e n t c o u n t r i e s . The end  l e a s t prosperous r e g i o n s w i l l ,  of 1993,  r e c e i v e a t o t a l of ECU  from the Community. The  provided itself  and  to help them prepare  complements the f i n a n c i a l  by n a t i o n a l and  r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The  i s t o r e c e i v e ECU  3,670 m i l l i o n of t h i s and  support Republic  is  c u r r e n t l y f i g h t i n g f o r a p o r t i o n of an a d d i t i o n a l ECU m i l l i o n devoted to the Community's own proposed by the Commission at the end Significantly,  the  38,300 m i l l i o n i n a i d  a i d i s intended  f o r the s i n g l e market, and  between now  2,100  i n i t i a t i v e s to  be  of 1990. "*  :z  the I r i s h government a l s o advances  the  view that t h e r e i s an e s s e n t i a l community of i n t e r e s t s on the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d . Government o f f i c i a l s draw a t t e n t i o n t o the importance of a g r i c u l t u r e , as w e l l as, problems of unemployment and  to the  serious  emigration.  In r e l a t i o n to Community a g r i c u l t u r e p r i c e negotiations,  moreover, I r i s h m i n i s t e r s have argued t h a t  a t t i t u d e of the I r i s h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  i n B r u s s e l s more  the  47  c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s the i n t e r e s t s of northern of t h e i r own MEP,  B r i t i s h representatives.**  b e l i e v e d the same was  p o l i c y and  3  farmers than that  Michael •'Kennedy,  t r u e i n r e l a t i o n to r e g i o n a l  a s p e c t s of the Community's e x t e r n a l t r a d e p o l i c y ,  p a r t i c u l a r l y t e x t i l e imports. E a r l i e r t h i s year he t h a t the  " I r i s h government b e l i e v e d that i n the  claimed  long term  economic i n t e r e s t s determined the a c t i o n of s t a t e s , so w h i l e other  that  i n t e r e s t s might seem to be uppermost i n Northern  I r e l a n d ' s mind, economic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s would determine t h i n g s south".**** Then, as P r e s i d e n t Ministers, Charles Belfast in April  of the European C o u n c i l  Haughey, the  1990,  that they  situation, operation He  the two It  and  base to e n l a r g e  the whole i s l a n d as  compete  strengthening  EC  they  f o r much more j o i n t  "Simple common  had  sense  a  c l e a r mutual  to f a c e  the  Ireland  interest  in  as ' o b j e c t i v e one'." T a l k i n g of a  wide range of c r o s s border i n i t i a t i v e s that could undertaken he went on, our  tourism.  p o l i c i e s f o r p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s of which  they were both c a t e g o r i z e d  combine  their  t r a d e between  economic r e a l i t i e s of the f u t u r e . As both p a r t s of were to  new  a  p o t e n t i a l for increased  he s a i d :  the  the s i z e of t h e i r e n t e r p r i s e s . "**  p a r t s of the i s l a n d and was  to  south made i t " a b s o l u t e l y  at l e a s t as a f i r s t s t e p i n t h i s  be encouraged to see  spoke of the great  I r i s h premier, came north  d e c l a r i n g that the small s i z e of  f i r m s i n I r e l a n d , both north mandatory  of  efforts  "...it in  be  i s more mportant s t i l l  having  community  that  policies  we and  48  programmes t a i l o r e d t o meet the economic circumstances which are  common t o both." It was c l e a r , he s a i d , that the s i m i l a r i t y i n  circumstances o f Northern I r e l a n d and of the Republic it  "economically  g r e a t e s t extent at  made  s e n s i b l e " that the two co-operate t o the p o s s i b l e and c o - o r d i n a t e  t h e i r e f f o r t s both  home and i n B r u s s e l s . "We must combine our e f f o r t s a t the Community l e v e l t o s e c u r e the s p e c i a l measures we need as peripheral regions... But who a r e we? Who i n D u b l i n can combine with whom i n B e l f a s t t o have EC p o l i c i e s and programmes t a i l o r e d t o s u i t e us. Such tailoring i s e s s e n t i a l l y an a c t i v i t y o f government within the Community; how can a government o f one member s t a t e combine with a very s m a l l r e g i o n of another member s t a t e t o i n f l u e n c e d e c i s i o n s i n B r u s s e l s . ""* 6  On a f i n a l that a r e - u n i t e d  note, Prime M i n i s t e r Haughey a l s o suggested I r e l a n d would mean a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  u n i t f o r the whole of I r e l a n d , north and south T h i s would e l i m i n a t e the wasteful effort.  combined.  d u p l i c a t i o n o f government  I t would f a c i l i t a t e a more balanced phased  development of the i s l a n d ' s economy and ensure i t s f u l l i n t e g r a t i o n as a whole. I t would, a t the same time, more co-ordinated  p o l i c y towards m u l t i - n a t i o n a l  S i g n i f i c a n t l y , as P r e s i d e n t  allow  firms.  o f t h e EC i n the f i r s t  h a l f o f 1990, Haughey ensured t h a t t h e Community r e f e r s t o the whole i s l a n d a s " I r e l a n d " , as compared t o Northern I r e l a n d and Southern I r e l a n d , or when speaking about I r e l a n d i n a s o c i a l l y and economically of  Ireland".*  7  i n t e g r a t e d way, "the i s l a n d  49  In r e l a t i o n t o the f u t u r e , r e f e r r i n g t o the whole i s l a n d i t s e l f as I r e l a n d , the EC has, i n f a c t , d e c l a r e d one  that  o f the aims o f the European S t r u c t u r a l Fund i s  s p e c i f i c a l l y t o promote economic and s o c i a l advancement and encourage contact  and d i a l o g u e  between n a t i o n a l i s t s and  u n i o n i s t s throughout I r e l a n d . For these purposes alone, the EC  has proposed ECU 65 m i l l i o n i n c o n t r i b u t i o n s over the  next t h r e e  years.  Over and above t h i s sum, a t o t a l of ECU 3,098 m i l l i o n (8.6%  o f t o t a l EC resources)"*  border c o u n t r i e s of I r e l a n d  0  has been promised t o the  f o r the s t i m u l a t i o n of p r i v a t e  investment and p u b l i c programmes and the support o f any voluntary  efforts,  i n c l u d i n g s e l f - h e l p schemes.  A f u r t h e r ECU 900 m i l l i o n has been s e t a s i d e t o a i d the t e c h n o l o g i c a l  development o f the i s l a n d and the use o f  advanced telecommunication schemes i n the most disadvantaged parts.  4 9  In monetary terms, the D u b l i n - B e l f a s t  r a i l - l i n k has  l i k e w i s e been made a p r i o r i t y . Thus, the b e n e f i t s o f the EC membership s t r o n g l y suggest that t h e r e  has been a c o n s i d e r a b l e  balance o f  advantage t o I r e l a n d from the i n t e g r a t i o n process t o date and  t h a t f u r t h e r economic b e n e f i t s can be expected as a  r e s u l t o f the S i n g l e European A c t . In view o f the p o l i t i c a l  damage i n f l i c t e d  upon the  i s l a n d o f I r e l a n d by i t s p a r t i t i o n , the d r a i n on i t s resources,  and the r e t a r d i n g o f both Northern and Southern  I r e l a n d ' s economic growth, the d i s m a n t l i n g  of trade  barriers  50 and the i n j e c t i o n of economic a i d w i l l immense b e n e f i t t o a l l  undoubtedly be of  the people of I r e l a n d .  However, i n the event t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t  economic  advance can be made i n the i s l a n d w h i l e the c o n f l i c t and r i v a l r y between Northern U n i o n i s t s and the a l l  Ireland  N a t i o n a l i s t s continues, t h i s does not e l i m i n a t e the need t o t a c k l e I r e l a n d ' s u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l problems. The domestic p o l i t i c a l  consequences of improved  economic c o - o r d i n a t i o n cannot be i g n o r e d . Yet, the completion of the i n t e r n a l market alone cannot e l i m i n a t e the b i g o t r y and resentment that have blackened I r e l a n d ' s long h i s t o r y . Mere f i n a n c i a l g a i n can never be enough i n i t s e l f t o r e s o l v e the north's dismemberment from the r e s t of the i s l a n d . Simple economics can do l i t t l e t o narrow the political  g u l f between the i s l a n d ' s two d i v i d e d  communities.  The e t h n o - r e l i g i o u s r i v a l r y that e x i s t s on the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d , r e g a r d l e s s o f the r o l e played by economic gain, i s i t s e l f an independent v a r i a b l e i n the problems of the divided  country.  To be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e any measures intended t o s t i m u l a t e I r e l a n d ' s economy must, t h e r e f o r e , be accompanied by p o l i t i c a l  i n i t i a t i v e s t o end the c o n f l i c t i n the i s l a n d  of I r e l a n d . Real p o l i t i c a l d i a l o g u e needs t o take p l a c e between north and south, complementing that happening on the economic plane. There must u l t i m a t e l y be some attempt a t s u c c e s s f u l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n a t the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l  level.  51  At a European l e v e l p r o v i d e the i n s t i t u t i o n a l  y  the a s s o c i a t i o n agreement framework f o r p o l i t i c a l  can  dialogue.  It enables views to be exchanged on b i l a t e r a l and m u l t i lateral  i s s u e s and a l s o g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e s i n f o r m a t i o n  flow. Such exchanges become even more important new  forms of i n t e g r a t i o n and  i n p l a c e i n any  post 1992  Admittedly, help themselves. which the two  c o - o p e r a t i o n i n Europe are put  arrangement.  though, the EC  can o n l y help the  The EC can p r o v i d e the new  t r a d i t i o n s i n I r e l a n d and  governments can work together. But appear, the I r i s h ,  when f u r t h e r  themselves,  framework w i t h i n  t h e i r two  f o r new  Irish  surrogate  answers to  must take the  initiative.  For the most part t h e r e has been a g r e a t e r w i l l i n g n e s s to do so, at l e a s t i n the south. The  Republic of I r e l a n d has  emphasized the importance of economic a i d f o r i t s northern neighbor,  and  the need to accommodate wider c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  than b e f o r e . I t has demonstrated i t s e l f as being no economic p a r t i t i o n i s t and s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d .  longer  Significantly,  i t s Prime M i n i s t e r has a l s o warmly i n v i t e d U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s to meet f o r t a l k s about I r e l a n d ' s f u t u r e with no  pre-  conditions. Thus, when one  f u r t h e r t h i n k s of such  developments as p o l i t i c a l  recent  and economic u n i f i c a t i o n of  Germany, and some of the changes i n E a s t e r n Europe, i t may be that the p r o s p e c t s f o r p e a c e f u l change i n I r e l a n d a r e g r e a t e r than a t any  time i n the past.  CHAPTER FIVE: PROSPECTS FOR FUTURE INTEGRATION IN EUROPE CONCLUSION  Seemingly, t h e r e a r e some I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t s attempting t o break out o f t h e i r usual  narrow mould o f  l o o k i n g backward, and l o o k i n g forward i n s t e a d t o some s o r t of a c c e p t a b l e  political  change f o r a l l the people of  Ireland. For  the f i r s t  time i n i t s h i s t o r y , the Republic o f  I r e l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y , appears more t o l e r a t i n g and accommodating. There would seem t o be a new s p i r i t  i n the  a i r and a c e r t a i n novel  among  sense o f hope and goodwill  those south of the border. Currently,  the Republic  o f I r e l a n d i s the o n l y member  of the EC which claims s o v e r e i g n t y member s t a t e ' s t e r r i t o r y . According  over part o f another t o A r t i c l e two o f the  I r i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n (1937): " The n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y  consists  of the whole i s l a n d o f I r e l a n d , i t s land and i t s t e r r i t o r i a l seas." Thus the I r i s h government has claimed  the " r i g h t t o  speak i n r e l a t i o n t o events t h a t happen throughout the whole country," furthermore, A r t i c l e Three s t a t e s , "Pending the r e - i n t e g r a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y and without p r e j u d i c e t o the r i g h t o f the parliament and government e s t a b l i s h e d by t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n t o e x e r c i s e j u r i s d i c t i o n over the whole territory the laws enacted by that parliament s h a l l have the l i k e area and extent o f a p p l i c a t i o n as the laws o f S a o r s t a t E i r e a n ( t h e then " f r e e s t a t e ) and the l i k e e x t r a e f f e c t . " * 9 0  These have been a r t i c l e s which have denied of  the r i g h t  a s u b s t a n t i a l m i n o r i t y o f I r e l a n d ' s i n h a b i t a n t s , namely  the U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s , t o opt out o f n a t i o n a l u n i t y , causing them great o f f e n s e and, a t the same time, behave as the o l d s e t t l e r s surrounded  t o continue t o  by h o s t i l e n a t i v e s .  Now, however, a l l n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s a p p a r e n t l y  accept  the need f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform as the p r i c e o f I r i s h u n i t y . Even Fianna F a i l ,  the most C a t h o l i c o f southern  p a r t i e s agrees and; f o r the f i r s t  time i n f i f t y  t h r e e years,  A r t i c l e s two and t h r e e of the R e p u b l i c ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n have been debated i n the D a i l . The for to and  R e p u b l i c ' s F i n e Gael  l e a d e r , John Bruton,  called  people i n the south t o " . . . r e - t h i n k our whole a t t i t u d e Northern  I r e l a n d ; removing a l l t e r r i t o r i a l  historic  channels  t h a t prevent  imperatives  the two from s i t t i n g down  together and working t h e i r own d e s t i n y out t o g e t h e r " . * 0  Deputy leader of the Democratic U n i o n i s t Party of Northern  I r e l a n d , Peter Robinson, warmly welcomed the debate  and s a i d the removal of the a r t i c l e s could b r i n g " s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n c r e a s e d c o - o p e r a t i o n between the north and the south". To t h i s , C h r i s t o p h e r McGlimpsey, Honorary S e c r e t a r y o f the U l s t e r U n i o n i s t P a r t y (UUP) added t h a t "...it  would open the door t o p o l i t i c a l  progress i n  Ireland".« U l t i m a t e l y , the motion f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform was defeated i n the D a i l on a f i n a l to  sixty-six,  count o f s e v e n t y - f o u r  votes  i n view o f the f a c t t h a t U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s  54  already  have a guarantee of no  contained any  change without consent  i n the A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement. Yet,  as  the f a c t  that  debate at a l l took p l a c e over the i s s u e i s i t s e l f  meaningful. S t r o n g support f o r I r i s h r e - u n i f i c a t i o n s t i l l among those i n the Republic.  But  the f u l f i l l m e n t of i r r e d e n t i s t attempt at r e a l  now  the  context.  Re-  to the higher  p r i o r i t y of  peaceable  traditions in  B a  T h i s has Ireland  obstacles  as  on the agenda though  mutual accommodation between the two  of  but r a t h e r as  c o n c i l i a t i o n within a p l u r a l i s t  p r e s e n t l y subordinated  Ireland.  i t i s perhaps not  claims,  u n i f i c a t i o n i s , undoubtedly, s t i l l  exists  been a new  d e p a r t u r e . C u r r e n t l y the  can be seen to a p p r e c i a t e  b e t t e r a l l the  to I r i s h u n i t y , economic, p o l i t i c a l  " r e l i g i o u s - c u l t u r a l " . Southern Irishmen and apparently,  Republic  and  also  women have,  s t a r t e d to r e a l i z e that the p o l i t i c s of  u n i t y i s more complex and  multi-dimensional  serious  Irish  than they  assumed i n the past. Thus, w h i l e the i d e a of I r i s h u n i t y i s itself  not dead, what i s o b v i o u s l y  gaelic republican  consensus on  dead i s the o l d C a t h o l i c ,  Irish  unity.  In view of the i l l f e e l i n g the e x i s t e n c e of two  and  t h r e e i n the R e p u b l i c ' s  u n i o n i s t s , any Republic  challenge  C o n s t i t u t i o n has  Articles long  caused  to t h e i r purpose on the part of  i s a c l e a r s i g n , then, of p o s i t i v e and  h e l p f u l a c t i o n . T h i s s i g n , moreover, has  the  genuinely  been r e i n f o r c e d  by  55 the e l e c t i o n o f Mary Robinson as the new Ireland i n l a t e  committed  of  1990.  Being the f i r s t as a symbol  President  female P r e s i d e n t ,  o f change there. By her own  she stands h e r s e l f account, she i s  t o change and determined t o b r i n g a d i f f e r e n t  approach t o her o f f i c e . She has had a long h i s t o r y of campaigning f o r the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n and modernization o f the Southern s t a t e , e s p e c i a l l y i n the areas of sexual d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and a l s o personal time campaigner  and r e l i g i o u s  m o r a l i t y . She i s a  on such i s s u e s as f a m i l y planning  d i v o r c e and stood  against  Irish  long  and  the f o r c e s of c l e r i c a l i s t r e a c t i o n  i n the two referendums i n the e i g h t i e s Cone on d i v o r c e ,  the  other on a b o r t i o n ) . Mary Robinson has a l s o been THE major p o l i t i c s t o understand the o f t e n negative  figure i n Irish  r e a c t i o n of U l s t e r  U n i o n i s t s t o any attempt a t compromise between Northern and Southern s t a t e s . Hence her a c t i v e p r o t e s t at the e x c l u s i o n of U l s t e r views on the A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement i n 19B5. Her e l e c t i o n undoubtedly s i g n i f i e s a more open, t o l e r a n t , p l u r a l i s t i c and e x c l u s i v e s o c i e t y . By e l e c t i n g Mary Robinson  Ca f o r t y - f i v e year o l d l i b e r a l , woman and  champion o f p r o g r e s s i v e  causes) as P r e s i d e n t  of I r e l a n d , the  people of the Republic  have made a statement about how  see themselves and how  they wish t o be seen. I t i s an  admirable and hopeful  statement.  they  56  For Mary Robinson's record on reform i s second t o none and  her s e n s i t i v i t y t o u n i o n i s t a s p i r a t i o n s u n p a r a l l e l e d .  She  has spoken of her  border and  how  she  concern f o r people l i v i n g north of  the  hopes to m a i n t a i n c l o s e t i e s with them as  President. R e f e r r i n g to Northern I r e l a n d , she  said:  "As the e l e c t e d choice of the people of t h i s part of i s l a n d , I want to extend the hand of f r i e n d s h i p and love to both communities i n the other p a r t . And I want t o do t h i s with no s t r i n g s attached, no hidden agenda.... As the person chosen by you to m o b i l i z e t h i s Republic and t o p r o j e c t our self image to o t h e r s , I w i l l seek to encourage mutual understanding and tolerance between all the d i f f e r e n t communities s h a r i n g the i s l a n d " . * * 95  As she made i t c l e a r i n her r e s i s t s the s i m p l i s t i c ,  campaign, Mrs  i d e o l o g i c a l l a b e l l i n g that  I r i s h p o l i t i c s . U l s t e r U n i o n i s t and Mrs  Robinson was  To t h i s ,  "somebody who  MEP,  bedevils  John T a y l o r s a i d  understood u n i o n i s t  feeling".  the Deputy leader of the Democratic U n i o n i s t  added that "she  was  not green and b e l l i g e r e n t " . * 8  Another f e a t u r e of Mrs attempt to l i f t Europe, not o n l y  Ireland's horizons  and  r o l e of the  the  diminishing  Robinson's v i c t o r y i s seen to represent  from the faded f l a g s of the  new  Ireland".  EC. real  v i c t o r y she s a i d , i n  because the people had  out  new  market  I r i s h border i n a b a r r i e r - f r e e f u t u r e  her i n s p i r i n g address, was  its  l o c a t e i t i n the  i n terms of s e i z i n g new  change, not j u s t i t s appearance. Her  Party  8 1  Robison's campaign was  o p p o r t u n i t i e s but a l s o to s e t i n context  Mrs  Robinson  c i v i l war  and  "stepped  voted f o r a  57 The  I r i s h Times summed up what Mary Robinson's "  rainbow c o a l i t i o n " represented. " a in  constitution for a  real  sense  r i g h t and  social  I t was  j u s t i c e , for republican  of democracy  means to  the paper s a i d :  in  participate,  which every one for  values has  the  e q u a l i t y between the  sexes, f o r a move away from ambivalence about the North, for  openness and  symbolized and  t o l e r a n c e " . Her  a r e d e f i n i t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s m ,  more E u r o p e a n " . The  v i c t o r y , i t was  added, a l s o  "less anti-British  36  e l e c t i o n of Mary Robinson changed the agenda of  the Republic  beyond r e c o g n i t i o n . Not  economics or of s o c i a l  a n a l y s i s . Her  death k n e l l  war  for c i v i l  so much i n terms of  p o l i c y change, but  of s o u l - s e a r c h i n g and  c e r t a i n l y i n terms  e l e c t i o n sounded  p o l i t i c s . Her success  the  p r o g r e s s i v e p r i n c i p l e s she espoused, s h a t t e r e d  the  t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of p o l i t i c a l support.  For  the  in  m o b i l i z i n g such a broad range of people behind  political  and  every  p a r t y , the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t a young woman with  s t r o n g t i e s to the p o l i t i c a l  establishment,  indeed,  with  r e c o r d very o f t e n at odds with the establishment,  could  e l e c t e d to the highest o f f i c e i n the country,  a  was  no a be  shocking  discovery.  still  D e s p i t e such developments however, undoubtedly  there  e x i s t those  back on  north of the border who  would f a l l  the o l d argument t h a t I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m , i n whatever form, is  the m o n o l i t h i c i d e o l o g y which produced as i t s i n e v i t a b l e  embodiment the Southern I r i s h s t a t e . T h i s n a t i o n a l i s m i s  58 seen as s o c i a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e , deeply imbued with C a t h o l i c i s m , and  c e r t a i n to produce a narrow and  l o o k i n g s t a t e which would i n e v i t a b l y c o n t a i n and  inwardly perpetuate  these f l a w s . Faced  with the modern I r i s h s t a t e , i t i s easy to f i n d  i n I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m a l l the elements which s e r v e as i t s i d e o l o g y . These elements are undoubtedly present i n I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m , not j u s t as at the l e v e l of i d e o l o g y but a l s o expressed  i n i t s people.  Undoubtedly t h e r e i s a s p e c i a l kind of  collaboration  between church and s t a t e which i s an e v i d e n t mark of Southern  the  I r i s h s t a t e . Yet, even so, i t i s wrong to say t h a t  the church and  i t s views dominate I r i s h  C o n t r a c e p t i o n i s now  society.  l e g a l and a v a i l a b l e i n the  R e p u b l i c . A b o r t i o n s are banned both north and south of border,  the  and a l l I r i s h women, P r o t e s t a n t or C a t h o l i c ,  u n i o n i s t or n a t i o n a l i s t have to t r a v e l to mainland f o r t e r m i n a t i o n s . The major a r e a of apparent  Britain  i s s u e of d i v o r c e alone remains the difference.  (At the moment, d i v o r c e  i s p r o h i b i t e d under the C o n s t i t u t i o n of the Republic, whereas the p r o v i n c e of the north's d i v o r c e laws p a r a l l e l B r i t a i n ' s . ) But even here the g u l f should not  be  insurmountable. It should be c l e a r , t h e r e f o r e , that P r o t e s t a n t f e a r s about u n i t y with the Republic though o f t e n genuine, a r e e q u a l l y o f t e n misplaced. shamelessly  In any event,  they have been  e x p l o i t e d and whereas, i n the past, t h e r e  was  59  ample ammunition t o b o l s t e r the c o n t e n t i o n t h a t  Irish  independence meant "Rome Rule" and economic backwardness, t h i s can be seen t o be no longer the case. The  gap between C a t h o l i c and P r o t e s t a n t v a l u e s i s  nowhere as l a r g e as i s so o f t e n assured.  I t i s , furthermore,  not n e c e s s a r i l y the b a r r i e r t o I r i s h u n i t y a s i s u s u a l l y thought. In those areas where t h e r e may be cause f o r concern,  Northern  given e x p l i c i t  Protestants are e n t i t l e d  t o and can be  l e g a l guarantees t h a t can be u l t i m a t e l y  p r o t e c t e d i n s i d e the EC by the European Court o f Human Rights. The  EC can ease any new development o f n o n - s e c t a r i a n  p o l i t i c s t h a t might a r i s e between the two communities i n I r e l a n d . For Northern  P r o t e s t a n t s and u n i o n i s t s and I r i s h  C a t h o l i c s and n a t i o n a l i s t s can come together i n c r e a s i n g l y important own  i n an  European Assembly t o d i s c u s s t h e i r  v a r i o u s i n t e r e s t s and concerns and a l s o those  the r e s t o f t h e i r European  affecting  neighbors.  It has always been i m p o s s i b l e f o r a l l t h e people o f I r e l a n d t o engage i n normal, h o p e f u l , n o n - s e c t a r i a n politics.  In the f i r s t  party  i n s t a n c e , t h e r e has never been the  common forum t h e r e i s now, whereas the f a c t t h a t the people of the north a r e not governed d e m o c r a t i c a l l y (they a r e governed by v i r t u e o f the workings o f a p o l i t i c a l system i n which they may not p a r t i c i p a t e )  0 7  has always ensured t h e  p e r p e t r a t i o n and permanent p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the whole i s l a n d ' s s e c t a r i a n d i v i s i o n . For them, though, t h e r e i s now  60 a wider European Parliament that does not i s o l a t e them, and, at the same time, a l s o takes n o t i c e o f a l l t h e i r and  grievances  hardships. "Sovereignty  and independence", d e c l a r e d  John Hume,  Euro MP and leader o f the S o c i a l Democratic and Labour of Northern  Party  Ireland,  "the i s s u e s a t the heart of the B r i t i s h - I r i s h q u a r r e l have changed t h e i r meaning... . The b a s i c needs of a l l countries have l e d t o shared s o v e r e i g n t y and independence as we move i n e v i t a b l y towards a u n i t e d s t a t e s o f Europe, and as we i n Ireland r i d ourselves o f the o b s e s s i o n with B r i t a i n and r e b u i l d our l i n k s with the r e s t o f Europe". Mr Hume, who was a d d r e s s i n g and  a debate on "A new I r e l a n d  a new UK i n a new Europe", a t the I r i s h  Annual Conference i n the Republic  Association  i n October 1990, went on  to say t h a t the new approach t o B r i t i s h - I r i s h r e l a t i o n s h i p s s i n c e 19B0, which l e d t o the s i g n i n g o f the A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement, could not have happened "had t h e new European order  not changed the r o o t s and nature o f the B r i t i s h - I r i s h  quarrel". In t h e same debate, Jim N i c h o l s o n , Ulster Unionist  chairman o f the  Party and MEP, s a i d there were harsh  r e a l i t i e s f o r I r e l a n d t o f a c e up t o a f t e r 1992 and t h e completion o f t h e channel tunnel the  when the i s l a n d , "would be  l a s t border i n Europe". He added t h a t I r e l a n d was being  l e f t behind i n economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l terms, and f i n i s h e d by s a y i n g t h a t u n i o n i s t s "want p o s i t i v e and h e l p f u l  61  a c t i o n so that the small  i s l a n d can know peace and  r e b u i l d a s p i r i t of hope f o r tomorrow". The  begin to  a&  importance of e x p l o r i n g ways forward through  partnership  was  a r e c u r r i n g theme i n the conference and  Hume commented that i f a s u c c e s s f u l agreement could reached, i t would transcend  the  current  Mr  be  Anglo-Irish  Agreement. In a f o l l o w up to the conference, the  British  government, encouraged by the government of the Republic,  began pushing U l s t e r U n i o n i s t  Irish  l e a d e r s to  the  n e g o t i a t i n g t a b l e f o r t a l k s with I r e l a n d ' s n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r s . The  r e s u l t i n the s p r i n g of 1991  u n i o n i s t s and  has  been that  n a t i o n a l i s t s have s a t down f o r landmark t a l k s  that could produce a power-sharing arrangement ending seventeen y e a r s of d i r e c t r u l e from London. Speaking i n h i s Westminster c o n s t i t u e n c y , Brooke, the B r i t i s h S e c r e t a r y  Peter  of S t a t e f o r Northern  i n s i s t e d that the B r i t i s h government had  no economic or  s t r a t e g i c i n t e r e s t i n the union of Great B r i t a i n Northern I r e l a n d . Mr  and  Brooke repeated that B r i t a i n would  accept the r e - u n i f i c a t i o n of I r e l a n d by consent and non-violent other  Ireland,  republicanism  p a r t i e s i n Northern  said a  could take i t s p l a c e a l o n g s i d e Ireland.  the  = s  R e - u n i f i c a t i o n , however, seems u n l i k e l y . Yet, i f Northern I r e l a n d a c q u i r e d itself  be a p r o g r e s s i v e  the p r o v i n c e  acquired  a r e g i o n a l assembly that would  s t e p to democratize d i r e c t r u l e . If  a r e g i o n a l assembly e l e c t e d  by  p r o p o r t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and  circumscribed  by  the  European Convention on Human Rights t h a t would both be assauaging  the  of u n i o n i s t i n s e c u r i t i e s t h a t d e v o l u t i o n  was  merely a half-way house to a r e - u n i t e d I r e l a n d , and  the  m o l l i f y i n g of n a t i o n a l i s t i n s e c u r i t i e s t h a t d e v o l u t i o n simply  a code f o r "a P r o t e s t a n t Parliament  people".*  was  for a Protestant  30  For such an a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h e r e could a l s o be  three  channels of r e d r e s s . There could be the Courts t r y i n g those a r t i c l e s i n the European convention.  There could  the i n t e r c e s s o r y r o l e f o r D u b l i n i n s c r i b e d i n the A n g l o - I r i s h agreement. And superordinate  European  out be  current  t h e r e could be the appeal  to the  Parliament.  T h i s type of an assembly would, at the same time, f u r n i s h the mechanism to develop the r e l a t i o n s h i p between north and  south  i n a kind of popular  way.  Negatively, i t  would a l s o be i n v u l n e r a b l e to the u n i o n i s t charge t h a t  their  democratic r i g h t s were being i n f r i n g e d by another AngloI r i s h agreement going over t h e i r  heads.  If t h e r e were a northern assembly and the prospect  f o r north-south  committees and  departmental workings would be e n d l e s s . coincidence,  administration inter-  I t would appear  no  t h e r e f o r e , that those i n the south most anxious  to promote c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform  and  to develop  r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the north, have not o n l y been c r i t i c a l A r t i c l e s two  and  three, but a l s o hopeful  to see a  arrangement e s t a b l i s h e d on the other s i d e of the  devolved border.  of  In any event, there a r e now people i n I r e l a n d appearing l e s s obsessed with B r i t a i n , p u t t i n g t h e i r instead, into building Irish For  efforts,  l i n k s with the r e s t o f Europe.  the i s l a n d o f I r e l a n d has been i n a s t a t e o f p e r p e t u a l  crisis,  financial  c r i s i s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d r i f t ,  long term o b j e c t i v e s . There a r e p r e s e n t l y , recognizable  lacking  however,  e f f o r t s being made t o b r i n g order  back i n t o i t s  affairs. H i s t o r i c a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y ,  the i s l a n d o f I r e l a n d  i s part o f Europe. T h i s i s something a l l Irishmen and women can n e i t h e r deny nor imagine a f u t u r e o u t s i d e i t . Events compel togetherness. Europe, i t has been noted "will  have t o work more c l o s e l y t o a v o i d  a d i m i n i s h i n g supply  bloody b a t t l e s over  of raw m a t e r i a l s , energy and  agricultural supplies".  e x  Each member s t a t e needs the  Community t o enable i t t o remain an important power i n the world. I f Europe i s t o have any f u t u r e , i t l i e s w i t h i n the community o f twelve. Thus, whether i t i s due t o movements i n f i n a n c i a l markets, the t r a n s f e r w i t h i n corporations  or changing p a t t e r n s  multi-national  i n world trade,  virtually  a l l Western European s t a t e s have become i n c r e a s i n g l y a f f e c t e d by the i n t e r n a t i o n a l developments they have no c o n t r o l over. The  twentieth  century  witnessed a concerted  i s d i s t i n c t i n now having  attempt a t u n i t i n g p e a c e f u l l y the  peoples o f Europe i n order  t o overcome mutual economic and  s o c i a l problems with the aim o f p o l i t i c a l  u n i f i c a t i o n . The  64 EC r e p r e s e n t s  the unique attempt on the part of the  people  of d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s with d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l experiences, the  (most of whom have clashed  centuries)  to l i v e and  d e s t r u c t i v e l y over  work together to f i n d and  pursue  common o b j e c t i v e s . The  wish expressed by Jacques D e l o r s that each  European should have a f e e l i n g of b e l o n g i n g to a t h a t would be h i s second c o u n t r y , * u n r e a l i s t i c . The  32  i s neither  U t o p i a n or  i d e a of a s t a t e of Europe u n i t e d  purpose i s f a s t becoming a r e a l i t y . The i s i n place,  community  i n common  s h e l l of t h e e d i f i c e  a l l t h e f i t t i n g s j u s t have to be i n s t a l l e d  to  make i t work. Political  and  i n s t i t u t i o n a l and has  already  economic union i s an e s s e n t i a l  political  g o a l . Work on the s i n g l e market  s e t i n motion changes both w i t h i n the  n a t i o n Community and  beyond. With l e s s than two  t o the December 1992  deadline,  twelve  y e a r s to  more than t w o - t h i r d s of  go  the  p r o p o s a l s of the s i n g l e market programme have been approved by the C o u n c i l hundred and  of the M i n i s t e r s and  the EP.  Of  the  one  seven t e x t s that should have come i n t o f o r c e ,  some seventy percent have been embodied i n n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i o n and The o f 1992  work i s proceeding on the  remainder.  balance sheet i s p o s i t i v e o v e r a l l . In the Europe  c u r r e n t l y under c o n s t r u c t i o n ,  the d e s i r e to l i v e  work together i s to be found. Witness, f o r example,  and  the  l a r g e m a j o r i t i e s by which r e s o l u t i o n s of the EP a r e adopted, w h i l e i n c r e a s i n g a t t e n t i o n i s a l s o t u r n i n g to the need to  £5 ensure t h a t these are a l l implemented e f f e c t i v e l y a c r o s s the Community so t h a t the s i n g l e market indeed becomes a  reality  f o r the peoples of Western Europe. At t h i s time of dramatic  change, the world i s  w i t n e s s i n g , more c l e a r l y than ever before, t h a t a democratic,  prosperous  and  p e a c e f u l Europe can be  by Europeans working together to b u i l d i t .  It i s a  Europe t h a t i s based on the s t r o n g p i l l a r s of l e g i t i m a c y , r e s p e c t f o r Human R i g h t s and i s , simultaneously,  achieved new  political  the Rule of Law.  It  based upon a s o l i d framework of market  p r i n c i p l e s , as w e l l as upon the bedrock of s e c u r i t y . The  new  EC i s d i f f e r e n t from the o l d EC and  from a l l the empires,  different  regimes and o r d e r s t h a t have r i s e n  f a l l e n b e f o r e . There i s , t h e r e f o r e , a c h a l l e n g e now whole of the i s l a n d of I r e l a n d to keep pace with  and  to the  the  tremendous t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t has changed the f a c e of Europe. The  time has long passed  p o l i t i c a l l y , e c o n o m i c a l l y and  to s t r e n g t h e n I r e l a n d  i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y . The  EC  ensures a f r e s h p o l i t i c a l  d i r e c t i o n , i n t e n d i n g to f o s t e r  flow of i d e a s , people and  i n f o r m a t i o n , c r e a t i n g , a t the same  time, o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p e a c e f u l and  the  further far reaching  changes. Community p r o p o s a l s a r e coherent  and workable and  r e p r e s e n t a s u b s t a n t i v e programme f o r I r e l a n d ' s development. They a r e agreed  upon i n p r i n c i p l e and warmly embraced  many. By themselves,  by  though, they cannot d u p l i c a t e , but  r a t h e r o n l y complement, the work performed by n o r t h e r n  and  66  southern  l e a d e r s and  those, who  must together,  develop  themselves the best methods of work to be most e f f e c t i v e i n Europe's new  p o l i t i c a l and economic environment.  Matters,  i n t h i s respect, i n f a c t ,  look promising.  u l t i m a t e l y , not only do many of the I r i s h , e s p e c i a l l y  For  the  Southern I r i s h , appear to want to help themselves, but under the circumstances, most stubborn  p r e s e n t l y beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l , even the  of the Northern  I r i s h must, i n the  end,  r e a l i z e t h a t they too must do the same. Peter Robinson, has f o r one, now  looks forward  at l e a s t , s a i d t h a t  to the " s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n c r e a s e d  he  co-  o p e r a t i o n " t h a t the recent e f f o r t s of the Southern government and  a l s o membership of the EC  between Northern  I r e l a n d and  the  look s e t to b r i n g  Republic.*  43  Jim N i c h o l s o n , a r i v a l U l s t e r U n i o n i s t has a l s o s a i d , t h a t people must a p p r e c i a t e t h a t a b e t t e r f u t u r e i s u n l i k e l y to emerge from "the s o r r y mess t h a t c u r r e n t l y passes f o r p o l i t i c s " i n the i s l a n d . The aims of the d i v i d e d p a r t i e s i n I r i s h p o l i t i c s , moreover, he claims, are no longer The establishment  of a new  political  valid.  framework i n  Western Europe h e r a l d s a great time of change. Because of the new  European trends, both  n a t i o n a l i s t s and u n i o n i s t s  have to r e a l i z e t h e i r o r i g i n a l aims are no longer The  realistic.  t r a d i t i o n a l , s o v e r e i g n , independent r e - u n i t e d I r e l a n d  sought by r e p u b l i c a n s , and  the former semi-independent  government with m a j o r i t y r u l e sought by u n i o n i s t s a r e  no  longer p o s s i b l e . Thus, U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s need no more f e a r  67  the t r a d i t i o n a l  re-united  I r e l a n d with which  N a t i o n a l i s t s have threatened them and I r i s h  Irish Nationalists  need no longer worry about a r e t u r n t o the o l d Stormont regime which U l s t e r U n i o n i s t s have wanted. So N i c h o l s o n concludes, "one e r a i s ending and another i s beginning".*'* Notwithstanding the c o m p l e x i t i e s of the I r i s h conflict, hangover  i t remains an anachronism, an a n c i e n t i n the "new  tribal  Europe". Yet, i f the deep b i t t e r n e s s  which s e p a r a t e s people l i k e the French and Germans, a b i t t e r n e s s perhaps deeper than that which d i v i d e s the people of I r e l a n d , could be l a i d a s i d e i n s i d e the EC, why the I r i s h do  cannot  likewise?  The people of I r e l a n d should be l o o k i n g forward i n the f u t u r e t o e n t e r i n g i n t o a new  e x p e r i e n c e of Europe on the  same b a s i s as everyone e l s e . They have been a b l e to p a r t i c i p a t e i n Community p o l i c y - m a k i n g on a r e l a t i v e l y advantageous  f o o t i n g given the s i z e of t h e i r numbers, and  must r e a l i z e t h a t membership o f f e r s the i s l a n d ' s war weary communities a t l a s t the hope t h a t , t o paraphrase the g r a f f i t i on the F a l l s Road of West B e l f a s t , t h e r e can be l i f e a f t e r death.  68  REFERENCES  AND NOTES:  INTRODUCTION;  1. S.Hoffman, J o u r n a l o f Common Market S t u d i e s , v o l 21 No.122 Sept/Dec 1982, P32. 2. FQRTNI6HT May 1990, P.9. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. CHAPTER ONE:  5. M.Burgess, F e d e r a l i s m and European Union. 6. A . D a l t r o p . P o l i t i c a l R e a l i t i e s ; P o l i t i c s and The European Community. P.29 7. N.Nugent. The Government and P o l i t i c s o f the European Community. P.317. 8.  E.C. Newsletter,  I n s t i t u t i o n s o f EC. November 1990.  CHAPTER THO:  9. L. de paor, D i v i d e d U l s t e r . P.94. 10. ed W i l l i a m s , N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n , P.881. 11. T.Nairn, The Breakup o f B r i t a i n . P.276. 12. I b i d . , P.278. 13. Ibid. 14. I b i d . P226. 15. L de Paer, P143. 16. I b i d . P150. 17. M . C o l l i n s , I r e l a n d A f t e r B r i t a i n . P5. 18. P . C r i c h t o n , Prospects o f P o l i t i c a l Union In the European Community. P. 23. 19. I b i d . 4. P.407 20. A.Guelke, N.Ireland: The I n t e r n a t i o n a l P e r s p e c t i v e . P. 11. CHAPTER  THREEi  21. M.Keating and B.Jones, Regions i n the European Community. P.129. 22. Target »92, Sept 1988 No.16 P.2. 23. J . A . O l i v e r , P o l i t i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , No.35 1987 P.427. 24. With t h e S i n g l e T r a n s f e r a b l e vote System, used both i n Northern I r e l a n d and t h e R e p u b l i c , candidates a r e l i s t e d i n a l p h a b e t i c a l order on the b a l l o t paper. Each v o t e r can cast h i s vote f o r one candidate and , i n a d d i t i o n , i n d i c a t e , i n order o f p r e f e r e n c e , the candidates t o whom h i s vote should be given i f t h e candidate o f h i s f i r s t c h o i c e has a l r e a d y r e c e i v e d more than the number o f votes necessary f o r e l e c t i o n , or has obtained t o o few votes and has been eliminated. By c o n t r a s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from England, S c o t l a n d and Wales a r e e l e t e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l m a j o r i t y vote  69  system. In i n d i v i d u a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s with t h e m a j o r i t y vote system t h e candidates, t o win, must gain t h e h i g h e s t number of votes. 25. M.Keating and B.Jones P.126. 26. Economist. March 26th 19B8, P.14. 27. Ibid. 28. P.Hainsworth, P.229. 29. New Statesman and S o c i e t y , 9/9/88. 30. D.Coombes, Ced) I r e l a n d and the European Community. P.2. CHAPTER FOUR:  31. McAleese and Mathews, The S i n g l e European Act. P.40. 32. I b i d . , P.15. 33. I b i d . , P.44. 34. K.A.Kennedy, I r e l a n d i n T r a n s i t i o n . P.23. 35. G.N.Minshull <3rded), The New Europe. P.266. 36. Armstrong, Journal o f Common Market S t u d i e s , v o l I , No.23. sept 84 P.320. 37. C r o x f o r d , Wise and Chalky, Journal o f Common Market S t u d i e s , vol.6,No.1 sept 1987, P.37. 38. Ep News Oct. 10-14 1988. 39. Ibid. 40. EP News Oct.-Nov. 1989. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid. 43. F o r t n i g h t , May 1990 P.12. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. F o r t n i g h t , May 1990 P.8. 48. Target '92. January 1990. 49. F o r t n i g h t , A p r i l 1990 P.12. CHAPTER  FIVE:  50 F o r t n i g h t , A p r i l 1990 P.12. 51 F o r t n i g h t , December 1990 P. 22. 52 C.Coulter, I r e l a n d Between F i r s t and T h i r d Worlds. P.7. 53 An I r i s h Times/MRBI p o l l i n d i c a t e d that 82Z o f the people i n t h e south a s p i r e d t o a r e - u n i t e d I r e l a n d , but the same p r o p o r t i o n i n favour of postponing u n i t y t o a c h i e v e an i n t e r n a l settlement i n the north, ( f o r t h n i g h t June 1991, P.12.) 55 F o r t n i g h t , January 1991. 55. Ibid. 56. Ibid. 57. The people o f Northern I r e l a n d a r e excluded from the party p o l i t i c a l system which determines the governement of the U.K. (the s t a t e o f which Northern I r e l a n d nominally forms a p a r t ) . They have not chosen t o exclude themselves but have been excluded by t h e a c t i o n s o f t h e major p o l i t i c a l  70 p a r t i e s , and t h e i r c o n t i n u i n g e x c l u s i o n i s today s u s t a i n e d by the d e l i b e r a t e d e c i s i o n o f the l e a d e r s o f those p a r t i e s . 58. North-South Co-operation Newsletter by I r i s h A s s o c i a t i o n . 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