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From "sexual antagonism" to "domination" : the discourse of gender in the ethnography of Papua New Guinea Shaw, Pelly R. E 1991

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FROM "SEXUAL ANTAGONISM" TO "DOMINATION": THE DISCOURSE OF GENDER I N THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA By P e l l y R. E. Shaw B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y  o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1976  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y )  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA S e p t e m b e r 1991 P e l l y Shaw, 1991  In  presenting  degree  this  at the  thesis  in  University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  of  the  requirements  for an  advanced  I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying  of  department  this or  thesis by  for scholarly  his  or  publication of this thesis  her  Anthropology  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  October  7,  may  representatives.  It  be is  granted  by the head of  understood  that  for financial gain shall not be allowed without  permission.  Department of  purposes  1991  copying  my or  my written  ABSTRACT This  thesis  i s an examination  of  the e v o l u t i o n  of the  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l understandings of gender r e l a t i o n s and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l Since  p o s i t i o n s of women i n s e v e r a l New Guinea  the 1950's  the q u e s t i o n  of sexual  domination of women has permeated  societies.  inequality  and the  the d i s c o u r s e of gender  i n the  ethnography of Papua New Guinea, p a r t i c u l a r l y the H i g h l a n d s . Key p i e c e s of ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e produced from the 1950's to  the  present  were  examined,  beginning  with  the "sexual  antagonism" model of the 50's and 60's (Read, M e g g i t t , Langness), f o l l o w e d by the "women as persons" model of the 1970's ( F a i t h o r n , F e i l , S t r a t h e r n ) , the model of "sexual complementarity" proposed by Lowlands  ethnographers  symbolic  "deconstruction"  Biersack),  and  the  (Weiner,  Errington  of domination  recent  and  Gewertz),  (Strathern,  neo-marxist  the  Lederman,  "reconstruction"  of  domination (Josephides, G o d e l i e r ) . A l l the s t u d i e s examined deal i n some measure w i t h the degree to which women may be s a i d  t o be dominated by men. Thus, women's  e x c l u s i o n from or p a r t i c i p a t i o n and degree  in. p o l i t i c a l  affairs,  of women's access t o "male" p o l i t i c a l  the nature  power or t h e i r  p o s s e s s i o n of other s o r t s of powers, t h e i r s t a t e of personhood and the q u e s t i o n of whether or not they may be dominated  are central  themes i n the d i s c u s s i o n . The ethnographers who judged that women were not dominated, p e r c e i v e d , i n s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s , female p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a p p a r e n t l y male a c t i v i t i e s  (Faithorn, F e i l ) ,  and i n another i n s t a n c e ,  female  autonomy d e r i v i n g f r o m women's a b i l i t y t o c i r c u m v e n t m a l e p o l i t i c a l a d v a n t a g e a n d d e n i g r a t i n g g e n d e r i d e o l o g y ( S t r a t h e r n ) . The L o w l a n d s ethnographers i d e n t i f i e d a male-female equal  but  different  gendered  c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y p r o d u c e d by  interests  and  powers  (Weiner,  E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ) . More r e c e n t l y , e t h n o g r a p h e r s highly  culturally  relativist  meanings and symbolisms, to  rights,  ideology,  violence  interpretations  perspective, invoking  indigenous  a n d b y p a s s i n g t h e e v i d e n c e o f what  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s as  denigrating  ( e . g . , S t r a t h e r n ) have adopted a  "domination" women's  lack  perpetrated suggest  by  that  (e.g.,  the  existence  of p o l i t i c a l men  against  "domination"  appears  and  property  women). i s  c o n s t r u c t i o n d e p e n d e n t on t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f p e r s o n .  of  a  These  cultural  In addition,  gender i d e o l o g y i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be a s y m b o l i c code t h a t s e r v e s as a moral  e v a l u a t i o n of s o c i a l  b e h a v i o u r s . Thus, t h e d e v a l u a t i o n of  " f e m a l e n e s s " , w h i l e p a s s i n g j u d g e m e n t on c e r t a i n  forms  of s o c i a l  a c t i o n , d o e s n o t e n a c t t h e d e n i g r a t i o n o r t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f women. In  contrast,  neo-marxist  ethnographers  ( J o s e p h i d e s , G o d e l i e r ) r e l y on W e s t e r n - b a s e d and  domination,  appropriation qualities  and  imply  (of property  that  these  of  the  an i n d e p e n d e n t  and o b s e r v a b l e  Both recent views  1980's  labour  concept  and t h a t t h i s  of  and of t h e  o f p e r s o n s ) a r e c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y a p p l i c a b l e . They  t h a t H i g h l a n d women w e r e i n d e e d d o m i n a t e d was  the  d e f i n i t i o n s of person and  or products  in  argue  domination  reality.  of t h e s t a t u s  o f H i g h l a n d women ( s y m b o l i c  and n e o - m a r x i s t ) a r e l i m i t e d . W h i l e t h e s y m b o l i c s t u d i e s s u g g e s t a n  i n d i g e n o u s model studies  suggest  domination.  In  of c u l t u r e as mental an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l the conclusion  of  s t r u c t u r e , the neo-marxist  model  o f power,  the thesis  I  control suggest  and that  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s must d e v o t e l e s s a t t e n t i o n t o a p p a r e n t l y p e r m a n e n t ideological  or material  structures  and s t a t e s  of i n e q u a l i t y or  f i x e d s t a t u s , and g r e a t e r a t t e n t i o n t o t h e p r o c e s s e s of d o m i n a t i o n and o f women's c o n t e s t a t i o n , t a k i n g women's own p e r s p e c t i v e s i n t o account.  V  TABLE OF  CONTENTS  ABSTRACT  i i  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER 1: SEXUAL ANTAGONISM Introduction  12  D e f i n i n g t h e S e x u a l Antagonism Model  14  L e c h e r s and Prudes: A S e x u a l Antagonism Typology  26  Sexual Antagonism i n the Eastern Highlands  35  C r i t i q u e of Sexual Antagonism  43  Conclusion  56  CHAPTER 2: WOMEN AS PERSONS Introduction  57  M e l p a Women: D o m e s t i c P e r s o n s  59  K a f e Women: P o l i t i c a l  69  Persons  Enga Women's R o l e i n t h e Tee E x c h a n g e  74  Critique:  83  I n c l u s i o n and E x c l u s i o n  Conclusion  96  CHAPTER 3: GENDERED DOMAINS AND SEXUAL COMPLEMENTARITY Introduction  99  T r o b r i a n d Women's S o c i o - c o s m i c Power Male-Female  C o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i n Chambri  103 Society  117  vi  Complementarity and Personhood  128  Conclusion  138  CHAPTER 4: DECONSTRUCTING DOMINATION: PERSON AND GENDER AS IDEOLOGY Introduction  141  Melanesian  144  The  and Western Persons  M i s u s e of a Western Concept of Person  149  S u b j e c t s , O b j e c t s , Women a n d P r o p e r t y  155  G e n d e r a s a S y m b o l i c Code  162  Melpa Gender Symbolism  164  P a i e l a and Mendi Gender I d e o l o g i e s  168  The  175  Melanesian  Aesthetic  Critique  181  Conclusion  196  CHAPTER 5: RECONSTRUCTING DOMINATION: NEO-MARXIST PERSPECTIVES Introduction  200  Male Domination and M a t e r i a l A p p r o p r i a t i o n  203  The  Kewa  206  The  A p p r o p r i a t i o n o f Women's P r o d u c t s  208  The  Political  214  P o s i t i o n o f Kewa Women  Kewa G e n d e r I d e o l o g y  222  C r i t i q u e of Josephides  226  The  I d e o l o g i c a l Appropriation of Reproduction  230  The  Baruya  232  vii  The  P o l i t i c a l P o s i t i o n o f B a r u y a Women  Initiation: The  a Mechanism of Male Domination  Ideological  Justification  of Male D o m i n a t i o n  234 237 239  C r i t i q u e of G o d e l i e r  243  Conclusion  255  CONCLUSION  259  BIBLIOGRAPHY  278  1 INTRODUCTION  The  C u l t u r a l C o n s t r u c t i o n of Gender Margaret  roles  across  significant  Mead's a  range  early  studies  o f New  contribution  o f women  Guinea  and gender  societies  t o anthropology's inquiry  c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , human b e h a v i o u r and s o c i a l Mead's d a t a h a s n o t e s c a p e d c r i t i c a l naive  authority  criticized 1987,  and  made  ahistorical  a  into  relations.  r e - e x a m i n a t i o n and h e r approach  have  been  ( s e e C l i f f o r d 1988:230-3, E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz  Freeman  1983, Gewertz  1981, 1984).  However, h e r  p e r s p e c t i v e on t h e s e x e s a n d t h e u n d e r l y i n g p r e m i s e o f S e x and Temperament i n T h r e e P r i m i t i v e  Societies  (1935),  that  i s , t h a t male and female b e h a v i o u r and gender r e l a t i o n s a r e largely socio-cultural  c o n s t r u c t i o n s , has endured.  S u p p o r t e d b y many r e c e n t a n a l y s e s more  sophisticated  t h a n M e a d ' s , t h i s p r e m i s e h a s become a p o w e r f u l  analytical  t o o l w i t h w h i c h t o e x a m i n e how men a n d women i n p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t i e s c o n s t i t u t e themselves and t h e i r b e l i e f s about t h e sexes.  The i d e a  particular  that  "gender"  s e t of c u l t u r a l  circumstances  c o o r d i n a t e s and  ( s e e O r t n e r and Whitehead  1981a) h a s p r o v i d e d a grounded social  i s constructed  basis  1981,  within  a  historical Strathern  f o r examining t h e  p o s i t i o n s o f women a n d men, t h e i r r o l e s a n d i n t e r -  r e l a t i o n s . I n M e l a n e s i a n ethnography, i t has a l s o p r o v i d e d  2 a  new  perspective  f o r examining  these  i n relation  to  p r o d u c t i o n , exchange, forms of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , n o t i o n s of power, concepts of personhood, gender i d e o l o g i e s and  symbols,  and i d e a s  of male  domination  and  sexual  inequality. In gender  this in  thesis  I examine the d i s c o u r s e  Melanesian  illuminating  ethnography  anthropological  with  in  several  New  Guinea  a  understandings  r e l a t i o n s and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l societies.  of sex and view of  to  gender  p o s i t i o n s of women I  evaluate  the  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l d i s c o u r s e of gender r e l a t i o n s and e x p l o r e ethnographers'  a d j u d i c a t i o n s of women's s t a t u s , a t t e n d i n g  p a r t i c u l a r l y to notions  of power, the q u e s t i o n of women's  domination and the absence of women's p e r s p e c t i v e s . In the chapters  of t h i s  thesis,  I examine a s e r i e s of models of  gender r e l a t i o n s and women's s t a t u s . Before proceeding t o an  overview  problematic  of  these  ideological  models, bases  I  briefly of  review  anthropological  c o n s t r u c t i o n s of gender.  Androcentrism  the  and the C o n s t r u c t i o n of Gender  ... t h e r e i s a profound r e l u c t a n c e on the p a r t of the d i s c i p l i n e t o come t o terms with the s o c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n of women t o t h e i r s o c i e t y and t o develop t h e o r i e s which accommodate women as s o c i a l a c t o r s i n t h e i r own r i g h t ... we know too l i t t l e of the female h a l f of s o c i e t y t o argue f o r  3 male dominance as an e n d u r i n g , ( B e l l 1983:246).  timeless  reality  I n t h e c o u r s e o f t h i s c e n t u r y o f modern  anthropology,  b o t h p r i o r t o a n d s u b s e q u e n t t o Mead's s e m i n a l 1930's, their  social  scientific  relations  beliefs.  have  been  Nineteenth  Victorian  perspectives strongly  century  concerns  with  on t h e s e x e s  moulded  social  theory  sexuality,  work i n t h e  by  Western  and  "natural"  and  postsexual  p o l a r i t y , t h e domestic/public dichotomy, the d e f i n i t i o n of the  f a m i l y and i d e a s  sexes  of a p p r o p r i a t e s o c i a l  h a v e a l l h e l d sway o v e r  o f g e n d e r ( s e e Coward 1983, has  been  very  little  roles  f o r the  the anthropological reading Rosaldo  i n t h e way  1 9 8 0 ) . To d a t e , of  there  feminist-informed  d e s c r i p t i o n s of e n t i r e s o c i e t i e s ,  and t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  discourse  has  on  women  and  gender  long  harboured  an  a n d r o c e n t r i c b i a s . Recent f e m i n i s t s c h o l a r s have c r i t i c i z e d Western-biased  and a n d r o c e n t r i c a n t h r o p o l o g y and have c l a r i f i e d  t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s a n d women's l i v e s h a v e been n e g l e c t e d , u n d e r v a l u e d and  theoretical  concerns  (see, f o r example, B e l l Sacks  a n d m i s r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e s o c i a l  of male-dominated s o c i a l 1983, Dahlberg  1981,  science  Leacock 1981,  1 9 7 9 , Sanday 1 9 8 1 , T i f f a n y 1 9 8 2 , 1 9 8 4 , T i f f a n y a n d  O'Brien  1984,  Weiner  1976).  A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l attempts i n "male-dominated" s o c i e t i e s ,  t o a s s e s s t h e s t a t u s o f women and indeed,  t h e concept  of  4 d o m i n a t i o n , have been n o t o r i o u s l y p r o b l e m a t i c .  Anthropologists  have tended t o emphasize c l a n o r g a n i z a t i o n and t h e a m b i g u i t y of  women's p o s i t i o n s  i n patrilineal  societies,  depicting  women's l i v e s l a r g e l y i n t e r m s o f t h e s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s i m p o s e d u p o n them by a n " e x t e r i o r " ( m a l e ) s o c i e t y ( s e e R u b i n 1 9 7 5 ) . Women h a v e a l s o studies  of  politics,  been i n v i s i b l e seen  either  as  i n anthropological non-political or  p o l i t i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t ( T i f f a n y 1 9 8 7 ) . T h i s v i e w o f women, i n part a legacy  o f t h e V i c t o r i a n i d e a o f p u b l i c s o c i e t y and  p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n as male, has a l s o been t h e o b j e c t o f f e m i n i s t a t t e n t i o n ( e . g . , De B e a u v o i r 1952, S a c k s 1979, T i f f a n y 1 9 8 7 , T i f f a n y a n d Adams 1 9 8 5 ) . I n t h e 1 9 7 0 ' s , " t h e a n t h r o p o l o g y o f women", q u e s t i o n e d n o t o n l y a n d r o c e n t r i c p o r t r a y a l s o f women's l i v e s , b u t c r o s s cultural  generalizations  a b o u t women's s t a t u s ,  generating  a s c h o l a r l y debate about t h e " u n i v e r s a l " s u b o r d i n a t i o n  of  women ( s e e L e a c o c k 1 9 8 1 , R e i t e r 1 9 7 5 , R o s a l d o 1 9 8 0 , R o s a l d o and Lamphere 1 9 7 4 , S a c k s 1 9 7 9 , W e i n e r 1 9 7 6 ) . P r o p o n e n t s o f the e x i s t e n c e o f s e x u a l l y e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s ( e . g . , L e a c o c k 1978, 1981; L e i b o w i t z 1975, 1986; S a c k s 1979) c h a l l e n g e d who,  l i k e R o s a l d o (1974, 1980), c o n c l u d e d t h a t  c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l forms have always been  those  "... human  male-dominated"  (1980:393). The  "universal  difficulty  that  subordination"  Western  social  debate h i g h l i g h t e d t h e science  has  had  in  5 conceptualizing  difference  in a  non-hierarchical  G e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a b o u t women's s t a t u s a n d s o c i a l  way.  r o l e s have  been framed m a i n l y i n terms of r e p r o d u c t i v e c o n s t r a i n t s ( s e e Quinn  1 9 7 7 , Mukhopadhyay  ethnographers  tended  and H i g g i n s  1988);  t o s e e women a s " l i m i t e d "  r e p r o d u c t i v i t y t o "lower" orders ofa c t i v i t y , and  that i s ,  domestic p u r s u i t s . This  by  their  individualistic  l o g i c r e s t s on two c u l t u r a l l y  s p e c i f i c c o n s t r u c t i o n s t h a t s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d t h e New G u i n e a l i t e r a t u r e f r o m the 1950's t o the 1970's. These a r e : ( a ) t h e dichotomization  of s o c i a l  a more h i g h l y v a l u e d  life  i n t o a domestic sphere and  p u b l i c sphere, and (b) t h e p e r c e p t i o n  o f women a s p r i m a r i l y  reproducers.  In a d d i t i o n t o t h e s e p r e v a i l i n g a n d r o c e n t r i c on s o c i a l f o r m s , t h e a b s e n c e o f f o r m a l  political  perspectives structures  i n H i g h l a n d New G u i n e a s o c i e t i e s l e d e a r l y e t h n o g r a p h e r s t o c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e s e s o c i e t i e s a s e g a l i t a r i a n , a t t h e same t i m e as t h e y c h a r a c t e r i z e d H i g h l a n d women a s d o m e s t i c ,  reproductive  and o p p r e s s e d . I n t h e t r a d i t i o n o f l i b e r a l n o t i o n s o f " s o c i a l e q u a l i t y " o r " e q u a l i t y of opportunity" the "equal" i n d i v i d u a l is,  i n f a c t , a male i n d i v i d u a l (see J o l l y  ethnographically J o l l y notes, men" or  1987). Thus, t h e  famed M e l a n e s i a n " e g a l i t a r i a n i s m " was, a s  "typically  about equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s  between  (1987:170). Forge (1972) a l s o p o i n t e d t o the unexamined gender-neutral  use of t h e term  " e g a l i t a r i a n " and has  suggested t h a t i t s i n v o c a t i o n i n a d v e r t e n t l y obscured the f a c t s  6 o f i n e q u a l i t y b e t w e e n men a n d women, a n d among men. M o r e o v e r , few e t h n o g r a p h e r s a d d r e s s e d  t h e q u e s t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s among  women, p e r p e t u a t i n g t h e p e r c e p t i o n o f women a s a u n i f o r m g r o u p and  objective analytical  The  Purpose of t h e Thesis The  category.*  major purpose of t h i s  indicated,  i s to  examine  e t h n o g r a p h e r s have u n d e r s t o o d and p o l i t i c a l  a  thesis, variety  as I have o f ways  already  i n which  gender r e l a t i o n s and the s o c i a l  s t a t u s o f women i n New G u i n e a , p r i m a r i l y t h e  H i g h l a n d s , where, n o t i o n s o f male e g a l i t a r i a n i s m a s i d e , t h e question of t h e domination  o f women a n d s e x u a l  inequality  has l o n g p e r m e a t e d t h e d i s c o u r s e . I c o n s i d e r a f e w k e y p i e c e s of e t h n o g r a p h i c  l i t e r a t u r e produced during t h e f o r t y - y e a r  p e r i o d f r o m t h e 1950's t o t h e p r e s e n t ,  taking the "sexual  a n t a g o n i s m " model o f t h e 1950's ( e . g . , R e a d 1 9 5 4 ) a s a p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e ,  a n d t h e r e c e n t work o f S t r a t h e r n ( 1 9 8 8 ) a n d  some o f h e r c o n t e m p o r a r i e s  ( e . g . , E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz 1987,  G o d e l i e r 1986, J o s e p h i d e s  1985) as an e n d p o i n t .  examine t h e premises behind  the discourse  In order t o  of gender i n a  manageable f a s h i o n f o r t h e purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , I d i r e c t my d i s c u s s i o n t o f i v e  themes  that  reflect  that  changing  I r e t u r n t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s among women i n my d i s c u s s i o n o f G o d e l i e r ( 1 9 8 6 ) i n C h a p t e r 5, a n d i n t h e C o n c l u s i o n . 1  7 discourse.  I n C h a p t e r s 1 t h r o u g h 5, I a d d r e s s e a c h o f t h e s e  themes i n t u r n .  Five  G e n d e r Themes i n t h e E t h n o g r a p h y o f New  ( 1 ) The " s e x u a l  antagonism"  model,  Guinea  prevalent  i n the  H i g h l a n d s l i t e r a t u r e o f t h e 1950's a n d 1 9 6 0 ' s , p o r t r a y e d women as o p p r e s s e d , d o m e s t i c a n d d a n g e r o u s . E t h n o g r a p h e r s p r e s e n t e d gender r e l a t i o n s s t r i c t l y i n terms o f o p p o s i t i o n a n d h o s t i l i t y , and s o c i e t y a s a p r o d u c t o f m a l e e f f o r t M e g g i t t 1964, Langness  (Read 1 9 5 2 , 1 9 5 4 ,  1967).  (2) I n t h e 1970's e t h n o g r a p h e r s i n t r o d u c e d  t h e concept  o f women a s p e r s o n s i n t h e i r own r i g h t . Some s c h o l a r s  argue  t h a t women p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a n d w i e l d e d power i n m a l e s p h e r e s of a c t i o n ( F a i t h o r n 1976, F e i l 1978a, 1978b). S t r a t h e r n  (1972)  a r g u e s t h a t Melpa women were p o l i t i c a l m i n o r s , b u t f u l l p e r s o n s i n t h e d o m e s t i c domain. are  part  of a  androcentric  B o t h v e r s i o n s o f "women a s p e r s o n s "  generalized  biases  feminist  of "sexual  ( 3 ) Two e x p l i c i t l y  correction  of the  antagonism".  feminist s t u d i e s , both dealing  with  L o w l a n d New G u i n e a s o c i e t i e s , p r o d u c e d a d e c a d e a p a r t , p o s i t complementary  gender  r e l a t i o n s and sexual  e q u a l i t y . The  ethnographers suggest that t h e sexes pursued d i f f e r e n tbut complementary  i n t e r e s t s , e x e r c i s e d d i f f e r e n t b u t complementary  powers, and f u n c t i o n e d as p e r s o n s i n d i s t i n c t b u t e q u a l domains of  activity.  They  suggest  that  "power",  "person"  and  8 "domination"  are culturally  determined  considered independent a n a l y t i c a l E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz  a n d may  n o t be  c a t e g o r i e s (Weiner 1976,  1987).  (4) Recent e t h n o g r a p h e r s , i n amove towards even g r e a t e r c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m , invoke indigenous i d e o l o g i e s of person and g e n d e r , d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e s e f r o m s o c i a l  p r a c t i c e s and  p r o d u c i n g a d e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e m a l e d o m i n a t i o n o f women. P e r s o n , s u b j e c t , p r o p e r t y and ownership  are considered to  be W e s t e r n c o n c e p t s a n d t h e r e f o r e n o t a p p l i c a b l e t o M e l a n e s i a n relations  (Strathern  1984a,  1984b).  c o n s i d e r e d a s y m b o l i c code and s o c i a l does  not merely  reflect  what  men  Gender  ideology i s  i d i o m whose  a n d women  imagery  "are", but  s t r u c t u r e s o t h e r v a l u e s and s e r v e s as a moral e v a l u a t i o n o f s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r s a n d a c t i o n s ( B a t t a g l i a 1983, B i e r s a c k 1 9 8 4 , Kahn 1986, L e d e r m a n 1980, 1986, S t r a t h e r n 1978, 1980, 1988). may  1981b,  Thus, t h e s e e t h n o g r a p h e r s a r g u e t h a t M e l a n e s i a n p e r s o n s  n o t be d o m i n a t e d i n t h e W e s t e r n  sense o f t h e term, and  t h a t i d e o l o g i e s d e n i g r a t i n g f e m a l e q u a l i t i e s do n o t c o n s t r a i n women's  lives.  (5) I n t h e 1980's n e o - m a r x i s t s have a r g u e d t h a t H i g h l a n d women w e r e i n d e e d d o m i n a t e d a n d t h a t t h i s d o m i n a t i o n was a n i n d e p e n d e n t and o b s e r v a b l e r e a l i t y . These e t h n o g r a p h e r s r e - o p e n the subjects  of p o l i t i c a l  power a n d i d e o l o g i c a l  control,  c a s t i n g them a s p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s , a n d s u g g e s t i n g t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s may i n d e e d make c r i t i c a l  assessments  9 of t h e s t a t u s on e m p i r i c a l 1983,  women a n d a d j u d i c a t i o n s observation  (Godelier  of domination  based  1982, 1986, Josephides  1985). B e c a u s e t h e s e themes a r e c o m p l e x l y i n t e r - r e l a t e d ,  elaboration i n the Melanesian l i t e r a t u r e occurred  i n d i s t i n c t and s u c c e s s i v e  themes do r e p r e s e n t and p o l i t i c a l that  an e v o l u t i o n  underlying object  f o r their  has p e r f o r c e n o t  stages.  However,  shifts i n thinking  radical  differences i n  assumptions, o v e r a l l perspective  of a n a l y s i s  these  of d i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l  i n t e r e s t s . They r e p r e s e n t  are significant  their  and c h o i c e o f  ( s e e a l s o , Mead 1935 v s . E r r i n g t o n a n d  G e w e r t z 1 9 8 7 , G e w e r t z 1 9 8 1 , 1984 on t h e C h a m b r i ; Wedgwood 1 9 3 7 a , 1937b v s . L u k t e h a u s 1982 on t h e Manam I s l a n d e r s ) .  The P r o b l e m o f D o m i n a t i o n The s u b j e c t s  of Chapters 4 and 5 i n d i c a t e d i f f e r e n c e s  i n a n a l y t i c a l assumptions that u l t i m a t e l y r e v o l v e around t h e legitimacy of a d j u d i c a t i o n s of domination. In these I  examine  two d i s p a r a t e  and i n c o m p a t i b l e  understanding domination which provide a d e b a t e a b o u t how t h e s t a t u s understood. relativist  Those  approaches t o  t h e ammunition f o r  o f H i g h l a n d women i s t o be  ethnographers  perspective  chapters,  and i n v o k e  who  adopt  a  culturally  i n d i g e n o u s meanings and  symbolisms, p a r t i c u l a r l y S t r a t h e r n , dismantle  the evidence  of what a p p e a r s t o a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a s d o m i n a t i o n . " D o m i n a t i o n "  10 and " i n e q u a l i t y " , t h e argument s t a t e s , a r e t h e m s e l v e s  cultural  c o n s t r u c t i o n s a n d must be c o n s i d e r e d i n r e l a t i o n t o a s e t of c u l t u r a l p r e m i s e s about p e r s o n s and a c t i o n . I n c o n t r a s t , n e o - m a r x i s t e t h n o g r a p h e r s i d e n t i f y t h e p r o d u c t i o n of i n e q u a l i t y t h r o u g h s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s , and t h e c r e a t i o n o f s t r u c t u r e s of domination.  Josephides  (1985),  f o r example,  views  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r o d u c t i o n and exchange as a mechanism p r o d u c i n g a n o b j e c t i v e l y v e r i f i a b l e economic d o m i n a t i o n . Power, p e r s o n , d o m i n a t i o n a n d how t h e s e a r e t o be d e f i n e d d o m i n a t e the  discussion  anthropological  of  gender  i n t h e 1980's  challenge  frames of r e f e r e n c e .  A Note About Ethnographic  Variation  I n a t t e m p t i n g t o make c o m p a r i s o n s anthropological  and  interpretations  and c o n t r a s t s of t h e  of the p o l i t i c a l  position  of women i n New G u i n e a s o c i e t i e s , e t h n o g r a p h i c v a r i a t i o n m u s t , o f c o u r s e , be t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t .  This discussion  focuses  a l m o s t e n t i r e l y on H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s , i n w h i c h t h e s o c i o c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t i e s l a r g e l y o u t w e i g h t h e d i f f e r e n c e s . The exceptions i n t h i s  d i s c u s s i o n a r e t h e Lowlands  the T r o b r i a n d I s l a n d s (Weiner and G e w e r t z 1 9 8 7 ) .  197 6) a n d C h a m b r i  It i s significant  societies, (Errington  that i t i s i n these  s o c i e t i e s t h a t e t h n o g r a p h e r s have d e t e c t e d complementary g e n d e r relations  and  sexual  equality,  an  assessment  that  no  11 e t h n o g r a p h e r , r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , has made of t h e  Highlands.  12 CHAPTER  1  SEXUAL ANTAGONISM  Introduction The New G u i n e a H i g h l a n d s h a v e b e e n c h a r a c t e r i z e d area  of  remarkable  considerable autonomous  cultural  homogeneity  in  as an  spite  of  l i n g u i s t i c d i v e r s i t y a n d a l a r g e number o f s m a l l political  units  (Langness  1967:161).  Early  ethnographers produced c u l t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n s t h a t emphasized common e c o n o m i c , Langness  r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l  patterns.  Thus,  writes:  A l l o f t h e H i g h l a n d e r s a r e h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s and p i g r a i s e r s , a n d h u n t i n g i s a m i n o r a c t i v i t y . The s t a p l e c r o p everywhere i s t h e sweet p o t a t o . . . Material culture has only slight regional v a r i a t i o n s . The g r o s s f e a t u r e s of r e l i g i o u s , political and economic organization likewise r e s e m b l e one a n o t h e r . . . The m a j o r r i t u a l s a r e a l i k e i n t h e i r fundamentals (Langness 1967:161). Langness  does,  however,  note  " c o u r t s h i p , m a r r i a g e and s e x u a l  significant variations  in  b e h a v i o u r " (1967:162). A l l  t h e same, e t h n o g r a p h e r s c o n s i s t e n t l y d e t e c t e d h i g h l y c h a r g e d r e l a t i o n s between t h e s e x e s , and c h a r a c t e r i s e d Guinea  societies  as  "male-dominated"  H i g h l a n d New  and  "sexually  antagonistic". Although t h e term "sexual Victorian  literature  psychoanalytic  (e.g.,  antagonism" appears i n postHeape  1913) and  in  early  a n d " c u l t u r e and p e r s o n a l i t y " l i t e r a t u r e ( e . g . ,  13 Roheim 1 9 2 6 ) , i t came i n t o w i d e r u s a g e  only  i n t h e 1950's  and 60's i n t h e e t h n o g r a p h y o f t h e New G u i n e a H i g h l a n d s . Read (1952, 1954), M e g g i t t  (1964) and Langness (1967) d e f i n e  "sexual  antagonism" as a p a t t e r n o f o p p o s i t i o n and t e n s i o n i n malefemale r e l a t i o n s . Ethnographers of " s e x u a l l y a n t a g o n i s t i c " s o c i e t i e s d e p i c t women a s o p p r e s s e d , s u b j e c t t o m e a s u r e s o f m a l e c o n t r o l , a n d d a n g e r o u s t o men b e c a u s e o f t h e i r to  use sorcery.  domestic political  They  portray  and s u b s i s t e n c e and  ceremonial  abilities  women a s e n g a g i n g  sexes  as f r e q u e n t l y  mainly i n  activities,  excluded  activities  o f "male"  Furthermore, these ethnographers represent the  t o p o l l u t e and  opposed;  from  the  society.  the i n t e r e s t s of  inter-sexual  relations,  p a r t i c u l a r l y between w i v e s a n d h u s b a n d s , a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d as t e n s e a n d h o s t i l e . I n d e e d , some a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s that t h i s  sexual  sustained  by a n e l a b o r a t e  segregation,  polarity  strict  spheres of personal 1964,  chapter  two d i s t i n c t  subcultures  p o l l u t i o n ideology,  residential  gender d i v i s i o n and r i t u a l  Read 1954, Wedgwood In t h i s  created  suggested  of labour  a c t i o n (Herdt  and s e p a r a t e 1981, M e g g i t t  1930).  I examine  t h e use of the concept of  " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " i n t h e work o f Read, M e g g i t t and L a n g n e s s . Their  portraits  of Highland  societies  i n t r o d u c t i o n both t o the region issues  i n the study  will  serve  a s an  as a whole, and t o c u r r e n t  o f gender r e l a t i o n s .  14 Defining  t h e Sexual Antagonism Model  R e a d ' s two i m p o r t a n t e a r l y a r t i c l e s , "The Nama C u l t o f t h e C e n t r a l H i g h l a n d s , New G u i n e a " ( 1 9 5 2 ) a n d "The C u l t u r e s o f t h e C e n t r a l H i g h l a n d s , New G u i n e a " ( 1 9 5 4 ) , c o n s t i t u t e t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e i n M e l a n e s i a n e t h n o g r a p h y o f what may be c a l l e d the  "sexual  antagonism" model.  The Gahuku-Gama w e r e a g r o u p o f t r i b e s t h a t , a t t h e t i m e o f R e a d ' s f i e l d w o r k , numbered r o u g h l y  eight thousand people  l i v i n g i n t h e area around Goroka, i n t h eAsaro V a l l e y i n t h e C e n t r a l / E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s o f New G u i n e a . B e c a u s e much o f t h e present discussion  i s i n t i m a t e l y concerned with  Highlands  e t h n o g r a p h y , Read's g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s s e r v e s a s a n i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e common e t h n o g r a p h i c  features  of t h e a r e a : . . . t h e s w e e t p o t a t o i s t h e i r s t a p l e c r o p , a n d much t h e same s u b s i d i a r y f o o d s t u f f s - b a n a n a s , yams, t a r o , p i t - p i t , and v a r i o u s greens a r e c u l t i v a t e d everywhere, though there a r e some regional v a r i a t i o n s ... The s i m p l e d i g g i n g s t i c k a n d s t o n e adze a r e t h e p r i n c i p a l i m p l e m e n t s . .. G o l d - l i p s h e l l ( p i d g i n E n g l i s h k i n a ) i s an i m p o r t a n t v a l u a b l e throughout the r e g i o n . . . Ceremonial d r e s s i s every where b r i l l i a n t and e l a b o r a t e , b u t i n g e n e r a l t h e d e c o r a t i v e and p i c t o r i a l a r t s a r e n o t h i g h l y developed . . . S o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s are n o n - c e n t r a l i z e d and s e g m e n t a r y . T h e r e i s no r a n k o r c l a s s s y s t e m ... h e r e d i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p i s n o t f o u n d a n y w h e r e ... T h e r e a r e no s p e c i f i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e s . K i n s h i p , economic and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s p r o v i d e the framework f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and o p e r a t e p o l i t i c a l l y when o c c a s i o n a r i s e s ... The e c o n o m i c p a t t e r n i s t h a t o f a s u b s i s t e n c e economy i n w h i c h t h e r e i s a m a r g i n o f goods f o r c e r e m o n i a l exchange ... The b a s i c e c o n o m i c u n i t i s t h e f a m i l y , whose members p r o v i d e f o r m o s t o f t h e i r j o i n t n e e d s ...  15 Money has r a p i d l y e n t e r e d t h e economy, b u t f o r t h e most p a r t w e a l t h s t i l l c o n s i s t s p r i m a r i l y of p e r i s h a b l e s . Any a c c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h c a n o n l y be f o r a s h o r t t i m e , and i t d o e s n o t , t h e r e f o r e , g i v e r i s e t o permanent c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s though i t c o n f e r s p r e s t i g e ... ( 1 9 5 4 : 7 - 1 2 p a s s i m ) . "Gahuku-Gama c u l t u r e " , Read s t a t e s , " i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y M e l a n e s i a n i n r e s p e c t of c e r t a i n s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s " (1952:2). The p e o p l e s o f t h e E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s small v i l l a g e s ,  traditionally lived in  as o p p o s e d t o t h e s c a t t e r e d s e t t l e m e n t s  the Western Highlands  (1954:13). R e s i d e n t i a l segregation  of of  t h e s e x e s and a s i n g l e men's " c l u b h o u s e " w e r e a l s o t y p i c a l f e a t u r e s . The g r e a t p i g exchanges o f the West H i g h l a n d s  existed  on a somewhat s m a l l e r s c a l e i n t h e E a s t b u t c a r r i e d a s i m i l a r social  importance:  Throughout the H i g h l a n d s , p i g s are the most i m p o r t a n t i t e m s o f w e a l t h , and t h e g r e a t e s t s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s a r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e i r exchange between groups (1954:18). Among t h e Gahuku-Gama, p i g f e s t i v a l s w e r e p r i m a r i l y a g r o u p a c t i v i t y , and  i n d i v i d u a l p r e s t i g e was  more i n t i m a t e l y bound  up w i t h g r o u p a c h i e v e m e n t t h a n i n t h e W e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s , complex networks of exchange p r o v i d e d  greater  where  opportunity  f o r i n d i v i d u a l p r e s t i g e - s e e k i n g . L i k e o t h e r p e o p l e s of H i g h l a n d New G u i n e a , t h e Gahuku-Gama t r a d i t i o n a l l y e n g a g e d w i t h known e n e m i e s i n c o o r d i n a t e d w a r f a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by " a s p e c t s e x p e c t a t i o n and  of  r e g u l a t i o n " (1952:2).  Of t h e t y p i c a l s o c i a l f e a t u r e s t h a t R e a d n o t e s , t h e most n o t a b l e i s " t h e a b s e n c e o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p and o f any s u i g e n e r i s  political  machinery  " t r i b e " was s i m p l y  or o f f i c e s "  (1952:2).  The Gahuku-Gama  t h e l a r g e s t group w i t h i n which  warfare  d i d n o t o c c u r . T r i b a l t e r r i t o r y was d i v i d e d among s u b - t r i b a l g r o u p s composed o f p a t r i l i n e a l c l a n s , a n d t h e r e were no t r i b a l territorial  r i g h t s as such.  Strong  however, w i t h " t h e g r e a t i d z a  tribal  nama f e s t i v a l s " f u n c t i o n i n g  p r i m a r i l y as "an e x p r e s s i o n o f t r i b a l subclan  (dzuha),  predominantly  "a s t r i c t l y  local  bonds d i d e x i s t ,  unity"  exogamous,  group" (1952:3-4),  (1952:3).  The  l a n d h o l d i n g and  was t h e f u n c t i o n a l  p o l i t i c a l u n i t a n d , more f r e q u e n t l y i n t h e p a s t t h a n i n R e a d ' s t i m e , a l s o f o r m e d a r e s i d e n t i a l g r o u p . The s u b c l a n was "made up o f a number o f r e l a t e d p a t r i l i n e a g e s " , e a c h h a v i n g " a d e p t h of between f o u r and f i v e g e n e r a t i o n s " (1952:3-4). t h a t Gahuku-Gama p a t r i l i n e a l other s o c i a l  Read n o t e s  i d e o l o g y was s t r o n g , b u t t h a t  p r i n c i p l e s impinged  on i t s supremacy:  While the p a t r i l i n e a g e i s , again, mostly a local r e s i d e n t i a l g r o u p t h e v e r y s t r o n g bonds w h i c h e x i s t between age-mates may o p e r a t e t o m o d i f y t h e i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e . T h u s , some men p r e f e r t o s e t up h o u s e and i d e n t i f y t h e m s e l v e s i n e v e r y d a y a f f a i r s w i t h t h e members o f o t h e r l i n e a g e s w i t h whom t h e y p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s and spent a l o n g a p p r e n t i c e s h i p i n t h e men's h o u s e (zagusave) (1952:4). "The  c u l t u r e s of the east"  ( H i g h l a n d s ) , Read  states,  " a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a m a r k e d s e x d i c h o t o m y w h i c h f i n d s i t s most o b v i o u s a n d e l a b o r a t e e x p r e s s i o n i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f the  men's  club  traditionally  house"  the centre  (1954:12).  This  of the sacred  "club flute  house"  was  (nama) c u l t ,  17 and t h e f l u t e s t h e m s e l v e s were " e x c l u s i v e l y male p o s s e s s i o n s " and  " a p a r t f r o m t h e i r r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e ... ( w e r e ) p r e -  eminently  symbols of male dominance"  used n o t o n l y  i n men's i n i t i a t i o n  (1954:12).  ceremonies,  in fertility  generations  were  rites.  F l u t e tunes  considered  passed  pig kills),  down  " t h e common a n d  h e r i t a g e of t h e males" (1952:7).  were  but a l s o i n  t h e r e l a t e d i d z a nama f e s t i v a l s ( t h e c e r e m o n i a l and  They  through  traditional  I t was a l s o men's e x c l u s i v e  r i g h t t o p l a y t h e f l u t e s ; p u b l i c i d e o l o g y s t a t e d t h a t women knew n o t h i n g w h a t s o e v e r a b o u t t h e f l u t e s , a n d t h e y w e r e n o t p e r m i t t e d t o s e e them, b u t " a r e c o m p e l l e d  t o h i d e whenever  t h e f l u t e s a r e p l a y e d , and t h e p e n a l t y f o r d i s o b e y i n g i s d e a t h " (1954:25). I n h i s 1952 a r t i c l e , R e a d p r e s e n t s a l e s s d o g m a t i c v i e w o f women's r e l a t i o n s h i p suggests  t o the sacred  flutes.  that the c u l t d i dnot apply a s t r i c t l y  v i e w o f women. T h i s dramatic beginning  i s evident  There,  he  categorical  i n h i sdescription  of t h e  o f t h e c u l t ceremonies and t h e p a r a d i n g  of t h e f l u t e s : An a d v a n c e g u a r d g o e s a h e a d t o w a r n t h e w a i t i n g women o f what i s c o m i n g , a n d , a s t h e p r o c e s s i o n p a s s e s , t h e s e men s t a n d g u a r d , bow i n h a n d , t o make s u r e no f e m a l e o r u n i n i t i a t e d m a l e l o o k s a t them ... women e i t h e r t u r n t h e i r b a c k s o r l o w e r t h e i r h e a d s w h e r e t h e y s i t ... O l d women, h o w e v e r , a r e p e r m i t t e d t o s t a n d up a n d f a c e t h e men, e m i t t i n g a s h r i l l s t y l i z e d s h o u t ... ( 1 9 5 2 : 5 , my e m p h a s i s ) .  18 Thus, t h e f l u t e s  c l e a r l y s y m b o l i z e d n o t o n l y t h e hegemony  o f men o v e r women, b u t o f t h e o l d a n d t h e i n i t i a t e d o v e r t h e young  and  uninitiated.  Women  and c h i l d r e n ,  (including  u n i n i t i a t e d b o y s ) , were l e d t o b e l i e v e t h a t t h e sound o f t h e f l u t e s was p r o d u c e d men's h o u s e . Y e t ,  by m y t h i c a l b i r d s w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n t h e Gahuku-Gama men f u l l y  acknowledged  that  "human a g e n t s p r o d u c e t h e t u n e s " a n d t h a t " t h e nama b i r d d o e s not  exist  a n d was  invented  f o r the express  purpose of  m i s l e a d i n g t h e women a n d c h i l d r e n " ( 1 9 5 2 : 6 ) . Women, h o w e v e r , knew o f t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e f l u t e s ,  a n d men w e r e e q u a l l y  aware o f women's k n o w l e d g e . The d e c e p t i o n was p e r p e t r a t e d on a l l s i d e s . R e a d s t a t e s t h a t t h e nama f l u t e s w e r e n o t o b j e c t s m e r e l y "designed f o r the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r sex"  (1952:6).  W h i l e f u n c t i o n i n g a s i n s t r u m e n t s o f male hegemony, t h e y c a r r i e d an i m p o r t a n t  r e l i g i o u s m e a n i n g . The f l u t e s w e r e s y m b o l s o f  u n i t y a n d " t h e common o r i g i n a n d c o n t i n u i t y o f a p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p o f men" ( 1 9 5 2 : 7 ) c o n s t r u e d i n o p p o s i t i o n t o "women" as a c a t e g o r y . T h u s , n o t o n l y w e r e t h e f l u t e s " t h e s u p r e m e s y m b o l o f m a l e hegemony" ( 1 9 5 4 : 2 5 ) , b u t , Read s u g g e s t s ,  they  a l s o g l o r i f i e d s o c i a l cohesion and t r a n s m o g r i f i e d the p r a c t i c a l s o l i d a r i t y of the male group i n t o an e n d u r i n g v a l u e and l i f e p r i n c i p l e . The nama c u l t p r o v i d e d a s p i r i t u a l of " t h e u n i v e r s a l  validity  confirmation  o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , aims and  a s p i r a t i o n s o f men" ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 3 ) . The i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s  themselves  affirmed  the r i g i d  communal n a t u r e  sex dichotomy  of male  of t h e c u l t u r e and t h e  interests.  These i n i t i a t i o n s i n v o l v e d d i f f e r e n t r i t u a l for  boys  according  t o age. Small  boys  were  treatments temporarily  separated from t h e i r mothers and b r i e f l y exposed t o t h e f o r m a l c e r e m o n i e s o f t h e m a l e w o r l d . They w e r e t h e n r e t u r n e d t o t h e i r mothers, and a few y e a r s l a t e r e n t e r e d t h e next phase o f t h e f o r m a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . A d o l e s c e n t boys were a d m i t t e d t o t h e men's h o u s e s a s n o v i c e s . T h e i r s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n c l u d e d d a i l y r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n s ( n o s e - b l e e d i n g , and c a n e - s w a l l o w i n g to  induce  vomiting)  that  r i d  i n f l u e n c e s o f women a n d g u a r a n t e e d  them  of the contaminating  t h e i r p h y s i c a l and m a s c u l i n e  development. F o l l o w i n g t h e s e r i t e s , t h e boys underwent a p e r i o d of c o n f i n e m e n t  i n t h e men's h o u s e , and s u b s e q u e n t l y t h e s e c r e t  o f t h e f l u t e s was r e v e a l e d t o them. I n a l l , i t was a l e n g t h y and a r d u o u s p e r i o d o f i n d o c t r i n a t i o n t o t h e m a l e w o r l d a n d male v a l u e s , c a r r i e d on i n i s o l a t i o n from t h e female  world:  They a r e a l l o w e d o n l y t h e minimum o f c o n t a c t w i t h women a n d r a c e a b o u t i n s m a l l b a n d s p r a c t i s i n g v o m i t i n g and b l o o d - l e t t i n g , and i n g e n e r a l , p r e p a r i n g themselves f o r wider p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e a f f a i r s o f men ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 1 ) . Older  a d o l e s c e n t s , h a v i n g p r e v i o u s l y undergone  initiation  r i t e s , r e p e a t e d them, t h e n e n t e r e d i n t o a p e r i o d o f s e c l u s i o n in  t h e men's h o u s e  and prepared  t o assume  the status of  b e t r o t h e d w a r r i o r s . The e n t i r e i n i t i a t i o n p e r i o d l a s t e d f o r several  years  and c o n s t i t u t e d a  formal  e d u c a t i o n a l and  20 socialization  process.  Boys  were  inculcated  with  "the  s e n t i m e n t s w h i c h u n d e r l i e t h e s o l i d a r i t y o f t h e male community" and  by means o f t h e same p r o c e s s  i t s members a r e f o r g e d  " t h e common i n t e r e s t s o f  and cemented"  (1952:11).  The nama c u l t , Read s u g g e s t s , may l e g i t i m a t e l y be s e e n as " a n a r t i f i c i a l and c o n s c i o u s l y c o n t r i v e d mechanism t h r o u g h w h i c h men hope t o d e m o n s t r a t e a n d p r e s e r v e t h e i r  superior  s t a t u s " ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 6 ) . He f u r t h e r d e s c r i b e s i t a s " b o t h a n i n d e x o f m a l e d o m i n a n c e a n d an i n s t i t u t i o n s e r v i n g t o m a i n t a i n t h e s t a t u s quo o f m a l e hegemony" ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 6 ) . I n s h o r t , i t i s R e a d ' s a s s e s s m e n t t h a t , u n d e r l y i n g r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s a s i d e , t h e nama c u l t , i n o p e r a t i o n a l o r e f f e c t i v e t e r m s , was p r i m a r i l y a b o u t t h e d o m i n a n c e o f men o v e r women. Female d e p e n d e n c e , s u b m i s s i o n and  i n f e r i o r i t y were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o s p i r i t u a l  terms,  such  t h a t m a l e d o m i n a n c e was i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e s p i r i t u a l  and  ideological  m e a n i n g s o f t h e s o c i e t y . The d o m i n a n c e o f men  o v e r women became a n i m m u t a b l e " f a c t " o f l i f e . S e x u a l o p p o s i t i o n i n H i g h l a n d s o c i e t i e s was through both ideology  a n d c o l l e c t i v e s y m b o l i s m . I t was most  f o r c e f u l l y perpetrated Read n o t e s  that  perpetrated  across  through s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r a c t i c e s , and the Highlands  "variations i n the  treatment  o f a d o l e s c e n c e a r e o f ... s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r t h e  formation  of  adult  sex a t t i t u d e s "  (1954:31).  Masculine  s o c i a l i z a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y , was t h e k e y t o t h e p e r p e t r a t i o n  21 of g e n e r a t i o n a l c y c l e s of t e n s i o n and antagonism between t h e 2 sexes. One r e s u l t o f m a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n Gahuku-Gama s o c i e t y was a n e l a b o r a t e d c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f m a l e a n d f e m a l e t h a t was f a r more t h a n " t h e s i m p l e a s s i g n m e n t o f c o m p l e m e n t a r y r o l e s b a s e d on o b s e r v a b l e o r i m p u t e d p h y s i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s " (1952:14). Deeply i n c u l c a t e d b e l i e f s about the sexes and t h e psychology "No  s u s t a i n i n g t h o s e b e l i e f s were m u t u a l l y  man", Read s t a t e s , " r e g a r d s  reinforcing.  a woman o r h e r a c t i v i t i e s  as b e i n g e q u a l i n i m p o r t a n c e t o h i m s e l f a n d h i s own a f f a i r s " (1954:24).  This  masculinist  public  ideology  and  social  p s y c h o l o g y d i f f e r e n t i a l l y v a l u e d b o t h men and women a s p e r s o n s and  the masculine  and t h e f e m i n i n e  as p r i n c i p l e s :  Men a r e c o n c e i v e d t o b e t h e more i m p o r t a n t members of s o c i e t y . They a r e , i d e a l l y , aggressive, flamboyant, g i v e n t o quick o u t b u r s t s of anger the w a r r i o r s , g u a r d i a n s o f c u s t o m , a n d r e p o s i t o r i e s o f k n o w l e d g e on whom t h e c o n t i n u e d w e l f a r e a n d s e c u r i t y o f t h e g r o u p d e p e n d . Women's r o l e i s s e e n t o be one o f s u b m i s s i o n . A d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e s h a r e o f b o t h t h e d r u d g e r y a n d h e a v y work e n t a i l e d i n d a i l y l i f e f a l l s t o them, w h i l e men a r e f r e e t o g o s s i p , i n d u l g e i n s p e e c h - m a k i n g , a n d p u t on t h e i r b r i l l i a n t d e c o r a t i o n s seek d i v e r s i o n elsewhere. E v e n i n p r o c r e a t i o n , t h e woman i s a s s i g n e d a s e c o n d a r y p a r t . She i s m e r e l y a r e c e p t a c l e f o r t h e R e a d ' s e m p h a s i s o n m a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s one o f t h e s t r e n g t h s o f h i s w o r k , a n d h i s l a c k o f a t t e n t i o n t o f e m a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n , one o f t h e w e a k n e s s e s . G e n e r a l l y , s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s a theme t h a t h a s remained u n d e r d e v e l o p e d i n M e l a n e s i a n ethnography. I w i l l l a t e r argue t h a t a s t r o n g and h i g h l y c o n s t r u c t e d o r i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d o p p o s i t i o n between t h e sexes does n o t e x i s t p u r e l y as a formal o r a e s t h e t i c f e a t u r e , t h a t i s , a s a s t r u c t u r e , b u t must be s e e n a s r e s u l t i n g i n and f r o m t h e i n t e r a c t i o n o f s o c i a l a n d p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s .  man's semen. W i t h o u t a man, i t i s s a i d , a woman i s n o t h i n g ; b u t t h e c o n v e r s e does n o t a p p l y , f o r a man, a s a member o f t h e m a l e s e x , a l w a y s , a s i t were, c a r r i e s around w i t h him the p o t e n t i a l i t y o f fatherhood, r e q u i r i n g only t h esubmissiveness of a woman t o a c h i e v e e x p r e s s i o n . ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 4 ) . It i s important  t o n o t e h e r e t h a t t h i s was t h e m a l e v i e w  of t h e s o c i a l o r d e r . Read r e p o r t s t h a t Gahuku-Gama men b e l i e v e d t h a t they had t o "maintain a constant  v i g i l a n c e t o preserve  t h e i r s u p e r i o r i t y " a n d t h a t women, " g i v e n t h e o p p o r t u n i t y , are prepared  to challenge  it"  ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 4 ) . F o r i n s t a n c e , men  c o n t r a s t e d t h e i r own d e s i r e t o h a v e c h i l d r e n w i t h women's desires, b e l i e v i n g (quite r i g h t l y according  t o Read)  that  women " d i s l i k e b e a r i n g c h i l d r e n " a n d " t a k e s t e p s t o p r e v e n t or t e r m i n a t e  pregnancy"  (1952:14).  M a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n Gahuku-Gama s o c i e t y c l e a r l y i n v o l v e d a k i n d o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n i n g , and Read's e x p l a n a t i o n of " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " a c c o r d i n g l y v e n t u r e s i n t o p s y c h o l o g i c a l territory. antagonism"  He  identifies  and  the  a  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  "aggressive"  emphasizing that " p h y s i c a l aggression dominant o r i e n t a t i o n o f t h e H i g h l a n d He  relates this  which  these  Highland  character,  and v i o l e n c e i s t h e c u l t u r e s " (1954:22).  tendency t o t h e perpetual  cultures,  "sexual  e s p e c i a l l y those  s t a t e o f war i n of the  Eastern  H i g h l a n d s , e x i s t e d u n t i l r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y . H o w e v e r , Read c l a i m s t h a t p h y s i c a l a g g r e s s i o n was n o t s i m p l y a r e s u l t o f i n t e n s e i n t e r - g r o u p h o s t i l i t y , b u t was " a more f u n d a m e n t a l  23 trait"  (1954:23). A g g r e s s i v i t y and t e n d e n c i e s t o v i o l e n c e ,  R e a d s u g g e s t s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d most Gahuku-Gama i n t e r a c t i o n s : P h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e a n d a n t a g o n i s m a r e t h e warp o f t h e c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n ; p r e s e n t t o some e x t e n t i n most important r e l a t i o n s h i p s , they receive i n n u m e r a b l e f o r m s of s y m b o l i c a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d expression (1954:23). R e a d ' s e x p l a n a t i o n r e f e r s t o men, b u t he a l s o n o t e s t h a t women were no l e s s a g g r e s s i v e among t h e m s e l v e s . C o - w i v e s o f t e n f o u g h t v i c i o u s l y , b u t t h e s e f i g h t s w e r e t y p i c a l l y v i e w e d by men a s semi-serious  and were  likely  t o be  terminated  by  male  intervention. The  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d expression  included violence perpetrated  of p h y s i c a l  by men a g a i n s t  violence  t h e i r wives as  punishment f o r v a r i o u s misdeeds. W h i l e the punishment of male or female wrongdoers g e n e r a l l y  involved  "public  beatings"  and " v i c i o u s h u m i l i a t i o n s " (1954 : 2 3 ) , men s p e c i f i c a l l y d i r e c t e d t h e i r violence against  female s e x u a l i t y :  Women s u s p e c t e d o f a d u l t e r y have s t i c k s t h r u s t i n t o t h e i r vagina, o r s t r i p p e d naked, they a r e t i e d t o a p o s t w h i l e men t h r o w d i r t a n d u r i n a t e on them. B e a t i n g s a c r o s s t h e b r e a s t s and s h o u l d e r s with l e n g t h s o f r a t t a n c a n e a r e common f o r l e s s f o r s e r i o u s offenses (1954:23). A t h i r d i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t o f m a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n was t h e c u l t u r a l b e l i e f that " t h e female p r i n c i p l e i s i n i t s e l f  ...  i n i m i c a l t o men" ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 4 ) a n d t h e r e f o r e t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f m a s c u l i n i t y . Gahuku-Gama m a s c u l i n i t y a n d m a l e s u p e r i o r i t y were c o n s e q u e n t l y c o n s t r u c t e d on t h e p r e c a r i o u s b a s i s o f men's  self-acknowledged  physiological  inferiority.  Girls  were  b e l i e v e d t o m a t u r e " n a t u r a l l y " i n t o women, a s b r e a s t s b e g i n t o grow a n d m e n s t r u a t i o n o c c u r s w i t h o u t p r o v o c a t i o n ; n o t h i n g was  required t o engineer the transformational process. I t  was b e l i e v e d t h a t b o y s , h o w e v e r , i f l e f t t o t h e i r own d e v i c e s , w o u l d n o t become men. Manhood h a d t o b e a c h i e v e d . The o b v i o u s s i g n s of the female process of m a t u r a t i o n a r e " w i t h o u t obvious p a r a l l e l " ( 1 9 5 2 : 1 5 ) i n b o y s , a n d men's i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s w e r e designed t o induce maturation through i m i t a t i v e such  as  cyclical  blood-letting.  Initiation  practices rites  and  m e n s t r u a t i o n were t h e r e f o r e t h o u g h t t o s e r v e s i m i l a r p u r p o s e s . T h u s , men saw t h e m s e l v e s  as both  s u p e r i o r t o and i n f e r i o r  t o women. I n d e e d , t h e i r p h y s i o l o g i c a l i n f e r i o r i t y that they c o n s t r u c t f o r themselves The  belief  that  the female  a cultural  principle  was  demanded  superiority. inimical  to  m a s c u l i n i t y r e s u l t e d i n a view of sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s as "fraught w i t h dangers"  (1954:27).  I n i t i a t e s were s e p a r a t e d  f r o m women, c l o s e c o n t a c t w i t h whom w o u l d  sap masculine  s t r e n g t h a n d t h r e a t e n b u r g e o n i n g manhood. S e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e was d e b i l i t a t i n g a n d p o l l u t i n g , e v e n f o r m a t u r e m a r r i e d men. While  a danger  t o men  from  within,  as a  source of  p o l l u t i o n a n d a t h r e a t t o m a s c u l i n i t y , Gahuku-Gama women a s w i v e s p o s e d a t h r e a t t o men f r o m w i t h o u t . I n - m a r r i e d women d i d n o t become members o f t h e i r were always  husbands' c l a n s , and thus  r e g a r d e d as s t r a n g e r s . T h i s permanent o u t s i d e r  25 status,  what  Strathern  (1972)  has r e f e r r e d  t o as  " i n -  betweenness", was, from t h e husband's p o i n t o f v i e w and t h a t of h i s c l a n , a p o t e n t i a l d a n g e r . The r e s u l t i n g m i s t r u s t between spouses n o t only created  m a r i t a l tension, but also  women what may b e i n t e r p r e t e d as a c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l R e a d a r g u e s t h a t women's p o l i t i c a l  "power"  of r e s i s t a n c e and r e c a l c i t r a n c e i n t h e f a c e  allowed  "power". consisted  of i n e v i t a b l e  male d o m i n a t i o n . To e s c a p e t h e r e s t r i c t i v e p a r a m e t e r s o f t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l l y a s s i g n e d p o s i t i o n , women r e s o r t e d t o " e x t r e m e " t a c t i c s : t h e use of sorcery Por  and t h e d e s e r t i o n  a Gahuku-Gama man t o a c h i e v e s o c i a l  of husbands.  a d u l t h o o d , he h a d  t o m a r r y a n d p r o d u c e c h i l d r e n a n d "no one h a s a h i g h  opinion  o f h i m i f he i s u n a b l e t o do s o " ( 1 9 5 4 : 2 9 ) . T h u s , b y l e a v i n g m a r r i a g e s , women i n c o n v e n i e n c e d t h e i r h u s b a n d s . R e a d s t a t e s that  " i n most c a s e s a woman's l e a v i n g a man r e s u l t s i n a  " v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n " and " c e a s e l e s s  l i t i g a t i o n " (1954:28). Y e t ,  women p o s s e s s e d no l e g i t i m a t e p o w e r s o r r i g h t s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e i d e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m a c y a s c r i b e d t o male s u p e r i o r i t y . I n a d d i t i o n , women p o s e d a n e v e n g r e a t e r t h r e a t t o men as  "theprincipal  agents through which a s o r c e r e r  works"  ( 1 9 5 4 : 2 7 ) . Young men w e r e w a r n e d t o s t e e r c l e a r o f s e x u a l o f f e r s t h a t c o u l d be a t t e m p t s on t h e p a r t o f women t o p r o c u r e  B u t s e e my c r i t i q u e o f S t r a t h e r n ' s s i m i l a r a r g u m e n t i n C h a p t e r s 2 a n d 4.  26 semen f o r u s e i n s o r c e r y . Thus, a man's w i f e was, i n one s e n s e , h i s most d e a d l y enemy. P o r a y o u n g man t h e p a r a d o x  o f s e x was t r u l y a d o u b l e  b i n d . The s o c i a l p r e s s u r e s o f m a s c u l i n e v a l u e s i m p r e s s e d d e e p l y upon h i m t h e p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e o f m a r r i a g e t o h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , a n d y e t women p o s e d a t h r e a t t o h i s v e r y In t h e e s s e n t i a l personal  survival.  p r o c e s s e s of c o u r t s h i p and m a r r i a g e , h i s  w e l l - b e i n g and h i s s o c i a l  w e l l - b e i n g came  into  conflict. Read's a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e x u a l p o l i t i c s society  highlights  practice.  the relationship  He f o c u s e s  the  ideal  rests  between i d e o l o g y and  on t h e " p a r t i a l  r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e male i d e a l  "men f e e l  formal  noting that t h a t women  and oppose t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , and  ... one o f t h e i r p r i n c i p a l  concerns  preserve their s u p e r i o r i t y "  "Lechers" and "Prudes":  and l a r g e l y  ..." ( 1 9 5 4 : 3 0 ) ,  on a c o n t r a d i c t i o n :  challenge their authority  o f Gahuku-Gama  i s t o demonstrate  and  (1954:30).  A Sexual Antagonism  Read a r g u e d t h a t m a l e - f e m a l e  Typology  hosti 1 i t y probably occurred  throughout t h e Highlands i n a v a r i e t y of forms. H i s d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e E a s t e r n and Western Highlands suggested t o Meggitt t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of " c o n s i s t e n t r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e p a t t e r n of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between men a n d women" ( M e g g i t t  1964:205).  Meggitt  subsequently  p r o p o s e d a c o m p a r a t i v e measure o f the t e n s i o n and o p p o s i t i o n between t h e sexes a c r o s s  Highlands s o c i e t i e s .  M e g g i t t was n o t c o n c e r n e d w i t h the c a u s e s o f i n t e r - s e x u a l h o s t i l i t y ; h i s model i s l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e a n d c l a s s i f i c a t o r y , and a i m s t o show t h a t the v a r i a t i o n s i n i n t e r - s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s were " c o r r e l a t e d w i t h t h e p r e s e n c e o r absence o f p a r t i c u l a r k i n d s o f men's p u r i f i c a t o r y c u l t s , w i t h d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e s t a t u s o f women i n e v e r y d a y l i f e a n d t h e d e g r e e o f h o s t i l i t y e x i s t i n g between a f f i n a l l y r e l a t e d g r o u p s " (1964 : 20 6 ) . M e g g i t t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e e x i s t e d two i d e n t i f i a b l e t y p e s o f i n t e r sexual  opposition:  t h e Mae t y p e (men a s " p r u d e s " ) a n d t h e  Kuma t y p e (men a s " l e c h e r s " ) . I n a d d i t i o n , he s u g g e s t s t h a t a third  type of "sexual  Mae a n d Kuma t y p e s ,  antagonism", a combination of t h e  existed i n the Eastern  Highlands.  M e g g i t t f o c u s e s p r i n c i p a l l y on m a l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n , g i v i n g l i t t l e d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n t o women, d e t a i l i n g t h e e f f e c t s o f f e m i n i n i t y on m a s c u l i n i t y and male b e l i e f s a b o u t women. I n d e e d , we n o t e t h a t h i s i d e n t i f i e d  types,  r e f e r t o male a t t i t u d e s , r e a c t i o n s  "prudes" and " l e c h e r s " , and b e h a v i o u r s  towards  women. M e g g i t t t a k e s t h e Mae Enga o f t h e W e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s a s h i s p r i n c i p a l c a s e s t u d y . The Mae Enga numbered a b o u t 30,000 o u t o f a t o t a l Enga p o p u l a t i o n o f 100,000 i n 1964. Highlanders,  t h e Mae Enga w e r e s e d e n t a r y  who grew s w e e t p o t a t o e s ,  Like  other  horticulturalists  r a i s e d p i g s and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n an  28 elaborate  system  of ceremonial  exchange  ( t h e t e e ) . The  i m p o r t a n t s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s were t h e l o c a l i z e d p a t r i c i a n and  i t s s u b c l a n s , composed  of p a t r i l i n e a g e s .  Residential  s e p a r a t i o n o f t h e s e x e s was t h e common p r a c t i c e a t t h e t i m e o f M e g g i t t ' s f i e l d w o r k , b u t t h e men's h o u s e was n o t , a s i n Gahuku-Gama s o c i e t y , t h e c e n t r e o f a n y r i t u a l a c t i v i t y , b u t simply a meeting  and s l e e p i n g p l a c e .  From a n e a r l y a g e , c h i l d r e n , e s p e c i a l l y b o y s , i n t e r n a l i z e d c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s i n t h e fundamental between t h e s e x e s .  A d u l t men  advised  young  actively  differences boys  against  s p e n d i n g e x c e s s i v e amounts o f t i m e i n t h e company o f women. A t a r o u n d f i v e y e a r s o f a g e , b o y s b e g a n s l e e p i n g i n t h e men's houses and s p e n d i n g  t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e i r time w i t h  other  b o y s . U n d e r t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f o l d e r y o u t h s a n d a d u l t men, t h e y were i n s t r u c t e d i n a s e t o f r i g i d b e l i e f s about t h e f e m a l e s e x . L i k e Gahuku-Gama b o y s , t h e y w e r e t a u g h t t h a t women w e r e p o l l u t i n g and dangerous,  and t h a t m e n s t r u a t i o n and b i r t h were  u n c l e a n p r o c e s s e s , dangerous and d e b i l i t a t i n g t o m a s c u l i n i t y . Thus,  much  like  Gahuku-Gama  perpetrated through  society,  Mae  Enga  society  s o c i a l i z a t i o n an " e n d u r i n g complex o f  b e l i e f s , a t t i t u d e s and usages connected w i t h t h e assumption t h a t women a r e i n t r i n s i c a l l y  unclean"  (1964:208).  G i v e n t h e s e b e l i e f s , Mae Enga men's a n g s t about s e x u a l i t y i s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e ; t h e y were a c t i v e l y i n c u l c a t e d w i t h b e l i e f s that reproduced acute gynephobia.  "There i s a f e a r " , M e g g i t t  29 states,  "that  well-being"  copulation  i si nitself  detrimental  (1964:210). As a r e s u l t , " t h e o r d i n a r y  c o p u l a t e s w i t h h i s w i f e o n l y a s o f t e n a s he t h i n k s to  beget  t o male  children  abhorrence  and, n a t u r a l l y  any e r o t i c  enough,  preliminaries  husband  necessary  regards  with  t o the sexual a c t "  ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 1 0 ) . To what d e g r e e Mae men's s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t s e x r e f l e c t t h e i r f e e l i n g s when e n g a g e d i n t h e a c t i s n o t c l e a r from M e g g i t t ' s  analysis.  Mae women t h u s p o s e d a t h r e a t initiation  ritual  to masculinity.  The m a l e  ( s a n q q a i ) was c o n s e q u e n t l y d e s i g n e d t o  c l e a n s e a n d s t r e n g t h e n young u n m a r r i e d men, a n d t o p r o t e c t them f r o m t h e o n s l a u g h t o f d e b i l i t a t i n g f e m a l e to  which adult  life  inevitably  influences  e x p o s e d them. The s a n q q a i  i n v o l v e d a short p e r i o d o f s e c l u s i o n and p u r i f i c a t o r y but  rituals,  i t d i d not e n t a i l the b l o o d - l e t t i n g or vomiting ofthe  Gahuku-Gama r i t u a l . R a t h e r , s a n g g a i p u r i f i c a t i o n s w e r e b a s e d on v a r i o u s d i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s a n d o t h e r p r o h i b i t i o n s aim  at  completely  femininity,  shielding  ...  s e x u a l i t y and i m p u r i t y " .  "which  (the initiates) Thus, " n o t o n l y  from must  t h e y a v o i d women", b u t a l s o " t h e y may n o t u s e a n y t h i n g a l r e a d y polluted  b y women's v i e w i n g "  (1964:213).  When t h e young men emerged f r o m t h e r i t u a l h o u s e a f t e r s e v e r a l days of a c t i v i t i e s , that included  thesinging  they joined a p u b l i c  celebration  of b l a t a n t l y sexual songs,  ritual  t e a s i n g , and t h e s e l e c t i o n o f b a c h e l o r s by p a r t i e s o f g i r l s .  30  These a c t i v i t i e s  triggered  a c y c l e of c o m p e t i t i v e s i n g i n g  p e r f o r m e d by g r o u p s o f y o u n g men, singing, dancing,  a n d on t h e f o l l o w i n g d a y ,  f e a s t i n g and speech-making p r o c e e d e d . I t  was a g e n e r a l c e l e b r a t i o n o f t h e emergence o f t h e b a c h e l o r s a s "new  men".  The w h o l e a f f a i r  c u l m i n a t e d i n s e v e r a l days  o f pompous p a r a d i n g : . . . t h e armed a n d d e c o r a t e d b a c h e l o r s p e r a m b u l a t e the t e r r i t o r i e s o f t h e i r own and n e i g h b o u r i n g c l a n s t o show o f f t h e i r "new s k i n " a n d t h e i r f i n e r y . They h a l t f r e q u e n t l y t o c h a n t t o p i c a l songs and a t n i g h t s l e e p i n men's h o u s e s w h e r e v e r t h e y a r e v i s i t i n g ; t h e y must n o t e n t e r women's h o u s e s o r a c c e p t f o o d f r o m women. On t h e l a s t m o r n i n g t h e y go b a c k t o t h e s e c l u s i o n h o u s e s a n d remove t h e i r o r n a m e n t s a n d c h a n g e i n t o o r d i n a r y d r e s s . Then t h e y c o o k and s h a r e a meal o f p o r k o r f o w l b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o e v e r y d a y l i f e w h e r e , s t r e n g t h e n e d by t h e r i t u a l s , t h e y f a c e o n c e more t h e i n s i d i o u s i n f l u e n c e o f u n c l e a n women ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 1 6 - 2 1 7 ) . Prom M e g g i t t ' s d e s c r i p t i o n , i t i s c l e a r t h a t Mae women were a c t i v e l y and f o r m a l l y i n v o l v e d i n t h i s  ceremony:  Throughout the p r e c e d i n g a f t e r n o o n p a r t i e s of g i r l s a r r i v e , and t h e m o t h e r s a n d s i s t e r s o f t h e b a c h e l o r s o f f e r them h o s p i t a l i t y . A t d u s k t h e g i r l s a s s e m b l e i n g r o u p s on t h e d a n c e - g r o u n d , and t h o s e who h a v e s w e e t h e a r t s o r f r i e n d s among t h e b a c h e l o r s l e a d t h e s i n g i n g , w h i c h r e f e r s i n d e l i c a t e l y t o t h e young men's a t t r i b u t e s .... These s o n g s g r e a t l y e m b a r r a s s t h e m a r r i e d men, who o s t e n t a t i o u s l y l e a v e t h e d a n c e g r o u n d ... A t dawn t h e g i r l s g a t h e r on t h e danceground and, s t i l l c h a n t i n g , s e t o f f f o r t h e s e c l u s i o n a r e a . T h e r e t h e y a l l s i n g by t h e o u t e r g a t e w a y , t h e n t h o s e who f a n c y p a r t i c u l a r b a c h e l o r s s i n g a t the i n n e r gateways of the s e c l u s i o n houses (1964:214-215 p a s s i m ) . I n s p i t e o f women's o b v i o u s l y a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the male i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies, M e g g i t t concludes t h a t they  31 " r a r e l y p a r t i c i p a t e ( s ) i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s except t o provide f o o d f o r men o r t o g i v e e v i d e n c e i n c o u r t c a s e s " ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 1 ) . Mae men, women  he a r g u e s , " h a v e won t h e i r b a t t l e a n d h a v e r e l e g a t e d to  an  inferior  position"  (1964:220).  Thus,  he  c h a r a c t e r i z e s Mae women's s t a t u s a s r e l a t i v e l y l o w , a n d women themselves as " j u r a l  minors", "passive"  and " l e s s  mobile"  ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 1 ) . Women, he c l a i m s , " m a i n t a i n a much n a r r o w e r r a n g e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (1964:221). I n a d d i t i o n , male f e a r of  female  sexuality  determined  c o n s i d e r a b l y more r e s t r a i n e d  inter-sexual  relations  t h a n t h o s e among t h e Kuma o f  the Central Highlands. M e g g i t t ' s d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e Mae a n d Kuma t y p e s of s o c i e t i e s and t y p e s o f i n t e r s e x u a l c o n f l i c t i s b a s e d m a i n l y on d i f f e r e n c e s i n m a l e a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r s t o w a r d s women. T h u s , Mae men w e r e " p r u d e s " who e x h i b i t e d a n o v e r r i d i n g of f e m a l e s e x u a l i t y  fear  a n d a v o i d e d c o n t a c t w i t h women, w h i l e  Kuma men w e r e " l e c h e r s " who s o u g h t  frequent sexual  access  t o women: The one r e f l e c t s t h e a n x i e t y o f p r u d e s t o p r o t e c t t h e m s e l v e s f r o m c o n t a m i n a t i o n by women, t h e o t h e r the aggressive determinationof lechers t o assert t h e i r c o n t r o l o v e r r e c a l c i t r a n t women ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 1 ) . Meggitt thus constructs  h i s model o f Mae Enga " p r u d e s " on  a " c o n s t e l l a t i o n of t r a i t s which i n c l u d e s fear of s e x u a l i t y and of p o l l u t i o n , e m p h a s i s on a male c u l t a n d f r e q u e n t c o n f l i c t between a f f i n a l l y r e l a t e d g r o u p s " (1964 : 21 9-2 2 0 ) . I n c o n t r a s t ,  among t h e Kuma, "men h a v e l i t t l e o r no f e a r o f c o n t a m i n a t i o n by women" a n d " p r e m a r i t a l  sexual  i n t e r c o u r s e i s common a n d  uncondemned". F u r t h e r m o r e , "Kuma do n o t a t t r i b u t e e n d u r i n g h o s t i l i t y t o a f f i n e s " (19 6 4 : 2 2 0 ) . M e g g i t t c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h e s e features are correlated: ... i n H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s , w h e r e t h e r e i s no p e r s i s t i n g a n i m o s i t y between a f f i n a l l y connected g r o u p s , t h e r e i s a l s o l i t t l e o r no f e a r o f f e m i n i n e p o l l u t i o n and s e x u a l i t y (1964:220). The  principle  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Kuma " l e c h e r s "  were  t h e i r l a c k o f g e n e r a l i z e d f e a r of female s e x u a l i t y and t h e i r desire  to exercise  control  over  women. Men's  efforts to  d o m i n a t e women i n Kuma s o c i e t y t h u s p r o d u c e d "a d e e p - r o o t e d antagonism between the s e x e s " (1964:220). M e g g i t t ' s a n a l y s i s of  Kuma s o c i e t y  judges t h a t  r e l i e s on R e a y ' s e t h n o g r a p h y  "relations  i n which she  b e t w e e n men a n d . . . women  . . . are  c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a f u n d a m e n t a l a n t a g o n i s m " (Reay 1 9 5 9 : 1 6 1 ) , and  that,  although sexual  antagonism  r i t u a l " , i t i s " b a s i c t o Kuma l i f e "  " i s not stressed i n  ( 1 9 5 9 : 1 6 2 ) . Kuma women,  she n o t e s , d i s p l a y e d " u n d i s g u i s e d r e c a l c i t r a n c e " for  (1959:162)  b e a r i n g c h i l d r e n and m a r r i a g e s were " f r a u g h t w i t h t e n s i o n "  (1959:162): Women who a r e p a m p e r e d a n d s o u g h t a s y o u n g g i r l s r e s e n t p o l y g y n y , o p e n l y envy t h e i r husbands' sanctioned promiscuity and are generally d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e p l a c e a s s i g n e d t o them by the men ( 1 9 5 9 : 1 6 2 ) .  33 M e g g i t t , however, m i n i m i z e s of emphasizing  these sexual tensions i n favour  Kuma women's " r e l a t i v e l y h i g h s o c i a l s t a t u s "  ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 0 ) . W h i l e "men c o n t i n u a l l y s t r i v e t o d o m i n a t e women", Meggitt  s t a t e s , women " o b s t r u c t  men's a i m s by e x e r c i s i n g  c h o i c e s t h e men t r y t o deny them" ( M e g g i t t 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 0 , Reay 1959:23).  Indeed,  Meggitt  assesses  Kuma  women's  status  p r i m a r i l y i n r e f e r e n c e t o t h e f a c t t h a t men a r e n o t a l w a y s successful of  i n their  feminine  pretensions as  attempts  "unreliability" to superiority"  I have a l r e a d y n o t e d ,  " t o combat t h o s e that  would  expressions  undermine  male  ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 2 0 ) . A t t h e same  time,  he a d j u d i c a t e s women's s t a t u s on  the b a s i s of t h e l e s s e r degree of f e a r of female and  sexuality. The  Highlands  third  pollution  4  type  of "sexual  antagonism",  t y p e , was, M e g g i t t s u g g e s t s ,  the Eastern  a combination  of the  Reay's own c o n c l u s i o n s about Kuma women's s o c i a l s t a t u s , however, c l e a r l y s u g g e s t t h a t i t was a n u n e n v i a b l e o n e . She d e s c r i b e s " t h e w a r r i n g o f t h e s e x e s " ( p . 1 9 2 ) a n d women's b r u t a l c o n d i t i o n i n g t o " a most u n e q u a l s o c i a l p o s i t i o n " ( p . 1 9 2 ) , n o t i n g t h a t " m a l e d o m i n a n c e i s m a n i f e s t i n e v e r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t " ( p . 2 3 ) . However, w h i l e s t r e s s i n g m a l e d o m i n a n c e , Reay a l s o i d e n t i f i e s women's " d i s t i n c t i v e " v a l u e s , t h e i r " d i s t u r b i n g ways" o f i n t e r p r e t i n g male v a l u e s ( p . 2 3 ) , and t h e i r a b i l i t y t o " o b s t r u c t t h e men's a c h i e v e m e n t " ( p . 1 5 6 ) . I w o u l d a r g u e t h a t i f women's " f r e e d o m " i s p e r c e i v e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e i r " s t a t u s " , " s t a t u s " i t s e l f becomes p r o b l e m a t i c , d e p e n d e n t on t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h women may e x e r c i s e t h e i r f r e e d o m . W i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e Kuma, we may a s k : t o what e x t e n t d i d women's d i s t i n c t i v e v a l u e s t r a n s l a t e i n t o r e a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r l i v e s ? Kuma women's f r e e d o m , R e a y , i m p l i e s , d i d e x i s t , b u t was c o n s t r u c t e d w i t h i n t h e p a r a m e t e r s o f t h e p r e v a i l i n g i d e o l o g y , one t h a t l e g i t i m a t e d m a l e dominance. L a t e r i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n I r e t u r n t o t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between g e n e r a l i z e d m a l e d o m i n a n c e a n d f e m a l e autonomy.  34 Mae and Kuma t y p e s . M o r e o v e r , t h i s a n t a g o n i s m d e f i n e d women's s t a t u s : "... t h e p o s i t i o n o f women i n t h e E a s t e r n  Highlands  f a l l s somewhere b e t w e e n t h a t o f women o f t h e C e n t r a l H i g h l a n d s and t h a t o f women o f t h e W e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s "  ( M e g g i t t 1964:222).  T h u s , E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s women w e r e b o t h h i g h l y p o l l u t i n g a n d the o b j e c t s of constant  sexual  c o n q u e s t . A l t h o u g h young men  w e r e a d m o n i s h e d t o a v o i d c o n t a c t w i t h women a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y to a b s t a i n f r o m s e x u a l a c t i v i t y , "most men, m a r r i e d o r s i n g l e , a r e engaged i n a c o n s t a n t s e x u a l s t r u g g l e " (1964:221). C i t i n g B e r n d t ' s s t u d y o f t h e Kamano o f t h e E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s  (1962),  M e g g i t t p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e more s e x u a l a c t i v i t y a man e n g a g e d i n , " t h e more h i g h l y a r e h i s s t r e n g t h a n d p o w e r s His  sexual  armed  assessed.  r e l a t i o n s w i t h women a r e r e g a r d e d a s a k i n d o f  combat"  (1962:129;  Meggitt  1964:221-222).  Meggitt  c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h e p o s i t i o n o f women i n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s was "ambiguous" and t h a t restricted"  and t h e i r  their  lives  status  were a t t i m e s  "depressed".  "severely  However,  they  s i m u l t a n e o u s l y " e n j o y c o n s i d e r a b l e s e x u a l f r e e d o m and a c t u a l p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y " (1964:222). Meggitt's  model e s t a b l i s h e d a t y p o l o g y  w i t h which t o  judge b o t h t h e d e g r e e o f " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s of women i n any H i g h l a n d s o c i e t y . T h u s , h i s c o n c l u s i o n : ... women's s t a t u s i s h i g h e s t i n t h o s e s o c i e t i e s w h i c h do n o t s h a r p l y c o n c e p t u a l i z e long-term h o s t i l i t y b e t w e e n a f f i n a l l y r e l a t e d g r o u p s a n d do not s t r e s s t h e i n i t i a t i o n o f youths i n t o male a s s o c i a t i o n s (1964:222).  35 Sexual Antagonism i n the  Langness's essay  Eastern  ( 1 9 6 7 ) on  Highlands  "sexual antagonism"  t h e Bena B e n a o f t h e E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s was d i r e c t l y by M e g g i t t ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t , i n a d d i t i o n t o the Mae and  the  Kuma  ("lechers")  types  of  Highland  h o s t i l i t y , a t h i r d t y p e of s e x u a l antagonism  among  inspired ("prudes")  intersexual  existed mainly  i n t h e E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s . U s i n g t h e Bena Bena as a c a s e s t u d y , L a n g n e s s e x a m i n e s t h i s E a s t e r n H i g h l a n d s t y p e . He M e g g i t t ' s d e s c r i p t i v e model by p o s i t i n g  surpasses  "a g e n u i n e  and/or  f u n c t i o n a l n e x u s b e t w e e n f o u r d i s p a r a t e phenomena, n a m e l y : warfare,  male  solidarity,  sex  and  dependency  needs,  and  h o s t i l i t y between the s e x e s " (1967:163). H i s b a s i c p r o p o s i t i o n i s as  follows: . . . l i v i n g i n a h o s t i l e e n v i r o n m e n t and f a c e d w i t h the a l m o s t c o n s t a n t t h r e a t o f a n n i h i l a t i o n by enemy g r o u p s , has r e s u l t e d i n o r i s r e l a t e d t o a d i s t i n c t i v e p a t t e r n of male s o l i d a r i t y which o f f e r s what t h e Bena Bena p e r c e i v e as a b e t t e r c h a n c e f o r survival (1967:163). In  t h e 1 9 6 0 ' s , t h e Bena Bena numbered r o u g h l y  p e o p l e b e l o n g i n g t o some s i x t y - f i v e i n d e p e n d e n t  14,000  t r i b e s . These  c o n s i s t e d o f exogamous p a t r i l i n e a l c l a n s t h a t had t r a d i t i o n a l l y co-operated ceremonies  in  warfare  and  conducted  joint  initiation  and a n n u a l p i g e x c h a n g e s . W a r f a r e had  previously  been endemic, and d e f e n c e of p r i m a r y i m p o r t a n c e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , men  slept  defensive  i n s e p a r a t e h o u s e s and action.  were a l w a y s  prepared  for  T h i s p a t t e r n o f m a l e d e f e n s i v e s o l i d a r i t y was c l o s e l y linked  t o male  psychological  s e x u a l i t y . Although  ambivalence  about  female  Bena Bena men w e r e w a r y o f t h e d a n g e r s  o f f e m i n i n i t y , t h e y v a l u e d a t t r a c t i n g women a n d h a v i n g many w i v e s a n d c h i l d r e n . W i t h i n t h e i r own g r o u p s men d i d n o t f e a r female s o r c e r y , nor d i d they  express  the categorical fears  of m e n s t r u a l , b l o o d e x p r e s s e d by Gahuku-Gama men. I n d e e d , s e x u a l m a t t e r s were f r e q u e n t l y t h e s u b j e c t o f j o k i n g ; p r e - m a r i t a l s e x was e n c o u r a g e d a n d a l l - n i g h t p a r t i e s d u r i n g w h i c h y o u n g p e o p l e made l o v e w i t h s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t p a r t n e r s w e r e h e l d every  f e w weeks  i n t h e men's h o u s e s .  Nevertheless,  male  f e e l i n g s t o w a r d s women w e r e a m b i g u o u s , a n d t h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n what L a n g n e s s c a l l s t h e " c u r i o u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n " ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 6 6 ) o f m a l e i n i t i a t i o n : men w e r e s o c i a l i z e d t o a t t r a c t a n d p u r s u e t h a t w h i c h was m o s t d a n g e r o u s t o m a s c u l i n i t y - t h e f e m a l e sex. Through r e l i g i o u s e x p r e s s i o n , of w h i c h t h e male i n i t i a t i o n c e r e m o n i e s w e r e a p a r t , Bena Bena men e x c l u s i v e l y m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r own v a l u e s : p r e s t i g e , m a l e f e r t i l i t y  and p a t r i l i n e a l  i d e o l o g y . As among t h e Gahuku-Gama, " t h e men's c u l t c o n s t i t u t e s t h e r e l i g i o u s s y s t e m , w h i c h o p e r a t e s on t h e p r i n c i p l e o f m a l e superiority"  (1967:175).  explicitly  reinforced  perpetrated  a masculinist  Male  initiation  the value  of male  ideology.  ceremonies solidarity  thus and  37 Bena  Bena  male  initiation  procedures  and  ritual  p u r i f i c a t i o n s c l o s e l y r e s e m b l e d t h o s e of t h e Gahuku-Gama ( R e a d 1952, 1954). A f t e r a p e r i o d o f p r a c t i s i n g  nose-  and p e n i s -  b l e e d i n g and c a n e - s w a l l o w i n g , i n i t i a t e d y o u t h s were i n d u c t e d i n t o t h e nama c u l t . Once a g a i n , t h e i n i t i a t i o n p r o c e s s was " d e s i g n e d t o i m p r e s s upon t h e y o u t h s t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f m a l e s o l i d a r i t y a n d t h e e v i l s o f a s s o c i a t i n g t o o much w i t h women" (1967:165). paradox  Implicit  reflecting  i n Bena Bena r e l i g i o u s  ambivalent inter-sexual  " s e c r e t " nama f l u t e s  and t h e c u l t  b e l i e f s was a relations: the  c o n s t r u c t e d around  them  w e r e n o t t h e c l o s e l y g u a r d e d m a l e s e c r e t s t h a t men p u b l i c l y c l a i m e d them t o b e . L a n g n e s s c l a i m s t h a t women a c c e p t e d t h e nama c u l t a s a r i t u a l e x p r e s s i o n o f m a l e d o m i n a n c e . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , he a l s o questions  why women  accepted  the situation  a s i t was,  s u g g e s t i n g t h a t t h e y must h a v e b e l i e v e d t h a t m a l e d o m i n a n c e was e s s e n t i a l  to their  survival:  ... b o t h men a n d women a c c e p t t h e s i t u a t i o n f o r what i t i s - a r i t u a l e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e r e l a t i o n s t h a t o b t a i n b e t w e e n m a l e s a n d f e m a l e s , a means whereby males c a n e x e r t t h e i r dominance o v e r , and s o l i d a r i t y a g a i n s t , females. I t i s an e x p r e s s i o n of c l a n s t r e n g t h a n d u n i t y ... I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o u n d e r s t a n d how t h e f a r c e c a n p e r p e t u a t e i t s e l f , and why women i n p a r t i c u l a r c o n t i n u e t o a c c e p t i t , i f t h e r e i s n o t some f e l t r e a l i z a t i o n on t h e p a r t  38  o f a l l p e o p l e t h a t t h i n g s must be t h e way t h e y a r e , t h a t male s o l i d a r i t y i s a n e c e s s i t y (1967:174). Whether  Bena  Bena  women  c o n s i s t e n t l y accepted  dominance o r n o t , s o c i a l i z a t i o n prepared g i r l s  to adult  male  responsibilities  a n d y o u n g women f o r p o l i t i c a l l y  restricted  l i v e s . A s c h i l d r e n , g i r l s p a r t i c i p a t e d more i n d o m e s t i c work and  functioned  economic  as " r e l a t i v e l y  activities"  important adjuncts  (1967:167).  Then,  t o female  following  m e n s t r u a t i o n , t h e y were a l l o w e d a p e r i o d o f r e l a t i v e  first freedom  b e f o r e m a r r i a g e . Upon m a r r i a g e t h e p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n o f women was a l t e r e d , a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y d i f f e r e d d r a m a t i c a l l y f r o m t h a t o f m a r r i e d men. A t a n e a r l y a g e , g i r l s showed r e l u c t a n c e t o enter i n t o t h e c o n f i n e s o f m a r r i a g e , and Langness notes t h a t , g e n e r a l l y , Bena Bena g i r l s resented  a c t i v e l y r e s i s t e d m a r r i a g e and  t h e i n c r e a s e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s a n d more r e s t r i c t e d  l i f e - s t y l e t h a t m a r r i a g e p r e s e n t e d . R u n n i n g away was common, but  " i n v a r i a b l y t h e y a r e l o c a t e d and b r o u g h t b a c k , o f t e n by  v i o l e n t means"  (1967:169).  The d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n Bena Bena women's p o s i t i o n i n m a r r i a g e a n d t h a t o f men a p p l i e d e q u a l l y t o s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s . Young w i v e s u n d e r t o o k a c o n s i d e r a b l y a l t e r e d l i f e s t y l e ,  living  The n o t i o n t h a t t h e r e e x i s t e d a " f e l t r e a l i z a t i o n on t h e p a r t o f a l l p e o p l e t h a t t h i n g s must be t h e way t h e y a r e " i s p r o b l e m a t i c b e c a u s e o f i t s f a i l u r e t o a c c o u n t f o r women's p e r s p e c t i v e s . I r e t u r n l a t e r i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f women's " a c c e p t a n c e " o f male dominance and t h e problem o f d e c o n s t r u c t i n g power-neutral terminology.  with  their  mothers-in-law  responsibilities  of t h e i r  new  and  assuming  state.  the  Newly m a r r i e d  adult men,  however, c o n t i n u e d i n t h e j u v e n i l e and i r r e s p o n s i b l e p a t t e r n of t h e i r a d o l e s c e n c e : "Young men", L a n g n e s s s t a t e s , " c o n t i n u e t o c o u r t whether m a r r i e d o r n o t " (1967:169). However, i f an unhappy new b r i d e became s e x u a l l y i n v o l v e d w i t h one o f h e r new h u s b a n d ' s r e l a t i v e s , s h e was " i n v a r i a b l y b l a m e d " a n d s e n t b a c k t o h e r own p e o p l e i n d i s g r a c e . D i v o r c e was common, a n d marriages  were  tense:  . . . even i n the b e s t m a r r i a g e s t h e r e a r e c o n t i n u i n g t e n s i o n s h a v i n g t o do w i t h a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s women, r u l e s r e g a r d i n g s e x u a l b e h a v i o u r , a n d t h e amount o f t i m e a man c a n c o m f o r t a b l y s p e n d w i t h a woman (1967:170). Langness makes h i s s t r o n g e s t argument a b o u t t h e r e s t r i c t e d p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n o f Bena Bena women i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f their clan status. F i r s t l y , p a t r i l i n e a l ideology marginalized women w i t h i n t h e c l a n s i n t o w h i c h t h e y m a r r i e d . T h u s , L a n g n e s s n o t e s t h a t women w e r e by n a t u r e " e x t r a - g r o u p " a n d h a d l i t t l e i n p u t i n t o major group d e c i s i o n s : Men make a l l m a j o r d e c i s i o n s a s t o when a n d w h e r e t o g a r d e n , when a n d w h e r e t o move, when t o h o l d p i g e x c h a n g e s , when t o buy b r i d e s , when t o f i g h t e t c . Women h a v e n o t h i n g t o do w i t h d e c i s i o n s a b o u t m a j o r a c t i v i t i e s , w h e t h e r t h e y be r i t u a l , s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s o r p o l i t i c a l ; and t h e y have o n l y s l i g h t d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e on e c o n o m i c t a s k s ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 6 6 ) . C o n s e q u e n t l y , men t r e a t e d f e m a l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , f o r e x a m p l e , those between c o - w i v e s , w i t h a l a c k of s e r i o u s n e s s i n d i c a t i v e of t h e i r b e l i e f  i n women's l e s s e r i m p o r t a n c e  t o t h e group.  40  The  following  the p o t e n t i a l that  men  commentary a b o u t f i g h t s b e t w e e n c o - w i v e s a n d f o r n e g a t i v e i m p a c t on c l a n w e l f a r e were  seriously  concerned  with  suggests women's  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s o n l y i n s o f a r a s t h e s e d i s r u p t e d men's own clan-related  interests:  Q u a r r e l s b e t w e e n c o - w i v e s o c c u r ... a t t h e r a t e o f a b o u t one p e r week a n d a r e o f t e n v i o l e n t .-. . Men s t a n d a r o u n d l a u g h i n g , u n l e s s t h e y s t r u g g l e becomes t o o v i o l e n t , when t h e y i n t e r v e n e . Fights between co-wives a r e d i s r u p t i v e , and even though t h e men p r o f e s s t o be i n d i f f e r e n t , t h e y a r e concerned, as t h e t r o u b l e a f f e c t s t h e w e l l b e i n g of t h e c l a n , p i g - r a i s i n g , g a r d e n i n g , and o t h e r e c o n o m i c p u r s u i t s , a l l o f t h e t h i n g s t h a t must be t e n d e d t o i f men a r e t o g a i n p r e s t i g e a n d be s u c c e s s f u l . The men must h a v e d o m e s t i c p e a c e , t h e y need c h i l d r e n , gardens, p i g s and so on, b u t they a l s o r e c o g n i z e t h e n a t u r e o f women a n d t h e f e e l i n g s of a n i m o s i t y between c o - w i v e s (1967:171). H e r e , i t i s a p p a r e n t t h a t mens' d e p e n d e n c e on women was a factor c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e i r ambivalent f e e l i n g s . In addition to resenting  a c t i v e f e m a l e d i s r u p t i o n o f t h e i r a f f a i r s , men  d i s l i k e d h a v i n g t o c a r e f o r t h e m s e l v e s when t h e i r w i v e s w e r e a b s e n t o r d i s t r a c t e d by t h e i r own c o n c e r n s . T h u s , w h i l e men p e r c e i v e d women t o be p o l i t i c a l l y n e c e s s a r y w i t h r e s p e c t t o r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n a n d w i t h i n p a t r i c i a n s , t h e y a c c o r d e d women little  intrinsic  value:  ... e v e n f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g , women c a u s e t r o u b l e and h o s t i l i t y w i t h i n t h e c l a n - b u t n o t a s much as one m i g h t suppose, b e c a u s e women tend, i d e o l o g i c a l l y , t o be v a l u e l e s s , a n d none i s u l t i m a t e l y w o r t h s e r i o u s d i s s e n t i o n between males o f t h e same c l a n ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 6 9 ) .  The p o l i t i c a l affected  o r c l a n s t a t u s o f Bena Bena women was e q u a l l y  by " t h e i m p o r t a n c e  (1967:166). F o r example,  of warfare i n shaping  Bena Bena e x p l a i n e d  life"  the practice  o f f e m a l e i n f a n t i c i d e ( w h i c h may be i n t e r p r e t e d a s a m e a s u r e of t h e v a l u e o f women) i n p r a c t i c a l t e r m s : g i r l s d i d n o t become warriors  and were t h e r e f o r e  less valuable  t o t h e group.  I n s p i t e o f women's l e s s e r v a l u e t o t h e g r o u p , a man r e l i e d on h i s w i f e ' s c o - o p e r a t i o n  a n d "... w o u l d n o t t h i n k  of k i l l i n g a p i g o r a r r a n g i n g a m a r r i a g e f o r h i s s o n o r a d o p t e d daughter w i t h o u t c o n s u l t i n g h i s w i f e " (1967:172). While t h i s s u g g e s t s a h i d d e n measure o f c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , L a n g n e s s  points  o u t t h a t " u l t i m a t e l y ... i n a b a t t l e o f w i l l s , a h u s b a n d out"  (1967:172).  solidarity  i n c l u d e d men's b e l i e f  responsibility Bena  The B e n a Bena  pattern that  t o k e e p women i n l i n e "  Bena  women w e r e ,  Langness  of male  wins  and c l a n  " i t ( w a s ) ... t h e i r (1967:165-166). believes,  extremely  r e s e n t f u l o f t h i s i n f e r i o r s t a t u s , a n d t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n was b o t h p o l i t i c a l and s e x u a l . Langness s t a t e s t h a t i n c o n f l i c t s b e t w e e n h u s b a n d s a n d w i v e s "no m a t t e r what t h e p r e c i p i t a t i n g c a u s e o f t h e f i g h t . . . t h e woman a t some p o i n t i n t h e a r g u m e n t s a y s s p e c i f i c a l l y t h a t her husband does not have w i t h h e r " (1967:174).  intercourse  I n a d d i t i o n , women w e r e "ashamed o f  m e n s t r u a t i o n " a n d " w i s h t o b e men"; t h e y a g r e e d t h a t men w e r e s u p e r i o r because  they d i d not bear c h i l d r e n .  42  On one hand, Langness a r g u e s t h a t Bena Bena women a c c e p t e d male d o m i n a n c e , w h i l e on t h e o t h e r , he a r g u e s t h a t t h e y admit t h e i r d i s c o n t e n t " (1967:175) and i n d i r e c t l y "resentment" through "attempts t o abort,  "freely  expressed  uncooperativeness,  n a g g i n g , d e l i g h t o v e r i n c i d e n t s t h a t f r u s t r a t e men ... a n d so  on" (1967:175).  Concurrence  with  an i d e o l o g y  of male  dominance a n d a c c e p t a n c e o f m a l e s u p e r i o r i t y a p p e a r t o c o n c e a l envy o f male p o l i t i c a l  advantage.  Bena Bena men s t r o v e t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n o f s e x u a l s u p e r i o r i t y and s o l i d a r i t y i n t h e f a c e o f c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i a l c h a n g e . F o r e x a m p l e , w h i l e some men w e r e k e e n t o l i v e  with  t h e i r w i v e s , o t h e r s r e j e c t e d g r e a t e r s e x u a l i n t e g r a t i o n . The m a j o r o b s t a c l e t o g r e a t e r s e x u a l e q u a l i t y was t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and t h e c o n t i n u e d  e x i s t e n c e o f t h e nama  f l u t e s . Y e t women's p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n h a d i m p r o v e d . L a n g n e s s n o t e s , f o r e x a m p l e , t h a t women no l o n g e r c o m m i t t e d s u i c i d e a t t h e d e a t h o f h u s b a n d s o u t o f f e a r f o r t h e i r own  treatment  a t t h e h a n d s o f new h u s b a n d s . By 1967 Bena Bena men h a d become f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e n o t i o n t h a t " a woman h a s c e r t a i n r i g h t s and f r e e d o m s . . . t h a t s h e d i d n o t p o s s e s s b e f o r e " (1967 : 1 7 6 ) . Langness concludes  that although  Bena Bena men f e a r e d  female p o l l u t i o n , the " h i g h l y e l a b o r a t e d p u r i f i c a t o r y (1967:176) t h a t attenuated.  e x i s t e d among t h e Mae E n g a was  Thus Bena Bena women's s t a t u s  cult"  severely  (the degree of  p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r own l i v e s ) , was h i g h e r t h a n t h a t  43  o f Mae Enga women. The d e g r e e t o w h i c h s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m d i d e x i s t i n B e n a Bena s o c i e t y w a s , L a n g n e s s complex  s t a t e s , due t o a  p s y c h o l o g y t h a t r e q u i r e d b o t h male s o l i d a r i t y and  a p r e c i s e measure of s e x u a l  hostility:  .. . t h e e x i g e n c i e s of w a r f a r e h a v e made i t n e c e s s a r y to s a c r i f i c e t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n o f c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l needs. T h i s a f f e c t s males d i f f e r e n t l y from females but r e s u l t s i n mutual h o s t i l i t y and antagonism . . . Bena Bena b e l i e f s a n d r i t u a l s a p p e a r t o a t t e m p t t o c o n t r o l the e x p r e s s i o n o f h o s t i l i t y between t h e sexes but s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o b e t r a y an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e n e c e s s i t y f o r i t (1967:176-177). I n s h o r t , L a n g n e s s i n t e r p r e t s B e n a Bena " s e x u a l and  the ambivalent r e l a t i o n s h i p  meeting t h e s u r v i v a l  b e t w e e n men a n d women a s  needs of t h e group. Because  n o t accommodate " i n d i v i d u a l n e e d s " , took i t s t o l l  antagonism"  t h i s sexual  i t could opposition  i n human o r i n d i v i d u a l t e r m s . S o c i a l l y v a l u e d  male s o l i d a r i t y t h u s o b s t r u c t e d any " n a t u r a l " p o t e n t i a l f o r harmonious  r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n men a n d women.  C r i t i q u e of Sexual The  Antagonism  concept of "sexual antagonism"  has o n l y  recently  been c r i t i c a l l y examined. H e r d t and P o o l e (1982) s u g g e s t t h a t i n i t s heyday i t s e r v e d as a c o v e r term f o r a m y r i a d o f b e l i e f s and b e h a v i o u r s , and became a " f i c t i o n a l i z e d e t h o s " (1982:21-22) imposed on t h e H i g h l a n d s , used a s a " m e t a p h o r i c l i n k " t o d e f i n e an o t h e r w i s e d i v e r s e  area. "Sexual  (1982:22)  antagonism",  44  they  suggest,  multiplicity  was  a  of s o c i a l  conceptual  umbrella,  sheltering  a  features:  ... t h e t r a d i t i o n f o l l o w i n g R e a d ' s ( 1 9 5 4 ) u s e o f t h e t e r m has c o v e r e d a l l of t h e f o l l o w i n g : r i t u a l rhetoric; c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s ; ethos; ideology; r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s ; gender c o n s t r u c t s i n r i t u a l and d o m e s t i c d i s c o u r s e ; i n d i g e n o u s models of m a r r i a g e ; n o t i o n s o f c o n c e p t i o n and p a r t u r i t i o n ; p e r s o n h o o d and s e l f h o o d ; m o r a l i t y ; t h e t e n o r o f b o t h f o r m a l and informal behaviour; institutionalized social r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; s e x and age a s p e c t s of social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ; t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of group b o u n d a r i e s and e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s ; p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e ; i n t r a p s y c h i c and i n t e r - p e r s o n a l c o n f l i c t ; e r o t i c f e e l i n g s and e x c i t e m e n t ; t h e d y n a m i c s o f f a m i l y life; masculinity and femininity in individual d e v e l o p m e n t ; and o t h e r t o p i c s ( 1 9 8 2 : 2 1 ) . The  i n c l u s i o n i n "sexual antagonism"  topics  resulted  Ethnographers set  of  i n an  advantageous  of a wide v a r i e t y breadth  of  coverage.  d i d not c o n c e i v e of " s e x u a l antagonism"  specific  features,  but  rather  as  a  of  as  a  pervasive  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e , and c o n s e q u e n t l y i t f u n c t i o n e d a s a b r o a d framework o f g e n d e r - r e l a t e d i s s u e s from w h i c h d e t a i l e d p o r t r a i t s o f H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s emerged. H e r d t  and  a l s o note t h a t "sexual antagonism" served a u n i f y i n g  Poole purpose  w i t h r e s p e c t t o a n t h r o p o l o g y ' s c o n c e r n w i t h the " c u l t u r e a r e a " and s e r v e d t o i n t e g r a t e a n a l y s e s i n a c o m p a r a t i v e  framework.  " S e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " d i d i n d e e d p r o v i d e a common theme l i n k i n g H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s and e s t a b l i s h e d a t h r e a d o f c o n t i n u i t y , such  as we  see  i n the  analytical  c h a i n of a n a l y s i s  that  c o n n e c t s t h e w o r k s o f Read ( 1 9 5 2 , 1 9 5 4 ) , M e g g i t t ( 1 9 6 4 ) and Langness  (1967).  45 In a d d i t i o n , purpose  "sexual antagonism" served t h e important  of d i r e c t i n g  anthropological  attention  t o gender  r e l a t i o n s and g e n d e r - r e l a t e d i s s u e s . Ethnographers  produced  portraits  detailed  of Highlands  descriptions  of sexual  societies divisions  b e h a v i o u r s , male i n i t i a t i o n s , beliefs  about  women  replete  of labour,  gender  and female  with  i d e o l o g i e s , and male  sexuality.  suggested that i n i t s time "sexual  inter-sexual  Langness  has  a n t a g o n i s m " was i n f a c t  a r e a s o n a b l y a p p r o p r i a t e g l o s s f o r H i g h l a n d gender  relations  ( L a n g n e s s 1 9 8 2 : 7 9 ) , a n d i n d e e d , s i m p l y b y p u t t i n g women a n d gender  relations  on  the  ethnographic  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s of "sexual antagonism" for  future  critical  studies  e t h n o c e n t r i c and a n d r o c e n t r i c  that  agenda,  the  l a i d t h e groundwork  would  identify  their  biases.  H e r d t and P o o l e ' s a s s e s s m e n t t h a t t h e c o n c e p t o f " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " " i m p o r t a n t l y b e l o n g s t o o u r own s o c i a l  discourse  and y e t seems t o a d d r e s s M e l a n e s i a n c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s as w e l l " (1982:22-23) p r o v i d e s an i n s i g h t production  of e t h n o c e n t r i c  into the anthropological  and a n d r o c e n t r i c  p o r t r a i t s of  H i g h l a n d women. The " s i m p l e , v a g u e a n d i n c o n s i s t e n t " (Herdt  and Poole 1982:4),  "sexual  antagonism",  term  reflected  p r e v a i l i n g W e s t e r n c o n c e r n s about t h e s e x e s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s a s much a s i t m i r r o r e d H i g h l a n d s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s . Western  social  scientific  constructs,  In grafting  such  as  the  " d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c " dichotomy and " p o l i t i c s " , onto M e l a n e s i a n  46 social  forms, ethnographers  produced a dreary  p o r t r a i t of  H i g h l a n d women a s d o w n t r o d d e n , d o m e s t i c , s o c i a l l y p e r i p h e r a l and n o n - p o l i t i c a l . At  the  same  time,  these  ethnocentric  a n d r o c e n t r i c . The v a r i e t y o f f o r m s o f s e x u a l d o m i n a t i o n and f e m a l e r e s i s t a n c e e m p i r i c a l l y evident  views  were  animosity,  t o male c o n t r o l  male  that  i n H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s were n o t  were  examined  t h r o u g h women's s o c i a l i z a t i o n , e x p e r i e n c e s a n d p e r s p e c t i v e s ( c f . , Reay 1 9 5 9 ) . F o r example, a s I have s u g g e s t e d w i t h t o Read's work, " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " d i d not a d e q u a t e l y women's s o c i a l i z a t i o n t o t h e i r sex r o l e s . D i s c u s s i o n s r e a r i n g and s o c i a l i z a t i o n t o s e x u a l l y a p p r o p r i a t e are  generally  limited i n this  literature  regard  consider of c h i l d -  behaviours  t o male-focused  d e s c r i p t i o n s of the d e b i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t s of female s e x u a l i t y on men, e x p l a n a t i o n s  of the separation  o f young b o y s  women, and d e t a i l s of male i n i t i a t i o n and p u r i f i c a t i o n  from  rituals.  The weaknesses of " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " f a l l i n t o two m a j o r categories.  "Sexual  antagonism"  highlighted  and, indeed,  e x a g g e r a t e d : ( 1 ) c u l t u r a l e l a b o r a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e s between the sexes ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n p h y s i o l o g y ) , male a n x i e t y with  female s e x u a l i t y ,  and i n t e r - s e x u a l  associated  conflict;  (2) t h e  e s s e n t i a l " m a l e n e s s " o f p u b l i c c u l t u r e , women's " a c c e p t a n c e " of m a s c u l i n i s t i d e o l o g y , and women's s e c o n d a r y p o l i t i c a l and  their  coercion.  subjugation I will  t o male  control, including  d i s c u s s t h e s e two c a t e g o r i e s  status  physical  of i s s u e s i n  47 order  to clarify  the ethnocentric  and a n d r o c e n t r i c  nature  o f t h e m o d e l , a n d t h e r e b y i d e n t i f y t h e b a s e s on w h i c h  later  c r i t i c i s m i s founded. R e a d , M e g g i t t a n d L a n g n e s s f o c u s h e a v i l y on t h e  cultural  e l a b o r a t i o n o f t h e p h y s i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e s e x e s , b u t most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h e y e m p h a s i z e t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s f o r men. M e g g i t t , lengthy  f o r example,  provides  d e s c r i p t i o n s of t h e e f f e c t s of female persons and  f e m a l e s u b s t a n c e s on men, w i t h l i t t l e d i s c u s s i o n o f women's s t r a t e g i c o r p o l i t i c a l use of t h e i r p o l l u t i n g powers  (Meggitt  1964:207). T h e s e e t h n o g r a p h e r s a l s o f o c u s p r i m a r i l y on men's v i e w s of women and t h e m a s c u l i n i s t a s p e c t s o f t h e c u l t u r a l  ideology,  p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e b e l i e f t h a t women w e r e p o l l u t i n g , d a n g e r o u s and  d e p l e t i n g of masculine energy. Meggitt  states:  Females, they say, a r e b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from males, f o r t h e i r f l e s h i s l a i d " v e r t i c a l l y " along t h e i r b o n e s a n d n o t " h o r i z o n t a l l y " a c r o s s them; t h u s t h e y m a t u r e more q u i c k l y t h a n do m a l e s a n d a r e r e a d y f o r m a r r i a g e e a r l i e r . Whereas y o u t h s a r e s t i l l v u l n e r a b l e because they a r e n o t y e t f u l l y adult, adolescent g i r l s have a l r e a d y acquired t h r o u g h t h e menarche t h e i r most dangerous a t t r i b u t e , t h e a b i l i t y t o p o l l u t e m a l e s ... Men regard m e n s t r u a l b l o o d a s t r u l y d a n g e r o u s . They b e l i e v e t h a t c o n t a c t w i t h i t o r a m e n s t r u a t i n g woman w i l l , t h e a b s e n c e o f c o u n t e r - m a g i c , s i c k e n a man and c a u s e p e r s i s t e n t vomiting, turn h i s blood black, corrupt h i s v i t a l j u i c e s s o t h a t h i s s k i n darkens and w r i n k l e s as h i s f l e s h wastes, permanently d u l l h i s w i t s , and e v e n t u a l l y l e a d t o a slow d e c l i n e and death (1964:207).  48  Meggitt d i r e c t s h i s a t t e n t i o n almost views  of t h e e f f e c t s  of menstruation  exclusively  t o men's  on men, a n d t o t h e  " r e q u i r e m e n t s " t h a t men a p p a r e n t l y i m p o s e d on women d u r i n g m e n s t r u a t i o n . He d e s c r i b e s t h e s e  "prescriptions" i n great  d e t a i l : women w e r e o b l i g e d t o a v o i d a l l  actions that risked  c o n t a m i n a t i n g a n y t h i n g m a l e , f o r e x a m p l e , men a n d " m a l e " c r o p s such as t a r o . W h i l e M e g g i t t p r e s e n t s t h e reader w i t h every d e t a i l o f what women d i d n o t do d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d of s e c l u s i o n , he g i v e s no i n f o r m a t i o n w h a t s o e v e r  a b o u t what t h e y  actively  d i d i n t h e i r m e n s t r u a l h u t s , a n d d e s c r i b e s o n l y what women d i d upon e m e r g i n g f r o m  seclusion.  I t i s s t r i k i n g t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e New G u i n e a is  literature  o v e r l o a d e d w i t h e l a b o r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n s o f what men a n d  i n i t i a t e s d i d i n men's h o u s e s ,  there i s l i t t l e speculation  a b o u t m e n s t r u a l h u t a c t i v i t i e s . C a n we assume t h a t Mae women sat  i n seclusion  i n a menstrual  h u t f o r f o u r days  doing  s t r i c t l y n o t h i n g ? M e n s t r u a t i o n i s n o t an i l l n e s s , b u t a u s u a l e v e n t i n women's l i v e s , a n d i t w o u l d be e r r o n e o u s  t o assume  t h a t m e n s t r u a t i n g women w e r e i n v a r i a b l y i l l o r n o n - f u n c t i o n a l . Y e t , M e g g i t t i m p l i e s t h a t women's s e c l u s i o n i n m e n s t r u a l served t h e e x c l u s i v e purpose  huts  of a v o i d i n g t h e p o l l u t i n g of  men. T h i s i s a m a l e v i e w t h a t f a i l s , p e r h a p s i n e v i t a b l y , g i v e n * M e g g i t t was no doubt u n a b l e t o t a l k f r e e l y w i t h f e m a l e i n f o r m a n t s a b o u t t h e s e m a t t e r s . A c c e s s i b i l i t y o f i n f o r m a t i o n was a n i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n d e t e r m i n i n g b i a s and i n w e i g h t i n g t h e r e s u l t i n g e t h n o g r a p h i c p o r t r a i t more h e a v i l y w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t men a n d men's v i e w s .  49 t h e l a c k o f i n f o r m a t i o n , t o i n c l u d e women's e x p e r i e n c e s ; more s e r i o u s a n a l y t i c a l d e f e c t i s t h a t i t i s n o t as  s u c h , but  of s o c i a l  i s p r e s e n t e d a c o m p l e t e and  identified  accurate  picture  reality.  R e a d , M e g g i t t and on  the  conflict  and  Langness p l a c e  discord  in  general,  a singular and  in  emphasis  intersexual  r e l a t i o n s . " P h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e and a n t a g o n i s m " , R e a d s s t a t e s , "are  the  warp  of  submission, r i v a l r y  the and  cultural coercion  pattern"; are  "dominance  constantly  and  recurring  themes, m a n i f e s t a l i k e i n d a y - t o - d a y c o n t e x t s and i n c e r e m o n i a l ( c o n t e x t s ) " (Read 1 9 5 4 : 2 3 ) . T h i s " u n d e r l y i n g t e n o r " o f "foutual s u s p i c i o n and s c a r c e l y v e i l e d a n t a g o n i s m " ( 1 9 5 4 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) f i r m l y i m p r e s s e d the e t h n o g r a p h e r s of t h e t i m e . T h e i r  ethnographic  e v i d e n c e of i n t e r - s e x u a l d i s h a r m o n y s o d o m i n a t e d t h e p o r t r a i t of  gender  r e l a t i o n s that  "sexual  antagonism"  e l i m i n a t e d t h e a n a l y t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y o f any of  male-female  r e l a t i o n s . Thus,  effectively  p o s i t i v e views  co-operation  and  harmony  b e t w e e n w i v e s and h u s b a n d s , w h i c h must c e r t a i n l y h a v e e x i s t e d in  some m e a s u r e , i s e c l i p s e d by  "physical aggression  the  o v e r r i d i n g view  that  and v i o l e n c e i s t h e d o m i n a n t o r i e n t a t i o n  of t h e H i g h l a n d c u l t u r e s " (Read 1954:22) . In c o n t r a s t , 7  later  Read's d e s c r i p t i o n of H i g h l a n d e r s i s t y p i c a l of t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c p o r t r a i t o f t h e p e r i o d . I n t h e s p a c e o f one p a g e , he c h a r a c t e r i z e s H i g h l a n d e r s (men) as " d i f f i c u l t to l i v e with", "flamboyant", " a g g r e s s i v e , "proud", "quick t o take o f f e n c e " , "quarrelsome", " f l o r i d and t h e a t r i c a l t a l k e r s " , " d e m o n s t r a t i v e " , " s e l d o m ... r e l a x e d " and " c o n t i n u a l l y on t h e v e r g e o f some more o r l e s s v i o l e n t and u n e x p e c t e d  50 e t h n o g r a p h e r s ( e . g . , F e i l , Lederman, E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ) e x p l o r e t h e h a r m o n i o u s , c o - o p e r a t i v e and complementary a s p e c t s o f g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s i n s u c h a way a s t o c o u n t e r b a l a n c e negative  this  image.  The s e c o n d m a j o r w e a k n e s s i n t h e " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " model i s i t s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c w o r l d a s m a l e and i t s i n a d e q u a t e t r e a t m e n t o f t h e p o l i t i c a l  p o s i t i o n of  women. E t h n o g r a p h e r s o v e r l o o k women's r o l e s a s s o c i a l and p r o d u c e r s o f s o c i e t y .  Sexually antagonistic  actors  societies  t h u s a p p e a r e d t o r e v o l v e a r o u n d male a n d p a t r i c i a n a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y c l a n s o l i d a r i t y and t h e a g g r e s s i v e c o m p e t i t i o n among g r o u p s o f men. Read, M e g g i t t and Langness u s e t h e s o l i d a r i t y  of the  p a t r i c i a n a s an a n a l y t i c a l l e n s t h r o u g h w h i c h t o v i e w r e l a t i o n s between t h e s e x e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y  r e l a t i o n s between husbands  and  appeared t o e x i s t  wives.  Women  consequently  almost  e x c l u s i v e l y i n o p p o s i t i o n t o men g e n e r a l , a n d s p e c i f i c a l l y t o h u s b a n d s a s members o f o t h e r c l a n s . F o r e x a m p l e , L a n g n e s s (1967) v i e w s m a r r i a g e as an i n s t i t u t i o n p r i m a r i l y  serving  t h e n e e d s o f men a n d t h e p a t r i c i a n . The f o l l o w i n g  passage  illustrates  this  point:  I f a man h a s a g o o d w i f e , one who w o r k s h a r d a n d c o - o p e r a t e s w i t h h i m , d o e s n o t r u n away o r h a v e a f f a i r s w i t h o t h e r men o r c a u s e t r o u b l e a n d s o o n , he wants t o keep h e r happy. T h i s e n t a i l s m a i n t a i n i n g outburst"  (1954:5-6).  51  adequate s e x u a l c o n t a c t w i t h h e r as w e l l as doing t h e v a r i o u s j o b s he i s o b l i g e d t o d o , s u c h a s b u i l d i n g and r e p a i r i n g her garden f e n c e s , f e t c h i n g f i r e w o o d , and h e l p i n g w i t h t h e f e e d i n g and c a r e o f p i g s ... I f a man d o e s n o t l i k e h i s w i f e , he has d i f f e r e n t p r o b l e m s . I f h e i s t o h a v e p r e s t i g e and a "name" he must h a v e many p i g s a n d g a r d e n s (1967:172). The  i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t women " c o o p e r a t e d "  (or chose not t o  c o o p e r a t e ) i n t h e male p r o d u c t i o n of s o c i e t y . T h i s women, i n a n u n e x a m i n e d way,  portrays  as p o l i t i c a l "non-persons", and  v a l i d a t e s t h e W e s t e r n n o t i o n o f women a s pawns i n s o c i e t i e s made b y men. However, w h i l e p e r i p h e r a l t o "male"  these  ethnographers  political  portray  and r i t u a l  women a s  activities,  they  i n a d v e r t e n t l y suggest f o r m a l l y recognized female p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h a t , when e x a m i n e d , c a s t s a d i f f e r e n t and r i t u a l in  processes.  light  on  political  R e a d , f o r i n s t a n c e n o t e s women's r o l e  t h e making of d e c i s i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o p i g s : P i g s a r e regarded as t h e i r s p e c i a l c h a r g e , and i t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t a husband w i l l c o n s u l t h i s w i f e b e f o r e he u n d e r t a k e s t o k i l l a n a n i m a l . S o c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n i s a l s o accorded t h e wives of those who s u p p l y t h e l a r g e s t p i g s . S u c h women a r e p e r m i t t e d t o d e c o r a t e t h e m s e l v e s w i t h male ornaments and t o d a n c e w i t h t h e men on t h e c o n c l u d i n g d a y of t h e f e s t i v a l (1952:22).  While t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n h i n t s a ta formal decision-making  role  f o r women, i t e x p l o r e s women's p o w e r s i n a v e r y m i n i m a l way. I n d e e d , i t i m p l i e s t h a t c e r t a i n women were g r a n t e d an h o n o u r a r y m a l e s t a t u s , o r " a l l o w e d " some s m a l l m e a s u r e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n in activities  t h a t remained f i r m l y "male". Note, f o r example,  52 t h a t " s o c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n i s ... a c c o r d e d t h e w i v e s o f t h o s e who s u p p l y t h e l a r g e s t p i g s "  (1952:22).  Read i m p l i e s  here  t h a t men's s u p p l y i n g o f p i g s o v e r r o d e women's p r o d u c t i o n o f p i g s , a n d t h a t women's e x c e p t i o n a l p r e s e n c e s e r v e d o n l y t o r e i n f o r c e t h e m a s c u l i n e e x c l u s i v i t y o f t h e e v e n t . He e x c l u d e s t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f t h e women p a r t i c i p a t i n g , with  respect to their  control  own i n t e r e s t s ,  particularly  i . e . , ownership  and  of p i g s .  Read's d i s c u s s i o n  of male i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies  also  l a r g e l y e x c l u d e s women's r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s . A l t h o u g h GahukuGama women w e r e n o t p r e s e n t a t i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies,  they t r a d i t i o n a l l y  or other  public  a t t a c k e d t h e male group  as  i t returned t o the settlement a f t e r performing p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t e s . Read o n l y b r i e f l y m e n t i o n s ritual  t h i s female p o l i t i c a l and  activity:  The women, armed w i t h a v a r i e t y o f weapons, f r o m bows a n d a r r o w s t o s t o n e s a n d h e a v y p i e c e s o f wood, s e t upon t h e company when t h e y r e t u r n t o t h e s e t t l e m e n t s (1952:14). M e g g i t t a l s o i m p l i e s t h a t women h a d l i t t l e f o r m a l i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e male i n t i a t i o n ceremony  ( s a n q q a i ) , y e t h i s own d a t a  p r o v i d e s a f a i r l y d e t a i l e d p o r t r a i t o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in  that  ritual,  which  appears  t o be b o t h s u b s t a n t i a l a n d  formally recognized: Throughout the p r e c e d i n g a f t e r n o o n p a r t i e s o f g i r l s a r r i v e and t h e mothers and s i s t e r s of t h e b a c h e l o r s offer them hospitality, a n d t h o s e who h a v e s w e e t h e a r t s o r f r i e n d s among t h e b a c h e l o r s l e a d  53  the s i n g i n g , w h i c h r e f e r s i n d e l i c a t e l y t o the young men's a t t r i b u t e s . . . T h e s e s o n g s g r e a t l y e m b a r r a s s t h e m a r r i e d men, who o s t e n t a t i o u s l y l e a v e t h e danceground (1964:214). Read, M e g g i t t and Langness a l l n o t e t h a t H i g h l a n d b e l i e f systems v a l u e d male i d e n t i t y and s o l i d a r i t y , and c o n s t r u c t e d t h e s e i n c a t e g o r i c a l o p p o s i t i o n t o female a t t r i b u t e s and t o women a s a s o c i a l g r o u p . A l l t h r e e e t h n o g r a p h e r s s u g g e s t t h a t women a c c e p t e d t h e s e m a s c u l i n i s t p u b l i c i d e o l o g i e s ; L a n g n e s s , argues  with  willingly  particular conviction  that  shared t h e dominant v a l u e s  Bena  Bena  women  of the ideology.  The  i m p l i c i t a n d r o c e n t r i s m o f t h i s v i e w subsumes women's v i e w s and f e e l i n g s u n d e r t h e n o t i o n o f " a c c e p t a n c e " . A l t h o u g h a m p l e references literature,  t o r e c a l c i t r a n t a n d r e s i s t a n t women a p p e a r i n t h e these  ethnographers  do  not explore  understandings of m a s c u l i n i s t ideology  women's  i n any g r e a t  detail,  b u t c h o o s e r a t h e r t o e m p h a s i z e women's s u b j u g a t i o n  and t h e  d i s r u p t i v e i m p a c t on m a l e a c t i v i t y o f f e m a l e r e s i s t a n c e , f o r example, t o m a r r i a g e and c h i l d - b e a r i n g . The e t h n o g r a p h i c e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t women's p o l i t i c a l rights  i n these  sexually  antagonistic  c o n s t r a i n e d by m a s c u l i n e i d e o l o g y and  r i g h t s were n o t .  societies  were  i n ways t h a t men's p o w e r s  Women's p o l i t i c a l  rights,  t h e degree  t o w h i c h t h o s e r i g h t s were e x e r c i s a b l e a n d t h e r o l e o f i d e o l o g y i n defining the contexts  i n w h i c h l e g a l r i g h t s were o r were  not e x e r c i s a b l e a r e i s s u e s t h a t l a t e r e t h n o g r a p h e r s h a v e t a k e n  54 up.  I n S t r a t h e r n ' s work ( 1 9 7 2 ) on M e l p a women o f t h e W e s t e r n  Highlands, passive  "acceptance" of a masculinist  ideology  i s t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a c t i v e "autonomy", t h e p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c a b i l i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l women t o c i r c u m v e n t p o l i t i c a l  constraints  and a c t as p e r s o n s i n t h e d o m e s t i c d o m a i n . F e i l ( 1 9 7 8 a , 1 9 7 8 b ) , i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s i n Enga s o c i e t y , s e v e r s the connection and  social  between t h e d e p r e c a t i n g , m a s c u l i n i s t  ideology  p r a c t i c e (see Chapter 2 ) .  The " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " model a l s o h i g h l i g h t e d t h e m a l e use  o f v i o l e n c e a g a i n s t women, b u t t h e a p p r o a c h was l a r g e l y  d e s c r i p t i v e a n d s i m p l y n o t e d t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f men's u s e o f p h y s i c a l c o e r c i o n t o c o n t r o l women. F o r e x a m p l e , i n d e s c r i b i n g an  a l t e r c a t i o n between a husband and w i f e , Read s t a t e s : The d o m e s t i c t a n g l e was e x h i b i t e d w i t h full p u b l i c i t y i n t h e s t r e e t o u t s i d e my h o u s e , t h e s h o u t s and i m p r e c a t i o n s o f i t s p r o g r e s s o f t e n d r a w i n g me t o t h e d o o r t o f i n d Gotome s p r a w l e d i n t h e d u s t w i t h t h e i m p r i n t o f h e r h u s b a n d ' s f o o t on h e r stomach, t h e other v i l l a g e r s watching t h e q u a r r e l i n s i l e n c e , perhaps prepared t o i n t e r f e r e i f matters became t o o v i o l e n t , b u t r e c o g n i z i n g t h e r i g h t o f husbands t o beat t h e i r w i v e s (1965:88)  Read h a s r e c e n t l y use  r e i t e r a t e d that "force  f o r c e was a r e c o g n i z e d  women i n d o m e s t i c  or the threat to  i n s t r u m e n t of male c o n t r o l  over  and p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s " and t h a t " i t s  l e g i t i m a c y a s a s a n c t i o n was n o t q u e s t i o n e d "  (1986:231-232).  Did "sexual antagonism" exaggerate t h e e x t e n t , i n terms of f r e q u e n c y , o f v i o l e n c e a g a i n s t  women? How f r e q u e n t  v i o l e n t i n c i d e n t s o f t h e k i n d t h a t Read d e s c r i b e s ?  were  Langness  55  h a s w o n d e r e d w h e t h e r "men ( B e n a B e n a ) more o r l e s s t y p i c a l l y t r e a t e d women b a d l y "  (1982:81) and has c o n c l u d e d t h a t  this  i s u n l i k e l y . He s t a t e s : A l t h o u g h men i n t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g Bena Bena g r o u p c e r t a i n l y c o u l d a n d sometimes d i d t r e a t women b a d l y , t h i s b e h a v i o u r was n o t i n my o p i n i o n v e r y t y p i c a l (1982:81). The s i g n i f i c a n t w o r d i n t h i s s t a t e m e n t i s " c o u l d " . treating  women b a d l y  nevertheless  a  Although  may n o t h a v e b e e n " t y p i c a l " ,  legitimate,  i t was  ideologically validated  male  b e h a v i o u r , and t h e o n l y l e g i t i m a t e i n t r a - g r o u p u s e o f p h y s i c a l force i n Highlands s o c i e t i e s . The d o m i n a t i o n o f women v i a m a s c u l i n i s t i d e o l o g i e s t h a t legitimated  the use of v i o l e n c e  i s a matter  that  later  e t h n o g r a p h e r s have a l s o c o n s i d e r e d , y e t t h i s i s s u e has r e m a i n e d l a r g e l y u n e x a m i n e d f r o m women's p e r s p e c t i v e s . "sexual  antagonism"  acknowledging  that  model  abandons  t h e use of force  Whereas t h e  the question was " a  after  recognized  i n s t r u m e n t o f m a l e c o n t r o l o v e r women i n d o m e s t i c a n d p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (Read 1986:231), t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s  i n the  1970's who p r o d u c e d t h e c o n c e p t o f "women a s p e r s o n s " a d d r e s s t h e i s s u e s o f m a l e c o n t r o l a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n o f women more  directly.  56 Conclusion The e x c l u s i v e f o c u s of e a r l y e t h n o g r a p h e r s on t h e r e a d i l y o b s e r v a b l e f e a t u r e s of g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s a n d t h e i r e t h n o c e n t r i c and a n d r o c e n t r i c responsible  f o r t h e weaknessess of "sexual  an e x p l a n a t o r y of H i g h l a n d  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of these observations a r e antagonism" as  framework f o r gender r e l a t i o n s and the  women. L a t e r a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , a s I h a v e  o u t , d i r e c t l y a d d r e s s many o f t h e s e w e a k n e s s e s .  status pointed  Proponents  o f t h e " a n t h r o p o l o g y o f women" o f t h e 1 9 7 0 ' s , w h i c h I d i s c u s s in greater detail  i n C h a p t e r 2, r e a c t e d  vigorously to the  g e n e r a l l y n e g a t i v e p o r t r a i t s o f women a n d o f g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s t h a t " s e x u a l a n t a g o n i s m " p r o d u c e d . These a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a r g u e t h a t , l a r g e l y because of Western b i a s e s , "sexual d i d not adequately represent t h e f u l l  antagonism"  range of female s o c i a l  r o l e s , and d i d n o t a c k n o w l e d g e , i n one i n s t a n c e , women's l e g a l personhood  (Strathern  1972),  i n others,  women's  active  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s ( F a i t h o r n 1975, 1976,  Feil  1978a,  1978b),  and f i n a l l y ,  the capacity  of  s u b s t a n c e s c a r r i e d by b o t h women and men t o p o l l u t e i n c e r t a i n c o n t e x t s a n d a t c e r t a i n s t a g e s o f l i f e ( F a i t h o r n 1975, 1 9 7 6 , Meigs 1976, 1984).  57 CHAPTER 2 WOMEN AS PERSONS  Introduction As of  e a r l y a s t h e 1930's  the androcentric  descriptions  anthropologists  and W e s t e r n  of Melanesian  biases  were  critical  i n ethnographic  women a n d n o n - W e s t e r n women i n  g e n e r a l ( e . g . , Blackwood 1935,  K a b e r r y 1939,  Wedgwood 1937a, 1937b). I n t h i s c h a p t e r  Powdermaker  1933,  I c o n s i d e r more r e c e n t  a n a l y s e s i n a s i m i l a r v e i n , S t r a t h e r n ( 1 9 7 2 ) , F a i t h o r n (1975, 1976)  and F e i l  (1978a, 1 9 7 8 b ) , i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e r e a c t i v e ,  or c o r r e c t i v e "anthropology  o f women" o f t h e 1970's.  T h e s e s c h o l a r s commit t h e m s e l v e s t o f e m i n i s t of a n d r o c e n t r i c shift  perspectives  the anthropological  critiques  i n M e l a n e s i a n e t h n o g r a p h y and focus  away  from  men,  "sexual  a n t a g o n i s m " a n d t h e e x c l u s i o n o f women, t o w a r d s women's r o l e s and  their  distinct  considered at  e x c l u s i v e l y male. Yet,  different  Writing  contributions  conclusions  about  t h e Melpa  to activities i n so doing,  previously they a r r i v e  i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e case o f Mount  Hagen  studies.  i n the Highlands,  S t r a t h e r n s u g g e s t s t h a t f e m a l e p e r s o n h o o d was g e n e r a t e d w i t h i n and  limited  men.  Melpa  political  by a s o c i a l  w o r l d s t r u c t u r e d and c o n t r o l l e d by  women, S t r a t h e r n  argues,  power. What "power" t h e y  were p e r s o n s  without  possessed derived  from  t h e i r "autonomy" as j u r a l o r l e g a l p e r s o n s . Y e t , n e i t h e r  their  58 p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s , nor t h e i r l i n k i n g r o l e s i n the c r e a t i o n of exchange  " r o a d s " between p a t r i c i a n s n o r t h e i r  s t a t u s as  autonomous p e r s o n s p r e c l u d e d t h e i r s t a t u s as " j u d i c i a l m i n o r s " in relation  t o t h e male-dominated p o l i t i c a l domain.  Writing  a b o u t t h e K a f e a n d Enga i n t h e H i g h l a n d s , F a i t h o r n a n d F e i l a r g u e t h a t women p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a n d s h a p e d  socio-political  a f f a i r s t r a d i t i o n a l l y p r e s e n t e d by e t h n o g r a p h e r s as domains o f m a l e c o n t r o l . They c l a i m t h a t "women a r e " p e r s o n s ' i n New G u i n e a , whatever t h e r e c e i v e d n o t i o n and whether o r not they appear so i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e "  (Feil  1978a:220).  Thus,  Feil  a r g u e s t h a t i t was e m p i r i c a l l y e v i d e n t t h a t Enga women w e r e a c t i v e i n t h e male p o l i t i c a l a r e n a ; i n t h e t e e c e r e m o n i a l e x c h a n g e women m a n i p u l a t e d t h e i r  interstitial  p o s i t i o n s by  " s h a p i n g t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p " ( 1 9 7 8 a : 2 2 1 ) . These s t u d i e s t h u s y i e l d two d i s t i n c t models o f f e m a l e personhood: (1) as a c u l t u r a l  c o n s t r u c t i o n d i s t i n c t from t h e  p o l i t i c a l p e r s o n h o o d o f men i n a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d s o c i a l o r d e r ; that  i s , women w e r e p e r s o n s  i n f l u e n c e on m a l e - d o m i n a t e d  with  minimal  and c o n t i n g e n t  political activity;  ( 2 ) as an  e x p r e s s i o n o f autonomy e x e r c i s e d i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s s h a r e d by men and women; t h a t i s , women w e r e p e r s o n s whose i n v o l v e m e n t in public l i f e  equalled  t h a t o f men.  59 M e l p a Women: D o m e s t i c  Persons  In Women i n B e t w e e n : Female R o l e s i n a M a l e W o r l d  (1972),  a s t u d y o f t h e M e l p a o f Mount Hagen i n t h e W e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s , S t r a t h e r n e x a m i n e s women's l i v e s and r o l e s i n a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d s o c i e t y . M e l p a s o c i e t y t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o n s i s t e d o f exogamous p a t r i c i a n s , r e s i d i n g v i r i l o c a l l y . Dispersed settlement groups cooperated i n c l e a r i n g gardens, b u i l d i n g houses and p r e p a r i n g f e a s t s . Men a n d women o c c u p i e d s e p a r a t e d w e l l i n g s ; p i g s w e r e s t a l l e d i n t h e women's h o u s e s . Women w e r e " r e g a r d e d a s h a v i n g a polluting  o r w e a k e n i n g i n f l u e n c e on m a l e s "  confined themselves and  childbirth  (1972:11) and  t o designated huts during menstruation  (1972:10-11).  M e l p a women's i n v o l v e m e n t i n  e x c h a n g e was a p p a r e n t l y m i n i m a l , w h e r e a s t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n g a r d e n i n g a n d p i g - r a i s i n g was e x t e n s i v e . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y d e s c r i b e d the M e l p a as  a classic  Melanesian  big-man  society;  the ceremonial  exchange o f goods was a p r e e m i n e n t s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n w h i c h other  social  politics  institutions,  and p r e s t i g e ,  such  as k i n s h i p ,  production,  converged:  B i g - m e n ... c o o r d i n a t e a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h i n v o l v e group p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a c t as spokesmen i n s e t t l i n g d i s p u t e s , a n d f r o m p u r s u i t o f t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s and r e p u t a t i o n a s w e a l t h y men a l s o b r i n g p r e s t i g e t o t h o s e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h them ... i t i s l a r g e l y t h r o u g h c e r e m o n i a l e x c h a n g e (moka) t h a t b i g - m e n b u i l d t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n s today (1972:9-10). In s o c i e t i e s w i t h p a t r i l i n e a l o f women, p a r t i c u l a r l y  ideologies the position  i n - m a r r i e d women, i s d e t e r m i n e d i n  60 p a r t by t h e i r r e l a t i o n s t o t h e i r c l a n s o f o r i g i n and t o t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' c l a n s . The p a t r i l i n e a l Strathern  nature  of Melpa  argues, a f f e c t e d the p o l i t i c a l  "Hagen s o c i e t y " , s h e n o t e s ,  "fits  society,  s t a t u s o f women.  Barnes c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n  o f New G u i n e a H i g h l a n d s s y s t e m s i n w h i c h "a m a r r i e d n e i t h e r remains f u l l y completely  woman  a f f i l i a t e d t o h e r n a t a l group n o r i s  t r a n s f e r r e d t o h e r husband's group b u t r a t h e r  s u s t a i n s a n i n t e r e s t i n b o t h ' , a n d where " t h e d i v i s i o n o f rights  i n and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s  towards  t h e woman i s  not  e x c l u s i v e ' (Barnes 1962:6)" ( 1 9 7 2 : v i i ) . S t r a t h e r n thus d e p i c t s Hagen  women  structure  as "not i n c o r p o r a t e d "  into  which  they  have  into  the p a t r i l i n e a l  married:  "women  cannot  unambiguously p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l i t i c a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n of c l a n s , f o r they them"  represent  (1972:154).  the interpersonal  links  between  8  In many H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s , b e c a u s e o f women's s t r u c t u r a l marginality with respect  t o c l a n s , men t r a d i t i o n a l l y  viewed  women a s p o t e n t i a l l y h o s t i l e t o m a l e i n t e r e s t s . I n M e l p a s o c i e t y , f o r e x a m p l e , women's own i n t e r e s t s l a y e q u a l l y  with  their  also  husbands'  clans  and t h e i r  natal  clans.  Men  The q u e s t i o n o f women's i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o p a t r i c i a n s i s p r o b l e m a t i c . I f m a l e g r o u p s a r e t a k e n a s t h e b a s i s f o r a n a l y s i s , women a r e a x i o m a t i c a l l y m a r g i n a l o r i n t e r s t i t i a l . H o w e v e r , M e l p a men a n d women l i k e l y e x p e r i e n c e d a n d c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s t o p a t r i c i a n s d i f f e r e n t l y . S t r a t h e r n ' s v i e w may c o i n c i d e w i t h a m a l e p e r s p e c t i v e on p a t r i l i n e a l i d e o l o g y . She p r e s e n t s no c l e a r e v i d e n c e t h a t M e l p a women p e r c e i v e d t h e m s e l v e s t o be " l i n k s " b e t w e e n g r o u p s o f men. 8  61 c o n s i d e r e d t h a t women i n t e r f e r e d w i t h men's  prestige-seeking  m a n o e u v r e s , c r e a t i n g n o t o n l y l i n k s i n m a l e exchange n e t w o r k s , but  also potential  f i s s u r e s o r weak p o i n t s ;  women h a d t h e  c a p a c i t y t o s e v e r exchange r e l a t i o n s . F o r i n s t a n c e , abandoned h e r h u s b a n d , h i s exchange r e l a t i o n s were  i f a woman disrupted.  However, M e l p a men a n d women, l i k e t h e Tombema Enga a n d o t h e r Western H i g h l a n d e r s , g r e a t l y v a l u e d the " r o a d s " ( a f f i n a l connections)  created  by m a r r i a g e ;  these  "roads"  " c h a n n e l s f o r w e a l t h " ( 1 9 7 2 : 6 5 ) . From t h e p e r s p e c t i v e  created o f men,  M e l p a women d i d n o t m e r e l y r e p r e s e n t e x c h a n g e p o t e n t i a l i n an a b s t r a c t way, b u t t h e y embodied exchange p a t h s a n d a c t u a l l y produced exchange r e l a t i o n s . Thus, a p r a c t i c a l r e l a t i o n e x i s t e d between m a r r i a g e and exchange; b e c a u s e m a r r i a g e c r e a t e d af f i n e s and a f f i n a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p s were i m p o r t a n t i n moka e x c h a n g e ,  " k i n on b o t h s i d e s a c q u i r e a v e s t e d i n t e r e s t i n i t s c o n t i n u i t y " (1972:198). I n s p i t e o f h e r e m p h a s i s on p a t r i l i n e a l i t y ,  Strathern  r e m a i n s f i r m l y f o c u s e d on M e l p a women a n d t h e i r r o l e s i n t h e s o c i e t y . She p r e s e n t s a d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e , u n i q u e i n i t s t i m e , of  the relationships  between  men a n d women, a n d b e t w e e n  exchange and p r o d u c t i o n . A l t h o u g h she c l a i m s t h a t male v a l u e s e x c l u d e d women f r o m " s o c i e t y " a n d t h a t women were peripheral, argues  that  rather  than s t r i c t l y  therefore  unequal, she c o n s i s t e n t l y  M e l p a women e x e r c i s e d  a certain  autonomy  or  i n d e p e n d e n c e . However s m a l l M e l p a women's r o l e s may h a v e b e e n  62 i n p u b l i c and p o l i t i c a l l i f e , S t r a t h e r n e x p l o r e s t h e s e f u l l y , l a r g e l y because previous  ethnographers had n e g l e c t e d  them.  In j u d g i n g t h e s o c i e t y to be m a l e - d o m i n a t e d , S t r a t h e r n c o n f i r m s the stereotype  of t h e sexual  domestic. Yet,  i n s c r u t i n i z i n g women's a c t i v i t i e s  challenges  a n t a g o n i s m m o d e l : women w e r e she a l s o  t h e s t e r e o t y p e : women w e r e n o t m e r e l y d o w n t r o d d e n  d r u d g e s , b u t p o s s e s s e d t h e r i g h t s o f " p e r s o n s " . Hence, h e r c l a i m t h a t M e l p a women w e r e p e r s o n s i n t h e d o m e s t i c d o m a i n . S t r a t h e r n ' s i n v o c a t i o n of a d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c is  a  familiar  social  scientific  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have r e p e a t e d l y of  women f r o m t h i s  domestic/public it,  or that  distinction  device,  one  used t o e x p l a i n the  kind  of s o c i a l  that  exclusion  activity.  The  o p p o s i t i o n , a s W e s t e r n t h o u g h t has u n d e r s t o o d  implies a hierarchy of values;  t h o s e who do n o t o p e r a t e  i n t h e p u b l i c domain a r e n e c e s s a r i l y e x c l u d e d from i t , and t h e i r a c t i o n s l e s s s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t i v e and i n f e r i o r t o those of p e r s o n s a c t i n g p u b l i c l y . A l t h o u g h S t r a t h e r n r e l i e s on t h i s h i e r a r c h i c a l d i c h o t o m y , c l a i m i n g i t i s indigenous t o Melpa thought, she p o i n t s out t h a t "the n a t u r e of d o m e s t i c t i e s between spouses cannot . . . be  understood without  reference  to the p o l i t i c a l  domain"  (1972:50) and t h a t " o b l i g a t i o n s i n h e r e n t i n the husband-wife r e l a t i o n s h i p a r e ... r e l a t e d t o t h e p o l i t i c o - j u r a l (1972:259).  This  statement  i n fact  blurs  domain"  the domestic  ( p e r s o n a l ) / p u b l i c ( c l a n ) d i s t i n c t i o n and suggests t h a t i t  63 was not h i e r a r c h i c a l . Thus, we may e q u a l l y assume that the nature of the p o l i t i c a l domain and c l a n r e l a t i o n s i n Melpa s o c i e t y c o u l d not be understood without r e f e r e n c e to domestic t i e s and personal In  Melpa  r e l a t i o n s between spouses.  society  the "maleness"  of  the exchange  i n s t i t u t i o n , the moka, derived p r i m a r i l y from men's apparently e x c l u s i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c t r a n s a c t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , i t d e r i v e d from men's claims of the moral s u p e r i o r i t y of t h e i r exchange t r a n s a c t i o n s and p r e s t i g e - s e e k i n g a c t i v i t i e s and above the p r o d u c t i v e  over  and domestic a c t i v i t i e s of women.  Women's l e s s e r involvement i n t r a n s a c t i o n and exchange was ideologically  transformed by men i n t o evidence of female  i n f e r i o r i t y . Moreover, men i d e o l o g i c a l l y extended male preeminence i n exchange i n t o other areas, c r e a t i n g what appears to the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t as a g e n e r a l i z e d "male dominance": Prom t h e i r actual dominance in the p o l i t i c a l domain, men c l a i m s u p e r o r d i n a t i o n i n any sphere of importance (1972:288). T h i s claimed  s u p e r o r d i n a t i o n was an i d e o l o g i c a l p r a c t i c e ;  i t was a moral i n c o r p o r a t i o n of women i n t o a value that e l e v a t e d male a c t i v i t i e s , of s o c i a l  system  p r i o r i t i e s and p e r c e p t i o n s  forms, f o r example, c l a n s , marriage and a f f i n a l  relations. Melpa men's d e p r e c a t i n g  judgements of women, as weak  persons owning no v a l u a b l e s , " l i t t l e nothing t h i n g s " , provided f u r t h e r evidence of the moral i n c o r p o r a t i o n of women i n t o  64 a male p u b l i c v a l u e s y s t e m . These judgements were balanced  by o t h e r  strategically  counter-  used c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s of  women a s s t r o n g a n d a b l e t o p r o d u c e f o o d a n d c h i l d r e n . Men used these  dogmas c o n t e x t u a l l y , r e f l e c t i n g t h e a m b i v a l e n c e  i n t h e i r s t e r e o t y p e s o f women. T h u s women w e r e "weak" i n some circumstances  and " s t r o n g " i n o t h e r s .  S t r a t h e r n ' s a s s e s s m e n t o f M e l p a women's " r o l e s i n a m a l e world"  i s an attempt t o demonstrate t h a t  i n s p i t e of male  p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l domination,  M e l p a women were i n d e e d  persons.  address are:  Strathern  The q u e s t i o n s understand  that male  I will  political  dominance  How d o e s and t h e  g e n e r a l i z e d s e x u a l i n e q u a l i t y t h a t was b o t h c a u s e a n d e f f e c t o f women's e x c l u s i o n f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l  s p h e r e ? How d o e s s h e  s i m u l t a n e o u s l y c o n s t r u c t M e l p a women's "autonomy" a n d " g e n u i n e independence" (1972:314) as p e r s o n s ? S t r a t h e r n ' s v e r s i o n of "women a s p e r s o n s " i s c o m p l e x ; on one h a n d , s h e s u g g e s t s t h a t M e l p a women s u b s c r i b e d t o p u b l i c ( m a l e ) v a l u e s t h a t d e n i g r a t e female p r o d u c t i o n , d i d not t r a n s a c t p u b l i c l y , were p e r i p h e r a l to male p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and s u b j e c t t o v a r i o u s measures of male c o n t r o l , i n c l u d i n g p h y s i c a l d o m i n a t i o n ; hand s h e c l a i m s  autonomy  and personhood  on t h e  f o r women.  a r g u m e n t i s b u i l t on t h e c o n c e p t o f " d o m e s t i c  other This  personhood".  Even though M e l p a women d i d n o t p a r t i c i p a t e i n "male" p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , t h e y w e r e s t i l l v e r y much " p e r s o n s " . The q u e s t i o n  65 i s : what s o r t of p e r s o n s a r e d o m e s t i c p e r s o n s and how differ  from p o l i t i c a l  d i c h o t o m y t o e x p l a i n women's i n t e r m e d i a r y ,  domestic/public  semi-incorporated  s t a t e , S t r a t h e r n e x a m i n e s women's a c t i v i t i e s , t h e k i n d of  i n t o a "male w o r l d " .  She  a masculinist ideology  d e p i c t s t h i s world and  transactional  collective  action  activities.  W h i l e women v a l u e d  producers  as  female  to  T h i s male i d e o l o g y agnatic  their  t o t h e e x c h a n g e s y s t e m , men  own  and  valued and  domestic  contributions  undervalued  by  which  solidarity  productive  of  them  dominated  by m a l e p u b l i c v a l u e s  activities, over  the extent  c o n s t r a i n t s t h a t bound  women a l s o g e n e r a l l y s u b s c r i b e d . male  they  persons?'  U s i n g b o t h p a t r i l i n e a l i d e o l o g y and t h e  t h e i r autonomy and  do  as  production  and o f t e n n e g l e c t e d t h e i r own p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s i n f a v o u r of d e v o t i n g  greater  a t t e n t i o n t o t r a n s a c t i o n s and  t o moka  a f f a i r s i n g e n e r a l . Men d e v a l u e d p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s because t h e s e d i d n o t o f f e r t h e k i n d s of o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o i n f l u e n c e others that t r a n s a c t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s  a f f o r d e d ; renown came  not from p r o d u c t i o n but from t r a n s a c t i o n . Thus, p e a r l s h e l l s , b o t h more numerous and more v a l u a b l e i n t h e e x c h a n g e s y s t e m  The n o t i o n o f " d o m e s t i c p e r s o n h o o d " i s an e s s e n t i a l concept i n S t r a t h e r n ' s l a t e r a t t e m p t t o s t e p o u t s i d e a s e t of r e l a t e d W e s t e r n notions i n c l u d i n g "person", " s u b j e c t " , " o b j e c t " , " e q u a l i t y " and " d o m i n a n c e " . I t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t i n h e r l a t e r a n a l y s e s of m a l e - f e m a l e r e l a t i o n s and t h e " M e l a n e s i a n a e s t h e t i c " ( 1 9 8 8 ) . I d i s c u s s t h e s e themes i n C h a p t e r 4.  66 than p i g s ,  were n o t be p r o d u c e d  t h r o u g h male  a s s u c h , b u t were  acquired  transactions.  Melpa men e x e r c i s e d dominance over women most p r o m i n e n t l y t h r o u g h t h e i r c o n t r o l o f exchange. S t r a t h e r n argues t h a t women were " p r o d u c e r s " o f c e r t a i n e x c h a n g e goods ( p i g s ) men  and t h a t  were " t r a n s a c t o r s " of t h o s e goods. Exchange was a p o l i t i c a l  a c t i v i t y , and t h e p r e s t i g e a c c r u a b l e t h r o u g h i t was a p o l i t i c a l outcome f o r men. In c o n t r a s t , women's p o l i t i c a l n o n - i n v o l v e m e n t resulted  in political  a x i o m a t i c a l 1y accommodates  minority.  non-persons. both  "women  However,  women  were n o t  this  argument  and m a l e  political  Conceptually,  as p e r s o n s "  dominance. Dominance t h u s becomes pre-eminence, not d o m i n a t i o n of p e r s o n s i n t h e s e n s e o f c o n t r o l . M e l p a men d i d n o t t o t a l l y c o n t r o l women, b u t s t r o v e t o use t h e i r p o l i t i c a l t o d o m i n a t e women g e n e r a l l y .  But, Strathern  pre-eminence suggests,  men  were o n l y p a r t i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l , i n s o f a r a s t h e y c o u l d p r e v e n t women f r o m f u n c t i o n i n g Strathern  as t r a n s a c t o r s .  h a s more  fully  1 0  developed  her theoretical  p o s i t i o n on p e r s o n h o o d i n r e c e n t works (1984a, 1984b, 1 9 8 8 ) , but  i t s a n a l y t i c a l underpinnings are q u i t e  clearly  visible  i n two h e u r i s t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t s h e d e f i n e s i n t h i s work: (1) p r o d u c e r / t r a n s a c t o r ;  Here (1972), but n o t i n h e r l a t e r i n some measure " c o n t r o l " women. 1U  did  and (2) j u r a l m i n o r /  early  judicial  work, s h e s t a t e s t h a t men  67 minor. S t r a t h e r n uses these c o n t r a s t i n g p a i r s t o c o n s t r u c t the parameters of female (domestic) personhood. In m a k i n g t h e i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n between " j u r a l m i n o r " and " j u d i c i a l m i n o r " S t r a t h e r n r e c o n c i l e s women's i n a b i l i t y t o e x e r c i s e r i g h t s w i t h t h e i r a b i l i t y t o a c t as p e r s o n s . Thus, j u r a l minors a r e l e g a l non-persons, whereas j u d i c i a l are p o l i t i c a l  non-persons,  minors  o r more p r o p e r l y " n o n - a c t o r s " .  Western thought has c o n f l a t e d  j u r a l and j u d i c i a l  minority,  i m p l y i n g t h a t an i n f r i n g e m e n t on p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s i s tantamount t o an a t t a c k on t h e fundamental r i g h t s o f t h e p e r s o n , i . e . , r i g h t s w i t h o u t which personhood i s denied. S t r a t h e r n a p p l i e s the d i s t i n c t i o n between j u r a l r i g h t s , which e x i s t i n t h e o r y , and j u d i c i a l the s o c i a l  r i g h t s , which a r e p r a c t i c a l l y situation  of Melpa  women:  exercisable, to  " R i g h t s and d u t i e s  e n t a i l e d i n v a r i o u s r o l e s may r e c e i v e g e n e r a l acknowledgement b u t t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h r i g h t s c a n be e x e r c i s e d i s a n o t h e r matter"  (1972:259).  S t r a t h e r n ' s a s s e s s m e n t o f M e l p a women's s o c i a l  position  t h u s i n c l u d e s b o t h p e r s o n h o o d a n d j u d i c i a l m i n o r i t y . To what e x t e n t , t h e n , w e r e M e l p a women p e r s o n s , t h a t i s n o t j u r a l m i n o r s , a n d t o what e x t e n t w e r e t h e y " n o n - p e r s o n s " , i . e . , j u d i c i a l minors?  1 1  B o t h s e x e s b e l i e v e d women t o p o s s e s s noman  S t r a t h e r n has e x p l o r e d M e l a n e s i a n concepts of personhood i n l a t e r w o r k s ( 1 9 8 4 a , 1987, 1 9 8 8 ) . I d i s c u s s h e r t r e a t m e n t o f t h e n a t u r e o f M e l a n e s i a n p e r s o n s i n C h a p t e r 4.  68 (mind, h e a r t , w i l l ) , t h e d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f " p e r s o n s " . B e c a u s e women met t h e c u l t u r a l c r i t e r i o n f o r p e r s o n h o o d , t h e y were p e r s o n s . S o , f o r example, women, l i k e o t h e r l e g a l p e r s o n s , were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e y were able t o a c t as p r i n c i p a l s i n court cases, b u t , i m p o r t a n t l y , "the extent  t o w h i c h t h e y t h e m s e l v e s c a n make c l a i m s ,  their  j u d i c i a l s t a t u s , i s r e l a t e d t o t h e f a c t that they a r e i n a way " p o l i t i c a l  m i n o r s " ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 6 0 ) . M e l p a women's p o l i t i c a l  m i n o r i t y e n t a i l e d : ( 1 ) e x c l u s i o n f r o m c l a n and l i n e a g e a f f a i r s , i . e . , women d i d n o t r e p r e s e n t t h e i r c l a n s , ( t h e y connections  between p a t r i c i a n s ) ;  same l i a b i l i t y husbands  i n respect  ( 2 ) women d i d n o t h a v e t h e  of t h e i r  had; ( 3 ) husbands  represented  lineage k i n that  exercised  jural  their  authority i n  p r a c t i c e , e . g . , i n r e l a t i o n t o d i s p o s i t i o n o f p r o p e r t y , (men considered  (korpa  = "rubbish"));  ( 4 ) women c o u l d o n l y s e t t l e m i n o r g r i e v a n c e s  themselves and  negotiate  women t o be p r o p e r t y l e s s  limited  compensations (1972:262-264, 2 7 0 ) ; they  r e q u i r e d m a l e s u p p o r t t o do o t h e r w i s e .  S t r a t h e r n summarizes  women's j u d i c i a l m i n o r i t y : " I n s h o r t , women c a n n o t p a r t i c i p a t e to the extent  t h a t men do i n t h e a f f a i r s  or c l a n and cannot r e p r e s e n t It i s evident political  rights  of t h e i r  lineage  i t ..." ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 6 1 ) .  f r o m t h i s l i s t o f l i m i t a t i o n s on women's that  there  was  more  at  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e c l a n o r l i n e a g e . Women were  stake  than  apparently  p e r s o n s i n t h e o r y , b u t n o t a l w a y s i n p r a c t i c e . I f i n d e e d women  69 l a c k e d p r o p e r t y r i g h t s and w e r e u n a b l e t o p r e s s t h e i r c l a i m s , to  t h e Western  observer  and c e r t a i n l y  from  a  feminist  p e r s p e c t i v e , M e l p a women w e r e p o l i t i c a l l y d o m i n a t e d t o s u c h a  degree  that  t h e "autonomy"  and "genuine  S t r a t h e r n s u g g e s t s t h e y p o s s e s s e d become  K a f e Women: P o l i t i c a l  independence"  suspect.  Persons  W h i l e S t r a t h e r n ' s a n a l y s i s l e a v e s H i g h l a n d women f i r m l y i n the domestic arena, Paithorn claims the  Eastern  t h a t K a f e women i n  H i g h l a n d s were p e r s o n s i n a d i f f e r e n t  autonomous p o l i t i c a l  sense:  a c t o r s . B o t h F a i t h o r n (1976) and F e i l  (1978a, 1978b) a r e c r i t i c a l  of t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  neglect  and s t e r e o t y p i n g o f H i g h l a n d women. They a r g u e t h a t H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s d i d not consist of sexually d i s t i n c t i n which a s t a t i c female world served  sub-cultures  as a n e u t r a l backdrop  f o r t h e a c t i v e d r a m a t i c s o f the male w o r l d . Y e t , a s F e i l p o i n t s o u t , t h i s was t h e p r e d o m i n a n t v i e w u n t i l r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y : ... women h a v e b a r e l y b e e n m e n t i o n e d i n w o r k s on the H i g h l a n d s , and t h e i r i n v i s i b i l i t y i n exchange a c t i v i t i e s i s a symptom o f t h e i r a l l e g e d l a c k o f power a n d i n t e r e s t i n t h e s e s u p p o s e d l y m a l e dominated a f f a i r s . Highland women h a v e been p o r t r a y e d s i m p l y a s t h o s e who, w i t h c h i l d s l u n g o v e r h e a d , d a i l y t r u d g e back and f o r t h t o t h e g a r d e n s t o f e t c h s w e e t p o t a t o e s w h i l e t h e men a l o n e engage in ceremony, exchange and t h i n g s political (1978b:265). Faithorn also notes that anthropologists studying the Highlands focused  p r i m a r i l y on women a s w i v e s  a n d on t h e m a r r i a g e  70 r e l a t i o n s h i p . The r e s u l t was a u n i - d i m e n s i o n a l p o r t r a i t o f women  and t h e e x t r a p o l a t i o n  generalized  hostility  of marital  between  the  discord  sexes  into  as  a  groups.  F a i t h o r n ' s work s e r v e s a s a c o n v e n i e n t p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e because  i t was s h e who i n t r o d u c e d t h e n o t i o n o f "women a s  persons"  (1976)  generalized  i n an a t t e m p t  belief  that  to correct  Highland  the erroneous,  societies  were  " s e x u a l l y a n t a g o n i s t i c " a n d H i g h l a n d women m e r e l y  simply domestic  d r u d g e s . H e r two e s s a y s ( 1 9 7 5 , 1976) on t h e K a f e o f t h e E a s t e r n Highlands deal  with substantially  s t a t u s and female  similar  issues:  women's  pollution.  H e r e , I f o c u s on "Women a s P e r s o n s ; A s p e c t s o f F e m a l e L i f e and Male-female  R e l a t i o n s Among t h e K a f e " ( 1 9 7 6 ) , i n  w h i c h F a i t h o r n a r g u e s t h a t , u n t i l t h e 1970's, t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e g r o s s l y o v e r s i m p l i f i e d women's l i v e s by f o c u s i n g e x c l u s i v e l y on t h e themes o f s e x u a l s e g r e g a t i o n , male dominance and f e m a l e p o l l u t i o n ( 1 9 7 6 : 8 6 - 8 7 ) . theme  o r model,  used  to describe  The " s e x u a l  antagonism"  intersexual  relations  elsewhere i n the Highlands, i s not, F a i t h o r n suggests , useful f o r understanding Kafe behaviour or ideology. to  the typical  portrayal  o f downtrodden  Highland  F a i t h o r n d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t K a f e women w e r e " f u l l in  social,  economic  and p o l i t i c a l  In contrast  participants  decisions  h o u s e h o l d " a n d t h a t K a f e men w e r e " c a p a b l e o f  women,  beyond N  the  polluting'  or e n d a n g e r i n g o t h e r s i n t h e same ways a s . . . women" ( 1 9 7 6 : 8 7 ) .  71 In Kafe s o c i e t y ,  t h e n , t h e r e was no c l e a r d i v i s i o n  between  male and f e m a l e w o r l d s , a n d " K a f e men and women do n o t i n t e r a c t w i t h one a n o t h e r difference"  i n ways p a t t e r n e d p r i m a r i l y by s e x - c l a s s  (1976:93).  F a i t h o r n f i r s t demonstrates the interdependence of Kafe men a n d women by e x a m i n i n g t h e s e x u a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f g a r d e n s . W h i l e c e r t a i n t a s k s were a s s i g n e d by  s e x , husbands  and wives  frequently  worked  together  p e r f o r m i n g " t h e same o r d i f f e r e n t , b u t i n t e r d e p e n d e n t , t a s k s " (1976:89). C l a i m i n g complementarity i n t h e sexual o f l a b o u r a s e v i d e n c e o f some s o r t  division  of e q u a l i t y o r absence  o f m a l e d o m i n a t i o n was u n d o u b t e d l y n o t a new i n s i g h t , b u t it  bears  repetition  even  t o d a y ; we h a v e o n l y t o c o n s i d e r  Godelier's recent presentation  of Baruya  women a s v i r t u a l  drudges, p e r f o r m i n g d u l l , u n s k i l l e d and r e p e t i t i v e l a b o u r , somehow p r e v e n t e d by men f r o m d o i n g a n y t h i n g more i n t e r e s t i n g ( G o d e l i e r 1986) .  12  Faithorn'spoint i s therefore well-taken.  F a i t h o r n t h e n d e m o n s t r a t e s women's s u b s t a n t i a l , but l e s s visible,  participation  ethnographers  have  i n marriage  traditionally  prerogative i n Highlands s o c i e t i e s  negotiations,  presented  as  (1976:90). Male  which a  male public  d i s c u s s i o n s of m a r r i a g e a p p e a r e d , s u p e r f i c i a l l y , t o c o n s t i t u t e G o d e l i e r ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f B a r u y a women's t a s k s i n t h e d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r ( 1 9 8 6 : 1 4 ) r e v i v e s o l d f a m i l i a r a r g u m e n t s t h a t women's work was more m o n o t o n o u s a n d r e q u i r e d l e s s c o - o p e r a t i o n , a n d t h e r e f o r e bestowed a l e s s e r s t a t u s ( s e e D a h l b e r g 1981, Slocum 1975). 12  72 a complete p r o c e s s o f m a r r i a g e n e g o t i a t i o n and t r a n s a c t i o n . I n f a c t , women, i n c l u d i n g t h e p r o s p e c t i v e b r i d e , h e r m o t h e r and  classificatory  "mothers", were i n v o l v e d i n major  of t h e m a r r i a g e t r a n s a c t i o n t h a t " ( o c c u r )  steps  t h r o u g h numerous  s m a l l e r debates and c o n s u l t a t i o n s " (1976:91), f o r example, in  the determination  appropriate Marriage  of an  acceptable  time t o d e l i v e r the b r i d e  negotiations  thus  involved  b r i d e - p r i c e and  t o h e r new both  village.  sexes  in a  c o m p l e m e n t a r y way. D e s p i t e s u c h e v i d e n c e o f women's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , ethnographers c o n s i s t e n t l y overlooked  "informal"  d i s c u s s i o n s and " n o n - p u b l i c " d e c i s i o n s . F a i t h o r n ' s work c l e a r l y shows t h a t t h e i n c l u s i o n a n d a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n o f women's n e g o t i a t o r y a c t i v i t i e s are e s s e n t i a l t o an adequate p o r t r a y a l of K a f e s o c i a l  dynamics.  Complementarity a l s o e x i s t e d , F a i t h o r n suggests, i n the domain o f c u l t u r a l  knowledge  ( 1 9 7 6 : 9 2 ) . K a f e men  e x c l u s i v e k n o w l e d g e o f s o r c e r y , w h i l e women c l a i m e d knowledge of c o n t r a c e p t i o n . women w e r e w e l l - i n f o r m e d  claimed  exclusive  I n p r a c t i c e , h o w e v e r , men a n d  of each other's  epistemological  t e r r i t o r y , i n c l u d i n g s o - c a l l e d s e c r e t knowledge. Moreover, persons o f each sex c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e a c t i v i t i e s of t h e o t h e r ; f o r e x a m p l e , women w e r e a b l e t o a t t e n d d i v i n a t i o n s t o d e t e r m i n e s o r c e r y a s a c a u s e o f d e a t h , a n d some men i n g e s t e d c o n t r a c e p t i v e bark. I n the case of c u l t u r a l knowledge,  then,  73 an i d e o l o g y o f s e x u a l d i f f e r e n c e m a s k e d t h e p r a c t i c a l of  reality  complementarity. Faithorn  makes  h e r most  impressive  attack  on t h e  s t e r e o t y p e o f H i g h l a n d women w i t h h e r a n a l y s i s o f p o l l u t i o n b e l i e f s among t h e K a f e . She a r g u e s t h a t  pollution-related  b e h a v i o r a l t a b o o s , once b e l i e v e d t o p l a c e r e s t r i c t i o n s o n l y on women i n r e l a t i o n t o men, a c t u a l l y a p p l i e d t o d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s o f p e r s o n s , i n c l u d i n g men, i n d i f f e r e n t  relations  and c o n t e x t s ( 1 9 7 6 : 9 3 ) . F o r i n s t a n c e , b e c a u s e semen b e l o n g e d t o t h e same c l a s s o f d a n g e r o u s s u b s t a n c e s a s m e n s t r u a l b l o o d , F a i t h o r n s u g g e s t s t h a t " i t a p p e a r s t h a t men a r e a s p o t e n t i a l l y " p o l l u t i n g ' o r dangerous She  notes  that  men  t o o t h e r s a s a r e women" ( 1 9 7 6 : 9 2 ) .  had t o e x e r c i s e  extreme  caution i n  c o n t r o l l i n g semen " i n o r d e r n o t t o e n d a n g e r t h e m s e l v e s o r o t h e r s " (1975:137) . Women f e a r e d a c c i d e n t a l c o n t a c t w i t h semen left  on men's  clothing,  a n d men  as w e l l  a s women  were  p r o h i b i t e d from s t e p p i n g o v e r f o o d o r p e o p l e (1975:137). Thus, the a b i l i t y  t o p o l l u t e d e r i v e d from "dangerous  substances"  ( 1 9 7 6 : 92) a n d d i d n o t s i m p l y i n h e r e i n a l 1 women a t a l 1 t i m e s . The d e p r e c a t i n g p o l l u t i o n i d e o l o g y a f f e c t e d b o t h s e x e s , a n d t h e " p o l l u t i n g woman" was no more a M e l a n e s i a n t y p e t h a n t h e " p o l l u t i n g man". While Kafe s o c i e t y  was i n many ways u n i q u e , much o f  Faithorn's analysis i s c l e a r l y applicable t o other Highland s o c i e t i e s . Thus, she s u g g e s t s t h a t a r e - a n a l y s i s o f m a l e - f e m a l e  74 relations  i n the Highlands  would  likely  reveal  women's  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s and i n major group d e c i s i o n s , and t h e r e f o r e , t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e a n d e q u a l i t y o f t h e s e x e s . Deconstructing "political"  t h e unexamined  i sa central  e q u i v a l e n c e of "male"  p o i n t i n F a i t h o r n ' s argument.  and To  t h i s end, s h e a r g u e s t h a t W e s t e r n v i e w s of i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l practice  are biased  and fragmented,  and t h a t  "when t h e  p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s i s viewed as a whole women c a n be s e e n a s f u l l  participants i npolitical  that transcend the domestic l e v e l " Although F e i l  ...  issues  (1976:94).  ( 1 9 7 8 a , 1978b) a d o p t s a s i m i l a r  approach  i n a t t e m p t i n g t o p r o v e t h e e x t e n t o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in  "male"  activities,  institution,  exchange,  women's s o c i a l  h i s in-depth  scrutiny  of a  single  p r o v i d e s a more f o c u s e d p i c t u r e o f  l i v e s and p o l i t i c a l  activities.  E n g a Women's R o l e s i n t h e T e e E x c h a n g e F e i l (1978a, 1978b), l i k e F a i t h o r n , has argued t h a t t h e s t e r e o t y p i c a l i m a g e o f c o n t a m i n a t i n g and d e s p i s e d M e l a n e s i a n women d o e s n o t c o r r e c t l y p o r t r a y Enga women i n t h e W e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s , n o r does i t a d e q u a t e l y d e s c r i b e t h e i r particular, central  i t masks t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n  cultural  activity,  lives; i n  i n the society's  t h e t e e exchange.  The t e e c e r e m o n i a l e x c h a n g e s y s t e m i s a c o m p l e x economic  structure involving  socio-  r e l a t i o n s of c r e d i t and debt  b a s e d on a " c u r r e n c y " i n many r e s p e c t s  of pigs  and o t h e r  valuables.  Similar  t o o t h e r H i g h l a n d exchange systems such as  t h e M e l p a moka a n d t h e M e n d i mok i n k , t h e t e e e x t e n d s a  large geographical  a r e a and i n v o l v e s  over  a s many a s 150,000  p e o p l e ( F e i l 1978b: 2 6 4 ) . Men g e n e r a l l y e s t a b l i s h t e e e x c h a n g e p a r t n e r s h i p s on t h e b a s i s o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h r o u g h women s u c h t h a t t h e y "... a r e p l a c e d (1978b:272). F e i l "relationships  i n a web o f f e m a l e  characterizes  of c h o i c e "  linkages"  these tee partnerships  (1978b:267),  solidified  as  by t h e  e x c h a n g e o f v a l u a b l e s ; t h e t e e i t s e l f , he a r g u e s , i s " a t l e a s t in  its political  individuals  who  sense,  an a l l i a n c e o f f r i e n d s h i p  are otherwise  members  o f enemy  among  groups"  (1978b:267). F e i l n o t e s t h e " c u r i o u s l a c k o f i n f o r m a t i o n " about women's e x c h a n g e a c t i v i t i e s ; p a r t i c u l a r l y c u r i o u s "when we n o t e t h a t i n Enga s o c i e t y , a s e l s e w h e r e i n t h e H i g h l a n d s , women a r e i n c h a r g e o f r a i s i n g a n d c a r i n g f o r t h e most v a l u a b l e e x c h a n g e i t e m s , p i g s ; a n d t h a t a man's most v a l u a b l e e x c h a n g e p a r t n e r s a r e most o f t e n men r e l a t e d t o h i m t h r o u g h some l i v i n g ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 6 4 ) . He a r g u e s t h a t t h e c o n n e c t i n g c r u c i a l i n the establishment  female"  r o l e o f women was  a n d m a i n t e n a n c e of t e e r e l a t i o n s :  Women a c t i n g b e t w e e n men c r e a t e obligations, s a n c t i o n t h e p a r t n e r s h i p , and a r e i n s t r u m e n t a l i n s h a p i n g t h e c o n t e n t of i t and i n b r i n g i n g o f f t h e t r a n s a c t i o n s i n many c a s e s ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 6 8 ) .  76 Because t e e p a r t n e r s were f e m a l e - l i n k e d "women become e s s e n t i a l political  persons"  (1978b:267).  E a r l y m a s c u l i n i s t s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of t h e H i g h l a n d s d o m i n a t e d by t h e j u r a l model o f s o c i e t y a n d by t h e concept of descent groups as p o l i t i c o - j u r a l to  consider  women i n t h i s  way. M e g g i t t  entities  failed  (1964, 1965), f o r  example, e m p h a s i z e d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a woman's s t a t u s and h e r s t r u c t u r a l e x c l u s i o n she h a d m a r r i e d , one  " h e r i n a b i l i t y t o e v e r be i n c o r p o r a t e d  of these androcentric  however, p o i n t s  from t h e p a t r i c i a n i n t o which  units" (Feil  1978b:265).  into Feil,  t o the importance of non-agnatic r e l a t i o n s  ( r e l a t i o n s t h r o u g h women) and t h e r o l e o f k i n s h i p i n p r o v i d i n g c r u c i a l s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s ; he c r i t i c i z e s t h e d e v a l u a t i o n o f k i n s h i p a s " n o n - s t r u c t u r a l " ( 1 9 8 4 a : 5 2 - 5 3 ) . "Women", he p o i n t s out,  "provide  intergroup  the crucial  r e l a t i o n s which define  exchange" (1984a:53). Thus, F e i l  and l i n k  challenges the  view o f c e r e m o n i a l exchange as a s t r i c t l y p u b l i c , p o l i t i c a l enterprise  from  which  women, a s n o n - g r o u p members,  axiomatically or d e f i n i t i o n a l l y  were  excluded:  Our c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e p u b l i c s i d e o f p o l i t i c s has h i d d e n t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e t h a t women may h a v e in private negotiations that affect public proceedings (1978a:228). He g o e s on t o c h a l l e n g e relations:  traditional  views of male-female  ... our over-concern with the seemingly obvious aspects of male-female r e l a t i o n s has d u l l e d our appreciation for the less obvious ones (1978a:228). A p p r e c i a t i n g the l e s s obvious aspects of i n t e r - s e x u a l relations  includes unveiling  the hidden power that  women  a c t u a l l y e x e r c i s e d i n the t e e . F e i l argues that i n order t o r e c o g n i z e Enga women's power i t i s i m p e r a t i v e t o d i s c r e d i t "the more i d e o l o g i c a l situational  statements that men make of women i n  vacuums" (1978b:263).  "Men's statements  about  women's performance and a b i l i t i e s i n the t e e " , he notes, "bear l i t t l e r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r more programmatic are viewed i n a s i t u a t i o n a l  ones when women  vacuum" (1978b:275).  Enga men,  1 i k e men i n many other Highland s o c i e t i e s , made " i d e o l o g i c a l " or "programmatic" of  men, and both  statements about women (as women a l s o d i d sexes  of themselves); these  statements  c o n t r i b u t e d t o an ethnographic p o r t r a i t of Highlands s o c i e t i e s fraught with " i n t e r s e x u a l anxiety and c o n f l i c t " and "inherent sexual h o s t i l i t y " (1978b: 263). Anxiety, c o n f l i c t and h o s t i l i t y between the sexes were imputed t o such c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s as "the s t r i c t s e p a r a t i o n of the sexes i n s l e e p i n g  arrangements,  the e l a b o r a t e sexual and menstrual taboos, and the presence of  male c u l t s  and s e c r e t  initiations  i n which  boys and  b a c h e l o r s are taught the harmful e f f e c t s l i k e l y to occur from prolonged c o n t a c t with females"  (1978b:263).  This i s  the  f a m i l i a r "sexual antagonism" model of the Highlands ethnography of the 1950's and 60's. F e i l  argues  that t h i s p o r t r a i t of  78 inter-sexual  relations,  Enga women's " s t a t u s " women  (1978b:263).  i n f a c t , reveals very l i t t l e  or the daily interactions  Most  importantly,  men's  about  o f men a n d  programmatic  s t a t e m e n t s about t h e o t h e r s e x o b s c u r e d the c o n s i d e r a b l e  socio-  13  political  a n d e c o n o m i c power t h a t women w i e l d e d .  In r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the  patrilineal  Enga g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s , F e i l  model  t h a t i t was l a r g e l y which i n d i v i d u a l s  of t h e tee,  that i s , the assumption  an i n t e r a c t i o n  had l i t t l e  challenges  between p a t r i c i a n s , i n  personal  s t a k e . The t e e ,  Feil  c o u n t e r s , i n v o l v e d "men c o m p e t i n g f o r power and renown t h r o u g h their  participation  i n and m a n i p u l a t i o n  of  proceedings"  ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 6 4 ) . A l t h o u g h t h e s e men w e r e M e l a n e s i a n  "big-men"  in the f a m i l i a r s e n s e of the term, they r e p r e s e n t e d t h e m s e l v e s as i n d i v i d u a l s , n o t t h e i r g r o u p s . Thus t h e t e e was e s s e n t i a l l y made by i n d i v i d u a l s , n o t c l a n s : " t h e m a j o r nexus o f c o m p e t i t i o n i s n o t between h o s t i l e enemy d e s c e n t g r o u p s , but r a t h e r between individuals vying for prestige  among t h e i r c l o s e s t  within  (1978b:266).  their  very  own g r o u p "  importantly suggests that i n d i v i d u a l  This  agnates analysis  t r a n s a c t i o n s were n o t  u l t i m a t e l y under the c o n t r o l o f big-men, such t h a t "the  clan's  As I a r g u e l a t e r i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t g e n d e r o r a b o u t men a n d women a r e c l e a r l y i m b u e d w i t h n o t o n l y s y m b o l i c , but s t r a t e g i c , v a l u e . This s t r a t e g i c v a l u e d e r i v e s from the f a c t t h a t t h e q u a l i t i e s o r s y m b o l i c meanings a t t r i b u t e d t o "maleness" and " f e m a l e n e s s " a r e a l s o judgements o f r e l a t i v e v a l u e t h a t may be s e l e c t i v e l y a p p l i e d t o p e r s o n s a n d a c t i o n s , i . e . , u s e d manipulatively.  or subclan's  stake i n t e eproceedings  i sexceedingly  small"  ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 6 6 ) . T h u s , e x c h a n g e was n o t s i m p l y a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of h o s t i l i t y and c o n f r o n t a t i o n between c o r p o r a t e g r o u p s (see M e g g i t t 1 9 6 5 ) . The c o n f l i c t model j u d g e d t h e p a t r i l i n e a l g r o u p and i t s i d e n t i t y t o be p r i m a r y t o t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f c e r e m o n i a l exchange, a n d t h u s p r e c l u d e d t h e i n c l u s i o n o f women, p r e c i s e l y because  women  patrilineal individual  acted  groups.  individually By  expression,  and d i d n o t  suggesting Feil  opens  that  represent  t h e t e e was  an  up t h e p o s s i b i l i t y  of  i n c l u d i n g women's i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e s p h e r e o f t h e t e e . I n s h o r t , he p r o p o s e s a r e - d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e t e e  that  d o e s n o t p e r i p h e r a l i z e women. P i g s were o f c r u c i a l production  importance i n t h e t e e and t h e i r  and c o n t r o l l a y l a r g e l y  i n t h e h a n d s o f women.  Enga women b o t h c a r e d  for "financed"  p i g s , those  acquired  through  or temporarily  held  awaiting  transactions  while  u l t i m a t e d e l i v e r y e l s e w h e r e , a n d r a i s e d e x c h a n g e p i g s . Men d i s t r i b u t e d both kinds of pigs t o t h e i r t e epartners l i n k e d a c r o s s c l a n s t h r o u g h t h e s e women. Y e t women d i r e c t l y p r o d u c e d t h e " h o u s e " ( h o m e - r a i s e d ) p i g s , "owned" them a n d h a d f i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n o v e r them: A woman w i l l i n most c a s e s d i r e c t t h e s e p i g s t o persons r e l a t e d t o h e r , o r t o exchange p a r t n e r s t o whom s h e i s t h e l i n k . E x c h a n g e p a r t n e r s whose l i n k s t o h e r husband a r e o t h e r than through h e r ( f o r example, through h i s mother o r h i s s i s t e r ) may t a k e p i g s o n l y by d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h h e r . She o f t e n e n t e r s i n t o " s p e c i a l " r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h  80 t h e s e p e r s o n s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by name t a b o o s t h a t a r e a mark o f f r i e n d s h i p a n d m u t u a l i n t e r e s t i n exchange m a t t e r s . R e q u e s t s f o r t h e s e "house p i g s " ... a r e m a l e - t o - f e m a l e t r a n s a c t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n m a l e - t o - m a l e ones. She n o t o n l y r e l e a s e s t h e s e p i g s b u t i s e n t i t l e d t o t a k e t h e r e c i p r o c a t i o n f o r them that will come i n subsequent transactions (1978b:270). Other  transactional  features  also  ownership of p i g s . Por i n s t a n c e ,  demonstrated  women's  thepig holdings  of wives  i n polygamous m a r r i a g e s w e r e k e p t s e p a r a t e , e n s u r i n g c o r r e c t l y a l l o t t e d returns  for transactions  (1978b:270).  I n t h e case  of d i s p u t e s , b o t h w i v e s and husbands were o b l i g e d t o p r o v i d e t h e o f f e n d e d p a r t y w i t h a p i g t h a t t h e l a t t e r was t h e n to dispose  o f a s he o r s h e p l e a s e d  free  ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 7 0 ) . Women c o u l d  t h e r e f o r e u s e p i g s they had r e c e i v e d from t h e i r husbands i n compensation f o r t h e w r o n g f u l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f house p i g s t o c r e a t e t h e i r own e x c h a n g e  networks (1978a:222,  1978b:270):  Women i n v e s t e d t h e s e c o m p e n s a t o r y p i g s i n t h e t e e w i t h men who w e r e n o t e x i s t i n g e x c h a n g e partners of t h e i r husbands, t h u s c r e a t i n g exchange t i e s o f t h e i r own, i n d e p e n d e n t a n d a p a r t from their husband's exchange networks (1978b:270). Women's o w n e r s h i p o f p i g s was f u r t h e r r e f l e c t e d i n t h e c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n o f women and p i g s . B o t h Enga men and women i m p u t e d a s p e c i a l d i m e n s i o n t o women's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h p i g s : women were b e l i e v e d  to exercise a "coercive  ability"  (1978b:269)  o v e r b o t h p i g s a n d men i n m a t t e r s i n v o l v i n g p i g s . Enga  men  believed  that  women  were  able  Moreover,  t o make  u n c o n t r o l l a b l e a n d t o c a u s e them t o s t r a y ( 1 9 7 8 b : 2 7 0 ) .  pigs Thus,  81 men a c k n o w l e d g e d "women's c o n t r o l o v e r t h e b e a s t s " a n d c l a i m e d that  they  g a v e women p i g s  "whenever a woman a s k s ' "  "quickly  and w i t h o u t  argument  (1978:269).  A l t h o u g h women d i d n o t h a v e a s many t e e p a r t n e r s a s men did,  t h e y w e r e n o n e t h e l e s s a b l e t o g a i n p r e s t i g e and  influence  among t h e i r own r e l a t i v e s by d i r e c t i n g g i f t s t o them. T h r o u g h t h e t e e , Enga women e x e r c i s e d s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l power i n t h e following  ways:  [ 1 ] They p r o d u c e d  wealth.  [ 2 ] They h a d c o n t r o l o v e r t h e d i r e c t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e p r o d u c t s o f t h e i r l a b o u r . [ 3 ] They w e r e c a r e t a k e r s o f t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' h e r d s o f p i g s ; i n t h i s c a p a c i t y t h e y p o s s e s s e d " a p o t e n t i a l power source" (1978a:223), i . e . , they influenced p i g distribution. [ 4 ] They c r e a t e d t h e i r own e x c h a n g e  networks.  The i m p l i c a t i o n o f Enga women's s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l power i s c l e a r : t h e t e e was n o t a m a l e - c o n t r i v e d i n s t i t u t i o n b a s e d  strictly  on e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n men. S t r a t h e r n ' s ( 1 9 7 2 ) a n a l y s i s o f Hagen s o c i e t y  suggests  t h a t M e l p a women p l a y e d a more i n t e r s t i t i a l r o l e i n t h e moka e x c h a n g e t h a n d i d Enga women i n t h e t e e . T h i s reflects two  the difference  exchange  superficially  systems.  i n the social While  difference  o r i e n t a t i o n s of the  t h e t e e a n d t h e moka  t o be i n same g e n e r a l  Highland  appear  mold,  Feil  s u g g e s t s t h a t c l o s e r e x a m i n a t i o n shows t h a t t h e y c o n s t i t u t e d q u i t e d i f f e r e n t forms o f s o c i a l i t y . Where t h e " m a j o r  political  82 n e x u s " o f t h e t e e was l o c a t e d " a t t h e l e v e l  of intra-group  a f f a i r s and . . . between i n d i v i d u a l p a r t n e r s " , " t h e p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e moka ... r e s t s i n t h e w i d e r c o n t e x t o f i n t e r - g r o u p a f f a i r s , where women h a v e no p l a c e " ( 1 9 7 8 a : 2 2 5 ) . The d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e o r i g i n s o f t h e v a l u a b l e s  circulated  i n t h e moka a n d t h e t e e b o t h d e t e r m i n e d a n d r e f l e c t e d women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e exchange i n s t i t u t i o n . P o r example, t h e p e a r l s h e l l s t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l l y d o m i n a t e d t h e moka ( n u m e r i c a l l y and i n t e r m s o f t h e i r  greater  value)  o r i g i n a t e d i n men's  t r a n s a c t i o n s . Tee p i g s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e p r o d u c e d b y women; e v e n f i n a n c e d p i g s o r i g i n a t e d i n t h i s way. Enga women were more a b l e t o m a n i p u l a t e t h e i r i n t e r s t i t i a l p o s i t i o n by " s h a p i n g t h e c o n t e n t of t h e e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n s h i p " ( 1 9 7 8 a : 2 2 1 ) . They  acted  i n tee planning,  decision-making,  i n f o r m a t i o n p a s s i n g , and i n t h e i n i t i a t i o n and c e s s a t i o n of partnerships.  Thus  tee activities,  Feil  complementary and s e x u a l l y n o n - c o m p e t i t i v e ; w i f e had d i s t i n c t  but not incompatible  argues,  were  a husband and  interests:  He i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h i t s s i z e a s a c h a l l e n g e t o h i s a g n a t i c c o m p e t i t o r s ; s h e i s more i n t e r e s t e d i n d i r e c t i n g p i g s t o l i n k e d p a r t n e r s and those persons important t o h e r . Thus, t h e i r m o t i v e s a r e n o t i n c o n f l i c t a n d t h e r e i s no c o m p e t i t i o n i n a t e e between w i f e and husband (1984b:114-15). P e i l ' s model s u g g e s t s c o o p e r a t i v e i n v o l v e m e n t o f b o t h s e x e s i n a non-competitive  way. T h u s , w i t h i n a common a c t i v i t y ( t h e  t e e ) t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e s e x e s were c l e a r l y d i s t i n c t . I n  83 c o n t r a s t , I n Women i n B e t w e e n ( 1 9 7 2 ) , S t r a t h e r n s u g g e s t s t h a t M e l p a women a n d men d i d c o m p e t e , a n d t h a t women s t r o v e t o a c h i e v e " q u a s i - p a r t i c i p a n t " s t a t u s i n moka e x c h a n g e s ( 1 9 7 2 : C h a p t e r 6) . P e i l n o t e s , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h a t S t r a t h e r n p o r t r a y s women and men " a s p i t t e d a g a i n s t each o t h e r f o r t h e same s c a r c e c o m m o d i t i e s " ( F e i l 1978b:275). Thus, S t r a t h e r n ' s model s u g g e s t s g r e a t e r i n t e r - s e x u a l s t r i f e and c o m p e t i t i o n ; w h i l e t h e s p h e r e s of a c t i v i t y production  o f t h e s e x e s w e r e more c l e a r l y d i s t i n c t and t r a n s a c t i o n ) , t h e s i m i l a r  (i.e.,  i n t e r e s t s of t h e  sexes i na t t a i n i n g t r a n s a c t i o n a l c o n t r o l f r e q u e n t l y r e s u l t e d in  conflict.  Critique:  I n c l u s i o n and E x c l u s i o n  The n o t i o n o f "women a s p e r s o n s " , t o be i n c l u d e d i n m a l e p o l i t i c a l  w h e t h e r women a r e s e e n  a c t i v i t i e s or excluded  from  t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s , i s n e c e s s a r i l y p r e d i c a t e d on t h e e q u a t i o n of t h e d o m e s t i c a n d t h e n o n - p o l i t i c a l . The p o l i t i c a l i s t h e n , by d e f i n i t i o n , t h e p u b l i c w o r l d , e x t e r n a l t o a n d e n c o m p a s s i n g o f t h e h o u s e h o l d a n d d o m e s t i c r e l a t i o n s . The d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c hierarchy serves  F a i t h o r n ' s and F e i l ' s i n c l u s i o n  arguments  and S t r a t h e r n ' s e x c l u s i o n argument e q u a l l y w e l l . I w i l l  briefly  consider  to h i s  or  each e t h n o g r a p h e r ' s argument w i t h  her use of t h i s  dichotomy  respect  and t h e e t h n o c e n t r i c  androcentric i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s a p p l i c a t i o n .  and  84 In P a i t h o r n ' s the p o l i t i c a l  case, t h i s  taken-for-granted  forms a frame o f r e f e r e n c e  notion of  for her contention  K a f e women d i d i n d e e d p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n : "women may be f u l l  p a r t i c i p a n t s i n s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l  d e c i s i o n s beyond the household l e v e l " (1976:87). I n c o n t r a s t , a common r e f r a i n i n t h e H i g h l a n d s l i t e r a t u r e o f t h a t and  time,  one w h i c h L a n g n e s s e c h o e s i n h i s c r i t i q u e o f F a i t h o r n ,  was t h e v i e w t h a t "... women i n t h e New G u i n e a H i g h l a n d s seem n e v e r t o have engaged i n p o l i t i c s " ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 0 1 ) . T h i s r e a f f i r m s , as I h a v e s u g g e s t e d , t h e p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t r u c t o f t h e p o l i t i c a l process that of r e f e r e n c e .  "women a s p e r s o n s " a d o p t s s t r i c t l y a s a f r a m e Langness s t a t e s :  If i t i s necessary t o take i n t o account t h e "numerous s m a l l - s c a l e c o n s u l t a t i o n s a s w e l l a s t h e large-scale discussion t y p i c a l l y associated with the Highlands p o l i t i c a l process", a r e you not a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h a t women a r e n o t t r u l y "full p a r t i c i p a n t s " ? The w h o l e p o i n t o f t h e a r g u m e n t up t o now i s n o t t h a t women h a v e n o t h i n g t o s a y a b o u t p o l i t i c s b u t , r a t h e r , t h a t what t h e y s a y i s s a i d in "small-scale" rather than "large-scale" c o n s u l t a t i o n s . They do n o t , t h a t i s , h o l d p u b l i c o f f i c e o r engage i n " p o l i t i c s " ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 0 1 ) . Langness  takes  p a r t i c i p a n t s " , arguing  issue  with  Faithorn's  term  "full  t h a t "no one h a s e v e r s u g g e s t e d  women w e r e n o t p a r t i c i p a n t s i n some way; t h e y h a v e  that  argued  e s s e n t i a l l y t h a t t h e y were n o t " f u l l ' p a r t i c i p a n t s " ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 0 1 ) . B e c a u s e K a f e s o c i e t y d i d n o t p r o d u c e "big-women" i n t h e same mold a s "big-men", and because "big-men were c l e a r l y a b o r i g i n a l political  f i g u r e s and a r e p r e s e n t - d a y p o l i t i c a l  figures",  85 i t i s o b v i o u s , L a n g n e s s b e l i e v e s , " t h a t women w e r e n o t a n d a r e n o t e n g a g e d i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n t h e same way a s men" (1976:101). The o b v i o u s q u e s t i o n h e r e , a n d t h e i s s u e t h a t  Faithorn  d i r e c t l y c o n f r o n t s , i s : I f K a f e a n d o t h e r H i g h l a n d women d i d not  act politically  i n t h e same  ways  a s men,  c a n we  characterise their actions as,ipso facto, n o n - p o l i t i c a l ? ^ Langness c l e a r l y s u s p e c t s F a i t h o r n  of c l a i m i n g e q u a l i t y o r  p e r s o n h o o d f o r women b y p l a c i n g w h a t e v e r  i t was t h a t women  d i d i n t h e d o m a i n o f p o l i t i c s . Y e t , h i s a s s e s s m e n t t h a t women d i d n o t p a r t i c i p a t e i n "male"  political  activity  deflects  a t t e n t i o n away f r o m t h e s u b s t a n c e o f women's a c t i o n s , a n d d i r e c t s i t towards a w o r l d of p o l i t i c s p r e - d e f i n e d Faithorn, i n contrast,  as male.  d i r e c t s our a t t e n t i o n towards  both  t h e s u b s t a n c e o f women's a c t i o n s , a n d t h e r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of t h e s e a c t i o n s Feil's  as " p o l i t i c a l " .  c o r r e c t i v e approach, l i k e  Faithorn's,  aims t o  remove women f r o m t h e d o m e s t i c d o m a i n by d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h a t they  were  " e s s e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a n t s , making  d e c i s i o n s " (1978b:265).  key  political  I n o r d e r t o p r o v e t h a t women p l a y e d  ^ Lederman ( 1 9 8 6 , 1 9 8 9 ) , h a s examined M e n d i ( S o u t h e r n H i g h l a n d s ) forms o f s o c i a l i t y and has d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e complex a r t i c u l a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l e x c h a n g e n e t w o r k s (twem) a n d l a r g e r c l a n e x c h a n g e e v e n t s ( s e m ) . L e d e r m a n c h a r a c t e r i s e s twem a c t i v i t i e s , i n w h i c h women p a r t i c i p a t e d autonomously and e x t e n s i v e l y , as no l e s s p o l i t i c a l t h a n sem onda ( c l a n ) a c t i v i t i e s , i n w h i c h women d i d n o t d i r e c t l y p a r t i c i p a t e . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , f o r t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f p o l i t i c s , twem exchanges f e d i n t o , b u t d i d n o t e x i s t s o l e l y f o r , c l a n exchanges.  86 important p o l i t i c a l  roles, Feil  first  i d e n t i f i e s t h e t e e as  " t h e c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n o f Enga s o c i e t y " ( 1 9 8 4 b : 2 3 7 ) , a n d t h e n d e m o n s t r a t e s women's i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h a t "Personal"  or "domestic"  decisions,  a f f e c t e d " p u b l i c " and " p o l i t i c a l " Yet t h e i n i t i a l  institution.  he a r g u e s ,  t e e exchange  directly  activities.  a s s o c i a t i o n o f women w i t h t h e p e r s o n a l  d o m e s t i c r e m a i n s , a n d , i n f a c t , he t o o s i m p l y  and  reclassifies  women's a c t i v i t i e s . W h i l e g r a n t i n g e q u a l i m p o r t a n c e t o " t h e p a r t t h a t women p l a y " ( W e i n e r 1 9 7 6 : 1 1 ) i s a e s s e n t i a l  first  s t e p , i t may r e s u l t i n l i t t l e more t h a n t h e i n c l u s i o n o f women in  a "male"  components  category of  i f t h e e s s e n t i a l "maleness"  social  organization  i s not  I n t e r e s t i n g l y , F e i l approaches a p r e l i m i n a r y  challenged.  interrogation  of t h e p r e - d e f i n i t i o n o f p o l i t i c s as "male" and t h e of t h e d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c  of the  validity  d i s t i n c t i o n i n s t a t i n g that "the p u b l i c  tee arena i s not a s e p a r a b l e s p h e r e o f a c t i v i t y i n w h i c h u n i q u e and  precipitous  prestations  and d e c i s i o n s  a r e made  ..."  (1978b:273). Feil perceived  later ability  traditional parallels  domestic/public,  t o e x a m i n e Enga  women's  t o a c t i n the t e e i n the context  opposition  other  He q u e s t i o n s  (1984a) a t t e m p t s  between k i n s h i p  traditional  and d e s c e n t ,  anthropological  personal/political,  of t h e which  dichotomies:  and i n d i v i d u a l / c l a n .  t h e e x c l u s i v e a s s o c i a t i o n of exchange w i t h t h e  p u b l i c o r p o l i t i c a l domain, and of k i n s h i p w i t h the  domestic  87 o r p e r s o n a l d o m a i n . He n o t e s t h a t " c u m u l a t i v e , i n t e r p e r s o n a l exchange  relations"  (1984a:58),  t h r o u g h women) c a r r i e d p o l i t i c a l  (i.e.,  kinship  relations  significance:  P a r t n e r s h i p s a r e b a s e d on m a t r i l a t e r a l k i n s h i p a n d a f f i n i t y . These, n o t t i e s o f d e s c e n t , form t h e " p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e " o f Tombema Enga s o c i e t y ... The d o m e s t i c domain o f i n t e r p e r s o n a l k i n s h i p s h a d e s i n t o t h e p u b l i c , j u r a l domain o f d e s c e n t ( 1 9 8 4 a : 5 8 ) . T h i s d e c o n s t r u c t i o n of c a t e g o r i e s i s c r u c i a l t o F e i l ' s argument about t h e p o l i t i c a l through  women  (1984a:66). produced  position  become  o f Enga women: "... r e l a t i o n s  fundamental  economic  relations"  Out o f t h e d o m e s t i c d o m a i n o f k i n s h i p ,  economic  relations  o f exchange  w h i c h were  women extra-  domestic, b l u r r i n g t h e boundaries of t h e "economic" such that " t h e r e i s no e a s i l y i s o l a t e d s u b s i s t e n c e - o r i e n t e d o r p u r e l y d o m e s t i c - f o c u s e d economy" ( 1 9 8 4 a : 6 7 ) .  This  transformation  of p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s i n t o economic r e l a t i o n s gave " s t r u c t u r a l significance"  t o t i e s t h r o u g h women; women became  "highly  v a l u e d members o f s o c i e t y " . T h u s , b e c a u s e women's r e l a t i o n s were k i n s h i p  ( a n d n o t d e s c e n t ) , a n d k i n s h i p was , i n a d d i t i o n ,  " s t r u c t u r a l " , women were u n e q u i v o c a l l y " s t r u c t u r a l " t h e m s e l v e s , i . e . , p a r t o f what a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  analysis calls  "society".  T h e r e f o r e , p r e c i s e l y because F e i l  self-consciously  women f r o m t h e d o m a i n o f k i n s h i p  ( t h e domestic w o r l d ) and  removes  p l a c e s them i n t h e domain o f c l a n s t r u c t u r e ( t h e p u b l i c w o r l d ) , h i s argument remains a c l a s s i c i n c l u s i o n  argument.  88 Faithorn's  and F e i l ' s  works p o i n t  t o m a s c u l i n i s t and  h i e r a r c h i c a l assumptions u n d e r l y i n g t h e d e f i n i t i o n of p o l i t i c s . However, i n c h a l l e n g i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w o f women a s n o n political,  they  suggest  only  that  women  be  included  in  " m a s c u l i n e " s o c i a l forms which themselves remain unexamined. Thus, beyond s u g g e s t i n g a r e a s much a p a r t and " f o r m a l "  of the p o l i t i c a l  stance,  decisions  p r o c e s s as a r e " l a r g e "  d e c i s i o n s , t h e y do n o t c h a l l e n g e  epistemological a  t h a t " s m a l l " and " i n f o r m a l "  a  problematic  t h a t i s , t h e i n c l u s i o n o f women i n  "male" w o r l d . I n c o n t r a s t t o F a i t h o r n ' s a n d F e i l ' s i n c l u s i o n o f women  i n p o l i t i c s , S t r a t h e r n p r e s e n t s M e l p a women a s e x c l u d e d male p o l i t i c a l  activities.  Strathern's  ethnographic  from focus  i n Women i n Between i s i n f a c t women, and t h e i r p r e s e n c e i n the  ethnography  topical  i s s u b s t a n t i a l . However, i n s p i t e o f t h i s  focus,  t h e work  i s problematic  from  a  feminist  p e r s p e c t i v e f o r two r e a s o n s : ( 1 ) S t r a t h e r n ' s frame of r e f e r e n c e relies  heavily  on p a t r i c i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  male  political  a c t i v i t y and male dominance over women; she does n o t  adequately  a c c o u n t f o r women's p e r s p e c t i v e s ;  ( 2 ) The a u t h o r w r i t e s power  and c o n t r o l o u t o f t h e a n a l y s i s by e q u a t i n g marginality  with  independence  s u f f i c i e n t l y consider minority,  women's p o l i t i c a l  and autonomy.  She does n o t  t h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f women's j u d i c i a l  f o r example, women's e x p e r i e n c e s  t h e i r f e e l i n g s of lack of c o n t r o l  over t h e i r  of domination, lives  and t h e  89 tradition  of v i o l e n c e  1972:187),  against  but focuses  rather  women on  ( s e e , f o r example,  women's  circumnavigate s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s . I w i l l  abilities  to  briefly discuss  t h e s e two p o i n t s o f c r i t i q u e . The t i t l e  o f t h e w o r k , Women i n B e t w e e n : F e m a l e R o l e s  in a Male World, e s t a b l i s h e s from the outset that a p a t r i l i n e a l model i s t h e b a s i s o f a n a l y s i s , a n d i n f a c t S t r a t h e r n  first  d i s c u s s e s m a r r i a g e a n d t h e p o s i t i o n o f m a r r i e d women v i s - a - v i s t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' c l a n s ( s e e v i i - i x ) . She a r g u e s t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e s e x u a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r was c o m p l e m e n t a r y  and c r e a t e d  "a r e c i p r o c a l d e p e n d e n c e " ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 3 2 ) , " ( a woman's) work i n r a i s i n g p i g s , a major exchange v a l u a b l e , i s t h e p o i n t a t w h i c h her economic  r o l e most c l e a r l y  f e e d s i n t o h e r s t a t u s as an  i n t e r m e d i a r y i n the exchange s y s t e m " (1972:131, my e m p h a s i s ) . M e l p a men, s h e a r g u e s , l a r g e l y c o n t r o l 1 ed exchange a c t i v i t i e s , and  i n relation  primarily  t o men's t r a n s a c t i o n s ,  as producers  intermediaries. themselves (1972:280),  Although  of t r a n s a c t a b l e she does  ... a s more t h a n p a s s i v e Strathern  adopts  women goods,  note  that  functioned i . e . , as "women s e e  l i n k s between  the  term  groups"  "participant  i n t e r m e d i a r i e s " ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 8 0 ) , c o n s i d e r s women l a r g e l y i n r e l a t i o n t o s t r u c t u r e s and a c t i v i t i e s  "pre-defined"  a s male and i s  r e l u c t a n t t o a c c e p t women's v i e w s o f t h e s e " m a l e " The most n o t e w o r t h y e x a m p l e o f S t r a t h e r n ' s  realities. failure to  a c c o u n t f o r women's p e r s p e c t i v e s i s h e r t r e a t m e n t o f women's  90 v i e w s o f the moka exchange. S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s t h a t M e l p a women's principal  s p h e r e o f a c t i o n was p r i v a t e , d o m e s t i c a n d n o n -  p o l i t i c a l , and t h a t d e s p i t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e a f f a i r s of t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' g r o u p s , t h e f o c u s o f f e m a l e i n t e r e s t was t h e h o u s e h o l d . M e l p a women, s h e s t a t e s , " a c c e p t t h e m a j o r d o m a i n of t h e i r r o l e s a s d o m e s t i c  and n o n - p o l i t i c a l "  (1972:146).  C o n s e q u e n t l y , S t r a t h e r n p l a c e s women's m o k a - r e l a t e d  actions  i n t h e d o m e s t i c s p h e r e b e c a u s e men s a i d t h i s was s o : A man n e e d s a w i f e t o a d v i s e h i m on how many s h e l l s he s h o u l d r e t u r n f o r p o r k o r l i v e p i g s , (women) s a y . B u t w h i l e a h u s b a n d may i n p r i v a t e g r a n t t h i s , from h i s p o i n t of view i n t e r n a l d e c i s i o n s a r e a d o m e s t i c m a t t e r : women h a v e no p o l i t i c a l r o l e i n t r a n s a c t i o n s (1972:140). S t r a t h e r n a p p e a r s t o a c c e p t men's p e r s p e c t i v e s on t h e d o m e s t i c and p u b l i c s p h e r e s a n d t h e i r a s s i g n a t i o n o f women's  advice-  g i v i n g r o l e s t o t h e d o m e s t i c s p h e r e a s r e a l i t y . She d o e s n o t c o n s i d e r how women p e r c e i v e d t h e i r r o l e s a s g i v e r s o f a d v i c e t h a t was c l e a r l y men  may  have  a s much " p o l i t i c a l " invoked  as "domestic".  the domestic/public  distinction  s t r a t e g i c a l l y , and f a i l i n g t o s t a t e t h i s e x p l i c i t l y women's d i f f e r e n t c o n s t r u c t i o n s  Melpa  causes  of t h e i r r o l e s t o disappear  in the analysis. M e l p a women's v e r s i o n o f moka was, i n f a c t , d i f f e r e n t f r o m men's. Women a s s e r t e d t h a t men c o u l d n o t make moka w i t h o u t them ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 0 ) , demanded r e c o g n i t i o n f o r t h e i r  productive  e f f o r t s a n d t h e i r moka c o n t r i b u t i o n s , a n d f r e q u e n t l y  tried  91 t o i n t e r f e r e i n men's t r a n s a c t i o n s  ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 6 ) . M e l p a men,  on t h e o t h e r h a n d , a t t r i b u t e d a l l t r a n s a c t i o n a l c o n t r o l t o t h e m s e l v e s a n d "... c l a i m t h e y c a n c o n d u c t t h e i r a f f a i r s o v e r ( a woman's) h e a d " Given Strathern's  these  (1972:142). obviously  description  of  different gender  claims  and  interests  views, focuses,  p r e d i c t a b l y , on f e m a l e f r u s t r a t i o n s a n d i n t e r - s e x u a l c o n f l i c t s concerning  the d i s p o s i t i o n of p i g s .  1 5  Competition  between  s p o u s e s was common, women s t r i v i n g t o i n f l u e n c e t r a n s a c t i o n s and r e t a i n p i g s . The f r u s t r a t i o n s , g r i e v a n c e s  and anger t h a t  men s a i d women k e p t i n t h e i r h e a r t s , i n S t r a t h e r n ' s  words,  " a r i s e f r o m t h e ... d e s i r e t o assume a q u a s i - t r a n s a c t i o n a l role"  (1972:144). I n f a c t , i n S t r a t h e r n ' s own d a t a t h e r e i s a m p l e e v i d e n c e  that  Melpa  women saw t h e m s e l v e s  as p l a y i n g ,  rather  than  d e s i r i n g t o p l a y , a t r a n s a c t i o n a l r o l e . F o r example, S t r a t h e r n p a s s e s r a p i d l y o v e r t h e p o i n t t h a t women " a r e most c e r t a i n l y l i k e l y t o demand t h a t t h e r e t u r n f o r t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h pigs  a r e made t o them  and n o t a n o t h e r  wife.  "their"  Women  list  e x c h a n g e s w h i c h h a v e i n v o l v e d t h e i r h e r d a s moka w h i c h t h e y h a v e made" ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 5 1 ) . T h e r e a r e two p o i n t s o f i n t e r e s t i n this  description:  first,  women  ( s u r p r i s i n g l y , i t seems)  ^ Different perceptions of ownership and c o n f l i c t over t h e d i s p o s i t i o n o f p i g s were problems t h a t a p p a r e n t l y a r o s e more f r e q u e n t l y i n M e l p a s o c i e t y t h a n i n Enga s o c i e t y . The t e e , F e i l s u g g e s t s i n s p i r e d g r e a t e r spousal c o o p e r a t i o n and l e s s c o m p e t i t i o n .  92 r e f e r r e d t o t h e i r p i g s as " t h e i r " p i g s , t h u s c l a i m i n g  ownership  o f t r a n s a c t a b l e g o o d s . S e c o n d l y , women i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r own a c t i o n s as b e i n g m o k a - r e l a t e d , t h a t i s , p o l i t i c a l .  Surely,  t h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t women a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m s e l v e s a n a c t i v e r o l e i n t h e moka. I t i s c o n c l u s i v e t h a t a l t h o u g h M e l p a women were, f o r t h e most p a r t , e f f e c t i v e l y p e r i p h e r a l i z e d from p u b l i c exchange, they d i d not see themselves a s s t r u c t u r a l l y e x c l u d e d from moka a c t i v i t y and c o n s e q u e n t l y d e s c r i b e d t h e i r i n v o l v e m e n t in i t differently. In S t r a t h e r n ' s account, which i s c l e a r l y a n d r o c e n t r i c i n t h i s r e s p e c t , M e l p a women's d i f f e r e n t v i e w s o f t h e e x c h a n g e system a r e m i n i m i z e d i n r e l a t i o n t o the male view t h a t d e r i v e s from p a t r i l i n e a l  i d e o l o g y . Consider the f o l l o w i n g  passages:  ( 1 ) Men a r e r e a d y t o r e c o g n i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f the w i f e ' s producer c o n t r i b u t i o n , but w h i l e they appreciate l i n k s through her k i n , these are only one o f many p o t e n t i a l a v e n u e s t o moka p a r t n e r s h i p . The w i f e ' s i n s i s t e n t s u p p o r t f o r h e r k i n i s s h o r t s i g h t e d , e x c h a n g e s w i t h them s e e m i n g more i m p o r t a n t to her than they a c t u a l l y a r e i n t h e wider c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f her husband's network (1972:140, my e m p h a s i s ) . S t r a t h e r n ' s use of language  g i v e s g r e a t e r c r e d i b i l i t y and  a w e i g h t e r r e a l i t y t o men's p e r s p e c t i v e s on e x c h a n g e s w i t h women's k i n t h a n t o women's p e r s p e c t i v e s . B e c a u s e S t r a t h e r n p r o v i d e s s u p p o r t i n g e v i d e n c e , we a r e c o m p e l l e d t o a c c e p t t h e a r g u m e n t t h a t men d i d n o t p l a c e t h e s e e x c h a n g e s a t t h e same level  of importance  a s women d i d . B u t t o c l a i m t h a t  e x c h a n g e s "seem" more i m p o r t a n t t o women t h a n t h e y  these  "actually  93 a r e " i s t o deny t h e r e a l i t y o f women's e x p e r i e n c e s  and p o i n t s  o f v i e w . The " w i d e r c o n f i g u r a t i o n " o f men's e x c h a n g e n e t w o r k s did  n o t c o n s t i t u t e an e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l  reality.  ( 2 ) F o r a l l t h a t women a r e i n v o l v e d i n men's e x c h a n g e s a n d may f e e l p o s s e s s i v e o v e r t h e i t e m s t r a n s a c t e d , men a r e t h e f o r m a l d o n o r s and r e c i p i e n t s (1981a: 6 7 5 ) . T h i s s t a t e m e n t i s b i a s e d i n f a v o u r of t h e formal and a s s i g n s a l e s s e r i m p o r t a n c e t o women's i n v o l v e m e n t a n d f e e l i n g s . What women "may f e e l " objectively of  "are".  the statement  credibility,  i s given  less c r e d i b i l i t y  t h a n what men  I n v e r t i n g t h e key grammatical to give  first  place,  and thus  features greater  t o women, c h a n g e s t h e r e a l i t y p r e s e n t e d .  a l t e r e d passage  The  reads:  F o r a l l t h a t men a r e t h e f o r m a l donors and r e c i p i e n t s , women a r e i n v o l v e d i n men's e x c h a n g e s and f e e l p o s s e s s i v e o v e r t h e i t e m s t r a n s a c t e d . A few s m a l l l i n g u i s t i c c h a n g e s c o l o u r t h e r e a l i t y o f e x c h a n g e such that  t h e r o l e s o f men a n d women a n d t h e m e a n i n g o f  exchange t o t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s a r e d i f f e r e n t l y p r e s e n t e d . Women are not m a r g i n a l i z e d and t h e i r f e e l i n g s are not denied. involvement i n the "formal" process one,  b u t an a c c u r a t e  legitimately  i s undoubtedly a l e s s e r  p o r t r a i t o f men's e x p e r i e n c e s  o b s c u r e women's  Their  cannot  experiences.  The c h a n g e s a r e g r a m m a t i c a l l y a n d s t y l i s t i c a l l y m i n i m a l : t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e s u b j u n c t i v e "may f e e l " a n d t h e i n d i c a t i v e s " f e e l " a n d " a r e " , a n d t h e s w i t c h t h a t p u t s "men" i n t o t h e s u b o r d i n a t e , c o n c e s s i v e c l a u s e ( " f o r a l l t h a t " ) a n d "women" i n t o t h e i n d e p e n d e n t clause.  94  I n Women i n B e t w e e n S t r a t h e r n c o n c l u d e s  t h a t M e l p a women  represented outside o r i g i n s , retained d i v i d e d clan l o y a l t i e s , were p o l i t i c a l l y  powerless persons,  " j u d i c i a l m i n o r s " , and  exercised l e s s control i n the disposal of valuables;  these  c o n c l u s i o n are not i n d i s p u t e . But these are male p e r s p e c t i v e s t h a t s i t u a t e women o n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o m a l e - d o m i n a t e d s p h e r e s of a c t i o n . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s j u s t i f i e d , S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s , b e c a u s e M e l p a women g e n e r a l l y ideology, valued  accepted  t h e dominant  male  t h e ethos o f exchange e q u a l l y and d i d n o t  f r a m e t h e i r s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t men a n d moka i n g e n e r a l  terms  ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 5 - 6 ) . Women's a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e i d e o l o g y o f e x c h a n g e i s n o t e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h a t i t does n o t e l i m i n a t e the p o s s i b i l i t y "shared"  of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t  perspectives  on s u c h a  e t h o s o r i d e o l o g y . W h i l e women u n d o u b t e d l y  valued  e x c h a n g e , a c k n o w l e d g i n g o n l y t h i s d o e s n o t a d d r e s s how t h e y may  have c o n s t r u c t e d Conflicts  over  i t differently. transactional  a p p r o p r i a t e example of t h e o m i s s i o n dominant i d e o l o g y .  These c o n f l i c t s ,  decisions  provide  an  o f women's v i e w s o f t h e Strathern argues, a r e  s u g g e s t i v e o f a congruence o f values (1972:150), but, I suggest t h a t they  also i n d i c a t e the extent  i n moka m a t t e r s ,  o f women's i n v o l v e m e n t  a p o i n t t h a t S t r a t h e r n n e g l e c t s . She c i t e s  t h e s p e c i f i c i t y of women's c o m p l a i n t s a g a i n s t men, p a r t i c u l a r l y h u s b a n d s , ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 5 ) a s e v i d e n c e t h a t women s h a r e d t h e b a s i c male values  o f t h e s o c i e t y . Women's c o m p l a i n t s ,  she notes,  95 d i d not focus  on t h e i r  " e x c l u s i o n " from p o l i t i c a l  In  because  women  addition,  programmatic,  disparaging  judges t h a t they p a i d that  denigrated  explanations see  d i d n o t as  frequently  s t a t e m e n t s about  men,  women  as a c a t e g o r y .  However, (1)  here:  make  Strathern  l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o the male  may be c o n s i d e r e d  themselves  affairs.  ideology  two  other  i f women d i d n o t  as c a t e g o r i c a l l y " e x c l u d e d " from  political  a f f a i r s , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t the general " e x c l u s i o n " o f t h e i r sex  w o u l d become a p o i n t  of i n t e r - s e x u a l contention;  women were i n f a c t o p p r e s s e d by t h e d o m i n a n t i d e o l o g y unlikely  that  they  would  frame  their  (2) i f is it  dissatisfactionsi n  g e n e r a l t e r m s ; " s h a r e d " v a l u e s may a l s o be " d o m i n a n t " v a l u e s , and women may o n l y have been a b l e t o s u b v e r t  their  "judicial  m i n o r i t y " i n p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c ways. The f a c t t h a t t h e p o s i t i v e v a l u e s o f e x c h a n g e ( r e c i p r o c i t y , p r e s t i g e e t c . ) were s h a r e d by b o t h sexes does n o t p r e c l u d e women's h a r b o u r i n g o f n e g a t i v e views of other  aspects  of p u b l i c  ideology.  S t r a t h e r n c o n c l u d e s t h a t M e l p a women were n e i t h e r m i n o r s n o r any l e s s p e r s o n s b e c a u s e Yet  the fact  of f r e e w i l l  that  t h e y were a b l e  and p r e s s  their  jural  of t h e i r  domesticity.  to exercise  some m e a s u r e  claims  t o some d e g r e e does n o t  n e g a t e the f a c t t h e y were f o r m a l l y p o w e r l e s s p e r s o n s . It w o u l d seem t h a t exercised  the degree of personal from  a  position  of  freedom t h a t Melpa political  minority  women would  n e c e s s a r i l y be t e n u o u s and u n r e l i a b l e b e c a u s e i t was e n t i r e l y  96  dependent on s p e c i f i c c o n t e x t u a l f a c t o r s . D o m e s t i c p e r s o n h o o d , for a l l that i t provided, t h e same p o l i t i c a l  d i d n o t p r o v i d e M e l p a women w i t h  r i g h t s a s men.  Conclusion The w o r k s o f S t r a t h e r n , F a i t h o r n a n d F e i l i n t h e c l e a r l y served  a c o r r e c t i v e purpose w i t h respect  antagonism. These a u t h o r s '  and p o l i t i c a l  intricacies  and domestic  (Faithorn, Feil)  of gender  c h a r a c t e r i z e d as s i m p l y  t o sexual  c o n c e p t s o f "women a s p e r s o n s "  e m p h a s i z e d women's p r o d u c t i v e public  1970's  (Strathern) or  c a p a c i t i e s and t h e  relations i n societies  previously  " s e x u a l l y a n t a g o n i s t i c " o r "male-  d o m i n a t e d " . The p e r c e p t i o n o f women a s c r u c i a l i n d a y - t o - d a y social  a f f a i r s and t h e r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r  participation  active  social  was a welcome new p e r s p e c t i v e . Women w e r e no  l o n g e r downtrodden drudges and p o l l u t i n g p a r i a h s , but persons with social  goals.  Strathern's, Faithorn's  a n d F e i l ' s v e r s i o n s o f "women  as p e r s o n s " a l l r e l y on a t r a d i t i o n a l a s s u m p t i o n o f t h e  social  s c i e n c e s , t h e d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n o f s o c i a l l i f e i n t o two d i s t i n c t s p h e r e s , a d o m e s t i c o r p r i v a t e w o r l d o f women and a more h i g h l y v a l u e d , p u b l i c o r p o l i t i c a l w o r l d of men. These a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s adopt  the domestic/public  dichotomy  to disprove  women's  p o l i t i c a l i n v o l v e m e n t , i n S t r a t h e r n ' s c a s e , and t o s u b s t a n t i a t e it,  i n Faithorn's  and F e i l ' s .  97 S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s t h a t M e l p a women s i m u l t a n e o u s l y d i d not  participate  i n political  c o n s i d e r a b l e degree of personal noted  i n this  chapter,  affairs  and  exercised  a  "autonomy". T h u s , a s I h a v e  she concludes  that  M e l p a women's  p o l i t i c a l m i n o r i t y d i d n o t i n a n y way d i m i n i s h t h e i r  jural  and d o m e s t i c p e r s o n h o o d . F a i t h o r n a n d F e i l , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , a r g u e t h a t e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e p r o v e s t h a t K a f e a n d Enga women a c t e d p o l i t i c a l l y i n "mal e" d o m a i n s . T h u s , F e i l , f o r e x a m p l e , d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t Enga women d i d i n f a c t p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e tee  exchange. These two d i s t i n c t v e r s i o n s o f "women a s p e r s o n s " r e f l e c t  the beginnings  o f two f u n d a m e n t a l p r o c e s s e s o f r e d e f i n i t i o n :  (1) S t r a t h e r n ' s and  persons  n o t i o n t h a t M e l p a women w e r e j u r a l  within  the domestic  domain  persons  prefigures  later  a r g u m e n t s ( S t r a t h e r n 1 9 8 4 a , E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z 1987)  that  analyses  take  of gender  relations  and d o m i n a t i o n  must  17  indigenous  o r emic d e f i n i t i o n s o f personhood i n t o account ;  (2) F a i t h o r n ' s  and F e i l ' s  arguments t h a t  women d i d  p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l and p a t r i c i a n a c t i v i t i e s a more p r o f o u n d q u e s t i o n i n g  indeed  prefigure  o f "power", " p o l i t i c s "  and t h e  d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n of the d o m e s t i c ( o r p e r s o n a l ) and the p u b l i c 17  The a r g u m e n t t h a t M e l p a women w e r e p e r s o n s a c t i n g o n l y i n the d o m e s t i c domain s u g g e s t s an i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n t h a t o t h e r Highlands s c h o l a r s d i d not apply a t t h e time: i t i s p o s s i b l e t o conceive of personhood o u t s i d e t h e terms of Western i n d i v i d u a l i s m and t h e p r o p r i e t a r y a s s u m p t i o n s o f " c o m m o d i t y l o g i c " ( s e e B a r n e t t and S i l v e r m a n 1979, G r e g o r y 1982, S t r a t h e r n 1984b, 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 8 8 ) .  98 ( o r c o l l e c t i v e ) ( s e e W e i n e r 1976, F e i l  1984, Lederman  1986,  1989). The r e d e f i n i t i o n o f "power" and " p e r s o n " t o a c c o u n t f o r i n d i g e n o u s or emic v i e w s of gender r e l a t i o n s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s a l i e n t i n t h e w o r k s o f W e i n e r , and E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z , which I d i s c u s s  i n C h a p t e r 3. T h e s e a u t h o r s f i r s t  the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  interplay  examine  of W e s t e r n a s s u m p t i o n s  and  i n d i g e n o u s n o t i o n s o f t h e n a t u r e o f p e r s o n h o o d and t h e n a t u r e of power, and s e c o n d l y , t h e i n t e r - s e x u a l c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y t h a t a p p e a r s t o e x i s t when g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s a r e c o n s i d e r e d i n t h e light  of t h e s e emic In a d d i t i o n ,  constructions.  these studies divest the domestic/public  d i c h o t o m y , as a h i e r a r c h i c a l  framework,  of i t s a n a l y t i c a l  s a l i e n c e . W e i n e r ' s r e - d e f i n i t i o n o f power i n t h e c o n t e x t o f Trobriand society suggests that the s i g n i f i c a n t  complementary  s o c i a l d o m a i n s w e r e t h e s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l ( m a l e ) and t h e s o c i o c o s m i c ( f e m a l e ) . E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ' s a n a l y s i s o f g e n d e r i n t e r e s t s , b a s e d on a r e - d e f i n i t i o n  of p e r s o n ,  explicitly  s u g g e s t s t h a t i n C h a m b r i s o c i e t y , t h e p u b l i c w o r l d and t h e domestic world d i d not c o - e x i s t i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l  relation,  b u t p r o v i d e d e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r m a l e and f e m a l e p e r s o n s , and w e r e t h e r e f o r e c o m p l e m e n t a r y . W h i l e "women a s p e r s o n s " relies  on t h e d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c  hierarchy  f o r i t s terms  of  r e f e r e n c e , t h e c o n c e p t of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y t r a n s p o r t s t h e s t u d y of gender r e l a t i o n s beyond  hierarchy.  99  CHAPTER 3 GENDERED DOMAINS AND SEXUAL COMPLEMENTARITY  Introduction Those a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s concerned w i t h d e m o n s t r a t i n g women's personhood  draw v e r y d i f f e r e n t  c o n c l u s i o n s from t h e i r  case  s t u d i e s . S t r a t h e r n emphasizes M e l p a women's a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y d o m e s t i c r o l e , w h i l e F a i t h o r n and F e i l , emphasize Enga women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n " m a l e " p o l i t i c a l  Kafe and  activities.  Thus, a s we have s e e n , S t r a t h e r n d e m o n s t r a t e s women's e x c l u s i o n from  t h e "male"  political  world,  and F a i t h o r n  and  Feil  d e m o n s t r a t e women's i n c l u s i o n i n t h a t w o r l d . I n b o t h c a s e s , a d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c d i s t i n c t i o n i s used, i n the f i r s t t o d i s p r o v e , and i n t h e second, involvement distinction  i n political  instance,  t o demonstrate,  activity.  women's  The d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c  raises the further p o s s i b i l i t y  that these are  g e n d e r e d domains w i t h i n w h i c h women and men r e s p e c t i v e l y e n j o y autonomy. H o w e v e r , t h e s e a u t h o r s do n o t e x p l i c i t l y the n o t i o n of s e x u a l l y d i s t i n c t is,  gendered  relationship.  domains,  spheres  existing  in  invoke  of a c t i v i t y , a  that  complementary  18  S t r a t h e r n ' s n o t i o n s o f M e l p a women's " a u t o n o m y " a n d " j u r a l p e r s o n h o o d " may i n d e e d i m p l y a k i n d o f c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , i n t h a t women's a b i l i t y t o a c t i n t h e d o m e s t i c domain p a r a l l e l e d o r c o r r e s p o n d e d t o men's a b i l i t y t o a c t i n t h e p o l i t i c a l o r p u b l i c d o m a i n . M o r e o v e r , F a i t h o r n a n d F e i l a l s o s t r e s s t h e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y o f men's a n d women's a c t i v i t i e s , w i t h o u t , however, i d e n t i f y i n g s e p a r a t e spheres o r d i s t i n c t 18  100 In  contrast,  Weiner,  i n h e r landmark  work  on t h e  T r o b r i a n d s ( 1 9 7 6 ) , and E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz i n t h e i r r e c e n t s t u d y of Chambri s o c i e t y (1987), a p p l y t h e n o t i o n t h a t t h e sexes  exercised  functioned  different,  as persons  but complementary,  i n distinct,  powers and  b u t e q u a l , domains of  a c t i v i t y . These s t u d i e s t h u s p r e s e n t gender r e l a t i o n s i n t e r m s 19  of e q u a l i t y and complementary The  Trobriand Islands  cultural  domains.  and Chambri a r e b o t h  Lowlands  s o c i e t i e s , a n d t h e y d i f f e r i n a number o f r e s p e c t s f r o m t h e Highlands  societies  described i n earlier  chapters.  The  T r o b r i a n d s a r e a group of c o r a l a t o l l s i n the Massim S t r a i t , between t h e i s l a n d Traditionally,  o f New G u i n e a  Trobriand society  and t h e Solomon differed  from  Islands. Highlands  s o c i e t i e s i n i t s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , which i n c l u d e d h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s and r a n k e d c l a n s . However, T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y d i d not resemble a P o l y n e s i a n - s t y l e c h i e f d o m , and a t t h e t i m e powers. Por a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e concept of complementarity, see M c D o w e l l ' s e s s a y on Bun s o c i e t y ( 1 9 8 4 ) . M c D o w e l l n o t e s t h a t " t h e frequency w i t h which the concept i s invoked suggests . . . that i t e n c o m p a s s e s many o f t h e i s s u e s we c o n f r o n t i n t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d y o f women" ( 1 9 8 4 : 3 2 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , s h e i d e n t i f i e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e between W e i n e r ' s c o n c e p t of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d t h e common a s s u m p t i o n t h a t " t h i n g s t h a t a r e d i f f e r e n t must i n some s e n s e be u n e q u a l " . F o r g e ( 1 9 7 2 ) , f o r example, l i n k s c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d h i e r a r c h y . The d e f i n i t i o n of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y t h a t McDowell p r o p o s e s i s t h e same n o t i o n t h a t Weiner and E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz i n v o k e . McDowell s t a t e s t h a t " i f ... t h i n g s a r e c o m p l e m e n t a r y " , n o t o n l y a r e t h e y " r e l a t e d o r somehow c o n n e c t e d " a n d " d i f f e r e n t i n c h a r a c t e r o r c o n t e n t " , b u t " t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s a r e r e c i p r o c a l , as each complements o r completes t h e o t h e r i n some e s s e n t i a l way t o f o r m a w h o l e " (1984:32-33). 1 9  101 of W e i n e r ' s f i e l d w o r k i t h a d r e t a i n e d the d y n a m i c s o f a big-man s o c i e t y ( 1 9 7 6 : 4 5 ) . The f u n d a m e n t a l s o c i a l d y n a m i c o f exchange and  t h e e t h o s o f r e c i p r o c i t y bound T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y , much  i n t h e same way t h a t  these values served t o bind  Highlands  s o c i e t i e s . H o w e v e r , T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y was m a t r i l i n e a l , a n d the  ideological  importance  o f women i n m a i n t a i n i n g  clan  c o n t i n u i t y was w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l i n H i g h l a n d s s o c i e t i e s . Y e t another  major  difference  between  H i g h l a n d s was t h e a b s e n c e ,  the Trobriands  i n the former,  and t h e  of secret  male  s o c i e t i e s ( e . g . , t h e nama c u l t ) , o f i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s a n d o f e l a b o r a t e p o l l u t i o n b e l i e f s and t a b o o s . M a t r i l i n e a l i t y , women's p r o d u c t i v i t y and r e p r o d u c t i v i t y , and t h e s t a t u s of women a r e c e n t r a l  t o Weiner's a n a l y s i s  domains i n T r o b r i a n d  or  "value"  of complementary  society.  The Chambri l i v e on Chambri I s l a n d a n d i n t h e a r e a a r o u n d Chambri Lake, i n t h e S e p i k R i v e r b a s i n . L i k e t h e T r o b r i a n d s , C h a m b r i s o c i e t y was " t y p i c a l l y " M e l a n e s i a n i n t h a t  exchange  and  Although  r e c i p r o c i t y were p r e - d o m i n a n t  s o c i a l values.  t h e s o c i e t y was n o m i n a l l y p a t r i l i n e a l a n d p a t r i e l an m e m b e r s h i p of g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e t o s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , a f f i n a l and  male i n d e b t e d n e s s  to affines  relations  (who p r o v i d e d w i v e s a n d  m o t h e r s ) c o n s t i t u t e d a n e q u a l l y p o w e r f u l s o c i a l d y n a m i c . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between Chambri men's o n t o l o g i c a l debt and women's " n a t u r a l " a b i l i t y t o produce c h i l d r e n i s c e n t r a l t o E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ' s a n a l y s i s o f c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i n Chambri s o c i e t y .  102 The e t h n o g r a p h i c d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e T r o b r i a n d s a n d C h a m b r i s o c i e t y , on one h a n d , a n d t h e H i g h l a n d s , on t h e o t h e r , are  not i n s i g n i f i c a n t ,  and t h e degree  invoke complementarity  t o which t h e authors  i n e x p l a i n i n g t h e p o s i t i o n o f women  i s due b o t h t o e t h n o g r a p h i c r e a l i t y and t o t h e i r  theoretical  agendas. I n s h o r t , i t a p p e a r s t h a t T r o b r i a n d and C h a m b r i women had t h e i r own d o m a i n s o f " p o w e r " , a n d a more " e q u a l " s t a t u s t h a n H i g h l a n d women, a n d t h a t f e m i n i s t a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  interest  i n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s d e r i v e s f r o m t h i s f a c t . The a p p a r e n t absence in these s o c i e t i e s of s e x u a l p o l a r i t y , antagonism, c o m p e t i t i o n and d o m i n a t i o n p r e s e n t s a f e r t i l e f i e l d f o r r e - d e f i n i n g "power" i n other than p o l i t i c a l than those of Western  terms, and " p e r s o n " i n terms  other  individualism.  B o t h W e i n e r a n d E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z s u g g e s t t h a t t h e s e r e - d e f i n e d t e r m s may be a p p l i e d f u r t h e r a f i e l d i n M e l a n e s i a . If comparisons  o f M e l a n e s i a n s o c i e t i e s , Weiner a r g u e s , were  " b a s e d on t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e s o c i o - c o s m i c d i s t r i b u t i o n s of  power a n d c o n t r o l "  variety  (1976:15),  of m a t r i l i n e a l  we w o u l d  and p a t r i l i n e a l  find  that  societies,  ina women  p o s s e s s e d a f o r m o f c o s m i c power a n d e x e r c i s e d a s i g n i f i c a n t measure  of c o n t r o l  Similarly,  Errington  over  t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n of a n c e s t o r s .  and Gewertz  emphasize  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f women's power t o p r o d u c e  the cultural  c h i l d r e n and t h e  importance of m a t r i l a t e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of  Chambri  identities.  More  i m p o r t a n t l y , they  use  their  103 c u l t u r a l 1 y - c o n t e x t e d r e a s s e s s m e n t s o f " p e r s o n " and " d o m i n a t i o n " to argue t h a t " i t i s n o t i n e v i t a b l e t h a t male s t r a t e g i e s f o r a c h i e v i n g w o r t h r e s u l t i n t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f women" ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 4 0 ) . This c l e a r l y of  raises the p o s s i b i l i t y that  other Melanesian s o c i e t i e s  erroneously  based  characterizations  as "male-dominated"  on u n e x a m i n e d  concepts  may be  of " p e r s o n " and  "domination".  T r o b r i a n d Women's S o c i o - c o s m i c Power Women o f V a l u e ;  Men o f Renown:  New P e r s p e c t i v e s i n  T r o b r i a n d Exchange (1976) i s a r e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y from a f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e . As t h e t i t l e suggests, Weiner d i r e c t s and  her attention  t o the complementarity  powers.  Gender  relations  of female  clearly  t o T r o b r i a n d women  and male domains and  i n Trobriand  society  were  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a c l e a r d i v i s i o n o f powers, n o n - c o m p e t i t i o n and a b a l a n c e d c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y . T r o b r i a n d women's e x c l u s i v e ownership of c e r t a i n w e a l t h items and t h e i r pre-eminence i n t h e i d e o l o g y of s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i o n d e f i n e d two a r e a s of f e m a l e power d i s t i n c t f r o m m a l e power. Women's autonomy a s p e r s o n s , The c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n W e i n e r ' s t i t l e , Women o f V a l u e ; Men o f Renown: New P e r s p e c t i v e s i n T r o b r i a n d E x c h a n g e , a n d S t r a t h e r n ' s t i t l e Women i n B e t w e e n : F e m a l e R o l e s i n a M a l e W o r l d ( 1 9 7 2 ) i s i n s t r u c t i v e . Weiner's title focuses our a t t e n t i o n on women f i r s t a n d on c o m p l e m e n t a r y d o m a i n s a n d p o w e r s ; w h e r e women h a v e v a l u e , men g a i n r e n o w n . S t r a t h e r n ' s t i t l e , h o w e v e r , f o c u s e s a t t e n t i o n on women's p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n p a t r i c i a n s and t h e d e g r e e s t o w h i c h women a r e i n c l u d e d i n and e x c l u d e d from a p r e d o m i n a n t l y male s o c i e t y .  104 Weiner argues, d e r i v e d from t h e e x c l u s i v i t y of these areas of f e m a l e  control.  A l t h o u g h , i n t h e work a s a w h o l e , W e i n e r b r i n g s  female  and m a l e a c t i v i t i e s a n d p o w e r s i n t o e q u a l a n a l y t i c a l  focus,  s h e b e g i n s by e x a m i n i n g t h e s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f women's a c t i v i t i e s and powers:  t h e i r c o n t r o l of w e a l t h i t e m s and of  m a t r i l i n e a l c o n t i n u i t y . In s h o r t , rather than beginning w i t h a system  of exchange  attempting  pre-defined  as male and  t o d e t e r m i n e i f a n d w h e r e women f i t i n t o  system, Weiner activities  or p o l i t i c s  chooses  as h e r p o i n t  and t h e meanings  that  o f d e p a r t u r e women's  of those  activities  i n the  T r o b r i a n d i d e o l o g y of s o c i a l c o n t i n u i t y . B e g i n n i n g t h e a n a l y s i s o f T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y w i t h women i s a c o r r e c t i v e m e a s u r e t h a t u n d e r m i n e s two t r a d i t i o n a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a s s u m p t i o n s : ( 1 ) Exchange, p o l i t i c s a n d p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s a r e i n h e r e n t l y m a l e . A l t h o u g h a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have i d e n t i f i e d women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n or degree  of i n c l u s i o n  i n male a c t i v i t i e s ,  they have n o t  q u e s t i o n e d the " i n h e r e n t " maleness of those a c t i v i t i e s . (2) P o l i t i c a l power, i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p u b l i c sense o f t h e t e r m , is  the only  culturally  anthropologists  have  r e c o g n i z e d form tended  to  o f power.  assess  the  Thus,  relative  " p o w e r l e s s n e s s " o f women i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h e u n e x a m i n e d c o n f l a t i o n o f power a n d p o l i t i c a l  or public  action.  H i s t o r i c a l l y , e a r l y androcentric ethnographers of t h e Trobriands  directed  their  attention  primarily  t o men's  105 activities,  neglecting  social  features  that Weiner,  as a  f e m i n i s t , deems e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t : women's a c t i v i t i e s , t h e i d e o l o g i c a l i m p o r t a n c e o f women a n d t h e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y o f male  and  female  domains.  These  early  ethnographers,  p a r t i c u l a r l y M a l i n o w s k i (1929) and P o w e l l ( 1 9 5 6 ) , f a i l e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e two i m p o r t a n t f a c t s a b o u t T r o b r i a n d women: ( 1 ) Women p l a y e d s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s i n e x c h a n g e a n d h a d p a r t i c u l a r structural  importance  i n mortuary  ceremonies;  ( 2 ) Women  possessed s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i v e powers, c u l t u r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d as  the "value"  o f women.  These  facts,  Weiner  argues,  d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t T r o b r i a n d women w e r e p e r s o n s who e x e r c i s e d b o t h s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a n d c o s m i c o r t r a n s c e n d e n t a l power. W e i n e r t h u s c o n t e n d s t h a t power a n d c o n t r o l o p e r a t e " n o t merely  within  the ^politics'  "extend(ing)  beyond  articulation  with  the social cosmic  of s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s " but  t o concepts  concerning  and t r a n s c e n d e n t a l  ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 2 ) . The c o s m i c t h e r e f o r e e q u a l l e d  phenomena"  thep o l i t i c a l i n  i m p o r t a n c e , and where e a r l y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s  had f a i l e d t o  do s o , T r o b r i a n d e r s t h e m s e l v e s gave f u l l r e c o g n i t i o n t o women's socio-cosmic  power. T h i s b r o a d e n i n g  of t h e d e f i n i t i o n of  "power" i s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l k e y t o W e i n e r ' s a r g u m e n t , a n d i t r e p r e s e n t s an a n a l y t i c a l  innovation.  She c l e a r l y d o e s n o t  p r i v i l e g e p o l i t i c a l power a s p r e v i o u s e t h n o g r a p h e r s h a v e done; n e i t h e r d o e s s h e a r g u e t h a t women w e r e a c t i v e i n a male p o l i t i c a l  participants  process, but rather demonstrates  that  106 Trobriand  women  political"  ways  were  (1976:228) .  existing i n a variety becomes  powerful  we  redefine  power  as  power  self-evident.  women's p o l i t i c a l  involvement  o f power p r e c l u d e s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y  "equality",  (1976:13).  autonomy a n d e q u a l i t y but  When  and "non-  o f f o r m s , women's n o n - p o l i t i c a l  This r e - d e f i n i t i o n of  21  i n distinctive  o r even t h e i r  The a r g u m e n t  further  political  implies  were l i n k e d n o t t o p o l i t i c a l  that  activity,  t o s e x u a l l y s p e c i f i c forms of c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , which  i n c l u d e d t h e g r o w i n g o f yams a n d t h e m a k i n g o f b a n a n a skirts  and b u n d l e s ,  symbolized processes  social  objects  identities  o f exchange  which  and gendered  of exchange, Weiner argues,  were  i n turn  powers. based  leaf  These n o t on  r e c i p r o c i t y a l o n e , b u t on s e l f - i n t e r e s t a n d c o n t r o l ; e x c h a n g e i s " a p r o c e s s t h a t h o l d s a s y s t e m o f power r e l a t i o n s h i p s  in  55  b a l a n c e " ( 1 9 7 6 : 2 2 7 ) . " I n c l u d e d i n t h e s e power are  those  that  existed  b e t w e e n men  relationships  a n d women. T h u s , t h e  W e i n e r q u e s t i o n s t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f power a n d i t s c o n f l a t i o n w i t h p o l i t i c s ; she does n o t , i n f a c t , q u e s t i o n t h e d e f i n i t i o n of p o l i t i c s . Thus, s h e a r g u e s t h a t women's p o s s e s s i o n o f w e a l t h and t h e i r c o n t r o l of p r o p e r t y d i d not c o n s t i t u t e p o l i t i c a l powers, but r a t h e r t h a t t h e s e p o w e r s w e r e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c . The d i s t i n c t i o n i s p e r h a p s m e a n i n g l e s s . From F e i l o r F a i t h o r n ' s p e r s p e c t i v e , T r o b r i a n d women p r o b a b l y d i d h a v e some p o l i t i c a l power. H o w e v e r , t h i s d o e s n o t , i n f a c t , a f f e c t W e i n e r ' s a r g u m e n t t h a t women's p r i n c i p a l power was t r a n s c e n d e n t a l a n d a h i s t o r i c a l , w h i l e men's p r i n c i p a l power was p o l i t i c a l and g e n e r a t i o n a l . 21  W e i n e r ' s p e r s p e c t i v e on exchange d i f f e r s f r o m c l a s s i c a n a l y s e s of e x c h a n g e b a s e d on a l t r u i s m , r e c i p r o c i t y and n o n - e x p l o i t a t i o n ( e . g . , M a l i n o w s k i , Mauss, L e v i - S t r a u s s , Sahlins). 1  107 a n a l y s i s i s u l t i m a t e l y b a s e d on a c o n c e p t of s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s , " t h e d i v i s i o n o f s o c i e t y i n t o two s e p a r a t e b u t a r t i c u l a t i n g f e m a l e a n d m a l e d o m a i n s " ; " w i t h i n t h e i r own d o m a i n s , men a n d women c o n t r o l d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f r e s o u r c e s a n d h e n c e a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s a n d k i n d s o f power o v e r o t h e r s " However,  Trobriand  men  a n d women  were  (1976:18).  not completely  i n d e p e n d e n t o f each o t h e r ; t h e y were n o t " f r e e a g e n t s " , and w h i l e women's a n d men's l i v e s w e r e e q u a l l y a f f e c t e d by t h e powers o f t h e o t h e r s e x , Weiner emphasizes t h e degree t o w h i c h men's l i v e s w e r e a f f e c t e d by women's p o w e r s : No woman o r man becomes a s t r o n g p e r s o n ( e . g . , powerful, b e a u t i f u l , wealthy) without investments made i n h i m o r h e r by o t h e r s . A t i s s u e i s t h e way men must work ... a r o u n d ... t h e l i m i t a t i o n s s e t up by women's c o n t r o l i n c e r t a i n c o n t e x t s ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 4 ) . T h i s i s a r e v e r s a l o f more t r a d i t i o n a l a n d r o c e n t r i c a n d e a r l y f e m i n i s t approaches i n which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s attempted t o c o r r e l a t e female s t a t u s w i t h degrees of male c o n t r o l resources  (Weiner  1976:15).  Weiner,  however,  over  begins her  a n a l y s i s w i t h female c o n t r o l of r e s o u r c e s , a r g u i n g not that a l l f e m a l e o b j e c t s were w e a l t h i t e m s , b u t r a t h e r t h a t " g i v e n t h a t women c o n t r o l some k i n d s o f c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s d e f i n e d a s t h e i r own, i t f o l l o w s t h a t t h e y m a i n t a i n some d e g r e e o f power t h a t d i f f e r s  from male power"  (1976:14).  T r o b r i a n d women had power p r e c i s e l y because t h e y p r o d u c e d , acquired  and t r a n s f e r r e d  objects  of s o c i a l  i m p o r t a n c e : t h e y p o s s e s s e d t h e i r own e x c h a n g e  and  cultural  w e a l t h . More  108 importantly, their  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of those wealth items a t  m o r t u a r y c e r e m o n i e s was s i g n i f i c a n t b o t h i n a s o c i o - e c o n o m i c sense, and i n a t r a n s c e n d e n t a l sense,  with respect to the  r e g e n e r a t i o n o f m a t r i l i n e a l a n c e s t o r s . O n l y T r o b r i a n d women p o s s e s s e d t h e power t o r e g e n e r a t e s o c i e t y t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s generational  control  of c l a n  p r o p e r t y and t h e c o n t i n u a l 23  t r a n s m i s s i o n o f m a t r i c l a n ( s u b c l a n or d a l a ) s u b s t a n c e .  Wealth  e x c h a n g e was t h e m a t e r i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e i d e o l o g y o f m a t r i l i n e a l c o n t i n u i t y . T h u s , women's power d e r i v e d n o t o n l y f r o m t h e c o n c e p t o f women's r e g e n e r a t i v e " v a l u e " , b u t f r o m the m a t e r i a l r e a l i t y of t h e i r s o c i a l a f f a i r s : B u t women, b e s i d e s s e r v i n g m e r e l y a s c o n d u i t s o f m a t r i l i n e a l i d e n t i t y , a r e a c t i v e l y engaged i n v a r i o u s c e r e m o n i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h f u n c t i o n t o m a i n t a i n t h a t i d e n t i t y (1976:16). The most s i g n i f i c a n t o f t h e s e c e r e m o n i a l a n d e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t i e s was t h e m o r t u a r y  ceremony, which  traditionally  i n c l u d e d a s e r i e s o f w e a l t h d i s t r i b u t i o n s o r g a n i z e d by t h e k i n o f t h e d e c e a s e d . D u r i n g t h e s e c e r e m o n i e s women d i s t r i b u t e d l a r g e numbers o f u n i q u e l y f e m a l e w e a l t h i t e m s : b a n a n a  leaf  s k i r t s a n d l e a f b u n d l e s . The d i s t r i b u t i o n s o f women's w e a l t h  I f Weiner had begun h e r a n a l y s i s , as S t r a t h e r n (1972) does, w i t h m a l e p o l i t i c a l a n d p r e s t i g e - s e e k i n g a c t i v i t i e s , ( e . g . , yam p r o d u c t i o n a n d e x c h a n g e , t h e k u l a a n d men's e x c h a n g e o f o t h e r v a l u a b l e s ) , men t h e m s e l v e s w o u l d l i k e l y h a v e a p p e a r e d d o m i n a n t by v i r t u e of being c o n s t i t u t e d the f i r s t object of a n a l y s i s . I n beginning a s o c i a l a n a l y s i s w i t h women, t h e u n c o n s c i o u s o m i s s i o n o f men i s f a r l e s s l i k e l y t h a n t h e u n c o n s c i o u s o m i s s i o n o f women t h a t r e s u l t s f r o m t h e u n e x a m i n e d e q u a t i o n o f " s o c i e t y " w i t h "men".  109 g e n e r a l l y consumed many h o u r s , c i r c u l a t e d thousands o f b u n d l e s and d o z e n s A  of s k i r t s ,  major  purpose  and i n v o l v e d  hundreds  of t h e mortuary  of  exchanges.  ceremony  was t h e  n e g o t i a t i o n o f d e a t h t h r o u g h e x c h a n g e , and o n l y women were a b l e t o re-work t h e f a b r i c  of s o c i a l  by d e a t h . F o r T r o b r i a n d e r s , d e a t h in  that  social  relations  continuity  was s o c i a l l y  established  rent  apart  disruptive  through t h e deceased  were i n immediate d a n g e r o f d i s i n t e g r a t i n g . M u l t i p l e exchanges l i b e r a t e d t h e d e c e a s e d f r o m a l l w o r l d l y o b l i g a t i o n s (197 6 : 8485) a n d c l o s e d t h e s o c i a l r i f t o c c a s i o n e d by h i s o r h e r d e a t h . These c i r c u l a r exchanges kept s o c i a l  d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n check,  while simultaneously maintaining necessary s o c i a l  oppositions.  Thus, t h e m o r t u a r y ceremony d r a m a t i z e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , e a s e d t h e i r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and compensated Women t o o k  for their  centre stage during these r i t u a l  disruption.  distributions  of w e a l t h , d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h e i r own economic r o l e , and a f f i r m i n g the s y m b o l i c meanings o f the s k i r t s a n d b u n d l e s : d a l a ( s u b c l a n ) continuity The occasion  and t h e v a l u e o f women's r e g e n e r a t i v e power.  mortuary  ceremony t h u s  presented the appropriate  f o r T r o b r i a n d women t o r e c l a i m  dala  land  i f  the  d e c e a s e d was a member o f a n o t h e r d a l a and had s i m p l y e x e r c i s e d g e n e r a t i o n a l u s u f r u c t u a r y r i g h t s over that  l a n d . Land,  like  a n c e s t r a l e s s e n c e , was t h u s r e c y c l e d t h r o u g h women, and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e r s o n s a s s u b c l a n members , on one hand, and  land  and o t h e r s o r t s  of d a l a  p r o p e r t y , on t h e o t h e r ,  110 provides  e v i d e n c e o f women's c o n t r o l o v e r t h e dynamic movement  of  property.  clan  According was  to  the m a t r i l i n e a l i d e o l o g y ,  born i n t o h i s or her  adult  life,  he  or  she  a  Trobriander  m o t h e r ' s d a l a . A t some t i m e  likely  lived  on  and  during  made use  o r h e r f a t h e r ' s d a l a l a n d . B e c a u s e men's yam  of  exchange gardens  b e l o n g e d t o t h e r e c i p i e n t of t h e yams, a b o y ' s f i r s t yam b e l o n g e d t o t h e man necessarily, invested the  his  father.  i n future  r i g h t t o use  w i t h whom he  his  land,  but  was  the  of  l a n d by  such t h a t the Men  land.  The  of  their  clearly  persons belonging  not  r e a l i t y of l a n d t e n u r e was  throughout  However,  land  generational t h a t was  the  or  basis  "historical  other was  property  time"  their  of  lent  one  out  never permanently  own  land,  subclans  extremely  a  dala.  i t s own  to other  he  i.e.,  r e s u l t was  father's  owned  not  father  property,  c o n t r o l l e d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of d a l a p r o p e r t y ,  land,  to  father's  his  l a n d t h a t was  property dala  yams t o  dala  worked  Thus, a l t h o u g h each t h e use  giving  father's  garden  r e s i d e d , p o s s i b l y , but  r i g h t s to h i s  s y s t e m i n w h i c h most men dala  By  his  was  complex. including  generation. by  lost  men to the  on  a  dala  i t s o r i g i n a l owner b e c a u s e women p o s s e s s e d t h e power  reclaim  represented the u l t i m a t e  such  property.  This  process  of  reclamation  an a h i s t o r i c a l o r t i m e l e s s c o n t i n u i t y , s u c h t h a t o w n e r s h i p of d a l a p r o p e r t y  temporary, g e n e r a t i o n a l  d i s p e r s a l . The  was  not  affected  women of  that  by  dala  Ill retained  ultimate  complementarity  control  between  of the  the  land.  sexes  In  this  way,  in  their  existed  r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o l a n d and o t h e r d a l a p r o p e r t y : w h i l e men l e n t out  l a n d f o r immediate,  maintained it  generational power-building,  t h e c o n t i n u i t y o f t h e l a n d by c o n t i n u a l l y c a l l i n g  back as t i m e l e s s d a l a The  women  recycling  property.  o r dynamic  movement  i n c l u d e d the t r a n s m i s s i o n of m a t r i l i n e a l the second and e q u a l l y important power was t h e i r r e g e n e r a t i o n  of c l a n  property  substance.  Thus,  a s p e c t o f T r o b r i a n d women's  of ancestors.  The t r a d i t i o n a l  c o n c e p t i o n i d e o l o g y a t t r i b u t e d t o women t h e power t o c o n c e i v e independently substance  o f men. O n l y pass  on  through to  women d i d m a t r i l i n e a l  future  generations:  . . . m a t r i l i n e a l i t y i s e x p e r i e n c e d p r i m a r i l y as t h e c u l t u r a l f a c t t h a t women impart a s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , t h a t i s , a n c e s t r a l e s s e n c e , t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n (1976:16). In c o n t r a s t t o women, whose power was b o t h  s o c i a l and  cosmic, T r o b r i a n d men e x e r c i s e d power on a p u r e l y s o c i a l controlling historical of s o c i a l  t i m e and m a i n t a i n i n g  plane,  thecontinuity  r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n and between g e n e r a t i o n s . As  i n d i v i d u a l s e e k e r s o f renown, men s t r o v e t o a c h i e v e through temporary  control  over  valuable  immortality  o b j e c t s and l a n d .  The i d e o l o g i c a l b a l a n c e o f f e m a l e and m a l e had  practical  r a m i f i c a t i o n s , and c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d T r o b r i a n d marriage.  Because  a woman  likely  married  a member o f h e r  112 f a t h e r ' s d a l a , m a r r i a g e r e i n f o r c e d h e r p o s i t i o n i n t h a t d a l a. Yet, marriage  equally solidified  a woman's p o s i t i o n i n h e r  own d a l a by t r i g g e r i n g a s e r i e s o f e x c h a n g e s b e t w e e n h e r k i n and h e r h u s b a n d ' s k i n . T h u s , a t m a r r i a g e , a woman's f a t h e r made a yam g a r d e n  f o r h e r a n d g a v e yams t o h e r h u s b a n d i n  h e r name, c r e a t i n g an o b l i g a t i o n on t h e p a r t o f t h e h u s b a n d to help h i s w i f e t o accumulate then r e l i e d  women's w e a l t h . The h u s b a n d  on h i s own w e a l t h a n d k i n c o n n e c t i o n s  to accumulate  i n order  banana l e a f s k i r t s and b u n d l e s which h i s w i f e  e v e n t u a l l y used i n mortuary  distributions.  Yam p r o d u c t i o n and e x c h a n g e , a l o n g w i t h t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n o f v a l u a b l e s , was t h e most i m p o r t a n t m a l e a c t i v i t y . women a l s o grew yams, t h e i r yams were s t r i c t l y f o r  Although  consumption,  d i d n o t r e p r e s e n t w e a l t h a n d w e r e n o t e x c h a n g e d . Men's c o n t r o l of m a j o r r e s o u r c e s a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f i n t e r - s e x u a l c o m p e t i t i o n for  the control  complementarity.  o f yams  no  doubt  strengthened  marital  M o r e o v e r , a l t h o u g h male and female  i t e m s a p p e a r e d t o be c i r c u l a t i n g i n v e r y d i f f e r e n t  wealth  domains,  t h e y w e r e i n t e r - c o n n e c t e d ; men's p r o v i s i o n i n g o f m a r r i e d women w i t h yams r e q u i r e d t h a t women p r o d u c e and d i s t r i b u t e when a d e a t h link  between  o c c u r r e d . T h e r e was t h u s an i m p l i c i t yams a n d women's  wealth  complementary n a t u r e of male-female  that  wealth  cultural  reflected the  relations:  S u p e r f i c i a l l y , yams a n d t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n a p p e a r t o be c o m p l e t e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h m a l e d o m a i n s o f e c o n o m i c s a n d p o l i t i c s . B u t t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f yams  113 e q u a l l y c o n c e r n s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n women and men ( 1 9 7 8 : 1 8 0 ) . Within  this  cultural  complementarity,  men a n d women  e x e r c i s e d d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f powers. C o r r e s p o n d i n g l y ,  both  s e x e s b e l i e v e d men a n d women t o c o n t r i b u t e d i f f e r e n t l y , y e t complementarily,  to reproduction:  women  t r a n s m i s s i o n of t i m e l e s s d a l a substance temporal origin.  i n t e r v e n t i o n . Dala  substance  controlled  the  a n d men e x e r c i s e d was t h u s  female i n  The m a l e i n f l u e n c e on t h e c h i l d d e v e l o p i n g  i n the  womb was a n e n t i r e l y e x t e r i o r , temporal p r o c e s s . The d i f f e r e n c e between f e m a l e and male c o n t r i b u t i o n s was s y m b o l i c a l l y r e n d e r e d in  the belief  that  c h i l d r e n were  of t h e i r  mothers'  dala  substance, but p h y s i c a l l y resembled t h e i r f a t h e r s . In a d d i t i o n , t h e n a m i n g o f a c h i l d w i t h two names r e f l e c t e d t h e contributions  of the sexes  to reproduction.  different  Names  were  s i g n i f i c a n t l y connected t o the c u l t u r a l concepts of h i s t o r i c a l time  (male/father)  and cosmic t i m e  (female/mother):  Names g i v e n by women a r e a l w a y s t h e p r o p e r t y o f women, b u t names g i v e n by men c a n n e v e r be r e u s e d beyond t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s g e n e r a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y t h e name t h a t a woman g i v e s h e r son ( h i s t r u e d a l a name) c a n n o t be r e u s e d b e y o n d h i s c h i l d ' s lifetime (1976:128). Trobriand ideology d i d not only assign c u l t u r a l  value  t o t h e r e g e n e r a t i v e power o f women; i n a d d i t i o n , i t d e f i n e d t h e f u n d a m e n t a l d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n women t h e m s e l v e s a n d t h e s o c i a l v a l u e o f t h e i r r e g e n e r a t i v e power o r "womanness". W e i n e r has  a p p r o p r i a t e l y r e f e r r e d t o t h e " r e p r o d u c t i v e model" i n  114 Trobriand  society  (1978,  r e p r o d u c t i o n as "a t o t a l Trobriand  organizing principle"  has  and t h e s o c i a l , and as such,  cultural  achievement.  Thus,  viewed  (1978:175).  " r e p r o d u c t i o n " , s h e c l a i m s , was a b l e n d  biological a  1979, 1980) and  of the  was t a n t a m o u n t t o  she u l t i m a t e l y  presents  T r o b r i a n d women a s c u l t u r a l l y p r o d u c t i v e p e r s o n s ;  they a r e  not " o b j e c t s b u t . . . i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h some measure o f c o n t r o l " (1976:228). The r e d e f i n i t i o n o f r e p r o d u c t i o n as a c u l t u r a l a c h i e v e m e n t and t h e d i f f e r e n c e between women and t h e i r v a l u e ("womanness") are c r u c i a l t o theunderstanding  of marriage.  Weiner argues  t h a t i n m a r r i a g e T r o b r i a n d men d i d n o t a c q u i r e women a s o b j e c t s of  exchange  ( c f . ,Levi-Strauss),  but rather  acquired  "womanness", t h a t i s , t h e r e g e n e r a t i v e power o f women a n d t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r s o c i a l c o n t i n u i t y . Men, t h e r e f o r e , d i d n o t e x c h a n g e women; a t t h e h e a r t interdependence  of spouses  "exchange" l a y t h e process  of exchange  l a y the social  and a t t h e h e a r t of s o c i a l  economic a c t i v i t y ( a c c u m u l a t i o n  of  reproduction.  marriage Through  and c i r c u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h )  * Here, as S t r a t h e r n (1984a) s u g g e s t s , t h e r e i s an i m p l i c i t l i n k b e t w e e n c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n a n d i n d i v i d u a l autonomy. W e i n e r ' s model i s a l s o i n f o r m e d by t h e W e s t e r n d i c h o t o m y b e t w e e n n a t u r e a n d c u l t u r e ; s h e removes r e p r o d u c t i o n f r o m t h e n a t u r a l d o m a i n a n d p l a c e s i t i n t h e c u l t u r a l domain. T h i s p a r a l l e l s F a i t h o r n ' s and F e i l ' s endeavours t o remove c e r t a i n f e m a l e a c t i v i t i e s f r o m t h e d o m e s t i c domain and p l a c e them i n t h e p u b l i c / p o l i t i c a l d o m a i n . See C h a p t e r 4 f o r my review o f S t r a t h e r n ' s c r i t i q u e of F e i l ' s and Weiner's attempts t o demonstrate female personhood v i a the t r a n s f e r of female a c t i v i t i e s from a devalued t o a valued sphere. 2  115  and c o s m i c a c t i v i t y ( c o n t r o l o f d a l a c o n t i n u i t y ) , women w e r e an  autonomous  force;  "... men m a i n t a i n  operative  social  r e l a t i o n s d i r e c t l y w i t h women, a n d ... women a r e n o t 'one of the o b j e c t s i n exchange' as L e v i - S t r a u s s c l a i m e d "  (Weiner  1978:178). T h e r e f o r e , as S t r a t h e r n p o i n t s out i n her  critique  o f W e i n e r , t h e n o t i o n o f "womanness" i s n o t "mere b i o l o g y " ( S t r a t h e r n 1984a :18) . T r o b r i a n d men d i d n o t s i m p l y a p p r o p r i a t e women's b i o l o g i c a l social  p r o c r e a t i v i t y , but gained access  reproductive  toi t s  value.  F o l l o w i n g W e i n e r ' s a r g u m e n t , we c a n s u m m a r i z e t h e k e y f e a t u r e s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e p o s i t i o n o f women i n T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y : (1) Through t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n , a c q u i s i t i o n and t r a n s f e r of o b j e c t s o f s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (banana l e a f s k i r t s and b u n d l e s ) , and  therefore  transmission reclamation  Trobriand  exercised of  social  matriclan  of dala  women c o n t r o l l e d power.  (dala)  property  (2) Through  substance  (land,  resources  names  their  and  their  etc.),  women  p o s s e s s e d a c u l t u r a l l y v a l u e d r e g e n e r a t i v e power. ( 3 ) W h i l e men's v a l u a b l e o b j e c t s a n d m a n i p u l a t i o n s one  l i f e t i m e d i d not transcend  of property w i t h i n  m o r t a l i t y , women's c o n t r o l  over cosmic or a h i s t o r i c a l time allowed such transcendence. Thus, i t appears t h a t  complementary gender r e l a t i o n s and  T r o b r i a n d women's e q u a l i t y w e r e d e t e r m i n e d l a r g e l y b y : ( a ) women's i m m e d i a t e c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h i t e m s a n d l o n g - t e r m c o n t r o l  116  of d a l a p r o p e r t y ;  (b) the c u l t u r a l l y - v a l u e d a s s o c i a t i o n of  women w i t h t h e t i m e l e s s c o n t i n u i t y o f t h e m a t r i l i n e . W e i n e r c l a i m s t h a t s h e does n o t p r o p o s e a u n i v e r s a l model for  assessing  t h e r o l e s a n d s t a t u s o f women, n o r e v e n one  t h a t embraces a l l k i n d s Trobriands  (1976:12).  of male-female i n t e r a c t i o n i n t h e Nevertheless,  she  implies  a  d i f f e r e n t i a l l y recognized u n i v e r s a l value that shev a r i o u s l y denotes as female  regenerative  p o w e r , "womanness" o r t h e  " v a l u e " o f women. The s u p p o s e d u n i v e r s a l i t y  o f "womanness"  i n s p i r e s W e i n e r ' s u n f o r t u n a t e l y p o l e m i c a l c r i t i c i s m of W e s t e r n societies  i n which,  regenerative political  she c l a i m s ,  people  undervalue  power o f women, a n d o v e r v a l u e  power  o f men.  In attempting  p a r t i c u l a r set of ethnographic  the  t h e temporary  to universalize a  f a c t s , e x t r a p o l a t i n g f r o m what  a p p e a r s t o be a g o o d a c c o u n t of T r o b r i a n d s o c i a l  reproduction,  Weiner e s t a b l i s h e s T r o b r i a n d Woman as t h e e q u a l of M a l i n o w s k i ' s T r o b r i a n d Man ( s e e S t r a t h e r n 1 9 8 1 a ) . I n s o d o i n g , s h e l e a v e s h e r s e l f o p e n t o t h e c r i t i c i s m t h a t h e r work i s e s s e n t i a l i s t . W e i n e r ' s a n a l y t i c a l s t a n c e i s f e m i n i s t and c o r r e c t i v e . Her most s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n i s the r e d e f i n i t i o n o f power: power e x i s t s  i n a v a r i e t y o f forms, and l a c k of  power i s n o t e q u i v a l e n t  political  t o a l a c k o f power o f a n y k i n d . A s  we h a v e s e e n , s h e s i t u a t e s power b o t h i n s i d e a n d o u t s i d e political  activity.  117 While she d i r e c t s to  h e r d e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f power m a i n l y  the anthropology of M a l i n o w s k i , she a l s o  addresses i n  p a s s i n g t h e more r e c e n t a n t h r o p o l o g y o f Andrew a n d M a r i l y n S t r a t h e r n ( 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 7 2 ) . The S t r a t h e r n s , W e i n e r a r g u e s , h a v e f a i l e d t o consider adequately the i d e o l o g i c a l Hagen  women's  "distribution  of netbags  importance of  across  affinal,  c o n s a n g u i n e a l and i n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l l i n e s " and t h e i r " d a n c i n g i n ceremonial a t t i r e a t p i g f e a s t s " (1976:13). Weiner the  poses  following question: . . . when a M e l p a woman d a n c e i n s p l e n d i d c e r e m o n i a l a t t i r e a t a p i g f e a s t , i sshe merely being granted a f a v o u r by h e r h u s b a n d , a s Andrew a n d M a r i l y n S t r a t h e r n ( 1 9 7 1 ) s u g g e s t e d ? O r , r e g a r d l e s s o f what M e l p a men s a y a b o u t h e r a c t i v i t i e s , i s s h e a c t i n g out a n a s p e c t o f h e r own power w h i c h i s s t r u c t u r a l l y c e n t r a l t o t h e s o c i o - c o s m i c dimension of Melpa r e a l i t i e s ? (1976:14).  This statement e x p l i c i t l y  q u e s t i o n s t h e n a t u r e o f "power"  and s u g g e s t s t h a t T r o b r i a n d e r s may n o t be u n i q u e i n v a l u i n g socio-cosmic presumption  power. that  anthropologists'  Male-female  Weiner  power a n d p o l i t i c s  to  claim  that  the  a r e one h a s o b s c u r e d  a b i l i t i e s to perceive social  Complementarity  In C u l t u r a l  appears  i n Chambri  realities.  Society  A l t e r n a t i v e s and a F e m i n i s t A n t h r o p o l o g y :  An A n a l y s i s o f C u l t u r a l l y C o n s t r u c t e d G e n d e r I n t e r e s t s i n P a p u a New G u i n e a  ( E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz  e x a m i n e two c u l t u r a l  1987) t h e a u t h o r s  f e a t u r e s of Chambri s o c i e t y :  ( 1 ) how  118 the d i f f e r e n c e s  between Chambri  women's a n d men's  social  s t r a t e g i e s r e s u l t e d i n n o n - c o m p e t i t i o n and c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , and (2) how t h e s e complementary  gender r e l a t i o n s were dependent  on a c o n c e p t o f t h e p e r s o n a s a s o c i a l b e i n g , d e r i v i n g p e r s o n a l worth and i n d i v i d u a l  identity  from s o c i a l  relatedness.  E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz's p r i n c i p a l t h e o r e t i c a l  argument  i s t h a t a n y a n a l y s i s o f g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s must t a k e c u l t u r a l p r e m i s e s about personhood i n t o a c c o u n t . Indeed, t h e y e x p l i c i t l y q u e s t i o n the use of a Western concept of "person" i n the study of non-Western  gender r e l a t i o n s , and s p e c i f i c a l l y  criticize  Mead's u n e x a m i n e d u s e o f " p e r s o n " i n h e r 1935 a n a l y s i s o f Tchambuli of  (Chambri)  "person",  they  gender argue,  relations. i s a  The C h a m b r i  cultural  concept  construction  fundamental 1 y d i f f e r e n t from the Western concept of "person" as i n d i v i d u a l  subjectivity:  The c o n c e p t o f t h e p e r s o n by w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s s h a p e t h e i r sense of s e l f , t h e d e f i n i t i o n of t h e i n d i v i d u a l w o r t h a n d t h e s t r a t e g i e s o f men a n d women a r e ... s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t f o r C h a m b r i t h a n f o r o u r s e l v e s and form v e r y d i f f e r e n t s o r t s of i n d i v i d u a l s i n each case ( E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz 1987:131). U s i n g Mead's work a s a p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e , t h e a u t h o r s c o n t r a s t Western " s u b j e c t i v i t y " and c o m p e t i t i o n between t h e sexes w i t h Chambri " p o s i t i o n a l " personhood and n o n - c o m p e t i t i v e ^ The c o n c e p t o f " i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y " d e r i v e s f r o m W e s t e r n i d e a s of i n d i v i d u a l i s m and a p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y and e m o t i o n a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d s u b j e c t i v i t y . S i n c e t h i s i s n o t p a r t o f t h e Chambri c o n c e p t of personhood, I use t h e term a d v i s e d l y .  i n t e r - s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s . They c o n s i d e r Chambri men's and women's s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s i n r e l a t i o n to a c u l t u r a l l y p a r t i c u l a r concept of " p e r s o n a l w o r t h "  (1987:139) w h i c h e x i s t e d  of c u l t u r a l  o r " p r e m i s e s " (1987:13)  beliefs  within a set about  persons  and t h e i r s o c i a l g o a l s . These p r e m i s e s were "embodied i n ( t h e ) social  action"  (1987:13)  o f men a n d women.  The c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d i n t e r e s t s o f Chambri men and women determined t h e i r  different social  i n continuous s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l practising political of  others"  s t r a t e g i e s : men e n g a g e d  c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h o t h e r men,  s t r a t e g i e s " t o s u c c e e d a t t h e expense  (1987:13);  women d i d n o t engage  i n political  s t r u g g l e s t o t h e same d e g r e e , b u t a d o p t e d "more r e l i a b l e a n d l e s s c o m p e t i t i v e " (1987:13) methods o f a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l w o r t h , pursuing  these  "gender  i n t e r e s t s " emerged s e x u a l l y d i s t i n c t , c o m p l e m e n t a r y  spheres  of  action,  largely  "domestic"  o r domains.  goals.  As a r e s u l t ,  From  Chambri  society, the  a u t h o r s a r g u e , was c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y s e x u a l c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , sexual  e g a l i t a r i a n i s m and t h e absence  of domination.  " E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz e x p l o r e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of Chambri " p o s i t i o n a l " personhood and concept of p e r s o n a l worth t o "gender i n t e r e s t s " . As I have s u g g e s t e d ( s e e C h a p t e r 2 ) , t h i s f r e e s t h e a n a l y s i s from the d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c dichotomy and i t s usual i m p l i c a t i o n o f u n i v e r s a l f e m a l e s u b o r d i n a t i o n ( s e e R o s a l d o 1974, 1 9 8 0 ) . A l t h o u g h C h a m b r i men a p p e a r e d t o be a c t i n g i n " p u b l i c " o r " p o l i t i c a l " w a y s , w h i l e C h a m b r i women a p p e a r e d t o be a c t i n g i n more " d o m e s t i c " ways i n t h a t t h e y were l i t t l e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e p o l i t i c s o f a f f i n a l e x c h a n g e , women w e r e n o t s u b j e c t t o d o m i n a t i o n b e c a u s e , l i k e men, t h e y were f u l l y a b l e t o a c h i e v e p e r s o n a l w o r t h w i t h i n t h e terms s e t o u t by t h e i r c u l t u r e .  120 I n h i s a n a l y s e s o f Enga s o c i e t y ,  Feil  (1978a,  1978b)  n o t e s men's and women's d i f f e r e n t , b u t c o m p l e m e n t a r y and n o n c o m p e t i t i v e , i n t e r e s t s i n t h e t e e . E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz e x t e n d t h i s form of argument t o s u g g e s t t h a t i n Chambri s o c i e t y and women m a i n t a i n e d g e n e r a l l y d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and t h a t m a r r i a g e was  s e x e s owed t h e i r them and  interests,  the " e s s e n t i a l c o n t e x t " i n which  pursued these " r e s p e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s "  they  (1987:99). While  l i v e s t o t h e w i f e - g i v e r s who  t h e i r c l a n s w i t h t h e i r mothers,  men  both  had p r o v i d e d  C h a m b r i men  alone  were e t e r n a l l y i n d e b t e d t o af f i n e s . B e g i n n i n g w i t h b r i d e w e a l t h p a y m e n t s , men  c o n t i n u a l l y s t r o v e t o repay t h i s  d e b t ; h o w e v e r , t h e d e b t c o u l d n e v e r be f u l l y exercised  a  life-long  h o l d o v e r C h a m b r i men.  ontological  acquitted Men's  and  lives  c o n s i s t e d of t h e r e l e n t l e s s p u r s u i t of e q u a l i t y w i t h t h o s e a f f i n e s who, by p r o v i d i n g t h e m o t h e r s o f men, had c a u s e d men's existence: O n l y w i t h r e l u c t a n c e do men a c t t o g e t h e r i n c l a n s t o e d u c a t e t h e i r a g n a t e s i n r i t u a l k n o w l e d g e and t o c o m p e n s a t e t h e i r a f f i n e s : t h e y l o n g t o be a b l e to achieve e q u a l i t y through g a i n i n g r e l e a s e from t h e i r s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s (1987:66). Through t h e p o l i t i c s of a f f i n a l exchange, Chambri a l s o s t r o v e t o dominate  o t h e r men,  men  to achieve " e f f e c t s "  as  t h e y c o m p e t e d " t o become e q u a l t o t h o s e who h a v e c a u s e d them" ( 1 9 8 7 : 4 8 ) and  "to  replicate  the  power  of t h o s e  who  have  produced them" (1987:52). The c u l t u r a l b e l i e f i n t h e i n e q u a l i t y o f men  t h u s u n d e r m i n e d a g n a t i c s o l i d a r i t y , and b o t h  inter-  121  and i n t r a - c l a n r e l a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g t h e a c q u i s i t i o n of t o t e m i c names w e r e ,  f o r men, " m a n i f e s t a t i o n s  of r e l a t i v e  power"  (1987:47): The totemic names . . . men h o l d p r o v i d e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f g a i n i n g power o v e r o t h e r s a n d a r e t h e f o c u s a n d b a s i s o f p o l i t i c a l c o m p e t i t i o n . Men s e e k t o augment t h e i r own power t h r o u g h g a i n i n g c o n t r o l o f t h e names o f o t h e r s , a s when one c l a n subsumes a n o t h e r a n d s o a c q u i r e s i t s r i t u a l e s t a t e ... men d e f i n e t h e m s e l v e s p r i m a r i l y i n t e r m s o f r e l a t i v e c o n t r o l o v e r names, o v e r t h a t w h i c h g i v e s them power ( 1 9 8 7 : 4 7 ) . W h i l e C h a m b r i men became p o w e r f u l the possession of powerful power  from  two m a j o r  e x c l u s i v e l y through  t o t e m i c names, C h a m b r i women drew  sources,  one o f w h i c h  was  totemic  k n o w l e d g e . C h a m b r i women "know a s much a b o u t t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s immanent t o t e m i s m as do t h e i r h u s b a n d s s i n c e they  t o o a r e r e c i p i e n t s of totemic  objects of totemic  significance"  names a n d (some)  ( 1 9 8 7 : 7 9 ) . Women knew o f  the e x i s t e n c e of t h e " s e c r e t " f l u t e s  and water-drums  i n m a l e i n i t i a t i o n s ; i n a d d i t i o n , t h e y became p o w e r f u l k n o w l e d g e o f men's t o t e m i c Women's p r i m a r y  used  through  names.  power, however, l a y i n t h e i r  ability  to r e p a y t h e i r " o n t o l o g i c a l d e b t s " b y g i v i n g b i r t h t o c h i l d r e n . A l t h o u g h Chambri women d e f i n e d t h e m s e l v e s a s men d i d , by t h e i r totemic  names, t h e power o f women's names was r e l a t e d t o  r e p r o d u c t i o n ; p o w e r f u l names e n g e n d e r e d r e p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r : . . . t h e power c o n v e y e d by t h e i r names c a n n o t s h a p e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s a s d o e s t h e power o f t h e names men h o l d b u t , i n s t e a d , e n s u r e s r e p r o d u c t i o n . Because  122 t h e power o f women c a n n o t be t r a n s f e r r e d i n t o t h e m a l e s p h e r e o f p o l i t i c s , women do n o t compete w i t h men f o r p o l i t i c a l e m i n e n c e ( 1 9 8 7 : 4 7 ) . T h u s , C h a m b r i women e x e r c i s e d t h e power o f t h e i r names i n the r e p r o d u c t i v e and o n t o l o g i c a l s p h e r e , were s c a r c e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n male p o l i t i c a l were f u l l y  a b l e t o a c t as causes,  and  consequently,  i n t r i g u e s . Women  i n an o n t o l o g i c a l s e n s e ,  i n a c u l t u r e t h a t Gewertz s a y s " p r o f o u n d l y b e l i e v e s t h a t c a u s e s a r e more i m p o r t a n t The  sexual  than  balance  effects"  (1984:627).  o f powers  r e m i n i s c e n t of the complementarity  i n Chambri  society i s  o f female and male powers  i n T r o b r i a n d s o c i e t y . The d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n men's l i f e t i m e s t r i v i n g s t o buy b a c k t h e i r e x i s t e n c e e c h o e s T r o b r i a n d men's generational  pursuits  of  renown.  Chambri  women's  r e p r o d u c t i v i t y , l i k e T r o b r i a n d women's r e g e n e r a t i v e c a p a c i t y , a c q u i r e d the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a " c u l t u r a l " a c h i e v e m e n t ( W e i n e r 1976)  and l i b e r a t e d  women f r o m t h e e n d l e s s m a t e r i a l  cycle  of debt repayment. Chambri women's g r e a t e r v a l u e ( i . e . , g r e a t e r than b r i d e w e a l t h v a l u a b l e s ) and t h e i r " n a t u r a l " a b i l i t y t o a c q u i t t h e i r own i n d e b t e d n e s s granted possessed  them  their  through production of c h i l d r e n  o n t o l o g i c a l advantage.  an o n t o l o g i c a l importance,  Sisters  assuming "the  also  role of  t r a n s f o r m e r i n a l l major r i t e s of passage f o r Chambri males" ( 1 9 8 7 : 9 2 ) . The p a r a l l e l women e x e r c i s e d  here speaks  a "transcendental"  for itself: power;  Trobriand  Chambri  e x e r c i s e d a s i m i l a r " o n t o l o g i c a l " power. W e i n e r  women  speculated  123 t h a t t h e t r a n s c e n d e n t a l o r c o s m i c power o f women r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f i d e n t i t i e s was l i k e l y n o t r e s t r i c t e d to m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 5 ) . T h i s has been d e m o n s t r a t e d ( B e l l 1983), and E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz's a n a l y s i s the s p e c u l a t i o n .  27  F o r a l l t h a t mal e t o t e m i c names a n d p a t r i l i n e a l figured  confirms  prominently  i n Chambri  consciousness  identity  and i n t h e  We may a l s o s p e c u l a t e t h a t s e x u a l c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i n both s o c i e t i e s , C h a m b r i a n d T r o b r i a n d , was r e l a t e d t o t h e a b s e n c e o f a s t r o n g e t h i c o f male e g a l i t a r i a n i s m . E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz argue t h a t C h a m b r i men e m p l o y e d s t r a t e g i e s o f d o m i n a n c e t o compete w i t h e a c h o t h e r , b u t women a n d men d i d n o t c o m p e t e , a n d we h a v e s e e n t h a t i n t h e s e x u a l l y p o l a r i z e d w o r l d o f M e l p a s o c i e t y , women c o m p e t e d w i t h men f o r c o n t r o l o f p i g s d e s t i n e d f o r moka e x c h a n g e . The moka masked i n e q u a l i t i e s among men, p e r p e t r a t e d t h e i d e o l o g i c a l v a l u a t i o n o f m a l e over female, and thus p r o v i d e d a s u i t a b l e t e r r a i n f o r t h e seeds of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d male d o m i n a t i o n . Here, o v e r t c o m p e t i t i o n between t h e s e x e s , t h e m i n i m i z a t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s among men a n d t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f women a p p e a r c o - r e l a t e d . C o n v e r s e l y , d r a w i n g on t h e C h a m b r i e v i d e n c e , we may p o s t u l a t e a r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h r e e f a c t s : ( 1 ) c u l t u r a l 1 y e x p l i c i t c o m p e t i t i o n and i n e q u a l i t i e s among men, e s p e c i a l l y a g n a t e s ; ( 2 ) weak p a t r i c i a n s o l i d a r i t y ; a n d ( 3 ) s e x u a l c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d n o n - d o m i n a t i o n . The q u e s t i o n a r i s e s : when c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n t h e s e x e s was t e m p e r e d by c o m p e t i t i o n among men t h a t was n o t s o l i d l y masked by a n i d e o l o g y o f e g a l i t a r i a n i s m , was t h e r e l e s s room f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a t i o n o f women? O v e r t c o m p e t i t i o n between men, i n t h e C h a m b r i c a s e , and r e m n a n t s of a h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e o f ranked c l a n s p e r m i t t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s among men, i n t h e T r o b r i a n d c a s e , may h a v e c o n s i g n e d men i n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s t o t h e p r o s a i c task of v a l i d a t i n g t h e i r g e n e r a t i o n a l e x i s t e n c e , t h a t i s , p r o v i n g t h e m s e l v e s v i s - a - v i s o t h e r men. I n t h e T r o b r i a n d c a s e , t h e p r o o f was r e n o w n ; i n t h e C h a m b r i c a s e , i t was t h e power o f t o t e m i c names t o p r o v e men's e q u a l i t y . The e t h n o g r a p h i c f a c t s o f i n t e r - s e x u a l c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d weak p a t r i c i a n s o l i d a r i t y i n Chambri s o c i e t y were m u t u a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g . T h i s was c l e a r l y n o t a s i m p l e s e q u e n c e o f c a u s e a n d e f f e c t , a n d women's t r a n s c e n d e n t a l a n d o n t o l o g i c a l p o w e r s c a n n o t s i m p l y be c o n s t r u e d a s a by-product of male i n t r a - s e x p o l i t i c a l m a c h i n a t i o n s . However, W e i n e r ' s a n d E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z ' s d a t a do s u g g e s t a c o r r e l a t i o n o f o v e r t o r s t r u c t u r a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s among men a n d complementarity i n inter-sexual relations.  124 c o n s t i t u t i o n of t h e person, t h e pre-eminence of p a t r i l i n e a l identities  by  matrilaterally  no  means  precluded  constructed  identities  the  existence  of  (in addition to Bell  1983, s e e F e i l 1 9 8 4 a , Schwimmer 1 9 7 3 ) . I n f a c t , C h a m b r i f u l l y acknowledged both p a t r i l i n e a l  and m a t r i l a t e r a l  identities,  and t h e f o l l o w i n g p a s s a g e i n d i c a t e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e t h a t Chambri granted t o a f f i n a l relations  and t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n of t o t e m i c  names t h r o u g h women: E a c h C h a m b r i i s g i v e n t o t e m i c names by h i s o r h e r p a t r i l i n e a l a n d m a t r i l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s . Men a c q u i r e more o f t h e s e names, a s w e l l a s names w h i c h a r e more p o w e r f u l , t h a n do women. B o t h men a n d women r e c e i v e more, a s w e l l a s more p o w e r f u l names, f r o m t h e i r p a t r i l i n e a l than from m a t r i l a t e r a l k i n . Nonetheless, a l l C h a m b r i d e r i v e much o f t h e i r i n i t i a l i d e n t i t y through t h e i r possession of these t o t e m i c names. They become i n s u b s t a n t i a l m e a s u r e the incarnation of their patrilineal and matrilateral r e l a t i o n s h i p s (1987:31). With respect t o the social  c o n s t r u c t i o n of i d e n t i t i e s ,  E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz adopt an e x p l i c i t l y f e m i n i s t a p p r o a c h . That i s , they  a r e c o m m i t t e d t o p r e s e n t i n g women's v i e w s o f  t h e s o c i a l o r d e r , a n d t h e r e f o r e do n o t f a i l t o i n c l u d e women's p e r s p e c t i v e s on p a t r i l i n e a l i d e o l o g y a n d on t h e p r e - e m i n e n c e of p a t r i l i n e a l  identities:  S i n c e women p r o d u c e c h i l d r e n f o r a c l a n o t h e r t h a n t h e i r own, t h e y a r e u n l i k e l y t o t a k e w i t h m a l e seriousness the principle that clan identity generates a b s o l u t e d i f f e r e n c e s (1987:102). This  passage  unequivocally  indicates  understood p a t r i 1 i n e a l i t y d i f f e r e n t l y  that  Chambri  women  f r o m t h e ways i n w h i c h  125 men u n d e r s t o o d t h e same s o c i a l " s t r u c t u r e " . T h i s d i f f e r e n t understanding  i s further  illustrated  i n the  following  d e s c r i p t i o n of a Chambri wedding i n w h i c h t h e a u t h o r s c l e a r l y acknowledge  women's  perspectives  on a g n a t i c  and  affinal  relations: So w h i l e P e k u r a n d h i s k i n s m e n u n i t e d a s s o l i d a r y w i f e - t a k e r s t o a c c u m u l a t e t h e money n e c e s s a r y t o a c q u i r e a woman f r o m t h e i r w i f e - g i v e r s , t h e i r s i s t e r s and w i v e s were u p r o a r i o u s l y i g n o r i n g n o t only the distinction of generation but the s t r u c t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n between a f f i n e s by d e s c r i b i n g t h e m s e l v e s a s merged d a u g h t e r - m o t h e r s and motherd a u g h t e r s . E v e n t h o s e c l a n s i s t e r s who c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e b r i d e - p r i c e a n d who d i d d e r i v e a m e a s u r e o f s t a t u s a n d p r e s t i g e f r o m t h e game o f a f f i n a l exchange . . . were t h u s d i s c o u n t i n g t h e i m p o r t a n c e of agnation and a f f i n a l opposition as t h e fundamental b a s i s of i d e n t i t y (1987:102). Not  only  d i d Chambri  people acknowledge m a t r i l a t e r a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a n d n o t o n l y d i d C h a m b r i women d i s c o u n t t h e s t r u c t u r a l bases of i d e n t i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n , but i n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e were echoes o f m a t r i 1 i n e a l i t y o r b i - l i n e a l i t y i n Chambri k i n s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n . Men p a s s e d names t o t h e i r s i s t e r s ' s o n s . A l t h o u g h E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z n o t e t h a t t h i s was a f u n c t i o n a l device preventing  sons from competing d i r e c t l y w i t h f a t h e r s ,  i t f u r t h e r s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p a t r i l i n e a l " s t r u c t u r e " was n o t r i g i d a n d may i n f a c t h a v e b e e n d i f f e r e n t l y  constructed  by  women. C o n s i d e r t h e f a c t t h a t d a u g h t e r s w e r e e q u a l l y endowed w i t h c l a n v a l u a b l e s w h i c h t h e y e v e n t u a l l y gave t o t h e i r s o n s , who i n t u r n u s e d them t o r e p a y t h e i r m a t e r n a l u n c l e s .  That  t h i s f o r e s t a l l e d f a t h e r s ' r i v a l r y w i t h sons o r served  as a  126 d e l a y e d b e q u e s t t o s o n s (1987 : 96) i s a s t r u c t u r a l e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t does n o t a c c o u n t f o r t h e p r a c t i c e s o f t h e system  from  the p e r s p e c t i v e  role  o f women. Women may h a v e v i e w e d t h e i r  i n t h i s p r o c e s s d i f f e r e n t l y ; t h a t i s , t h e y may n o t h a v e s e e n themselves as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s i n a p a t r i l i n e a l process. E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z do n o t f a i l t h e y do n o t f u l l y r e c o g n i z e  Here,  t o n o t e women's r o l e s , b u t  t h a t women may h a v e u n d e r s t o o d  b o t h t h e i r own r o l e s a n d t h e s o c i a l  structure  differently.  In t h i s i n s t a n c e , t h e authors e x p l o r e n e i t h e r t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r f e m a l e c o n t r o l o f c l a n v a l u a b l e s , n o r women's  perceptions  of t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s . I n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t C h a m b r i women w e r e g e n e r a l l y disinterested  i n men's p o l i t i c a l  machinations,  their  " d o m e s t i c " l i v e s were i n f a c t f a r from a p o l i t i c a l .  own  Because  t h e y h a d k n o w l e d g e o f t h e i r husbands' t o t e m i c names a n d r i t u a l objects  "women  catalysts"  can, i f they  choose  ( 1 9 8 7 : 8 0 ) . Women w e r e a b l e  ... a c t a s  political  t o use knowledge of  t o t e m i c names f o r t h e i r own p u r p o s e s , t o u n d e r m i n e b o t h t h e i r 78  h u s b a n d s ' power a n d t h e power o f t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' Women's p o l i t i c a l  p o t e n t i a l , that  clans.  i s , theability to  e x e r c i s e some form o f s o c i a l p o w e r , c l e a r l y e x i s t e d i n C h a m b r i s o c i e t y i n s o f a r a s m a l e s e c u r i t y depended on women's p o l i t i c a l T h i s l a t e n t f e m a l e p o l i t i c a l power was p e r h a p s what Mead d e t e c t e d when s h e s u g g e s t e d t h a t C h a m b r i men w e r e " l e g a l l y d o m i n a n t " , but " e m o t i o n a l l y s u b s e r v i e n t " ( E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz 1987:79).  127 disengagement.  B u t , t h i s d i s e n g a g e m e n t was n o t e q u i v a l e n t  t o t h e p o l i t i c a l m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d by M e l p a women. W h i l e M e l p a women w e r e u n a b l e t o a c t a s p o l i t i c a l o r j u d i c i a l p e r s o n s ( S t r a t h e r n 1972) , C h a m b r i women w e r e a b l e t o v a l i d a t e themselves f u l l y  as p e r s o n s w i t h o u t a c t i v e r e c o u r s e t o t h e  k i n d s o f " p o l i t i c a l " a c t i o n s p r a c t i s e d by men. T h u s , C h a m b r i s o c i e t y , as I have a l r e a d y s u g g e s t e d ,  d i d not e x h i b i t the  s o c i a l d y n a m i c s o f M e l p a s o c i e t y , i n w h i c h men's  activities  masked m a l e i n t r a - s e x c o m p e t i t i o n b e h i n d t h e s m o k e s c r e e n o f an  egalitarian  i d e o l o g y a n d r e i n f o r c e d women's  "judicial  m i n o r i t y " ( S t r a t h e r n 1 9 7 2 ) . M e l p a men drew on h e a v y s y m b o l i c ammunition t o r e a s s e r t t h e i r c l a i m s t o pre-eminence p u b l i c sphere of p o l i t i c s ,  i n the  and t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f t h e s e x e s  h a d f a r g r e a t e r c u l t u r a l s a l i e n c e t h a n t h e c o m p e t i t i o n among men.  B u t , a s we h a v e  primarily  characterized  seen,  Chambri  n o t by t h e i r  men's s i t u a t i o n superiority  was  over o r  o p p o s i t i o n t o women, b u t by t h e i r u n e q u a l a b i l i t i e s t o a c q u i t t h e i r o n t o l o g i c a l d e b t s , a n d t h u s by t h e i n e q u a l i t i e s among men t h e m s e l v e s . T h e s e i n e q u a l i t i e s a c q u i r e d t h e s t a t u s o f social  f a c t s . Gewertz a s k s :  How c a n men r e g a r d t h e m s e l v e s a s e q u a l t o women when t h e y a r e p r o d u c e d by women?; how c a n men r e g a r d t h e m s e l v e s a s e q u a l t o o t h e r men when t h e y r e c e i v e t h e i r w i v e s f r o m o t h e r men? ( 1 9 8 4 : 6 2 7 ) . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e e q u a l i t y t h a t men s o u g h t t h r o u g h t h e p u r s u i t of  political  power a n d p r e s t i g e was s t r i c t l y  s y m b o l i c and  128 p r o d u c e d an i d e o l o g i c a l  inversion that "ultimately defines  women a s s u b s e r v i e n t " (1984 : 627 ) .  2 9  The i d e o l o g i c a l i n v e r s i o n a s i d e , E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z sustain  t h e argument  that  Chambri  society  was s e x u a l l y  e g a l i t a r i a n . I f men a n d women w e r e n o t o n t o l o g i c a l l y  equal,  and  their  i f , on a  culturally  psychological  established  level  "inequality"  men  dealt  through  with  ideological  i n v e r s i o n s , gender r e l a t i o n s were n e v e r t h e l e s s complementary and  n e i t h e r men n o r women w e r e s o c i a l l y  dominant.  Complementarity and Personhood E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ' s a n a l y s i s o f Chambri s o c i a l a c t i o n p o s t u l a t e s t h a t men a n d women a c t e d i n s e x u a l l y d i s t i n c t o r gendered domains.  Furthermore,  distinct  gender  interests  p e r m i t t e d the achievement of personal worth f o r both  sexes,  and t h e c o m p l e m e n t a r y g o a l s o f t h o s e i n t e r e s t s p r o d u c e d n o n c o m p e t i t i o n and s e x u a l  complementarity.  The " s t a t u s " t h a t  men a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h p o l i t i c a l means, women a c h i e v e d  through  d o m e s t i c a n d r e p r o d u c t i v e means. B e c a u s e n e i t h e r s e x p o s e d  T h i s p o r t r a i t o f women a s s u b s e r v i e n t l e a d s u s i n t o t h e r e a l m of g e n d e r i d e o l o g y a n d s y m b o l i s m . F a m i l i a r , u n p l e a s a n t questions r e a p p e a r : What do we make o f y e t a n o t h e r g e n d e r i d e o l o g y t h a t d e v a l u e s and d e n i g r a t e s women? How do we r e c o n c i l e s u c h a n i d e o l o g y w i t h t h e s o c i a l r e a l i t y o f C h a m b r i women's g r e a t e r a b i l i t y t o p a y b a c k t h e i r o n t o l o g i c a l d e b t s ? How a r e we t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a g e n d e r i d e o l o g y t h a t d e n i g r a t e s women a n d a p u r p o r t e d l y e g a l i t a r i a n p r a c t i c e ? I a d d r e s s t h e s e q u e s t i o n s more d i r e c t l y i n C h a p t e r s 4 and  129 a t h r e a t t o the personal was  or s o c i a l worth of the other,  there  no d o m i n a t i o n o f one s e x b y t h e o t h e r . The r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z e s t a b l i s h  between c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y and non-domination d e r i v e s  directly  from t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Chambri personhood, and from t h e notion  of v a l i d a t i o n of personal  worth,  a n d how t h i s i s  a c c o m p l i s h e d d i f f e r e n t l y f o r Chambri as " p o s i t i o n a l " p e r s o n s , w i t h equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r b o t h genders, and f o r W e s t e r n e r s (Americans)  as " s u b j e c t i v e " persons.  At i s s u e h e r e , w i t h r e s p e c t t o the t h e o r e t i c a l argument, i . e . , t h a t C h a m b r i women c a n n o t be s a i d t o be d o m i n a t e d , i s firstly,  the nature  relationship  between  of personhood,  and  t h e achievement  r e c o g n i z e d w o r t h ) and n o n - d o m i n a t i o n .  secondly,  of personhood  the (or  In order t o understand  how t h e i d e a o f p e r s o n f u n c t i o n e d t o e l i m i n a t e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of d o m i n a t i o n and produce how t h e C h a m b r i notions personal  concept  of personhood,  c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , we must e x a m i n e of "person" d i f f e r s  from  a n d how, p a r t i c u l a r l y  Western  f o r women,  o r s o c i a l worth i s a c h i e v e d i n Chambri s o c i e t y .  v  The c o n c l u s i o n t h a t r e l a t i o n s o f d o m i n a t i o n d i d n o t e x i s t i n C h a m b r i s o c i e t y c h a l 1 e n g e s Mead's ( 1 9 3 5 ) c o n c l u s i o n C h a m b r i women, t h r o u g h  t h e i r economic o r p u b l i c  that  activity,  I r e t u r n t o t h e q u e s t i o n of personhood and t h e " v a l i d a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y " ( E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz 1987) i n W e s t e r n s o c i e t i e s i n my l a r g e r d i s c u s s i o n o f M e l a n e s i a n p e r s o n h o o d i n C h a p t e r 4. j0  130 d o m i n a t e d C h a m b r i men, whose i n t e r e s t s f o c u s e d on p e r s o n a l and d o m e s t i c c o n c e r n s . (Chambri) people,  I n h e r 1935 s t u d y o f t h e T c h a m b u l i  Mead c o n c l u d e s  that  the stereotypical,  b i o l o g i c a l l y - b a s e d W e s t e r n c o n f i g u r a t i o n of t h e p a s s i v e f e m a l e and t h e d o m i n a n t m a l e was s i m p l y r e v e r s e d ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 1 6 ) . Mead's a n a l y s i s i m p l i e s , t h a t t h e Chambri were b o t h s i m i l a r t o and d i f f e r e n t from A m e r i c a n s . I n s o f a r as gender t r a i t s and r o l e s were r e v e r s e d ,  Chambri  "deviated"  from t h e s t e r e o t y p i c a l  American gender p a t t e r n .  On t h e o t h e r h a n d , Mead s u g g e s t s  t h a t Chambri  gender i d e n t i t i e s  constructed  and r o l e s  from  f a m i l i a r fundamental b u i l d i n g b l o c k s , that i s , r e c o g n i z a b l y A m e r i c a n t r a i t s and p o l a r o p p o s i t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h g e n d e r , such as p a s s i v e / a c t i v e and s u b m i s s i v e / d o m i n a n t . Gewertz (1981, 1984) and E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz  (1987)  p r o p o s e t h a t t h e C h a m b r i were e v e n more d i f f e r e n t t h a n Mead suspected.  Her a n a l y s i s ,  they  argue, i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y  predicated  on a W e s t e r n c o n c e p t o f " p e r s o n " . I n G e w e r t z ' s  v i e w , Mead's a t t e m p t t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t  C h a m b r i men w e r e  l i k e W e s t e r n women a n d C h a m b r i women l i k e W e s t e r n men i s a distorted  projection,  characteristics  that  "New  Guineans  ...  exhibiting  a r e but permutations of e s t a b l i s h e d  Western c a t e g o r i e s " (1984:616). E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz f u r t h e r s u g g e s t t h a t Mead v i e w e d C h a m b r i men a n d women " i n W e s t e r n terms as s u b j e c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l s s e e k i n g s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n t h r o u g h an e c o n o m i c a l l y  derived  i n d i v i d u a l i s m " (1987:45). Chambri  131 men,  Mead  argues,  lacked  control  over  resources,  c o n t r o l l e d by women a n d e v e n s u f f e r e d f r o m psychosexual c o n f l i c t s  ( 1 9 8 7 : 4 6 , s e e Mead  were  individualized 1935:290-309).  31  E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z c o n t e n d t h a t Mead m i s t a k e n l y r e l i e s on a s t r i c t l y W e s t e r n n o t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n " c r e a t e d by e m o t i o n a l 1 y f o r m a t i v e i n f l u e n c e s o v e r t i m e " ( 1 9 8 7 : 4 3 ) and t h a t C h a m b r i p e r s o n s do n o t f i t t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . A " p e r s o n " , in  Chambri  terms,  was  a primarily  a social  being  whose  e x i s t e n c e was d e f i n e d by t h e p a r a m e t e r s o f t h e c l a n . A C h a m b r i was, by d e f i n i t i o n , a member o f a p a t r i c i a n , e m b o d y i n g matrilateral  and  patrilineal  relationships  through  both the  p o s s e s s i o n o f t o t e m i c names p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e f a t h e r ' s a f f i n e s (1984:619, 1987:31). " P e r s o n " thus i m p l i e d  and e m b o d i e d  s e t o f a g n a t i c and a f f i n a l r e l a t i o n s (1984:618-9;  a  1987:25-26)  s u c h t h a t C h a m b r i were n o t autonomous i n d i v i d u a l s , b u t r a t h e r "the  incarnation  of  their  patrilineal  and  matrilateral  r e l a t i o n s h i p s " ( 1 9 8 7 : 3 1 ) . They were n o t " s u b j e c t i v i t i e s " b u t " r e p o s i t o r i e s of s o c i a l  relations"  (1987:41).  In t h e Chambri c o n t e x t , t h e c o n c e p t u a l d i f f e r e n c e between " i n d i v i d u a l " and " p e r s o n " was  critical,  and t h e two s h o u l d  n o t be c o n f u s e d . As an " i n d i v i d u a l " o r s o c i a l l y  autonomous  The same s e t o f W e s t e r n p s y c h o l o g i c a l , ( a n d l a r g e l y F r e u d i a n ) , a s s u m p t i o n s u n d e r l i e Mead's work and t h e work o f Chodorow ( e . g . , 197 4) t h e p s y c h o a n a l y t i c f e m i n i s t . E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z t a k e b o t h Mead and Chodorow t o t a s k f o r f a i l i n g t o c o n s i d e r a n o n - W e s t e r n c o n c e p t of s e l f i n t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n s of gender d i f f e r e n c e s and r e l a t i o n s . il  132 b e i n g , no C h a m b r i c o u l d a c h i e v e v i a b i l i t y a s a " p e r s o n " . through s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s d i d the i n d i v i d u a l personhood,  a n d o n l y by way o f t h e s o c i a l  or h e r a c t i o n s meaningful  and e x p l i c a b l e .  inner motivations d i d not e x i s t . of  recognition  Only  human a c h i e v e  c o n t e x t were h i s Individualized,  To i l l u s t r a t e  t h e absence  of i n n e r m o t i v a t i o n and s u b j e c t i v i t y ,  the  a u t h o r s c o n s i d e r t h e c a s e o f Y a b o l i , a man who d r a n k and b e a t his  wife: ... no one . . . h a d s p e c u l a t e d a s t o why he h a d d r u n k s o much a n d why he h a d b e a t e n h i s w i f e ... No one . . . s p e c u l a t e d on what we m i g h t r e g a r d a s t h e u n d e r l y i n g r e a s o n s f o r h i s c o n d u c t ... ( t h i s man) ... was n o t t o them a s u b j e c t i v i t y , e x p r e s s i n g d i s c o n t e n t and a l i e n a t i o n t h r o u g h anti-social b e h a v i o u r , t o be u n d e r s t o o d a s p e r h a p s a n o v e l c o n s e q u e n c e o f h i s own f o r m a t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s (1987:34-35). The  Chambri  e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s  type  of  behaviour  a d d r e s s e d t h e s t a t e of t h e man's s o c i a l t r a n s a c t i o n s and t h e i r r o l e i n h i s a b i l i t y t o a c t a s a p e r s o n : "... b e c a u s e h i s s o c i a l transactions  h a d become a s t h e y  were  he c o u l d no  longer  c o n s t i t u t e h i m s e l f a s a v i a b l e p e r s o n " ( 1 9 8 7 : 3 5 ) . T h i s example suggests  that  Chambri  proposed  social  explanations f o r  i n d i v i d u a l b e h a v i o u r s . T h e r e w e r e no i n d i g e n o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s of b e h a v i o u r t h a t r e f e r r e d t o a n " " u n d e r l y i n g ' s u b j e c t i v i t y " or  t o an " i n t e r n a l l y  integrated"  (1987:35) p e r s o n a l i t y o r  character: C h a m b r i do h a v e e m o t i o n , i n t e n t i o n a n d e x p e r i e n c e b u t t h e y do n o t u n d e r s t a n d t h e s e a s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e m s e l v e s a s s u b j e c t i v i t i e s : t h a t i s , t h e y do n o t  133 see t h e m s e l v e s a s h a v i n g an i n d i v i d u a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e p a t t e r n o f d i s p o s i t i o n s , c a p a c i t i e s and p e r s p e c t i v e s (1987:35). T h i s passage  notes  as d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ,  a b l e n d i n g o f what W e s t e r n e r s  perceive  and f r e q u e n t l y opposing, f e a t u r e s :  role  or s o c i a l persona and i n n e r essence o r " t r u e " , i n d i v i d u a l i z e d s e l f (see Lutz 1988). In Western  t h i n k i n g , t h e two a r e q u i t e  d i s t i n c t , b u t " i n Chambri s o c i e t y what we ... w o u l d her s o c i a l The of s e l f  ... t h e d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n  c o n s i d e r someone ' r e a l l y  relationships  ... v a n i s h e s "  authors a l s o suggest that  i s ' and h i s o r  (1987:37-38).  t h e Chambri  l a r g e l y corresponded t o the c u l t u r a l  experience  d e f i n i t i o n of  personhood. Chambri e x p e r i e n c e d and p r e s e n t e d themselves as t h e sum t o t a l o f t h e i r s o c i a l t r a n s a c t i o n s . I d e n t i t y was t h u s the  product  of s o c i a l  relationships,  and d i m i n i s h e d o r  i n c r e a s e d i n tandem w i t h t h e t r a n s a c t i o n s t h a t c r e a t e d s o c i a l relations.  Personal  identity,  i n Chambri  thinking,  was  t h e r e f o r e formed m a i n l y , i f n o t e n t i r e l y , from o u t s i d e t h e self: To be a p e r s o n among t h e C h a m b r i . . . , i s t o b e l o n g t o a p a t r i c i a n , whose members assume c o r p o r a t e i n t e r e s t s i n a f f i n a l d e b t s and c r e d i t s and a s s e r t common o w n e r s h i p o f t o t e m i c names. T h e s e names a r e t h e b a s i s a n d i n d i c a t o r s f o r b o t h men a n d women o f t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s w h i c h a f f o r d them a n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n b a s i c i d e n t i t y ... Of most i m p o r t a n c e , t o t e m i c names a l l o w b o t h men a n d women t o p u r s u e , respectively, their culturally defined p r e o c c u p a t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l c o m p e t i t i o n and t h e b e a r i n g of c h i l d r e n (1987:47).  134 As we h a v e a l r e a d y s e e n , p o l i t i c a l c o m p e t i t i o n i n C h a m b r i s o c i e t y , s e t t i n g men a g a i n s t men, d e r i v e d f r o m men's d e s i r e s to p o s s e s s p o w e r f u l t o t e m i c names and d i d n o t i n any way i m p e d e women's a c c e s s t o t o t e m i c names o r women's a b i l i t y t o a c q u i t t h e i r s o c i a l d e b t s by p r o d u c i n g of  inter-sexual competition  c h i l d r e n . Thus, t h e absence  r e s u l t e d from t h e absence of  c o m p e t i n g m a l e a n d f e m a l e s u b j e c t i v i t i e s . The u l t i m a t e r e s u l t was an a b s e n c e o f d o m i n a t i o n ; men a n d women h a d e q u a l to  t h e means o f a c h i e v i n g p e r s o n a l  recognized  as  w o r t h and were  access equally  persons.  C h a m b r i s o c i e t y h a s n o t r e m a i n e d s t a t i c and i t s economy has b e e n s u b j e c t t o g r a d u a l  monetization. With the merging  o f two e c o n o m i c s y s t e m s ( m a r k e t / m o n e y a n d g i f t money h a s become more t h a n shells  and o t h e r  valuables  exchange),  a f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t of the used  i n traditional  exchange.  E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z n o t e t h a t b e c a u s e money c a n be u s e d t o buy a n y t h i n g , u n l i k e t r a d i t i o n a l o b j e c t s o f e x c h a n g e , i t i s o r becomes a n y t h i n g . The a u t h o r s p r e d i c t t h a t t h i s c h a n g e i n t h e m e a n i n g o f money may e n c o u r a g e not  recent  inequalities,  o n l y b e t w e e n men a n d women, ( a s C h a m b r i men h a v e  been  i n v o l v e d i n wage l a b o u r t o a g r e a t e r e x t e n t t h a n h a v e C h a m b r i women), b u t a l s o among men ( s e e a l s o A. S t r a t h e r n 1 9 8 2 , a n d the  substantial  literature  on  women,  wage  labour  and  d e v e l o p m e n t ) . As r e l a t i o n s h i p s become m o n e t i z e d a n d a s money t a k e s on a u n i t a r y m e a n i n g ( i . e . , i t i s u s e d n o t o n l y t o buy  135 things,  but  also  as  bridewealth),  women  may  become  commoditized. I n the case of t h e Chambri, t h e p o t e n t i a l  thus  e x i s t s t o a l t e r t h e process of e s t a b l i s h i n g personal worth, f o r b o t h women a n d men: To t h e e x t e n t t h a t social relations become s u b s t a n t i a l l y m o n e t i z e d ... , t h e c o n c e p t a n d e x p e r i e n c e of o n t o l o g i c a l debt and, c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e way i n w h i c h p e r s o n a l w o r t h i s d e f i n e d a n d e s t a b l i s h e d a r e l i k e l y t o undergo s u b s t a n t i a l change (1987:111). The  shift  from a t o t a l  cultural  emphasis  on  "social  r e l a t i o n s " t o a g r e a t e r e m p h a s i s on r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n p e r s o n s and t h i n g s i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e l a r g e men's  a n d women's  houses  that  existed  into  t h e 1970's  ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 1 9 ) . W i t h t h e g r a d u a l i n f i l t r a t i o n o f a money economy, Chambri  have found  i t more d i f f i c u l t  t o l i v e t o g e t h e r and  t o m a i n t a i n t h e v a l u e s of exchange: . . . t h o s e who do e a r n money w i s h t o a s s e r t d i s p o s a l r i g h t s o v e r t h a t w h i c h t h e y have p u r c h a s e d , such as r a d i o s , t a p e - r e c o r d e r s a n d w a t c h e s a n d a r e r e l u c t a n t f o r these possessions t o c i r c u l a t e f r e e l y w i t h i n t h e c l a n (1987:120-121). Money " c a n a l l o w  Chambri  from o t h e r Chambri"  t o lead  viable  lives quite  (1987:125) and " l e a d s t o a s h i f t  apart from  p o s i t i o n a l t o a p r i v a t e , s u b j e c t i v i s t d e f i n i t i o n of person (and)  a  establishing  shift worth"  i n the c r i t e r i a (1987:126).  and s t r a t e g i e s f o r  This  directly  echoes  S t r a t h e r n ' s argument t h a t commodity r e l a t i o n s engender a t y p e of " p e r s o n " unknown i n g i f t exchange r e l a t i o n s , i . e . , a s u b j e c t  136 who may be o b j e c t i f i e d . W h i l e S t r a t h e r n d o e s n o t e x p l o r e t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f c h a n g e f o r M e l p a women, E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z suggest redefine  that the  money a n d W e s t e r n Chambri  person  notions and  of property  along  with  will  i t , the  c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y t h a t has e x i s t e d between t h e sexes. In d e m o n s t r a t i n g  t h e e x i s t e n c e of c o m p l e m e n t a r y g e n d e r e d  domains o f a c t i o n s i n Chambri s o c i e t y , E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz examine gender r e l a t i o n s almost e x c l u s i v e l y t h r o u g h  social  p r a c t i c e , n o t t h r o u g h i d e o l o g y . They a r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h men's and women's s o c i a l a c t i o n s , b e h a v i o u r s  and s t r a t e g i e s ,  their  "gender i n t e r e s t s " , n o t w i t h Chambri i d e a s of "maleness" and "femaleness", o r t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l b e l i e f s about t h e sexes. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , Chambri gender i d e o l o g y  apparently  d i d not  i n c l u d e the symbolic a s s o c i a t i o n of "maleness" w i t h p r e s t i g e and s o c i a l g o o d , a n d " f e m a l e n e s s " w i t h d o m e s t i c i t y a n d s e l f i n t e r e s t t h a t S t r a t h e r n (1981b) has found i n Melpa s o c i e t y ( s e e a l s o L e d e r m a n 1986,  1 9 8 9 , on M e n d i s o c i e t y ) . A s i m i l a r  e v a l u a t i o n was n e v e r t h e l e s s e c h o e d i n t h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f men w i t h a c t i v i t i e s o s t e n s i b l y s e r v i n g p u b l i c and c l a n p u r p o s e s , and o f women w i t h d o m e s t i c and p e r s o n a l g o a l s . T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n d i d n o t , however, t a k e t h e Melpa form o f c r o s s - s e x o p p o s i t i o n ; i d e o l o g i c a l e v a l u a t i o n s d i d n o t c h a r a c t e r i z e C h a m b r i women  I n C h a p t e r 4 I d i s c u s s i n some d e t a i l S t r a t h e r n ' s d e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e s u b j e c t - o b j e c t dichotomy and h e r a n a l y s i s of t h e n a t u r e o f persons i n g i f t exchange economies (1984b, 1987, 1988).  137 as p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c  and  s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d i n contrast  Lack of c o m p e t i t i o n  in cross-sex  relations likely  of t h e  sexes that  evaluative  e x i s t e d i n Melpa s o c i e t y .  However, i n s p i t e of the absence of a s t r o n g opposition i n ideology,  men.  contributed  t o t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e t y p e o f e x a g g e r a t e d m o r a l and contrast  to  cross-sex  e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t even i n t h i s  s e x u a l l y e g a l i t a r i a n p r a c t i c e and c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , t h e r e w e r e u n d e r c u r r e n t s o f m a l e d o m i n a t i o n , c o n t r o l and o f f o r c e . The  a u t h o r s r e f e r t o men  beating  the  exercise  t h e i r wives,  and  i n the case of t h e wedding mentioned e a r l i e r i n the d i s c u s s i o n , the  groom's y o u n g e r b r o t h e r ,  r e f e r r i n g to the  substantial  b r i d e w e a l t h , p o i n t e d out t h a t t h e b r i d e ' s " f a t h e r and had,  brother  i n l a r g e m e a s u r e , a l r e a d y b e e n c o m p e n s a t e d i f she  were  t o be k i l l e d by h e r h u s b a n d d u r i n g a f i g h t " ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 0 5 ) . W h i l e the  a u t h o r s i n t e r p r e t t h i s s t a t e m e n t as  of s t r e n g t h  on  the  part  a r h e t o r i c a l show  of a c l a n a s s e r t i n g i t s e l f  f a c e of i t s w i f e - g i v e r s , i t i s d i s c o n c e r t i n g and of o t h e r s e x u a l  in  the  suggestive  dynamics, i n c l u d i n g p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e ,  that  t h e a u t h o r s do n o t f u l l y e x p l o r e . They do, h o w e v e r , l i n k  this  statement to the m o n e t i z a t i o n  of a f f i n a l  r e l a t i o n s and  the  p o t e n t i a l f o r t h e c o m m o d i t i z a t i o n o f women ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 6 2 , n o t e 6).  138 Conclusion Weiner, and E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz e x p l i c i t l y  invoke the  concept of sexual complementarity i n t h e i r attempts t o study men a n d women i n a n e q u a l way, w i t h o u t p r e s u m i n g  the nature  of " p o w e r " o r o f " p e r s o n " . From S t r a t h e r n ' s ( 1 9 7 2 )  assessment  of M e l p a women's l a c k o f b o t h p o l i t i c a l  power a n d " j u d i c i a l  p e r s o n h o o d " , t o F e i l ' s ( 1 9 7 8 a , 1987b) a n d F a i t h o r n ' s ( 1 9 7 6 ) a s s e s s m e n t s o f Enga a n d K a f e women's p o s s e s s i o n o f p o l i t i c a l power a n d f u l l p e r s o n h o o d Weiner  and E r r i n g t o n  i n the Western sense of t h e term,  and Gewertz  have d e c o n s t r u c t e d b o t h  "power" a n d " p e r s o n " . T r o b r i a n d women's s o c i o - c o s m i c power e q u a l l e d men's p o l i t i c a l power, and p r o d u c e d a c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i n gender  relations similar  t o the complementarity created  i n C h a m b r i s o c i e t y by t h e e q u a l a c c e s s o f b o t h women a n d men to  substantially  d i f f e r e n t means o f a c h i e v i n g  as i t was d e f i n e d i n C h a m b r i  personhood,  terms.  E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz's " f e m i n i s t a n t h r o p o l o g y " s t a n d s i n o p p o s i t i o n t o e a r l i e r u n i v e r s a l i s t f e m i n i s t p o s i t i o n s (e.g. , R o s a l d o 1 9 7 4 ) . The a u t h o r s ' a n a l y s i s o f C h a m b r i aims e x p l i c i t l y  personhood  t o demonstrate t h a t i t i s not i n e v i t a b l e t h a t  male s t r a t e g i e s f o r a c h i e v i n g worth r e s u l t i n the d o m i n a t i o n of women. Where W e s t e r n s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s s e e h i e r a r c h y , t h e r e may be o n l y a k i n d o f d i f f e r e n c e t h a t i s d i f f i c u l t t o g r a s p w i t h o u t a deep u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f c u l t u r a l p r e m i s e s , i n c l u d i n g p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f s about  p e r s o n s , a n d a s we h a v e s e e n  with  139 respect  to  the  Trobriands,  beliefs  about  power.  As  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , we a r e c o m p e l l e d t o b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e e x i s t c u l t u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s t o t h e e q u a t i o n o f p o l i t i c s and power, and t h e e q u a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t a n d p e r s o n , and t h a t these  are not merely  re-arrangements  of Western  cultural  features. W e i n e r , and E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z d e m o n s t r a t e t h e s o c i a l m e c h a n i c s o f two d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s . They a v o i d the h i e r a r c h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h e d o m e s t i c - p u b l i c model, and y e t a t t h e same t i m e c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h t h e d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f a c t i o n s o r modes o f b e i n g e x e r c i s e d by men and women and t h e c u l t u r a l m o t i v a t i o n s f o r t h o s e a c t i o n s . They t h a t t h e s e g e n d e r e d modes p e r m i t t e d of p e r s o n a l worth for both sexes, to  eliminate  (Chambri),  value  a similar  the p o s s i b i l i t y  achievement  o r renown  and y e t were s u f f i c i e n t l y  conclude  (Trobriands)  d i f f e r e n t so as  of "domination  by  or  even  i n t e r f e r e n c e f r o m members o f t h e o t h e r g r o u p " ( E r r i n g t o n a n d Gewertz  1987:13).  B o t h W e i n e r ' s a n d E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z ' s arguments r e s t on a c u l t u r a l l y r e l a t i v i s t i c s c r u t i n y o f i n d i g e n o u s and  categories; inter-sexual  complementarity  t h e r e d e f i n i t i o n o f "power" and " p e r s o n " .  definitions  emerges  from  From a f e m i n i s t  p e r s p e c t i v e , these a r e a p p e a l i n g a n a l y s e s . Y e t , i n t h e case of Chambri s o c i e t y , E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z ' s t h e o r y of s o c i a l a c t i o n n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , i t i s apparent t h a t a gender i d e o l o g y  140 that denigrated  women b y d e f i n i n g them a s s u b s e r v i e n t a n d  t h e p h y s i c a l d o m i n a t i o n o f women d i d e x i s t , a t l e a s t i n some m e a s u r e . C o n s e q u e n t l y , we a r e l e f t  with  the problem  that  Chambri gender i d e o l o g y cannot s i m p l y  be e x p l a i n e d away b y  examining  by  why  i t existed,  i.e.,  arguing  i t was  p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n s e q u e n c e o f men's s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n a n d their  "natural i n f e r i o r i t y "  t o women. R a t h e r ,  an adequate  e x p l a n a t i o n must a l s o e x a m i n e t h e e f f e c t s o f t h a t on t h o s e who a r e i m p l i c a t e d i n i t , i . e . , t h o s e and q u a l i t i e s become t h e k e y s y m b o l i c study,  on t h e o t h e r h a n d , d e a l s  ideology  whose  beings  c a t e g o r i e s . Weiner's  substantially with  gender  i d e o l o g y , i n a d d i t i o n t o s o c i a l p r a c t i c e , and t h e d e n i g r a t i o n of  women a s a c a t e g o r y  was a p p a r e n t l y  not part  of t h i s  ideology. I n C h a p t e r 4, I d i s c u s s i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l t h e p r o b l e m s of  culturally  ideology,  relativistic  views  of personhood,  gender symbolism and t h e i r  d o m i n a t i o n o f women.  gender  relationship to the  a  141 CHAPTER 4 DECONSTRUCTING DOMINATION: PERSON AND GENDER AS IDEOLOGY  Introduction I n t h i s c h a p t e r I expand a theme i n t r o d u c e d  i n Chapter  3: t h e c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f p e r s o n h o o d a n d i t s r e l e v a n c e to gender r e l a t i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n , I examine u n d e r s t a n d i n g s o f H i g h l a n d New G u i n e a their  r o l e i nt h e d o m i n a t i o n  concerned of  anthropological  gender i d e o l o g i e s and  o f women. M o r e p r e c i s e l y , I am  i nt h i s chapter w i t h t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between  person  and t h e i d e o l o g i c a l and symbolic  categories,  uses  on one hand, and t h ee t h n o g r a p h i c  notions  of gender  existence of  g e n d e r h i e r a r c h i e s a n d t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f women, o n t h e o t h e r . Anthropologists  studying  t h e New G u i n e a H i g h l a n d s h a v e r e c e n t l y  examined i d e o l o g i e s of "person" and "gender", these a  from  social  practices  "deconstruction"  Strathern This  1981b,  chapter  and  gender  of t h e male  1984a, 1984b,  i s therefore  anthropological  and producing domination  what appears  1988, Lederman 1986, 1989).  p r i m a r i l y an examination  and t h e p o l i t i c a l  status  of d o m i n a t i o n a s h i g h l y e t h n o c e n t r i c .  oft h e  of person  o f women.  have r e c e n t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d the  and Gewertz's  as  o f women ( s e e  r e l a t i o n s h i p between i d e o l o g i e s  Anthropologists  Errington  distinguishing  concept  I n C h a p t e r 3, I d i s c u s s e d  (1987) r e - d e f i n i t i o n o f person and  142 d e c o n s t r u e t i o n o f d o m i n a t i o n i n Chambri s o c i e t y . Chambri women a c t i n g i n a d o m e s t i c domain t h a t g r a n t e d them " p e r s o n a l w o r t h " w e r e i n no s e n s e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a d e v a l u e d d o m e s t i c N e i t h e r were t h e y  world.  " s u b j e c t s " , a n d t h e r e f o r e , c o u l d n o t be  dominated as such. P r e d a t i n g E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z , S t r a t h e r n (1984a, 1984b) makes t h e i d e n t i c a l c l a i m t h a t M e l p a women w e r e n e i t h e r  less  f u l l y persons because of t h e i r domestic s t a t u s , n o r s u b j e c t t o d o m i n a t i o n a s s u b j e c t s . M e l p a women w e r e " j u d i c i a l (1972),"domestic persons" were n e i t h e r  assigned  minors"  (1984a) and " w e a l t h " (1984b), b u t  the status  of " j u r a l  minors", nor  33  denigrated, nor o b j e c t i f i e d .  In general , S t r a t h e r n argues  t h a t M e l p a women c a n be shown t o be a c t i n g a s p e r s o n s , a n d y e t n o t s u b j e c t t o W e s t e r n f o r m s o f t h e d o m i n a t i o n of  persons.  Thus, she t o o d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e r e l e v a n c e o f c u l t u r a l  concepts  of t h e p e r s o n t o t h e c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of gender  relations,  i m p l y i n g t h a t domination as a p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y i s d i r e c t l y d e p e n d e n t on t h e assumed d e f i n i t i o n o f p e r s o n h o o d . Anthropologists  have  ideology to deconstruct least,  t o examine  a l s o used  gender symbolism and  domination ( S t r a t h e r n ) , or a t very  the ideological  roots  of  hierarchical  d i s c o u r s e s ( B i e r s a c k , Lederman). These s c h o l a r s contend t h a t In Western thought, l e g a l m i n o r i t y , d e n i g r a t i o n or d e v a l u a t i o n , and o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n a r e t h r e e k e y f o r m s o f t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f p e r s o n s (see E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz, 1987).  143 i f gender i s r e c o g n i z e d  as a s y m b o l i c code t h a t i s n o t o n l y  a b o u t i t s e l f , b u t a b o u t a g r e a t many o t h e r t h i n g s , i t f o l l o w s t h a t t h e s y m b o l i c meanings of gender, t h e v a l u e s a t t r i b u t e d t o "maleness" and " f e m a l e n e s s " , have l i t t l e m a t e r i a l on  women's  status  or social  therefore, contribute and  a n d do n o t ,  t o t h e i r d o m i n a t i o n . Thus,  Lederman s u g g e s t t h a t  while passing  opportunities,  the devaluation  effect  Strathern  of "femaleness",  j u d g e m e n t on c e r t a i n f o r m s o f s o c i a l  action,  d o e s n o t e n a c t t h e d e n i g r a t i o n o r t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f women. In t h i s chapter,  I f i r s t consider anthropological  ideas  of M e l a n e s i a n p e r s o n h o o d , i . e . , what E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z (1987) r e f e r t o as " p o s i t i o n a l " p e r s o n h o o d . S e c o n d l y , I examine S t r a t h e r n ' s use of M e l a n e s i a n personhood t o r e - e v a l u a t e she  perceives  as t h e m i s a p p l i c a t i o n  of Western  ideas  what of  d o m e s t i c i t y , s u b j e c t i v i t y a n d t h e d o m i n a t i o n of women. T h i r d l y , I d i s c u s s gender i d e o l o g y i n three H i g h l a n d s o c i e t i e s , Melpa, Paiela  and Mendi,  and examine  t h e ways  i n which  the  e t h n o g r a p h e r s of t h e s e s o c i e t i e s have s e p a r a t e d b e l i e f s a b o u t gender from g e n d e r - r e l a t e d  p r a c t i c e s i n order  to establish  t h a t gender f u n c t i o n s p r i m a r i l y as a s o c i o - m o r a l  or evaluative  framework.  I  then  examine  Strathern's  concept  of t h e  " M e l a n e s i a n a e s t h e t i c " , w h i c h encompasses the i n t e r n a l l o g i c I n C h a p t e r 2, I d i s c u s s e d S t r a t h e r n ' s a r g u m e n t t h a t M e l p a women e x e r c i s e d autonomy a s " j u r a l p e r s o n s " and w e r e a b l e t o c i r c u m v e n t t h e g e n d e r s t e r e o t y p e t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e d women a s weak a n d s e l f interested .  144 of M e l a n e s i a n g i f t e x c h a n g e s o c i e t i e s a n d t h e r e l a t e d l o g i c of p e r s o n h o o d and gender symbolism.  Finally, i n a  critical  r e v i e w , I suggest t h a t t h e s e views of p e r s o n and gender a r e a b s t r a c t i n the extreme and produce a r e l a t i v i s t i c assessment o f d o m i n a t i o n i n i t s most m a n i f e s t f o r m s : women's d e p r i v a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  r i g h t s a n d men's " l e g i t i m i z e d " u s e o f p h y s i c a l  v i o l e n c e . The r o l e o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n t o b e l i e f s a b o u t g e n d e r and t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l  factors involved i n the perpetration  o f t h e s e f o r m s o f d o m i n a t i o n do n o t e n t e r i n t o t h e a n a l y s i s .  M e l a n e s i a n and Western Anthropological  "Persons"  interest i n culturally distinct  concepts  of p e r s o n a n d p e r s o n h o o d p r e d a t e s t h e work o f E r r i n g t o n a n d Gewertz, a n d S t r a t h e r n , by some y e a r s ( s e e , f o r example, Dumont 1970, G e e r t z 1 9 6 6 , L e e 1 9 5 9 , Mauss 1 9 3 8 , Read 1 9 5 5 ) . interest classic has  i n these  ideas,  essay, "Person,  focused  i n s p i r e d i n part Time a n d C o n d u c t  on t h e c o n t e x t u a l  definition  Recent  by G e e r t z ' s i n Bali"  now  (1966),  of non-Western  persons. "Person", these s c h o l a r s argue, i s a r e l a t i o n a l  status  t h a t does n o t i m p l y t h e e x i s t e n c e o r p o s s e s s i o n of a unique s u b j e c t i v i t y . Thus, " p e r s o n " i s n o t an i n d e p e n d e n t i n t o which  any human i n d i v i d u a l a u t o m a t i c a l l y  relational  view  of persons,  category  falls.  " t h e occasion-bound,  This  socially  c o n t e x t u a l i z e d p e r s o n c o n c e p t " (Shweder and B o u r n e 1 9 8 4 : 1 9 2 ) ,  145  i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the Western idea of persons as uniquely c o n s t i t u t e d s u b j e c t i v i t i e s and d i s t i n c t i v e  wholes.  The moral i m p l i c a t i o n s of the d i f f e r e n c e s between Western and other ideas of personhood were subject to e a r l y examination by K.E. Read i n " M o r a l i t y and the Concept of the Person Among the Gahuku-Gama" (1955). Read contends that the Gahuku-Gama d i d not p e r c e i v e an e t h i c a l or moral category of the person. He suggests that i n the Western " p e r s o n - c o n f i g u r a t i o n " such an e t h i c a l  category a l l o w s f o r a " p e r c e i v e d  disjuncture"  between the i n d i v i d u a l and his or her status (1955:255). Thus, Western  persons a r e persons, i r r e s p e c t i v e  r e l a t i o n s from which they d e r i v e p a r t i c u l a r In  contrast,  independent e t h i c a l  i n Gahuku-Gama s o c i e t y ,  of the s o c i a l status. the lack of an  category i m p l i e d that no s e p a r a t i o n of  i n d i v i d u a l from s o c i a l context e x i s t e d , and that no i n t r i n s i c moral v a l u e was p e r c e i v e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l . By d e f i n i t i o n , a person was a member of a s o c i a l group. Thus, people "are not  conceived t o be equals i n a moral sense; t h e i r v a l u e does  not  r e s i d e i n themselves as i n d i v i d u a l s  dependent  on the p o s i t i o n  or persons; i t i s  they occupy w i t h i n a system of  i n t e r p e r s o n a l and i n t e r - g r o u p r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (1955:250). The Gahuku-Gama person was not a unique c e n t r e of i n d i v i d u a l i t y , but  a p r i m a r i l y s o c i a l being to whom "moral  d e v o l v e " by v i r t u e  responsibilities  of h i s / h e r being a member of a group,  " r a t h e r than by v i r t u e of any q u a l i t i e s which are i n t r i n s i c  146 to h i s p s y c h o p h y s i c a l n a t u r e " (1955:280). Thus, the Western concept  of  the  autonomous,  self-conscious  subject,  c h a r a c t e r i s e d by G e e r t z a s a " b o u n d e d , u n i q u e , more o r l e s s i n t e g r a t e d , m o t i v a t i o n a l and c o g n i t i v e u n i v e r s e "  (1973:48),  may w e l l be u n i q u e t o t h e W e s t e r n w o r l d , a n d W e s t e r n  persons 35  may a l o n e be v i e w e d a s c o n t a i n e r s o f an a b s t r a c t human v a l u e . In t h e i r e x a m i n a t i o n o f the d i f f e r e n c e s between Chambri and W e s t e r n i d e a s o f p e r s o n h o o d , E r r i n g t o n and G e w e r t z argue t h a t a d i f f e r e n t s t a t e o r c o n d i t i o n o f personhood  (1987) implies  a d i f f e r e n t p r o c e s s of g a i n i n g r e c o g n i t i o n as a person. W i t h respect  t o Western  societies,  the authors  suggest  that  personhood i s a s t a t e a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h a p r o c e s s o f " v a l i d a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y " ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 3 1 - 1 4 1 ) w h i c h e n g e n d e r s c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n women a n d men. T h i s v a l i d a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l w o r t h i s a t t a i n e d m a i n l y t h r o u g h p r o d u c t i v e w o r k , a n d W e s t e r n men a n d women have d i f f e r e n t i a l a c c e s s t o t h e p r o c e s s e s o f v a l i d a t i o n . The a u t h o r s n o t e p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n work and c o n s u m p t i o n ,  on one h a n d , a n d v a l i d a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l  s u b j e c t i v i t y on t h e o t h e r , c o n c l u d i n g t h a t " b e c a u s e d o m e s t i c l a b o u r i s u n p a i d and r e l a t i v e l y p r i v a t e , i t does not p r o v i d e as p o w e r f u l  a validation  of i n d i v i d u a l i t y  as does  work"  ( 1 9 8 7 : 1 3 4 ) . A m e r i c a n women' s s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n , a r i s i n g  less  T h i s concept of person i s p r o b a b l y unique t o the p o s t - m e d i e v a l , and most c e r t a i n l y t o t h e p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l , W e s t e r n w o r l d , ( s e e , f o r e x a m p l e , C a r r i t h e r s e t a l . 1985, Dumont 1970, G u r e v i c h 1976, Mauss 1938, Thompson, E.P. 1 9 6 7 ) .  147 directly  from  domestic  labour  a n d more  directly  from  consumption, i s l i n k e d not only t o the e x p r e s s i o n of t h e i r s u b j e c t i v i t i e s as i n d i v i d u a l s , b u t t o n o t i o n s o f m a t e r n i t y , n u r t u r a n c e a n d t h e c a r e o f h u s b a n d s a n d c h i l d r e n . Women a r e more c o n t i n g e n t t h a n men a n d " h a v e g r e a t e r  difficulty i n  e s t a b l i s h i n g worth i n terms o f t h e c a p a c i t y t o demonstrate a d i s t i n c t i v e and competent  subjectivity  - t o demonstrate  a valued i n d i v i d u a l i t y "  (1987:138).  thought, f u l l  i sestablished, not-through having  personhood  been b o r n i n t o  a s e t of s o c i a l  In short,  i n Western  r e l a t i o n s , but through the  i n d i v i d u a l v a l i d a t i o n p r o v i d e d by t h e p u b l i c w o r l d o f work. In C h a p t e r 3, I e x a m i n e d E r r i n g t o n a n d G e w e r t z ' s argument t h a t t h e s o c i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f t h e Chambri c o n c e p t o f p e r s o n were l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e complementary r e l a t i o n s i n that in  society.  competition with  Because  men, b e c a u s e  Chambri their  n a t u r e of g e n d e r women w e r e n o t "positional"  or  " r e l a t i o n a l " i d e n t i t i e s h a d e q u a l a c c e s s t o t h e c u l t u r a l means of  achieving  domination.  worth,  women  were  not susceptible  I n c o r r e l a t i n g personhood  ability  t o achieve personal worth,  address  "domination", proposing that  t o male  with the unfettered  the authors i ti s a  explicitly culturally  s p e c i f i c phenomenon, r e l a t e d t o t h e s u p p r e s s i o n o f p e r s o n h o o d : D o m i n a n c e ... i s t h a t w h i c h i m p e d e s o r p r e v e n t s an i n d i v i d u a l from following the strategies n e c e s s a r y t o meet t h e c u l t u r a l s t a n d a r d s w h i c h d e f i n e p e r s o n a l w o r t h . F o r members o f a c u l t u r e which d e f i n e s person i n s u b j e c t i v i s t terms, a c t s  148 which a r e i n t e r p r e t e d as d e p e r s o n a l i z i n g a r e e x p e r i e n c e d a s a t l e a s t a m i l d d o m i n a t i o n : t o be p r i m a r i 1 y a member o f a c a t e g o r y i s t o l a c k i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d t h u s i s , f o r u s , t o be l e s s t h a n a p e r s o n o f w o r t h . When d e p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n i s n o t j u s t a b u r e a u c r a t i c convenience b u t i s used t o p r e c l u d e a c c e s s t o w o r t h , t h e n i t becomes a p o w e r f u l form o f d o m i n a t i o n ( E r r i n g t o n and Gewertz 1987:139). In a d d i t i o n , the a u t h o r s note t h a t a Western d e f i n i t i o n of d o m i n a t i o n  includes the belief  that  "depersonalization  i s o f t e n part of the process of domination through p r a c t i c e s of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " a n d t h a t " t h o s e e x c l u d e d f r o m a c c e s s t o significant  resources  categorically  are  and n e g a t i v e l y "  frequently  described  (1987:171,  n.27).  both Western  c o n c e p t s o f d o m i n a t i o n f o c u s on t h e ways i n w h i c h power may be  apprehended  and personhood  denied.  Domination,  as a  c o n s t r u c t , draws h e a v i l y t h e d o m e s t i c / p u b l i c and n a t u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomies, which  d e v a l u e and even d e n i g r a t e  domesticity  and t h e n a t u r a l . T h u s , t h e n a t u r a l a n d d o m e s t i c w o r l d s , w i t h w h i c h W e s t e r n t h o u g h t a s s o c i a t e s women a n d f e m a l e q u a l i t i e s , are  seen  to  produce  depersonalization  and  lack  of  i n d i v i d u a t i o n , o b v i o u s l y , most d i r e c t l y w i t h r e s p e c t t o women. S t r a t h e r n (1984a, I  examine  1 9 8 4 b ) , whose a r g u m e n t s a b o u t  i n the following  theoretical shift  two s e c t i o n s ,  personhood  advocates  a  beyond t h e s e W e s t e r n d i c h o t o m i e s i n t o an  a n a l y t i c a l mode r e l y i n g  on i n d i g e n o u s c o n c e p t s o f p e r s o n ,  social  of s o c i a l i t y .  a c t i o n and forms  149 The M i s u s e o f a W e s t e r n  Concept  of  Person  In t h i s s e c t i o n I e x a m i n e S t r a t h e r n ' s a r g u m e n t t h a t i n Western thought t h e concept of p e r s o n i n c l u d e s a p a r t i c u l a r i d e a o f how  i n d i v i d u a l s are incorporated  how  t h e y s t a n d a p a r t f r o m i t . The W e s t e r n  as  incorporative,  she  suggests,  may  into society model o f  be  u n d e r s t a n d i n g M e l a n e s i a n r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  and  society  inadequate  for  may  our  impede  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of M e l a n e s i a n c o n c e p t s of t h e p e r s o n  (1984a,  1 9 8 8 ) . I n d e m a n d i n g t h a t women be t r e a t e d as i n d i v i d u a l s o r p e r s o n s i n t h e i r own r i g h t , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s , are of  s i m p l y a p p e a l i n g t o Western assumptions about the n a t u r e personhood  and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s  and  society. Three r e d e f i n i t i o n s a r e c r i t i c a l t o S t r a t h e r n ' s argument. Firstly,  she n o t e s  that person i s a c u l t u r a l  construction  and t h a t W e s t e r n i d e a s o f t h e p e r s o n as an i n d i v i d u a l s t a n d i n g in a hierarchial who  may  be  r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h s o c i e t y , o r as a s u b j e c t  objectified,  are not  applicable  to  Melanesian  persons: We c a n u s e f u l l y t a l k o f Hagen i d e a s o f t h e p e r s o n i n an a n a l y t i c s e n s e , p r o v i d e d we do n o t c o n f l a t e the c o n s t r u c t w i t h t h e i d e o l o g i c a l " i n d i v i d u a l " of W e s t e r n c u l t u r e . T h i s l a t t e r i s b e s t s e e n as a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l t y p e of p e r s o n r a t h e r than as a s e l f - e v i d e n t c a t e g o r y i n i t s e l f (Strathern 1981b:168). S e c o n d l y , W e s t e r n n o t i o n s o f s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e ( a s to  n a t u r e ) do n o t o b t a i n i n M e l a n e s i a :  opposed  150 " S o c i e t y " i s n o t a s e t of c o n t r o l s over and a g a i n s t t h e " i n d i v i d u a l ' , a n d p e o p l e ' s a c h i e v e m e n t s do n o t culminate i n "culture' (1984a:17) Thirdly,  t h e c o n c e p t "woman" i s a s much a c u l t u r a l  construction  as " p e r s o n " , a n d t h e two a r e i n t e r d e p e n d e n t : What i t means t o be a women i n t h i s o r t h a t s i t u a t i o n must r e s t t o some e x t e n t on t h e c u l t u r a l l o g i c by w h i c h gender i s c o n s t r u c t e d . A n a l y s i s o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e v e n t s s h o u l d be i n f o r m e d by c o n c e p t s o f t h e p e r s o n , i n d i v i d u a l i t y , w i l l a n d s o f o r t h ... ( 1 9 8 1 : 6 8 3 ) . S t r a t h e r n c r i t i c i z e s (1984a) F e i l ' s unexamined use o f " p e r s o n " , and Weiner's e q u a l l y unexamined u s e o f " i n d i v i d u a l " a n d "woman" (see  Feil  scholar  1 9 7 8 a , 1978b, W e i n e r 1 9 7 6 ) , a r g u i n g t h a t explicitly  defines  a  theory  of  neither  the person.  In  a t t e m p t i n g t o r e s c u e M e l a n e s i a n women f r o m m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n as n o n - p e r s o n s , b o t h W e i n e r a n d F e i 1 i n a d v e r t e n t 1 y b a s e t h e i r a n a l y s e s on W e s t e r n c o n c e p t s o f p e r s o n h o o d ,  individuality,  a d u l t h o o d and s o c i a l i z a t i o n . In  Chapter  transcendental  3, I e x a m i n e d  Weiner's  analysis  of the  power o f T r o b r i a n d women a n d i t s s y m b o l i c  embodiment i n u n i q u e l y f e m a l e a c t i v i t i e s a n d o b j e c t s ( w e a l t h items).  In Chapter  2, I n o t e d  that F e i l ' s analyses  favour  t h e ways i n w h i c h Enga women, c o n t r a r y t o t h e i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e m e n t s about them, were a c t i v e p l a y e r s i n p u b l i c p o l i t i c s , particularly  i n t h e t e e exchange. A l t h o u g h Weiner and F e i l  d i f f e r i n t h e i r assessments  o f t h e n a t u r e o f women's p o w e r ,  b o t h m a i n t a i n t h a t women p o s s e s s e d power o f some s o r t , a n d  151 w e r e " p e r s o n s " o r " i n d i v i d u a l s " . By r e m o v i n g women, a s F e i l d o e s , f r o m t h e d o m e s t i c s p h e r e , and p l a c i n g them i n t h e p u b l i c s p h e r e of p o l i t i c s , o r by r e - v a l u i n g the n a t u r a l ( r e p r o d u c t i o n ) as a c u l t u r a l a c h i e v e m e n t , a s W e i n e r d o e s , t h e s e a u t h o r s a r e able t o demonstrate  t h a t women w e r e t h e v i r t u a l  opposite of  e v e r y t h i n g t h a t a n d r o c e n t r i c a n t h r o p o l o g y h a d c o n s t r u e d them t o be. In S t r a t h e r n ' s v i e w , F e i l ' s and W e i n e r ' s arguments e x h i b i t "an  interesting  congruence"  (1984a:16)  i n that  both are  i n f o r m e d b y t h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f women w i t h n a t u r e i n t h e c o n t e x t of t h e n a t u r e / c u l t u r e paradigm,  and b o t h  subscribe tothe  b e l i e f t h a t " c e r t a i n c a t e g o r i e s o f p e r s o n s may be r a t h e r l e s s than persons"  (1984a:17).  Both s c h o l a r s , S t r a t h e r n argues,  " i m p l y t h a t t o i g n o r e t h e s e f a c t o r s ( t h a t i s , women's p o w e r s ) is  t o s e e women a s l e s s t h a n f u l l  persons"  (1984a:16).  The W e s t e r n c o n c e p t o f t h e autonomous i n d i v i d u a l  implies  a s o c i a l i z a t i o n process which transforms n a t u r a l beings i n t o c u l t u r a l persons. Moreover,  t h i s s o c i a l i z a t i o n from a p r e -  c u l t u r a l s t a t e i s a u n i q u e l y Western concept and i s p r e d i c a t e d on t h e " p a r a d i g m a t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n n a t u r e a n d c u l t u r e " ( S t r a t h e r n 1984a:17). Strathern  states,  " S o c i a l i z a t i o n and s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n " , " a r e concepts  embedded  i n our  own  e v o l u t i o n a r y a n d i n d u s t r i a l h e r i t a g e ; ... i n d u s t r y and c u l t u r e i n v o l v e a break  from n a t u r e and d o m i n a t i o n over i t .  t h e s e t e r m s t o be a p e r s o n one must be c u l t u r a l l y  Within  creative"  152 ( 1 9 8 4 a : 1 7 ) . W e i n e r ' s a n a l y s i s o f T r o b r i a n d women's power i s the case i n p o i n t . I n removing r e p r o d u c t i o n from the n a t u r a l s p h e r e , and r e - c o n s t r u c t i n g i t as a c u l t u r a l Weiner  i s indeed  talking  about  achievement,  the importance  o f human  r e g e n e r a t i o n i n the T r o b r i a n d u n i v e r s e , but S t r a t h e r n argues that "her intention that  state  constructs"  a l s o seems t o be t o r e s c u e women  of nature  implied  i n o u r own  from  nature/culture  (1984a:23).  "Naturalness" characterizes  not only nature, but the  domestic sphere. Through t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e n a t u r a l q u a l i t i e s of t h e d o m e s t i c w o r l d ( a s opposed t o t h e c u l t u r a l q u a l i t i e s o f t h e p u b l i c w o r l d ) , women, i n W e s t e r n t r a d i t i o n s , have been c h a r a c t e r i z e d  as u n d e r s o c i a l i z e d  and l e s s  than  persons. " P u l l personhood" (1984a:18), S t r a t h e r n argues, i s c o n t i n g e n t on s e p a r a t i o n a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e  from t h e domestic  w o r l d . T h a t i s , p e r s o n s a r e t h o s e who h a v e b e e n  socialized  i n t o personhood, out of t h e" n a t u r a l " , domestic w o r l d , which Western i d e o l o g y t h e n d e n i g r a t e s , and a l o n g w i t h i t " d o m e s t i c p e r s o n s " . T h i s i s what S t r a t h e r n r e f e r s t o a s " t h e d e n i g r a t i o n of d o m e s t i c i t y "  (1984a:13).  J u s t a s W e i n e r removes T r o b r i a n d women f r o m t h e n a t u r a l world i n order t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r personhood,  Feil  removes  Enga women from t h e d o m e s t i c w o r l d . S t r a t h e r n n o t e s t h a t F e i l 's a n a l y s i s o f women's r o l e s i n t h e t e e e x c h a n g e r e - v a l u e s t h e  153 personal  o r d o m e s t i c , by a s s o c i a t i n g i t w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l  or p u b l i c : A t some p o i n t s i n h i s a n a l y s i s t h e s e i n t e r p e r s o n a l networks appear as t h e essence of t h e system, i n c o n t r a s t t o group-based r e l a t i o n s , and a t other p o i n t s t h e s e n e t w o r k s a r e t o be s e e n a s b e i n g i n themselves p o l i t i c i z e d , so t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l i s i n s e p a r a b l e from t h e personal (1984a:24). In S t r a t h e r n ' s persons  view, F e i l  by d e m o n s t r a t i n g  a t t e m p t s t o p r o v e t h a t women a r e that  they  acted  i n the tee i n  reference t o interpersonal i n t e r e s t s . I f F e i l  can d e m o n s t r a t e  t h a t women's t e e c o n c e r n s w e r e more p e r s o n a l t h a n men's, t h a t women w e r e a c t i v e l y  involved i n the tee,  i t s e l f was p o l i t i c a l ,  and t h a t t h e t e e  t h e n he may s a f e l y c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e  d o m e s t i c , p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s o f k i n s h i p merged w i t h t h e p u b l i c , political  r e l a t i o n s o f e x c h a n g e . Women, t h e n , b y v i r t u e o f  their active participation i npolitical  activities,  i n a more p e r s o n a l  acting  and  way, w e r e n o n e t h e l e s s  albeit  politically  a c t i n g a s p e r s o n s . The d e s i r e t o p r o v e t h a t women a r e  persons, Strathern argues, derives assumptions,  including  from F e i l ' s  the "denigration  of  own W e s t e r n domesticity"  ( 1 9 8 4 a : 2 6 ) , t h a t p e r m i t t h e a n x i e t y t h a t women i n f a c t m i g h t not  be p e r s o n s . The W e s t e r n d e n i g r a t i o n of d o m e s t i c i t y does n o t c o r r e s p o n d  to  the Melpa s i t u a t i o n .  symbolic  and s o c i a l  The M e l p a p e o p l e d i d i n d e e d  connections  between  femaleness  make and  d o m e s t i c i t y , b u t , S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s , t h e s e c a n n o t be e x p l a i n e d  154 by t h e W e s t e r n  d i s t i n c t i o n s between n a t u r e and c u l t u r e o r  the domestic and t h e p u b l i c  ( 1 9 8 0 , 1 9 8 4 a : 1 7 - 1 8 ) . F o r Hagen  women t o be v a l u e d , i t i s n e c e s s a r y n e i t h e r t o r e v a l u e t h e d o m e s t i c o r t h e n a t u r a l , n o r t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t women w e r e active i n the public Nor  does  "socialization" "natural"  sphere.  Hagen  thinking  include  into  personhood,  that  children  are transformed  t h e concept i s , the idea  into  social  of that  persons.  M e l a n e s i a n c h i l d r e n , a s Read ( 1 9 5 5 ) a n d o t h e r s h a v e a r g u e d , are born i n t o s e t s o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i n t h i s sense a r e , by " n a t u r e " , p r e - e m i n e n t l y " c u l t u r a l " . S t r a t h e r n contends that t h e Western  belief  t h a t personhood  therefore requires  c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , which i n t u r n r e q u i r e s independence  from  t h e d o m e s t i c g r o u p , d o e s n o t a p p l y t o M e l p a p e r s o n s . Noman o r "mind", evidence  which manifests i t s e l f  of personhood  a t a very e a r l y age,  ( s e e A. S t r a t h e r n  1981).  autonomy, i n c l u d i n g women's "measure o f g e n u i n e ( S t r a t h e r n 1972:314),  derives  i s  Personal  independence"  f r o m t h e p r e s e n c e o f noman.  T h u s , S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s t h a t "Hagen women h a v e no d i s t i n c t i v e " c u l t u r e " ( 1 9 8 4 a : 1 8 ) ; t h e y h a d no s p e c i a l s p h e r e o f a c t i o n o t h e r t h a n t h e d o m e s t i c s p h e r e , a n d t h e y w e r e no l e s s p e r s o n s because  of i t :  One d o e s n o t h a v e t o f i n d f o r Hagen women a d o m a i n o f c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y t h a t r e f e r s t o t h e i r own s p e c i a l p o w e r s i n o r d e r t o t a k e them s e r i o u s l y (1984a:23).  155 Here,  Strathern  i s clearly  also  concerned  with the  c u l t u r a l l y v a r i a b l e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f "woman". The e x i s t e n c e i n every c u l t u r e of i d e o l o g i c a l v a l u a t i o n s o f a b s t r a c t e d female q u a l i t i e s , s o m e t h i n g w h i c h may be t e r m e d "womanness" ( W e i n e r 1976) o r " f e m a l e n e s s " ( S t r a t h e r n 1981) o r " f e m i n e i t y " ( A r d e n e r 1975), i s not i n d i s p u t e . S t r a t h e r n ' s p o i n t i s r a t h e r ideas  that  of t h e female i n t h e a b s t r a c t a r e d i f f e r e n t l y put  together  i ndifferent  c u l t u r e s and cannot  be r e d u c e d t o a  u n i v e r s a l c u l t u r a l v a l u a t i o n of female r e p r o d u c t i v e powers. P a r t i c u l a r s t u d i e s , t h ecase i n p o i n t being Weiner's of  the Trobriands,  universals  about  do n o t , S t r a t h e r n the condition  of  argues,  study  "... y i e l d  womankind  as  such"  ( 1 9 8 1 a : 6 7 0 ) . " T r o b r i a n d Woman", whose "womanness" e m b o d i e s the c u l t u r a l v a l u e a c c o r d e d r e p r o d u c t i o n , "cannot be a p a r a d i g m f o r Woman" ( 1 9 8 1 a : 6 8 2 ) . I n Hagen s o c i e t y , s h e n o t e s , . . . c a r r i e s much o f t h e s y m b o l i c  "maleness  l o a d b o r n e by f e m a l e n e s s  i n t h e T r o b r i a n d s " (1984a: 2 1 ) , a n d t h e symbol i c v a l u e of Hagen femaleness i sdefined w i t h i n t h e domestic sphere.  S u b j e c t s , O b j e c t s . Women a n d P r o p e r t y W i t h r e s p e c t t o F e i l ' s and Weiner's work, S t r a t h e r n a r g u e s that  t h e Western  anthropological  denigration  of domesticity  produces t h e  f e a r t h a t women may be l e s s t h a n p e r s o n s ,  I a d d r e s s t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s and uses of Melpa gender i n greater d e t a i l l a t e r i n t h i s chapter.  symbolism  and must t h e r e f o r e be shown t o a c t i n c u l t u r a l , to  natural,  domains.  anthropological  urge  Strathern  t o demonstrate  a d i s c u s s i o n (1984b) of t h e Western  further  as  opposed  examines  the  women's p e r s o n h o o d i n equation  of personhood  and s u b j e c t i v i t y , i n w h i c h s h e n o t e s t h a t t h e W e s t e r n  notion  of p e r s o n i m p l i e s a p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n p e r s o n s as  subjects  and  things  or  objects.  This  relation  i s  " o w n e r s h i p " , a n d t h e t h i n g s t h a t s t a n d i n t h i s r e l a t i o n become " p r o p e r t y " . Western persons a r e t h e r e f o r e s u b j e c t s e x e r c i s i n g rights  of  ownership  significantly property,  and  control  over  property,  over the products of t h e i r  ownership,  appropriation  labour.  most  However,  and t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f  persons through t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n of property  (or products)  are not u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e r e l a t i o n s , S t r a t h e r n  argues,  b u t a r e W e s t e r n c o m m o d i t y - b a s e d r e l a t i o n s t h a t do n o t o b t a i n i n Melanesian  societies.  My p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e r n h a s b e e n t o p u t s o m e t h i n g i n t h e p l a c e of our western paradigm of p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p w h i c h i s i t s e l f s o v e r y much b o u n d up w i t h a s p e c i a l view of t h e person. I n f o l l o w i n g Mauss's d i c t u m t h a t t h e t h i n g g i v e n i s p e r s o n i f i e d , we h a v e o f c o u r s e d i s c o v e r e d t h a t i t m a t t e r s a l s o how t h e p e r s o n i s c o n s t r u c t e d (1984b:173). Furthermore,  with  respect  t o the matter  women's p e r s o n h o o d ,  Strathern  equation  and s u b j e c t s  of persons  contends  of demonstrating that  reveals  the  Western  the additional  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a n x i e t y t h a t women be shown t o a c t as s u b j e c t s ,  157 as o p p o s e d t o b e i n g t r e a t e d a s o b j e c t s , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n t h e c a s e o f t h e " e x c h a n g e " o f women a n d w e a l t h . The  n o t i o n o f t h e " e x c h a n g e " o f women by men, o r t h e  e q u i v a l e n c y o f women a n d v a l u a b l e s , h a s f i g u r e d  prominently  i n the l i t e r a t u r e of t h e Highlands. S t r a t h e r n a f f i r m s t h i s equation w i t h respect t o Melpa s o c i e t y . e a r l y a r g u m e n t ( s e e S t r a t h e r n 1972) transact  goods o r a c t p u b l i c l y  c l a r i f i e s t h a t women's c o n t r o l was  I n defence  of her  t h a t M e l p a women d i d n o t  i n t h e moka e x c h a n g e , s h e and d i s t r i b u t i o n  of netbags  n o t a f o r m o f c u l t u r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d power c o m p a r a b l e t o  T r o b r i a n d women' s t r a n s c e n d e n t a l power ( S t r a t h e r n 1 9 8 1 a , s e