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By the book? : farming manuals, animal breeding and the English 'agricultural revolution' McLaren , Dorothy Kathleen 1991

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By t h e B o o k ? : F a r m i n g M a n u a l s , A n i m a l B r e e d i n g and t h e English ' A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution*  By  Dorothy Kathleen B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y  McLaren  of B r i t i s h  C o l u m b i a , 1989  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (History)  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1991 ® Dorothy K a t h l e e n McLaren, 1991  In  presenting  degree  this  at the  thesis  in  University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  freely available for reference and study. copying  of  department  this or  thesis by  for  his  publication of this thesis  or  scholarly her  the  I agree  requirements  for  may  representatives.  It  be is  Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  advanced  that the Library shall make it  I further agree that permission  purposes  an  granted  for extensive  by the head of  understood  that  for financial gain shall not be allowed without  permission.  DE-6 (2/88)  of  copying  my or  my written  ii ABSTRACT English pastoral husbandry has been l a r g e l y neglected previous h i s t o r i a n s .  by  I t i s generally agreed that the mid-eighteenth  century saw a revolution i n breeding p r a c t i c e s , moving livestock husbandry from hopeless confusion to a c o n t r o l l e d , ' s c i e n t i f i c ' s e l e c t i o n for marketable t r a i t s . who  The academicians, mostly economic h i s t o r i a n s ,  have developed t h i s model of pastoral h i s t o r y r e l y heavily upon  farming manuals dating from the f i f t e e n t h to the eighteenth centuries for evidence of the changes they claim to perceive. manuals are complex l i t e r a r y documents.  Agricultural  However, i n the current h i s -  toriography, the manuals are quoted as simple records of contemporaneous a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e , the i n t r i c a c i e s of authorship, audience and motive for publication being almost e n t i r e l y ignored.  A c r i t i c a l survey  of the manuals which deal with pastoral husbandry beginning with the thirteenth, rather than the f i f t e e n t h , century reveals flaws i n the use which has been made of the manuals and, therefore, i n the conclusions which have been drawn from them. In order to accomplish a reconsideration of English pastoral husbandry, i t i s necessary to reincorporate the extant medieval farming manuals and to examine a l l d i d a c t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l texts as representative of a s i n g l e genre.  Discussion of livestock husbandry was c a r r i e d out i n  terms of generation and n u t r i t i o n of animals.  Therefore, any  intima-  tions of procedural changes or s c i e n t i f i c influence upon breeding  and  feeding i n the discussions of manuals which deal most extensively with pastoral husbandry should be noted as of p a r t i c u l a r interest.  Finally,  iii the manuals must be considered within a social context.  It is here that  the interaction of science and agriculture becomes particularly important, though as a tool for understanding the manuals as documents rather than solely as the motor for late eighteenth-century changes in livestock husbandry. Such an analysis reveals an amazing continuity of actual information in the agricultural manual genre.  There are no changes in  the depictions of practices of breeding and feeding. However, espec i a l l y in the late seventeenth and eighteenth century texts, a preoccupation with attracting the attention of institutional science, particularly the Royal Society, emerges as a new trend.  Yet there is no  indication in the textual record that livestock husbandry was ever affected by 'Natural Philosophy . 1  Far from simply recording con-  temporary practice, agricultural manuals, especially those which expressed a desire to a l l y with institutional science, reveal themselves more as vehicles for their authors' social aspirations than as exemplars of agricultural practice.  Once this is recognized, the prevailing  models of pastoral husbandry lose credibility.  Eighteenth-century  animal breeding was no more nor less 'scientific' or intellectually sophisticated than preceeding breeding programs. In short, the use of farming manuals to corroborate economic models of agrarian development has been, at best, somewhat spurious. Studying livestock husbandry and i t s relationship to institutional science in medieval and early modern England can be peculiarly helpful in assisting to rectify this error.  iv  ...there i s something that inspires awe i n the thought that since the surface of the earth became capable of supporting l i f e from generation t o generation f o r m i l l i o n s upon m i l l i o n s of years creatures have come into existence to end a t l a s t upon a plate of crushed i c e or on a s i l v e r g r i l l . ... I do not know how anyone can look upon a lamb c u t l e t without thoughts too deep f o r t e a r s : here man himself has taken a hand and the h i s t o r y of the race i s bound up with the tender morsel on your p l a t e . W. Somerset Maugham •Virtue 1  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS  I.  Abstract  page i i  II.  Quotation  page i v  Introduction  page 1  III. IV.  Reconstructed Practice: A Review of the Secondary Literature page 8  V.  The Textual Tradition: A Review of the Primary Literature page 22  VI.  Agriculture as Science„and Technology: The Practical and Social Ramifications page 57  VII. VIII.  Conclusion  page 81  Bibliography A. Primary Sources  page 85  B. Secondary Sources  page 93  INTRODUCTION'  Considerations of the r o l e of animal breeding in English h i s tory usually focus on the mid-eighteenth century.  Historians  and  a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s are v i r t u a l l y unanimous i n t h e i r opinion that the work of men  l i k e Robert Bakewell, often c a l l e d the forerunner of  •scientific  1  breeding, was  the f i r s t major, controlled  e f f o r t to change  animal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to meet s p e c i f i c market demands.  This view i s  derived l a r g e l y from an i n s u f f i c i e n t l y c r i t i c a l reading of a large corpus of contemporaneous a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  Modern historians  are  given to c i t i n g d i d a c t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l treatises - as examples of past 1  agrarian practice.  Whatever the value of these manuals for the  history  of arable production, the estimation of t h e i r merit as a source for h i s t o r y of animal breeding practices  i s i n need of r e v i s i o n .  In p a r t i c -  ular, an understanding of the manuals requires greater attention a more c r i t i c a l analysis  to,  and  of, the nature and s o c i a l context of the genre  of a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e .  In general, the study of animal husbandry  has been undervalued by historians, a g r i c u l t u r a l and otherwise. at the  the  indices of the major journals i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and  Glance  economic h i s -  ^•The terms ' a g r i c u l t u r a l manual', 'didactic a g r i c u l t u r a l t r e a t i s e ' and "farming manual' are a l l used to refer to t r e a t i s e s which deal with the management, administrative or physical, of the arable or pastoral products of land and the interaction of that land with the animals that l i v e on i t .  1  2 tory  2  and t h i s point becomes immediately evident.  i s not incomprehensible.  Such a p r e d i l e c t i o n  Economic and a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n s depend  l a r g e l y upon measurable data.  The arable sector of the agrarian economy  i s more q u a n t i f i a b l e and more e a s i l y reduced to formulae.  The manuals  themselves have served to support t h i s bias, being heavily weighted toward arable husbandry, rather thian descriptions of pastoral farming. Kathleen Biddick, a s p e c i a l i s t i n medieval pastoral and economic h i s t o r y , has recently attacked the 'subordinate, dependent p o s i t i o n ' accorded to pastoral husbandry i n p r e v a i l i n g models of medieval economic development.  3  Her discussion of the l i m i t a t i o n s and misconcep-  tions placed on the study of pastoral husbandry by the prevelance of evolutionary models i s also applicable to the agrarian h i s t o r y of the e a r l y modern era. She states that: In such evolutionary schemata, pastoralism — things having to do with animals — preceded cereal a g r i c u l t u r e . An abiding i d e n t i f i cation of the pastoral with the p r i m i t i v e and marginal, and often with women's work, s h o r t - c i r c u i t e d h i s t o r i c a l study of European pastoral husbandry. Historians, as i n h e r i t o r s of t h i s t r a d i t i o n , have rendered European pastoral economies h i s t o r i c a l l y i n v i s i b l e and "other" so as to sustain l i n e a r narratives of European progress . 4  Much time could be spent i n speculating on the cause of t h i s bias.  More productively, an examination of the nature of the English  F o r example, a r t i c l e s dealing extensively or e x c l u s i v e l y with any aspect of pastoral husbandry formed only t i n y percentages of the t o t a l a r t i c l e s published i n the following journals over the decade of the 1980s: The A g r i c u l t u r a l History Review, 13 of 110=11.8%; A g r i c u l t u r a l History, 24 of 302=7.9%; The Economic History Review. 5 of 153=3.3%; The Journal of Economic History, 2 of 279=0.7%. 2  Kathleen Biddick. The Other Economy (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1989), p. xv. 3  «Ibid.. p.  1.  3 farming l i t e r a t u r e from the period of the 'Agricultural Revolution' can shed some l i g h t on t h i s subject.  The manuals cover the e n t i r e period of  the so-called 'revolution', from c. 1500 - 1800. though often neglected  s  Animal husbandry,  i n the discussion of the a g r i c u l t u r a l innovations  grouped together under the r u b r i c ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution', was an i n t e g r a l part of the changes which took place. Economic h i s t o r i a n s stand v i r t u a l l y alone i n t h e i r recognition of the value of a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e as a source.  Unfortunately, the  r e s t r i c t i v e scope of economic h i s t o r y has hampered the most b e n e f i c i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of the farming manuals.  The l i n e between economic and  a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y i s a f i n e one and many of the same r e s t r i c t i o n s apply to both f i e l d s .  6  An examination of c e r t a i n aspects of the  a g r i c u l t u r a l manual genre w i l l a s s i s t i n c l a r i f y i n g much that i s s t u l t i f y i n g i n economic analysis.  Use of economic models deals  admirably with s o l v i n g some h i s t o r i c a l problems, but there i s no room i n such models for an analysis of s o c i e t a l influences on the d i d a c t i c l i t erature which i s so often used as a source for a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y . new approach, free of the inherent b i a s e s  7  A  which economic discourse  *The term ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution' i s commonly applied t o a s e r i e s of geographically and temporally diverse innovations i n farming practices, c h i e f l y arable, which combined t o increase dramatically the productivity, p o t e n t i a l and actual, of English a g r i c u l t u r e . Please see also below pp. 10-11. Please see esp.: W. G. Hoskins. 'Regional Farming i n England' A g r i c u l t u r a l History Review 2 (1954), pp. 3-11. In t h i s reprinted address t o the then newly founded B r i t i s h A g r i c u l t u r a l History Society, Hoskins defines a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n s as the children of economic h i s tory, becoming 'independent, while at the same time maintaining amicable r e l a t i o n s with the parents that begat us'(p. 3). 6  F o r excellent discussions of t h i s subject see: Biddick. The Other Economy and David Grigg. The Dynamics of A g r i c u l t u r a l Change: The H i s t o r i c a l Experience (London: Hutchinson, 1982). 7  4 tends to suffer from, i s necessary i f t h i s misapprehension  i s to be cor-  rected . Historians of science and technology can also learn much from a study of farming manuals.  While the h i s t o r y of science and economic  h i s t o r y are not academic f i e l d s which are t r a d i t i o n a l l y open t o a great deal of interchange, farming manuals provide a common ground for these types of research.  Historians of science have tended to ignore a g r i c u l -  ture and focus, instead, on the 'hard' sciences, concerning themselves s o l e l y with modern ' s c i e n t i f i c ' farming.  I t has often been assumed that  the l a t e eighteenth century formations of regional a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s and, l a t e r , the Board of Agriculture, somehow served to link the worlds of s c i e n c e and a g r i c u l t u r e , thus allowing ' s c i e n t i f i c ' farm8  ing to increase farm production r a d i c a l l y .  9  Again, a re-evaluation of  farming manuals can provide a rather d i f f e r e n t picture.  A study of  theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r a l texts serves as a useful vehicle through which to unravel complexities i n the genre which have hitherto gone l a r g e l y unrecognized.  I t becomes apparent that they  "Unless otherwise defined, 'science' and ' i n s t i t u t i o n a l science' are used interchangeably to refer to the academic enquiries of the u n i v e r s i t i e s and, l a t e r , the Royal Society. The 'world of a g r i c u l ture' i s more d i f f i c u l t to define. I t can be considered broadly as the thoughts and actions of a l l those d i r e c t l y (and e s p e c i a l l y physically) concerned with the working of the land. F o r a most e x p l i c i t statement of t h i s view see: M. E. Seebohm (nee M.E. C h r i s t i e ) . The Evolution of the English Farm <2nd ed.> (London: George A l l e n & Unwin, Ltd., 1952 <1927>), esp. p. 361. 9  are not uncomplicated  exemplars of a g r i c u l t u r a l practice, as they are  usually defined i n current historiography. 1  0  Of course, i t i s not possible t o survey a l l texts which f a l l roughly within the l i m i t s of a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals. conceptual r e s t r i c t i o n s must be imposed.  Certain temporal and  To l i m i t a study of animal  breeding to the eighteenth century and Robert Bakewell repeating previous e r r o r s .  i s to r i s k  English a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals have a long  history, stretching back t o the thirteenth century. read as representative of a s i n g l e genre.  They must a l l be  The 'medieval' and 'early  modern' designations are p a r t i c u l a r l y f a l s e and obfuscating when applied to a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e .  Though i t i s necessary t o look forward from  the eighteenth century, t h i s i s not as c r i t i c a l as the recognition of previous centuries' work.  The e a r l y nineteeth century saw a g r i c u l t u r e  subsumed to«a large degree by new i n s t i t u t i o n s for the control of a g r i c u l t u r a l practices i n the form of regional s o c i e t i e s and the Board for A g r i c u l t u r e . C e r t a i n l y , a new super-structure was applied t o a d i f fuse and l a r g e l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c p r a c t i c e .  Some sort of evolution of  farming as an endeavour appears to have culminated at the end of the eighteenth century.  I t i s not so apparent that any s i g n i f i c a n t change  in a g r i c u l t u r a l practice - any true improvement - was made at that point.  Just as the formation of a trade union does not immediately  change the nature of the trade i t s e l f , a g r i c u l t u r a l procedures should  T h e clearest example of t h i s rather cavalier attitude i s t o found i n : E r i c Kerridge. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution (London: George A l l e n & Unwin, L t d . , 1967). Kerridge supplies huge footnotes brimming with references to farming manuals with a f i n e disregard for t h e i r date of publication, apparent purpose, audience, influence, and even the o r i g i n a l i t y of t h e i r content. r  10  6 not be assumed to have spontaneously mutated under the aegis of the new s o c i e t i e s and Board. Historians of a g r i c u l t u r e tend t o define improvement i n livestock, i n the late eighteenth century and otherwise, as an increase in genetic p o t e n t i a l , expressed i n increased s i z e of skeleton and musculature or measurable output of wool or milk, while tending to undervalue somewhat the r o l e of n u t r i t i o n i n the improving process. Carcase s i z e and weight are p a r t i c u l a r l y popular.  Weights are a n i c e l y  quantifiable sort of evidence, yet t o use them assumes that a l l livestock improvement i s an increase i n s i z e . with t h i s .  There are two problems  F i r s t , even i f the a v a i l a b l e figures f o r these variables  were absolutely accurate, there i s no way of determining how much of that weight increase was due s o l e l y t o better n u t r i t i o n , allowing latent genetic a b i l i t y to express i t s e l f f u l l y .  Second, 'improvement' as i t i s  defined i n the manuals could simply have had a d i f f e r e n t d e f i n i t i o n before, even during, the eighteenth century.  For example, sheep carcase  weights went up i n the 1700s, yet the breeds were, by some terms of reference, devolving as improved n u t r i t i o n made wool coarser.  Current  a g r i c u l t u r e has a v a i l a b l e systems of explanation which allow a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the e f f e c t s of genotype and environment, e s p e c i a l l y feeding, on the mature product of a breeding strategy.  This d i s t i n c t i o n  was not always possible or, indeed, necessary. In searching that v  standard source f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l history, the farming manual, f o r e v i dence of improvements i n animal breeding, therefore, theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n are subjects of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t . of animal growth or phenotype was expressed  Any discussion  i n the manuals i n terms of  7 breeding and feeding, a binomial appelation for a s i n g l e subject.  The  l i t t l e extant work on pre-modern English pastoral husbandry has assumed that the written record r e f l e c t s contemporaneous practice of generation and n u t r i t i o n and that t h i s practice was p r e - s c i e n t i f i c i n nature.  When  these two assumptions are queried, an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t depiction of pastoral husbandry can emerge. In short, the picture which develops from an analysis c a r r i e d out under the r e s t r i c t i o n s outlined above i s one of a dynamic a g r i c u l t u r a l sector developing and manipulating explanation.  i t s own system of causal  The theorizing of s c i e n t i s t s was not needed to produce  a g r i c u l t u r a l change.  8  Chapter 1 RECONSTRUCTED PRACTICE: A Review of the Secondary Literature Of the enormous amount of work, both learned and antiquarian, which has been done on past agricultural practices in England, most centres upon the period now known as the 'Agricultural Revolution'. Only a tiny fraction of that work deals specifically with stock-keeping. Kathleen Biddick's postulations regarding the lack of interest in medieval pastoral history speak to the early modern era as w e l l .  11  As  animal husbandry i s a neglected subject, so has one of the chief sources for agricultural history been similarly glossed over by previous students of agriculture and agrarian change. Farming manuals are often cited as authoritative sources, yet their interpretation has been sketchy at best.  It i s possible that these two subjects, both under-  valued, can be combined to their mutual benefit, rather than the detrimental pairings which have occurred in previous literature. Any review of secondary literature dealing with topics in English agricultural history must begin with the standard secondary works which deal with a l l aspects of farm production. Two texts stand out as classics in the tradition of agricultural history.  Both pub-  lished in the f i r s t decades of the twentieth century, Lord Ernie's xl  Biddick. The Other Economy, pp. 1-2.  9 English Farming Past and Present and M.E.  Seebohm's Evolution of the  English Farm are comprehensive works designed to g l o r i f y the practice of farming and exhibit England's p r o f i c i e n c y i n agriculture and food production.  Of the two, Ernie's book i s more concerned with the economic  aspects of farm production, limited i n focus to the second millenium A.D.  Seebohm i s rather more interested i n the s o c i a l side of the  agrarian enterprise and surveys a g r i c u l t u r a l practice i n B r i t a i n from the N e o l i t h i c era to the l a t e nineteenth century.  Both books u t i l i z e  farming manuals as a source for a g r i c u l t u r a l practice.  Unfortunately,  i n both cases, few manuals are used and no consideration i s given to the context of the genre, only the content.  This leads both authors to the  conclusion that the eighteenth century saw some sort of revolution i n stock-breeding techniques.  To quote Seebohm:  In the farm-yard stock an extraordinary change for the better took place, due to the fact that for the f i r s t time the modern p r i n c i ples of breeding were at length c a r e f u l l y evolved by the e f f o r t s of Bakewell of Dishley and other farmers of h i s i l k . 1 2  This statement  i s bolstered with figures for weights of car-  cases at the Smithfield markets at the beginning and end of the century. Interestingly enough, Ernie uses these same figures to demonstrate livestock improvement over the course of the eighteenth century, yet notes that .Sir John S i n c l a i r , the compiler of these figures i s not ,'always a r e l i a b l e w i t n e s s ' . "  Though Ernie i s the more c r i t i c a l author  in some ways, he i s also more responsible for the insistence that  M. E. Seebohm. The Evolution of the English Farm, p. Note: I t a l i c s are Seebohm's. X2  " L o r d E r n i e . English Farming: Past and Present (London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1936 <1912>), p. 188.  267.  <6th ed.>  10 Bakewell was a revolutionary figure i n animal breeding.  Ernie charac-  t e r i z e s pre-Bakewellian animal husbandry thus: 'Stock-breeding, as applied to both c a t t l e and sheep, was the haphazard union of nobody's son with everybody's daughter.'  14  Ranking h i s work above that of Jethro  T u l l and 'Turnip* Townsend, two heroes of arable innovation, Ernie states that 'the necessary revolution i n the breeding and rearing of stock was mainly the work of Robert Bakewell  (1725-95).'  1B  The texts of Ernie and Seebohm have t h e i r f a u l t s , yet they do, at  l e a s t , recognize the importance of stock-breeding. This i s less true  of the more recent works i n English a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y .  The  majesterial Agrarian History of England and Wales has very l i t t l e to say on the subject of stock-breeding, remaining c h i e f l y concerned with the d i r e c t f r u i t s of the land and not i t s secondary products. Animal husbandry has been s i m i l a r l y over-looked i n the vast secondary l i t e r a t u r e focussed s p e c i f i c a l l y on the so-called 'Agricultural Revolution' i n England.  The two seminal works for t h i s  period both appeared i n the mid-nineteen s i x t i e s .  E r i c Kerridge and the  authorial team of J . D. Chambers and G. E. Mingay both chose t o t i t l e t h e i r works The A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution. are  similar.  In many ways, the two books  Both agree that the s e r i e s of geographically and  temporally diverse innovations which combined to form the 'revolution' were developed over many years.  Both agree that the l i s t of innovations  includes v a r i o u s l y convertible husbandry, fen drainage, increased use of " I b i d . , p. 181. I b i d . , p. 176. Ernie r e l i e s heavily upon the reporting of Arthur Young for h i s interpretation of Bakewell's importance. l s  11 additive f e r t i l i z e r s ,  ' f l o a t i n g ' of water meadows and the introduction  of new f i e l d fodder crops.  While Kerridge sees the e n t i r e period of the  innovatory process as c o n s t i t u t i n g the period of revolution, Mingay and Chambers l i m i t t h e i r revolutionary period to the years 1750-1880. Kerridge, the inception of a new moment.  For  idea or practice i s the revolutionary  Mingay and Chambers prefer to see the production of tangible  results —  a r a d i c a l increase i n agrarian output —  as d e f i n i n g the  period of revolution. Both A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolutions work from the same data.  x 6  Both books c i t e farming manuals from the period i n question and  these form v i r t u a l l y the only sources for pastoral husbandry.  Kerridge  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y given to quoting and r e f e r r i n g to e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  17  However, even Kerridge does not exhibit the  c r i t i c a l interest i n the manuals which should be accorded them.  The  evolutionary model condemned by Kathleen Biddick i s at work here too. Both texts assume that farming manuals are uncomplicated  texts with a  clear purpose and accept the material found on t h e i r pages as represent a t i v e of p r a c t i c e .  These two preeminent works on the 'agricultural  revolution' recognize the importance of animal husbandry to the integrated farming of northern Europe, yet see pastoral innovations  "Indeed, Mingay and Chambers thank Kerridge for the use of h i s unpublished data for the ' e a r l i e r changes on which the a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution was based'. G. E. Mingay and J . D. Chambers. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution, 1750-1880 (New York: Schocken Books, 1966), p. vi. T h i s i s p a r t l y an a r t i f a c t of the intended purpose of the two works. Mingay and Chambers candidly admit that t h e i r book i s meant as an over-view, to be used as a survey text, rather than a reference work. See Preface, p. v. Kerridge's e f f o r t i s also a survey, but a more d e t a i l e d one, containing extensive references to primary and secondary sources. Mingay and Chambers provide only truncated l i s t s of secondary sources as 'Suggested Reading'. 1 7  12 simply as an outcome of arable production, rather than a motivator. Kerridge has the most e x p l i c i t statement of t h i s underlying philosophy: ...the innovations of the a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution were designed f i r s t and foremost to increase the volume and range of fodder and forage crops turned out by E n g l i s h farmers; and t h i s being so, i t was the natural order of things that farm livestock should undergo changes, and improvements be effected upon the o r i g i n a l breeds of sheep, c a t t l e and horses. 3  8  The reduction of improvements i n animal-breeding to the status of  'natural order' i s unfortunate, denying by implication intentional  improvement of l i v e s t o c k .  Kerridge does, at l e a s t , provide a chapter on  developments i n stock-breeding, though l i m i t i n g h i s discussion primarily to the work of Robert Bakewell.  Mingay and Chambers s i m i l a r l y succumb  to the a t t r a c t i o n s of Bakewell and h i s contemporaries.  In both cases,  the manual references used to support the argument that Robert  Bakewell  was a p i v o t a l figure date from the very l a t e eighteenth century.  There  i s no attempt to determine whether Bakewell was heir to a continuum of practice, evolved over an extended period of time.  Instead, i t i s  assumed that revolutionary changes caused the f i r s t t r u l y conscious manipulation of phenotypic and metabolic t r a i t s .  In other words, the  nineteen-sixties' version of a g r i c u l t u r a l change bears a strong resemblance to the views propounded i n Seebohm and Ernie.  Though ostensibly  stripped of the n a t i o n a l i s t i c elements which l i t t e r t h e i r predecessor's texts, and couched i n a d i s c u r s i v e s t y l e of an apparently more a n a l y t i c a l school of thought, a remarkably s i m i l a r v i s i o n of the agrarian h i s tory of England remains the norm.  " K e r r i d g e . The A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution, p. 311.  13 In t h i s v i s i o n , the figure illuminated i n the stock-breeding s p o t - l i g h t i s the p o r t l y outline of Robert Bakewell.  Though the hero of  much secondary l i t e r a t u r e , he has been the subject of only one biography.  19  H. C. Pawson's Robert Bakewell: Pioneer Livestock Breeder  i s a generous examination of Bakewell's achievement.  Though Pawson,  Professor of Agriculture at the University of Durham, was wooed by the charm which made Bakewell such a success, he emphasized aspects of Bakewell's career which receive less notice i n the standard h i s toriography.  The b r i l l i a n c e of h i s showmanship i s highlighted, with  Bakewell's adept promotion of h i s own stock esteemed a major contribut i o n to h i s prominence, both immediate and l a s t i n g , as an animal breeder.  Bakewell's practice of h i r i n g out stud rams and b u l l s i s  d e t a i l e d and examined as a p r a c t i c a l experiment i n progeny t e s t i n g :  'He  was thus enabled to study t h e i r respective performances i n other herds and flocks and under d i f f e r e n t environmental c o n d i t i o n s ' .  20  Pawson  claims that the system which he has characterized as 'progeny t e s t i n g ' could only be f u l l y appreciated after the advent of Mendelian genetics. The exemplary management of Dishley Grange, Bakewell*s estate, i s examined.  The feeding patterns used at Dishley, an element commonly  ignored by h i s t o r i a n s , are evaluated and considered as an integrated part of the improving process, for Pawson indicates that he believes genetic p o t e n t i a l to have been inherent i n English livestock before Bakewell, but suppressed by i n f e r i o r foodstuffs.  Pawson i s not of the  H . C e c i l Pawson. Robert Bakewell: Pioneer Livestock Breeder (London: Crosby Lockwood & Sons, Ltd., 1957). l9  2  °Ibid.. p. 68.  14 opinion that Bakewell was the sole motor for a revolution i n breeding practices.  He i s c a r e f u l t o make i t quite clear that Dishley Grange was  only one centre of improvement and that other men, before and a f t e r used s i m i l a r breeding techniques.  However, i t i s Pawson's evaluation of  Bakewell as a breeder who applied p r i n c i p l e s such as 'progeny t e s t i n g ' , an important component of modern s c i e n t i f i c breeding, which adds a new dimension to the picture. If h i s t o r i a n s are t o be allowed t o write the h i s t o r y of agriculture with l i t t l e or no knowledge of a g r i c u l t u r a l practice, then a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s who know l i t t l e of h i s t o r y must also be allowed t o express t h e i r interpretation of the development of a g r i c u l t u r a l t i o n over time.  produc-  A g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s are generally as reluctant as profes-  s i o n a l historians to define Bakewell's work as s c i e n t i f i c .  Both profes-  sions r e g u l a r l y define the e a r l y modern period as p r e - s c i e n t i f i c . This view i s perpetuated by two twentieth-century h i s t o r i e s of a g r i c u l ture, both written by a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  F. H. A. Marshall and John Ham-  mond, both Cambridge animal physiologists, confined t h e i r (admittedly b r i e f ) study t o a ' p r e - s c i e n t i f i c ' period extending from c. 1750 t o the e a r l y nineteenth c e n t u r y .  21  They recognized a lack of empirical  s c i e n t i f i c study, even well into the twentieth century, as what they termed a hindrance to e f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r e .  S i r John Russell, a long-  time d i r e c t o r of the Rothamsted Experimental Station, began h i s study with the year 1620, though seeing the practice of the years between 1620  F . H. A. Marshall and John Hammond. The Science of Animal Breeding i n B r i t a i n (London: Longmans, Green & Co., for The B r i t i s h Council, 1946). 2 1  15 and 1800 as formative, rather than a c t u a l l y s c i e n t i f i c .  2 2  Russell's  book i n p a r t i c u l a r contains strands of information much needed i n the historiography of the ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution', i l l u m i n a t i n g possible connections  between a g r i c u l t u r a l authors and i n s t i t u t i o n a l s c i e n c e .  23  Another group of a g r i c u l t u r a l authors, those modern manualists who produce textbooks, often include h i s t o r i c a l introductions which stress the importance of ' s c i e n t i f i c ' method as applied t o farming. Their d e f i n i t i o n of 'science' i s , though, often d i f f e r e n t from that expressed by professional h i s t o r i a n s . For example, one text defines the 'science' of animal husbandry as o r i g i n a t i n g with the domestication of animals i n the New Stone Age (8,000 - 6,000 B.C.) . "* 2  Obviously,  'science' i s , i n t h i s case, very l o o s e l y defined and does not r e f e r to a modern, i n s t i t u t i o n a l mode of s c i e n t i f i c discourse. The introductions t o a g r i c u l t u r a l textbooks are governed by the need to condense thousands of years of h i s t o r y into a few short pages. A g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n s have the luxury of an e n t i r e genre i n which to discuss and debate the h i s t o r y of arable and pastoral production.  Of  a l l that work which has previously been done on a g r i c u l t u r a l change i n England, many of the basic tenets are derived from the use of farming manuals as a source for p r a c t i c e .  Two authors, F u s s e l l and McDonald,  have compiled what are e s s e n t i a l l y annotated bibliographies of farming S i r E. John R u s s e l l . A History of A g r i c u l t u r a l Science i n Great B r i t a i n , 1620-1954 (London: George A l l e n & Unwin Ltd., 1966). 2 2  23  P l e a s e see below, p. 72.  James Blakely and David H. Bade. The Science of Animal Husbandry (Reston, V i r g i n i a : Reston Publishing Company, Inc., 1985), p. 3. 2,4  16 manuals.  29  plagiarisms.  These are useful i n that they map republications and However, though authors are loosely grouped by publication  date and/or t o p i c , no s t a r t l i n g trends appear from such groupings and there i s no attempt to place the manuals within the s o c i e t y which generated them and t o which they were addressed.  Both men include biographi-  c a l d e t a i l s of the authors they mention, yet questions of readership and influence are ignored.  I t i s simply assumed that the books were read  and that they are representative of the practices current at t h e i r time of publication.  F u s s e l l and M*=Donald are not alone i n t h i s .  Few  attempts have been made to analyze the d i d a c t i c t r e a t i s e s as to content and e f f e c t .  I t has been unanimously assumed that the manuals were w r i t -  ten for the express purpose of disseminating new ideas and practices. The use of the manuals by a g r i c u l t u r a l and economic historians implies t h e i r acceptance as i n f l u e n t i a l at the time of publication.  Indeed,  i n t e r - t e x t u a l references t o other works i n the genre seem t o support the idea of a network of d i d a c t i c t r e a t i s e s , extensively read, compared and used by a group of people.  Joan Thirsk, arguably the premier con-  temporary a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n , has made the only r e a l attempt to argue f o r , or explain the thesis that, practice was influenced by the advice of the manuals and t h e i r authors. not stand aloof from farming p r a c t i c e ' .  She assumes the manuals 'did As examples, she c i t e s textual  references to a number of plant crops 'not yet s e r i o u s l y t r i e d i n England' and praises the manual authors for 'doing t h e i r best t o match  D o n a l d McDonald. A g r i c u l t u r a l Writers from S i r Walter of Henlev to Arthur Young (New York: Burt Franklin <reprint>, 1968 <1908>) and: G. E. F u s s e l l . The Old English Farming Books from Fitzherbert t o T u l l , 1523 to 1730 (London: Crosby Lockwood & Son, Ltd., 1947) and More Old English Farming Books (London: Crosby Lockwood & Son, 1950). 2s  17 theory with p r a c t i c e ' .  2 6  Thirsk further supports her assertions by com-  paring farming manuals with the l i t e r a t u r e of the gardeners and botanists.  While there are s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the format of the manuals  from both of these t r a d i t i o n s , there are few indications that gardening and botany ever influenced the course of a g r i c u l t u r a l change i n a fundamental way.  There was a d i s t i n c t difference i n s o c i a l status between  gardeners and farmers.  Thirsk makes no attempt to recognize or deal  with t h i s difference and i t s e f f e c t upon the manual t r a d i t i o n .  In doing  so, she misses the opportunity t o mention and account for the great number of b a r r i e r s hindering a transmission of techniques from a printed medium t o working a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  Without a d e f i n i t i o n of which  group, authors or p r a c t i t i o n e r s , act as the motive force and enabler of agrarian innovation, there can be no assumption that the manual t r a d i t i o n had any bearing on practice. I t should come as no surprise that Thirsk draws her conclusions based on the arable sector.  A glance at trends i n pastoral husbandry  and i t s d i d a c t i c l i t e r a t u r e gives cause t o doubt the f a c i l e  assumption  that the manuals are what they appear to be and do what they purport to do.  In Land  f  Labour and Economic Discourse,, Keith Tribe goes beyond  t h i s simple interpretation and provides a very d i f f e r e n t approach to the a g r i c u l t u r a l t r e a t i s e s of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. His purpose i s not to reconstruct a g r i c u l t u r a l practice.  Rather, he wishes  to convince h i s readers that: by-reading these works as l i t e r a r y products rather than as farming books, some d i f f e r e n t conclusions can be drawn, conclusions which  J o a n Thirsk. 'Agricultural Innovations and Their Dispersal', The Agrarian History of England and Wales <vol. 5:2>. Joan Thirsk, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 533-89), p. 536. 2e  18 enable us to measure the d i s c u r s i v e space which separates the 'seventeenth' from the 'eighteenth' c e n t u r y . 27  In h i s attempt to chart changes i n modes of economic discourse, Tribe, l i k e so many others, f a i l s to examine the s o c i a l context and l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n of the manuals upon whose content he r e l i e s . break i n d i s c u r s i v e s t y l e which he observes undeniably e x i s t s . view of land.  The  i n the e a r l y 1700s  Tribe claims to see a change toward an 'economic'  C e r t a i n l y many of the eighteenth-century manuals deal  more s p e c i f i c a l l y with p r o f i t than t h e i r immediate predecessors. though, i s not a new phenomenon.  This,  The extant medieval texts reveal the  same sort of interest i n management for the sake of taking p r o f i t from the land.  Tribe mentions the growing interest i n Natural Philosophy in  the eighteenth-century texts and c i t e s t h i s as evidence for a objective a t t i t u d e toward the land and i t s products.  new,  The t r a n s i t i o n i n  the philosophical conceptualization of the land may well have occurred; however, other factors were at work.  28  The most recent, and very nearly the only, book on the h i s t o r y of animal breeding i n England, i s marred by the same d i s i n t e r e s t i n the Middle Ages which detracts from Tribe's unique study. s e l l ' s Like Engend'rinq  Like,  2 8  Nicholas Rus-  investigates English animal  practice i n the e a r l y modern era.  breeding  Russell makes extensive use of  a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals published a f t e r 1500.  Unfortunately, h i s i n v e s t i -  K e i t h Tribe. Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), p. 54. 2 7  28  P l e a s e see below, Chapter 3, esp. p. 70ff.  " N i c h o l a s R u s s e l l . Like Engendr'lnq University Press, 1986).  Like (Cambridge: Cambridge  19 gation i s led astray by the very lack of attention to the nature of these manuals that has flawed much other scholarship.  Though more  attentive than some, he f a i l s to account for h i s complete lack of attent i o n to medieval a g r i c u l t u r e . are t o t a l l y ignored.  The extant medieval a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals  Also, although Russell complains of the lack of  manorial records between 1500  and 1650,  yet he f a i l s to mention or make  use of the r e l a t i v e wealth of just such information for the l a t e r Middle Ages.  This f a i l u r e i s important for h i s discussion of horse breeding.  Though Russell, to do him j u s t i c e , makes i t clear that h i s intent i s not to study the whole h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h livestock husbandry, a task ably accomplished elsewhere , h i s complete disregard for a l l trends i n 30  medieval a g r i c u l t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y s e l e c t i v e breeding campaigns, throws serious doubt upon some of his c o n c l u s i o n s .  Although Russell takes a  31  balanced approach to Bakewell, he s t i l l sees the proprietor of Dishley Grange as a p i v o t a l f i g u r e . ment was  In Russell's opinion, Bakewell's achieve-  less i n the success of h i s own methods than i n the popu-  l a r i z a t i o n he gave to inbreeding practices current i n racehorse-breeding c i r c l e s since at l e a s t the l a t e seventeenth c e n t u r y .  32  However, Rus-  s e l l , who self-addmittedly set out to find "a measurable increase i n the p r o d u c t i v i t y of commercially bred l i v e s t o c k ' ,  3 3  comes to the less than  s u r p r i s i n g conclusion that Bakewell was a herald of the future and that  °See e s p e c i a l l y : Robert Trow-Smith. A History of B r i t i s h Livestock Husbandry <2 vol.> (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957). 3  31  P l e a s e see below, p.  3 2  R u s s e l l . Like Engend'ring Like, p.  3 3  I b i d . . p.  216.  78-9. 219.  20 modern breeding strategies could not have developed without him. As mentioned, there i s one text which undertook to survey the entire history of British livestock husbandry from the Neolithic period to the beginning of this century.  Robert Trow-Smith, the author of this  impressive work, has seldom been accorded the recognition that he deserves.  Contemporary authors tend to refer to him as out-dated or  antiquarian, or simply ignore him altogether.  This is unfortunate.  The  History of British Livestock Husbandry serves to focus the host of inconsistencies and lack of analysis which characterizes so many of the works discussed above. Though Trow-Smith worked from the same data as the other authors, he developed an image of livestock-breeding as a continuum.  While Bakewell i s a figure of importance to Trow-Smith, he does  not become the single icon in centuries of wallowing incapability and rustic ignorance.  Trow-Smith's balanced and reasonable text is  untainted by the necessity of including an 'agricultural revolution'. Kerridge and Mingay and Chambers use Trow-Smith's work in their respective constructions of the 'revolution', but are forced by their own arguments to ignore much that i s most valuable in the book. As Robert Bakewell has become the symbolic founder of controlled livestock husbandry, Trow-Smith's evaluation of Bakewell should be particulalry illustrative of his unique interpretation of England's pastoral history. And indeed, the very chapter dedicated to an exploration of Bakewell's work begins with a reminder that the 'work of livestock improvement has been coterminous with domesticated livestock husbandry almost from i t s beginnings'.  34  34  After reminding his reader of great periods of animal  Trow-Smith. A History of British Livestock Husbandry, p. 45.  21 improvement in classical Greece and Rome and medieval England, Spain and the Low Countries, Trow-Smith states that: Beside the men of vision, ambition and avarice which marked out these periods as phenomenal, there ran the patient, unchronicled and relatively modest achievements of a host of minor improvers.  35  This is not to say that Bakewell is reduced to a figure of no importance.  In the final summation, Trow-Smith's homage to the Dishley  breeder is one whose validity cannot be totally denied.  After stressing  the even greater importance of practical breeders less famous at the time and in the following years, i t is said of Bakewell that: Nothing, however — no denigration of some of the qualities of his new breeds, no animadversions of his shrewd materialism, no ironic comment upon his vain and esoteric showmanship — nothing can take away from Robert Bakewell the credit for inspiring in a multitude of fellow stockmen the s p i r i t of improvement. 36  Trow-Smith's creation is not perfect.  He, too, suffers from a  less than c r i t i c a l use of farming manuals in that he assumes the texts he consults to reflect the practice of their day.  S t i l l , Trow-Smith  does recognize continuities in the textual tradition and i s careful to make temporal distinctions, rather than lumping texts from different centuries together as 'proof of a particular practice.  In addition,  Trow-Smith uses the texts only as sources for details, such as treatment for a particular illness, rather than repeating judgmental remarks made, or opinions expressed, by the manual authors. Of a l l the works surveyed above, his i s the one which changes least from a new interpretation of farming manuals, those commonly cited and l i t t l e analyzed historical documents.  3B  I b i d . , p. 45.  3 6  Ibid.  r  p. 69.  22  Chapter 2 THE TEXTUAL TRADITION: A Review of the Primary Literature  Farming manuals can provide astonishingly interesting reading. It is d i f f i c u l t to imagine that a didactic literature dealing with topics as esoteric as pig-breeding and the proper conditioning of arable s o i l could possibly be of interest to historians of anything other than agricultural technology and practice.  Yet the relative wealth of tex-  tual survivals within the genre of 'agricultural manual' for medieval and early modern England makes them a valuable historical source.  It is  surprising that historians have routinely ignored or under-estimated the value of such authors as Walter of Henley, Fitzherbert and Mortimer. This neglect might be intelligible i f the manuals had been ignored by p o l i t i c a l , institutional or intellectual historians.  Food production,  so v i t a l to the survival and success of human society, has consistently been subject to the same biases which have caused the practitioners of agriculture to remain near the bottom of the social hierarchy.  However,  even historians of agricultural practices have consistently failed to extract the maximum potential from the available texts.  Surveys have  been conducted; l i s t s and annotated bibliographies have been compiled. Yet no analysis has been undertaken to determine the nature and social context of the manuals. A careful reading of a representative sample of  23 manuals, combined with an overview of general trends i n the genre, reveals that the texts are by no means uncomplicated  exemplars.  Obviously, the manuals which make the most e x p l i c i t references to the linked subject of generation and n u t r i t i o n are of the greatest value to a study of pre-eighteenth century English pastoral husbandry. It i s not enough, though, merely to s e l e c t d i d a c t i c texts with some degree of s p e c i f i c reference to breeding and feeding.  Some manuals were  more popular than others and had a greater contemporary influence. Obviously, these are worth more d e t a i l e d study. foreign o r i g i n were translated and imported  A number of texts of  into England.  Such t r a n s l a -  tions were u s u a l l y less popular than the texts of English authors  and,  in many cases, the foreign works were incorporated into or republished as the work of an English author.  In addition to using texts by English  authors which contain s p e c i f i c references to generation and n u t r i t i o n , some attempt must be made to achieve an even temporal spread.  While  there are inevitable gaps i n the a r c h i v a l record and natural ebbs i n the flow of printed manuals over time, i t i s possible to insure that a survey of the texts does not contain any gaping holes.  In fact, e s p e c i a l l y  in the early modern era, nearly every twenty-five year period contains something of i n t e r e s t . Many of the current misapprehensions regarding the practice of animal breeding i n e a r l y modern England derive from a f a i l u r e to look at a l l manifestations of a g r i c u l t u r a l l y - o r i e n t e d l i t e r a t u r e as a u n i f i e d genre.  To f a i l to take the extant medieval d i d a c t i c t r e a t i s e s into  account i s an i n v i t a t i o n to be misled by the the exhortations, proclaiming t h e i r o r i g i n a l i t y , made by the e a r l y modern manualists.  Though  24 usually ignored, the medieval manuals share many features i n common with t h e i r e a r l y modern counterparts. Four medieval texts are of p a r t i c u l a r interest.  These have been c o l l e c t e d i n a s i n g l e volume and edited by  Dorothea Oschinsky. " 3  7  A l l four texts share c e r t a i n features.  A l l , t o judge by the  wealth of textual s u r v i v a l s and references t o these writings i n other manuals, were of some contemporary  influence.  They are p r a c t i c a l i n  nature, being designed to enable wealthy estate owners to oversee the management of t h e i r lands e f f e c t i v e l y .  The various positions held by  a l l participants i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise are l i s t e d and their r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are d e t a i l e d .  Some s p e c i f i c s are given.  Basic  expectations regarding y i e l d s from both pastoral and arable sectors are included.  The a r t i c u l a t i o n of these expectations can reveal something  of the contemporaneous breeding and feeding strategies. The f i r s t of the extant medieval texts t o have had a s i g n i f i c a n t audience appears to have been the Rules attributed to Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, and i s dated t o c. 1240-42.  38  Though  renowned as man of science, Grosseteste limited himself to very p r a c t i c a l advice, with a concentration on accounting, over-seeing and protocol.  The newly widowed Countess of Lincoln, for whom Grosseteste's  text was o r i g i n a l l y written, received l i t t l e information from the manual regarding the breeding and feeding of the animals on her estate.  The  Dorothea Oschinsky. waiter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971). 3,?  R o b e r t Grosseteste. The Rules of Robert Grosseteste In: Dorothea Oschinsky. Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, p. 196. 3a  25 only s p e c i f i c s regarding livestock management are the estimated wool y i e l d s ( i n marks) for equal numbers of sheep on good, medium and poor pasture.  L i t t l e though t h i s i s , i t i s evidence of the recognized cor-  r e l a t i o n between n u t r i t i o n and wool growth i n sheep. The Seneschaucy  (c. 1276-85)  39  contains more information of  p a r t i c u l a r interest to a study of generation and n u t r i t i o n .  The author  says that both steward and b a i l i f f should be possessed of a good working knowledge of the duties inherent i n t h e i r positions and should insure that •improvements' are constantly made.  -40  The b a i l i f f was expected to  oversee the c u l l i n g of u n f i t animals and so, by implication, the maintainance of the breeding herd.  Indeed, h i s task of insuring the w e l l -  being of the large livestock was apparently ranked as equal i n importance to h i s tasks of a l e g a l nature and the s e l l i n g of produce. Interestingly, the text suggests that the sheep on the estate should be examined t h r i c e annually 'by men who are experienced i n t h i s work'."*  2  This intimation of a possible group of 'sheep s p e c i a l i s t s ' i s tantal i z i n g but, unfortunately, unsubstantiated, there being no further reference to that group of men surveyed. 3 9  i n the Seneschaucy or the other texts  The descriptions of positions which deal with animals reveal I b i d . . p. 75.  Anonymous. The Seneschaucy In: Dorothea Oschinsky. Walter of Henlev and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, p. 2659. The word improvement i s used several times i n t h i s section and r e i t e r a t e d throughout the text, being e x p l i c i t l y t i e d to the concept of •progress* (Oschinsky's t r a n s l a t i o n of lamendement), for example, i n section 18, p. 268-9. 40  4 1  I b i d . , p. 271.  « Ibid.. p. 275 & 287. 2  26 an understanding of the importance of good q u a l i t y fodder to o v e r a l l livestock performance, as was found i n the Rules.  No s p e c i f i c s are  given for the s e l e c t i o n of breeding stock, apart from the reminder that old, sick animals and 'those that w i l l not grow' should be fattened and sold for meat."  43  The Husbandry of Walter of Henley (c. 1276-85 )•*"* i s  based very heavily on the Seneschaucy.  I t contains a b i t more d e t a i l e d  information than the previous manual and recommends the use of experiment i n farming practice."*  9  The advice i n the Husbandry appears more  authoritative i n that i t gives s p e c i f i c figures f o r feeding r a t i o s and for the number of o f f s p r i n g which could be expected from various types of livestock.  Closer inspection reveals the figures f o r the production  of young may be somewhat o p t i m i s t i c .  A e  There exists a second, anonymous Husbandry (c. 1286-1316J , -4-7  containing some very c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d advice on the subjects of breeding and feeding.  A s t r i c t account of the various ages of a l l  •"Ibid-/ PP. 281-289. The phrase 'those that w i l l not grow' i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g . I t a r t i c u l a t e s a p o s i t i v e breeding strategy (one using prime animals as breed-stock) and implies an a b i l i t y t o prejudge the growth p o t e n t i a l of an animal based on c r i t e r i o n other than empirical measurement. "• '•Oschinsky. Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Mangement and Accounting, p. 189. "•"Walter of Henley. The Husbandry of Walter of Henley In: Oschinsky. Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, p. 317, 325. F o r example, expecting two l i t t e r s a year from a sow ( I b i d . 335) i s possible, but u n l i k e l y . Sows gestate for 116 days, making two l i t t e r s a year f e a s i b l e , but scarce winter feed and r e l a t i v e l y long periods before weaning make i t u n l i k e l y that t h i s ideal was regularly achieved. 4 6  r  "•''Oschinsky. Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Mangement and Accounting, p. 200.  27 breeding stock was to be kept.** ures are given.  8  Again, somewhat idealized y i e l d  fig-  For example, sows should farrow twice a year and pro-  duce at least seven p i g l e t s each time.  Each hen should produce 'one  hundred and f i f t e e n eggs and seven chickens' a n n u a l l y .  49  To.ensure that  these expectations were properly f u l f i l l e d , the reeve was t o keep s t r i c t records and answer f o r any short-comings.  In the case of the manor's  mares: . . . i f there i s any mare which has no f o a l [that year] an inquiry ought to be made whether t h i s i s due t o bad keeping or lack of food, too much work or through lack of a s t a l l i o n , or whether the mare i s barren and that the reeve could have changed her — and i n time — f o r another but d i d not do so. In these cases he ought t o be charged f u l l y for the f o a l or the v a l u e . 8 0  Though s t r i c t attention i s t o be paid t o the number of young produced, the author of the Husbandry recognizes that not a l l animals produce at the same l e v e l .  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y noticable i n the recom-  mendations made regarding the milk y i e l d of the manorial cows.  He  states that age, feeding, and individual idiosyncrasies are a l l factors.  0 1  The l a t e r mention of very s p e c i f i c figures, for example, 'seven  stone of butter and one stone of cheese' per cow on 'good pasture', seems to indicate that s p e c i f i c production expectations are meant p r i m a r i l y as guidelines. * Anonymous. The Husbandry In: Dorothea Oschinsky. Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, p. 423. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important as records of t h i s sort, l a t e r c o d i f i e d as Stud Books or Registeries, are often seen by historians as indicative of i n c i p i e n t s e l e c t i v e breeding programs i n l a t e r centuries. 8  "Ibid.., 425. I b i d . , 423. This procedure i s also t o be c a r r i e d out against the production of ewes and calves, p. 427. B O  s l  I b i d . . 429 & 431.  28 If a general characterization can be made of the medieval a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals, i t i s that they are eminently p r a c t i c a l i n nature, yet not designed to deal s p e c i f i c a l l y with the i n t r i c a c i e s of everyday procedure.  As Oschinsky has demonstrated,  accountants, not stockmen or ploughmen.  they were designed for  This does not mean that they  are of no use to the a g r i c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n .  There are snippets of  information which indicate an understanding of p r i n c i p l e s of breeding and feeding which many h i s t o r i a n s have thought nonexistent u n t i l the e a r l y modern era. From the medieval manuals of the thirteenth century, there i s a s u s t a n t i a l gap i n the a r c h i v a l record. The next a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e of general interest appeared a f t e r the introduction of the p r i n t i n g press i n England.  The e a r l y modern manuals do not have the same c l e a r l y  defined purpose as t h e i r medieval counterparts.  There i s undoubtedly a  continuum of function with the medieval manuals:  both were designed to  allow landowners to supervise the management of t h e i r estates more e f f e c t i v e l y , though t h i s i s much more c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n the medieval t r e a t i s e s .  There may also be something more.  Previous h i s -  torians have used these d i d a c t i c t r e a t i s e s as an a i d i n determining the course of a g r i c u l t u r a l practice over time.  Therefore, i f previous h i s -  t o r i e s are to be trusted, a glance at the trends i n theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n over time should elucidate something of the state of animal breeding during the 'agricultural revolution'. case.  This i s not the  In f a c t , though much i n t e r e s t i n g material can be gleaned from the  a g r i c u l t u r a l texts of the e a r l y modern era, the actual information regarding pastoral husbandry remains s u r p r i s i n g l y s t a t i c .  Especially in  29 the eighteenth century, manual authors found i t necessary to characterize e a r l i e r texts as non-progressive and unenlightening i n order to provide incentive t o purchase t h e i r new book.  However, from Fitzherbert to  Young, l i t t l e change i n content can be perceived. The t r a n s i t i o n from the rather prosaic medieval manuals to the more complex manuals of the e a r l y modern era i s well i l l u s t r a t e d i n S i r Anthony Fitzherbert's Boke of Hvsbandry.  82  Dating from 1523, F i t z h e r -  bert's book combines a medieval p r a c t i c a l i t y with c e r t a i n t r a i t s p a r t i c ular t o the e a r l y modern textual t r a d i t i o n .  On the surface, i t appears  to be a useful set of a g r i c u l t u r a l d i r e c t i v e s .  The Boke of Hvsbandry i s  exemplary i n organization, moving from the basics of farm management i n a l o g i c a l sequence toward less immediately c r i t i c a l t o p i c s . inspection reveals a lack of d e t a i l s and s p e c i f i c s .  Yet closer  However, there i s a  recognition of the d i f f e r i n g n u t r i t i v e value of d i f f e r e n t grasses and hays.*  3  The most e x p l i c i t , and most i n t e r e s t i n g , discussion of t h i s  subject i s to be found i n connection with the rearing of sheep.  The  times at which the ram may be put to the ewe were determined by the type of pasture on which the ewe would feed at lambing time.  For example,  sheep on enclosed pasture with good, e a r l y spring feed could be bred at any time, while sheep on the common heath, where feed was late r i s i n g  T h e authorship of t h i s text i s open to some question. S i r Anthony's brother John has often been put forward as the possible author, as he i s considered more l i k e l y to have had the necessary pract i c a l experience. S i r Anthony was a judge and author of several other legal and surveying texts. For a discussion of t h i s matter see Rev. waiter W. Skeat's Introduction to the English Dialect Society version of the Boke of Hvsbandry: Anthony Fitzherbert. The Boke of Hvsbandry. In: English Dialect Society <13> (London: Trubner & Co., 1882 <1534>). S2  " I b i d . , p. 32 & 34.  30 and very sparse, should only be allowed limited access to the ram at the l a t e date of October 28, a month and a half l a t e r than ewes on good common pasture.  8-4  This passage indicates a clear r e l a t i o n of the  a v a i l a b i l i t y of feed to milk production and to the necessity of good feed for ewes i n the period p r i o r to lambing.  I t i s also s i g n i f i c a n t i n  i t s clear reference to the segregation of stud rams from a l l ewes on common pastures.  Common flocks could, at f i r s t glance, be considered a  hindrance to s e l e c t i v e breeding due to the lack of control over bloodstock.  Fitzherbert would seem to indicate that t h i s problem* need not be  considered as a major factor.  C e r t a i n l y , most of the e a r l y modern  manuals which deal with stock-breeding reveal an overwhelming concern with gelding and spaying of stock not deemed to be of breeding q u a l i t y . Even using latter-day h i s t o r i a n s ' favourite source, i t appears that livestock breeding was under more control than they had previously assumed. It i s i n h i s discussion of horse-breeding that Fitzherbert reveals the greatest amount of information concerning contemporary theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n . look pragmatic.  His advice i s p r a c t i c a l , h i s out-  He suggests that mares and studs be kept separate for  'dyuers causes, and specyally he s h a l l be the more lusty, and the horse-coltes s h a l l he g e t . '  8 9  moo  While Fitzherbert subscribes somewhat to  the theory that a breeding pair's emotions can a f f e c t the gender of ""Ibid.. 42. I b i d . , 60. Please note that, unless otherwise s p e c i f i e d , a l l quotations from the e a r l y modern manuals remain f a i t h f u l to the o r i g i n a l s p e l l i n g , punctuation, c a p i t a l i z a t i o n and use of i t a l i c s . Only the l e t ter '£' has been t r a n s l i t e r a t e d to 's'. B 8  31 t h e i r o f f s p r i n g , he has no use for those who say that the moon's cycle determines a f o a l ' s sex, saying: 'And me semethe, that those men hold that opinyon speak sophystycallye'.  that  In a l a t e r chapter, e n t i t l e d ,  •For a Yonge Gentyl-man, that Entendeth to Thryue', he writes 'It i s better the practiue or knowlege of an husband-man well proued, than the science or connynge of a philospher not proued.'*  6  He also advises the  young gentleman to keep extensive records r e l a t i n g to the management of the land, with s p e c i a l notes on practices which were p a r t i c u l a r successes or f a i l u r e s . However p r a c t i c a l Fitzherbert's Boke appears to be, i t contains a few unexpected elements.  In most cases, the information he gives i s  too general to be a useful p r a c t i c a l guide. t i o n i s often supplied i n L a t i n or French.  The more s p e c i f i c  informa-  Of the 172 chapters, the  l a s t 31 deal with subjects more e c c l e s i a s t i c a l than r u r a l .  Fitzher-  bert 's book i s ostensibly a manual for a l l aspects of the farmer's yet  life,  i t does not seem to speak to the a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r i n a  which would help to increase production.  way  As with the medieval manuals,  Fitzherbert's Boke appears to have been intended more for the supervisor of a g r i c u l t u r a l endeavours, rather than the p r a c t i t i o n e r s . The Boke of Hvsbandry i s , i n many ways, a perfect t r a n s i t i o n a l work.  Fitzherbert incorporated much of the u t i l i t a r i a n i s m of the  medieval t r a d i t i o n and also demonstrated new trends.  He mixed p r a c t i c a l  advice with comments which, though i n s t r u c t i v e i n some ways, have l i t t l e to do with farming t e c h n i q u e .  s s  Ibid.,  87  He used example to r e i n f o r c e h i s s t a t e -  91.  '"In t h i s , F i t z h e r b e r t resembles the medieval manuals, espec i a l l y that of Robert Grosseteste. B  32 ments.  He concentrated to a large degree on the horse, a species per-  Be  ceived as possessing a n o b i l i t y of character lacking i n other species of 1ivestock. Anthony Fitzherbert was the f i r s t of the e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l writers but h i s example was soon followed by an ever increasing number of authors.  T i t l e s remained sparse during the e a r l y  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, yet there were a g r i c u l t u r a l writers producing and t h e i r work was being bought and read.  I t i s possible t o  see Fitzherbert as the f i r s t i n a progression of authors stretching to, and beyond, the eighteenth century.  However, the body of works prior to  1800 exhibit some unifying c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Most importantly, breeding and feeding are not a large factor in the textual t r a d i t i o n as a whole.  The arable portion of the  a g r i c u l t u r a l economy received f a r more attention than i t s pastoral counterpart.  One of the most famous of the sixteenth century texts,  Thomas Tusser's Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Hvsbandry contains very l i t t l e information about breeding or feeding.  The text's format made i t  easy to read, being set up e s s e n t i a l l y as a calendar for the year's events.  The information provided i s sketchy and very basic indeed.  The  most i n s t r u c t i v e comment on the subject of generation and n u t r i t i o n i s the statement  'keepe twinnes for breed/ as ewes haue n e e d '  89  Here at  "Though t h i s t r a i t i s also to be found i n the medieval texts, i t i s very much a preoccupation of the e a r l y modern authors, e s p e c i a l l y those of the eighteenth century. Thomas Tusser. The Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie W. Payne and Sidney J . Herrtage <eds>, E n g l i s h Dialect Society <8>, (London: Trubner & Co., 1878 <1573, c o l l a t e d with 1577>), p. 74, repeated 81-2. B9  33 least there i s an intimation of the recognition of twinning as a heritable characteristic. The remaining manuals are somewhat more p r o l i f i c , indeed, often p r o l i x , i n t h e i r a r t i c u l a t i o n of theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n . In some cases, astrology i s suggested as a major factor i n guiding breeding d e c i s i o n s . There are inter-textual references to subjects c l e a r l y not related to the better p r a c t i c e of animal-keeping.  In gen-  e r a l , talk of n u t r i t i o n i s far more prevalent than discussion of the mysteries of generation.  While some speculation i s made concerning pos-  s i b l e influences on generation, the advice about matters of breeding i s at a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l from that propounded for feeding systems. Veterinary medicine,  i n the form of endless r e c i t a t i o n s of diseases and  t h e i r herbal cures, i s a major preoccupation of the a g r i c u l t u r a l authors.  While many of the diseases, and even some of the cures, have  changed l i t t l e over the intervening centuries, the cures reveal attempts to deal with animal medicine much i n the same fashion as humans were treated.  6 0  Much of the extant corpus of works dealing with animal generation and n u t r i t i o n can be covered simply by surveying the works of Gervase Markham.  Markham, who  p r o l i f i c writer.  l i v e d from 1568 to 1637,  61  was a fabulously  The extant corpus of h i s works i s large and confusing  A recent r e p r i n t of Queen Henrietta Maria's medical handbook ( o r i g i n a l l y published i n 1655) bears a s t r i k i n g resemblance to the veterinary sections of contemporaneous farming texts. See: Simon Bond. Secrets of the Queen's Closet ( o r i g i n a l l y : The Queen's Closet Opened). Tom I s i t t , ed. (Southampton: Ashford Press, 1988). s o  M*'=Donald. A g r i c u l t u r a l Writers from S i r waiter of Henley to Arthur Young p. 84. 6X  f  34 due to h i s habit of publishing other people's material under h i s own name and republishing h i s previous books under new t i t l e s .  Markham was  an expert on horses and should, therefore, be i n a p o s i t i o n to give the clearest descriptions of t h e i r breeding and feeding.  Hopes for  enlightenment are raised by the author's statement that: of ... contemplative Recreations, I prefer none before that Gentlemanly and b e n e f i c i a l d e l i g h t of breeding creatures meet for the use of men, and the good of the common-wealth wherein he l i v e t h . 6 2  Markham's advice was c e r t a i n l y designed for the gentleman of l e i s u r e , but i t i s i n no way clear how, 'How  to Ride Before a P r i n c e '  6 3  for example, h i s d i s q u i s i t i o n on  would enhance the 'common-wealth'.  interesting, and r e l a t i v e l y concrete, points can be determined Markham's work.  Some  from  His texts show the benefit of Markham's years of expe-  rience with horses i n t h e i r clear and d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of stable management techniques. * 6  Feeding i s , of course, included i n stable  management and t h i s was very important to Markham. value of good q u a l i t y feed over and over.  The reason for t h i s  insistence i s to be found i n the M a s t e r p i e c e e x c l u s i v e l y to the subject of horses.  He r e i t e r a t e d the  6s f  which r e s t r i c t s  itself  The f i r s t chapter, 'On the Natu-  G e r v a s e Markham. Cheape and Good Husbandry <5th ed.> (London: 'printed by Nicholas Okes for John Harrison & to be sold at his shop i n Paternoster Row.', 1631), p. 41. G2  " T h e instructions on r i d i n g before r o y a l t y are somewhat b i z a r r e l y placed i n the Cheap and Good Husbandry (pp. 14-35). "*As an expert on horses, Gervase Markham was chosen to s e l e c t and import an Arab s t a l l i o n for King James I. This incident i s described i n : McDonald. A g r i c u l t u r a l Writers From S i r Walter of Henley to Arthur Young, p. 86. 6  "Gervase Markham. Masterpiece <20th ed.> (London: 'printed for G. Conyers at the Ring i n L i t t l e - B r i t a i n , W. Wooten at the Three Daggers in F l e e t - s t r e e t and J . Clark at the Golden B a l l i n Duck-lane', 1723).  35 r a l Composition of Horses Bodies', l i s t s 13 components - the same as human composition i n Markham's opinion. are:  The seven 'natural' aspects  'elements, temperments, humours, members, powers or v i r t u e s ,  actions or operations and s p i r i t s ' .  Markham also l i s t s 6 unnatural com-  ponents, namely: 'air, meat and drink, motion and r e s t , sleep and watch, emptiness and f u l l n e s s and the a f f e c t s or motions of the mind'.  66  Any  disturbance of the balances effected by the component parts could r e s u l t in i l l n e s s or death.  For example, the 'Pestilent Consumption i n Mares'  i s caused when: ...cold Flegm gathered by raw foggy Food i n the winter Season, which depending from the Kidneys, doth oppress the Matrix, and makes the mare consume and pine away. " 6  7  More generally, food which i s not clean and wholesome 'breeds naughty, e v i l b l o o d ' •heart d i s e a s e ' .  69  66  'Too ranke feeding' i s also bad, being linked to  It i s evident, then, that ingestion can be seen as  a f f e c t i n g the natural composition of the horse's body. Markham's works are excellent on the subject of equine n u t r i t i o n , providing not only admonitions and suggestions, but also explanations, such as the ones given above, for the e f f i c a c y of h i s advice. Their discussions of physiology and reproduction are also authoritative in tone.  There are diagrams to i l l u s t r a t e the venous, s k e l e t a l and mus-  cular structures of the equine body." 6 6  Ibid.  r  70  A discussion of barreness i n  p. 1.  ^ I b i d . . p. 100 6 a  69  I b i d . . p. 2. Markham. Cheape and Good Husbandry, p. 66.  "^Markham. Masterpiece, pp. 128, 131 & 133.  36 mares c i t e s both malfunctions of the humours and physical of the uterine horn as possible causes."  7:L  malformations  Such combinations of tangible  and intangible forces also a r i s e i n Markham's discussions of generation. On the more concrete side, there i s a very mathematical  des-  c r i p t i o n of the ideal conformation of breeding stock, l i s t i n g ideal r a t i o s for body proportions.*  72  Much attention i s paid t o the physical  conditioning of breeding p a i r s , with n u t r i t i o n again a major factor. Types of ground l i k e l y t o provide good feed are l i s t e d and there i s a s p e c i f i c recognition of the c o r r e l a t i o n between good feed and p l e n t i f u l milk i n mares.  73  Perhaps most importantly, Markham stressed the i n d i -  vidual needs of each animal.' '* 7  In t h i s , he d i f f e r e d from the more  s i m p l i s t i c medieval d i r e c t i v e s which were designed only to give broad guidelines. The more u t i l i t a r i a n aspects of Markham's texts contain i n their midst facets which appear less applicable to the modern agriculturalist.  The use of astrology as a guide t o farmyard  procedure  i s one of the practices recommended by Markham and, indeed, other early modern authors, which i s least acceptable t o modern, i n s t i t u t i o n a l science.  For instance, Markham postulated that foals bred before the  f u l l moon would be female, while those conceived under a waning moon •^Ibid., p. 100. •^Ibid., p. 125. '"•Markham. Cheape and Good Husbandry, pp. 42 & 45.  • " • I b j f l . . , p. 57.  37 would be male." " 7  5  Another example of a reliance on less tangible p r i n c i -  ples crops up i n a section on pregnant mares: to know i f your mare i s with f o a l at Christmas, or no, put a l i t t l e water i n her Ear, and i f she only shake her head, than she i s with Foal, but i f she shake both Head and Body, too, she i s n o t . 7 e  I f , to the modern reader, t h i s seems u n l i k e l y to garner worthwhile r e s u l t s , i t i s at least r e l a t i v e l y harmless for the mare. Markham suggested adding i n s u l t to i n j u r y for any bovine b i t t e n by a shrew, the proferredy cure being to 'beat him with a bramble'.' ' 7  7  It  would be wrong to c r i t i c i z e the inclusion of these p a r t i c u l a r pieces of advice.  No matter how they compare to current modes of explanation,  they served a d e f i n i t e purpose, acting as part of a system through which the natural world could be understood and c o n t r o l l e d . In general, only the more concrete advice i s repeated for livestock perceived as less noble i n nature than the horse. ple,  For exam-  milk production i n cows i s linked to the q u a l i t y of pasture.'  78  Markham noted that both wool production and f e r t i l i t y increase when sheep are on good pasture.' '* 7  7!5  7 6  In the e a r l y modern era i n general, the  Markham. Masterpiece, p. 120.  I b i d . / P-  121.  "'Markham, Cheap and Good Husbandry, p.  7  '  105.  ' I b i d . . pp. 105-6. 78  I b i d . , p. 107. The advice concerning sheep i s repeated (p. 120 f f ) i n a chapter e n t i t l e d 'A Few Precepts for the Shepheard'. This i s the only chapter of the manual i n the Cheape and Good Husbandry which i s directed to the actual p r a c t i t i o n e r s of the described a c t i v i t i e s . Inclusions of passages addressed to the shepherds and other s p e c i f i c a g r i c u l t u r a l 'offices'are not found only i n the Cheape and Good Husbandry. Rather, such inclusions can be counted as a general characteri s t i c of e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals. 7 9  38 amount of interest i n , and p r i n t space given to, a p a r t i c u l a r species decreases with the esteem i n which the species was held. the most neglected type of ' c a t t l e c a l l y and economically.  1 8 0  The goat i s  , deemed unattractive both physi-  Swine fare l i t t l e better.  Markham was rather  unusually p r o l i x on the subject of these two species, yet i n essence only repeated information given previously for more esteemed beasts. From an examination  of Markham's texts, i t i s an easy step to  Conrad Heresbach's The Whole Art of Hvsbandrv.  Markham himself provides  the l i n k , having made additions to an e d i t i o n of the German Heresbach's work translated by Barnaby Googe.  Though Heresbach's book  8X  may  a c t u a l l y pre-date the majority of Markham's work, Heresbach was d e f i n i t e l y secondary i n importance.  82  The t h i r d book of the Whole Art  of Hvsbandry deals s p e c i f i c a l l y with 'Feeding, Breeding and Curing of Cattle'.  The elevated d i s c u r s i v e s t y l e and the c l a s s i c a l references of  the text cover a great deal of p r a c t i c a l information and also some surT h e a g r i c u l t u r a l texts refer to a l l domesticated, clovenhooved mammals as ' c a t t l e ' or ' c a t t e l * . The bovine species are usually designated 'ox', 'milch cow' or 'beeve'. ao  Conrad Heresbach. The whole Art of Hvsbandry Contained i n Fovre BoOkes. Barnaby Googe <trans.>, Gervase Markham <ed.> (London: •printed by T.C. for Richard More & to be sold at h i s shop i n S. Dunstanes Churchyard i n Fleete-street.', 1631). Markham's additions are c h i e f l y concerned with the fancy points of horse breeding and judging. For example, he adds much on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of colouring i n horses, something Heresbach dismisses as s i l l y . See esp. p. 215 f f . 81  Though secondary to Markham, Heresbach's manual was except i o n a l l y popular and was retained as of admittedly foreign provenance, rather than being immediately subsumed by English plagiarisms. For t h i s reason, and because of the s u b s t a n t i a l additions by an English author, Heresbach's i s included as an exception to the general exclusion o f . f o r eign texts. 82  39 p r i s i n g inclusions.  The chapter on came l e o p a r d s  i n t e r e s t i n g example of the l a t t e r .  83  is a particularly  The former, the more p r a c t i c a l side  of the text, i s exemplified i n Heresbach's d e s c r i p t i o n of horsebreeding: He that hath fancy to breed horses, must f i r s t provide himself of a good Race, and then of good ground, and P l e n t i e of pasture, which i n other c a t t e l ought not to be so greatly observed, but i n horses there must be s p e c i a l care t h e r e o f . * 8  Just as i n the e a r l i e r manuals, there i s a preoccupation with c u l l i n g o f f sub-standard breeding s t o c k . * 8  Detailed descriptions of  ideal conformation types are given and a question-and-answer format segment, with P l i n y and A r i s t o t l e often quoted, describes the proper times and ages at which to b r e e d .  86  The c l a s s i c s , e s p e c i a l l y Xenophon, are  once again i n evidence when the subject of t r a i n i n g young horses i s dealt with.  Heresbach's interest i n the authors of a n t i q u i t y i s a point  upon which he parts company with Markham.  Whereas Markham r i d i c u l e d  'Ancient Experiments' and preferred 'later Experience', " 8  openly appreciated Greek and L a t i n t e x t s .  8 3  8  8 8  7  Heresbach  Even the myth of the hip-  I b i d . . p. 267.  * I b i d . , p. 213.  e s  I b l d . , See esp. p. 219.  8 6  Ibid.  r  p. 215 f f .  •"Markham, M^t^'TPlf'C^r P-  98.  " S u c h c l a s s i c a l texts, e s p e c i a l l y the poetry of V e r g i l and Horace, were apparently combined with some observations of current pract i c e and extensive plaigarisms of previous authors to-provide the content of most e a r l y modern manuals.  40 pomanes i s perpetuated.  89  B a s i c a l l y , though, Heresbach gives a useful  overview of livestock breeding and feeding s t r a t e g i e s .  He made an  unusual link between the d e s c r i p t i o n of breeding practices for menage horses, the standard subjects of e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l authors, and t h e i r less glamorous counterparts, the plough and cart horses, s t a t i n g b a l d l y that breeding techniques were the same, no matter what tasks the horses w i l l  perform.  90  In a l l , Heresbach's text i s an odd mixture of very p r a c t i c a l advice and b i z a r r e inclusions.  He gave d e t a i l e d descriptions of ideal  phenotypes for a l l types of livestock and made the usual connection between feeding practice and issues such as fecundity, fleece q u a l i t y and milk production.  However p r a c t i c a l The Whole Art of Hvsbandry can  be, there are also the cameleopards, the c h i l d - e a t i n g sows and the horses v i o l e n t l y averse to incest, a l l of which are, to say the l e a s t , somewhat a p o c r y p h a l .  91  However, perhaps the most bizarre aspect of a l l  i s the rabid insistence that young mammals not drink the colostrum i n f i r s t milk as i t i s poisonous.  92  T h e hippomanes was thought to be 'a small, black, fleshy substance' attached to the forehead of a newly-born f o a l . I t was believed that the mare had to b i t e o f f t h i s protruberence immediately i f the foal was to survive. The hippomanes was believed to be a potent aphrodisiac. See: The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on H i s t o r i c a l P r i n c i p l e s <3rd ed.> (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967). 89  9  °Ibid.. p. 213.  I b i d . See pp. 237, 281 and 218-9, respectively. The nonoedipal horse i s p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting, as Bakewell's successful i n and-in programs were necessarily incestuous. 9 1  I b i d . An excellent example i s to be found i n the discussion of lambs, when the substance i s a c t u a l l y referred t o as 'colostra', as opposed to simply f i r s t milk as i t i s elsewhere designated (p. 265). As colostrum provides much of a newborn mammal's acquired immunity, t h i s could be a very dangerous practice. 9 2  41 Judged by i t s t i t l e , Leonard Mascall's The Government of Cattle appears t o be the perfect source for an examination of livestock breeding and f e e d i n g .  03  However, the text i s c h i e f l y comprised of r e p e t i -  tions of e a r l i e r authors. with references  Some i n t e r e s t i n g exceptions do e x i s t .  Along  to a number of c l a s s i c a l Roman texts and e x t o l l i n g the  benefits of astrology, Mascall gave some prosaic descriptions of the r e l a t i v e value of various feedstuffs.  For example, hay and barley are  mentioned s p e c i f i c a l l y and t h e i r r e l a t i v e v i r t u e s and d i f f i c u l t i e s are outlined. "* 9  Instructions on feeding of breeding stock during the sea-  sons of the year are given, with a p a r t i c u l a r concern for females about to give b i r t h .  9 9  Different ways to fatten animals are given.  f i v e methods are described straightforward  just for ' f a t t i n g ' p i g s .  9 6  At least  Mascall gave many  d i r e c t i v e s , yet, on the whole, h i s text remains somehow  unconnected from the nuts and bolts of livestock husbandry.  An  abundance of d e t a i l on some subjects and sweeping generalizations i n other areas make the text l e s s useful than i t at f i r s t appears.  Once  again a reader unfamiliar with a g r i c u l t u r e would be hard pressed to develop a complete and workable method of animal breeding from the pages of Mascall's book. L e o n a r d Mascall. The Government of C a t t l e (London: 'printed for Tho. Purfoot for Francis Falkner and to be sold at his shop neere St. Margaret's H i l l i n Southwarke', 1627). 93  * I b i d . , p. 61 & 72. See also p. 233 for the a f f e c t of d i f ferent grasses on sheep. 9  " I b i d . See esp. pp. 69-70, 102, 227 & 269. I b i d . pp. 264-81. An amazing amount of d e t a i l i s given, down to trapping mice so that they do not d i s t u r b the pigs and make them move about the sty. 9 6  f  42 The reason for t h i s dichotomy, obvious also i n the e a r l i e r manuals, i s i n some degree i l l u s t r a t e d by Mascall's own use of terms i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s audience.  The e a r l y modern authors, as a r u l e ,  exhort t h e i r readers t o use the manuals as reference works.  Yet i t i s  not clear how they would augment the basic knowledge needed by anyone already p r a c t i c i n g a g r i c u l t u r e .  Mascall made i t clear that h i s text  was  addressed to the 'learned Gentleman', not the 'unlearned Husbandman'. ' 9  7  In f a c t , a s p e c i a l verse at the beginning i s dedicated 'To the Husbandman' .  Just as Markham included a s p e c i a l segment, 'A Few Precepts for  the Shepheard*,  99  as though he d i d not expect the shepherd to read the  rest of the manual, Mascall made i t clear that the bulk of h i s text  was  not meant for the eyes of the men who a c t u a l l y c a r r i e d out the work described.  A s p e c i a l introduction 'To the Husbandman' was written i n  verse with very s i m p l i f i e d language, while the remainder  of the manual  was elevated i n s t y l e and vocabulary and done i n prose, with constant references to c l a s s i c a l authors and philosophers. Two more works complete the l i s t of pre-eighteenth century a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals of p a r t i c u l a r interest for the study of pastoral husbandry.  The Systema Agriculturae of John W o r l i d g e  99  i s even more  e x p l i c i t i n i t s d e f i n i t i o n of i t s target audience then was Mascall's text.  It i s dedicated 'To the Gentry and Yeomanry of England'.  In the  e p i s t l e dedicatore, Worlidge announced h i s intention of using 'experi-  9 7  I b i d . , A4 (Introduction).  "Markham. Cheape and Good Husbandry, p. 120 " J o h n Worlidge. Systema Agriculturae (London:, 'printed by T. Johnson for Samuel Speed near the Inner Temple Gate i n F l e e t - s t r e e t * , 1669).  43 ment  1  and 'observation' to devise methods for a g r i c u l t u r a l endeavours.  He alluded to the large number of farming texts available contemporaneously, but suggested that h i s audience would be receiving land from bankrupt tenants and should be prepared t o manage i t well.  Wor-  lidge gave one chapter of the Systemae to the subject of animal-keeping. There was nothing of great insight i n h i s d i s q u i s i t i o n .  He was more  interested i n g l o r i f y i n g the pursuit of a g r i c u l t u r e than i n the actual practice of i t . S i r Jonas Moore was somewhat less blatant i n England's Interest or the Gentleman and Farmer's F r i e n d .  1 0 0  While, again, there was  little  new i n h i s text, i t d i d reveal a reason for concern with the breeding of horses.  In a manual l a r g e l y concerned with arable a g r i c u l t u r e , horse-  breeding was singled out for discussion because a f t e r 'the l a s t  war',  English merchants could s e l l horses to France for three times t h e i r value and: At the conclusion of t h i s present War we may with Presumption say that there w i l l be a great consumption of Horses i n Foreign Parts, and that they w i l l be become as Good a Commodity as at the time before mentioned; and therefore I leave i t to the Consideration of our Gentry who have lands proper for the Breeding of C a t t l e , and of the Farmer's who Rent, such Lands are better Breeding Good and Servicable H o r s e s . 101  Moore was very concerned with the proper feeding of f o a l s , seeing i t as c r u c i a l to t h e i r optimal g r o w t h .  102  He was also determined  S i r Jonas Moore. England's Interest or the Gentleman and Farmer's Friend (London: 'printed for A. Bettesworth at the Red Lion i n Pater-noster-Row', 1721). x o o  1 Q 1  I b i d . . p. 59.  1 0 2  I b i d . . p. 56.  44 to undermine the image of the superior Spanish h o r s e . ° x  3  C l e a r l y Moore  saw Spanish horses as the greatest r i v a l s to English equines. Moore's text i s the l a s t of the a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals which deals with pastoral husbandry before the advent of the eighteenth century.  The basic advice of a l l the authors who came before him can be  seen as summarized neatly i n Moore's own t e x t .  In h i s chapter 'Instruc-  tions for Breeding Horses much Cheaper', he states that: The same Care i s to be taken i n t h i s point of Choice, as the Gardeners take to have good stock, and com to produce a Noble and Generous F r u i t [and] In Choice also of your Breeders, be sure They are Healthy and of Sound C o n s t i t u t i o n . * 1 0  E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s i s the sum of the advice on the subject of generation given prior to 1700  i n the many, many pages of a g r i c u l t u r a l  l i t e r a t u r e which had been written. prosaic, though quite e f f e c t i v e .  N u t r i t i o n a l theory was  similarly  There i s far more to be gleaned from  the texts regarding t h e i r s o c i a l context, audience and purpose than there i s a v a i l a b l e information about actual livestock breeding and feeding. The eighteenth century being characterized by h i s t o r i a n s , for example E r i c Kerridge and Mingay and Chambers, as a period of revolution in pastoral husbandry, and a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e being c i t e d by these historians as a source for t h i s a l t e r a t i o n , the manuals of the eighteenth century should r e f l e c t enormous changes i n the a r t i c u l a t i o n and manipulation of theories of generation and n u t r i t i o n .  The f i r s t of the  major eighteenth century manuals proves a great disappointment  1 0 3  10  I b i d . , pp.  58-9.  «Ibid., p. 49-50.  in this  45 respect.  Mortimer's The Whole Art of Husbandry i s a favourite source  for modern h i s t o r i a n s .  Yet there i s nothing i n Mortimer's text that i s  p a r t i c u l a r l y new or i n t e r e s t i n g . and contains an excellent i n d e x .  The text i t s e l f i s very well organized x o s  However, i f i t l i v e s up to the  author's promise of 'Additions of new Experiments and Improvements not treated of by any o t h e r s ' , than pastoral husbandry.  1 0 6  i t must be i n dealing with subjects other  Mortimer only repeated the advice of e a r l i e r  authors i n h i s exhortations.  'If you design to have b e a u t i f u l strong  C o l t s , l e t your s t a l l i o n and mare be s o * :  1 0 7  t h i s i s hardly r e v o l u t i o n -  ary, e s p e c i a l l y as there i s no d e f i n i t i o n of what beauty i s i n a horse, or how beauty would r e l a t e to d i f f e r e n t tasks. If there i s something p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g about Mortimer, i t i s h i s interest i n the regional v a r i e t i e s of livestock. number of counties noted for producing good l i v e s t o c k . points stand out i n The Whole Art of Husbandry.  x o a  He l i s t e d a Three other  F i r s t l y , Mortimer was  himself a Fellow of the Royal Society and p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n a t t r a c t i n g the attention of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science to the practice of I n d i c e s were not a new innovation, but they were nearly useless i n some of the e a r l i e r works. x o s  J o h n Mortimer. The Whole Art of Husbandry (London: 'J.H. for H. Mortlack at the Phoenix, J . Robinson at the Golden Lion i n St. Paul's Church-Yard', 1708). 1 0 6  x o 7  I b M . , p. 150.  E a r l i e r manuals tend to l i s t sheep v a r i e t i e s and to give broad d e f i n i t i o n s of regional types of c a t t l e , but i t i s s t i l l somewhat unusual to f i n d horses thus r e g i o n a l l y defined. Markham i n p a r t i c u l a r was interested i n the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of horses from other countries, but not regions within England. X 0 8  46 agriculture.  Secondly, he mentioned the p r a c t i c e of l e t t i n g stud  1 0 9  stock out to h i r e , one of the cornerstones of Bakewell*s success and a behaviour often a t t r i b u t e d to him as f o u n d e r .  110  T h i r d l y , Mortimer  recognized that h i s manual was being read by an elevated stratum of society.  For example, i n h i s discussion of the care of pregnant mares,  he described an ideal s i t u a t i o n and then added 'Which are N i c e t i e s the Farmer seldom troubles himself a b o u t . '  111  Mortimer's lack of respect  for the hands-on p r a c t i t i o n e r s of a g r i c u l t u r e points to one of the greatest problems with r e l y i n g on e a r l y modern farming manuals as a source for past p r a c t i c e s . tudes repeatedly expressed  His statements are representative of a t t i i n e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l texts.  There  are many reasons to think that the manuals were, i n fact, quite d i s connected from p r a c t i c e .  1 1 2  1  Roughly contemporary with Mortimer's text i s the Dictionarium Rusticum  f  Urbanicum & Botanicum.  vogue i n England of l a t e t i m e s ' ,  Because 'Husbandry has been much i n 1 1 3  the anonymous author read the best  works he could find on the subject and, t h e i r wisdom into a s i n g l e t e x t . * 1 1  1 0 9  1 1 Q  Ibid.  compiled  Interestingly, many terms,  Introduction.  I b i d . . p.  151.  I b i d . . p.  152.  l i : L  1 1 2  P  i n h i s own opinion,  P l e a s e see below, Chapter 3, esp. pp. 61-9  &  76-7.  Anonymous. Dictionarium Rusticum, Urbanicum & Botanicum (London: ' J . Nicholson i n L i t t l e B r i t a i n , W. Taylor i n Avemary Lane, and W. C h u r c h i l l i n Paternoster Row', 1717), i n the 'Preface to the Reader*. 113  '*He c i t e s among h i s sources: Fitzherbert, Tusser, Markham, Mascall, Mortimer and excerpts from the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. 11  V  47  a g r i c u l t u r a l , physiological and general are discussed only as they apply to horses.  B e l l y , breeding, fattening, froth, head, parts and s t r a i n :  a l l are defined by t h e i r implications for equines and nothing else.  The  Dictionarium i s very much a d i s t i l l a t i o n , adding l i t t l e t o the store of knowledge, though providing some very interesting data for the h i s t o r i a n in i t s apparent lack of concern with animals of a lesser degree than horses and i n i t s statement of the popularity of a g r i c u l t u r e among the more monied members of society. The Country Gentleman's Vade Mecum i n many ways resembles Dictionarium.  the  The author, G. Jacob, Gent., also read the texts of h i s  predecessors and, a f t e r comparing 'theory with practice' he c o l l e c t e d the 'opinions of experienced Country Gentlemen and [the] observations of the most eminent Husbandmen and Gardiners'.  He also claims to have  'experimental knowledge suffused throughout the w h o l e ' .  110  The concern  with a l l y i n g a g r i c u l t u r e with i n s t i t u t i o n a l science i s further demonstrated i n t h i s t e x t .  Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , there are no intimations  of revolutionary changes i n the practice of animal breeding.  In fact  there are no changes at a l l . The Gentleman & Farmers Guide for the Increase and Improvement of C a t t l e was Richard Bradley's entry into the group of authors of a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  Both a Fellow of the Royal Society and Professor  G i l e s Jacob. The Country Gentleman's Vade Mecum (London: 'printed for Wm. Taylor at the Ship i n Pater-noster-row', 1717). See the 'Preface to the Reader'. 1 1 B  48  of Botany at the University of Cambridge,  116  Bradley had a c l e a r l y  stated purpose for the publication of h i s manual: I beg leave to present you with the following Piece, r e l a t i n g to the Improvment of our Nation by C a t t l e , which makes one of the largest branches of the B r i t i s h Wealth; or, as I may say, i s one of the brightest Jewels i n the B r i t i s h Diadem; no Part of the World being so famous for Their Prudence & Dexterity i n the Management of the Woollen Manufacture as the Nations under the British Government. Nor i s any Country capable of producing more Beautiful & Useful Horses than are bred with us. Our Universal Trade proceeding from the Wool of our Sheep, makes us Master of the Products of the Whole Earth; and does no less make us superior to a l l other People i n the strength a r i s i n g from our n a v a g a t i o n . 11,7  Later i n the manual, Bradley mentions a few common misconceptions about the linkage of horn type to lambing a b i l i t y , saying that, even though they are wrong, such misconceptions should be included for the benefit of those 'unaquainted with t h i s sort of Husbandry' and 'may  who  i n time have Opportunities of p r a c t i c i n g i t , and may then know how  to talk with the L e a r n e d . '  118  While h i s precepts for the breeding and  feeding of c a t t l e are, again, r e i t e r a t i o n s of much e a r l i e r texts, Bradley exhibits a wide-ranging  interest i n several aspects of generation  which" hint at that much-desired connection between a g r i c u l t u r e and i n s t i t u t i o n a l science.  He considers the implications for natural  T h e apparent l i n k between i n s t i t u t i o n a l science and a g r i c u l ture i n the person of Richard Bradley i s only a mirage. Bradley caused a scandal when he f i r s t gained the Chair at Cambridge through f a l s e pretences and was l a t e r found to be i l l i t e r a t e i n the c l a s s i c a l l a n guages and not t e r r i b l y interested i n l e c t u r i n g e i t h e r . See: F u s s e l l . The Old English Farming Books From Fitzherbert to T u l l . p. 106-7. 1 1 6  ' Richard Bradley. The Gentleman & Farmer's Guide for the Increase and Improvment of C a t t l e (London: 'printed by J . Applebee, for W. Mears, at the Lamb without Temple Bar', 1729). From the Preface, i i i i i , i n which the text i s dedicated to the Rt. Hon. Lord Vane. 11  7  1 1 8  I b i d . . p.  12-3.  49 philosophy a r i s i n g from speculations concerning the possible offspring from various matings of whole and cloven-hoof p i g s .  1 1 9  The colouring  patterns of piebald horses aroused h i s interest and led him also to speculate on the r e s u l t s of children born to black and white human couples. The flavour of experimental science i s to be found even more strongly i n William E l l i s ' highly regarded text. contemporaries  Honoured by both his  and by modern h i s t o r i a n s , E l l i s used case studies to lend  authority to h i s w o r k .  120  On breeding and feeding, h i s manual i s  d e t a i l e d , yet repetative. Once again, no s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the theory of r a i s i n g animals to maturity i s to be found.  However,  excellent d i r e c t i o n s are given on methods of s e l l i n g fattened s h e e p .  121  Having reached the middle of the eighteenth century and the period so often lauded as characterized by great change i n pastoral husbandry, i t seems that great changes i n the process of animal breeding must soon appear i n the textual record, where previous h i s t o r i a n s have claimed to find them. to d e l i v e r anything new husbandry. 1 1 9  The  Unfortunately, A New  System of Agriculture f a i l s  i n the way of suggestions to improve livestock  'Country Gentleman' who whiled away h i s hours writing  I b i d . . p. 69.  °William E l l i s . A Compleat System of Experienced Improvements (Dublin: George Faulkner i n Essex Street, 1749). This manual was sold with the approval and recommendation of The Dublin Society, one of the f i r s t (founded 1731) of the regional s o c i e t i e s to exhibit an interest i n a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement. That interest i s continued to t h i s day. See esp.: James Meenan and Desmond Clark <ed.s>. The Royal Dublin Society. 1731-1981 (Dublin: G i l l and MacMillan, 1981). Though not s t r i c t l y English i n o r i g i n , E l l i s ' text was h i g h l y regarded and very popular i n England i t s e l f . 12  1 2 1  I b i d . . p. 371 f f .  50 t h i s text spent far more time e x t o l l i n g the virtues of farming as a source of wealth.  While husbandry may well be the 'only Gentleman-like  way of growing r i c h ' , * -  32  t h i s p a r t i c u l a r manual. petently than most.  i t would be d i f f i c u l t to do so on the basis of I t repeats e a r l i e r material, though less com-  For example, anyone wanting to s t a r t up or improve  a d a i r y would f i n d themselves  i n posession of a wonderful byre, but with  no notion of which sort of c a t t l e to buy or how to feed them. Thomas Hale shows some promise of a c t u a l l y t a c k l i n g the fundamentals of animal husbandry.  123  He warns h i s readers to ignore the  writings of h i s predecessors as there i s nothing to be gained from them. He then proceeds to regurgitate Markham and Walter of Henley, word for word i n many cases.  almost  Just as i n the e a r l i e s t manuals, i t i s  assumed that the s e l e c t i o n of breeding stock w i l l be done by somebody who knows what he i s looking f o r . This knowledge i s not expected to come from books. Arthur Young maintains the same attitude as Hale:  experiment  and p r a c t i c a l experience are the order of the day and books are not to be trusted.  This d i d not stop Young from producing reams of printed  text with the f u l l expectation that h i s writings would be read and his advice followed by a great number of people.  In the secondary  ture, Young appears as a figure as revolutionary as Bakewell. indeed, t h i s i s i n many ways an accurate d e s c r i p t i o n .  x z 2  literaAnd,  Young's pub-  I b i d . . p. 1.  "Thomas Hale. A Compleat Body of Husbandry (London: 'printed for T. Osborne & J . Shipton i n Gray's Inn; J . Hodge on London Bridge; T. Trye nar Gray's Inn Gate; And S. Crowder & H. Woodgate i n Pater-Noster Row', 1756). 1  51 l i c a t i o n s were a departure from previous trends.  In addition to pub-  l i s h i n g manuals i n the f a m i l i a r pattern, he set out to catalogue the a g r i c u l t u r a l features and practices of England and even t r a v e l l e d to Ireland and France t o examine farming p r a c t i c e s i n those c o u n t r i e s .  1 2 4  However, as unique as h i s reports were, the pastoral content of h i s d i d a c t i c texts shows l i t t l e change from the medieval a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  Admittedly, once again interest i n the arable sector over-  whelms discussion of stock-keeping. In A Course of Experimental A g r i c u l ture,  1 2 a  for  Young devoted only one chapter to l i v e s t o c k .  The stated rules  t h e i r breeding and feeding are l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from anything that  had preceeded h i s book. i l l u s t r a t e experiments  Though admirably d e t a i l e d tables are used to i n animal feeding, the t r i a l s being  undertaken  are c h i e f l y concerned with manure production, rather than with physical improvement i n ' c a t t l e ' , or i n enhancing the genetic p o t e n t i a l of livestock to produce more wool, meat, milk or work.  Young f a i l e d so  much as to attempt a d e s c r i p t i o n of desirable q u a l i t i e s i n breeding stock, saying 'in ... these matters practice i s the only master; books are not worth a g r o a t . '  1 2 6  Whatever Arthur Young's value for the h i s -  tory of arable farming, h i s works provide l i t t l e support for current models of pastoral development.  "••Arthur Young's records of h i s journeys are fascinating documents, but are not so relevant for an investigation of English breeding and feeding as h i s more t r a d i t i o n a l manuals. A r t h u r Young. A Course of Experimental A g r t i c u l t u r e : Cont a i n i n g an exact Register of a l l the Business Transacted during Five Years on near 300 Acres of Various S o i l s (London: ' J . Dodsley, i n P a l l Mall', 1770). 1 2 B  1 2 6  I b i d . . p. 447.  52 In short, the work of Arthur Young does not describe a revolut i o n i n animal breeding p r a c t i c e s . c a l l y systematic and comprehensive  Though h i s texts are more geographithan those of h i s predecessors, the  descriptions of the process of livestock breeding throughout h i s works remains remarkably s i m i l a r to medieval w r i t i n g s . " 12  7  Young made no claim  for a revolution i n breeding practices, yet h i s laudatory reports of Robert Bakewell and the advances i n animal husbandry being made a t Dishley Grange are c i t e d by Ernie and many twentieth century historians as evidence of r a d i c a l change.  Attempts to f i t animal breeding into both  the 'revolutionary' and evolutionary models of English a g r i c u l t u r a l change have forced an interpretation of Young's reports as c o n s t i t u t i n g an eye-witness account of great changes i n a g r i c u l t u r a l production i n general.  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of Mingay and Chambers.  I f their  temporal designation (1750-1880) of the ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution' i s correct, then Young, writing i n the second half of the eighteenth century, must have witnessed and chronicled s i g n i f i c a n t changes, c i a l l y those i n the pastoral sector.  espe-  However, reading Young for  s p e c i f i c changes i n animal husbandry reveals problems with such an interpretation.  Experimentation and systematic record-keeping are  expressed as new concepts i n Young's work, yet neither suggestion was innovative.  Moreover, the expected changes i n breeding practices do not  ""Young's advice, for a l l i t s trappings of empirical experimentation, could be summed up as something approximating ' c u l l o f f the old, sick ones and make sure they a l l have enough t o eat'. This i s e s s e n t i a l l y i d e n t i c a l to the d i c t a expressed i n the Capitulare de Villis, the l a t e eighth century Carolingian document which describes the procedures to be c a r r i e d out on the royal estates of the emperor Charlemagne. A t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s document i s available i n : Patrick J . Geary <ed.>. Readings i n Medieval History (Toronto: Broadview Press, 1989), pp. 325-33. See esp.: items 13, 14 and 23. 1  53 appear.  In f a c t , t h i s sort of disappointment  ing of Arthur Young's work.  i s not unique to a read-  Even Richard Parkinson, who  actually  v i s i t e d Dishley, spoke with Bakewell and recorded what he had learned, d i d not demonstrate anything new or interesting i n h i s m a n u a l .  iaB  From a l l the extant texts which deal most e f f e c t i v e l y with generation and n u t r i t i o n , there develops a curious sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the genre.  Something seems t o be missing.  There i s l i t t l e or no  s p e c i f i c statement of p r a c t i c a l theories of generation or n u t r i t i o n presented i n a manner which could be manipulated to produce a desired change.  Given the accepted view that the eighteenth century was a  period of rapid, indeed, revolutionary change, the manuals should r e f l e c t t h i s with an a l t e r a t i o n i n the information which they catalogue. If the current interpretations of eighteenth-century pastoral husbandry are correct, then works from the l a t t e r half of the century should be d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r immediate predecessors. "Moreover, there should be a r a d i c a l change from the information propounded i n farming t r e a t i s e s from the Middle Ages and the e a r l y modern era. As can be c l e a r l y seen from a survey of the texts dealing most extensively with animal husbandry from the Middle Ages to the end of the eighteenth century, the expected changes simply do not appear. Throughout the period of study, animal breeding and feeding i s described in very s i m i l a r ways.  Some general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s can be outlined.  Horses provide the favoured v e h i c l e for discussions of livestock husR i c h a r d Parkinson. The Experienced Farmer, an E n t i r e New Work, i n Which the Whole System of Agriculture, Husbandry and the Breeding of C a t t l e , i s Explained and Copiously Enlarged Upon... (London: 'printed for G. G. and J . Robinson, 1798). I t should be mentioned that Bakewell himself unfortunately never wrote a manual. X 2 e  54 bandry.  General descriptions of desired phenotype are given, though  l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n i s made for d i f f e r i n g purposes.  Less glamourous  animals receive l i t t l e attention, though sheep are discussed at some length by a number of authors.  There i s a d i s t i n c t recognition of the  necessity of good q u a l i t y feed. cess.  Experience i s c i t e d as the key to suc-  In short, a claim can be made for a d i s t i n c t c o n t i n u i t y within  the genre.  The l a t e seventeenth and eighteenth century  preoccupation  with gaining the attention of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science, s p e c i f i c a l l y i n the form of the Royal S o c i e t y , 3  preoccupation  29  stands out as a new element.  i s the only apparent vehicle for change, the  between science and a g r i c u l t u r e must be examined at greater  As t h i s connection length.  The medieval manuals have often been considered d i s t i n c t from t h e i r e a r l y modern counterparts.  Oschinsky has c l e a r l y demonstrated  t h e i r use as aides for accounting  on large estates.  Thus, the informa-  t i o n which they provide about techniques of a g r i c u l t u r a l management i s , of necessity, sketchy.  However, i t i s by no means clear that the didac-  t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l t r e a t i s e s of the e a r l y modern period are r a d i c a l l y d i f ferent from the medieval manuals either i n p r a c t i c a l advice or authorial motivation.  I t i s the motivation —  the impulse for p u b l i c a t i o n  —  which i s perhaps the most important of the unaddressed problems in interpreting farming manuals.  Fitzherbert includes some of the  anomalous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the e a r l y modern texts which make them appear i n d i c a t i v e more of a program of j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r , and  glorifica-  t i o n of, a g r i c u l t u r e as a source of wealth, than of physical improveT h e Royal Society, founded i n 1660, was referred to s p e c i f i c a l l y by the authors who sought to a t t r a c t the attention of 'science' or 'Natural Philosophy'. Please see below Chapter 3, esp. pp. 58-9 & 69-76. 1 2 9  55 merits i n farming technique.  P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the years between F i t z h e r -  bert 's publications and the end of the seventeenth century, a g r i c u l t u r a l writings exhibited a growing p o p u l a r i t y . were at work.  1 3 0  No doubt several factors  O r i g i n a l l y , the novelty of p r i n t may well have spurred an  interest i n publishing a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals, which l a t e r became a s e l f perpetuating genre. . However, t h e i r content cannot be completely reconc i l e d with the stated purpose.  Speaking from the end of the eighteenth  century, Arthur Young may be able t o a s s i s t i n an interpretation of the somewhat bizarre l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n t o which he was h e i r : People who are eager i n Their husbandry read such books; and as these r i d i c u l o u s practices come reccomended t o them by those who ought t o know better, They are tempted to t r y them. They do so and of course f a i l t o t h e i r no inconsiderable l o s s ; hence a disgust i s taken a t the very idea of experiments or book-husbandry; The door i s shut against b e n e f i c i a l t r i a l s ; and a whole neighbourhood of farmers clap t h e i r hands with pleasure at the gentleman's d i s appointment, determining never to be misled by books into any new tricks, which only tend to impoverish Them. 131  The much despised and disappointed gentlemen referred to i n Young's passage may well have been figures much l i k e the sightseers at Dishley Grange.  That supposedly key figure i n English pastoral a g r i c u l 0 ture, Robert Bakewell, found that h i s a c t i v i t i e s were of interest to a M " D o n a l d and F u s s e l l give figures for the astonishing number of p r i n t i n g s which many of the manuals went into. These must remain as estimates only, but i t was not uncommon for manuals t o go into 20 or 30 printings even i n the sixteenth century. The ever increasing number of authors, and the sucessful r e p r i n t i n g s of old material speak e l o quently for the s a l e a b i l t y of manuals. In addition, extant manuals l i s t e d as held i n the Goldsmith's-Kress c o l l e c t i o n increase almost exponentially between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. 130  =  A r t h u r Young. The Farmer's Letters t o the People of England & Sylvae, or occasional Tracts on Husbandry and Rural Economics <3rd ed> <2 vol.s> (London: 'Printed for W. Strahan; W. N i c o l , No. 51, i n S t . Patrick's Church-Yard; T. Cadell, i n the Strand; B. C o l l i n s , Salisbury; and J . Balfour, Edinburgh', 1771). 1 3 1  56 vast array of wealthy and s o c i a l l y elevated persons.  According to  Ernie: 'In h i s kitchen he entertained Russian Princes, French and German Royal Dukes, B r i t i s h peers and sightseers of every d e g r e e . ' "  2  This  serves to reinforce the theory that farming manuals were the product of fancy, not farming.  An examination of the species of animals described  (primarily the expensive and 'noble' horse) reveals much about the interests of both authors and audiences.  A preoccupation with a t t r a c t -  ing the attention of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science, increasing over the period of study, i s also i n d i c a t i v e of s o c i a l influences not previously recognized.  If farming manuals f a i l to uphold current models of a g r i c u l t u r a l  change, i t i s possible that an examination of the s o c i a l context of a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals may help to c l a r i f y matters.  1 3 2  E r n l e . English Farming Past and Present, p. 185.  57  Chapter 3 AGRICULTURE AS SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: The P r a c t i c a l and S o c i a l Ramifications  The preoccupation with science, beginning with the formation of the Royal Society, must be considered a primary factor i n the analysis of a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  The desire, on the part of the manualists, to  appear ' s c i e n t i f i c ' i s a change i n the textual t r a d i t i o n r e s u l t i n g from s o c i a l influences which guided the development of the a g r i c u l t u r a l manual as a genre.  Science, as applied t o agriculture, has been seen by  many h i s t o r i a n s as a progressive force.  Thus, the interest i n science  at the time of supposedly revolutionary changes i n the practice of animal husbandry should not be s u r p r i s i n g .  However, i f the manuals are  not what they have been assumed t o be by previous h i s t o r i a n s , i s the a p p l i c a t i o n of science so important?  In f a c t , i t i s c r u c i a l . I t s  importance stems not from r a d i c a l improvements made i n a g r i c u l t u r a l production by the a p p l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s , but rather as an explanatory t o o l for the interpretation of farming manuals. Previously,  a reading of e a r l y modern a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals has  led h i s t o r i a n s t o an interpretation of agriculture i n t h i s period as non-'scientific'.  Indeed, Mingay and Chambers state that  'modern  58 s c i e n t i f i c a g r i c u l t u r e and High Farming' were products which followed the ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution', developing t o maturity i n the nineteenth century. "* 1  3  Several factors have doubtless contributed to t h i s  charac-  t e r i z a t i o n by previous h i s t o r i a n s . P r i m a r i l y , i t i s the influence of the evolutionary models, supported by 'evidence'  from farming manuals,  which has hampered interpretations of pre-modern pastoral h i s t o r y . The stereotypical 'backwardness' so often associated with the Middle Ages has also been applied t o the h i s t o r y of livestock breeding scientific' incarnation.  1:34  i n i t s 'pre-  E s s e n t i a l l y , h i s t o r i a n s from Ernie t o  Mingay and Chambers agree that Robert Bakewell provided the r e v o l u t i o n ary changes which propelled animal husbandry into the modern era by applying p r o t o - ' s c i e n t i f i t ' p r i n c i p l e s t o livestock breeding.  Some  s c i e n t i s t s , such as Russell and Marshall and Hammond d i f f e r s l i g h t l y i n t h e i r opinion, seeing Bakewell as the herald of the future and modern genetic theory as the true revolution. Perhaps some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e as ' s c i e n t i f i c ' or not devolve from the v a r i e t y of d e f i n i t i o n s given t o 'science' by both the e a r l y modern manualists and twentieth century h i s t o r i a n s . Generally, h i s t o r i a n s have assumed that the term 'science' implies academic enquiries c a r r i e d out by i n s t i t u tions, or individuals working within a nebulously defined x  'scientific  " M i n g a y and Chambers. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Revolution, p. 2.  "••Though d e f i n i t i o n s of ' p r e - s c i e n t i f i c ' change from author to author, anytime before 1750 can s a f e l y be considered a s t a t i c period i n the opinions expressed i n current l i t e r a t u r e . As with so much else i n pastoral h i s t o r y , the designation ' p r e - s c i e n t i f i c ' i s drawn from a d i s cussion of arable a g r i c u l t u r e , which was dramatically effected by, among other things, the introduction of a r t i f i c i a l phosphate f e r t i l i z e r s i n the mid-1830s.  59 community', who use experiment and observation to extract knowledge about natural phenomena.  This d e f i n i t i o n has been imposed upon  a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals which make reference to experimental method and 'Natural Philosophy'.  Unfortunately, the manualists were c l e a r l y more  interested i n the Royal Society as an i n s t i t u t i o n than with the a p p l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge t o the process of a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement. Some manual authors were more interested i n science for i t s own sake and some were not interested i n either 'science' or the Royal Society. However, as a r u l e , those manuals which appear a f t e r the mid-seventeenth century and a r t i c u l a t e a desire t o a t t r a c t the attention of those who practice science, can be assumed to refer to the Royal Society i n part i c u l a r , rather than t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l science as a whole. those authors who expressed  In general,  a desire t o a t t r a c t the attention of the  Royal Society referred t o a g r i c u l t u r e as f i t for the a p p l i c a t i o n of 'Natural Philosophy'.  They d i d not refer to themselves as  'philosophers', only t o a g r i c u l t u r e as the subject of experimental method and Natural Philosophy.  This d i s t i n c t i o n i s a necessary one and  must be made i f the p r e v a i l i n g models of pastoral development are to be revised by a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of farming manuals and the developmental trends ostensibly outlined on t h e i r pages.  However, t h i s i s not the  only r e v i s i o n that must be made. In order t o re-evaluate the course of pastoral husbandry between the t h i r t e e n t h and nineteenth centuries, i t i s necessary to s t r i p away evolutionary models of economic development.  Next, any  intimations of procedural changes or changes i n causal explanation (which may .reveal the influence of science) as propounded i n the manuals  60 must be s p e c i f i c a l l y noted, unlike the p r a c t i c e of most previous torians.  his-  As shown above, such an analysis reveals l i t t l e change i n  theories of animal breeding over the course of s i x centuries.  However,  the manuals also reveal no change during or a f t e r Robert Bakewell's i l l u s t r i o u s career. toriography. cial.  Obviously,  t h i s i s a problem for t r a d i t i o n a l h i s -  In fact, t h i s fracture i n the veneer i s absolutely cru-  Probing the crack establishes the hollowness of the t r a d i t i o n a l  model and leads to a deeper questioning of the texts themselves. The f i n a l step i n a re-evaluation of pastoral husbandry i s the v i t a l one.  Rather than accepting the manuals at face value, i t i s  necessary to look at the all-important s o c i a l context of the genre.  The  content of the manuals cannot be properly judged u n t i l the questions  of  readership and  influence have been i n some way  addressed.  I t i s here  that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between science and a g r i c u l t u r e becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y important.  I f science i s to be used as the touch-stone for mod-  e r n i t y , then i t becomes important to understand why  science and  ture might or might not have been open to some interchange.  agricul-  Investiga-  t i n g the implications of t h i s question for pastoral husbandry, i n the context of d i d a c t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e , can illuminate c e r t a i n p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the genre which have skewed modern interpretations of past a g r i c u l t u r a l procedures. At f i r s t glance, the model which views a g r i c u l t u r e and  science  as separate f i e l d s of endeavour has much to recommend i t for the period of study.  Technology and i n s t i t u t i o n a l science remained l a r g e l y aloof  from one another through most of the Middle Ages.  To a large extent,  the s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the inhabitants of the schools  and  61 u n i v e r s i t i e s and the men who were p h y s i c a l l y attempting to deal with the perceived problems of medieval l i f e denied any opportunity for a symbiotic relationship.  The c l a s s b a r r i e r which separated technologists  and s c i e n t i s t s stemmed i n part from a continuation of Greek, and,  there-  fore, Roman, ideas about the r e l a t i v e s o c i a l value of work, manual labour being confined to those lowest i n the hierarchy.  Even the  obvious benefits to be gained from the labours of technologists d i d not r a i s e t h e i r s o c i a l status as: ...paradoxically, the wide spread use and appreciation of the products of technology d i d not r e s u l t i n higher esteem for the man responsible for t h i s p r o g r e s s .  ...  13S  These b a r r i e r s were slow to f a l l during the e a r l y modern era. Barriers are not, however, always e n t i r e l y impermeable.  The d i v i s i v e  factor which h i s t o r i c a l l y separated science and technology  i s perhaps  better viewed as a porous membrane, with a c e r t a i n amount of osmotic transfer taking place over time.  The barrier i t s e l f i s of great impor-  tance, but the tranfers can also be i l l u m i n a t i n g . Agriculture was t r a d i t i o n a l l y held i n low esteem during the Middle Ages.  Yet i n the 1200s a person of such exalted rank as Robert  Grossesteste penned a t r e a t i s e concerned with a g r i c u l t u r e .  The  thirteenth-century changes i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l community which allowed such a development have been examined by the h i s t o r i a n of medieval thought, George O v i t t , J r .  1 3 6  O v i t t reports an 'increased concern with  M e l v i n Kranzberg and William H. Davenport. 'At the S t a r t ' . In: Technology and Culture Melvin Kranzberg and William H. Davenport, <ed's> (New York: Schocken Books, 1972), p. 12. X 3 B  "•"•George O v i t t , J r . The Restoration of Perfection: Labor and Technology i n Medieval Culture (New Brunswick & London: Rutgers University Press, 1987).  62 the mechanical a r t s [ i n which agriculture was included] i n c l a s s i f i c a tions of learning' i n the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. -"*' 3  t i o n , the mechanical a r t s 'underwent a reconsideration  7  In addi-  and a r e d e f i n i -  t i o n i n the t h i r t e e n t h century, one that altered t h e i r order and desc r i p t i o n but d i d not enhance t h e i r status'. "»° x  Thus, agriculture was  a t t r a c t i n g new i n t e r e s t but science, as embodied i n i n s t i t u t i o n s of learning, was s t i l l very much separate from the practice of a g r i c u l t u r e . As a renowned man of science and the author of an e a r l y farming manual, Robert Grosseteste should be an excellent subject with whom to begin an investigation of the i n t e r a c t i o n between science and a g r i c u l ture.  However, i n terms of s c i e n t i f i c interest, Grosseteste's manual  proves i t s e l f an example of both Ovitt's t h e s i s and the continuing p a r i t y between science and a g r i c u l t u r e . 3  39  dis-  Though some argument may be  made for the influence on Grosseteste's Rules of h i s s p e c i f i c female, a r i s t o c r a t i c audience or even for a genuine lack of interest i n things r u r a l on Grosseteste's part, h i s text proves t o be an example of the mutual e x c l u s i v i t y of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science and agriculture i n the Middle Ages.  And, indeed, that same e x c l u s i v i t y can be said t o hold b a s i -  c a l l y true of the pastoral content of farming manuals through the whole period of study, both medieval and e a r l y modern.  This f i t s with the  t r a d i t i o n a l view of the ' p r e - s c i e n t i f i c ' nature of animal husbandry p r i o r t o the nineteenth century, i f i t i s assumed that the manuals " ' I b i d . , p. 126. X 3 8  Ibid.  * See above pp. 24-5. I t should emphasized that Grossesteste's manual, though eventually reaching a wider audience, was o r i g i n a l l y directed s p e c i f i c a l l y t o the Countess of Lincoln. x:  9  63 reflect practice. To do so would be to commit a grave error.  Several  factors served as inhibitors to the interaction of science and agriculture.  An examination of those barriers can also help to illuminate the  problems inherent in an assumption that manuals and agricultural practice were inextricably linked. A possible cause of the inability of scientists and agriculturalists to communicate has been tangentially addressed by G. E. Fussell.  In a discussion of "Crop nutrition in Tudor and Stuart  E n g l a n d h e cites the example of Francis Bacon's theory of a single 'vegetable salt' — a sort of s u p e r - f e r t i l i z e r . * 1  0  Fussell indicates  that the 'vegetable salt' theory was developed without the assistance of anyone with agricultural knowledge and that, in fact, anyone with such knowledge would have been appalled by the very thought.  This rash  assumption on Fussell*s part is not totally unfounded. Fussell continues with a suggestion that the lack of a common vocabulary, a necessary conduit for the exchange of ideas, hampered the possibility of just such a mutually beneficial exchange. Fussell later stated that: . . . i t is my belief that the findings of the early scientists were unlikely to reach the farming districts or the farmers working there. On this point I am a confirmed agnostic after some f i f t y years of reading on the s u b j e c t . x41  But i f vocabulary and social boundaries served as barriers between the authors of the manuals and their scientific contemporaries, the same may have held true of the lack of communication between the ° G . E. Fussell. 'Crop Nutrition in Tudor and Stuart England' Agricultural History Review 3 (1955)., p. 104 X4  G . E. Fussell. 'Agricultural Science and Experiment in the Eighteenth Century: an Attempt at a Definition' Agricultural History Review 24 (1976), p. 47. X4X  64 manualists and a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s .  This point has been con-  s i s t e n t l y overlooked and i s c r u c i a l to a clearer understanding of the roles which the manuals f i l l e d both at the time of t h e i r o r i g i n a l publ i c a t i o n and i n the formation of modern historiography.  There are many  intimations i n the manuals that t h e i r projected audience was rather wealthy i n material posessions. manuals. errands  This i s evident even i n the e a r l i e s t  Fitzherbert c a s u a l l y mentions sending one's 'bayley' to run 1 4 2  and Tusser mentions a v a r i e t y of rooms i n what i s obviously  the extensive and well furnished home he assumes h i s reader to reside in.  1 4 3  lowed.  Similar comments abound i n the plethora of manuals which f o l One trend of p a r t i c u l a r note i s the insistence upon the impor-  tance of the horse i n the manual t r a d i t i o n .  The horse was considered a  p a r t i c u l a r l y noble animal and worthy of attention where pigs and cows were not. Many of the manuals contain statements to the e f f e c t that they do not expect farmers to read them or they provide s p e c i a l introductions or chapters addressed to the farmer  (as opposed to the Gentleman) i n a  d i f f e r e n t , s i m p l i f i e d language, or i n v e r s e .  1 4 4  E s p e c i a l l y i n the ear-  l i e r texts there are suggestions that the owner of the text w i l l read i t aloud to h i s workers.  Speaking  from the e a r l y sixteenth century,  Fitzherbert makes an e x p l i c i t statement to t h i s e f f e c t .  In the chapter  l 4 2  F i t z h e r b e r t . The Boke of Hvsbandry. p. 85.  1 4 3  T u s s e r . The Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandry, pp.  1 4 4  P l e a s e see above, p. 42.  2.  190-  65 e n t i t l e d 'How  t o Thryue , Fitzherbert strongly recommends that the 1  'gentyllman, accordynge to the season of the yere, rede to h i s seruantes what chapyter he w y l l . ' " x  a B  Arthur Young's scathing late-eighteenth  century comment on the subject of manuals and t h e i r audiences and influence has, of course, already been r e c o u n t e d .  X-4S  Young's passage  seems to indicate c l e a r l y the d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of p r a c t i c i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s to r e l y upon printed matter. Between Fitzherbert and Young came S i r Richard Weston, who unwittingly addressed the same issue i n the seventeenth century when he wrote to h i s sons that: When your Neighbours see your Labors t h r i v e and prosper ... when they once see your Crops and somewhat understand that you do reap som benefit by them, they w i l l com to you as to an oracle to ask your council. '*' 11  7  What S i r Richard stated as a simple fact has been further examined by a modern s o c i o l o g i s t .  In a study which mapped adoption  rates of new techniques over time, the deciding factor determining the a l a c r i t y with which the majority of innovators adopted new techniques was found to be c l o s e l y t i e d to the a v a i l a b l i t y of p o s i t i v e information concerning the techniques i n q u e s t i o n . * x  8  The most i n f l u e n t i a l source  of such information was verbal contact with peers, e s p e c i a l l y neighbours whose experiments could be watched and judged either worthy or lacking. Printed materials were of less influence than physical example. X 4 B  x  While  F i t z h e r b e r t . The Boke of Hvsbandry,. p. 91.  * P l e a s e see above, p. 55. 6  "'Weston. Discourse  f  p. 24.  * Herbert H. Lionberger. Adoption of New Ideas and Practices (Ames, Iowa: The Iowa State University Press, 1960), see esp. pp. 37-40. x,  8  66 common sense would d i c t a t e that the manual authors and t h e i r gentlemanly audience would tend to be more innovative than their poorer neighbours and employees, another modern study casts some doubt upon t h i s assumption.  A second study has shown that there i s an inherent u l t r a -  conservatism i n the upper-middle c l a s s which may cause them to be less innovative than those of lower and higher socio-economic s t a t u s . "  9  The  s o c i a l position of the manual authors can be seen as corresponding roughly to that of a modern upper-middle c l a s s .  Therefore, i t i s pos  1  s i b l e that those producing a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e were not, i n f a c t , most l i k e l y to put innovation into practice and that the l i t e r a t u r e i t s e l f was probably not i n f l u e n t i a l i n a g r i c u l t u r a l innovation. Two recent a r t i c l e s have produced findings which i l l u s t r a t e these points further.  The f i r s t , dealing with 'Agricultural Improvement  and the Neglected Labourer* has emphasized the r o l e of 'horizontal linkages' i n the innovatory p r o c e s s . new  1 0 0  By focussing on the users of a  innovation, and t h e i r personal adaptations of the novel process or  product, rather than on the v e r t i c a l linkages involved i n moving from invention to f i r s t commercial  use, the importance of the a g r i c u l t u r a l  labourer and the sources of information available to him are revealed as influential in agricultural innovation.  X B X  In p a r t i c u l a r , the author,  "'"'Frank Cancian. The Innovator's Situation: Upper-Middle Class Conservatism i n Farming Communities (Stanford, C a l i f o r n i a : Stanford University Press, 1979). See esp., p. 3. S t u a r t McDonald. 'Agricultural Improvement and the Neglected Labourer' A g r i c u l t u r a l History Review 31 (1983), p. 83. X B O  M* Donald draws h i s discussion of horizontal linkages from: D. Leonard Barton & E. Rogers 'Horizontal D i f f u s i o n of Innovations: An Alternative Paradigm to the C l a s s i c a l D i f f u s i o n Model', Working Paper 1214, A l f r e d P. Sloan School of Management, MIT, 1981. xsx  C!  67 Stuart McDonald, a s p e c i a l i s t i n the h i s t o r y of technology, wishes t o overcome the characterization of the ' a g r i c u l t u r a l simpleton' and to demonstrate that farm labourers were, at l e a s t i n the l a t e eighteenth century, used as conduits for the dissemination of new innovations. Trusted labourers were sent by wealthy landowners t o areas where a desired process was i n use.  Once trained i n the new s k i l l s by t h e i r  peers, these men returned home t o pass on the new technology physical example and personal experience.  through  Others d i d not t r a v e l , but  were used t o judge the value of an innovation before i t s wholesale adoption.  Many examples are given.  1 8 2  Of p a r t i c u l a r interest i s the des-  c r i p t i o n of S i r John Deleval's l a t e eighteenth century experiments on his northern estates.  He drew h i s o r i g i n a l ideas from farming manuals,  but r e l i e d upon h i s steward t o report upon the success of the new procedures as judged by those who used them. p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t t o please.  Matthew, the ploughman, was  A glance at the structure of two new  ploughs ordered from London presented to him for t r i a l convinced him that 'nether of them w i l l answer weel for t h i s strong Land'.  This exam-  ple speaks eloquently for the unlikelihood of farming l i t e r a t u r e reaching and influencing a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s such as Matthew. The intimation that printed matter was considered neither trustworthy nor i n t e r e s t i n g by a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s i s also to be found i n Nicholas Goddard's a r t i c l e on e a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l p e r i odicals.  x s : s  1 B 2  Again focussing on the l a t e eighteenth century, Goddard, a I b i d . , pp. 85-90.  N i c h o l a s Goddard. 'The Development and Influence of A g r i c u l t u r a l P e r i o d i c a l s and Newspapers, 1780-1880' A g r i c u l t u r a l History Review 31 (1983), pp. 116-131. 1 S 3  68 s p e c i a l i s t i n nineteenth-century a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and 'High Farming', states p o s i t i v e l y that farmers were reluctant to consult printed matter. While a g r i c u l t u r a l texts languished i n the e a r l y nineteenth century, usually characterized by h i s t o r i a n s as a period of great innovation i n farming practices, p e r i o d i c a l s dealing with "'country sport* or c a t e r [ ing toJ 'those interested i n the colour of a canary, the swiftness of a pigeon, or the length of a rabbits ears' b u i l t up p r o f i t a b l e c i r c u l a tions. "  Thus i t seems that even i n the nineteenth century the most  1 9 4  popular a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e dealt with the aspects of farming manuals which were very popular i n e a r l i e r centuries, namely sport and fancy c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  1 9 9  Goddard's figures for subscriptions indicate  that regional a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s were among the more regular takers of p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e .  Most s o c i e t i e s kept reading rooms and encour-  aged t h e i r members t o read the books and p e r i o d i c a l s a v a i l a b l e t h e r e .  1 9 6  At present, there i s no evidence to suggest that the regional s o c i e t i e s , for a l l t h e i r good intentions, ever had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on changes in a g r i c u l t u r a l production.  Therefore, i t seems u n l i k e l y that  a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e was able to increase i t s influence on practice under the aegis of the regional a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s .  Yet again, God-  dard reinforces the intimation that farming l i t e r a t u r e was not the motor for a g r i c u l t u r a l change i n the past.  I b i d . , p. 124. Goddard i s quoting from : J . C. Morton. 'Agricultural Education' Journal of the Roval A g r i c u l t u r a l Society of England I <2nd series> (1865), pp. 455-7. 1 B 4  F o r example, the huge number of manuals which deal almost e x c l u s i v e l y with the horse, whether f o r the menage, hunting or racing are i n d i c a t i v e of t h i s a t t i t u d e . 1 9 9  196  I b i d . . , p. 123.  69 The problem of communication between farmers and manuals is perhaps most clearly exhibited in Mortimer's 'Foreword* to The Whole Art of Husbandry: I have endeavoured, throughout the whole Book, to Express my self in a few words and as plain a Stile as I could, for the Benefit of Vulgar Readers, the Culture of the Lands being l e f t almost entirely to their Management. 1ay  Mortimer was at pains to distance himself from the men guided the plows and fed the pigs.  who  Yet there is a further nuance to his  agenda that should not be overlooked. Mortimer illustrated the separation of agricultural manualists from institutional science, addressing his 'Foreword' to the Royal S o c i e t y  188  and using i t to plead for a  greater affinity, saying: tho' Agriculture i s what some may have a slight Opinion of, yet 'tis one of those Arts, to the Teachers whereof Dr. Sprat (now Bishop of Rochester) says, the Ancients pay'd the Diviner Sort of Honour. 189  Mortimer extended his glorification of agriculture only to i t s 'Teachers' and not to i t s practitioners.  This is a v i t a l distinction.  Previous authors sought to enhance their position by pointing to the similarities between themselves and classical country gentlemen: those following would attempt to increase their relative position in society by demonstrating their a b i l i t y to a l l y with the Royal Society. 18,7  Mortimer. The Whole Art of Husbandry, folio A3(b).  T h e Royal Society and institutional science were essentially interchangeable from the point of view of the manualists and the preoccupation with attracting the attention of science can be dated from the inauguration of that august body. lse  I b i d . , folio A2(b). of the Royal Society. 1 8 9  Dr. Sprat was the author of the History  70 Mortimer's a t t i t u d e , voiced i n 1708  i s i n d i c a t i v e of one of the  most ubiquitous trends i n eighteenth century a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals.  A  concrete link with the Royal Society was the goal of many authors i n the late seventeenth and e a r l y eighteenth c e n t u r i e s . "  160  At f i r s t glance,  there i s l i t t l e that i s s u r p r i s i n g i n such a desire.  Yet the mid-  seventeenth century had seen movements which have been seen as producing at least a channel of communication between science and a g r i c u l t u r e . Two modern studies, both focussing on the sociology of seventeenth century s c i e n t i f i c endeavours, have found what are believed to be evidence of just such a c o n n e c t i o n . l i b who serves as the l i n k . ure.  xsx  In each case, i t i s Samuel Hart-  H a r t l i b was c e r t a i n l y an i n f l u e n t i a l  He acted as the hub for a huge amount of correspondence  a c t i v i t y designed to improve the world, p h y s i c a l l y and  fig-  and  spiritually.  1 6 2  H a r t l i b and h i s associates maintained a philosophical outlook which has J o h n Worlidge set the tone for l a t e r authors i n h i s 1669 c a l l for the 'interest of that Royal & most excellent Society at Gresham College' (Systema Agriculturae, p. x i v ) . Though less blatant than Worlidge and Mortimer, G i l e s Jacob was also interested i n proving the worthiness of a g r i c u l t u r e as a subject for 'Natural Philosophy'. He states that 'Natural Philosophy ... [can] afford a pleasant Amusement, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Country, & a Necessary & useful Knowledge' (The Country Gentleman's Vade Mecum, p. 37). These three gentlemen are representative of the v a r i e t y of methods used to express s i m i l a r agendas. x s o  C h a r l e s Webster. The Great Instauration: Science. Medicine & Reform, 1626-60 (London: Duckworth, 1975) and :Michael Hunter. Science and Society i n Restoration England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). X 6 1  T h e extant corpus of H a r t l i b ' s papers i s currently being converted to computer-readable data at the University of Leicester. The problems involved i n recreating H a r t l i b ' s own complex network of i n t e r connections which t i e d papers and correspondance on nearly every subject imaginable into one united whole i s informatively described i n : Michael L e s l i e . "The H a r t l i b Papers Project: Text Retrieval with Large Datasets' L i t e r a r y and L i n g u i s t i c Computing 5(1990), pp. 58-69. X 6 2  71 been characterized as m i l l e n a r i a n . " 1  In a g r i c u l t u r a l c i r c l e s , H a r t l i b  was most i n f l u e n t i a l as a publisher and f a c i l i t a t o r of other people's work. had  I t was  he who  f i r s t discovered  i t printed as the Discourse.  S i r Richard Weston's l e t t e r  and  H a r t l i b also acted as instigator in  the publishing of Walter B l i t h ' s manuals, The English Improver and English Improver Improv'd. '* 16  Both of these texts are considered  The by  modern h i s t o r i a n s to be exemplary for t h e i r c l e a r a r t i c u l a t i o n of innovations  for the improvement of arable production.  Looked at with  fresh eyes, these two texts appear not as perfect farming manuals, but rather as examples of the millenarian ideals of t h e i r author and his correspondants. * 16  Of H a r t l i b ' s own  publications, h i s proposal  new college of a g r i c u l t u r e i s most i n t e r e s t i n g . For  for a  He proposed that:  if in all other Trades & Sciences, Colledges & Corporations  have been and are exceedingly advantagious (if rightly ordered) for  the Improvement of the talents of those that betake themselves thereunto; Why may we not conclude that in the Science & Trade of Husbandry, which is the mother of all other Trades & S c i e n t i f i c a l l  Industries, a collegial way of teaching the Art thereof will be of infinite  usefulnesse.  166  ""•Hunter. Science and Society i n Restoration England, p. and Webster. The Great Instauration, pp. 1-31.  24  "••Walter B l i t h . The English Improver... 'Clearly demonstrated from p r i n c i p l e s of sound reason, ingenuity and l a t e but most c e r t a i n r e a l l experience.' (London: 'printed for J . Wright', 1649) and The English Improver Improv'd or the Survey of Husbandry Surveyed. (London: •Printed for John Wright', 1652). T h e processes which are commonly seen as c o n s t i t u t i n g the arable portion of the ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution' are a l l admirably described i n B l i t h ' s works, though in no great d e t a i l . However, the author's stated purpose for publication was c l e a r l y more related to the millenarian message of the 'Hartlib C i r c l e ' than to advertising the adoption of new p r a c t i c e s . Indeed, many of the 'innovations' described (such as fen drainage or convertible husbandry) had been in use for decades, even centuries. 1 S B  S a m u e l H a r t l i b . An Essay for the Advancement of HusbandryLearning; or Propositions for the Erecting of a College of Husbandry (London: 'printed by Henry H i l l s ' , 1651), p. 3. 1S6  72 Though H a r t l i b wished to increase the p r o d u c t i v i t y of the land for the good of the general public and  'not as now  for mere s e l f -  p r o f i t ' , entrance to the college was to be quite l i m i t e d : 'If any person of q u a l i t y have a Son or kinsman 15 years old or upward* who  could be  s u b s t a n t i a l l y supported f i n a n c i a l l y throughout h i s seven year period of attendance at the proposed college, then he could be instructed i n the 'theorick & practick parts of t h i s (of a l l others) most Auncient, Noble and honestly g a i n f u l l Art, Trade or M y s t e r y ' . these factors alone that H a r t l i b i s considered  X67  However, i t i s not for  important by h i s t o r i a n s  interested i n science and, p a r t i c u l a r l y , the sociology of e a r l y modern s c i e n t i f i c movements. The  'Hartlib c i r c l e ' , as i t i s referred to by Charles Webster,  in his magnum opus, The Great Instauration. and by Michael Hunter i n his study, were the founders of the 'Invisible College'.  The college, which  l a t e r developed into the Royal Society, was given i t s informal, but l a s t i n g , name by one of i t s members, and a great figure i n the h i s t o r y of science, Robert B o y l e .  X 6 S  Boyle's own p r e d i l e c t i o n for the n u t r i t i o n  of plants, rather than animals, was both a continuation of the contemporary i n t e r e s t i n arable a g r i c u l t u r e and a precursor of things to come.  The I n v i s i b l e College, l i k e the Royal Society i t s e l f , had  little  e f f e c t on, or apparent i n t e r e s t i n , the subject of pastoral husbandry. I b i d . . p. 8-9. Men not 'of q u a l i t y ' could also enter the college, though only i f they provided a fee of f i f t y pounds upon entry, as well as the maintenance fees. In any case, only a limited number of spaces were to be made a v a i l a b l e to applicants of lower degree. 1 S 7  S i r E. John R u s s e l l . A History of A g r i c u l t u r a l Science i n Great B r i t a i n , p. 20. 1 S 8  73 Its importance for the h i s t o r y of animal husbandry l i e s i n the new  light  which i s shed upon the nature of farming manuals by the h i s t o r y of the nascent Royal Society. The Royal Society was  'fashionable'.  XS9  Furthermore,  ' s c i e n t i f i c i n t e l l e c t u a l s were conspicuously successful i n securing positions of advantage'. " 1  70  The authors of a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals came  almost e x c l u s i v e l y from a stratum of s o c i e t y which could r e a l i s t i c a l l y expect to a l l y i t s e l f with the fashionable new  Society designed to pro-  mote dialogue between technologists and s c i e n t i s t s .  However, i n  1660,  when the I n v i s i b l e College was superceded by the Royal Society, Samuel H a r t l i b was not included i n the l i s t of founding members. factors were involved i n H a r t l i b ' s exclusion. incident symbolic  No doubt many  However, i t serves as an  for i t s exclusion of H a r t l i b and several other authors  p r i m a r i l y concerned with a g r i c u l t u r e . Rural concerns remained an ostensible p r i o r i t y of the Royal Society, but the general i n t e r a c t i o n within the Society i t s e l f of science and technology was to take i t s t o l l upon a g r i c u l t u r a l investigations. Hunter suggests that the Royal Society i t s e l f promoted the increasing preoccupation science.  with t h e o r e t i c a l  Improved communication, both within the English s c i e n t i f i c  community and with European t h e o r e t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s , was a s i g n i f i c a n t element i n t h i s development, as s c i e n t i f i c discoveries and theories were •popularised ... almost overnight, ensuring swift and widespread acclaim for t h e i r i n v e n t o r s . '  1S9  1  1  1.  x 7 1  I t would appear that, just as a g r i c u l t u r a l  W e b s t e r . The Great Instauration  " °Ibld.. p. 7  f  p.  492.  486.  "^Hunter. Science and Society i n Restoration England, pp.  110-  74 manualists were presented with an i n s t i t u t i o n which promised to produce some measure of fame and s o c i a l advancement, the s c i e n t i f i c community simultaneously moved o f f up the s o c i a l ladder, leaving the manualists to make ever more desperate pleas for attention. Ostensibly, Samuel H a r t l i b seems to have personified a group with a d i s t i n c t interest i n l i n k i n g science and agriculture, yet such a union was s t i l l being a c t i v e l y sought a century l a t e r .  Webster and  Hunter, the h i s t o r i a n s of science, have f a l l e n prey t o the same suppositions which have misled a g r i c u l t u r a l and economic h i s t o r i a n s .  By assum-  ing that the few intimations of the influence of science on the arable sector found i n the manuals are evidence for the success of Hartlib's intentions, Webster and Hunter have been deceived.  The manuals i n many  ways were separated from both a g r i c u l t u r e and science and could not serve t o f a c i l i t a t e interactions. A survey of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society from i t s inception to 1800 shows that there was very l i t t l e d i s c e r n i b l e interest i n topics that dealt with animal a g r i c u l t u r e . c l e s stand out as of possible use or i n t e r e s t :  Only two  one dealt with  t a s t i n g milk, the other with the Black Canker c a t e r p i l l a r . ' x  72  artiill-  In the  same time period, there were descriptions of new animals being found i n the America's and A u s t r a l i a .  However, there was a d i s t i n c t lack of  ""-•"Stephen Hales 'An Account of Some T r i a l s to Cure the 111 Taste of Milk, Which i s Occasioned by the Food of Cows...' Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 49 (1755/6), pp. 339-347 and Wm. Mars h a l l , Esq. 'An Account of the Black Canker C a t e r p i l l a r Which Destroys the Turnips i n Norfolk.' P h i l . Trans. 73 (1783), pp. 217-222. Both of these men also wrote a g r i c u l t u r a l texts and both of these issues are dealt with extensively i n the farming manuals of the period.  75 analysis i n these a r t i c l e s and they appeared l a t e i n the period surveyed.  X 7 3  In f a c t , there i s more evidence for the separation of the manualists from s c i e n t i f i c concerns than there i s proof for the sort of connection the a g r i c u l t u r a l authors desired.  The one e a r l y attempt on  the part of the Royal Society to take up a g r i c u l t u r a l concerns serves as a case study.  On March 30, 1664, a 'Georgical Committee' was set up to  enquire into the state of arable a g r i c u l t u r e i n E n g l a n d .  X7-€  The com-  mittee members, using as guides manuals written by 'Georgicall Authors', especially H a r t l i b ,  X 7 a  designed a s e t of survey questions i n two parts,  arable ( i e . crop land) and meadows, and appointed county representatives to c o l l e c t d a t a . * 1  76  The questions dealt with issues such as methods of  f e r t i l i z a t i o n and types of crop for varying s o i l conditions. the lack of response was overwhelming. oblivion.  However,  The intended survey faded into  Whatever the cause of the f a i l u r e , whether F u s s e l l ' s  hypothesis of language b a r r i e r s or some other factor, the lack of i n t e r est i n the Committee may well have discouraged the Royal Society from S e e esp. Thos. Pennant, Esq. 'An Account of the Turkey', P h i l . Trans. 71 (1781), pp. 67-81 and Everard Home, Esq. 'Some Observations on the Mode of Generation of the Kangaroo' P h i l . Trans..85 (1795), pp. 221-239. These are the best, and very nearly the only, a r t i c l e s which show an i n t e r e s t i n animals and/or animal breeding as a s p e c i f i c issue. X 7 3  *R. V. Lennard. 'English Agriculture Under Charles I I ' , Essays i n Agrarian History <vol. l.> W. E. Minchinton <ed.> (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1968)., pp. 161-186. X7  X7B  I b i d _ . , P.  164.  T h e questions designed by the Georgical Committee again underline the concentration on the arable sector c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the manuals and of current historiography. X 7 S  76 further attempts to investigate questions of a g r i c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . The concept of the Georgical Committee's d e t a i l e d enquiry into a g r i c u l t u r a l matters was eventually r e a l i z e d at the end of the eighteenth century, when the Board of Agriculture, with Arthur Young as Secretary, commissioned a s i m i l a r set of questions and received a spectacular response.  Obviously, new  i n s i t u t i o n s l i k e the regional  s o c i e t i e s and the Board of Agriculture were becoming more f e a s i b l e as the nineteenth century approached.  Certainly, a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e  as a genre seems to have undergone a change i n the late 1700s.  Arthur  Young's new s t y l e of a g r i c u l t u r a l reporting was a herald of things to come.  Short books covering every aspect of a g r i c u l t r u a l production gave  way to far more d e t a i l e d , r e g i o n a l l y s p e c i f i c guides.  'Experiments'  were d e t a i l e d and extensive comparisons were made between farming regions. ture.  1 7 7  Young even began h i s own p e r i o d i c a l , The Annals of A g r i c u l Young's contemporary, William Marshall, was to continue the  trend for increasing d e t a i l and pragmatic cataloguing.  His extensive  works and his contribution to the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal S o c i e t y  1 7 8  reveal a c l e a r , precise and l o g i c a l approach to  a g r i c u l t u r a l practices. If the manuals p r i o r to Young and Marshall are viewed as a barr i e r against, rather than a conduit for, the interchange of ideas T h e Annals were begun i n 1784 and were both 'successful and long-lived'. ( F u s s e l l . More Old English Farming Books from T u l l to the Board of Agriculture, p. 85.) 1 7 7  P l e a s e see above, p. 74. A l i s t of Marshall's most extensive works i s to be found i n the bibliography. Of p a r t i c u l a r value i s h i s Abstract and Review of the County Reports to the Board of Agriculture (York: Thomas Wilson & Sons, 1818). 1 7 s  77 between science and a g r i c u l t u r e , the continuing search for a link with i n s t i t u t i o n a l science on the part of the a g r i c u l t u r a l manualists, long a f t e r Samuel H a r t l i b , becomes comprehensible.  A g r i c u l t u r a l manualists  wished to a t t r a c t the attention of the Royal Society, yet the manuals were not themselves connected practices and innovations.  i n any tangible way with a g r i c u l t u r a l  Even i f the manualists had conceived an  agenda designed to apply s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s to farming practices i t i s u n l i k e l y that such a plan could have been implemented through printed media.  In turn, i f the Royal Society had, as i t appears to have done,  desired to apply i t s e l f , through the 'Georgicall Authors', to improving a g r i c u l t u r a l practices, the manuals may a c t u a l l y have s h o r t - c i r c u i t e d the Society's seventeenth-century  inquiries.  The Georgical Committee's intended enquiries, and t h e i r subsequent completion, nearly 150 years l a t e r , by the Board of Agriculture r a i s e s the question of the influence of the Board and regional s o c i e t i e s as possible avenues for the approach of ' s c i e n t i f i c ' a g r i c u l t u r e .  There  i s some indication that these bodies acted as forums for an informal interchange of ideas.  Ernie l i s t s the growing number of regional  s o c i e t i e s throughout the l a t e eighteenth century and gives examples of their d i l i g e n c e i n seeking out new printed m a t e r i a l . " 1  79  As previously  mentioned, these s o c i e t i e s seem to have had l i t t l e e f f e c t upon the " E r n l e . English Farming Past and Present, pp. 208-9. In addition, the index to the Goldsmith's-Kress c o l l e c t i o n contains records of many surviving documents published under the names of county and regional a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e i t e s . Most of these appear i n the l a s t f i f teen years of the eighteenth century. Their interests were c h i e f l y arable and t h e i r business primarily concerned with awarding prizes much along the l i n e s of the 'Biggest Pumpkin', 'Fattest P i g ' or 'Biggest Sunflower' contests held i n most r u r a l exhibitions to t h i s day. 1  79  78 actual practice of agriculture in general and bandry.  even less on pastoral hus-  A g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s d i d not d i r e c t l y promote a connection  with science.  Neither did they serve as e f f e c t i v e disseminators of  a g r i c u l t u r a l knowledge.  180  However, t h e i r long-term importance should  not be overlooked.  They did provide a common place for men  interests to meet.  Over time, the b e n e f i c i a l exchange of ideas d i d have  an e f f e c t .  of similar  The s o c i e t i e s allowed some sense of unity to develop in a  hitherto highly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c practice.  Later,  i n the nineteenth  century, t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l agriculture would become far more c l o s e l y a l l i e d under the banners of improving s o c i e t i e s . The necessity of the application of science to bring about improvements in agriculture generally and,  p a r t i c u l a r l y , animal hus-  bandry depends upon the d e f i n i t i o n of science being used.  Science, as  defined as  'a systematized knowledge of nature and the  world ,  can be applied to the work of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s  1  1 S X  well as that of t h e o r e t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s .  If the concept of the  t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science as a prerequisite improvement i s abandoned, the characterization  as  applica-  for a g r i c u l t u r a l of animal breeding as  p r e - s c i e n t i f i c before Bakewell becomes obsolete. eenth century 'revolution'  physical  There was  no  eight-  in livestock husbandry and Bakewell was  a ' s c i e n t i f i c ' breeder than a consummate showman and promoter.  less  There  °Claudio V e l i z . 'Arthur Young and the English Landed Interest, 1784-1813' (unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , University of London, 1959, pp. 19-27 & 279-87) as c i t e d i n : Goddard, 'The Development and Influence of A g r i c u l t u r a l P e r i o d i c a l s and'Newspapers, 1780-1880'. V e l i z concluded that 'the l o c a l s o c i e t i e s had l i t t l e d i r e c t influence on the ordinary farmer or farm practice'(p. 120). 18  Webster's New Dorset & Baber, 1983). iai  Universal Unabridged Dictionary.  (New  York:  79 i s , then, nothing to stop the characterization of pre-Bakewellian s e l e c t i v e breeding campaigns, such as those which produced medieval warhorses, as conscious e f f o r t s to control and improve animal types without the a i d of science or, indeed, printed manuals.  The warhorse i s by no  means the sole example of such campaigns, though i t i s the most f u l l y documented.  Though, often neglected, what i s known of the breeding of  the medival warhorse from the ninth century on stands in d i r e c t opposit i o n to most current h i s t o r i e s of animal husbandry. before Bakewell was not backward.  182  Animal breeding  Rather interpretations of pastoral  h i s t o r y have been skewed by a r e l i a n c e upon a l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n which has gone l a r g e l y unanalyzed.  Without some understanding of the s o c i a l  context of the manuals, i t has been a l l too easy for modern historians . to assume that the manual authors spoke the truth when l i k e , for example, John Mortimer and G i l e s J a c o b s ,  1 8 3  they characterized their texts  as new and innovative. P r a c t i t i o n e r s of animal husbandry had available a system of knowledge, developed through experience, which could be used to produce desired changes i n phenotype and performance through s e l e c t i v e breeding *See esp.: R. H. C. Davis. The Medieval Warhorse: Origin. Development and Redevelopment (London: Thames and Hudson, 1989); R. H. C. Davis. "The Medieval Warhorse i n : F. M. L. Thompson <Ed.>. Horses i n European Economic History (Leeds: The B r i t i s h A g r i c u l t u r a l History Society, 1983), pp. 4-20 & 177-184(notes); and R. H. C. Davis. 'Warhorses of the Normans' Anglo-Norman Studies 10 (1987), pp. 67-82. The Middle Ages also produced one true breed i n the Spanish Merino sheep. Though i t s origins remain somewhat shrouded i n mystery, the Merino i s also l i k e l y to have been the r e s u l t of a conscious program of s e l e c t i v e breeding. See esp; Robert S. Lopez. 'The Origin of the Merino Sheep* i n : Robert S. Lopez. Byzantium and the World Around I t (London: Variorum Reprints, 1978), pp. 161-8. 18:  1  i a 3  P l e a s e see above, p. 45 & 47 respectively.  80 and appropriate provide new  nutrition.  The so-called ' a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution' did  fodder crops and e s p e c i a l l y more winter foodstuffs.  It can-  not be denied that turnips, carrots, cole seed and clover, to name but a few,  had an invigorating e f f e c t upon animal husbandry.  an a b i l i t y to control and  However, to deny  improve productive and aesthetic t r a i t s in  animals before Bakewell i s dangerous.  Agriculture has been practiced  human beings for approximately 12,000 years.  by  Animal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  were being changed to s u i t human needs long before the advent of manuals. '* 18  The concurrent existence of textual and p r a c t i c a l  a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries does not necessarily mean that the one had much to do with the other and,  in f a c t , there i s much to suggest the contrary.  Until agricultural  manuals are examined as independant texts, subject to the aspirations and  idiosyncrasies of t h e i r authors, they should not be used to draw  erroneous conclusions  about the s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , or lack thereof,  in  England's pastoral history.  '*An excellent discussion of the o r i g i n s and pre-history of agriculture generally, and animal husbandry i n p a r t i c u l a r , can be found i n : Peter J . Ucko and G. W. Dimbleby. The Domestication and E x p l o i t a t i o n of Plants and Animals (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969). This c o l l e c t i o n of symposium papers includes several papers on p r e - h i s t o r i c s e l e c t i v e breeding campaigns. la  81  CONCLUSION Animal breeding i n the eighteenth century d i d not undergo a revolution.  Changes there were, but changes within a continuum.  Selec-  t i v e breeding and breeding for marketable t r a i t s d i d not begin with the work of Robert Bakewell.  Just as there were c o n t i n u i t i e s i n practice,  there were c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the textual t r a d i t i o n . part of the same continuum.  They were not both a  Rather, the textual and p r a c t i c a l t r a d i -  tions were two separate and d i s t i n c t strands.  Previous historians have  f a i l e d to make t h i s necessary d i s t i n c t i o n i n any concrete way, thus creating an i l l u s i o n .  Practice and text should not be seen as a part of  an undifferentiated whole.  Recognition of the influence of class l i n e s ,  and, most e s p e c i a l l y , the aspirations of the manual authors f o r increased s o c i a l status, most c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n t h e i r quest for acceptance by the Royal Society, can a s s i s t i n unraveling, d i s t i n g u i s h ing and characterizing both strands. Examining the genre of d i d a c t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e using parameters developed for the study of science and technology, rather than for economic h i s t o r y , can be p e c u l i a r l y h e l p f u l .  Viewed as  independant texts, rather than uninteresting c o r o l l a r i e s to weights, measures and r a t i o s recorded elsewhere, farming manuals emerge as documents hovering between science and technology.  Loosely i n touch with  both ends of the spectrum, they gravitated from the e s s e n t i a l l y p r a c t i -  82 c a l medieval accounting guides to pseudo-scientific records of 'experiments' i n the eighteenth century.  Farming manuals should not be assumed  to have influenced changes i n a g r i c u l t u r a l practice any more than they were themselves influenced by science.  Moreover, the previous assump-  t i o n that the manuals could at least be r e l i e d upon to r e f l e c t contemporaneous practice i s c a l l e d i n to doubt. The p r a c t i t i o n e r s of a g r i c u l t u r e manipulated a technology, u t i l i z i n g a p r a c t i c a l and functional system of causal explanation designed t o produce tangible r e s u l t s as e f f i c i e n t l y as possible.  Repre-  sentatives of i n s t i t u t i o n a l science also developed and used systems of causal explanation.  The mistake of previous h i s t o r i a n s has been to  assume that the authors of farming manuals belonged to one of these two groups.  Manual authors were neither wholly concerned with a g r i c u l t u r a l  practices nor with the a p p l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s to farming procedures.  In f a c t , there i s much i n the manuals themselves that sug-  gests that the textual t r a d i t i o n was  i n a constant state of flux, g r a v i -  t a t i n g from one pole to the other over time.  While serving c e r t a i n  p r a c t i c a l purposes, e s p e c i a l l y that most c l e a r l y propounded in the medieval texts, namely guides for estate managers, there are intimations that the manuals also served as vehicles for a class of men who desired an enhancement of t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n society.  This i s e s p e c i a l l y evident  in t h e i r quest for acceptance by the Royal Society.  By e x t o l l i n g the  v i r t u e s of a g r i c u l t u r e and the n o b i l i t y of purpose accruing to the 'Country Gentleman', the authors sought the s p e c i f i c attention of the Royal Society.  The Society represented at once the best of i n s t i t u -  t i o n a l science and a c l u b - l i k e atmosphere which was not e n t i r e l y exclu-  83 sive to the p r i v i l e g e d .  In short, science, through the Royal Society,  looked l i k e a r e a l i s t i c route into the company of persons of higher socio-economic status. Obviously, there i s more t o the manuals than t h e i r stated agenda of a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement.  I f the e a r l y modern manuals were  designed less as p r a c t i c a l farming d i r e c t i v e s than as vehicles f o r s o c i a l mobility,  then t h e i r use by previous historians as sources for  a g r i c u l t u r a l practice and change i s c a l l e d into doubt.  I f t h e i r primary  purpose was not the improvement of farming techniques, i t i s no wonder that there was a d i s t i n c t lack of detailed  information and that the  information provided remained l a r g e l y s t a t i c over time. I t has been demonstrated that a re-evaluation of the manuals can help s u b s t a n t i a l l y to a l t e r the current models of a g r i c u l t u r a l change i n l a t e medieval and early modern England. clear for the pastoral  sector.  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  A g r i c u l t u r a l manuals exhibit no change  i n the content of t h e i r theories of animal generation and n u t r i t i o n during the period i n question.  In f a c t , there i s no appreciable  between the explanations of the cause and e f f e c t of breeding a r t i c u l a t e d by Grosseteste and Arthur Young.  difference strategies  As a subject of enquiry,  feeding saw some developments during the period of the so-called 'Agricultural Revolution'.  These were l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the  a v a i l a b l i t y of new feedstuffs theories of digestion  and not of newer, more ' s c i e n t i f i c '  and n u t r i t i o n .  I t i s inappropriate to study  a g r i c u l t u r a l manuals from the e a r l y modern era as separate and d i s t i n c t from t h e i r medieval counterparts.  The application  of a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l  d i v i s i o n to a g r i c u l t u r a l practices  i s wrong and, as Russell's Like  84 Engendering Like has demonstrated, can lead t o a f a c i l e assumption  that  medieval a g r i c u l t u r e was simply i n e f f i c i e n t and closed to the poss i b i l i t y of improvement.  As the only other work f u l l y dedicated t o the  pastoral husbandry of England, Trow-Smith's study, spanning the f u l l i extent of the h i s t o r y and pre-history of the B r i t i s h I s l e s , may be i n need of some r e v i s i o n , yet remains the most coherent examination of livestock husbandry now a v a i l a b l e .  Trow-Smith avoids many of the p i t -  f a l l s which have hindered other h i s t o r i a n s , l a r g e l y through a more j u d i cious, i f less than a n a l y t i c a l , use of farming manuals as source for the a g r i c u l t u r a l practices of the past. The a g r i c u l t u r a l manualists themselves should not be blamed for the inaccurate picture of the past which has been developed from their pages.  Farming manuals, e s p e c i a l l y those of the e a r l y modern era, were  l i t e r a r y products and require the same sort of interpretation which the h i s t o r i a n would accord any other piece of writing.  They are not records  of weights and measures, seeding r a t i o s , customs rates, t i t h e s or sales values.  They are the products of f e r t i l e minds with personal, p o l i t i c a l  and s o c i a l agendas.  To ignore the context of these manuals i s d i s -  asterous to t h e i r correct interpretation.  No h i s t o r i a n would attempt to  use a s i m i l a r l i t e r a r y creation, be i t a novel, a l e t t e r or a diary, without giving, some thought to the author's motives, the audience .and the s o c i a l m i l i e u of the text i n question.  A g r i c u l t u r a l manuals have  been l a r g e l y excepted from t h i s r u l e and pastoral husbandry has been a p a r t i c u l a r l y unlucky v i c t i m of i n s u f f i c i e n t l y c r i t i c a l h i s t o r i a n s .  85 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources NB:  Volumes l i s t e d are selected for t h e i r representation of pastoral husbandry. Works of p a r t i c u l a r value are marked with an asterisk,  *'A Country Gentleman'. A New System of Agriculture or A P l a i n . Easy and Demonstrative Method of Growing Speedily Rich. London: 'printed for A. M i l l a r i n the Strand' 1755. Anderson, James. Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural A f f a i r s . Edinburgh: 'printed for T. Cadell and W. Creech' 1775. Anonymous. Dictionarium Rusticum. Urbanicum & Botanicum. London: ' J . Nicholson i n L i t t l e B r i t a i n , W. Taylor in Avemary Lane, and W. C h u r c h i l l i n Paternoster Row' 1717. • "The Husbandry." . In Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, Dorothea Oschinsky. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971. . Miscellaneous Dissertations on Rural Subjects. London: 'printed for G. Robinson' 1775. . The Refined Practice of Agriculture, the F i r s t Science on Earth. London: [Gold-Smith's Kress Microfilm C o l l e c t i o n has no publishing information a v a i l a b l e ] , 1792. . Select Essays on Husbandry. Extracted From the Museum Rusticum and Foreign Essays on Agriculture. Containing a Variety of Experiments!. A l l of Which Have Been Found to Succeed in Scotland. Edinburgh: 'printed by J . Balfour' 1767. . "The Seneschaucy." . In Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, Dorothea Oschinsky. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971. Baker, John Wynn. Experiments i n Agriculture. Made Under the Direction of the Right Honourable ... Dublin Society. Dublin: 'printed by S. Powell and Son, for the Author' 1765. . A Plan for Instructing Youths in the Knowledge of Agriculture,  86 Published at the Request of The Right Honourable and Honourable Dublin Society. Dublin: 'printed by S. Powell and Son, 1765. . Some Hints for the Better Improvement of Husbandry. Dublin: 'printed f o r L. F l i n ' 1762. B a l l , John. The Farmer's Compleat Guide. London: 'printed for G. Kearsley' 1760. Banister, John. A Synopsis of Husbandry. Being Cursory Observations i n Several Branches of Rural Oeconomy. Adduced From a Long and Pract i c a l Experience i n a Farm of Considerable Extent... London: 'printed f o r G. G. and J . Robinson* 1799. Belhaven, John Hamilton. The Country-man's Rudiments. Edinburgh: 'printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson' 1699. Blagrave, Joseph. The Epitome of the Art of Husbandry. London: 'printed for Benjamin B i l l i n g s l e y ' 1685. . New Additions to the Art of Husbandry. London: 'printed for Benjamin B i l l i n g s l e y ' 1685. B l i t h , waiter. The English Improver...'Clearly Demonstrated from P r i n c i ples of Sound Reason, Ingenuity and Late but Most Certain Reall Experience.' London: 'printed for J . Wright at the King's Head i n the Old Bayley', 1649. . The English Improver Improv'd or the Survey of Husbandry Surveyed. London: 'Printed for John Wright at the King's Head i n the Old Bayley' 1652. Bond, Simon. Secrets of the Queen's Closet ( o r i g i n a l l y : The Queen's Closet Opened). Ed. Tom I s i t t . Southampton: Ashford Press, 1988 <1655>. Bowden, Thomas. The Farmer's Director: Or. a Compendium of English Agriculture. London: 'printed for Richardson and Urquhart' 1776. Bradley, Richard. The Gentleman & Farmer's Guide for the Increase and Improvment of C a t t l e . London: 'printed by J . Applebee, f o r W. Mears, at the Lamb Without Temple Bar' 1729. . The Gentleman and Farmer's Guide, for the Increase and Improvemnt of C a t t l e . Vz. Lambs, Sheep, Hogs, Calves, Cows and ... Horses. London: 'printed by J . Applebee, for W. Mears* 1729. 'By a Gentleman'. Observations on Some Papers i n That Very Useful C o l l e c t i o n . I n t i t l e d , Museum Rusticum. To Be Continued Occasionally. With New Theoretical and P r a c t i c a l Pieces on Husbandry. London: 'printed for W, Sandby' 1766.  87 "Capitulare de V i l l i s . " edited by Patrick J . Geary. In Readings i n Medieval History, 325-33. Toronto: Broadview Press, 1989. Dickson, Adam. Husbandry of the Ancients... Edinburgh and London: 'printed f o r J . Dickson' 1788. . A T r e a t i s e of Agriculture. Edinburgh: 'printed by A. Donaldson and J . Reid, for the Author and A. Donaldson' 1762. Donaldson, James. Husbandry Anatomized. Edinburgh: 'printed by John Reid' 1697. Dundonald, Archibald Cochrane. A T r e a t i s e : Shewing the Intimate Connect i o n which Subsists Between Agriculture and Chemistry, Addressed to the C u l t i v a t o r s of The S o i l , t o the Proprietors of the Fens and Mosses, i n B r i t a i n and Ireland; and the Proprietors of the West India Estates. London: 'printed f o r the Author' 1795. E l l i s , William. A Compleat System of Experienced Improvements. •printed f o r George Faulkner i n Essex Street' 1749.  Dublin:  . The Modern Husbandman. Or, the Practice of Farming. London: 'printed f o r and Sold by T. Osborne and M. Cooper' 1744. _ . The P r a c t i c a l Farmer: Or, the Hertfordshire Farmer. London: •printed for T. A s t l e y and Stephen Austen' 1738. Fitzherbert, Anthony. The Boke of Hvsbandry. English Dialect Society. London: Trubner & Co., 1882 <1534>. Grosseteste, Robert. "The Rules of Robert Grosseteste." . In Walter of Henley and Other Treatises on Estate Management and Accounting, Dorothea Oschinsky. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971. Hale, Thomas. (Gardener) A Compleat Body of Husbandry. London: 'printed for T. Osborne & J . Shipton i n Gray's Inn; J . Hodge on London Bridge; T. Trye Nar Gray's Inn Gate; And S. Crowder & H. Woodgate in Pater-Noster Row' 1756. Hales, Stephen. "An Account of Some T r i a l s to Cure the 111 Taste of Milk, Which i s Occasioned by the Food of Cows" Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 49 (1755/6): 339-47. H a l l , William Henry. A New System of Agriculture. (Gold-Smith's Kress Microfilm C o l l e c t i o n has no publishing information a v a i l a b l e ] , 1795. Harte, Walter. Essays on Husbandry. London: 'printed for W. and W. Johnston' 1770.  Frederick  H a r t l i b , Samuel. The Compleat Husband-man. London: "printed and to Be Sold by Edward Brewster' 1659.  88 . Cornu Copia. A Miscellanium of Luciferous And Most Fruct i f e r o u s Experiments. Observations and Discoveries, Immethodologic a l l y Distributed; to Be Really Demonstrated and Communicated i n A l l S i n c e r i t y . [Gold-Smith's Kress Microfilm C o l l e c t i o n has no publishing information a v a i l a b l e ] , 1652. . A Discoverie f o r D i v i s i o n or Setting Out of Land...With a Philosophical Quere Concerning the Cause of F r u i t f u l n e s s . London: 'Printed f o r R. Wodenothe' 1653. . An Essay for the Advancement of Husbandry-Learning: Or Propositions f o r the Erecting of a College of Husbandry. London: Henry H i l l s , 1651. Henry, David. The Complete English Farmer. Or. a P r a c t i c a l System of Husbandry. London: 'printed f o r F. Newbery' 1771. Heresbach, Conrad. The Whole Art of Hvsbandry Contained i n Fovre Bookes. Trans. Barnaby Googe. Ed. Gervase Markham. London: 'printed by T.C. for Richard More & t o Be Sold a t His Shop i n S. Dunstanes Churchyard i n F l e e t e - s t r e e t ' 1631. Hogg, William. The New Complete English Farmer; Or, The Whole Body of Husbandry Made P e r f e c t l y Easy. London: 'printed for A. Hogg' 1780. Home, Everard,Esq. "Some Observations on the Mode of Generation of the Kangaroo" Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 85 (1795): 221-39. Jacob, G i l e s . The Country Gentleman's Vade Mecum. London: 'printed f o r Wm. Taylor a t the Ship i n Pater-noster-row' 1717. Karnes, Henry Home. The Gentleman Farmer. Being an Attempt to Improve Agriculture, by Subjecting I t to the Test of Rational P r i n c i p l e s ^ London: 'printed f o r T. Cadell (and f o r T. Creech i n Edinburgh) ' 1776. Kent, Nathaniel. Hints t o Gentlemen of Landed Property. London: 'printed for J . Dodsley' 1775. L'Estrange, S i r Roger. A Treatise of Wool and C a t t e l . In a Letter Writen to a Friend Occasion'd Upon a Discourse Concerning the Great Abatements of Rent. London: 'printed by J . C. for W. Crook' 1677. Laurence, Edward. The Duty of the Steward t o His Lord. London: 'printed for J . Shuchburgh' 1727. L i s l e , Edward. Observations i n Husbandry. London: 'printed by J . Hughs, for C. Hitch' 1757. Markham, Gervase. Cheape and Good Husbandry. London: 'printed by  89 Nicholas Okes f o r John Harrison & to Be Sold at His Shop i n Paternoster Row' <5th Ed.>, 1631. . Country Contentments: Or the Husbandman's Recreations. taynino the Wholesome Experiences i n which any Man Ought to Recreate Himself After The Toyle of More Serious Business.' London: 'printed by William Wilson' <6th Ed.>, 1649. r  Con-  . The Inrichment of the Weald of Kent. London: 'printed by W. Wilson, for E. Brewster, and George Sawbridge' 1656. . Markham's Farwell to Husbandry.•.together with Many New Additions and Cheape Experiments. London: 'M.F. for Roger Iackson' 1625. . Masterpiece. London: 'printed for G. Conyers at the Ring i n L i t t l e - B r i t a i n , W. Wooten at the Three Daggers i n F l e e t - s t r e e t and J . Clark at the Golden B a l l i n Duck-lane' <20th Ed.>, 1723. . A Way to Get wealth. London: 'E.G. for John Harison to Be Sold at the Gold Unicorn i n Paternoster Rowe' 1638. Marshall, William. "An Account of the Black Canker C a t e r p i l l a r Which Destroys the Turnips i n Norfolk" Philosophical Transactions of the Roval Society 73 (1783): 217-22. . The Abstract and Review of the County Reports to the Board of Agriculture. . York: Thomas Wilson & Sons, 1818. . The Abstract and Review of the County Reports to the Board of Agriculture. . York: Thomas Wilson & Sons, 1818. . Experiments and Observations Concerning Agriculture and the weather. London: 'printed for J . Dodsley* 1779. . Minutes of A g r i c u l t u r e Made on a Farm of 300 Acres ... To Which i s Added a Digest, Wherein A l l the Minutes Are Systematized and Amplified... London: 'printed for J . Dodsley' 1778. P  . Proposals for a Rural I n s t i t u t e , or College of Agriculture and Other Branches of Rural Oeconomy. London: 'sold by G. and W. N i c o l ' 1799. . The Rural Economy of the Midland Counties Including the Management of Livestock i n L e i c e s t e r s h i r e and I t s Environs. . London: G. N i c o l , Bookseller to His Majesty, P a l l Mall; G.G. and J . Robinson, Paternoster Row; and J . Debrett, P i c a d i l l y . , 1796. Mascall, Leonard. The Gournement of C a t t e l l . London: 'printed for Tho. Purfoot for Francis Falkner and to Be Sold at His Shop Neere St. Margaret's H i l l i n Southwarke, 1627.  90 Maxwell, Robert. The P r a c t i c a l Husbandman: Being a C o l l e c t i o n of Miscellaneous Papers on Husbandry, &c. Edinburgh: 'printed by C. Wright and Company, for the Author' 1757. Meager, Leonard. The Mystery of Husbandry. London: 'printed by W. Onley, for Henry Nelme' 1697. M i l l s , John. A New and Complete System of P r a c t i c a l Husbandry; Containing A l l That Experience Has Proved to Be Most Useful i n Farming. London: 'printed for R. Baldwin' 1762-5. 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