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Factors influencing intergenerational conflict for immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents McLaren, Norma-Jean 1991

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FACTORS INFLUENCING INTERGENERATIONAL CONFLICT FOR IMMIGRANT AND NON-IMMIGRANT ADOLESCENTS by NORMA-JEAN MCLAREN B.A. Ch i l d Care Work, University of V i c t o r i a , 1986 / A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department of Soc i a l and Educational Studies) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1991 ( 6 ) Norma-Jean McLaren, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of, The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 5~ (Dctc^ri /??/ DE-6 (2/88) i i FACTORS INFLUENCING INTERGENERATIONAL CONFLICT FOR IMMIGRANT AND NON-IMMIGRANT ADOLESCENTS ABSTRACT This study examined the factors related to intergenerational c o n f l i c t as perceived by immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents. The study r e p l i c a t e d the work of Doreen Rosenthal (1989) using a modified version of the questionaire she administered to adolescents i n Melbourne, A u s t r a l i a . This study was administered to 300 grade eleven students i n two Vancouver high schools. The data was analysed to determine the e f f e c t of the following factors on intergenerational c o n f l i c t : immigrant status, b i c u l t u r a l adaptation, gender, e t h n i c i t y , age at time of immigration, presence or absence of a common complex language with parents. Analysis revealed that students i n general reported a moderate amount of c o n f l i c t with t h e i r parents. Intergenerational c o n f l i c t was not affected by whether or not the adolescent was an immigrant to Canada. Female adolescents reported higher c o n f l i c t with t h e i r fathers, but no gender differences were noted with mothers. Of the three largest ethnic groups i n the study, Indo-Canadians reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y more c o n f l i c t with mothers than did either Euro-Canadians or Chinese-Canadians and a greater amount of c o n f l i c t with fathers than did Chinese-Canadians. i i i Chinese-Canadians reported less c o n f l i c t with either parent than did either Indo-Canadians or Euro-Canadians. B i c u l t u r a l students did not report s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t than t r a d i t i o n a l , assimilated or marginal adolescents. Age at the time of immigration did not a f f e c t the amount of intergenerational c o n f l i c t . And f i n a l l y , adolescents who speak a common language with t h e i r parents i n the home perceived less c o n f l i c t with mothers. While few recommendations could be made as a r e s u l t of the findings, a framework for the analysis of integration patterns was developed, a comprehensive review of the l i t e r a t u r e conducted and questions for future research on intergenerational c o n f l i c t were raised. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of Purpose 4 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 6 Introduction 6 Adolescence 7 Intergenerational C o n f l i c t 8 Intergenerational and Cultural C o n f l i c t 11 a) Factors Contributing to Increased C o n f l i c t i n Immigrant Families (IP b) Relating Adaptation Factors to F i r s t Generation C o n f l i c t 2& c) Adaptation Factors and C o n f l i c t i n the Second Generation Y. 24 d) Self-esteem, Marginality and Immigrant Youth 2 6 e) Mediating Factors i n Adaptation and Integration of Immigrant Youth 29 Conclusion 33 Rationale for the Study 35 V RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 3 6 Sample 36 Description of the Instrument 38 Methodology 40 Research Questions 42 Analysis of the Data 42 RESEARCH FINDINGS 44 The Dependent Variable 44 Testing of the Dependent and Independent Variables . . . 44 Question 1: C o n f l i c t and Gender 44 Question 2: C o n f l i c t and Immigrant Status 46 Question 3: C o n f l i c t and Age at A r r i v a l 47 Question 4: C o n f l i c t and Common Language 4jT) Question 5: C o n f l i c t and Et h n i c i t y 50 Question 6: C o n f l i c t and Pattern of Integration . . . . 52 Summary 57 Further Analysis of the Data 59 Further Analysis - Et h n i c i t y 62 Further Analysis - Integration Pattern 66 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 69 Purpose of the Study 69 Limitations of the Study 70 Findings of the Study 71 a) Key Findings i n Rosenthal's Study 71 b) Key Findings i n the Lite r a t u r e 73 v i Exploration of Interactions of the Variables 74 Unanticipated Findings 75 Conclusions 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY 80 APPENDIX I - INTERGENERATIONAL AND CULTURAL CONFLICT 88 C o n f l i c t with Parents 89 Survey of Social Attitudes 91 Attitudes 95 APPENDIX II - CONFLICT 103 APPENDIX III 105 APPENDIX IV 107 APPENDIX V - FACTOR LOADINGS 109 APPENDIX VII: CLASSIFICATION BY ETHNICITY I l l v i i LIST OF TABLES TABLE I Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Gender 45 TABLE II Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by N a t i v i t y 46 TABLE III Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Age at Time of Immigration 48 TABLE IV Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Common Language . . . TABLE V Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by E t h n i c i t y 51 TABLE VI Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Integration Pattern 55 TABLE VII Analysis of Variance - C o n f l i c t with Mother by Gender, Nat i v i t y , Common Language with Parents, Et h n i c i t y , Integration Pattern 59 TABLE VIII Analysis of Variance - C o n f l i c t with Father by Gender, Nat i v i t y , Common Language with Parents, Et h n i c i t y , Integration Pattern 60 TABLE IX ANOVA of Parental C o n f l i c t with Euro-Canadian Adolescents 62 TABLE X ANOVA of Parental C o n f l i c t with Chinese-Canadian Adolescents 63 TABLE XI LSD - C o n f l i c t with Mother by Integration Pattern for Chinese-Canadian Adolescents 65 TABLE XII ANOVA of Parental C o n f l i c t with Indo-Canadian Adolescents 66 TABLE XIII ANOVA of Parental C o n f l i c t with T r a d i t i o n a l Adolescents 67 TABLE XIV LSD - C o n f l i c t with Father by Enthnicity for Tr a d i t i o n a l Adolescents . 69 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes i t s completion to the influence of a number of people. F i r s t , thanks to the three men most d i r e c t l y involved: my patient and enduring advisor, Dr. Charles Ungerleider, my patient and loving son, Mariner Janes and my endlessly patient and much loved husband and s t a t i s t i c a l helpmate, Nathan Edelson. And gratitude to three s p e c i a l women, H a r j i Sangra, Dr. Merry Wood and Mary Ungerleider for i n s p i r a t i o n , i n t e r e s t and endless cups of tea. And f i n a l l y , i n memory of two who have gone on ahead: Dr. Ben Chud who was there at the beginning with h i s wisdom and his thoughtfulness and my much loved and missed mother who said, "Well dear, of course you can," and meant i t . -1-Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Intergenerational c o n f l i c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents has been a topic of in t e r e s t since adolescent psychology emerged as a branch of psychology more than a century ago (Hall, 1882; H a l l , 1904). Some th e o r i s t s (Davis, 1940; Erickson, 1969) suggest that intergenerational c o n f l i c t i s a natural process and, further, that a l l adolescents must experience c o n f l i c t with t h e i r parents as they attempt to esta b l i s h an autonomous i d e n t i t y . Others dispute the u n i v e r s a l i t y of intergenerational c o n f l i c t among adolescents (Lerner, Karson, Meiseis, & Knapp, 1975; Mead, 1970). S t i l l others suggest that although intergenerational c o n f l i c t may be common i n Western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d cultures, i t has been exaggerated or overgeneralized, suggesting widespread d i s a f f e c t i o n and r e b e l l i o n that has not been supported by research (Meiseis & Canter, 1971; Tolor, 1976; Weiner, 1971) . A notion popular among some lay people and researchers i s that adolescents who are immigrants or the of f s p r i n g of immigrants may experience extensive c o n f i c t with t h e i r parents. A recent compilation of research findings on t h i s subject suggests that immigrant adolescents may face additional problems i n t h e i r l i v e s e s p e c i a l l y -2-. . . i n the domain of self-concept, i d e n t i t y c o n f l i c t s and c o n f l i c t s with parents . . . . The l i t e r a t u r e suggests that the experience of migration and culture change may exacerbate these normal developmental c r i s e s f or immigrant adolescents. (Aronowitz, 1984, p. 245). Recent research suggests that, although there i s much less family c o n f l i c t i n non-industrialized, r u r a l cultures, any major change i n the family patterns established over centuries can mean a s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n the amount of c o n f l i c t experienced (Schiamberg, 1969) . Two factors which can create increased c o n f l i c t i n families are i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and immigration, p a r t i c u l a r l y immigration to an urban, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d country. Immigration puts s i g n i f i c a n t pressure on f a m i l i e s . The family system which provided support i n the past i s often not available i n the new culture (Mead, 1970; Schiamberg, 1969). According to the findings c i t e d i n the Review of the Lit e r a t u r e on Migrant Mental  Health. (Canadian Task Force on Mental Health Issues A f f e c t i n g Immigrants and Refugees, 1989) loss of status of the family r e l a t i v e to status held i n the country of o r i g i n can be a c r i t i c a l issue i n immigrant mental health. Stress on the father, on the mother, and on the family structure has been documented (Nguyen, 1982; Minde & Minde, 1976). The experiences of parents and grandparents i n the homeland may provide few models for the adaptation of the children to the new country (Giannopoulos, 1982; Mead, 1970) . As a consequence of the stress placed upon both -3-generations by the process of immigration and adaptation, immigrant children may experience more intergenerational c o n f l i c t than do t h e i r non-immigrant peers. In Vancouver, with 49 percent of the school population speaking English as a second language (Vancouver School Board s t a t i s t i c s , 1990) , a large number of Vancouver adolescents operate withincft two cultures. The normative differences they experience as they move between home and community may be expressed i n c o n f l i c t between the adolescents and t h e i r parents. Intergenerational c o n f l i c t may be increased by the pressure to assimilate imposed upon the members of minority ethnic groups. This pressure may be countered by discriminatory behavior i n the host population which may deny the p o s s i b i l i t y of assimilation, p a r t i c u l a r l y to members of v i s i b l e minority groups. Intergenerational c o n f l i c t may be exacerbated among members of v i s i b l e minority groups because of the stress imposed upon families by the pressures of assimilation, racism and discrimination. In the past ten years, concern has been expressed i n both the research and the service delivery communities regarding the l e v e l of intergenerational c o n f l i c t experienced by various immigrant groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y among the Indo-Canadian and Chinese-Canadian groups. The purpose of t h i s investigation i s to determine whether the c o n f l i c t experienced by immigrant adolescents i s primarily an expression of the intergenerational c o n f l i c t common to most -4-adolescents, or i s , instead, intergenerational c o n f l i c t of a type or i n t e n s i t y only seen among children of immigrant parents. Few studies have compared the intergenerational c o n f l i c t s experienced by immigrant and native born adolescents. In 1984, Doreen Rosenthal published the r e s u l t s of a study of the intergenerational c o n f l i c t experienced by immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents and t h e i r parents i n A u s t r a l i a . Results of t h i s study indicated that membership i n a minority group was accompanied by increased perception of intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Rosenthal reported findings which suggest that intergenerational c o n f l i c t was heightened i n families where the adolescent has rejected the culture of the parents i n favour of the culture of the adopted country. She also found that those adolescents who could be described as ''bicultural' - adolescents comfortable i n both the culture of the family and the culture of the host society -expressed less conflict_than t h e i r assimilated peers. Overall her research supports previous findings which suggest that the extent of intergenerational c o n f l i c t within immigrant families has been exaggerated (Doczy, A.G., 1968; Johnston, R.,1972; Taft, R. 1973). Statement of Purpose The study w i l l investigate the perceptions of immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents to determine whether there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the perception of intergenerational c o n f l i c t -5-i n the family (parent and adolescent) and the immigrant status of the family. Factors which may a f f e c t t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l also be investigated, namely the language__spqken at home, age of adolescent ^ t _ ^ r r j 1 y j : l _ j 1 n Canada, gender of the adolescent and the pattern of adaptation chosen or experienced by the adolescent. The study w i l l use modified versions of the scales developed and implemented by Doreen Rosenthal (Rosenthal, 1984) i n her study of intergenerational c o n f l i c t and culture.1 The scales to be used w i l l include: C o n f l i c t with Parents (Rosenthal, 1984) and Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n (Rosenthal, 1984). The information required for analysis of the e f f e c t of other factors such a language spoken at home, age at a r r i v a l , gender and s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of et h n i c - c u l t u r a l group w i l l be obtained by the addition of questions t y p i c a l l y used to e l i c i t such data. 1. Although Rosenthal's research provides a basis of comparison of perceptions of adolescent and family c o n f l i c t , i t must be made clear that the comparisons are not d i r e c t . The Australian study used three populations; Anglo-, I t a l i a n - and Greek-Australians. A l l three populations are f a i r l y well established (80-82 % of the Greek- and I t a l i a n Australian adolescents were Australian born) rx^Of ~greater importance i s the fact that neither of the immigrant populations could be considered to be members of a v i s i b l e minority ygroup. Other factors such as age at a r r i v a l f or the non-Australian born were not considered. These factors must, among others, be taken into account i n analysing Canadian data. -6-Chapter 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction This chapter reviews the l i t e r a t u r e r e l a t i n g to intergenerational c o n f l i c t beginning with theories of adolescence and continuing with an examination of intergenerational c o n f l i c t as i t has been portrayed during the post-Freudian era. This w i l l be followed by a consideration of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between intergenerational c o n f l i c t and culture c o n f l i c t . These issues w i l l be examined taking into account the factors of adaptation which may lead to increased c o n f l i c t for immigrant families i n the f i r s t and subsequent generations. The l a s t part of the review w i l l look at racism and i t s e f f e c t s on the self-esteem of immigrant youth and f i n a l l y examine the relevance of Doreen Rosenthal's Australian studies of intergenerational c o n f l i c t and culture to the Canadian context. The concept of intergenerational c o n f l i c t i s based upon Western s o c i o l o g i c a l theory and on Western society where i t i s more openly and widely discussed, compared to s o c i e t i e s with more r i t u a l i z e d and structured r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Before exploring parent-adolescent c o n f l i c t , an i n i t i a l examination of the concept of adolescence i t s e l f i s necessary. Adolescence Although intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents i s often assumed to be universal, temporally and c u l t u r a l l y , according to Berger (1986) . . . adolescence was "created' by changing c u l t u r a l and socioeconomic conditions, and then 'discovered' and studied as a d i s t i n c t stage by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . . . . (p. 462) Adolescence appears to be a phenomenon of Western, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s wherein i t has been accorded the status of a d i s t i n c t stage of the l i f e c y c l e . Eisenstadt (1965) posits that d i v i s i o n of groups by age i s determined by c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l conditions. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , these groups (such as adolescents) appear when the family or kinship unit no longer constitutes the basic d i v i s i o n of labour. This viewpoint develops from the writings of s o c i o l o g i s t Ferdinand Tonnies (1887) whose theory of 'Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft' demonstrated the r e l a t i o n s h i p between natural w i l l and r a t i o n a l w i l l - the evolution of community and society. From h i s description of the change process inherent i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of society, Tonnies l a i d the groundwork for the study of the rural-urban s h i f t and i t s e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s and s o c i e t i e s . In s p i t e of the global nature of present day i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the more rural-based cultures such as those of Pakistan and India s t i l l do not have a recognized stage of adolescence (James, 1974). However, as Western culture i s marketed -8-throughout the world, t h i s may change, and generational c o n f l i c t may emerge i n Eastern s o c i e t i e s (Schiamberg,1969) . I t was the developmental psychologist G.Stanley H a l l who i n hi s 1904 t r e a t i s e on the subject f i r s t introduced the term xadolescence', and h i s fellow psychologists who characterized the period of adolescence as inherently one of storm and stress (Hall, 1904) . Freud (1935) defined the parameters of parent-adolescent c o n f l i c t when he theorized that parents could neither prevent nor mediate t h i s **frenzied c o n f l i c t ' as they themselves were part of i t . Intergenerational C o n f l i c t Recent theorizing supports the notion of the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of c o n f l i c t between parents and teens. Erickson (1969) and Bandura (1964) claim such c o n f l i c t i s necessary for an i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y to be formed. Anna Freud (1964) suggests that one should be more concerned for the c h i l d who does not exhibit emotional turmoil around c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g out of separation from parents, as t h i s would s i g n i f y a delay of normal development. Soc i o l o g i s t Kingsley Davis (1940, 1964) explored the reasons for the increase i n parent-child c o n f l i c t i n western s o c i e t i e s . Davis saw two s t r a i n s on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between parents and t h e i r o f f s p r i n g . One was the c o n f l i c t a r i s i n g from the f a c t that parents and t h e i r o f f s p r i n g do not share the same locations i n the l i f e -9-cycle. The concerns of the parents are in e v i t a b l y very d i f f e r e n t from those of t h e i r o f f p s r i n g . The other s t r a i n i s produced by s o c i a l changes. Social changes give parents and t h e i r o f f s p r i n g d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l contexts i n which to l i v e , making the "wisdom'" appropriate for the parents when they were adolescents inapplicable to the s o c i a l contexts i n which t h e i r adolescent o f f s p r i n g must l i v e . Although some c o n f l i c t may be present i n most western fa m i l i e s , recent writers disagree with the image of widespread c o n f l i c t and stormy relationships through the adolescent period. Foner (1984) writes that the existence of open age-conflicts have been rare occurrences i n hist o r y and are generally sh o r t - l i v e d . She suggests the turbulent 1960s were an anomaly and that wide spread age-conflicts should not be expected i n l a t e r generations. Further, Foner hypothesizes that these c o n f l i c t s r a r e l y occur on a large scale because members of the older cohorts show patience with the young (having themselves experienced youth) and the younger cohorts show patience with the old because they can anti c i p a t e that e x i s t i n g power i n e q a l i t i e s w i l l be resolved when they reach maturity. Berger (1984) describes age group c o n f l i c t s as "pseudo-conflicts' which w i l l resolve themselves i n the course of s o c i a l development. He says that a 'world view' develops through a continuous process of adaptation of an i n d i v i d u a l within t h e i r cohort, not through abstracted learning from adults who ex i s t i n -10-another cohort and thus i n another s t r a t a of s o c i a l h i s t o r y . In her l a t e r writing (1970), Margaret Mead, argued that widespread c o n f l i c t i n families had been overstated. The research of the 1970s provides c l e a r evidence that parent-child c o n f l i c t may have been overstated. Meisels and Canter (1971) looked at values held by college students and compared t h e i r perceptions of t h e i r own values with those of t h e i r peers and t h e i r parents. The students did perceive a generation gap - between t h e i r peers and t h e i r parents. However, they saw themselves as having values very l i k e those of t h e i r parents. Although students did f e e l they were alienated from society, they did not see themselves as alienated from t h e i r parents. A s i m i l a r study conducted by Lerner et a l . (1975) found that both adults and adolescents s i g n i f i c a n t l y overestimated the number of major differences i n t h e i r attitudes and value structures. They concluded that the actual differences between parent's and adolescent's attitudes r e f l e c t e d differences i n i n t e n s i t y rather than i n d i r e c t i o n , and were not so much r e a l as perceived, perhaps because of the s o c i e t a l view of the i n e v i t a b l i l i t y of parent-child c o n f l i c t . Offer and Offer (1969, 1975) conducted a longitudinal study which looked at the development of a group of boys through t h e i r adolescent period. The r e s u l t s of the study showed that only 23 percent of the youth experienced the x f r e n z i e d c o n f l i c t ' predicted by Freud (1935) and H a l l (1904). By far the majority experienced -11-eit h e r smooth and continuous growth and maturity patterns, or 'surgent growth' characterized by smooth development interspersed with b r i e f periods of turmoil. And for the i n d i v i d u a l s whose growth could be described as tumultuous, aspects of t h e i r upbringing and s o c i a l milieu showed a h i s t o r y of tumult. A further supporting study done by Meissner (1965) with 1278 subjects showed that 89 percent of the teenage boys surveyed reported being happy i n t h e i r homes, and 74 percent f e l t proud of t h e i r parents and enjoyed taking friends home to meet them. These studies give a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t picture of adolescence; one that suggests that the e a r l i e r s o c i o l o g i s t s over-generalized the concept of "the stormy decade' and made the exception appear as the norm. Similar studies of young females may or may not have r e f l e c t e d these findings, but are, sadly, unavailable. This i s not to suggest that c o n f l i c t does not e x i s t i n fa m i l i e s , rather that such c o n f l i c t may not be as extensive i n functional families (Hamid, P.N. & Wyllie, A.J., 1980). What needs to be established i s how other factors mediate intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Intergenerational and Cultural C o n f l i c t If we accept the hypothesis that lower parent-adolescent c o n f l i c t i s the norm i n Eastern s o c i e t i e s (Schiamberg, 1969), then i t would follow that immigrants who come to North America (or Western Europe) from r u r a l areas or less i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s -12-would experience an increase i n the amount of parent-adolescent c o n f l i c t as they attempt to integrate into the new normative structure. Davis (1964) predicts such an increase i n c o n f l i c t . His explanation of the parent-child c o n f l i c t inherent i n western society l i e s i n the move from gemeinshaftlich xcommunity' to g e s h e l l s c h a f t l i c h **society'. He theorizes that the complexity of our society, our evident culture c o n f l i c t and our concern with improving our socioeconomic status have added to the feelings of a l i e n a t i o n i n our society. . . . I f ours were a simple r u r a l - s t a b l e society . . . f a m i l i s t i c . . . and with gradual emancipation from parental authority . . . youth would not be i n c o n f l i c t ; . . . ( c o n f l i c t shows) the incompatibility between an urban-industrial-mobile s o c i a l system and the f a m i l i a l type of reproductive i n s t i t u t i o n s . (p. 471) Eisenstadt (1965) describes the breakdown of immigrant family l i f e i n the new country. The more highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d and urbanized the new country i s , the greater the family breakdown and the greater the basis for intergenerational c o n f l i c t . He goes on to suggest that only those immigrant youth who have successfully detached themselves from t h e i r parents w i l l a t t a i n a complete and adequate i d e n t i t y i n the adopted country. But i s t h i s an ethnocentric view of immigrant family l i f e ? Do these families i n f a c t experience more c o n f l i c t ? Is i t necessary for an adolescent to remove him or herself from the family unit and i t s t r a d i t i o n s , values and b e l i e f s i n order to f i t into the host society? -13-If there i s increased c o n f l i c t among immigrant families i n comparison to those of the host country, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to e s t a b l i s h what factors contribute to t h i s increase. Certainly there i s evidence to support the notion of increased c o n f l i c t . Many writers suggest there i s a fear on the part of the parents that the new values of the host country w i l l replace t r a d i t i o n a l values, and w i l l r e s u l t i n a loss of i d e n t i t y - a fading from existence of a people as they become part of the larger community i n the host country (Kern, 1966; Ames & I n g l i s , 1973; James, 1974; Srivastava, 1974; Giannopoulos, 1978; Q.B. Nguyen, 1980; Wakil, Siddigue and Wakil, 1981; and El-Islam, 1983). I t i s reported that the very f a c t of successful a s s i m i l a t i o n heralds the end of the values and t r a d i t i o n s held by the family i n the home culture. . . . The more successful the immigrant father i s i n turning h i s children into Australians, the more his foreignness becomes p o t e n t i a l l y a source of shame (and c o n f l i c t ) and the less important . . . he becomes as model, guide and exemplar (Kern, 1966, p. 39) . As James (1974) reports of B r i t i s h Sikh f a m i l i e s , . . . i n the b a t t l e for these children's souls, the host community has many advantages . . . the very places (the children) go to succeed . . . are the same places where they w i l l be a n g l i c i z e d (p. 95). Recent case studies i n Canada report that Indo-Canadian fa m i l i e s believe that the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r children into Western society w i l l mean that the values held by t h e i r community w i l l be eroded as t h e i r children depart from t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l patterns. (Ames & I n g l i s , 1973; Kurian, 1976). One wonders whether -14-t h i s means an increase i n c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t between the generations? American studies have r e f l e c t e d t h i s fear of erosion of values. According to an extensive survey done i n Orange County, C a l i f o r n i a i n 1983, twenty-three percent of the Indochinese (primarily Vietnamese) refugee heads of household said that child r e n becoming "too American" was a problem. In a follow-up survey one year l a t e r , f o r t y percent of the respondents reported t h i s was a major problem for the family - a net increase of seventeen percent (Baldwin, 1984). Kurian (1976) writes that the emerging independence of Indo-Canadian youth w i l l mean problems for t h e i r f a m i l i e s . New roles immigrant children learn i n the school and community may well mean increased c o n f l i c t . Most obvious of the r o l e changes are those a f f e c t i n g women. For example, the expectations within the school system for g i r l s to take part i n ex t r a c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s which may include boys can create c o n f l i c t for the c h i l d at home and at school. As well, adolescent dating common i n western society may be completely unacceptable to the Indo-Canadian parents, but expected by the peers of the adolescent. However, Kurian reports that the p r e v a i l i n g pattern i n Indo-Canadian families at t h i s time i s one of compromise. Factors contributing to increased c o n f l i c t i n immigrant families According to one school of thought based on the writings of Tonnies and Mannheim and l a t e r of Davis and Eisenstadt, s o c i a l change from r u r a l - s t a b l e to urban-complex s o c i e t i e s may cause a l i e n a t i o n among immigrants and c o n f l i c t between generations of -15-immigrants. Recent research, however, suggests that of a l l the factors at work during the complex process of immigration, settlement and integration, the move from r u r a l to urban may be of lesser importance. In addressing the question of intergenerational c o n f l i c t within immigrant families, i t i s important to f i r s t assess the factors a r i s i n g out of the process of immigration which may a f f e c t the c o n f l i c t within families as they have been described by recent research. One method which has been used to assess response to immigration, i s assessment of the "mental health" of the members of immigrant f a m i l i e s . In 1986, the Canadian Task Force Report on  Mental Health Issues A f f e c t i n g Immigrants and Refugees reviewed research findings regarding the variables c r i t i c a l l y a f f e c t i n g immigrant mental health. Although a few studies supported the accepted theory that contrast between place of o r i g i n and the new community d i d a f f e c t the ease of migration, most of the studies found no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t related to t h i s v a r i a b l e . B u r v i l l (1982) found no evidence to suggest that s p e c i f i c a l l y urban s t y l e s of l i f e lead to severe mental i l l n e s s and showed that s t r e s s - r e l a t e d disorders are as common i n r u r a l settings as they are i n urban. Primarily, h i s research established that other factors beyond the re l a t i o n s h i p between i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and stress must be taken into account. Hu l l (1979) pointed out that the experience of migration can -16-be so variable that the change from r u r a l to urban l i v i n g can be the l e a s t important part of the experience. The stage the i n d i v i d u a l has reached i n the family l i f e - c y c l e can be a f a r more important determinant. Crow and Schwarzweller (1970) di d see the s h i f t of r u r a l to urban as important, stressing that the move could be u n s e t t l i n g because of the separation of family from workplace, t h i s being a new factor common to urban l i f e . Graves and Graves (1985) surveyed 228 Samoan immigrants, 212 Cook Island immigrants and 224 native New Zealanders l i v i n g i n the same working class neighbourhood i n Auckland i n an attempt to e s t a b l i s h i f and under what conditions urban migrants suff e r more health problems. Despite substantial disadvantages i n background . t r a i n i n g , . . . and the presence of a larger number of dependents to support, P a c i f i c Island immigrants appear to be making a better adaptation than t h e i r non-Polynesian neighbours (p. 15). The Task force Review also quoted a study done by Smither and Rodriquez-Gieling (1979) which showed no c o r r e l a t i o n between modernity and anxiety among South-East Asian refugees. Given that rural-urban s h i f t s are not seen as key to the c o n f l i c t s which may a r i s e for immigrant fam i l i e s , what factors do make a difference? The factor found to be of f i r s t importance i n the Task Force findings was the s k i l l i n the f i r s t language of the host country (Thompson, 1974; Nann, 1982; Naidoo, 1985; Task Force Review, 1986). A number of studies described i n the Task Force Review -17-c i t e d language fluency as being p o s i t i v e l y r e l a t e d to adaptation, and the continuing i n a b i l i t y to communicate i n the language of the host country as being related to schizophrenia i n men, depression i n women, and behavioural deviance i n children. This i s not to suggest that the educational l e v e l of the immigrant i s associated p o s i t i v e l y with adjustment ease. Rather, the converse appears to be true i n that higher education l e v e l s are associated with greater d i f f i c u l t y i n adjustment. Fantino and Kennedy (1983) and Starr and Roberts (1982) found that higher l e v e l s of education could predict d i f f i c u l t i e s i n adjusting to the new country. This i s explained by the loss of prestige experienced by many immigrants when they experience a r e l a t i v e change i n socioeconomic status. The higher the pre-migration status of the primary wage earner (which would frequently correlate with higher education levels) the greater the loss of self-esteem i f t h i s status i s diminished i n the host country (Hopkins-Kavanagh & Sananikone,1981; S.D. Nguyen, 1982; L i n e t _ a l , 1982). More research needs to be done on the e f f e c t s of the loss of self-esteem for the immigrant father on the res t of the family. Several authors have explored the e f f e c t s of lack of acceptance i n the host country and of various forms of racism on the immigrant family and are convinced of the importance of these factors. Eppink (1979) looked at many problems r e l a t i n g to the adjustment of European migrants and t h e i r children. His research lead him to state that a key factor i s the lack of tolerance and -18-the e f f e c t s of such intolerance on the children. A prime example ari s e s when the lack of host language c a p a b i l i t y i n the parents becomes a source of shame for the children. This i s exacerbated by discriminatory attitudes i n the school and community which give l i t t l e or no status to heritage language c a p a b i l i t i e s and view poor English language ski.lls^.ejgatively_. Other writers support Eppink's claims. Verdonk (1982) stated that the root of many problems for immigrant fa m i l i e s i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o c i a l inequality. Ashworth (1982) c i t e d examples of discriminatory acts by teachers and students which created an atmosphere of r e j e c t i o n and an image of a h o s t i l e host community. Few studies i n Canada have looked at the e f f e c t s of racism on the self-esteem or on the family and community rela t i o n s h i p s of immigrants and children of immigrants. But Ba l l a r d & Ballard (1977) and Weinreich (1979) disagreed with the majority of writers as to any absolute e f f e c t s of racism. They claim t h e i r studies show an increased l e v e l of self-esteem which can be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to a response to discrimination of the immigrant c h i l d . Although t h i s increased l e v e l of self-esteem appears i n empirical studies, Weinreich does admit that i t i s "defensive high self-esteem", that i s , i t comes as a d i r e c t response to racism. In many cases rather than decreasing an ind i v i d u a l ' s self-esteem, racism would push that person toward an embracing of t h e i r culture of o r i g i n and a denial of c o n f l i c t e d i d e n t i t i e s . An a d d i t i o n a l factor exists for refugee f a m i l i e s . For these -19-fami l i e s , pre-migration trauma leads to post-migration problems i n adaptation arid ensuing c o n f l i c t between parents and between generations (Hull, 1979; Fantino, 1980). The response of the host community, p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding the provision of support services and the expansion of mental health f a c i l i t i e s i n treatment of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, w i l l determine what impact these stresses have on the family. A f i n a l factor of adaptation which may r e s u l t i n c o n f l i c t f or the family i s the age of the in d i v i d u a l at the time of immigration. Recent research studies show that there are key periods i n the l i f e cycle which w i l l be d i f f e r e n t i a l l y affected by immigration. Adolescents and young adults, that i s , those who a r r i v e between age twelve and twenty, may experience greatest d i f f i c u l t y i n adapting to the host country. The Task Force Review (1986) c i t e d numerous examples of studies which l i n k migration at t h i s time with immediate and subsequent problems p a r t i c u l a r l y around drug and alcohol problems and delinquency. Kurian (1986), Dumon (1979) and Inbar (1977) have also found that immigration between ages s i x and twelve may create future problems for immigrant children, but these findings appear to be tentative and possibly gender related. Ongoing research i n t h i s area w i l l be of great i n t e r e s t to educators, service providers and immigrant parents. Many other stresses are at work for immigrants as they i n d i v i d u a l l y and as families attempt to integrate into the host country. Culture shock may occur when host country values and -20-t r a d i t i o n s challenge those of the immigrant f a m i l i e s . Many of our s o c i a l systems seem a l i e n and in t r u s i v e to new families (Hopkins-Kavanagh & Sananikone, 1981). In addition, the loss of family support structures due to the move may lead to loneliness and i s o l a t i o n (Nann, 1982). These then are the factors that play a key r o l e i n determining how members of an immigrant family - i n d i v i d u a l l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y - adapt to l i f e i n t h e i r new country: the s h i f t from r u r a l to urban society, fluency i n the language of the host country, loss of status experienced by the father, presence of racism i n the host country, stresses which accompany forced e x i l e , and the age of the in d i v i d u a l at the time of immigration. Relating adaptation factors to f i r s t generation c o n f l i c t I t i s at t h i s point possible to r e l a t e adaptation factors a f f e c t i n g immigrant families to the c o n f l i c t experienced by the fi r s t - g e n e r a t i o n family. Kingsley Davis stated i n 1964 If for example, the c o n f l i c t i s sharper i n the immigrant household, t h i s can be due to one thing only, that the immigrant family undergoes the most rapid s o c i a l change of any type of family i n a given society (p. 456). However, given the adaptation factors reviewed previously, i t i s clear that we must look beyond rapid s o c i a l change and instead explore how the factors which a f f e c t a l l immigrants influence the rela t i o n s h i p s within immigrant f a m i l i e s . -21-I t i s important during t h i s process that one not presuppose increased c o n f l i c t i n these f a m i l i e s . There have been studies i n recent years which, rather than assume increased c o n f l i c t i n immigrant f a m i l i e s , have attempted to answer the question "does the immigrant family experience more intergenerational c o n f l i c t and, i f so, are there mitigating factors that influence the l e v e l and the experience of t h i s c o n f l i c t ? " (Rosenthal, 1984, 1985). Those authors and researchers who have to varying degrees supported the notion of increased c o n f l i c t i n immigrant families have not a l l been concerned with the f i r s t generation. Dumon (1979) found that second generation migrant children were more l i k e l y to have problems than the f i r s t . This finding applies p a r t i c u l a r l y to the c o n f l i c t within the family structure and within the peer group. I t may be that the f i r s t generation must address so many issues r e l a t e d to orient a t i o n and adaptation, that intergenerational c o n f l i c t i s not so great as i t may be for the second generation. But of the factors previously described, several do have p a r t i c u l a r relevance to the f i r s t generation. The f i r s t of these i s language fluency and the d i f f e r i n g rates of second language a c q u i s i t i o n . I t i s clea r that young children more e a s i l y acquire the new language. This has meant that they are used as the family t r a n s l a t o r s , often i n situations i n which under normal circumstances they would never be involved (Ashworth, 1982). In schools, banks, emergency wards and funeral homes, young children act as the communication conduits i n very adult s i t u a t i o n s . This -22-r e s u l t s i n a power s h i f t and r o l e reversal within the family unit (Ashworth, 1982; Nann, 1982). I t may lead to frequent miscommunication as well as forcing children into situations requiring knowledge and understanding beyond t h e i r years. The second element of language a c q u i s i t i o n applies to the adolescent immigrant. For those young people who immigrate during t h e i r high school years, the chances of acquiring fluency are greatly diminished. This can a f f e c t t h e i r a b i l i t y to obtain employment beyond low-entry l e v e l and ultimately t h e i r a b i l i t y to integrate e a s i l y into the host society. Those who are i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n may also be more l i k e l y to f a l l prey to recruitment into gang a c t i v i t i e s . Conversely, those who a r r i v e e a r l i e r i n t h e i r l i f e cycle are more l i k e l y to obtain better language s k i l l s and more challenging employment. Both older adolescent and adult immigrants may not e a s i l y learn the language, but they may have made i n d i v i d u a l and family choices to migrate (Morgan, et a l . , 1981; Burke, 1982). As noted e a r l i e r , age at the time of immigration plays a part i n the a b i l i t y to adapt. Adolescent immigrants are l i k e l y to experience other factors as well as language d i f f i c u l t i e s . As reported previously, they may experience problems with drugs and alcohol and i n delinquency (Inbar, 1977; Dumon, 1979; & Kurian, 1986). There are few studies which examine the e f f e c t s of the war -23-experiences of refugee parents on the refugee c h i l d . Case studies of Central American children report the same kind of disorders as are reported by adults ( Smiley, 1989). In-depth research i s needed i n t h i s area before any speculation can be made about the e f f e c t of such experiences on the family r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Much has been written about the response of families to the d i f f e r i n g values and roles predominant i n western society. There are reports of c o n f l i c t a r i s i n g out of the differences between t r a d i t i o n a l family-centred philosophies and the more ind i v i d u a l i z e d , Western norm. This c o n f l i c t may focus upon the teaching within the school system, but the concerns of the parents are more unive r s a l . They fear losing t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s about gender r o l e s , r e l i g i o n , family and marriage (Ames & I n g l i s , 1973; Anwar, 1976; Baldwin, 1984; Eppink, 1979; Wakil, et a l . , 1981). But several writers and researchers have found that the f l e x i b i l i t y inherent i n youth makes them able to f i n d compromise within most of these areas. Bagley (1981), B a l l a r d and Ballard (1977), Saifullah-Khan (1977) and Weinreich (1979) a l l reported coping mechanisms within f i r s t and second generation adolescents that suggest either an acceptance of t r a d i t i o n a l values and roles or ^^om^romise with parents about expectations. Bagley reported on two major studies i n B r i t a i n which found f i r s t , that comparable r e s u l t s on a battery of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , c u l t u r a t i o n and competency tes t s were attained for Punjabi children and t h e i r Anglo peers. The second study, a comparison of Indian students i n B r i t a i n and i n the Punjab, the British-born Sikh children showed q u a l i t i e s of -24-self-motivation and independent thought f a r beyond the Punjabi comparison group. Even though the B r i t i s h school system i s shown to be a powerful acculturating force, Bagley reported that the childre n have few problems balancing the d i f f e r i n g expectations of home and school. Parents' concerns about lack of r e l i g i o u s education i n schools (Anwar, 1976) and the e f f e c t of peer pressure and s o c i e t a l values on the t r a d i t i o n s of marriage and j o i n t family systems (Ames & I n g l i s , 1973; Saifullah-Khan, 1977; Wakil et a l . , 1981) are r e a l , but whether s i g n i f i c a n t c o n f l i c t a r ises between generations over these issues i s not c l e a r . I t may be that the coping mechanisms reported above do much to avoid or minimize any c o n f l i c t . I t may also be that parents worry about the loss of t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the new society, but accept some changes as an unavoidable r e s u l t of immigration and do t h e i r best to reach compromises regarding the changes (Srivastava, 1974; Kurian, 1976; Bagley, 1980). Adaptation factors and c o n f l i c t i n the second-generation As previously noted, Dumon (1979) i n reviewing recent research on the childr e n of immigrants and t h e i r adaptation and integration reported that the second generation had to some extent greater problems than the f i r s t . Certainly i t i s with the second generation that the family f e e l s the most p u l l away from t r a d i t i o n a l roles and values toward the norm for the host society (Ames and I n g l i s , 1973; Wakil et a l , 1981). Thompson (1974) -25-suggests that the second generation i s less impressed than the f i r s t by the fears of the corrupting influence of Western society. However, she also noted that the 'rebels' among B r i t i s h Sikh youth tended to return to t r a d i t i o n a l ways i n the end or at lea s t work to reach a compromise with the parents. Language issues also e x i s t for the second generation, but the nature of these issues i s quite d i f f e r e n t . Problems a r i s e for t h i s generation and t h e i r parents when no common language i s available for meaningful communication. The parents fluency i n English may not be s i g n i f i c a n t while the adolescent have l i t t l e fluency i n the home language of the parents (Eppink, 1979; Srivastava, 1974; Bagley, 1981) . The lack of research on t h i s facet of intergenerational communication i s surp r i s i n g when anecdotal examples abound. The innovative language programs of the 1990s may address t h i s problem (Auerback, 1989) thus providing opportunities fo r research on issues r e l a t i n g to intergenerational communication. Racism and lack of acceptance into the host society continue to shape the responses of second generation v i s i b l e minority adolescents to t h e i r families and to society. Many researchers claim that the return to t r a d i t i o n a l ways for the second generation has more to do with responses to racism than to pressure from the parents (R. Ba l l a r d & C. Ballard, 1977; P. Weinreich, 1979, 1983; C. Ballard, 1979). Dumon (1979) found that children of immigrants have a higher delinquency rate than did t h e i r parents, and higher -26-rates than t h e i r non-immigrant peers during adolescence. Dumon speculates that one of the reasons for t h i s may be that re-emmigration i s not a solution for the second generation as i t could be for t h e i r parents. The same solutions to al i e n a t i o n from the host society are not apparent to second generation youth. In addition, the second generation evaluates s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to make s i g n i f i c a n t socioeconomic gains i n comparison to t h e i r peers. Their parents (or f i r s t generation children) most l i k e l y compare t h e i r present s i t u a t i o n with that i n the home country and are more l i k e l y to accept i n e q u a l i t i e s than are the second generation. Because of these perceptual differences, families may experience d i f f i c u l t i e s negotiating common responses to the racism and lack of acceptance they a l l face. Women's rol e s i n Western society play ' a part i n the intergenerational c o n f l i c t reported by second generation adolescent g i r l s (Ballard & Ballard, 1977). Saifullah-Khan (1977) describes the problems faced by Pakistani parents as t h e i r g i r l s reach adolescence - a t r a n s i t i o n not experienced i n Pakistan where the g i r l s go from childhood into marriage with no intervening stage. Second generation South-Asian g i r l s do report c o n f l i c t with t h e i r parents both i n B r i t a i n and i n Canada, but at t h i s point there i s no body of l i t e r a t u r e comparing that c o n f l i c t to the c o n f l i c t experienced by t h e i r Anglo peers. The most problematic area continues to be i n the area of arranged marriages (Srivastava, 1974; F i l t e a u , 1980), but there i s evidence that the majority of -27-parents are fin d i n g ways of compromising even on t h i s issue (Ballard & Ballard, 1977). Given that women's l i b e r a t i o n has been a phenomenon i n t h i s country over the past twenty years and continues to present d i f f i c u l t i e s even for those of the majority culture, i t would be reasonable to expect some increase i n level s of intergenerational c o n f l i c t around the r o l e of women i n society and i n the family. In summary, the factors which a r i s e for second generation youth are primarily; lack of fluency i n the parent's home language, a move away from t r a d i t i o n a l values and roles of the parent's home culture, e f f e c t s of racism and s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t i e s on v i s i b l e minorities, and the changing roles of women i n society. Self-esteem, marqinality and immigrant youth I t has been d i f f i c u l t for researchers to measure the eff e c t s of adaptation problems on immigrant youth. The self-esteem of immigrant youth can be seen as a key component i n t h e i r a b i l i t y to adapt and f l o u r i s h i n the new country. We can assume from past research that self-esteem could be jeopardized by c o n f l i c t s between externally projected images of s e l f and a youth's own idea of his or her worth and place i n society. Shibutani (1961) writes: When p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n s o c i e t i e s i n which component group norms are not mutually consistent, i t becomes progressively more d i f f i c u l t for any man to integrate h i s various s e l f images into a single u n i t . When the differences are too great, a man may suffer from inner c o n f l i c t s and at times the pain may become so acute that he may suffer d i s s o c i a t i o n (p.246). -28-Th i s emphasizes the tremendous importance of congruity of self-image. I t allows us to speculate on the e f f e c t s o c i e t a l evaluation of a minority group may have on any group member. But i s t h i s response to racism and group exclusion, namely decreased self-esteem, the r e a l i t y of minority youth experience, or do the youth themselves mediate the e f f e c t s of discrimination or exclusion? As noted e a r l i e r , the findings of Bagley (1979) and Weinreich (1983) suggest that for at least some of the youth "at r i s k " , t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s to compensate mean an improved self-image, although t h i s improvement may be what Weinreich refers to as "defensive high self-esteem", a variant of Erickson's (1965) developmental stage c a l l e d i d e n t i t y foreclosure. For those who do respond i n expected ways to the r a c i a l discrimination they face, t h e i r poor self-esteem can be reversed through counselling or through changes i n the acceptance they are accorded within the community. But other writers claim that exclusion from the majority society can leave adolescents i n a marginal s i t u a t i o n . Stonequist (1937) asserted that individuals who l i v e on the margins of i n t e r a c t i n g s o c i e t i e s belong i n neither. Thus, immigrant and v i s i b l e minority youth could become outsiders to both the majority community and t h e i r own. Shibutani (1961), asserts that the vast majority of immigrant children do not s u f f e r maladjustments a t t r i b u t a b l e to marginal status i n society. Greco (1977) distinguishes between marginal s i t u a t i o n s and marginal p e r s o n a l i t i e s . She found that most Australian immigrant -29-adolescents were objectively marginal, but that they were able to mediate among the c u l t u r a l groups of the society. Some adolescents were psychologically marginal which meant that they did suffer d e t e r i o r a t i o n of relationships both within the family and the community. Any study of adolescent immigrant youth needs to include some method of i d e n t i f y i n g marginality i n immigrant youth. Mediating factors i n adaptation and integration of immigrant youth The concept of marginality must be viewed from within the framework of the whole integration pattern of immigrants. What are the patterns of integration common i n immigrants and i n the second generation? Taft (1972) approaches t h i s through an examination of group membership and the phenomena of marginality. His description of i n d i v i d u a l s who inhabit overlapping groups can be compared to Rosenthal's (1985) d e f i n i t i o n of the b i c u l t u r a l i n d i v i d u a l . Taft's representation of the i n d i v i d u a l who has rejected h i s o r i g i n a l group but i s not accepted by the new (or host society) group can be compared to Rosenthal's d e f i n i t i o n of the marginal i n d i v i d u a l . But Rosenthal goes on to describe two further situations through which indivi d u a l s mediate t h e i r c u l t u r a l dilemmas. From Rosenthal's d e f i n i t i o n s , a t h i r d p o s s i b i l i t y f or an in d i v i d u a l would be separation, i d e n t i f y i n g e n t i r e l y with the culture of o r i g i n and r e j e c t i n g the new. Perhaps the only groups where one would f i n d such adolescents would be i n separated communities such as the Amish or the Hutterites. However, even i n an urban -30-community, one may f i n d adolescents who i d e n t i f y primarily with t h e i r culture of o r i g i n , who f e e l alienated and removed from the host society and who choose to follow the t r a d i t i o n s of t h e i r family as s t r i c t l y as they are able. Rosenthal describes a fourth p o s s i b i l i t y as that of ass i m i l a t i o n - the r e j e c t i o n of the o r i g i n a l culture i n favour of the new. Taft would argue that no v i s i b l e minority adolescent i n his analysis could make that absolute move, as they could not f i n d t o t a l acceptance i n the host culture and by d e f i n i t i o n would maintain the r o l e of the marginalized i n d i v i d u a l . There are other ways of conceptualizing integration patterns. J . Berry (1984) i n exploring the e f f e c t s of Canada's Multi c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y on immigrant groups suggests a model based on four options: i) a s s i m i l a t i o n meaning that a group chooses not to maintain c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , but to move toward absorption, i i ) separation meaning that the group maintains d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and re j e c t s the host culture; Berry, l i k e Taft draws a d i s t i n c t i o n between separation enforced by the dominant group which i s segregation, seen on Canadian Indian reserves, and withdrawal when i t i s chosen by the c u l t u r a l group i t s e l f , i i i ) deculturation meaning the loss of o r i g i n a l group culture and no p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the host culture, which could be seen as marginality, and f i n a l l y , iv) integration when c u l t u r a l maintenance and host culture p a r t i c i p a t i o n are pursued simultaneously. Berry's use of integration as a term for a form of adaptation can be seen as confusing. However, i t does correspond with other d e f i n i t i o n s of biculturalism, p r i n c i p a l l y Rosenthal (1985) and -31-Szapocznik et a l (1981), and could be compared to Banks' (1981) category termed b i e t h n i c i t y . Banks, however, describes h i s categories as being part of a continuum which proceeds from stage I - ethnic s e l f - r e j e c t i o n , through stage II - ethnic exclusiveness. stage III - ethnic  i d e n t i t y c l a r i f i c a t i o n . stage IV - b i e t h n i c i t y . stage V m u l t i e t h n i c i t y . and stage s i x - qlobalism. By suggesting that globalism i s the goal for a l l ethnic and c u l t u r a l groups, Banks i s speaking of an i d e a l , but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see evidence of adolescents moving, for example, from s e l f - r e j e c t i o n to exclusiveness. Rather then moving along a continuum, i t seems l i k e l y that they would f i n d themselves 'stuck' with one pattern. Once one has become enmeshed i n a marginal or r e j e c t i n g stage, i t would take maturity and foresight to see that b i e t h n i c i t y may be a heal t h i e r choice. Banks does admit that at t h i s time i n Canadian society, b i e t h n i c i t y may be the reasonable aim. I t was Rosenthal's 1984 study of immigrant and non-immigrant Australian adolescents which found that rather than being more c o n f l i c t e d than t h e i r Anglo peers, Greek and I t a l i a n adolescents who had adopted a b i c u l t u r a l form of adaptation had comparable l e v e l s of intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Instead, Rosenthal's research showed that the intergenerational c o n f l i c t was greater for those immigrant adolescents who were ass i m i l a t i n g into Australian manistream society, e s p e c i a l l y i f the t r a d i t i o n s of the home culture were important to the parents. -32-For years common b e l i e f held that those who assimilate into mainstream society were healthiest and those who maintain a dual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n face intergenerational and i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t . Recent researchers such as Greco, et a l (1977) and Kern (1966) project that poor self-image and maladjustment are rela t e d to a b i c u l t u r a l integration pattern. But Rosenthal's work showed that b i c u l t u r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n could lead to less intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Recent B r i t i s h and Australian research suggests that young people form a d i s t i n c t i v e s e l f - i d e n t i t y which can be seen as a new sub-culture (Ballard and Ballard, 1977; C. Ballard, 1979; Weinreich, 1983) . For Asian youth i n B r i t a i n , t h i s sub-culture i s seen as an overarching Asian culture, a t h i r d way, without the regional and r e l i g i o u s separations common to the culture of t h e i r parents. Malinowski (1940) suggested that t h i s t h i r d way was the commonality when two cultures meet - a new, t h i r d culture i s formed that i s neither the culture of o r i g i n nor the culture of the host country. This i s not to say that c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t does not occur across generations, rather that integration patterns may influence the extent and d i r e c t i o n of that c o n f l i c t . Rosenthal contended that increased l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t e s p e c i a l l y f o r b i c u l t u r a l adolescents had not been supported. Certainly some studies showed high l e v e l s of reported parent-adolescent c o n f l i c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r g i r l s , but these studies had no Anglo control group. Rosenthal concluded that c o n f l i c t i n immigrant families may be no higher than i n Anglo fam i l i e s , and when higher c o n f l i c t i s reported, i t may be -33-rel a t e d only to c e r t a i n issues. Just as "culture' and 'ethnic i d e n t i t y ' are not uniformly defined across ethnic groups, so too may ' c o n f l i c t ' have culture-bound meanings and expressions that must be taken into account before comparisons can be made. Conclusion A number of conclusions can be drawn following a review of research r e l a t e d to intergenerational and c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t . F i r s t i t i s c l e a r that adolescence i s a c u l t u r a l l y defined concept and cannot be seen as a universal imperative. Neither i s intergenerational c o n f l i c t to be seen as universal. The amount and kind of c o n f l i c t experienced between parent and adolescent i s probably not as great as assumed, nor i s i t necessarily increased by immigration. In regard to factors which could increase c o n f l i c t within fam i l i e s , the rural-urban s h i f t which may occur because of immigration probably does not play a major r o l e . Factors which may influence an immigrant family's a b i l i t y to cope and therefore may lead to c o n f l i c t between members of the family are: host language a c q u i s i t i o n and the a b i l i t y to communicate between generations; changing r o l e s for family members, p a r t i c u l a r l y gender r o l e s ; and parent's perceptions of a move away from the t r a d i t i o n s and values of the culture of o r i g i n . Rosenthal's categories of integration can provide a framework -34-through which adolescent integration patterns can be analysed. However, because Rosenthal's 1984 study does not include v i s i b l e m inorities, i t i s necessary to expand her d e f i n i t i o n of marginality to encompass some of the categories used by Taft (1972). Taft describes four marginal s i t u a t i o n s . The f i r s t p a r a l l e l s b i c u l t u r a l i s m , but bi c u l t u r a l i s m i s a more p o s i t i v e and useful concept. Taft's other 1 s i t u a t i o n s ' are useful i n that they provide f i r s t , a category to describe marginality forced upon v i s i b l e minority adolescents when they face a lack of acceptance even into the second generation, and second a category to describe those youth who make up a large enough sub-group of the unaccepted that they form t h e i r own marginal group. By using Taft's concept of marginality, which i s one of a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n rather than a set of personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t i s possible to look at a l l the factors which create t h i s state, rather than accepting a d e f i n i t i o n of marginality that blames the victim. With these additions, Rosenthal's Australian studies appear to be based on a model which could, when r e p l i c a t e d within a Canadian context, give answers to many questions regarding intergenerational c o n f l i c t f or both immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents. These questions include: a. what i s the extent of intergenerational c o n f l i c t perceived by immigrant and non-immigrant youth, b. what are the e f f e c t s of b i c u l t u r a l integration on c o n f l i c t and on attitudes for immigrant youth? -35-c. what other factors a f f e c t intergenerational c o n f l i c t ? The objective of the study w i l l be to address the questions posed above within a Canadian context. In pursuit of t h i s objective, s i x s p e c i f i c questions are posed. These are outlined i n Chapter Three. Rationale for Study The strength of Rosenthal's 1984 findings give a foundation from which some of the above questions can tested. I f Rosenthal's theories hold true i n Canadian society among v i s i b l e minority populations, i t would be reasonable to suggest that support should be given to adolescents and t h e i r families to encourage a b i c u l t u r a l form of integration. I f c o n f l i c t i s c l e a r l y increased by a lack of host language fluency i n the parents, or i f the age of the adolescent at a r r i v a l c l e a r l y a f f e c t s the l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t , mediating and supporting resources can be shown to be necessary for new and established immigrant fa m i l i e s . E x i s t i n g resources for meeting the needs of new Canadian youth could be adapted to take into account that which i s h e l p f u l i n reducing family c o n f l i c t , thus making the t r a n s i t i o n into a new culture an easier experience fo r c h i l d r e n and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Chapter 3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Sample The subjects for t h i s study were drawn from two large high schools i n central Vancouver. The schools were chosen because each has an enrollment which includes large numbers of new immigrant, minority group students, as well as sizable populations of majority group adolescents. The schools have v i s i b l e minority student populations which include new Canadians and second, t h i r d and fourth generation Canadians. In addition, the socio-economic status of the students i s seen as being primarily a function of the largel y working class nature of the neighbourhood and not as dependent on the ethnic background of the students. The 306 subjects were a l l the members of the grade eleven s o c i a l studies classes who were present on the day the questionaire was administered. As s o c i a l studies i s a r e q u i s i t e course, a l l grade elevens i n the public school system are registered. P r i o r to administration of the questionaire, the survey was p i l o t e d with a class of t h i r t y students i n one of the schools. This class was for new Canadians learning English as an additional language before entering the regular classroom. The classes included i n the survey were made up of students whose English s k i l l s were more developed than those i n the p i l o t group. In -37-addition the survey was tested by ten adolescents of various ages and backgrounds and discussed with them to ensure comprehensibility of the questions and to determine the effectiveness of the demographic questions i n supplying the information needed for the research. No major changes were made following the administration of the p i l o t . The questionaire was administered with the support of the p r i n c i p a l s and department heads of the schools. Each department head took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for preparing the teachers for the presence of the researcher, describing the study to the teachers and assuring teachers of the schools' support f o r the project. Teachers were asked to introduce the researcher, give a prescribed description of the expectations of the students and then to leave the class i n the hands of the researcher. At that time, the i n s t r u c t i o n page was read to the class by the researcher. The students were t o l d that f i l l i n g out the survey was a voluntary act and that completion of the questionaire would s i g n i f y t h e i r consent for the r e s u l t s to be used i n the research project. Any student not wishing to f i l l out the questionaire was t o l d to occupy him or he r s e l f q u i e t l y i n the room u n t i l the end of the period. Two students availed themselves of t h i s option. Students were guaranteed anonymity i n t h e i r answers. A l l questionaires were coded by School number and then given a code number based on order of receipt by the researcher. A l l students were t o l d that any i d e n t i f y i n g mark on a returned questionaire would cause i t to be discarded. -38-Following completion of the questionaire, students were encouraged to ask pertinent questions and to discuss any issues they wished regarding the subjects raised. Most were primarily interested i n why anyone would want t h e i r opinion on the matter and, secondarily, interested i n graduate school. There were many students, however, that i n d i v i d u a l l y or occasionally i n groups, wanted to discuss how the issues being raised affected them. Several commented about how d i f f e r e n t the answers would be for each student depending on t h e i r background. Others said more p r e c i s e l y that they saw what the research was aimed at, and that they would be interested i n the r e s u l t s . The vast majority of the students was interested and cooperated i n the administration of the survey. Only f i v e of the surveys were unusable due to missing demographic information or clear attempts to play with the questionaire. Two hundred and ninety-nine of the surveys were usable. Description of the Instrument The scales included i n the study were primarily adaptations of those used by Doreen Rosenthal i n her 1984 study Intergenerational  c o n f l i c t and culture: A study of immigrant and nonimmigrant  adolescents and t h e i r parents. Rosenthal's C o n f l i c t with Parents Scale (see Appendix 1) formed the basis of the questionaire. Most of the subsequent analysis consisted of comparisons between t h i s scale and other information. This scale was designed and used by Rosenthal to rate the amount of disagreement or c o n f l i c t the adolescents f e l t existed -39-between themselves and t h e i r parents. The questions on t h i s scale r e l a t e to f i v e general areas: household chores and expectations, family a c t i v i t i e s , school-related expectations, long-term plans and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . C o n f l i c t with each parent was rated separately on a four-point Likert-type scale (l=a l o t , 4=none). Rosenthal's 12 questions were adapted and expanded so that more s p e c i f i c concerns expressed by key resource people i n the immigrant communities could be tested. For example, Rosenthal's question "we f i g h t about . . . going out", was expanded into three questions which covered s p e c i f i c s of going out with whom: friends of the same sex; opposite sex; other ethnic group? As well, a l l the scales were adjusted to make the language c o l l o q u i a l l y "Canadian" rather than "Australian". The second scale used from Rosenthal's study, the Ethnic  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale (1984) was also designed by her i n col l a b o r a t i o n with Christine Hrynevich. The scale was developed to determine the underlying elements of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the culture of h i s or her parents and the culture of t h e i r adopted country. I t balances questions i n the areas of family and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with homeland and host country, fee l i n g s of acceptance and of r e j e c t i o n , with perceptions of s e l f and other i n the context of s i m i l a r i t y to s e l f . The scale was f i r s t used as a part of a survey undertaken by the authors i n 1984, and was subsequently r e p l i c a t e d with some r e v i s i o n i n the study of primary i n t e r e s t to t h i s research (Rosenthal, 1985). Factor analysis of both the 1984 and the 1985 r e s u l t s showed -40-loadings on three factors for each of the ethnic groups i n the sample which could be interpreted as r e l a t i n g d i r e c t l y to p o s i t i v e or negative feelings regarding ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n into the Australian culture. Methodology The o r i g i n a l f i v e scales from Rosenthal's study were a l l administered as part of the questionaire and i n keeping with the intent of r e p l i c a t i n g Rosenthal's o r i g i n a l work. On completion of the data c o l l e c t i o n , i t became cle a r that the intent of the research and the t e s t i n g of the stated hypotheses required only two of the f i v e scales included i n the survey. The data c o l l e c t e d from the three remaining scales were set aside for the future research. The primary focus of the research i s intergenerational c o n f l i c t and culture. As such, the central scale i s the C o n f l i c t with  Parents Scale and the dependent variable used i n the study i s c o n f l i c t with mother and c o n f l i c t with father. The demographic information and the data c o l l e c t e d during the administration of subsequent scales are related through analysis to the findings of t h i s c e n t r al scale. The i n i t i a l analysis was done to determine what l e v e l of c o n f l i c t with parents was perceived by the whole sample. -41-The demographic information c o l l e c t e d from the students includes: 1. sex 2. i f born i n Canada 3. i f not born i n Canada, age at time of immigration 4. language f i r s t learned 5. language parents use at home 6. language student uses at home In the present research, the C o n f l i c t with Parents scale w i l l allow comparisons of the c o n f l i c t perceived by the immigrant adolescent i n terms of the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n each has with the culture of o r i g i n and the culture of the host country. Issues regarding the feelings of acceptance and r e j e c t i o n by the host society can be taken into account for immigrant adolescents. In addition, the c o n f l i c t perceived by non-immigrant adolescents can be compared to that of the immigrant adolescents. However, i t i s possible that t r a d i t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n — i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the culture of o r i g i n — c a n be seen i n second and t h i r d generation European -Canadians. This would mean that issues of c o n f l i c t with parents and of i s o l a t i o n from the host culture could be of i n t e r e s t . This scale w i l l accomodate the analysis of these factors. -42-Research Questions The s i x research questions related to intergenerational c o n f l i c t are as follows: Question 1. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the sex of the adolescent? Question 2. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by whether or not the adolescent was born i n Canada? Question 3. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the adolescent's age at the time of immigration to Canada? Question 4. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the presence or absence of a common language? Question 5. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the ethnic background of the family? Question 6. Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the pattern of adolescent adaptation to the host society? Analysis of Data The S t a t i s t i c a l Package for the Soc i a l Sciences, Extended version release 3.0 (SPSS-X) was used to analyze the data c o l l e c t e d from the study. Standard s t a t i s t i c a l measures of frequency, mean -43-and standard deviation were calculated f o r a l l scales. Cross-tabulations and analysis of variance procedures were used to compare the c o n f l i c t scale to a l l demographic responses and to the Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale. Multiple analysis of variance was used to calc u l a t e the e f f e c t s between variables i n several cases, pr i m a r i l y those r e l a t i n g to ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . The responses to the Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale were factor analysed to determine categories of adolescents according to t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e i r ethnic group. The factors generated were then used i n further discriminate analysis and chi-square analysis. A s i g n i f i c a n c e l e v e l of .05 was used for a l l c a l c u l a t i o n s . -44-Chapter 4 RESEARCH FINDINGS The study sought to understand intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents, focussing on adolescents who were eithe r immigrants to Canada or the o f f s p r i n g of immigrants. In t h i s chapter, the findings pertinent to the s i x research questions outlined i n Chapter 3 are reported. The Dependent Variable - Intergenerational C o n f l i c t Intergenerational c o n f l i c t was measured by t h i r t y items; f i f t e e n devoted to c o n f l i c t with mother, f i f t e e n devoted to c o n f l i c t with father. The f i f t e e n items i n each scale were analyzed using SPSS:X procedure r e l i a b i l i t y . The c o n f l i c t with mother scale produced an Alpha r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f i c i e n t of .8536. The c o n f l i c t with father scale produced an Alpha r e l i a b i l t i y c o e f f i c i e n t of .8612. The c o e f i c i e n t s indicated that the assumption that the items could be tested as a scale had not been vi o l a t e d . The subsequent analyses proceeded on that assumption. Testing of the Dependent and Independent Variables Question 1: C o n f l i c t and Gender The f i r s t question addressed the impact of gender on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . I t asked: Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the adolescent's gender? -45-The sample of 298 adolescents was composed of 153 males and 145 females. Table I contains the data pertinent to the impact of gender on c o n f l i c t with mothers and fathers. TABLE I: Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Gender Gender male female F s i g n i f i c a n c e (n=153) (n=145) Mother c o n f l i c t 44.7 43.9 0.452 .50 Father c o n f l i c t 46.7 44.5 3.59 .059 Males i n the sample exhibited less c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers (Mean= 44.7) than did the females (Mean= 43.9), but the difference was not s i g n i f i c a n t ( F= .45, p. > .50). A s i m i l a r pattern was observed for c o n f l i c t with father. Males reported less c o n f l i c t (Mean= 46.7) than females (Mean= 44.5). A difference of t h i s magnitude would occur by chance fewer than 6 times i n 100 (F=3.59, p. < .059). The data indicate that gender appears to have no influence over the c o n f l i c t s adolescents have with t h e i r mothers. However, the data suggest that: a) the differences between the c o n f l i c t s that males and females have with fathers are u n l i k e l y to have occured by chance, and b) females report more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r fathers than do males. -46-Ouestion 2 C o n f l i c t and Immigrant Status The second question addressed the impact of immigrant status on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . I t asked: Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by whether or not the adolescent was born i n Canada? The 296 usable responses included 138 immigrants and 158 Canadian born. Table II contains the data pertinent to the impact of n a t i v i t y on the mean o v e r a l l c o n f l i c t with mothers and with fathers: TABLE I I : Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by N a t i v i t y Canadian born Immigrants F Significance C o n f l i c t with: (nl58) (nl38) Mother 44.6 44.2 .16 .69 Father 45.7 45.7 .0007 .98 Canadian born adolescents i n the sample exhibited almost i d e n t i c a l l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t with parents as did immigrant adolescents. The Canadian born (Mean=44.6) and the immigrant group (Mean=44.2) showed v i r t u a l l y no difference for c o n f l i c t with mother. No differences were observed between the two groups (both means=45.7) fo r c o n f l i c t with father. The data indicate that immigrant status appears to have no influence on the c o n f l i c t s reported with either parent. -47-Ouestion 3: C o n f l i c t and Age at time of A r r i v a l i n Canada The t h i r d question addressed the impact of the age at which the adolescent arrived i n Canada on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . I t asked: Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between immigrant adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the adolescent's age at the time of immigration? The variable "Age at time of A r r i v a l " u t i l i z e d information from the demographic section wherein students were asked to indicate: 1. whether or not they were born i n Canada, and 2. I f they were not born here, at what age they arrived. The Review of the Literature on Migrant Mental Health (1986) noted several studies which had concluded that age at time of immigration was an indicator of post-migration stress. Two age groups appear to be most vulnerable; adolescent immigrants and immigrants between the ages of 6 and 12. For the purposes of t h i s study, that information was used to define four categories of age at time of immigration; born i n Canada, arri v e d between b i r t h and age f i v e , arrived between ages s i x and twelve, arrived as an adolescent. The usable responses from 296 adolescents included 138 immigrants; 44 arrived between t h e i r b i r t h and age 5, 47 arrived between ages 6 and 12, and 47 arrived between the ages of 13 and 18. Table III contains the -48-data pertinent to the impact of age at time of a r r i v a l i n Canada on c o n f l i c t with mothers and fathers. TABLE I I I : Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Age at time of Immigration (Immigrants=13 8) C o n f l i c t with Age at time of a r r i v a l F Sign. 1-5 6-12 13 + Mother 43.5 44.7 44.5 .22 .81 Father 45.7 45.5 46.1 .02 .98 There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the amount of c o n f l i c t with mother or with father among the various age groups. Those who arriv e d before age f i v e reported a s l i g h t l y higher amount of c o n f l i c t with mother. Those who arrived between six and twelve reported a very s l i g h t l y higher amount of c o n f l i c t with father. The data indicate that there i s no apparent r e l a t i o n s h i p between c o n f l i c t with parents and the age at the time of immigration. Question 4: C o n f l i c t and Common Language i n the Home The fourth question addressed the impact of a common language i n the home on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . I t asked: Is the intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents influenced by the presence or absence of a common language? -49-\ This variable was derived from the demographic data regarding language use, which compared the language the student speaks at home with the language the parents speak at home. Language information about the students i s included i n Appendix VI. The sample contained usable information from 233 respondents; 106 adolescents shared a common language with t h e i r parents other than English, 78 adolescents did not speak t h e i r parents language i n the home, and 49 adolescents shared the English language with the parents at home. Table IV contains the data pertinent to the impact of common language on c o n f l i c t with mothers and fathers. TABLE IV: Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Common Language (n=233) C o n f l i c t with Not Eng No common CommonEng F Sign. (n=106) (n=78) (n=49) Mother 44.2 42.8 46.6 3.66 .03* Father 45.9 44.7 46.4 .61 .54 Adolescents i n the sample who did not speak a common language with t h e i r parents i n the home exhibited more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers (Mean= 42.8) than did those who shared a common language other than English (Mean= 44.2). The lowest amount of c o n f l i c t with mother was reported by those adolescents who shared with t h e i r parents the common language of English i n -50-the home (Mean=46.6). A difference of t h i s magnitude (F=3.66, p < .05) would occur by chance fewer than 3 times i n 100. The pattern was s i m i l a r for c o n f l i c t with father, but the differences were not s i g n i f i c a n t (F=.61, p > .50). These data indicate that having a common language with parents appears to have no influence on the c o n f l i c t s adolescents have with t h e i r fathers. A oneway analysis of variance revealed the following: a) that the differences between the c o n f l i c t s with mother reported by those with and without common language with parents are u n l i k e l y to have occured by chance, and b) that those with no language i n common with t h e i r parents have more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers than do those who do share a common language with parents. Question 5: C o n f l i c t and Et h n i c i t y This question addressed the impact of the family's e t h n i c i t y on c o n f l i c t with parents. I t asked: Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the ethnic background of the family? This variable was constructed from the responses of the students to questions regarding n a t i v i t y , e t h n i c i t y and language. The students were o r i g i n a l l y c l a s s i f i e d by ethnic group according to t h e i r own perception of group membership (see question 9, Page 13 questionaire APPENDIX I ) . These answers were analyzed and re-grouped into ten categories according to responses on questions of group membership, language group, and birthplace. -51-The ten collapsed categories and the frequencies of each of the groups are included i n Appendix VII. The sample included 234 usable responses. Of the ten groups formed from t h i s sample, only three groups contained enough students to allow subsequent analysis; Euro-Canadians (n= 111), Chinese-Canadians (n=93), and Indo-Canadians (n=31). Table V shows the mean amount of c o n f l i c t with mother and with father as perceived by the students from these ethnic groups. TABLE V: Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by E t h n i c i t y (n=215/190) C o n f l i c t Euro- Chinese- Indo- F Sign Canadians Canadians Canadians (n=lll) (n=93) (n=31) Mother 44.8 46.0 40.4 4.82 .009 Father 45.7 48.1 42.2 5.30 .006 Indo-Canadians i n the group exhibited s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater c o n f l i c t with mothers (Mean= 40.4) than did either Euro-Canadians (Mean= 44.8) or Chinese-Canadians (Mean= 46.0). A oneway analysis of variance revealed that the Indo-Canadian group was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the other two groups (F=4.82, p < .05). A s i m i l a r pattern was observed for c o n f l i c t with fathers. Here Indo-Canadians (Mean= 42.2) exhibited s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater c o n f l i c t with fathers than did either Euro-Canadians (Mean= 45.7) or Chinese-Canadians (Mean= 48.1). However, only the differences between the Indo-Canadians and the Chinese-Canadians were s i g n i f i c a n t (F=5.3, p < .05). The data indicate that: -52-a) the differences between the c o n f l i c t s Indo-Canadian adolescents have with fathers and mothers and that of Euro-and Chinese-Canadian adolescents i s u n l i k e l y to have occured by chance, b) Indo-Canadian adolescents have s i g n i f i c a n t l y more c o n f l i c t with mothers than do Euro-Canadian or Chinese-Canadian adolescents, c) Indo-Canadian adolescents have s i g n i f i c a n t l y more c o n f l i c t with fathers than do Chinese-Canadian adolescents, and d) Chinese-Canadian adolescents consistently e x h i b i t less c o n f l i c t with either parent than do members of either of the other two large ethnic groups represented i n t h i s study. Question 6: C o n f l i c t and Patterns of Integration The f i n a l question addressed the impact of integration pattern on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . The analysis required the d i v i s i o n of the students into f i v e groups according to t h e i r pattern of integration into Canadian society. I t asked: Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the pattern of the adolescent's integration into the host society? Construction of t h i s variable was based on the students' answers on the Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale. This scale consisted of t h i r t y - f o u r questions which described options consistent with d i f f e r e n t ways of i d e n t i f y i n g with a culture - either the host -53-culture or the culture of o r i g i n - and students were asked to i d e n t i f y themselves p o s i t i v e l y or negatively with each option. Appendix I contains the questionaire, with the scale appearing on page 10. Frequencies from t h i s set of items are found i n Appendix VIII. Scores from the Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale were analysed i n order to es t a b l i s h the pattern of integration followed by each student. Students were presented with items such as; "People who f e e l good about t h e i r c u l t u r a l background", "People who make i t clear they are not Canadian". The students were asked to i d e n t i f y themselves as s i m i l a r to or d i f f e r e n t from those ind i v i d u a l s described on a four-point Likkert scale. Scores from the i n d i v i d u a l items were factor analysed to determine the structure of the relationships among the items. Based on Rosenthal's r e s u l t s and on information a r i s i n g out of the review of the l i t e r a t u r e , nineteen of the o r i g i n a l t h i r t y - f o u r questions were subjected to a three, four and f i v e factor analysis. Although a l l of the analyses showed a si m i l a r pattern, the structure could be most r e a d i l y described using a four factor, p r i n c i p a l component solution. Using t h i s approach, 52% of the variance i n the 19 questions could be explained by the f i r s t four factors. The f i r s t factor explained 21% of the variance. Students who had a hiqh score on t h i s factor f e l t very s i m i l a r to individ u a l s who "make i t cle a r -54-they are not Canadian" and those who would "carry on the ways of t h e i r parents". This factor i d e n t i f i e d those i n d i v i d u a l s who were t r a d i t i o n a l l y integrated. The second factor explained 13% of the variance and i d e n t i f i e d the students who considered themselves b i c u l t u r a l . They " f e e l good about t h e i r background" and "believe themselves to be a mix of Canadian and other culture". The t h i r d factor explained 10% of the variance and i d e n t i f i e d those students who considered themselves to be assimilated. They see themselves as "hiding t h e i r background" and having "given up t h e i r country of b i r t h for good". The f i n a l factor explained 7% of the variance and appeared to i d e n t i f y those indivi d u a l s who hold a marginal p o s i t i o n i n society. They saw themselves as "thinking d i f f e r e n t l y than the average Canadian k i d " and did not see themselves as "marrying someone from t h e i r own background" or l e t t i n g t h e i r "parents decide who they should marry". Appendix V shows the factor loadings of a four-factor analysis. A f i f t h group was established for the analysis. This group, the "Mainstream", was created from the demographic data. I t included those who were born i n Canada, described themselves as "Canadian", spoke English as t h e i r f i r s t language and t h e i r language at home, and whose parents spoke English at home. -55-The four groups a r i s i n g from the factor analysis were added to the ""Mainstream" and a new variable termed Integration group consisting of mainstream, b i c u l t u r a l , t r a d i t i o n a l , assimilated and marginal groups was formed. From t h e i r answers on the Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale using discriminate analysis, the remaining ungrouped students were assigned to a group. The sample avail a b l e for analysis contained 250 adolescents for c o n f l i c t with mother; 47 mainstream, 80 b i c u l t u r a l , 68 t r a d i t i o n a l , 37 assimilated and 18 marginal adolescents. Of the 220 adolescents reporting c o n f l i c t with father, 34 were mainstream, 33 b i c u l t u r a l , 29 t r a d i t i o n a l , 10 assimilated and 5 marginal. Table VI contains the data pertinent to the impact of integration pattern on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Table VI: Mean C o n f l i c t with Parents by Integration pattern (n=250/220) C o n f l i c t : Integration Pattern Mainstr B i c u l t Trad Assim Marg F Sign Mother 47.9 44.4 43.8 37.8 42.5 3.18 .014 Father 47.9 46.9 45.7 38.6 38.8 .97 .43 The assimilated adolescents exhibited the most intergenerational c o n f l i c t with mothers (Mean= 37.8) and with fathers (Mean= 38.6). The difference i n amount of reported c o n f l i c t with mothers would occur by chance fewer than 2 times i n 100 (F= 3.18, p < .02). A subsequent oneway analysis of variance -56-revealed that the difference l i e s between the Mainstream group and the B i c u l t u r a l , T r a d i t i o n a l and Assimilated groups. The Marginal group was too small for the analysis to be done. There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the amount of reported c o n f l i c t with fathers. If the Mainstream group i s removed from analysis leaving only those who are c l e a r l y f i r s t generation immigrants, the differences are not s i g n i f i c a n t ( c o n f l i c t with mothers, F=1.04, p > .35), but the patterns remain the same; assimilated adolescents report the highest c o n f l i c t , b i c u l t u r a l adolescents the lowest. The data suggest that: a) the differences between the c o n f l i c t s mainstream adolescents and b i c u l t u r a l , t r a d i t i o n a l , assimilated and marginal adolescents report with t h e i r mothers are u n l i k e l y to have occurred by chance, and b) mainstream adolescents report s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers than do b i c u l t u r a l , t r a d i t i o n a l or assimilated students. Assimilated adolescents reported the highest amount of c o n f l i c t , and c) assimilated adolescents report more c o n f l i c t with both parents than do b i c u l t u r a l adolescents. -57-Summary This chapter has presented the major findings of the s t a t i s i c a l analysis of the r e s u l t s of the survey administered i n the two high schools. In summary, the t e s t i n g of the s i x questions upon which t h i s thesis focuses found the following: 1. Question 1 - Is the intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the adolescent's gender?. No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported at the .05 l e v e l of confidence for o v e r a l l average c o n f l i c t with mother; S i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported regarding c o n f l i c t with father. 2. Question 2 - Is the intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by whether or not the adolescent was born i n Canada? No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported for c o n f l i c t with either parent. 3. Question 3 -Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between immigrant adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the adolescent's age at the time of immigration? No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported for c o n f l i c t with either parent. 4. Question 4 -Is the intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the presence or absence of a common language? No s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found i n the o v e r a l l -58-average c o n f l i c t with father. However, t e s t i n g found s i g n i f i c a n t differences at the .05 l e v e l of confidence i n terms of the o v e r a l l c o n f l i c t with mother. 5. Question 5 - Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the ethnic background of the family? S i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported i n terms of the o v e r a l l average c o n f l i c t with father at the .009 l e v e l of si g n i f i c a n c e and for mother at the .005 l e v e l . Indo-Canadian adolescents reported the highest c o n f l i c t . Chinese-Canadians reported the least . 6. Question 6 - Is intergenerational c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents affected by the pattern of the adolescent's integration into the host society? S i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported at the .01 l e v e l of confidence i n terms of c o n f l i c t with mother, with assimilated students experiencing the highest c o n f l i c t when mainstream adolescents were included i n the analysis. No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported with father. No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were reported when the mainstream group was removed from the analysis. -59-Further Analysis of the Data Because repeated independent measurement of the same dependent variable may increase the chance of r e j e c t i n g a true n u l l hypothesis (Huberty & Morris, 1989), f i v e independent variables were entered into a single analysis of variance using c o n f l i c t with mother as the dependent variable. Table VII presents the r e s u l t s of that analysis. TABLE VII: Analysis of Variance - C o n f l i c t with Mother by gender, n a t i v i t y , common language with parents, e t h n i c i t y , integration pattern. Source/variation Sum of DF Mean F Sign of Squares Square F Main e f f e c t s 2070.60 10 207.06 3 .202 .00 Gender .41 1 .41 .006 .937 N a t i v i t y 25.99 1 25.99 .402 .527 Commonlanguage 64.19 2 32.09 .496 .610 Et h n i c i t y 725.08 2 362.54 5 . 606 .004 Integ Pattern 623.81 4 155.95 2 .411 .051 Of the f i v e variables - gender, n a t i v i t y , language i n common with parents, e t h n i c i t y and integration pattern, only e t h n i c i t y and integration pattern reached s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f or c o n f l i c t with mother. -60-Th i s analysis was repeated for c o n f l i c t with father. Table VIII: Analysis of Variance - C o n f l i c t with Father by gender, n a t i v i t y , common language with parents, e t h n i c i t y and integration pattern. Source/variation Sum of DF Mean F Sign of Squares Square F Main e f f e c t s 1135.75 10 113.58 1.573 .119 Gender 170.65 1 170.65 2.365 . 126 N a t i v i t y .93 1 .93 .013 .910 Common language 24.49 2 12.24 . 170 . 844 Et h n i c i t y 653.70 2 326.85 4.526 .012 Integ Pattern 240.83 4 60.21 .834 .506 Of the f i v e variables, gender, n a t i v i t y , language i n common with parents, e t h n i c i t y and integration pattern, only e t h n i c i t y reached s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for c o n f l i c t with father. The s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t variable common to c o n f l i c t with each parent was e t h n i c i t y . From both a s t a t i s t i c a l and a po l i c y perspective, i t was most important to better understand the r e l a t i o n s h i p between e t h n i c i t y and the other variables. Integration pattern also warrants further analysis for the following reasons: 1. The basis of the thesis was to confirm the conditions under which Rosenthal's findings regarding intergenerational -61-c o n f l i c t and integration pattern would or would not be rep l i c a t e d , 2. In terms of the ANOVA for c o n f l i c t with mother, integration pattern was also s i g n i f i c a n t and therefore may bear further exploration, and 3. In terms of future research, the framework developed to analyse the integration pattern of adolescents, and the use of factor analysis to i d e n t i f y the patterns within the framework may be useful. Any further information regarding possible patterns of in t e r a c t i o n may be h e l p f u l for future studies. From t h i s study, then, i t i s important to explore the in t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of e t h n i c i t y , integration pattern and intergenerational c o n f l i c t . In order to conduct such exploration, the ethnic groups were f i r s t analysed to examine the components of c o n f l i c t for t h i s variable and the process was repeated f o r the integration patterns. -62-Further Analysis - E t h n i c i t y The data pertaining to c o n f l i c t with mother and with father for the three largest ethnic groups, Euro-Canadians, Chinese-Canadians and Indo-Canadians, was subjected to an analysis of variance. Holding e t h n i c i t y constant, the analysis explored the impact of the other variables on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . Euro-Canadians The following table shows the r e s u l t s of t h i s analysis for c o n f l i c t with mother and with father for Euro-Canadians. TABLE IX: ANOVA of Parental c o n f l i c t with Euro-Canadian adolescents Source of Mother c o n f l i c t Father c o n f l i c t V a r i a t i o n ANOVA ANOVA F sign/ F sign/ Gender .32 .57 2.13 . 15 Na t i v i t y .19 . 66 . 58 .45 Integ Patt 1.89 .19 3.2 .02 CommLang 2 .17 . 12 .46 . 64 There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between gender, n a t i v i t y , integration pattern or common language and c o n f l i c t with mothers for Euro-Canadian students. -63-The same analysis of the c o n f l i c t for Euro-Canadians with t h e i r fathers showed that s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e was reached only for the variable "integration pattern". The re l a t i o n s h i p was explored further with a oneway analysis of variance. Although the analysis of between group differences (the l e a s t - s i g n i f i c a n t difference t e s t or LSD) revealed a s i g n i f i c a n t difference(F= 4.62, p.<.005) between groups, the difference between the marginal group and the other groups was probably the r e s u l t of large differences i n the numbers of students i n various categories. Chinese-Canadians The same set of analyses were ca r r i e d out for Chinese-Canadians adolescents. Table X shows the r e s u l t s of the analysis of variance. TABLE X: ANOVA of Parental c o n f l i c t with Chinese-Canadian adolescents Source of Mother c o n f l i c t Father c o n f l i c t V a r i a t i o n ANOVA ANOVA F sign/ F sign/ Gender . 38 .53 . 12 .72 N a t i v i t y 1.88 . 17 .93 .33 Integ Patt 2.64 .05 1.29 .28 CommLang 1.29 .28 .26 .60 -64-There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between gender, n a t i v i t y , integration pattern, or common language and c o n f l i c t with father for the Chinese-Canadian students. The analysis of the c o n f l i c t for Chinese-Canadians with t h e i r mothers showed that s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e was reached only f o r the variable "integration pattern". The subsequent oneway analysis of variance of integration pattern for Chinese-Canadians demonstrated a possible s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n the amount of c o n f l i c t with mother reported (F= 2.50, p.<.05). The variable 'integration pattern' i n t h i s analysis i s divided into four groups: group 2= b i c u l t u r a l , group 3= t r a d i t i o n a l , group 4= assimilated, and group 5= marginal. Being Chinese-Canadian according to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t h i s study precludes being 'mainstream'. Table XI describes the between-group differences for c o n f l i c t with mother by integration pattern for Chinese-Canadian adolescents from the t e s t of l e a s t - s i g n i f i c a n t differences (LSD). -65-TABLE XI: LSD - C o n f l i c t with mother by integration pattern for Chinese-Canadians Mean group 4 42.7 4 46.8 2 46.9 3 * 51.2 5 * The * s i g n i f i e s possible s i g n i f i c a n t differences. In t h i s analysis, the between group differences are between the assimilated adolescents and the other adolescents. Chinese-Canadian students who have adopted a s s i m i l a t i o n as t h e i r pattern of integration have more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers than Chinese-Canadian students adopting other modes of integration. Indo-Canadians The same set of analyses were c a r r i e d out for Indo-Canadians adolescents. Table XII shows the r e s u l t s of the analysis of variance. -66-TABLE XII: ANOVA of Parental c o n f l i c t with Indo-Canadian adolescents Source of Var i a t i o n Gender N a t i v i t y Integ Patt CommLang Mother c o n f l i c t ANOVA F sign/ .00 .96 .05 .81 .38 .68 .01 .99 Father c o n f l i c t ANOVA F sign/ .61 .44 .28 .59 1.03 .37 2.93 .07 The analysis of variance of the c o n f l i c t Indo-Canadian students have with t h e i r mothers and t h e i r fathers showed no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between gender, n a t i v i t y , integration pattern, and common language and parental c o n f l i c t . Further Analysis - Patterns of Integration The same analyses were applied to the data pertaining to c o n f l i c t with mother and with father for three of the f i v e patterns of integration ( b i c u l t u r a l , t r a d i t i o n a l , and assimilated). Mainstream and marginal groups were excluded from the analysis, mainstream because of the number of variables missing from the analysis (due to the way mainstream was defined) and marginal because of the small s i z e of the c e l l s . The same possible problems of redundancy and correlated error apply to t h i s analysis. -67-The analysis of variance of the c o n f l i c t with mothers and fathers for b i c u l t u r a l and assimilated adolescents showed no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between t h i s variable and the other varia b l e s . T r a d i t i o n a l Adolescents The following tables show the r e s u l t s of the analysis of variance for c o n f l i c t with mother and with father for the t r a d i t i o n a l group. TABLE XIII: ANOVA of Parental c o n f l i c t with T r a d i t i o n a l Adolescents Source of Mother c o n f l i c t Father c o n f l i c t V a r i a t i o n ANOVA ANOVA F sign/ F sign/ Gender .24 .62 .20 .65 N a t i v i t y .07 .79 1.68 .20 Ethnic 1.87 . 16 3.10 .05 CommLang .03 .96 .33 .72 The analysis of variance of the c o n f l i c t for t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents with t h e i r mothers showed no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between t h i s variable and the other variables. -68-The same analysis of the c o n f l i c t f or t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents with t h e i r fathers showed that s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e was reached only for the variable " e t h n i c i t y " . The subsequent oneway analysis of variance of e t h n i c i t y f or t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents demonstrated a s i g n i f i c a n t difference (F= 3.23, p.<.05). E t h n i c i t y i s divided into three groups: group 1= Euro-Canadians, group 2= Chinese-Canadians, and group 3= Indo-Canadians. Table XIV describes the between-group differences for t h i s c o n f l i c t with father by e t h n i c i t y f or t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents. TABLE XIV: LSD - C o n f l i c t with father by e t h n i c i t y f or t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents Mean group 3 1 2 39.8 3 44.0 1 48.1 2 * The * indicates s i g n i f i c a n t differences between those t r a d i t i o n a l adolescents who are Indo-Canadian and those who are Chinese-Canadian. 69 Chapter 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Purpose of the Study This study done with immigrant and non-immigrant adolescents i n Vancouver investigated factors which influence intergenerational c o n f l i c t . These factors are immigrant status, gender, age at time of a r r i v a l i n Canada, presence or absence of a complex common language with parents, e t h n i c i t y and pattern of integration. The primary purpose of t h i s study was to r e p l i c a t e Rosenthal's (1989) study by determining: a. the e f f e c t of b i c u l t u r a l adaptation on the amount of intergenerational c o n f l i c t perceived by immigrant adolescents, b. the e f f e c t of e t h n i c i t y on the amount of intergenerational c o n f l i c t perceived by immigrant and non-immigrant youth, and c. the e f f e c t of gender on the amount of intergenerational c o n f l i c t perceived by the adolescents. The review of the l i t e r a t u r e i d e n t i f i e d other factors which may influence intergenerational c o n f l i c t . To ignore these factors i n the r e p l i c a t i o n would have lim i t e d both the scope and the p r a c t i c a l implications of any findings. The study therefore included the following variables: whether or not the adolescent was an immigrant, his/her age at time of immigration, and the presence or absence of a common, complex language with parents. 70 Limitations of the Study Rosenthal was able to sample more than 600 students from nine high schools i n Melbourne, A u s t r a l i a . Because of time and monetary constraints, I was not able to sample a group as large as Rosenthal's or conduct interviews with parents. Rosenthal had used interviewss to investigate the pattern of integration adopted by the adolescents. In the r e p l i c a t i o n , the determination of the patterns of integration was based e n t i r e l y on the subjective answers of the students to questions posed i n the questionnaire. I t was seen as important to l e t the students i n the r e p l i c a t i o n s e l f - d e f i n e t h e i r e t h n i c i t y rather than a t t r i b u t e t h e i r e t h n i c i t y as Rosenthal had. Although t h i s s t i l l seems a reasonable choice, i t meant that an immigrant Chinese-Canadian and a f i f t h generation Indo-Canadian might both define themselves as Canadian. To some extent, permitting students to define t h e i r own e t h n i c i t y affected the numbers of students i n the ethnic categories, which, i n turn, had a l i m i t i n g e f f e c t on the analyses that were possible. Third, the question of the birthplace of the parents (necessary to accurately e s t a b l i s h second generation status) was not included i n the demographic data. This was an oversight which made determining differences between the f i r s t and second generation d i f f i c u l t . F i n a l l y , the sample was not t r u l y random. Only two of Vancouver's eighteen high schools were included. This meant the 71 sample was not as random as Rosenthal's and, although I am confident that the sample was representative of Vancouver students, t h i s cannot be demonstrated. Findings of the Study Key Findings i n Rosenthal's Study 1. the o v e r a l l l e v e l of c o n f l i c t was moderate, with no issues found as consistently generating high l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t , 2. Anglo-Australians reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t with parents than did t h e i r Greek- and I t a l i a n - A u s t r a l i a n peers, 3. males reported more c o n f l i c t than females with both mothers and fathers, and 4. b i c u l t u r a l l y i d e n t i f i e d adolescents reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t than those who were assimilated. Findings i n Relation to Rosenthal's Study 1. Amount of c o n f l i c t : P a r a l l e l i n g Rosenthal's findings, t h i s study found that the Vancouver adolescents reported a moderate amount of c o n f l i c t . The mean c o n f l i c t reported f e l l i n the range of "some c o n f l i c t with parent." 2. Gender and c o n f l i c t : Rosenthal's finding of s i g n i f i c a n t l y more c o n f l i c t with both parents reported by males was 72 not borne out by t h i s study. I found no s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the c o n f l i c t with mothers reported by males and females. In Vancouver, i t was the females who reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher c o n f l i c t with fathers. What d i d mirror Rosenthal's findings was the differences i n issues about which c o n f l i c t f or males and females occurred. I found, as d i d she, that the issues of concern for males tended to r e l a t e to study habits and plans a f t e r graduation - more long range issues. Issues for g i r l s concerned s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s outside the home. This may mean that parents continue to be more concerned about t h e i r daughters' sexual reputation and marriageability than they are about her career. 3. E t h n i c i t y and c o n f l i c t : Rosenthal reported that the Anglo-Australian group reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t than did the members of the two minority groups she studies. Her subjects were chosen only i f both parents were born i n A u s t r a l i a , Greece or I t a l y respectively. The r e p l i c a t i o n used d i f f e r e n t techniques for categorizing students i n ethnic groups, making d i r e c t comparisons d i f f i c u l t . Furthermore, the ethnic groups i n Vancouver d i f f e r e d from those which predominated i n Rosenthal's study. Chinese-Canadian adolescents reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t with both parents than either Euro-Canadian students or Indo-Canadian students. Indo-Canadian students reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r mothers than either Euro-73 Canadian or Chinese-Canadian students and s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater c o n f l i c t with fathers than the Chinese-Canadian students. 4. Adaptation pattern and c o n f l i c t : Rosenthal reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y less c o n f l i c t for adolescents who were adopting a b i c u l t u r a l adaptation than those who were as s i m i l a t i n g . I was not able to r e p l i c a t e t h i s f i nding. Although r e l a t i v e amounts of c o n f l i c t d i d mirror her findings, the only s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n c o n f l i c t with parents were between the other adaptation groups and the mainstream group, with the mainstream group reporting the le a s t c o n f l i c t . Findings i n Relation to the L i t e r a t u r e Review Additional factors from the review of the l i t e r a t u r e were analysed to determine t h e i r influence on intergenerational c o n f l i c t . My findings related to those issues are as follows: 1. Immigrant status and c o n f l i c t : Several a r t i c l e s (Kern, 1966; Ames & I n g l i s , 1973; Wakil, Siddique and Wakil, 1981) at t r i b u t e d increased intergenerational c o n f l i c t to the immigrant status of the adolescent. Although other studies have not supported t h i s notion, a mythology has grown up around t h i s issue supporting the b e l i e f that immigrant youth experience greater family c o n f l i c t . This study suggests that there i s no r e l a t i o n s h i p between immigrant status and intergenerational c o n f l i c t . 74 2. Age at the time of immigration and c o n f l i c t : The small pool of l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s subject (Naditch & Morrissey, 1976; Inbar, 1977) predicted the highest l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t f o r those who immigrate a f t e r age 13 and the lowest rate for those who immigrate before age 5. However, t h i s study found no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the intergenerational c o n f l i c t reported by the three age groups. 3. Language i n common between generations and c o n f l i c t : Very l i t t l e research (Eppink, 1979; Auerbach, 1989) was found on t h i s t o p i c , although more i s currently i n progress. However popular wisdom suggests that the absence of a language c a p a b i l i t y which permits understanding and discussion of abstract concepts can create or exacerbate family c o n f l i c t . I f the generations do not share a common language with which to discuss issues such as dating across cultures, job prospects or future aspirations, problems which a r i s e i n many families may be more d i f f i c u l t to resolve than i n f a m i l i e s where the generations do share such a language cjipjibi^lity,. This study did f i n d higher l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t reported by those adolescents who do not speak the same language as t h e i r parents do at home; the differences were s i g n i f i c a n t for c o n f l i c t with mother. Exploration of Interactions of the Variables Because e t h n i c i t y was a s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i able both i n the univariate analysis and the general i n c l u s i v e ANOVA, I wanted to explore c o n f l i c t for each of the three largest ethnic groups 75 i n d i v i d u a l l y . I used an analysis of variance to further describe the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between gender, common language, immigrant status, integration pattern and intergenerational c o n f l i c t for each of the ethnic groups separately. I found that when a l l the variables were included i n the analysis, integration pattern showed s i g n i f i c a n t f i r s t order e f f e c t s on the amount of c o n f l i c t with fathers for Euro-Canadian students and f o r c o n f l i c t with mothers for the Chinese-Canadian students. Further research on the e f f e c t s of these two variables, e t h n i c i t y and integration pattern, on intergenerational c o n f l i c t i s , therefore, warranted. Such research would need to r e c t i f y the li m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study regarding the designation of f i r s t and second generation immigrants. Unanticipated Findings 1. There were few assimilated adolescents. An expectation of a larger assimilated group came both from the l i t e r a t u r e (Ames & I n g l i s , 1983; James, 1984) and from the common understanding of the pressure to assimilate put on f i r s t and second generation children by Canadian society. I found r e l a t i v e l y few assimilated students; of the 250 students reporting c o n f l i c t with mothers, only 37 were assimilated as compared to 68 t r a d i t i o n a l and 80 b i c u l t u r a l . 76 2. There were few marginalized students. From the writings of Taft (1972) and others, there was a suggestion that from a population that includes a high number of v i s i b l e minority / adolescents, one would expect a larger number of marginalized youth. I found only 18 of the 250 students were marginalized. I t may be that by grade 11, the marginalized students have already l e f t school. A possible explanation for the above might be found i n the writings of C. B a l l a r d (1979) and P. Weinreich (1979). Ba l l a r d and Weinreich would have predicted the low numbers of assimilated adolescents s t a t i n g that only a small number of f i r s t and second generation south Asians r e j e c t t h e i r families, and even less react to host country pressures by becoming marginalized. These writers suggest that instead, the majority of second generation adolescents are f i n d i n g a " t h i r d way". Rather than balancing two cultures, they create a new culture containing elements of both t h e i r culture of o r i g i n and the host culture. The suggestion i s that they cannot be a true member of either culture, but the t h i r d way can be a very successful choice for them. This explanation i s one which bears further research. Such research should include interviews with the students i n order to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r view of t h e i r adaptation and i t s success. I t should include interviews with parents and teachers to determine the foundation of t h e i r claims and should cover a wider sample than I was able to obtain. 77 Conclusions Few strong conclusions can be drawn from t h i s r e p l i c a t i o n of Rosenthal's work. Two conclusions seem warranted: 1. Intergenerational c o n f l i c t e x i s t s only at moderate leve l s for most adolescents. 2. Intergenerational c o n f l i c t i s not rel a t e d to immigrant status. Beyond that t h i s study has raised more questions than answers. These unanswered questions include: What are the other variables a f f e c t i n g intergenerational c o n f l i c t ? What i n Chinese-Canadian culture contributes to the perception of lower family c o n f l i c t on the part of the adolescents? What i n the Indo-Canadian culture contributes to the perception of higher intergenerational c o n f l i c t ? What i s the r o l e of a shared complex language i n family c o n f l i c t or lack of c o n f l i c t ? What are the perceptions of c o n f l i c t of marginalized Chinese-Canadian and Indo-Canadian students? This study has resulted i n the development of a framework for analysis of integration patterns, and provides a base of information from which research on the e f f e c t s of several factors on intergenerational c o n f l i c t can proceed. Notably i t has added to the knowledge regarding the re l a t i o n s h i p of p a r t i c u l a r factors to the generational c o n f l i c t of immigrant children. I have begun an 78 exploration into the re l a t i o n s h i p between c o n f l i c t i n families and a lack of a complex common language. I have established that Indo-Canadian adolescents do report more c o n f l i c t with t h e i r families, and Chinese-Canadian adolescents report less than mainstream adolescents. The c o n f l i c t reported by Indo-Canadian youth i s equally high for boys and g i r l s , f or immigrants and non-immigrants and f o r those with and without a complex language i n common with parents. Although the b i c u l t u r a l Indo-Canadians reported less c o n f l i c t , the amount was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t than those who were t r a d i t i o n a l or assimilated. The variables described and analysed i n t h i s study explained very l i t t l e of the variance i n adolescent c o n f l i c t with mothers and fathers. For example, when the "mainstream" group i s removed, only 13% of the variance i s explained for c o n f l i c t with mothers. This suggests that other factors are a f f e c t i n g c o n f l i c t between adolescents and t h e i r parents. We need to look at other explanations and through research, explore other relationships between factors a f f e c t i n g family c o n f l i c t . 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Emerging from threatened i d e n t i t i e s : E t h n i c i t y and gender i n r e d e f i n i t i o n s of ethnic i d e n t i t y . In G. Breakwell (Ed.) Threatened I d e n t i t i e s . New York: J.Wiley & Sons. Wood, M.R. (1984). Social service agents and Indo-Canadian immigrants i n Vancouver. Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , U.B.C., Vancouver, B.C. 87 Yin, R.K. (1984). Case study research; Designs and methods. Beverly H i l l s , C a l i f . : Sage Publications. 89 C o n f l i c t with parents Here are some areas of possible c o n f l i c t between young people and t h e i r parents. Rate the amount of c o n f l i c t you f e e l e x i s t s between you and your parents on the issues l i s t e d below. Note: I f you are not l i v i n g with both or either of your parents, but l i v e with a guardian, please place an [X] i n the box below male guardian [ ] female guardian [ ] Then answer the questions as i f they were c o n f l i c t s between your guardian and yourself. C o n f l i c t s with C o n f l i c t s with Mother Father A Some A None A Some A NOTE WE FIGHT ABOUT... l o t l i t t l e l o t l i t t l e 1. Choice of friends. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 2. Things you do i n your spare time away from home (going to f r i e n d s ' houses, malls, dances). [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 3. Doing jobs around the house. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 4. Things you do i n your spare time at home ( T.V., telephone). [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 5. Going out with the family (church/temple, v i s i t i n g , shopping e t c ) . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 6. Going out with friends of the same sex. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 7. Going out with people of the opposite sex. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 8. Going out with people of another ethnic/ c u l t u r a l group. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 9. Study habits (homework e t c . ) . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 10. Personal appearance (h a i r s t y l e , dress, earrings e t c . ) . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 90 C o n f l i c t s with C o n f l i c t s with Mother Father A Some A None A Some A Ncne WE FIGHT ABOUT... l o t l i t t l e l o t l i t t l e 11. Time of coming home. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 12. How often you go out. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 13. When you go out. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 14. What you w i l l do af t e r you complete your schooling (t r a v e l , u n i v e r s i t y job, get married). [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 15. Drinking, drugs, smoking. [ ] [ ] [ ] L" ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 16. Other areas of c o n f l i c t (specify) [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 91 Survey of So c i a l Attitudes Here are some thoughts that most people have about themselves at d i f f e r e n t times. A l l you need to do i s read through them and put an [X] i n the box which shows how often the sentence i s true for you. There are no r i g h t or wrong answers - t h i s i s not a t e s t - i t depends on how you f e e l about yourself. Don't spend a l o t of time thinking about each answer. Almost Often True Occas. Not Always True Half True True True Time 1. I am able to take things as they come. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 2. I can't make sense of my l i f e . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 3. I wish I had more s e l f - c o n t r o l . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 4. I get embarrassed when someone t e l l s me personal things. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 5. I can't make up my own mind about things. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 6. I change my opinion of myself a l o t . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 7. I am able to be f i r s t with ideas. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 8. I'm never going to get anywhere in l i f e . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 9. I'm ready to have a spe c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with someone. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 10.I've got a cle a r idea of what I want to do. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 11.I f e e l mixed up. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 12.1 f i n d the world a very confusing place.( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 13.I know when to please myself and when to please others. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 14.The important things i n l i f e are clea r to me. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 15.1 don't seem to be able to achieve my ambitions. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 92 Almost Often True Occas. Not Always True Half True True True Time 16. I don't seem to have the a b i l i t y that most others have. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 17. I have my l i f e i n control. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 18. I know what kind of person I am. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 19. I worry about losing control of my fee l i n g s . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 20. I have few doubts about myself. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 21. I depend on others to give me ideas. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 22. I don't enjoy working. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 23. I think I must be a b a s i c a l l y bad person. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 24. Other people understand me. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 25. I'm a hard worker. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 26. I f e e l g u i l t y about many things. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 27. I'm a warm and f r i e n d l y person. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 28. I r e a l l y believe i n myself. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 29. I can't decide what to do with my l i f e . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 30. I t ' s important to me to be completely open with my friends. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 31. I f i n d that good things never l a s t . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 32. I f e e l I'm a h e l p f u l person to have around. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 33. I keep what I r e a l l y think and f e e l about things to myself. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 34. I'm an energetic person who does l o t s of things. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 35. I'm t r y i n g hard to reach my goals. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 36. Things and people usually turn out well for me. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 93 Almost Often True Occas. Not Always True Half True True True Time 37. I have a strong sense of what i t means to be female male ( 38. I think the world and i t s people are b a s i c a l l y good. ( 39. I am ashamed of myself. ( 40. I'm good at my work. ( 41. I think i t ' s crazy to get too involved with people. ( 42. I f e e l I can't t r u s t most people. ( 43. I l i k e myself and am proud of what I stand f o r . I 44. I r e a l l y don't always know what I'm t a l k i n g about. I 45. I can't stand lazy people. I 46. I can stop myself from doing things I know I shouldn't be doing. I 47. I f i n d myself expecting the worst things to happen. i 48. I care deeply f o r others. i 49. I f i n d I have to keep my true s e l f hidden from people. i 50. I f i n d myself denying things even though they are true. 51. I don't f e e l r e a l l y involved i n anything. 52. I waste a l o t of time messing around. ( 53. I'm as good as other people. 54. I l i k e to make my own choices. 55. I don't f e e l confident of my judgement. 94 Almost Often True Occas. Not Always True Half True True True Time 56. I'm b a s i c a l l y a loner. 57. I can handle things pretty well. 58. I'm not much good at things that need brains or s k i l l . 59. I have a close emotional and physical r e l a t i o n s h i p with another person. 60. I s t i c k with things u n t i l they are done. 61. I'm a follower rather than a leader. 62. I can't stand up for myself. 63. I f i n d i t hard to make up my mind. 64. I t r u s t people. 65. I l i k e my freedom and don't want to be t i e d down. 66. I l i k e new adventures. 67. I prefer not to l e t others know too much about me - how I f e e l etc. 68. I don't get things fin i s h e d . 69. I l i k e f i n d i n g out about new things. 70. I don't get much done. 71. Being alone with other people makes me f e e l uncomfortable. 72. I f i n d i t easy to make close friends. ( ) ( ) 95 Attitudes The statements below describe attitudes toward the role s of women i n society which d i f f e r e n t people have. There are no r i g h t or wrong answers, only opinions. You are asked to express your opinion about each statement by marking an [X] i n the box which indicates whether you [ ] agree strongly, [ ] agree mildly, [ ] disagree mildly or [ ] disagree strongly. Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Strongly M i l d l y M i l d l y Strongly 1. I t i s worse when a woman swears or uses obscene language than when a man does. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 2. Under modern economic conditions with women being more active outside the home, men should share i n housework eg. washing dishes. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 3. I t i s i n s u l t i n g to women to have the 'obey'clause i n the marriage ceremony (the woman promises to love, honour and obey her husband). ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 4. A woman should be as free as a man to propose marriage. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 5. Women should worry less about t h e i r r i g h t s and more about becoming good wives and mothers ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 6. Women, along with men, should be able to take t h e i r r i g h t f u l place i n business and professions ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 7. A woman should not expect to be able to go to a l l the same places or have the same freedom of action as a man can expect. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 8. I t i s r i d i c u l o u s for a woman to drive a t r a i n locomotive and for a man to clean house. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 9. The i n t e l l e c t u a l leadership of a community should be mostly i n the hands of men. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 10. Women should be given equal opportunity with men for learninq any trade (eg.plumbing, mechanics). ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 96 Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Strongly M i l d l y M i l d l y Strongly 11. Women earning as much as t h e i r male friends should pay half the expenses when they go out together. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 12. Sons i n a family should be given more encouragement to go to University than daughters. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 13. In general, the father should have more authority than the mother i n bringing up children. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 14. To a woman, economic and s o c i a l freedom i s worth f a r more than accepting men's ideas of femininity. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 15. There are many jobs i n which men should be given preference over women in being hired or promoted. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 97 READ EACH OF THE FOLLOWING STATEMENTS. PUT AN [X] IN THE COLUMN YOU FEEL FITS BEST FOR YOU. strongly d i s - strongly agree agree agree disagree 1. I f e e l that I'm a person of worth, at lea s t on an equal basis with others. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 2. I f e e l that I have a number of good q u a l i t i e s . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 3. A l l i n a l l , I am i n c l i n e d to f e e l that I am a f a i l u r e . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 4. I am able to do things as well as most other people. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 5. I f e e l I do not have much to be proud of. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 6. I take a p o s i t i v e attitude toward myself. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 7. On the whole, I am s a t i s f i e d with myself. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 8. I wish I could have more respect for myself. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 9. I c e r t a i n l y f e e l useless at times. [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 10. At times I think I am no good at a l l . [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 98 In t h i s questionnaire, d i f f e r e n t kinds of people are described. We want you to think about how s i m i l a r you are to these people. You may be similar (or l i k e them), or very s i m i l a r to them. You could be d i f f e r e n t from them or you could be very d i f f e r e n t from them. Put an [X] i n one of the boxes alongside each question to show us how much you are l i k e the people described. 1. People who are r e l i q i o u s . 2. Kids who behave i n ways that show they are foreign. 3. Canadians who are proud of being Canadian. 4. Kids who have c o n f l i c t about which country they r e a l l y belong to. 5. Kids who think d i f f e r e n t l y from the average Canadian. 6. People who make i t clear that they are not Canadian. 7. Kids who have to act d i f f e r e n t l y at home than anywhere else. 8. Kids who go to clubs, churches or temples that are f o r immigrant groups. 9. People who f e e l good about t h e i r c u l t u r a l background. very d i f f -d i f f e r e n t erent from from I AM simi- very s i m i l a r to l a r to 10. Kids whose names remind them that they are d i f f e r e n t from other Canadian kids. 99 very d i f f e r e n t from 11. Kids who don't care about the country where t h e i r parents were born. 12. A person you can depend on. 13. Kids who are b a s i c a l l y good. 14. Dishonest kids. 15. People whose parents do not give them any independence. 16. People who read foreign language newspapers. 17. Kids who f e e l they look d i f f e r e n t from Canadian kids. 18. Kids who carry on the ways of the country t h e i r parents are from. 19. Kids who w i l l marry whoever t h e i r parents decide i s best. 20. People who s t i c k together with those of t h e i r own ethnic group. 21. Canadians who don't get along with immigrants. 22. Kids whose parents were born i n another country and who f e e l themselves to be a mix of Canadian and that other culture. d i f f -erent from [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] C ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] simi-l a r to [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] t ] very s i m i l a r to 100 very d i f f - simi- very d i f f e r e n t erent l a r s i m i l a r from from to to 23. Kids from other countries who don't f i t i n well here. 24. Kids from fa m i l i e s where being very independent i s encouraged. 25. Kids who speak more than one language f l u e n t l y . 26. People who would only marry someone from t h e i r own background. 27. People whose parents are immigrants but who think of themselves as d e f i n i t e l y Canadian. 28. Kids from other countries who t r y to hide t h e i r backgrounds. 29. Immigrants who don't have much to do with Canadians. 30. People from other countries who become very Canadian i n t h e i r ways. 31. An average Canadian k i d 32. Immigrants who go to language school on Saturdays or a f t e r school. 33. People who give up for good the country they were born i n . 34. Kids who get on well with everybody no matter what country they or t h e i r parents came from. [ ] [ ] t ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 101 THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS HELPFUL IN UNDERSTANDING YOUR RESPONSES TO THE SURVEY. WE WOULD APPRECIATE IT IF YOU WOULD ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS. 1. What i s your gender? [ ]female [ ]male 2. Were you born i n Canada? Yes [ ] No [ ] If not, where were you born? How old were you when you f i r s t came to l i v e i n Canada? years 3. What was the f i r s t language you learned to speak? 4. What language do you most often speak at home? 5. What language do your parents speak at home? 6. How many people l i v e i n your house? (include yourself). Put an X i n the box next to those who l i v e i n your household, father [ ] brother(s) [ ] mother [ ] s i s t e r ( ( s ) [ ] stepfather [ ] grandmother [ ] stepmother [ ] grandfather [ ] others 7. Considering the people i n your family -How many brothers do you have who are older than you ? younger than you? How many s i s t e r s do you have who are older than you? younger than you? 8. In your house i s the housework mostly done by: Please mark with X you your mother your father your s i s t e r ( s ) your brother(s) other (who?) shared between you and your mother [ ] shared between you and your father [ ] shared between you and your parents [ ] shared between you and your s i s t e r s [ ] shared between you and your brother(s) and s i s t e r ( s ) [ ] 9. Every person comes from a d i f f e r e n t kind of background i n terms of family o r i g i n , culture, n a t i o n a l i t y and b e l i e f s . In addition, each person may have t h e i r own sense of who they are. Please answer the following question to indicate what you f e e l i s your own c u l t u r a l background i n terms of the c u l t u r a l group to which you belong. Some examples are: English-Canadian, Native Indian, Japanese-Canadian, Argentinian, Sikh, F i l i p i n o , German-Canadian, etc. I belong to the. c u l t u r a l group. 102 10. How many years of schooling did your parents complete? FATHER [ ]some elementary school [ ]completed elementary school [ jsome high school [ ]completed high school [ ]some community college or techni c a l school [ ]completed community college or techni c a l school [ ]some u n i v e r s i t y [ ]Bachelor's degree complete [ jsome professional or graduate school [ ]completed professional or graduate degree MOTHER [ ]some elementary school [ ]completed elementary school [ jsome high school [ ]completed high school [ jsome community college or technical school [ ]completed community college or t e c h n i c a l school [ ]some un i v e r s i t y [ ]Bachelor's degree complete [ jsome professional or graduate school [ ]completed professional or graduate degree 11. I t w i l l be h e l p f u l to get some information about your parents' usual jobs or occupations. Don't t r y to r e c a l l a l l of the work they may have done, but ju s t indicate t h e i r t y p i c a l work. Here are some examples: Restaurant worker - waiting on tables Heavy equipment operator - s e l f employed Owner/manager - e l e c t r i c a l appliance store which employed 7 people Homemaker Salesperson - department store Janitor - school a) What i s your FATHER'S usual occupation? b) What i s your MOTHER'S usual occupation? 12. W i l l you f i n i s h high school [ ] Yes [ ] No 13. What do you plan to do when you leave school? go to work [ ] go to uni v e r s i t y [ ] go to technical school [ ] get married [ ] other (Please specify) 103 CONFLICT APPENDIX II 1. Choice of Friends 2. Spare Time Away From Home 3. Jobs at Home 4. Spare Time at Home 5. Going Out With Family 6. Going Out With Friends of Same Sex 7. Going Out With Friends of Opposite Sex 1 2 3 4 A Lot Some L i t t l e None Mother 6.4% 16.1% 29.8% 42.5% Father 5.7% 10.4% 27.1% 41.1% Mother 14.4% 20.4% 33.4% 26.4% Father 12.4% 15.4% 23.1% 32.4% Mother 19.1% 24.4% 31.1% 19.4% Father 10.7% 18.1 24.4 30.1 Mother 14.0% 23.1 28.4 29.4 Father 10.0% 17.4 26.8 29.1 Mother 7.4% 10.7 29.4 47.5 Father 8.7% 8.0 19.7 47.5 Mother 4.3% 10.0 19.1 61.9 Father 3.7% 8.4 14.0 58.2 Mother 14.7% 14.0 21.7 44.5 Father 13.0 9.0 16.7 44.8 APPENDIX II CONT'D 8. Going Out With Friends of Other Ethnic Groups Mother Father 104 1 A Lot 5.4 3.3 2 Some 7.7 6.7 3 4 L i t t l e None 12.4 69.6 13.0 60.9 9. Study Habits Mother 16.4 29.4 Father 14.7 19.4 28.4 25.4 21.1 24.7 10. Personal Appearance Mother 10.4 14.4 Father 6.7 13.4 28.4 23.1 41.5 41.5 11. Time of Coming Home Mother 23.1 23.4 Father 20.1 19.1 28.4 21.7 20.4 23.4 12. Going Out: How Often Mother 17.7 20.1 Father 11.7 20.7 34.4 28.4 22.7 23 .1 13. Going Out: When Mother 13.4 20.4 Father 11.7 19.1 33.4 26.1 26.8 27.4 14. Plans Following School Mother 12.4 19.7 Father 12.4 15.4 25.1 16.4 37.8 39.5 15. Drinking and Drugs Mother 15.7 Father 13.7 2.7 5.4 11.7 8.0 64.9 56.2 105 APPENDIX III C o n f l i c t Mother Father a. when you go out and: how often you go out .64 .64 time coming home .62 .60 spare time away from home .49 .53 spare time at home .46 .44 personal appearance .45 .32 plans following school .45 .45 going out with opposite sex .42 .40 b. personal appearance and: how often you go out .46 .31 when you go out .45 .32 time coming home .41 .29 choice of friends .34 .40 spare time at home .32 .40 going out with opposite sex .32 .40 c. going out with opposite sex and: spare time away from home .42 .47 when you go out .42 .40 going out with same sex .39 .45 personal appearance .32 .40 spare time at home .26 .42 106 APPENDIX III CONT'D. C o n f l i c t Mother Father d. plans following school and: when you go out .45 .45 choice of friends .39 .38 study habits .32 .45 e. study habits and: spare time at home .51 .39 choice of friends .43 .39 jobs at home .42 .38 plans following school .32 .45 107 APPENDIX IV C o n f l i c t With Mother Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 1. Choice of Friends: 2. Spare Time Away 3. Jobs at Home 4. Spare Time Home 5. Going Out With Family 6. Going Out With Friends Same Sex 7. Going Out With Opposite Sex 8. Going Out With Other Ethnic Grp 9. Study Habits 10. Personal Appearance 11. Time Coming Home 12. How Often Out 13. When You Go Out 14. Plans Following School 15. Drinking and Drugs 50 64 60 54 ,75 ,75 ,78 .75 .61 60 60 ,73 79 .60 .85 108 APPENDIX IV C o n f l i c t With Father Factor 1 1. Choice of Friends: 2. Spare Time Away .56 3. Jobs at Home 4. Spare Time Home 5. Going Out With Family 6. Going Out With Friends Same Sex 7. Going Out With Opposite Sex 8. Going Out With Other Ethnic Grp 9. Study Habits 10. Personal Appearance 11. Time Coming .77 Home 12. How Often Out .82 13. When You Go Out .77 14. Plans Following School 15. Drinking and Drugs Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 .54 .77 .48 .30 .64 . 64 .76 .76 .65 .66 .84 109 APPENDIX V - Factor Loadings EIS# QUESTION Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 3 Proud Canadian -.53 .43 4 C o n f l i c t over which country .54 .37 5 Think d i f f e r e n t l y than average Canadian k i d .50 .54 6 Clear not Canadian .70 9 Feel good about background .77 11 Dont care about country where parents born -.55 18 Carry on ways of parents country .62. 4 6 19 Marry whom parents decide .37 -.54 20 Stick with own ethnic group .54 .38 22 Mix of Canadian & other .39 .42 .41 23 From other country & don't f i t i n here .75 -.29 25 More than one language .44 -.39 26 Only marry own background .49 -.31 27 Parents immigrants but are d e f i n i t e l y Canadian .47 28 From other country but hide background -.51 .61 APPENDIX V - Factor Loadings (Cont'd.) EIS# QUESTION Factor 1 Factor 29 Immigrants who don't mix .67 30 From other country but become very Canadian -.39 31 Average Canadian k i d -.53 33 Give up country of b i r t h I l l Appendix VII: C l a s s i f i c a t i o n by E t h n i c i t y No. Ethnic Groups Number of Students 1 Euro-Canadian 111 2 Chinese Canadian 93 3 Indo-Canadian 31 4 Native-Canadian 10 5 P h i l i p i n o 16 6 Japanese 5 7 Vietnamese/Southeast Asian 14 8 F i j i a n 5 9 La t i n American/Caribbean 6 10 Middle Eastern 3 Total 294 112 Appendix VII Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Scale - Frequency variables c a r r i e d out on t h i s scale produced some in t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s . For example, 50% of the students i d e n t i f i e d with "people who are r e l i g i o u s " , but only 25% i d e n t i f i e d with "kids who behave i n ways that show they are foreign". The large numbers of foreign-born and non-Anglo students i n these high schools was r e f l e c t e d i n the high percentage who f e l t t h e i r names did not "remind them that they were d i f f e r e n t from other Canadian kids" (63%) and the 77% who f e l t they did not "look d i f f e r e n t from Canadian kids". 75% of them i d e n t i f i e d themselves as "proud Canadians" and 80% had no c o n f l i c t over "which country they r e a l l y belong to". Although 35% admit they "have to act d i f f e r e n t l y at home" and 25% f e e l t h e i r parents "do not give them any independence", over 80% f e e l "good about t h e i r c u l t u r a l background" with only 20% suggesting they "don't care about the country where t h e i r parents were born". 

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