UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Troubling modernity : spatial politics, technologies of seeing and the crisis of the city and the World's… Barenscott, Dorothy 2007

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T R O U B L I N G M O D E R N I T Y : S P A T I A L P O L I T I C S , T E C H N O L O G I E S OF S E E I N G , A N D T H E CRISIS OF T H E C I T Y A N D T H E W O R L D ' S E X H I B I T I O N I N F I N D E S I E C L E B U D A P E S T by D O R O T H Y L Y L Y J U L I A N N A B A R E N S C O T T B . A . , Okanagan University College, 1999 Diploma in y Art History, University of British Columbia, 2000 M . A . , University of British Columbia, 2002 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E OF D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (Fine Arts) T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A October 2007 © Dorothy L y l y Julianna Barenscott 11 ABSTRACT Conflicts and concerns around representing ethnic, class, and national identities within the context of modern national ideologies have come to the fore in recent years. Yet these same problems were current and actively being negotiated in the nineteenth century in Central and Eastern Europe's Austro-Hungarian Empire. This dissertation takes as its focus the role o f visuality, new technologies, and social space in the articulation of competing identities in fin de siecle Budapest, Hungary. In 1896 the city hosted a Mil lennial Exhibition designed to simultaneously celebrate the history of the Hungarian people and the entry of Hungary into the larger European world economy. But, preparations within the city of Budapest itself—urban modernization, a state of the art transportation system, new architectural projects, and the design of mass entertainments—argued in different ways for Hungary's legitimacy as a progressive and modern state within the broader jurisdiction represented by the ruling Austrian Hapsburgs, and the imperial capital of Vienna. M y thesis explores how different forms of mobility and circulation within both the shifting urban fabric of the city of Budapest, and the officially sanctioned spaces o f its World's Fair, played a key role in re-defining Hungary's status under imperial rule. The four chapters of the dissertation which focus at their broadest level on the re-ordering of the spaces of the city, panorama spectacles, photography, and early cinema, thus consider the ways in which new modes of subjectivity, embodied vision and media forms, in dialogue with nationhood, gave form to a complex set of social and political tensions and debates at the time of the international exhibition. Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i List of Illustrations v i List of Maps xx i i i Acknowledgements xxiv Dedication xxv INTRODUCTION 1 The Modern City as Catalyst for National Reconfiguration and Resistance 8 The Urban Mediascape: Preparing To See and Preparing To Be Seen 13 Critical Geography, Contested Subjectivity, and the Policy of Magyarization 14 Re-Envisioning Frameworks of Modernity, Tradition, and Visual Culture 22 CHAPTER ONE: Built Space, Style, and the Dis/ordering of Fin de Siecle Budapest 29 Budapest's Nineteenth Century Urban Fabric: Linking Technology and Culture 35 Andrassy Avenue and the Sightlines of Budapest 45 The "Paradigmatic Urban Ensemble" and the Constraints of Dualism 55 Architectural Compromise and the Hungarian Parliament Building 57 iv Budapest's Underground Subway and the "Moving Street" 68 The Language of Nation and Hungary's Museum of Applied Arts 72 Conclusion: The Problem of Reception—A Troubling Modernity 80 CHAPTER TWO: Topographies of Contested Power, Technologies of Embodied Perception—The Painted Panorama Made Modern. 85 The Panorama's Appeal: Tracing a History to Budapest 94 The Reception of the Feszty Panorama: Locating a "Magyar" Discourse 100 Contested Space and Embodied Visuality: Activating a N e w K i n d of "Seeing" 109 Negotiating Arpad: Imperial Catholic Ruler or Indigenous Liberal Nomad? 116 The Question of Space, Perspective, and Virtuality: Nomadology as Politics 124 Technological Mastery, the Modern Moment, and Future Faith 135 Conclusion: Whose Medium, What Function? 143 CHAPTER THREE: Trafficking in Photographs—Representational Power and the Latent Hydra of Revolution 146 Lajos Kossuth and the Legacy of Radical Liberalism 152 "Kossuth Fever" in America, Kosssuth in the International Eye 160 Conflicted Representation of a Revolutionary 166 The Photographer as Patriot—The Photograph as Revolutionary 171 Private Mourning, Public Ritual, and the Cult of Kossuth 179 The Power of Proliferation: Reordered Power and the 1896 Mil lennial Exhibition 187 Mobil i ty, Capital Expansion, and the Economy of the F in de Siecle Photograph 192 Conclusion: Reconfiguring Understandings of Truth, Solidarity and Identity 200 C H A P T E R F O U R : " L i f e : C a u g h t i n the A c t ! " M o b i l i z i n g B u d a p e s t ' s C i n e m a t i c Gaze . . .203 The Cinematograph as Emerging National Eye: Expanding N e w Spaces of Publicity...208 Reappraising Early Cinema Historiography and Spectatorship 222 The Radical Potential of Budapest's Early Cinema 230 Tracing the Story of Hungarian F i lm Exhibitor Arnold Sziklai 237 Conclusion: Contingency and the Deterritorialized Structures of Modern Life 247 C O N C L U S I O N : U r b a n M o d e r n i t y ' s J a n u s F a c e 251 Bibliography 261 Appendix 294 Maps 302 Illustrations 307 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vi INTRODUCTION 1.1 Detailed Map of the Budapest Millennial Exhibition of 1896 (1896). Illustrated Fold-out Map. Jozsef Vasarhelyi. A z Ezredevi Kiallitas (The Mil lennial Exhibition). Debrecen: Gonczy-egyelet, 1896 307 1.2 Arthur Heyer, The Millennial Exhibition Grounds (1896). Illustration. Reprinted in Gyula Laurencic. A z ezereves Magyarorszag es a milleniumikiallitas (The Mil lennium of Hungary and the National Exhibition). Budapest: Kunosy Vi lmos 1896 308 1.3 Unknown Illustrator, Scenes from Hungary's 1896 Millennial Exhibition Grounds (1896). Colour Illustration in Morice Gelleri. The Mil lennial Realm o f Hungary; Its Past and Present. Budapest: Kosmos, 1896 309 1.4 Unknown Illustrator, Section from map of Budapest (1896). Illustrated Antiquarian Map. Owned by author 310 1.5-6 Unknown Illustrator, Book Cover, Lenkei, Henrik. A Mulato Budapest (Budapest's Amusements). In Hungarian and French Editions. Budapest: Singer-Wolfner, 1896 311 1.7 Lipot Kellner, Constantinople in Budapest (1896). Lithographic Print. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 312 1.8 "Constantinople in Budapest" (1896). Newspaper Advertisement. Reprinted in Vasdrnapi Ujsdg (IllustratedSunday News) 43.29 1896 312 1.9 Unknown Illustrator, Orient Express Advertisement (c.l890's). Poster. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/Image:Aff_ciwl orient express4 jw.jpg 313 1.10 Unknown Illustrator, "Complaints Against Wires" (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Fovdrosi Lapok, 28 June 1896 vn 314 1.11 Unknown Photographer, The Gypsy Camp at the Exhibition (1896). Photograph. Reprinted in Gyula Laurencic. A z ezereves Magyarorszag es a milleniumikiallitas (The Millennium of Hungary and the National Exhibition). Budapest: Kunosy Vi lmos 1896 315 C H A P T E R O N E 1.1 David Karoly, Roof-Raising Ceremony of Parliament on M a y 5, 1894 (1894). Photograph. Kisce l l Collection, Budapest History Museum 316 1.2 Gyorgy Klosz, , Parliament Building (c.l900's). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 317 1.3 Gyorgy Klosz , Construction for N e w Metro Station (1896). Photograph. Reprinted in Vasdrnapi Ujsdg (Illustrated Sunday News) 43.17 1896 318 1.4 Unknown Photographer, Parliament Building with Buda Hi l l s and Royal Castle in Background (1930). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 319 1.5 Unknown Producer, Lajos Kossuth (c.l850-60's). Photograph of lithograph by Prinzhofer. Library o f Congress Prints and Photographs Divis ion Washington, D . C 320 1.6 Unknown Artist, Jellasics Crosses the Chain Bridge (1849). Lithographic Print. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 321 1.7 Unknown Artist, V i e w of Buda and Pest (c. 1859-70). Lithographic Print. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 321 1.8 Weinwurm Brothers, Chain Bridge (c. 1870). Daguerreotype. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 322 1.9 Gyorgy Klosz , Andrassy Avenue, V i e w from Opera House towards City Grove (c.1890). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 323 1.10 Gyorgy Klosz , V i e w of City Grove (c.1890). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 324 1.11 Budapest Municipal Planners, Plan for Sugar (later Andrassy) Avenue (1870). Drawing. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 325 1.12 Hungarian National Railway, Railway Lines In and Out of Budapest (1896). Diagram. Reprinted in Aladar, Edvi Illes. Budapest Muszaki Utmutatoja (Technical Guide to Budapest). Budapest: Patria Irodalmi es Nyomdai Reszvenytarsasag, 1896 326 1.13 Mor Erdelyi. The Danube Promenade (c.1900). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 327 1.14 Karoly Divald. V i e w from Buda (c.1900). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 328 1.15 Gyorgy Klosz , Cafe Reitter on Andrassy Avenue Opposite the Opera House (1896). Photograph. Kisce l l Collection, Budapest History Museum 329 1.16 Unknown Producer, Vienna Parliament (c.1890-1900). Photochrome Print. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/lmage:Wien Parlament urn 1900.jpg 330 1.17 Unknown Photographer, Berl in Reichstag (c.1900). Photograph. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/Image:Berlin Reichstag mit Bismarck.jpg 331 ix 1.18 Unknown Photographer, Palace of Westminster in London (c. 1880-1900). Photograph. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/Image:Westminster.ipg 332 1.19 Unknown Photographer Original Canadian Parliament (before 1916 fire) (c. 1870). Photograph. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/Image:Original Canadian_parliament.jpg 333 1.20 Steindl, Imre. Plan for Hungarian Parliament (1884). Drawing. Reprinted in Gabor Eszter ed. A z Orszag Haza. House of the Nation: Parliament Plans for Buda-Pest 1784-1884 (Budapest: Budapest Museum of Fine Arts, 2000), 247 334 1.21 Steindl, Imre. Plan for Hungarian Parliament (1884). Drawing. Reprinted in Jozsef Sisa. Steindl Imre (Budapest: Holnap Kiado, 2005), 128 335 1.22 Tisza Lajos, "What Should the New Parliament Be L ike?" (1884). Newspaper Illustration. Bolond Istok (Crazed Stephen) 11 May 1884 336 1.23 Gyorgy Klosz , Construction of Underground Subway on Andrassy Avenue (1894). Photograph. Hungarian National Museum Photography Archives 337 1.24 Unknown Photographer, Budapest Subway (1899). Photograph. Reprinted in George C. Crocker "The Passenger Traffic of Boston and the Subway." The New England Magazine 14. no. 5 (1899): 536 338 1.25 "Map of Budapest Subway Line" (1896). Drawing. Budapest Metro Museum 339 1.26 Albert Schickedanz and Fulop Herzog, Station of the Mil lennia l Underground (1896). Illustration. Reprinted in A Golden Age: Art and Society in Hungary 1896-1914, edited by Gyongyi E r i and Zsuzsa Jobbagyi. (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1990), 11 340 1.27 Unknown Photographer, Millennial Underground at Heroes' Square (c.1930). Photograph. Accessed from Wikimedia Commons Free Domain Images http://commons. wikimedia. org/wiki/Image: Mfav ground. i p g 341 1.28 Siemens and Halske, Franz Joseph Underground Subway (c.1894). Illustration. Budapest Metro Museum 342 1.29 Gyorgy Klosz , N e w Art Gallery/Exhibition Hal l (c.1896). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 343 1.30-1.31 Odon Lechner, Plans for Museum of Applied Arts (c.1894). Drawings. Reprinted in Janos Gerle. Lechner Odon. (Budapest: Holnap Kiado, 2003), 136-137 344 1.32 Gyorgy Klosz , Street V i e w of Budapest's Museum of Appl ied Arts (c.1896). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 345 1.33 Antal Weinwurm, Building Budapest's Museum of Applied Arts (1894). Photograph. Reprinted in Janos Gerle. Lechner Odon. (Budapest: Holnap Kiado, 2003), 138 346 1.34-1.36 Exterior Views of Budapest's Museum of Applied Arts (2005). Photographs by author 347 1.37-1.39 Interior Views o f Budapest's Museum of Applied Arts (2005). Photographs by author 348 1.40 Vi lmos Zsolnay, "Furniture Mount in the Millennial Style from Office of Prime Minister in Hungarian Parliament Bui lding" (1896). Ceramic-Reprinted in E v a Csenkey, Agota Steinert, and Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts Design and Culture. Hungarian Ceramics from the Zsolnay Manufactory, 1853-2001. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 189 349 C H A P T E R T W O xi 2.1 Gyorgy Zala and Albert Schickedanz, Mil lennial Monument Design Plans (1894). Aquarelle on carton. Reproduced in A Golden Age: Art and Society in Hungary 1896-1914, edited by Gyongyi Er i and Zsuzsa Jobbagyi. (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1990), 11 350 2.2 Miliary Munkacsy, Conquest (1896). O i l painting on canvas (459 x 1855 cm). Hungarian Parliament Building 351 2.3 Anonymous, Arpad Feszty posing in front of the panorama (c.1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 352 2.4 Gyorgy Klosz , Feszty Panorama Rotunda in City Grove (1895). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 353 2.5 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas (15 x 120 meters). Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 1 354 2.6 Arpad Feszty, Arr iva l of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 2 355 2.7 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oi l painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 3 356 x i i 2.8 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 4 357 2.9 Arpad Feszty. Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 5 358 2.10 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 6 359 2.11 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 7 360 2.12 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 8 361 2.13 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 9 362 x i i i 2.14 Arpad Feszty, Arr ival of the Conquering Hungarians (1894). Panorama, oil painting on canvas. Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park. Panorama reproduced as a colour postcard series photographed by Enyedi Zoltan, Hungarian National Historical Memorial Park (2001), postcard 10 363 2.15 Generic Diagram of Panorama Platform. Arpad Szucs and Malgorzata Wojtowicz. A Feszty Korkep (The Feszty Panorama). (Budapest: Helokon, 1996), 3 364 2.16 Edouard Detaille and Alphonse de Neuville, Battle of Champigny (1879). Detail of Panorama, oi l painting on canvas (121 x 215 cm). N e w York Metropolitan Museum of Art . 365 2.17 Photographer Unknown, Mihary Munkacsy's Conquest in the Upper House of Parliament (c.1900). Photograph. Budapest Museum of History 366 2.18 Unknown Producer, A Thousand Years of Statehood (1896). Colour Poster. National Szechenyi Library, Budapest 367 2.19 Lajos Deak-Ebner, Hungaria (1896). Colour Poster. Reproduced in A Golden Age: Art and Society in Hungary 1896-1914, edited by Gyongyi Er i and Zsuzsa Jobbagyi. (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1990), 46 368 2.20 Unknown Illustrator, A nemzetkozi parlamenti ertekezlet (The International Parliament Meeting) (1896). Newspaper Illustration.Budapest: Illustrated Political News 25 September 1896, Front Cover 369 2.21 Janos Thorma, Martyrs of Arad (1893-96). O i l painting on canvas (350 x 633 cm). Hungarian National Gallery 370 2.22 Bela Grunwald, Comeback After the Tatar Invasion (1896). O i l painting on canvas (dimensions unknown). Hungarian National Gallery 371 2.23 Unknown Illustrator, The Arr ival of the Hungarians (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Herko Pater 26 July 1896 xiv 372 2.24 Unknown Illustrator, Molnar and Tri l l ' s Panorama of Dante's He l l (1896). Illustration. Reprinted in Gyula Laurencic. A z ezereves Magyarorszag es a milleniumikiallitas (The Mil lennium of Hungary and the National Exhibition). Budapest: Kunosy Vi lmos 1896 373 2.25 Jan Styka, Panorama of the Battle of Raclawice (1893-94). Panorama, oi l painting on canvas (15 x 120 meters). Raclawice Rotunda, Wroclaw Poland. Reproduced in Beata Stragierowicz. Panorama i panoramy (The Panorama and Panoramas). Translated by Jan Rudzki. (Wroclaw: National Museum, Wroclaw, 2005), 23 374 2.26 Unknown Photographer, Pusztaszer Memorial Monument (1896). Photograph. Budapest Museum of Trade and Catering 375 2.27 Jan Styka and Pal Vago, The Battle of Sibiu or Bern and Petofi in Transylvania (1897). Panorama, o i l painting on canvas (original dimensions unknown). Sections in museum and private collections throughout Europe. Images reproduced on Jasz-Nagykun-Szolnok County Museum, Hungary website: http://www.djm.hu/archiv/erdely.html 376 2.28-2.29 Jan Styka and Pal Vago, The Battle of Sibiu or Bern and Petofi in Transylvania (1897). Panorama, oi l painting on canvas. Sections in private collections throughout Europe. Image reproduced on Museum of Tarnow, Poland website: http://www.muzeum.tarnow.pl/panorama/panorama.html 377 2.30 Philipp Fleischer, The Franz Joseph Jubilee Panorama (c. 1898). Panorama, oil painting on canvas (original dimensions unknown). Painting lost or destroyed. Photographic image of original from 1898 Leipzig newspaper reprinted in Stephan Oettermann. The Panorama: A History of a Mass Medium (New York: Zone Books, 1997), 308 378 XV C H A P T E R T H R E E 3.1 Unknown Photographer, Kossuth Lying in State in Torino Italy (1894). Photograph. Reprinted in Vasarnapi Ujsag (Illustrated Sunday News) 41.14 1894 379 3.2 Unknown Artist, Defeating the Hydra of Revolution (1851). Lithographic Print. Unknown Vienna Archive. Reprinted in Robert Herman. "Lajos Kossuth." In Fact Sheets on Hungary. Budapest: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Hungary, 2002 380 3.3 Unknown Illustrator, " Y o u Can't Pass Here!" (1851). Newspaper Illustration. Punch, or The London Charivari vol . 21, 1851 381 3.4 Unknown Artist, Grand Reception of Kossuth in New York, "The Champion of Hungarian Independence" at the City Hal l , New York, December 6th 1851 (1851). Lithographic Print. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Divis ion Washington, D . C 382 3.5 Unknown Artist, Arr ival of Kossuth at the Southampton Docks, England (1851). Lithographic Print after wood engraving. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D . C 383 3.6 Unknown Artist, Kossuth Enters the Park in New York in 1851 (1851). Lithographic Print. Library o f Congress Prints and Photographs Divis ion Washington, D . C 383 3.7 Unknown Producer, Lajos Kossuth (c.l850-60's). Photograph of lithograph by Prinzhofer. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Divis ion Washington, D . C 384 3.8 Unknown Photographer, Lajos Kossuth (c.l860's). Photograph. Reprinted in Merenyi Hajnalka. "The Pulszky Salon" Budapest Negyed 46.4 (2004) 385 3.9 F . L . Claudet, The Exi led Kossuth (1851). Daguerreotype. Reprinted in Beatrix Basics. Kossuth Laios (1802-1894). Budapest: Kossuth Kiado, 2002 XVI 3.10 N . Currier, Kossuth and His Family (1851). Colour Lithographic Print after Daguerreotype by Claudet of London. Reprinted in Robert Herman. "Lajos Kossuth." In Fact Sheets on Hungary. Budapest: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Hungary, 2002 386 3.11-3.12 Gustave Courbet, The Painter's Studio, A Real Allegory Summarizing M y Seven Years of Life as an Artist. (1854-1855). O i l painting on canvas (361 x 598 cm). Musee d'Orsay, Paris 387 3.13 V i l m a Parlaghy, Kossuth Lajos (1885). O i l painting on canvas (175 x 126 cm). Private Collection. Reprinted in Syekfu, Gyula. " A z 6reg Kossuth, 1867-1894 (The Elder Kossuth)." In Emlekkonyv Kossuth Lajos sziiletesenek 150. evfordulojara (Essays in Memory of Lajos Kossuth's 150th Anniversary) edited by Magyar Tortenelmi Tarsulat, 341-433. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1952 388 3.14 Schemboche, Kossuth's Office in Turin (1894). Photograph. Reprinted as a steel print engraving in "Louis Kossuth" L'Illustration 31 March 1894 389 3.15 Mor Erdelyi, Kossuth Lying in State at Hungarian National Museum (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 390 3.16 Gyorgy Klosz , Kossuth's Funeral on Apr i l 1 s t (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 391 3.17 Gyorgy Klosz , Kossuth Funeral Procession on Grand Boulevard (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 391 3.18 Mor Erdelyi, Kossuth's Grave (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 392 3.19-22 M o r Erdelyi, Kossuth Funeral Procession (Series) (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 393 xvi i 3.23 Mor Erdelyi, Waiting for Kossuth's Body's Return to Budapest at Western Railway Station (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 394 3.24 Mor Erdelyi, Paying Respects to Kossuth at Hungarian National Museum (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 395 3.25 Mor Erdelyi, Watching Over Kossuth's Casket (1894). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 395 3.26-3.27 Mor Erdelyi, Paying Respects to Kossuth at Hungarian National Museum and Watching Over Kossuth's Casket (1894). Photographs. Reprinted as steel plate engravings in Le Monde Illustre 14 Apr i l 1894 396 3.28 Karoly Divald, Gathering Crowd on March 15 t h for Anniversary of 1848 Revolution (1894). Photograph. Reprinted as a steel plate engraving in "Louis Kossuth" LTllustration31 March 1894 397 3.29 M o r Erdelyi, Kossuth's Funeral in Budapest (1894). Photograph. Reprinted as a steel plate engraving in "Louis Kossuth" L'Illustration 14 A p r i l 1894 397 3.30-3.31 "Louis Kossuth" L'Illustration 31 March 1894 398 3.32 A . W . , One of the People's Saints for the Calendar of Liberty 1852 (1852). Lithographic Print. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Divis ion Washington, D . C 399 3.33 Front Page, Vasarnapi Ujsag (Illustrated Sunday News) 41.14 1894 400 3.34 Gyorgy Klosz , The Old Stock Exchange Building (c.1873). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 401 xvi i i 3.35 Gyorgy Klosz , Budapest Street Scene (1894-95). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Erv in Szabo Library 402 3.36 Gyorgy Klosz , Electric Tram Yard (c.1890) Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 403 3.37 Gyorgy Klosz , Blasting for the First Shaft of the Iron Gate (1890). Photograph. Hungarian National Museum 403 3.38.-3.39 Cover and Sample Inside Pages. Gyula Laurencic. A z ezereves Magyarorszag es a milleniumikiallitas (The Millennium o f Hungary and the National Exhibition). Budapest: Kunosy Vilmos 1896 404 3.40-3.41 Examples of the Kossuth Dollar in English and Hungarian Printings. Reprinted in Istvan Sinkovics, "Onallo Magyar Bankjegy (The Independant Hungarian Banknote)." In Emlekkonyv Kossuth Lajos sztiletesenek 150. evfordulojara (Essays in Memory of Lajos Kossuth's 150th Anniversary), edited by Magyar Tortenelmi Tarsulat, 114-73. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1952 405 3.42 Cover, Kepes Kossuth naptar (Illustrated Kossuth Calander) (1896). Day Calendar. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 406 3.43 Unknown Producer, Kossuth Souvenir Postcard (c.1909). Postcard. Reprinted in Robert Herman. "Lajos Kossuth." In Fact Sheets on Hungary. Budapest: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Hungary, 2002 407 3.44 Gyorgy Klosz , Mil lennium Exhibition Opening (1896). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 408 xix C H A P T E R F O U R 4.1 F i lm Stills from the First Ten Lumiere Films Debuted at the Salon Indien du Grand Cafe in Paris on December 28, 1895 with Accompanying Program. Reproduced on the Institut Lumiere website: http ://www. institut-lumiere .org/english/frames .html 409 4.2 Unknown Photographer, O ld Buda Castle Cabaret (1896). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 410 4.3 Detailed Map of the Budapest Mil lennial Exhibition of 1896 (Close up of Old Buda Castle Cabaret Location) (1896). Illustrated Fold-out Map. Jozsef Vasarhelyi. A z Ezredevi Kiallitas (The Millennial Exhibition). Debrecen: Gonczy-egyelet, 1896 410 4.4 Gyorgy Klosz , Old Buda Castle Cabaret (1896). Photograph. Budapest Collection, Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library 411 4.5 Unknown Illustrator, Begreiflich (Understandable) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Kiker ik i 48, 14 June 1896) 412 4.6 Unknown Illustrator, Szep esmenyek a millennium kiiszoben (Nice Episodes on the Threshold of the Millennium) (1896). Illustrated Cartoon, Herko Pater, 19 A p r i l 1896 413 4.7 Unknown Illustrator, Nem ugy van ma, mint volt regen, mas csillagzat jar az egen [Today is not like it was long ago, another prophecy lies in the stars (1896). Illustrated Cartoon, Herko Pater, February 23 1896 414 4.8 Advertisement Page from Pesti Naplo (Pest Daily) 24 May 1896 415 4.9 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Waters Garden" in The Gardener (1895). F i l m Stil l . Institut Lumiere X X 4.10 Lumiere Brothers, "Young M a n Sneaks U p " in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Stil l . Institut Lumiere 416 4.11 Lumiere Brothers, "Young M a n Stops Flow of Water" in The Gardener (1895). Fi lm Still . Institut Lumiere 417 4.12 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Examines Hose" in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Stil l . Institut Lumiere 417 4.13 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Blasted in Face with Water" in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Stil l . Institut Lumiere 418 4.14 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Grabs Young M a n " in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Still . Institut Lumiere 418 4.15 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Makes Young M a n Look at Hose" in The Gardener (1895). F i l m Sti l l . Institut Lumiere 419 4.16 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Spanks Young M a n " in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Stil l . Institut Lumiere 419 4.17 Lumiere Brothers, "Gardener Returns to Work" in The Gardener (1895). F i l m Stil l . Institut Lumiere 420 4.18 Lumiere Brothers, "Young M a n Looks Directly at Audience" in The Gardener (1895). F i lm Sti l l . Institut Lumiere 420 4.19 Unknown Illustrator, A kiraly az uj mucsarnokban (The K i n g Visi ts the N e w Art Museum) (18961. Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 6 May 1896, Front Cover 421 xxi 4.20 Unknown Illustrator, A fovaros titkaibol (From the City's secrets] (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 8 August 1896, Front Cover 422 4.21 Unknown Illustrator, Remes vasuti akadaly (Horrible Railway Accident) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 25 July 1896, Front Cover 422 4.22 Unknown Illustrator, A lezuhant siklo (The Collapsed Furnicular) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 20 June 1896, Front Cover 423 4.23 Unknown Illustrator, A kerekpar halottja (The Bicycle's Vict im) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 31 October 1896, Front Cover 423 4.24 Unknown Illustrator, A moszkvai veres koronazas (The Bloody Moscow Coronation) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 21 June 1896, Inside Cover 424 4.25 Unknown Illustrator, Kubai folkelok harca (Cuban Uprising) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 23 M a y 1896, Front Cover 424 4.26 Unknown Illustrator, Veres valasztas (Bloody Elections) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 24 October 1896, Front Cover 425 4.27 Unknown Illustrator, Hare valastok es huszarok kozt (Among the Election Rioters and Police) (1896). Newspaper Illustration. Budapest: Illustrated Political News 30 October 1896, Front Cover 425 C O N C L U S I O N C . l Richard Harding Davis, "Yankee City of the Old Wor ld" (1897). Newspaper Article. The Washington Post 28 February 1897 426 C.2 Nineteenth Century Photographs Blown Up A s Posters in Budapest Street Walkways (2005). Photograph by author xxn 427 C.3 Unknown Photographer (for Reuters), Thousands Peacefully Protest in Budapest Against Hungarian P M (2006) Digital Photograph. A B C News 24 September 2006. Accessed Online: http://www.abc.net.au/news/newsitems/200609/sl747334.htm 428 C.4 Leonhard Foeger (for Reuters), Protestors March in Budapest Against Ly ing Gyurcsany (PM) (2006) Digitial Photograph. Time Magazine 24 September 2006. Accessed Online: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0.9171.1538604,00.html 428 xxi i i L I S T O F M A P S Map 1: Architectural and Urban Planning Features of Nineteenth Century Budapest 302 Map 2: Panorama and Painting Exhibition in Budapest (1894-1896) 303 Map 3: Procession of Lajos Kossuth's Funeral and Areas Photographed (1894) 304 Map 4: Cinema Screenings and Theatres in Budapest During 1896 Fair 305 Map 5: Overlay of Maps 1-4 306 A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S xxiv For her constant support, encouragement, and insightful observations, I would like to thank my main advisor, teacher, and mentor Dr. Maureen Ryan—an individual from whom I have truly learned to read visual images and ask questions that provoke and push boundaries beyond the expected and predictable. I also credit her for instilling in me a true love of nineteenth century art, and the ability to both share and teach about the passion for new ideas to others. I would also like to thank my thesis committee, most notably Dr. John O'Brian, to whom I owe a great debt of gratitude for first encouraging me to pursue studies in the Department of Art History, Visual Art , and Theory at U B C , and for providing the very best advice and guidance in every phase of my graduate program. Thanks are also extended to Dr. Sherry M c K a y for her patience and key critical questions that pushed me to think about the spaces of Budapest and the shifting contours of its urban fabric in new ways. Outside of my committee, I was also fortunate to have the input of Dr. Serge Guilbaut in the early phases of my research—many thanks to him for provocative discussions about fi lm, humour, and the notion of "failure" that shaped aspects of the final chapter and conclusion of this dissertation. This thesis was researched and written with the support of a doctoral fellowship from Canada's Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council , and with the invaluable aid of a U B C Art History Travel Research Scholarship. I am also indebted to the kindness and assistance of a number of Budapest librarians, archivists, and technical support people who helped me to locate, gather and document much of the visual material that I have amassed for this project. Thanks as well to N ick Neisingh for his amazing map making skills. Within my department, I would also like to acknowledge the graduate students and faculty who contributed to the debates and exchange of ideas that informed aspects of my research. In particular, I want to thank Lara Tomaszewska for her constant friendship, valuable support, and critical feedback, especially in the final phases and months of this project, and also thank Martha Sesin for her ability to bring calm, perspective, and hope at some very difficult junctures of my doctoral program. Last but not least, I want to thank my family and closest friends (a special thanks to my parents Maria and Levente Kovacs, and Cobi Falconer)—for supporting and providing me with the space and unconditional understanding to see this project through to completion. But most of all, I want to thank my husband and life partner, Brian Barenscott, for believing in me and this project (and for many cups of coffee, engaging discussions, and walks along our beloved Kitsilano Beach), and especially for supporting me in those fragile moments when I did not. For Nagypapa with love— The first and most passionate historian of Budapest that I ever had the pleasure of knowing. 1 Introduction: Budapest 1896—Re-Envisioning Frameworks of Modernity and Tradition Tradition, as a word we tend to take for granted as expressing a cultural value to be endorsed or rejected, is complicated by tradition as a concept, thus serving as a searchlight to illuminate the process, performance, and performativity whose subjects are seduced into realizing that they are doing the acting. - Mieke Bai, Cultural Theorist (2004)' Can we consider the modern as something existing—as something relatively expressive and important? We can say a decisive yes or no only when we answer the question whether our culture is really culture. — Gyorgy Lukacs, Hungarian Philosopher (1909)2 The Budapest Millennial Exhibition opened to an international audience on May 2, 1896, and at first glance, all of the expected attractions and features of a nineteenth century World's Fair were present. Located in the second imperial city of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the six-month long exposition, while holding fast to the perceived expectations of tourists new to the city, encompassed the full range of predictable monuments to nation. Thus, readable statues of ancient heroes, historical architecture and paintings, as well as markers of the host nation's civilization, such as Hungary's newly completed neo-classical Palace of Art (modeled on the German Kunsthalle) and situated at the entrance to the fairgrounds, were offered up to visitors. 3 Turning to an illustrated layout and map of the official Fair (figs.1.1-1.2), the visible traces of exhibition organizers' attempts to exhibit Hungary's more public and readable "Western" face indeed manifested itself in a typical, i f not all together ordinary, nineteenth century exhibition. 4 Here, visitors navigated officially sanctioned spaces and beautifully manicured green space with a carefully detailed map that led them on foot or via the small park train through a series of clearly delineated ' Mieke Bai, "Zwarte Piet's Bai Masque," in Questions of Tradition, ed. Mark Phillips and Gordon J. Schochet (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 145. 2 Originally quoted from Gyorgy Lukacs, A modern drama fejlodesenek tortenete (The History and Development of Modern Drama) (Budapest: Magveto, 1911), 143, with the English translation taken from Margit Koves, "Anthropology in the Aesthetics of the Young Lukacs," Social Scientist 29, no. 7-. 8 (2001): 72. 3 Also known as the New Art Gallery (Mucsarnok), the building was completed in 1895 by architects Albert Schickedanz and Fiilbp Herzog and situated at the entrance of the Millennial Exhibition fairgrounds. 4 This was also reflected in foreign press accounts that praised Budapest officials for putting on a Fair up to Western standards. See for example: "Hungary's Great Celebration," New York Times, June 9 1896. 2 pavilions and points of interest (fig.1.3).5 Temporarily staged in a large city park located on the farthest edge of Budapest's industrial district, the exhibition was also strategically located at the end of the city's widest and most luxurious new boulevard and between the cities two largest train stations (fig.1.4). Modeling elements of other similar World 's Fairs and Universal Exposition venues dating back to London's Great Exhibition of 1851, the Budapest Fair simultaneously displayed an assortment of technological and industrial advancements along with a cross-section of the Empire's cultural offerings.6 These, together with the requisite sprinkling of amusements and a spectacle or two thrown in for good measure, complied with the standard recipe for successful events of this type. Created with city visitors and tourists in mind, the International Exhibition's primary function was to familiarize and educate spectators with the broader themes of progress and modernity endorsed at the exposition, while normalizing the very same ideas within the context of national advancement. In this sense as well , the Budapest Fair did not deviate very much from what was anticipated. But by the summer of 1896, the focus of popular and international interest increasingly coalesced around the city of Budapest itself, and what could be described as more unofficial spaces of exhibition. One reason for this development was that the promotion and advertisements of the city's most visually and technologically interesting attractions and entertainments drew public attention beyond the fairgrounds. One such attraction was the much anticipated inauguration of Continental Europe's first electrically powered underground subway, an engineering marvel bisecting the newest part of an expanding metropolis and punctuating Budapest's distinction as the fastest growing city in Europe. 7 In turn, the phenomena 5 When researching 1896 tourist guidebooks on Budapest, I continued to find the same map shown in fig. 1.2 reprinted largely unchanged both in Hungarian and English editions, suggesting to me a kind of continuity and control over how the Fair was officially pictured and charted out for visitors. 6 Budapest's Millennial Exhibition is referred to throughout this thesis interchangeably as a World's Fair, and/or International Exposition/Exhibition. This reflects the way the exhibition was described in the international press (as all of these), and understood by the public of the time as something more than a localized National Exhibition. Indeed, I have found conflicting accounts of whether the official sanctioning body of World's Fairs, the Bureau International des Expositions (or BIE), has recognized the Budapest Exhibition of 1896 as a registered "Universal Exhibition." Much of this confusion, in turn, relates to Hungary's status as a dual partner in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a point that will be explored extensively in this study. 7 This is a fact that is largely undisputed in the contemporary literature on European urban history, although Berlin follows closely on Budapest's heels. For statistics on Budapest's growth, see Thomas 3 of emphasizing off-site venues of the Fair was perhaps best recorded in a whole host of international guides and books about Budapest that sprung up in the mid-1890's. For example, the guide titled Budapest's Amusements (A Mulato Budapest), published in English, French and Hungarian, described the various attractions and nightlife of the city, emphasizing all of the bohemian adventures available to its readers (figs.1.5-1.6).9 This included exhaustive lists of cafes, concert halls, cabaret restaurants where gypsy bands played, private exhibitions of panoramas, paintings, and cinema, along with detailed descriptions of local haunts, such as the sumptuous Turkish baths and mineral spas dotting the city, all of which made Budapest a desirable tourist destination by the turn of the century. 1 0 One locus of such urban attractions was undoubtedly found in the grand reconstruction of a virtual Constantinople (Konstantinapoly Budapesten) on a large island on the lower right bank'of the Danube (figs.1.7-1.8). Advertised as a place of unparalleled amusement where visitors could experience a semblance of the Turkish and significantly Islamic capital, "with all of its peculiar characteristics and romance," the venue blurred aspects of Hungary's imagined and real connections to its eastern nomadic ancestry and life under Turkish occupation (from 1541-1699). 1 1 Stil l , what was successfully promoted at this site was the ability of tourists to "visit" Constantinople while still safely within Hungary—this, a nod to the nation's attempted distinction from more negative associations with its eastern past. With an Hall, Planning Europe's Capital Cities: Aspects of Nineteenth-century Urban Development (London: E & F N S p o n , 1997), 264. 8 See for example the following guides published in English: Joseph Kahn, F.A. Klein, Practical English Guide to the City of Budapest (Budapest: Joseph Kahn, 1896); Hungary, Budapest with Fourteen Maps and Plans: Singer and Wolfner's Handbooks for Travellers, (Budapest: Singer and Wolfher, 1896); Morice Gelleri, The Millennial Realm of Hungary; Its Past and Present (Budapest: Kosmos, 1896). 9 Henrik Lenkei, A Mulato Budapest (Budapest's Amusements) (Budapest: Singer-Wolfner, 1896). 1 01 charted a perceptible increase in books and feature articles published in foreign languages about Hungary and Budapest after the 1896 Fair. See especially the widely circulated F. Berkeley Smith, Budapest: The City of the Magyars (New York: James Pott and Company, 1903). 1 1 The reconstruction of a Constantinople inspired theme park and place of amusement was the brain child of Karoly Somossy, a circus promoter and eventual owner of a well known Budapest cabaret in the 1890's called the Somossy Club (Somossy Mulato). Somossy leased the large tract of land on the edge of the city's lower west bank to put up the temporary venue. What little is known about the place can be made out in local press accounts and through detailed advertisements taken out by Somossy to bring attention the daily events at the venue. See "Konstantinapoly Budapesten (Constantinople in Budapest)," Vasarnapi Ujsdg (Sunday Illustrated News) 36, no. 43 (1896). 4 emphasis on night-time theatricality, costume, and illusionism, together with the display of new visual technologies and spectacles, the site operated in stark contrast to the more traditional pavilions and tidy daytime promenades of the Millennial Exhibition. Moreover, the evocative setting of a place at once associated with the former Byzantine, East Roman, and present day Ottoman Empires, managed to successfully promote a sense of the risque and unexpected; feelings that were necessary to impart the belief that visitors had seen and experienced something they would otherwise not have at the official fairgrounds at the other end of the city. The final encounter of visitors to Budapest in 1896 could therefore be described, both spatially and metaphorically, as oscillating between varieties o f perception, viewpoints that could be understood to be more "Western" or "Eastern" in flavour. To be sure, wherever the emphasis on Hungary's oriental connections emerged, they most often translated with popular fin de siecle audiences into associations with a form of unexpected, clandestine and hybrid exoticism. These ideas, relating to how visitors experienced Budapest, were already promulgated for example with the new high speed Orient Express traveling between Paris and the real Constantinople, located at the farthest outpost of Europe's eastern border. In business since 1883, the long-distance passenger train operating out of France became the fashionable way to travel in the period, adding Budapest onto its route in 1889 as a featured stop between the two distant locales—a literal manifestation of being situated between east and west (fig.1.9).1 2 Budapest entrepreneurs, understanding the financial gain to be made from the potential tourists to their city, were savvy enough to recognize and highlight what would be understood by discerning fin de siecle tourists as the more fashionable bohemian and exotic flavours of Budapest. A l l of these mounting discourses, in turn, shaped people's pre-existing and often jumbled together fantasies and projections about the "exotic east" as it pertained to the new metropolis, whether it related to Bohemia and bohemian culture, nomadic peoples (such as the wandering Gypsies made famous by their musical concerts around Europe and America), the sexual availability of local women, or the frightening amalgam many associated with what was constructed as the largely indistinguishable 1 2 For studies on the history of the Orient Express, see Garry Hogg, Orient Express: The Birth, Life and Death of a Great Train (London,: Hutchinson, 1968); and on the changing perceptions of space and time brought about by the new high-speed trains, see Wolfgang Schivelbusch, "Railroad Space and Railroad Time," New German Critique, no. 14 (1978). 5 cultures of Eastern nations. 1 3 Consequently, not unlike in Paris, where the exploitation of the city's bohemian element for profit had driven a new category of bourgeois tourist to the cabarets of Montmartre, there was a way in which the forbidden and exotic had become simultaneously normalized, popularized, and profitable in Budapest by the end of the nineteenth century. 1 4 A t its broadest level, my argument in this thesis concerns the discourses of "otherness" attached to the Budapest Millennial Exhibition by the time of its opening in 1896, which encouraged visitors and tourists to seek out and experience the "real" Hungary through a close association with the newest and most technologically advanced facets and attractions of the city—a nexus that existed on the edges of the most deregulated and unofficial realms of World 's Expositions by the fin de siecle period. A s my dissertation chapters with their inter-related focus on architecture and urban planning, panorama spectacles, photography and early cinema suggest, the accompanying and new regimes of seeing promoted through the modernizing city naturally pushed the locus of attention away from more traditional associations and perceptions of nation into entirely new directions. But what is particularly intriguing in the case of Budapest, and makes this study of wider interest to scholars of modernity in its many guises, is how ideas associated with an eastern exoticism were promoted from within Hungarian history and celebrated at the Fair through a connection to a class of mythic ancestor heroes that ennobled seemingly modern ideas in the form of nomadic traditions. These traditions, instead of emphasizing associations with a continuing pattern of cultural beliefs and practices emanating from a historical past to influence the present, ceremonialized an ethnic heritage of Magyar origins founded on present-day concepts and values that were cast back and closely associated with the founding myth of the Hungarian nation. This coincided, not insignificantly, with the very same core values and concepts associated with the burgeoning metropolis of Budapest: increased mobility, accelerated transport of 1 3 For examples of these stereotypes, see Victor Tissot, Unknown Hungary (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1881); Elizabeth Robins Pennell, "To Gipsyland," The Century 45, no. 2 (1892) and "The Mystery of the Magyars," New York Times, March 22 1896. 1 4 For a discussion of developments in late nineteenth century Paris, see Vanessa R. Schwartz, Spectacular Realities: Early Mass Culture in Fin-de-siecle Paris (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); also Mary Gluck, Popular Bohemia: Modernism and Urban Culture in Nineteenth-Century Paris (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005). peoples, technological prowess, new networks of power, and the supporting strength of a liberal government founded upon ideals of democracy and freedom. 1 5 Therefore, what I describe in this thesis, not unlike my opening allusion to the popularity of the Orient Express Railway, is that the promotion of Budapest's transportation and communication innovations was firmly rooted in a forward-looking technological modernity, one which not only moved publics across boundaries, but which also engaged them with notions of fantastical illusionism and the techniques and instruments associating boundlessness with entirely new dimensions of power. Consequently, what I also suggest is that the focus on the emerging spaces of leisure, spectacle, and mobility of an urbanizing Budapest gave primacy to a far less public and more overtly private engagement with the new regimes of visuality proffered through a wide range of technologies celebrated at Budapest's Millennial Exhibition. I explore in my thesis to what ends this visuality—which I argue imparted a sense that the city must be experienced through a kind of flaneury of the second imperial capital—privileged the more ephemeral, subterranean, eclectic, and modern urban fabric of the city as it gave shape and dimension to an emerging Hungarian consciousness. 1 6 1 5 In this sense, the kind of orientalism taken up in Hungary was very distinct from those notions taken up in nations such as France, Germany or Britain. With no colonial holdings or distant colonial subjects to control and manage, Austria-Hungary possessed a far different set of stakes related to the political and social implications of the constructed "Other" in the national imaginary. As architectural historian Akos Moravanszky argues in Competing Visions: Aesthetic Invention and Social Imagination in Central European Architecture, 1867-1918 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998), using the example of the orient taken up in Austrian intellectual and cultural circles by the nineteenth century, orientalism was "invented" "not as a way to establish a relation of hegemony but to dissolve the limits of particularity, to find the universal principles of harmony by observing other cultures" (4-6). This was especially important for Austrians as a means through which to manage a multiethnic Empire. But for Hungarians, notions of the orient held out more radical potential. More than just facilitating the appreciation of other cultures, the idea of true cultural difference took political shape and was used strategically in Hungary. This was not only for Hungarians to directly trace their Magyar nomadic heritage to Eastern roots, but also to bind their past to liberal principles with which many politicians approached the folding in of "the people" to the nation. It was a powerful set of ideas that also strongly undermined important tenets of Habsburg imperial power. One aspect of this perceived difference was extended to the modern urban subject and their sense of home, a topic I explore in Chapter One. 1 6 The figure of the flaneur (or the idle-man-about-town) was famously described by the French poet Charles Baudelaire in many of his writings and has been a topic of interest for the philosopher Walter Benjamin in his meditations on Parisian culture. The term comes from the French verb fldner, which means "to stroll," and thus characterizes a person who walks the city in order to experience it. For critical discussions on the role of the flaneur in the context of urban modernity, see: Susan Buck-Morss, "The Flaneur, the Sandwichman and the Whore: The Politics of Loitering," New German Critique, no. 39, Second Special Issue on Walter Benjamin (1986); Keith Tester, The Flaneur (London: Routledge, 1994); David Scobey, "Commercial Culture, Urban Modernism, and the Intellectual Flaneur," American Quarterly 47, no. 2 (1995). 7 The phenomena of coexisting and often competing official and unofficial exhibition venues dovetailed with how World's Fairs had become promoted by the end of the nineteenth century. 1 7 A n d this observation underpins other important aspects of my thesis. Whereas the first generation of World 's Fairs beginning in the mid-nineteenth century championed a public education angle for their attractions and sites of interest, the fin de siecle exhibitions came to increasingly focus on spectacle and fantasy as a way to continue attracting audiences to the stock World Exhibition format. A t the same time, the commercialization and financing of Fairs, away from strictly national interests and into the hands of private investors, meant that many of the more novel attractions of the later exhibitions occurred outside the traditional venue of the exhibition fairground. For Budapest, following closely on the heels of Chicago's successful World's Columbian Exposition of 1893, I contend that there was a prevailing sense of wanting to outdo what had been shown in earlier expositions. Indeed, in Chicago in 1893, the display of new technologies and spectacles had helped catapult the mid-Western city to international stature and attention as a modern metropolis—a fact that did not go unnoticed by Budapest Fair organizers. 1 9 A s political historian Freifeld notes, a "[Hungarian] delegation scouted the Chicago World's Fair for ideas, returning with a bag full o f tricks for sedate entertainment, improved security, and profit." A s I w i l l argue in the course of this study, however, the less sedate entertainments would emerge precisely outside the 1 7 For broader studies on World's Fair and Universal Exposition history, see: Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles, Great Exhibitions and World's Fairs, 1851-1939 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); John E. Findling and Kimberly D. Pelle, Historical Dictionary of World's Fairs and Expositions, 1851-1988 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990); Robert W. Rydell, World of Fairs: The Century-of-Progress Expositions (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Robert W. Rydell, Nancy E. Gwinn, and James Burkhart Gilbert, Fair Representations: World's Fairs and the Modern World (Amsterdam: V U University Press, 1994); Penelope Harvey, Hybrids of Modernity: Anthropology, the Nation State and the Universal Exhibition (London: Routledge, 1996); Erik Mattie, World's Fairs (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1998); Robert W. Rydell, John E. Findling, and Kimberly D. Pelle, Fair America: World's Fairs in the United States (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2000). 1 81 first encountered this idea in Alice Freifeld's short account of the Millennial Exhibition in Nationalism and the Crowd in Liberal Hungary: 1848-1914. (Washington, D . C : Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2000), 268-278. Freifeld discusses, among other valuable details, the Budapest publics' interest in the attractions of the Chicago World's Fair of 1893. 1 9 Ibid., 270.This awareness of the 1893 Exhibiton in Chicago is not surprising since details about the Fair (from Hungarian visitors and correspondents) spread through local newspaper accounts of the event through the 1890's. Freifeld, 270. 8 control of Budapest Fair planners and arise as private ventures off-site of the official exhibition grounds. What I develop in my thesis then is that there existed a desire within elements of the Budapest public to extend the perceived boundaries of the Hungarian nation through the mechanisms of publicity and attention generated by the city as it prepared for its worldwide debut. In turn, these elements, together with Budapest Fair organizers, recognized both the desire and need to meet the expectations of the Budapest public and Fair visitors, many of whom anticipated the entertainments and off-site attractions of the Fair as much, i f not more, as the traditional displays. In raising the imagined geography of fin de siecle Budapest at the outset of my thesis, I also want to situate and draw attention to how the "Orient" functioned in fin de siecle European culture as a kind of mirror to itself, providing a way of expressing its hidden or i l l ici t aspects. A s Mary Gluck has persuasively argued in her recent study, Popular Bohemia: Modernism and Urban Culture in Nineteenth Century France, the stereotypes associated with "Bohemia" and the "Bohemian lifestyle" were created out of conflicting elements that were "profoundly in tune with [a] middle class public who longed for realism and lighthearted wit after the failed idealism of revolution and social upheaval." 2 1 Consequently, Gluck explores how a specifically modern aesthetic culture in nineteenth century Paris came about, not in opposition to commercial popular culture, but in close alliance to it. I contend that something of the same was at play in Budapest by 1896. But in the case of Austro-Hungarian Empire, a place that was arguably on the very periphery or liminal border between European and North Americans' mental map of the East and West, the stark contrasts and spatial dichotomies between perceptual worlds held out a particularly loaded set of stakes. T h e M o d e r n C i t y as C a t a l y s t fo r N a t i o n a l R e c o n f i g u r a t i o n a n d Res i s t ance To be sure, this "newness", this promoted "modernity" in such an unlikely city was located at the heart of an even more unlikely place. The Austro-Hungarian Empire under the Habsburg monarch Franz Joseph I was by the close of the nineteenth century a weakening and fractured body that was a fusion of no less than a dozen different ethnic groups speaking as many different languages, brought together 2 1 Gluck, 16. reluctantly and by force to create what was the anomaly and negation of national development in Europe. 2 2 Adding to the Empire's problems and attempts to keep nationalism in check was the lack of traditional colonial relationships and distant exotic others outside its European boundaries, a situation that tended to forge far less of a homogeneous national identity than in Western nations such as France, Britain and Germany. A s a result, a perplexing quasi-colonial situation emerged in Austria-Hungary that manifested in forms of discrimination within the Empire whereby a hierarchy of ethnic groupings cast orientalist stereotypes of alterity and backwardness onto particular minorities who were most often geographically furthest South and East in the Empire . 2 3 This not only strangely replicated the geography of a wider global colonialism, it also created a climate whereby national mobilization of previously subordinate peoples paralleled the mobilization of workers, artisans and peasants in other "modernizing" European societies. Hungary, as Austria's disgruntled yet functionally sovereign partner in the dual monarchy, took full advantage of the situation and forged its national identity through a carefully orchestrated role of mediator or "modern alternative" predicated on its historical origins as neither Slavic nor Germanic. 2 4 On the one hand, what I argue was made most visible by the time of the 1896 Fair was Budapest's contestation over its spatial make-up, a factor that was 2 2 For a discussion, see Nancy M . Wingfield, Creating the Other: Ethnic Conflict and Nationalism in Habsburg Central Europe (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003). 2 3 1 want to acknowledge Dr. Merje Kuus, Professor of Geography at the University of British Columbia for discussions I had with her on Central and Eastern European political geography in 2005 to help me arrive at this understanding of the political makeup of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The broader contours of these ideas are explored in: Merje Kuus, "Europe's Eastern Expansion and the Reinscription of Otherness in East-Central Europe," Progress in Human Geography 28, no. 4 (2004). 2 4 The Hungarian (Magyar) language is one of only a small number of European languages part of the Finno-Ugric family (along with Finnish and Estonian), which is not related in any way to other languages spoken in Europe as part of the Indo-European language family (such as French, German, English, and all the Slavic languages spoken in Central and Eastern Europe). As such, it has remained one of the most valued and protected aspects of the Hungarian identity. At the same time, historians have traditionally disputed the material origins of the Magyar people and to what degree the linguistic and ethnographic arguments about the Magyar peoples (many of which emerged in the nineteenth century) can be relied upon to make a conclusive argument. One uniting factor among historians, however, is that the ancient Magyars came to Europe in one large migratory tide from territories of the Far East at around end of the tenth century, hence the Millennial Exhibition of 1896 celebrating one thousand years of Hungarian history. To this day, the prehistory of Hungary remains a contentious topic in the public sphere and has become even more highly politicized in the post-communist era with the rising tide of ethnic nationalism throughout Central and Eastern Europe. For a study examining a number of the theories related to Hungary's prehistory, see Istvan Fodor, In Search of a New Homeland: The Prehistory of the Hungarian People and the Conquest (Budapest: Corvina, 1982). 10 manifested both literally in the layout of the city and its built spaces, but also in the public's consciousness concerning Hungary's broader role in the Austro-Hungarian Empire leading to moments of outright protest.2 5 The latter had come about not only in tandem with the legacy of failed revolution in 1848 and fractured "compromise" with Austria in 1867—two events that wi l l be revisited shortly and discussed at length in the subsequent chapters of this dissertation—but also with the growing pains of a city experiencing accelerated and rapid urbanization in the few short decades between 1870-1890. 2 6 On the other hand, I also argue that Budapest was seen internationally, and especially by 1896, as a very modern, cosmopolitan, and technologically progressive place, a kind of urban model for an emerging international community of "great bourgeois cities" like Chicago, Berlin, and N e w Y o r k . 2 7 A s a nation becoming modern and, looking to flex its technological muscles and extend beyond its feudal past and geographical bounds, Hungary was indeed intent on rising into representation on a global scale. In turn, the active build-up and move towards modernizing the Austro-Hungarian Empire became part o f Hungary's larger effort to present a unified image to the rest of Europe, with Budapest often held up as a kind of multinational model. With the output of the Hungarian economy growing at least threefold between 1867 and 1914, transforming an underdeveloped agrarian country into a more rapidly developing agrarian-industrial one, the pace of growth and 2 3 Hungarian socialist worker parties staged a series of demonstrations in Budapest both as part of May Day celebrations on May 1, 1896, and then subsequently on numerous occasions throughout the time of the Fair. The official Exhibition did not open until May 2, the day following these protests, but many of the events were still headline news around the country. The calls for protest can be readily found in Budapest's daily socialist newspaper Nepszava (Nation's Voice) during the week prior to the opening celebrations. 2 6 For a discussion of this rapid development, see Hall; Thomas Bender, Carl E. Schorske, and Russell Sage Foundation., Budapest and New York: Studies in Metropolitan Transformation, 1870-1930 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1994); Andras Gero and Janos Poor, Budapest: A History from its Beginnings to 1998 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). 2 7 This is a recurrent theme in much of the discourse surrounding Budapest in the late nineteenth century. See for example: Albert Shaw, "Budapest, The Rise of a New Metropolis," The Century 44, no. 2 (1892); "Hungary, Its Rapid Progress," New York Times, June 21 1896; Richard Harding Davis, "Yankee City of the Old World," The Washington Post February 28 1897. 2 8 See Laszlo Kontler, Millennium in Central Europe: A History of Hungary (Budapest: Atlantisz, 1999) 281, 292 and Karoly Voros, "Birth of Budapest: Building a Metropolis, 1873-1918," in Budapest: A History from its Beginnings to 1998, ed. Andras Gero and Janos Poor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 103-104. For an example of the discourses of the day, see "A Polyglot Country Is Hungary," New York Times, June 14 1896. 11 subsequent income levels were far greater in the urban labour force than in the rural sector. This once again reinforced the superiority of the urban model as vehicle for the Austro-Hungarian Empire's future progress. But unlike the rest of the world which increasingly came to regard Hungary and the city of Budapest as an emerging modern metropolis, the leaders in Vienna feared what forces of resistance and radicalism the upstart Hungarians were going to ignite and expose with an international Mil lennial Exhibition deep within the heart of the precarious and crumbling Empire. Therefore, another question I explore in my thesis relates to why and how the seemingly incongruent theme of Hungary's 1896 Millennial Exhibition strategically pushed for a reconfiguration of how the place called Hungary was to be seen and experienced. This occurred both inside and outside Hungary's physical boundaries, and within the context of celebrating one thousand years of statehood and achievements in modern Hungarian technology. Importantly, what I discuss in the thesis chapters is how the rapidly changing spaces and visual terrain of Budapest became the catalyst for this new realization and reconfiguration of Hungary, while the preparation and staging of a World's Fair became the most obvious vehicle for instant visibility. Keeping in mind that the venue of the International Exhibition, as a kind of "laboratory of modernism," was viewed as an opportunity unmatched by any prior event in the emerging capital to showcase and market new inventions, attract new investors, and present the Hungarian industrial complex as fully modernized, i f not on the cutting edge, of technological advancements, I am interested in highlighting the drive to normalize the idea of technological vanguardism as an integral part o f the Hungarian heritage and national character in 1896. This in turn opens up ways of thinking about the precarious balance between notions of the local "homeland" in relationship to both an alienating modern urban environment and a larger global community both in the past and the present. What my analysis also reveals is that the tradition-modernity dynamic, instead of a stark dichotomy, became the perfect foil through which to express and frame a newly emerging national vision. It was a vision that gave form to the fraught seeing from within the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a kind of framework of resistance for a place that existed within many layers of duality and historicity. Stated slightly 2 9 Kontler, 293. 12 differently, what I suggest is that the venue of the World 's Fair as it had emerged by the late nineteenth century, with its simultaneous interest in spectacle and history, intersected almost perfectly with the desires of particular political and social elements within Hungary to fashion a new kind of seeing for their often interconnected national and commercial projects—a seeing that by its very nature projected beyond traditional boundaries and presented a viable model for succeeding in an increasingly connected international community. What I also mean here is that there was a way in which the very need for a World's Fair was being generated in the decades of Budapest's rapid development as a way to express and resolve a number of brewing 30 tensions within the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a whole. It is within this context, as I have alluded to already, that the emphasis and privileging of the private bourgeois viewing subject emerges as an important corollary to these arguments, and I raise this phenomenon at a number of points in the subsequent chapters of my thesis. Crucially, since the model for modern seeing and embodied visuality could be argued to have been perfected in the laboratory of the World's Fair—through an emphasis and interest in individual viewers, education, new techniques of display, and illusionism—I explore how the spectatorship encouraged around the Budapest Exhibition also promoted a kind of self-determined, individuated, and embodied visuality, one that was not always directed or easily affected by what was shown, but existed as a self-inventing force in the co-creation of reality. This spectatorship was also closely tied to the potential freedom and expansion of boundaries promised through the mechanisms of capitalism, another reoccurring theme of the dissertation. A s I suggest, the increase in new experiences offered up in a rapidly changing Budapest held out very real possibilities for the reconfiguration of perception and difference necessary to oppose the status quo that emanated from Vienna and the West. A t its most extreme, the push for new experiences was seen as a chance to rival Vienna politically as the "real" capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and at its i a Notably, Budapest did have something of an exhibition history prior to the 1896 Fair. In particular, Budapest hosted a successful National Exhibition in 1885 celebrating aspects of Hungary's technological progress, and held in the same city park that the 1896 Fair was set to take place. The planned Millennial Exhibition, however, was conceived as an event of far greater and more monumental proportions, signaling Hungary (and by extension Budapest's) legitimacy and concurrent arrival on the international scene as worthy modern participant. It is also in this sense that the 1896 Fair must be understood in broader terms (as per my discussion in note 6). 13 most benign, this offered a way for Fair visitors and locals to temporarily escape into a different kind of experience of themselves and the spaces they occupied. Indeed, as I have already stated, the preparations for the Fair, although still "infected" to a high degree with the taint of capital interest and self-conscious irony, took clear advantage of Budapest's geographic position between Eastern and Western Europe to manufacture a unique identity in contradistinction to the imperial center of Vienna. The end result was to fashion a kind of safe and fantastical oriental playground, with all of its associated allure of eastern alterity, firmly within the context of a forward-looking urban modernity that was invested in new technology and progress. A l l this, while attempting to downplay its brewing political and social crises. T h e U r b a n M e d i a s c a p e : P r e p a r i n g T o See a n d P r e p a r i n g T o B e Seen The anxiety and subsequent management of circulating visual, textual, and spatial information about Budapest in the lead-up to the Fair forms another key facet of my thesis. This area of documentation provides a useful point of departure to begin exploring how the city would be negotiated in all of its contradiction and complexity. The following quote from Budapest's Millennium Exhibition Informer (Millenniumi Kidllitasi Ertesito) commenting on the city's image in the eyes of the world suggests just this point. The paper writes that it w i l l not be "the gypsy, or the Turkish bath, paprika, Tokai wine, or Jokai (a Hungarian poet), but enterprise, honest work, education, progress, civilization, all of these moral values which they wi l l now say about us." To be sure, the tremendous outpouring of Budapest newspapers, journals, books and pamphlets related to the day-to-day affairs of the Exhibition is worth 32 mentioning here briefly. What these many publications attest to are the broader concerns of the Budapest public in the 1890's about how the city was being seen, perceived, and understood by the foreign press, and then how these ideas were 3 1 In my archival research in the Budapest Collection of the Metropolitan Ervin Szabo Library (Budapest), I discovered the daily newspaper Millenniumi Kidllitasi Ertesito [Millennium Exhibition Informer] that took up the sole function of recording every detail, statistic, and episode related to the Exhibition throughout its six month run, and relaying any press reports (favourable and unfavourable, and sometimes translated in full) to the Budapest public. It was partly through this invaluable resource that I was able to arrive at a larger picture of how the foreign press was reporting on the events in the city, providing me with a great bibliographic tool to track down articles of the period. This specific quote was taken from the June 30, 1896 edition of the paper. 3 2 In Budapest alone by 1896, the combined circulation of the city's 291 Hungarian language and 42 German language newspapers was 65 million. Robert Nemes, The Once and Future Budapest (DeKalb, 111.: Northern Illinois University Press, 2005), 182. 14 reflected back to their reading and viewing publics. Indeed, it was the anxiety over being misunderstood as Hungarians, and the city of Budapest being understood as anything but forward-looking, which was continually emphasized in almost all of these publications as well as the many images accompanying them. A n important element of my analysis throughout this thesis w i l l therefore be to demonstrate how the competing tensions over how Budapest and its public were to be seen and legitimized by an international audience were first worked out in anticipation of the Fair—that is in the years leading up to 1896. Taking into account the powerful role that modern cities played in the social imaginary of emerging nations, I contend that Hungarian national identity was constructed in large part through the phenomenological experience, emotion, and flux and flow of rapid urbanization in the growing metropolis of fin de siecle Budapest as it prepared to be visited and viewed by the world. Moreover, these discourses were worked out in highly technological ways, and as stated previously, imparted and emphasized new ways of seeing. C r i t i c a l G e o g r a p h y , C o n t e s t e d S u b j e c t i v i t y , a n d the P o l i c y o f M a g y a r i z a t i o n O f course, all of these preliminary observations beg the question of who "the people" o f Budapest were—the public for whom the new city o f Budapest was being expanded and rapidly built in the late nineteenth century. A short discussion of Hungary's complicated and often misunderstood nineteenth century social and political history is therefore useful to summarize here in the Introduction, as it forms an essential underlying context that is developed further in each subsequent chapter of this thesis. In terms of sheer numbers, the answer to the question of the Budapest public lies with the sevenfold increase in population from 1840 to 1900, making Budapest Europe's fastest growing and youngest city in the final decades of the nineteenth century, and the eighth largest capital city of Europe in the same period. 3 3 With a population of 730,000 by 1900, many of Budapest's inh