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Our people are like gardens" : music, performance and aesthetics among the Lolo, West New Britain Province,… Stewart, Lynn Leslie 1989

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"OUR PEOPLE ARE L I K E GARDENS" MUSIC, PERFORMANCE AND AESTHETICS AMONG THE L O L O WEST NEW BRITAIN PROVINCE, PAPUA NEW GUINEA By LYNN L E S L I E STEWART B.A., McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , 1980 M.A., McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , 19S1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES De p a r t m e n t o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1989 © Lynn L e s l i e S t e w a r t , 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of '*JTVA?6 t°ac ac)y °* J'ecsti The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date /O??'/'/ (9-a  DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT R e l a t i o n s h i p s among the A e s t h e t i c , c u l t u r e , and music are problematic- F r e q u e n t l y c o n s i d e r e d as epiphenomenal t o c u l t u r e , music and the a r t s are t y p i c a l l y seen as a d j u n c t s t o ceremonial a c t i v i t y - T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n examines the nature of the A e s t h e t i c , music and performance i n the context of the L o l o , A r a i g i l p u a V i l l a g e , West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e , Papua New Guinea, i n an attempt t o develop a d e f i n i t i o n of the A e s t h e t i c a p p l i c a b l e f o r c r o s s -c u l t u r a l r e s e a r c h and t o d i s c o v e r the ways i n which the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e a r t i c u l a t e . For the purposes of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , the A e s t h e t i c i s d e f i n e d as t h a t f a c e t of r e l i g i o n focused on responses t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers thought t o maintain what are c o n s i d e r e d t o be proper r e l a t i o n s h i p s between human members of a community and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. Three forms of a e s t h e t i c s , s o c i a l , performance, and m u s i c a l , are taken as the means and methods of d i r e c t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s between man and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. At p r e s e n t , the L o l o are engaged i n a process of s e c u l a r i s a t i o n r e s u l t i n g p r i m a r i l y from the i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y , W e s t e r n m e d i c i n e and money. T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n e x a m i n e s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e A e s t h e t i c and s o c i a l l i f e , and a d d r e s s e s t h e i m p a c t o f c h a n g e s t o t h e A e s t h e t i c . i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The r o a d t o c o m p l e t i o n of a Ph.D. i s l i n e d w i t h p e o p l e who h a ve a s s i s t e d i n t h e p r o j e c t i n one way o r a n o t h e r . I would l i k e t o s i n g l e o u t c e r t a i n o f them who h a v e , t h r o u g h t h e y e a r s , p r o v i d e d me w i t h i n s t r u c t i o n , a s s i s t a n c e , and w e l l - p l a c e d k i c k s . I am g r a t e f u l t o t h e S o c i a l S c i e n c e s and H u m a n i t i e s R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l o f Canada f o r t h e f u n d s t h a t k e p t body and s o u l t o g e t h e r and p r o v i d e d t h e f u n d s f o r t h e r e s e a r c h . A Norman M a c k e n z i e F e l l o w s h i p a l s o p r o v i d e d f u n d s . My c o m m i t t e e p r o v i d e d me w i t h a s s i s t a n c e and s u p p o r t f a r beyond t h e c a l l o f d u t y . Dr. D a v i d L i a n g and Dr. E l l i o t W e i s g a r b e r o f t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f M u s i c , and Dr. J o h n LeRoy o f A n t h r o p o l o g y , a l l gave g e n e r o u s l y o f t h e i r t i m e and t h o u g h t s . Dr. B i l l McKel1 i n and Dr. A l a n T h r a s h e r e n r i c h e d me w i t h t h e i r t h o u g h t s and I have t a k e n h e a r t f r o m t h e i r s u p p o r t . A s p e c i a l d e b t i s owed t o Dr. K.O.L. B u r r i d g e . I am e x t r e m e l y g r a t e f u l f o r h i s s u p p o r t and s t i m u l a t i n g t h o u g h t s f o r w i t h o u t them, t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n c o u l d n o t h a ve been w r i t t e n . I am a l s o i n d e b t e d t o t h e "West New B r i t a i n C l u b " , f o u n d e d i n f o r m a l l y by Dr. D a v i d C o u n t s o f McMaster U n i v e r s i t y and Dr. D o r o t h y C o u n t s o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f W a t e r l o o . Dr. B i 1 T h u r s t o n , Dr. R i c k G o u l d e n , and Dr. Naomi S c a l e t t a , a l s o members o f t h e West New B r i t a i n C l u b , a r e good f r i e n d s and s t i m u l a t i n g c o l l e a g u e s . I have g a i n e d i m m e a s u r a b l y by t h e i r t h o u g h t s and a s s i s t a n c e . O t h e r s h a ve a l s o been s t r o n g s u p p o r t s . C h r i s N i k o r a k , Daphne K e l g a r d , Shawn C h i s h o l m , J e f f and C a t h y Bowman, and G r e g S t e v e n s h a ve a l l c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e w r i t i n g o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . My c o l l e a g u e s a t C i t i z e n A c t i o n G roup, H a m i l t o n , e s p e c i a l l y J o n B u t t r u m and Wendy C a r o n , h a v e e n c o u r a g e d and i n s p i r e d me t h r o u g h o u t t h e w r i t i n g o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . My f a m i l y have g i v e n u n q u e s t i o n e d s u p p o r t and a s s i s t a n c e t h r o u g h o u t t h e y e a r s , f o r w h i c h I am v e r y g r a t e f u l . The g r e a t e s t d e b t o f a l l i s owed t o t h e L o l a , e s p e c i a l l y my good f r i e n d s i n A r a i g i l p u a . T h e i r a c c e p t a n c e and t r u s t b o t h warmed and humbled me. I d e d i c a t e t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n t o them, w i t h t h a n k s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page A b s t r a c t . . . . . . . . i i Acknowledgements . i v Table of Contents v L i s t of F i g u r e s and Maps v i i Orthographic Note v i i I n t r o d u c t i o n v i i i CHAPTER I A e s t h e t i c s and C u l t u r e . . . . . . . . . 1 The Problem and i t s Context 1 The Study of A e s t h e t i c s 4 A r t i n Anthropology 6 Current P e r s p e c t i v e s 10 C u l t u r e and Beyond 16 Performance 21 The A e s t h e t i c , A e s t h e t i c s , and the A e s t h e t i c Experience 25 CHAPTER II The Ethnographic S e t t i n g 30 The Land 31 The Language 37 Economic and P o l i t i c a l S e t t i n g 40 The A r t s 45 Agents of Change 61 CHAPTER I I I The Moral Dimensions of S o c i e t y . . . 72 Namor, the Cr e a t o r Being 73 K i n s h i p 76 Character of K i n R e l a t i o n s 77 Residence 88 Moral Content of Kin R e l a t i o n s 91 Descent and I n h e r i t a n c e 94 Moral U n i t s of S o c i e t y 104 D i s c u s s i o n 106 CHAPTER IV Food and Performance 112 Food P l a n t s 114 Food i n Everyday L i f e 116 Food and S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s 124 Food and the Cash Economy 130 Food and Performance 132 v Performance E v a l u a t i o n 140 D i s c u s s i o n 146 CHAPTER V Performance, C u l t u r a l Values and The A e s t h e t i c 158 Death and the Mortuary C y c l e 159 Namelomelos The Mortuary 161 The F i r s t b o r n 170 D i s c u s s i o n and A n a l y s i s 185 CHAPTER VI The Moral Order, Power, and the A e s t h e t i c 189 The Moral Order 1B9 Power 196 General P r i n c i p l e s 204 CHAPTER VII Vokoi: S o c i a l Drama, Performance Drama and the A e s t h e t i c 209 Performance and Metaphor 227 CHAPTER VII I Music-Making and A e s t h e t i c s 233 Instruments and the A e s t h e t i c 234 Musical Instruments i n Ceremonial Contexts 237 Musical Instruments i n Non-ceremonial Contexts 256 S i n g i n g 261 Transmission of Music 265 D i s c u s s i o n and A n a l y s i s 266 CHAPTER IX Music A n a l y s i s and t h e A e s t h e t i c 273 L o l o Musical C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 275 Performance S t r u c t u r e 277 T r a n s c r i p t i o n and A n a l y s i s 279 D i s c u s s i o n 304 CONCLUSION 307 APPENDIX 1 317 APPENDIX 2 320 Notes 322 References C i t e d 330 v i LIST OF MAPS Map 1 . . . i x LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e 1 L o l o Ceremonies . 55 F i g u r e 2 The Narogo C y c l e . . . . . . . . 160 F i g u r e 3 Kundu and Garamut 247 F i g u r e 4 Bamboo Instruments . 260 ORTHOGRAPHIC NOTE In the t e x t o-f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , Maleu vocabulary appears i n b o l d -face type, while Tok P i s i n terms are u n d e r l i n e d . For terms i n e i t h e r language, /ng/ i n the t e x t should be read as INTRODUCTION T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s , among other t h i n g s , a c u l t u r a l ethnography of the L o l o , mountain d w e l l e r s of the i n t e r i o r of n o r t h e a s t West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e , Papua New Guinea (see map p. i x ) . The purpose of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s t o examine, through a study of music and performance, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e . The b a s i c q u e s t i o n addresses the nature of the A e s t h e t i c and the manner i n which i t i s made manifest i n ceremonial and s e c u l a r l i f e . Upon a n a l y s i s of the L o l o ethnographic m a t e r i a l , t h i s problem can be d i s t i l l e d i n t o two q u e s t i o n s . The f i r s t s how do L o l o concepts of being and power produce an A e s t h e t i c t h a t can be compared with Western n a t i o n s of a e s t h e t i c s and the n o t i o n of " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake"? The seconds i n what ways are changes i n the A e s t h e t i c r e l a t e d t o changes i n these concepts of being and power? The e x p l o r a t i o n of t h i s problem n e c e s s i t a t e s examination of a l l f a c e t s of L o l o c u l t u r a l l i f e , s i n c e I argue t h a t an understanding of the A e s t h e t i c can o n l y be gained through an understanding of i t s s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l context. As I conducted my r e s e a r c h , i t became c l e a r t h a t not o n l y were the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d , but t h a t the A e s t h e t i c played a dynamic and c r e a t i v e r o l e i n shaping and m a i n t a i n i n g c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . C u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n are p r e d i c a t e d on the e x i s t e n c e of a moral o r d e r , one which o u t l i n e s the conventions and p r i n c i p l e s f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . A necessary and c r i t i c a l element of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n f o r the L o l o i s i n t e r a c t i o n with s p i r i t s . While the L o l o would not r e c o g n i z e such a d i s t i n c t i o n , I have a n a l y t i c a l l y separated p r i n c i p l e s governing i n t e r a c t i o n with humans and those g u i d i n g i n t e r a c t i o n with s p i r i t s . The l a t t e r i n c l u d e s i n t e r a c t i o n with a l l e x t r a o r d i n a r y beings and powers, and events, items, and substances a s s o c i a t e d with these powers, and i s p l a c e d i n a d i f f e r e n t c ategory, which I here l a b e l the A e s t h e t i c . F o l l o w i n g Armstrong (1971, 1975, 1981), the concept of the A e s t h e t i c r e s t s upon the n o t i o n of power. Items or p r a c t i c e s i n v e s t e d with power are p l a c e d i n the realm of the A e s t h e t i c , and as such are given s p e c i a l s t a t u s w i t h i n t h e i r c o n t e x t s and accorded d e f e r e n t i a l treatment. The " A e s t h e t i c " i s thus focused on the e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers themselves and t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n , t h a t i s , the q u i n t e s s e n c e of power, t y p i c a l l y conceived as i n h e r e n t i n s p i r i t beings, but a l s o o c c a s i o n a l l y i n evidence i n humans. x T h i s q u i n t e s s e n t i a l power i s conceived as t h a t which makes p o s s i b l e an ordered cosmos and s o c i a l u n i v e r s e . The term " A e s t h e t i c " i s used i n t h i s sense each time i t appears i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n . The concept of the A e s t h e t i c as used here and t h a t of r e l i g i o n are q u i t e s i m i l a r . The A e s t h e t i c and r e l i g i o n a r e , by v i r t u e of t h e i r concern with s p i r i t s and powers, i n t i m a t e l y connected. As B u r r i d g e (1969:6-7) says about r e l i g i o n and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y , The redemptive process i n d i c a t e d by the a c t i v i t i e s , moral r u l e s , and assumptions about power which, p e r t i n e n t t o the moral order and taken on f a i t h , not o n l y enable a people t o p e r c e i v e the t r u t h of t h i n g s , but guarantee t h a t they are indeed p e r c e i v i n g the t r u t h of t h i n g s . Any a c t i v i t y can be i n v e s t e d with r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e , and when t h i s i s so, t h a t a c t i v i t y has o v e r r i d i n g importance. I t p o i n t s t o t h a t which permeates and informs a whole way of l i f e , and more c r u c i a l l y , i t i n d i c a t e s sources or p r i n c i p l e s of power which are regarded as p a r t i c u l a r l y c r e a t i v e or d e s t r u c t i v e ( i b i d , p. 4) . The i s s u e here i s power: i t s d e f i n i t i o n , c o n s t i t u t i o n , m a n i f e s t a t i o n s , and p e r c e i v e d e f f e c t s . S i n c e both the A e s t h e t i c and r e l i g i o n are concerned with power, s p e c i f i c a l l y u l t i m a t e power, the q u e s t i o n must be addressed of the value of u s i n g the concept of the A e s t h e t i c i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n r a t h e r than r e l i g i o n . For my purposes, the A e s t h e t i c , r a t h e r than r e l i g i o n , i s a u s e f u l h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e which p r o v i d e s f o r a n a l y t i c a l x i c o n t i n u i t y i n the study of a s o c i e t y which i s undergoing a proc e s s of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n , b r o a d l y d e f i n e d here as the process by which a s o c i e t y changes from a primary emphasis on r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s t o the s e c u l a r . Hence, the A e s t h e t i c i s here seen as t h a t f a c e t of r e l i g i o n as a whole which r e f e r s t o an e x e r c i s e o f , or response t o , e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers taken t o produce, maintain, or r e s t o r e what i s viewed as proper r e l a t i o n s h i p s between human members of a community and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. The A e s t h e t i c i s seen as a p a r t of the o v e r a l l moral order rendered d i s t i n c t by v i r t u e of i t s i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y and nonmoral powers. As an h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e , i t i s u s e f u l l y a b s t r a c t e d and separated from the moral order and designated 'the A e s t h e t i c ' . T h i s s e p a r a t i o n has a twofold advantage: f i r s t , the A e s t h e t i c as i t might be an order s u i g e n e r i s can be seen and a p p r e c i a t e d ; second, i t a l l o w s f o r an examination of the A e s t h e t i c i n i t s r e l a t i o n s t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers on the one hand and m o r a l i t y on the other. I t i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between, and a r t i c u l a t i o n s o f , the two asp e c t s of the moral order t h a t p r o v i d e the key t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e . As a p r e l i m i n a r y h y p o t h e s i s or p r o b l e m a t i c , i t can be s a i d t h a t the dynamic between moral order and the A e s t h e t i c i s such t h a t each r e i n f o r c e s the other when e i t h e r i s s t r o n g or f i r m , but should e i t h e r be o v e r l y x i i p e r m i s s i v e , weak, or i n f i r m , then t h e r e i s a p r o g r e s s i v e weakening of both. Access t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers i s d i r e c t e d by a e s t h e t i c s , i n c l u d i n g performance a e s t h e t i c s , musical a e s t h e t i c s , and s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s . Each of these forms of a e s t h e t i c s can be conceived as proper modes of access t o the q u i n t e s s e n t i a l powers which not o n l y enable humans t o l i v e harmoniously with the s p i r i t world and with other humans, but al l o w humans t o assume s p i r i t powers f o r themselves. The s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c p r o v i d e s humans with r u l e s and conventions f o r t h e i r d e a l i n g s with other human beings and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers i n s e c u l a r or everyday c o n t e x t s . Musical a e s t h e t i c s enables humans t o use musical instruments and songs f o r p o s i t i v e ends, i n t h a t they maintain good r e l a t i o n s with the e x t r a o r d i n a r y . Performance a e s t h e t i c s d i r e c t s a c t i o n i n the p r e p a r a t i o n and e x e c u t i o n of ceremonial, so t h a t the r e l a t i o n s of humans and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers a r e enhanced, and the ends of the ceremonial achieved. These t h r e e forms of a e s t h e t i c s s e r v e t o c l a r i f y the ways i n which the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e can be played out i n a v a r i e t y of c o n t e x t s , and underscore the importance of the A e s t h e t i c as an a n a l y t i c a l c o n s t r u c t . T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n proposes t o demonstrate the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e . To t h i s end, Chapter I o u t l i n e s the r e s e a r c h problem i n d e t a i l , and p r e s e n t s the d e f i n i t i o n s and concepts t o be used throughout the d i s s e r t a t i o n . A d i s c u s s i o n of c u r r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s on a e s t h e t i c s and performance i n anthropology and ethnomusicology i n d i c a t e s how these have been d e f i n e d and appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e . A c e n t r a l i s s u e r a i s e d i n t h i s chapter i s t h a t of the importance of s t u d y i n g a r t w i t h i n i t s c u l t u r a l c ontext. In a l i t e r a t e c u l t u r e , an A e s t h e t i c can be separated from i t s s o c i o - c u l t u r a l context and made to seem s u i g e n e r i s , s i n c e l i t e r a t u r e tends t o o b j e c t i f y . In a n o n — l i t e r a t e c u l t u r e , l a c k i n g the o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of a l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n , t h i s cannot be done, and so context i s a l l - i m p o r t a n t . The chapter concludes with an e x p l o r a t i o n of the concept of the A e s t h e t i c and how i t i s used i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . Chapter II p r o v i d e s the ethnographic background t o the L o l o and t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the A e s t h e t i c . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the L o l o t o the l a n d , L o l a language, economic and p o l i t i c a l s e t t i n g , the a r t s , music and performance, a r e d i s c u s s e d . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by an examination of t h r e e agents of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change, C h r i s t i a n i t y , Western bio-medicine, and money, i n an attempt t o i n d i c a t e how these agents of change have caused gaps t o appear i n the A e s t h e t i c , r e s u l t i n g i n changes t o the moral order. Chapter III i s a study of L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o c u s i n g on k i n s h i p and descent as they r e v e a l the moral x i v p r i n c i p l e s of L o l o s o c i a l l i f e , or the s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c . Both the l i v i n g and the dead are i n c l u d e d i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , s i n c e s p i r i t s , both mythical and a n c e s t r a l , have gr e a t i n f l u e n c e on the d a i l y l i v e s of contemporary L o l o . Chapter IV examines the p l a c e of food i n s e c u l a r a c t i v i t y by examining the r o l e of food i n everyday l i f e i n c l u d i n g gardening and food exchange. As I conducted my r e s e a r c h , i t became c l e a r t o me t h a t were I t o gain i n s i g h t i n t o the a r t i c u l a t i o n s between c u l t u r e and the A e s t h e t i c , I would have t o c o n s i d e r food and gardens and the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of these t o music and ceremonial performance. Food and ceremonial p r o v i d e the v e h i c l e s and o c c a s i o n s f o r the m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers, hence examination of these shows the ways i n which the moral order of c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the moral order of the A e s t h e t i c merge and c o a l e s c e i n s p e c i a l events. A l s o d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter IV i s how the L o l o use food on a d a i l y b a s i s as a means t o maintain or i n i t i a t e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and express and e v a l u a t e these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Food and the c o n s t i t u t i o n of m a s c u l i n i t y and f e m i n i n i t y i s a l s o addressed. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of food t o the economy i s c o n s i d e r e d , i n c l u d i n g changes t o t r a d i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s as the L o l o begin p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a monetary economy. T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by an examination of food and performance i n c l u d i n g the r o l e of food i n a l l xv •facets of ceremonial a c t i v i t y -from i n i t i a l p r e p a r a t i o n s t o the e x e c u t i o n of the event. The chapter concludes with a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the v a l u e s of food and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of food t o the moral order and t o the A e s t h e t i c . Chapter V d e l v e s i n t o L o l o ceremonial a c t i v i t y , o u t l i n i n g the p r o c e s s e s by which ceremonials are c a r r i e d out and f o l l o w i n g the major ceremonial c y c l e of the L o l a known as narogo. The i d e o l o g i c a l bases of ceremonials are examined, as are the ways i n which these ceremonials manifest c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , i n c l u d i n g the a r t i c u l a t i o n s among ceremoni a l s , c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and the A e s t h e t i c . Chapter VI p u l l s t ogether the ethnographic m a t e r i a l i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s . I t i s an a n a l y s i s of the L o l o r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the moral o r d e r , power and the A e s t h e t i c . The i n t e n t of t h i s chapter i s t o attempt t o answer the q u e s t i o n of how L o l o concepts of being and power produce an A e s t h e t i c , and t o demonstrate how the A e s t h e t i c i s a r t i c u l a t e d with everyday l i f e . Chapter VII examines one ceremony, Vokoi, i n d e t a i l from the s t a r t of p r e p a r a t i o n s t o i t s e v a l u a t i o n t o both i l l u s t r a t e norms and t h e i r m a n i p u l a t i o n s i n s o c i a l and performance a e s t h e t i c s , and t o demonstrate how performance, through the use of symbols and metaphors, speaks to e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. T h i s performance i s viewed w i t h i n the context of the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n l e a d i n g t o i t s e x e c u t i o n . x v i Chapter VIII d i s c u s s e s L o l o music-making, i n c l u d i n g an examination of instruments and t h e i r -functions, and the r o l e and v a l u e s of music-making i n s o c i e t y . Music-making i n r e l a t i o n t o the A e s t h e t i c i s d i s c u s s e d i n terms of the powers harnessed by and contained w i t h i n musical instruments and i n the a c t of making music. Chapter IX e n t e r s the realm of musical a n a l y s i s . The chapter c o n t a i n s a formal musical a n a l y s i s of one ceremony indigenous to the L o l o i n order to determine the canons of musical a e s t h e t i c s governing composition. A comparison between an indigenous ceremony and an imported one i s c a r r i e d out t o determine the formal d i f f e r e n c e s between the two and t o assess the impact on musical a e s t h e t i c s and c u l t u r e of the c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e of r e p l a c i n g indigenous ceremonies with imported ones. The q u e s t i o n of how song s t r u c t u r e and l y r i c a l content speak t o the A e s t h e t i c i s a l s o addressed. The d i s s e r t a t i o n concludes with a d i s c u s s i o n of the p r o c e s s of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and i t s impact upon the L o l o . F i e l d Research F i e l d r e s e a r c h was conducted from March t o November, 1985. The primary r e s e a r c h s i t e was A r a i g i l p u a V i l l a g e , but v a r y i n g amounts of time were spent i n other mountain L o l o v i l l a g e s such as Ararau, Aselmepua, Makuar, Napitigongpua and Rovata. A d d i t i o n a l r e s e a r c h was a l s o done i n two Idne-Lolo v i l l a g e s , Lepo and Rilmen. Most of the data used i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n were gathered u s i n g p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n and i n t e r v i e w s of v a r y i n g degrees of f o r m a l i t y . In the e a r l y n s t a g e s of the r e s e s a r c h , Tok P i s i n was the language used, but as my f a m i l i a r i t y with Maleu, the l o c a l v e r n a c u l r , i n c r e a s e d , I was a b l e t o blend Maleu and Tok P i s i n . Toward the end of the r e s e a r c h , many of my informants would respond t o my q u e s t i o n s i n Maleu, responses which I would c l a r i f y with Tok P i s i n . Given t h a t the L o l o p e r c e i v e Tok P i s i n as an i n f e r i o r language, I attempted t o use Maleu as much as I was a b l e . The s u b j e c t matter of my r e s e a r c h , music and music performance, meant t h a t I depended more on c e r t a i n groups of people than o t h e r s . L o l o song, s t o r y , music and performance s p e c i a l i s t s a r e , f o r the most p a r t , s e n i o r men, and so they acted as my primary informants f o r these i s s u e s . Matters d e a l i n g with food, however, were co n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be more p r o p e r l y the domain of women, and i t was t o women t h a t my q u e r i e s i n these matters were d i r e c t e d . I found t h a t the L o l o themselves would d i r e c t me toward those whom they c o n s i d e r e d t o be most expert. Thus, most of my informants were o l d e r , married, and with f a m i l i e s . x v i i i CHAPTER I AESTHETICS AND CULTURE The Problem and i t s Context T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n c o n s i d e r s one b a s i c problem, t h a t o-f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c u l t u r e and the A e s t h e t i c , and examines i t on two l e v e l s o-f a b s t r a c t i o n . F i r s t , the i s s u e i s e thnographic. What a r e L o l o concepts of being and power, and how do these produce an A e s t h e t i c t h a t i s comparable with a European concept of a e s t h e t i c s ? The e x p l o r a t i o n of t h i s q u e s t i o n demands t h a t such f a c e t s of c u l t u r e as s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , economy, p o l i t i c s and so on be c o n s i d e r e d so t h a t the A e s t h e t i c can be seen w i t h i n i t s ethnographic c o n t e x t . Second, what are the e f f e c t s of changes t o e i t h e r the A e s t h e t i c or t o i t s s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l underpinnings? C l e a r l y , the movement between c u l t u r e and the A e s t h e t i c i s r e f l e x i v e , with each molding and g u i d i n g the other depending on circumstance. One aim of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s t o d i s c o v e r how the L o l o 1 2 con c e i v e of the A e s t h e t i c , and how they d e s c r i b e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i t and other a s p e c t s of t h e i r c u l t u r e . My i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the L o l o i s taken from a p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t can best be d e s c r i b e d as i n t e r p r e t i v e . F o l l o w i n g Geertz (1973sB9), the p e r s p e c t i v e taken here i s t h a t c u l t u r e i s an h i s t o r i c a l l y t r a n s m i t t e d p a t t e r n of meanings embodied i n symbols, a system of i n h e r i t e d c o n c e p t i o n s expressed i n symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop t h e i r knowledge about and a t t i t u d e s toward l i f e . E s p e c i a l l y r e l e v a n t t o t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s G e e r t z ' n o t i o n t h a t symbols i n c u l t u r e f u n c t i o n t o s y n t h e s i z e a people's ethos — the tone, c h a r a c t e r , and q u a l i t y of t h e i r l i f e - the p i c t u r e they have of the way t h i n g s i n sheer a c t u a l i t y a r e , t h e i r most comprehensive i d e a s of order ( i b i d ) . What i s of importance here i s the n o t i o n t h a t meaning and va l u e s are embedded i n symbols which serve t o s y t h e s i z e and communicate those v a l u e s and b e l i e f s , and by doing so, perpetuate indigenous c o n c e p t i o n s of ord e r . As i s demonstrated i n f u r t h e r c h a p t e r s , L o l o s o c i a l l i f e and performance are v e h i c l e s f o r communcation of v a l u e s and b e l i e f s , and i t i s i n t h i s way t h a t the A e s t h e t i c , a e s t h e t i c s , and the moral order are a r t i c u l a t e d and rendered meaningful. (See a l s o Brenneis 1987, Chernoff 1979, Coplan 1987, and F e l d 1982 f o r examples of t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i n s t u d i e s of performance). 3 The s e t of premises o u t l i n e d below c o n s t i t u t e s the framework f o r the d i s c u s s i o n i n the f a l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s . These premises, while they speak more d i r e c t l y t o the ethnographic problem, a l s o address the l a r g e r problem by p r o v i d i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e l e n s through which t o view the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r e . B r i e f l y , the conceptual framework i s as f o l l o w s : (1) To understand music and music-making, t h e r e must be c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the context i n which t h a t music i s c r e a t e d and performed. ( 2 ) C o n s i d e r a t i o n of context i n v o l v e s most g e n e r a l l y an understanding of the c u l t u r e i n which the music i s found, and more s p e c i f i c a l l y , the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the A e s t h e t i c w i t h i n t h a t c u l t u r e . ( 3 ) L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s a f a c e t of the o v e r a l l moral o r d e r , maintained and expressed by d e a l i n g s with food i n c l u d i n g p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n , consumption and exchange. (4) "Moral" i s here taken t o be t h a t which i s c o n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be r i g h t , proper, or a p p r o p r i a t e i n p r i n c i p l e i n a given s i t u a t i o n . (5) The A e s t h e t i c p r o v i d e s an order which i s p a r t of the o v e r a l l moral order of c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t governs d e a l i n g s with e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. The d i s t i n c t i o n between the f a c e t s of the moral order d e a l i n g with o r d i n a r y and e x t r a o r d i n a r y i s an a r b i t r a r y one used f o r h e u r i s t i c purposes, s i n c e the L o l o would not r e c o g n i z e such a d i s t i n c t i o n . ( 6 ) Occasions centered on food and kin-based a c t i v i t i e s a re h e r a l d e d by ceremony and performance. (7) L o l o performances a r e e x c e p t i o n a l and potent events because the o r d i n a r y and e x t r a o r d i n a r y merge, the moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and t h a t of the A e s t h e t i c c o a l e s c e , making each performance a r a r e and s i n g u l a r event. 4 Before embarking on an ethnographic i n v e s t i g a t i o n , the problem demands an e x p l o r a t i o n of the concept of a e s t h e t i c s , s p e c i f i c a l l y how i t has been used i n anthropology. Once t h i s background i n f o r m a t i o n has been presented, i t i s then p o s s i b l e f o r me t o p r e s e n t my own d e f i n i t i o n s of the A e s t h e t i c as i t w i l l be used i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . The Study of A e s t h e t i c s A e s t h e t i c s , b r i e f l y d e f i n e d i n the c o n v e n t i o n a l Western usage, i s the " s c i e n c e of the b e a u t i f u l " , the examination of s o - c a l l e d a r t o b j e c t s a c c o r d i n g t o numerous c r i t e r i a r e s u l t i n g i n judgments concerning the a r t o b j e c t and i t s "beauty", o r , how well t h a t a b j e c t s a t i s f i e s s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a used t o measure beauty. However, as argued below, the terms " a r t " , " a e s t h e t i c s " and "beauty" have been assig n e d h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d meanings which tend t o obscure c r o s s - c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n p e r c e p t i o n . There are two main c u r r e n t s of thought concerning the study of a e s t h e t i c s , each of which i s w e l l - r e p r e s e n t e d i n l i t e r a t u r e on the p h i l o s o p h y of a e s t h e t i c s . The f i r s t , c a l l e d here the u n i v e r s a l i s t p o s i t i o n a f t e r N k e t i a (1984), a s s e r t s t h a t a e s t h e t i c s and a e s t h e t i c standards or parameters a r e u n i v e r s a l s which operate independently of and e x t e r n a l t o s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s 1 . T h i s 5 p o s i t i o n a l s o a s s e r t s t h a t e v a l u a t i o n o-f " a r t o b j e c t s " should be a c c o r d i n g t o l o g i c a l and r a t i o n a l p r o c e s s e s , not t a k i n g i n t o account the mental or emotional s t a t e of the c r e a t o r or the observer. The u n i v e r s a l i s t p e r p s e c t i v e , which at i t s extreme can be l a b e l l e d " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake", perhaps reached i t s h e i g h t with the w r i t i n g s of H a n s l i c k who wrote of musical a e s t h e t i c s t h a t The b e a u t i f u l i s and remains b e a u t i f u l though i t arouses no emotion whatever, and though t h e r e be no one t o look at i t . In other words, although the b e a u t i f u l e x i s t s f o r the g r a t i f i c a t i o n of the o b s e r v e r , i t i s independent of him. In t h i s sense, music too, has no aim (object) and the mere f a c t t h a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r a r t i s so c l o s e l y bound up with our f e e l i n g s by no means j u s t i f i e s the assumption t h a t i t s a e s t h e t i c p r i n c i p l e s depend on t h i s union (1984s10). The second c u r r e n t , the r e l a t i v i s t , p l a c e s a e s t h e t i c s and standards f o r e v a l u a t i o n f i r m l y w i t h i n a c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t by examining r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a e s t h e t i c s and such f a c e t s of t h a t context as r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , emotion, and meaning. According to adherents of t h i s p o s i t i o n , a r t c o u l d be used t o i n s t r u c t i n proper m o r a l i t y , ( f o r example P l a t o , A r i s t o t l e , and such medieval w r i t e r s as Thomas Aquinas and S t . Augustine [Epperson 1967, R i c h t e r 1967, B e a r d s l e y 1966, Lippman 1977, C a s s i r e r 19633) and l a t e r echoed i n Kant (Crawford 1974, Greene 1957, Osborne 1974, White 1979). The major t h r u s t of the r e l a t i v i s t o r i e n t a t i o n i s t h a t a r t forms must be s t u d i e d w i t h i n t h e i r c o n t e x t s of c r e a t i o n so 6 as t o understand the c r e a t i v e -force and t h e i r e f f e c t s on audiences. Both of these c u r r e n t s of thought i n c o r p o r a t e s t u d i e s of form and s t y l e of a r t o b j e c t s s i n c e i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o study a e s t h e t i c s from e i t h e r p e r s p e c t i v e without c o n s i d e r i n g the formal elements of the o b j e c t s under study. However, those who would argue f o r a e s t h e t i c s without context at worst complete t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s with examinations of formal elements as a base from which t o compare, c o n t r a s t and e v a l u a t e v a r i o u s works from d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , based on " u n i v e r s a l " standards of form, s t r u c t u r e and p r o p o r t i o n . F o l l o w e r s of the second t r e n d would argue t h a t a e s t h e t i c conventions and methodologies developed from a Western epistemology c o n s t i t u t e one, but not the o n l y , way t o gain an understanding of a r t , p a r t i c u l a r l y a r t from non—Western c u l t u r e s . In t h i s c h a p t e r , I examine the ways t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and e t h n o m u s i c o l a g i s t s have s t u d i e d a r t and a e s t h e t i c s , i n order t o p l a c e the problem under examination here w i t h i n i t s s c h o l a r l y c ontext as well as p r o v i d e the context i n which I develop d e f i n i t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s of the a e s t h e t i c . A r t i n Anthropology Merriam (1964), i n a d i s c u s s i o n of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Western a e s t h e t i c s , p r o v i d e s a summary 7 of the " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake", or u n i v e r s a l i s t , p e r s p e c t i v e . According t o t h i s p o s i t i o n , the a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e i s n e c e s s a r i l y detached and o b j e c t i v e and one i n which the observer p l a c e s the work of a r t "at arm's l e n g t h , as i t were...to examine i t f o r what i t i s " (p.261). He f u r t h e r argues t h a t adherents t o t h i s p o s i t i o n are committed t o the "manipulation of form f o r i t s own sake" (p.263). F i n a l l y , he maintains t h a t i n Western a e s t h e t i c s " i t i s the music sound i t s e l f which i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be capable of s t i r r i n g the emotions" (p.266). The p r i o r i t y a s s i g n e d t o the study of form c l e a r l y a l l o w s f o r the a r t s t o be removed from t h e i r c o n t e x t s and s u b j e c t e d t o s c r u t i n y based on Western conventions of a e s t h e t i c s . The impact of t h i s i s f a r - r e a c h i n g , and one t h a t Merriam (1971) sees as c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the l a c k of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of a r t . Merriam b e l i e v e s t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have f a i l e d t o understand the nature of the a r t s as a r e s u l t of the a n a l y t i c a l s e p a r a t i o n of a r t from con t e x t . The widespread Acceptance of t h i s s e p a r a t i o n by s c h o l a r s and i n popular usage has seemed t o mean t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have been r e l u c t a n t t o encroach on what has been p e r c e i v e d as the t e r r i t o r y of other d i s c i p l i n e s , most n o t a b l y the humanities. In e a r l y s t u d i e s which con c e n t r a t e d on the a r t s (e.g., Boas 1927), the a r t s were separated from t h e i r c o n t e x t s i n t h a t the approach to a r t s from other c u l t u r e s 8 was predominantly Western with the -focus of study being the a n a l y s i s of formal elements g i v i n g l i t t l e or no c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o co n t e x t . These s t u d i e s g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w e d the methodological procedures and t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s of the f i n e a r t s and a r t h i s t o r y . T h i s l a c k of an a p p r o p r i a t e t h e o r e t i c a l and methodological o r i e n t a t i o n was but one of the problems i n v o l v e d i n the study of a r t s from non-Western c u l t u r e s . Other problems c i t e d have been r e l a t e d t o language (Goldwater 1973:3). Many languages l a c k terms which can be t r a n s l a t e d as " a r t " or "beauty", terms which t r a d i t i o n a l l y have been a s s o c i a t e d with s t u d i e s of a e s t h e t i c s . T h i s apparent absence perhaps made r e s e a r c h e r s r e l u c t a n t t o de s i g n a t e o b j e c t s as a r t i s t i c c r e a t i o n s or not. Another problem (Sieber 1971:204) r e s u l t e d from the P l a t o n i c d i s t i n c t i o n between the f i n e a r t s and c r a f t s , a d i s t i n c t i o n which r e s t s on the u t i l i t y of o b j e c t s . If an o b j e c t has no f u n c t i o n other than t o be admired, then t h a t o b j e c t i s c o n s i d e r e d a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the f i n e a r t s . If an a b j e c t has same u t i l i t y or f u n c t i o n , then i t p r o p e r l y i s a c r a f t . C r a f t s f a l l o u t s i d e of the domain of study s i n c e the Western P l a t o n i c t r a d i t i o n of a e s t h e t i c s r e s t r i c t s study t o the f i n e a r t s . S i n c e many non—Western c u l t u r e s produce o b j e c t s which are used p r i m a r i l y f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes, these o b j e c t s f r e q u e n t l y were not co n s i d e r e d a e s t h e t i c o b j e c t s and hence were n e g l e c t e d . In a d d i t i o n , 9 u n t i l r e c e n t l y , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s themselves have been r e l u c t a n t t o r e l y on indigenous e x e g e s i s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , p r e f e r r i n g t h e i r own, more " o b j e c t i v e " v i e w p o i n t s r e g a r d i n g the a r t s (Fagg 1973:156). S t u d i e s i n ethnomusicology possessed s i m i l a r problems. Ethnomusicology developed q u i t e r e c e n t l y out of comparative musicology and s u f f e r e d the usual growing p a i n s of any young d i s c i p l i n e , combined with the problems p a r t i c u l a r t o the study of a phenomenon as d i f f i c u l t as music. Ethnomusicology, i n i t s e a r l y days, s u f f e r e d from a l a c k of t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s and thus o f t e n r e l i e d on whatever i t c o u l d barrow from other d i s c i p l i n e s such as anthropology, s o c i o l o g y , and l i n g u i s t i c s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , ethnomusicology o f t e n sank i n t o faddism by adopting whatever t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n was popular a t a given time r e g a r d l e s s of the s u i t a b i l i t y of the p e r s p e c t i v e . E t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s were thus f r e q u e n t l y put i n the p o s i t i o n of adapting t h e o r y , method, and terminology, o f t e n with u n f o r t u n a t e r e s u l t s (see, f o r example, F e l d ' s 1974 c r i t i q u e of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l - g e n e r a t i v e a n a l y s i s of music). Ethnomusicology a l s o possessed a J a n u s - l i k e q u a l i t y i n which, r e m i n i s c e n t of the s p l i t i n a e s t h e t i c s , some e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s leaned toward musicology while o t h e r s tended i n the d i r e c t i o n of anthropology (Merriam 1969). In ethnomusicology as i n the study of a e s t h e t i c s , t h e r e was a s p l i t between two p r e v a i l i n g t r e n d s of thought, one u s i n g 10 Western procedures t o study musical form and s t y l e , and another viewing music as a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l product, the understanding of which was dependent on e x t e n s i v e study of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o ntext. Fundamentally, those who s t u d i e d music and a r t o u t s i d e of context i m p l i c i t l y assumed t h a t a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s and o b s e r v e r s should be i n v e s t i g a t o r s , e q u a l l y informed r e g a r d i n g a e s t h e t i c standards used f o r e v a l u a t i o n . However, t h i s presupposed u n i v e r s a l standard d e f i n i t i o n s of a r t , beauty, and a e s t h e t i c c r i t e r i a . Those who d i d not e v a l u a t e t h e i r a r t forms i n t h i s manner were viewed as m y s t i f i e d , r a t h e r than as o p e r a t i n g from a d i f f e r e n t s e t of assumptions. More contemporary w r i t e r s , however, are moving from u n i v e r s a l s to the study of context. Current P e r s p e c t i v e s At p r e s e n t , s t u d i e s of the a r t s i n anthropology are becoming more common and are c l e a r l y r e s p o n s i v e to t r e n d s i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r y , f o c u s i n g on the " n a t i v e ' s p o i n t of view" (Geertz 1977) and u t i l i s i n g indigenous c o n c e p t i o n s and c a t e g o r i e s f o r a n a l y s i s (e.g., Robbins 1982). In these s t u d i e s , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t s and c a t e g o r i e s are used as means t o b r i n g i n s i g h t t o the data. However, f i t t i n g data t o a n a l y t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s i s not regarded by those adhering t o an indigenous view as an adequate or s u f f i c i e n t 11 treatment. Thus, indigenous e x p l a n a t i o n s and indigenous c a t e g o r i e s are used as the v e h i c l e s f o r e x p l i c a t i n g data, e x p l i c a t i o n being c o n s i d e r e d more v a l u a b l e and i l l u m i n a t i n g than e x p l a n a t i o n . The same p e r s p e c t i v e i s t r u e f o r s t u d i e s of the a r t s and a e s t h e t i c s . I t i s more i n s t r u c t i v e t o allow those people whose a r t s a r e s t u d i e d t o d e f i n e and analyze these i n t h e i r own terms (Bohannon 1966, Hanna 1977, F e l d 19B2 and 19B3, M i l l s 1971, Schwimmer 1979, and Steager 1979). In more c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h , a r t and a e s t h e t i c s are not c o n s i d e r e d as epiphenomena, but are c o n s i d e r e d as s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l phenomena i n the same way t h a t , f o r example, k i n s h i p i s . S i m i l a r t r a n s l a t i o n processes occur whether the a b j e c t of study i s k i n s h i p or a r t s a l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n t o understand the b a s i c vocabulary and an i n t e r p r e t i v e t r a n s l a t i o n which i s analogous to f i e l d r e s e a r c h i n t h a t the r e s e a r c h e r t r a n s l a t e s indigenous terms and c o n s t r u c t s i n t o a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l ones and then back again so t h a t the " p o e t i c meanings" (Leach 1973:772) can be grasped and preserved (e.g., Geertz 1973, Wagner 1967, 1981 and Labby 1976). Thus, i n contemporary s t u d i e s af music, the a r t s and a e s t h e t i c s , r e s e a r c h e r s are a t t e n d i n g t o indigenous d e f i n i t i o n s and c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s (Chernoff 1979, F e l d 1982, Kei1 1979, Munn 1973a and 1973b, Stone 1982). More s p e c i f i c a l l y , a c c o r d i n g t o Bohannon (1961:92), s t u d i e s of e t h n o - a e s t h e t i c s should i n c l u d e d i s c u s s i o n of (1) the a r t o b j e c t s , (2) a wide knowledge of the people who made the o b j e c t s , (3) a r a t h e r s p e c i f i c knowledge of the c r i t i c i s m of the o b j e c t s by members of the s o c i e t y which use them, (4) a general knowledge of comparative a e s t h e t i c s . . . . Hence both context and indigenous e x e g e s i s are c r i t i c a l t o a thorough understanding of a r t s and a e s t h e t i c s . Conceptions, d e f i n i t i o n s and i d e a s about the con-s t i t u t i o n of the a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e have undergone a s i m i l a r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . Rather than being c o n s i d e r e d as a s i n g u l a r k i nd of e x p e r i e n c e s e p a r a t e from everyday l i f e e x p e r i e n c e , a p o s i t i o n t y p i c a l of the " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake" movement, a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e i s c o n s i d e r e d as a more i n t e n s e , but not q u a l i t a t i v e l y , d i f f e r e n t e x p e r i e n c e 2 . There i s thus a c o n t i n u i t y and c o n n e c t i o n between the mundane and the a e s t h e t i c , a c o n n e c t i o n proposed by Kant and echoed i n the works of l a t e r w r i t e r s (Dewey 1959, Llamzon 1978, M i l l s 1971, Turner 1986) e s p e c i a l l y those r e v i v i n g the concept of p o e t i c s as used i n the P l a t o n i c sense (e.g., Brown 1977, Hymes 1981, S t r a v i n s k y 1942, Turner 1983). C l e a r l y then, d e f i n i t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s of a r t , a e s t h e t i c s and the a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e have been expanded and a r e no longer r e s t r i c t e d t o p u r e l y Western p e r s p e c t i v e s . S t u d i e s of non—Western a r t s o b v i o u s l y b e n e f i t from t h i s expansion, and by the same taken, non-Western p e r s p e c t i v e s can b r i n g r e f r e s h i n g new i n s i g h t s t o the study of Western a r t s . In order t h a t these broad d e f i n i t i o n s can be u s e f u l i n c u l t u r a l a n a l y s i s , the p o s i t i o n of a r t w i t h i n s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e must l i k e w i s e be re—examined. L i k e other f a c e t s of c u l t u r e , a r t i s rendered meaningful by what i t communicates and i t does so by v i r t u e of the f a c t t h a t a r t forms are grounded w i t h i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s . A r t can communicate i n two ways. O v e r t l y , f o r example, by means of song l y r i c s , s u b j e c t matter of a c a r v i n g and so on, or more s u b t l y by communicating c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s , or b e l i e f s , i n s h o r t , i d e o l o g y . A r t can thus be c o n s i d e r e d a way of making sense of the world, a way of p u t t i n g c u l t u r a l i d e o l o g y i n t o a c o n c r e t e and t a n g i b l e f o r m 3 . Not o n l y can t r a d i t i o n s be preserved and the u n d e r l y i n g i d e o l o g y r e a f f i r m e d , but the a r t s can p r o v i d e a context f o r i n n o v a t i o n and a means by which new c u l t u r a l elements or i n f l u e n c e s can be i n c o r p o r a t e d (Gerbrands 1967, Peacock 1968, 1975). T h e r e f o r e , as a p a r t of s o c i a l l i f e , a r t r e f l e c t s and o b j e c t i f i e s i d e o l o g y , a r t i c u l a t i n g b e l i e f s about the way the world i s . How these a r t i c u l a t i o n s take form, I b e l i e v e , i s p r e d i c a t e d on the i d e a of s t y l e . The n o t i o n of s t y l e i s a p p l i c a b l e both to a r t and t o s o c i a l a c t i o n . In the a r t s , r e g a r d l e s s of the medium, s t y l e i s taken as the manipulation of both formal and symbolic elements t o c r e a t e a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c combination, such as romanticism or impressionism i n music. In anthropology Geertz (1973) f o r 14 example, -foilowing Weber, echoes t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of s t y l e i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n s of the " c h r o n i c c h a r a c t e r " of s o c i a l l i f e . Forge's (1979:281) d e f i n i t i o n of s t y l e as " l i m i t a t i o n s of c h o i c e " i s apt, s i n c e c h o i c e s can be l i m i t e d with r e s p e c t t o behaviour, to composition, or t o performance. For my purposes, f o l l o w i n g Brenneis (1987:237), the term " s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s " i s used i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s , and r e f e r s t o " i n t e l l e c t u a l , sense-making a c t i v i t y Cfused w i t h ! l o c a l a e s t h e t i c c r i t e r i a f o r coherence...and with e t h n o p s y c h o l o g i c a l n o t i o n s of personhood, emotion, e x p r e s s i o n and experience". In a d d i t i o n t o being t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y c o n s i s t e n t with other concepts i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s i s used here r a t h e r than s t y l e s i n c e i t more adequately conveys connections between e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l and metaphysical concepts while p l a c i n g these i n the context of s o c i a l a c t i o n . One way t o study s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s as d e f i n e d above i s through an examination of indigenous c o n c e p t i o n s of m o r a l i t y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y i n anthropology, the study of m o r a l i t y has been somewhat n e g l e c t e d . S t u d i e s of law, r e l i g i o n , k i n s h i p and so on would seem t o be p r e d i c a t e d upon indigenous c o n c e p t i o n s of m o r a l i t y . However, the impact of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m perhaps causes a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s t o be wary of being accused of imposing t h e i r own moral standards upon the moral standards of those whom they study. Consequently, t h e r e has been much w r i t t e n about the morals of anthropology, but l i t t l e about the anthropology of morals. Notable e x c e p t i o n s to t h i s are B u r r i d g e (1969), Chernoff (1979), Read (1955) and Wagner (1981). Others, perhaps choosing t o a v o i d the baggage c a r r i e d by the term " m o r a l i t y " , have c r e a t e d new terms f o r c o n s i d e r i n g m o r a l i t y ( f o r example Smith's 1978 d i s c u s s i o n of the "good l i f e " ) . There i s a d e f i n i t e p a r a l l e l between i d e o l o g y and m o r a l i t y , s i n c e both i n v o l v e i d e a s about what i s good, a p p r o p r i a t e and d e s i r a b l e w i t h i n a c u l t u r e , what people should do i n a given s i t u a t i o n , and f o r what reasons. Through the mediation of s t y l e or l i m i t s p l a c e d on c h o i c e s , i t appears t h a t m o r a l i t y d i r e c t s both behaviour and a r t i s t i c c r e a t i o n and performance, hence, r e t u r n i n g t o a p o s i t i o n r e m i n i s c e n t of C l a s s i c a l p h i l o s o p h y , the study of the a e s t h e t i c and the v a r i o u s types of a e s t h e t i c s i n c l u d e s both the a r t i s t i c and the moral. From t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of c u r r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s , i t i s apparent t h a t two p a r a l l e l l i n e s of a n a l y s i s o b t a i n . In the c r e a t i o n of a r t , a n a l y s i s begins with c o n s i d e r a t i o n of i d e o l o g y and then how i d e o l o g y i s made manifest i n a e s t h e t i c s . A e s t h e t i c s d e l i n e a t e s s t y l e , which then d i r e c t s the p r o d u c t i o n of a r t s . P a r a l l e l t o , and conceived as a c t i n g i n c o n c e r t with, i s a second l i n e of a n a l y s i s which l i k e w i s e begins with c o n s i d e r a t i o n of i d e o l o g y , but seeks t o examine i t s appearance i n m o r a l i t y . M o r a l i t y p l u s i d e o l o g y becomes the s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c , which takes on a s o c i a l s t y l e , which i s r e f l e c t e d i n behaviour. C u l t u r e and Beyond In mainstream approaches, and t o a c e r t a i n extent i n more c u r r e n t approaches, c r e a t i v i t y , i n d i v i d u a l i s m , and dynamism and change are muted (cf Murphy 1971) i n the i n t e r e s t s of coherence and c o n s i s t e n c y . In mainstream anthropology, Western models are a p p l i e d c r o s s — c u l t u r a l 1 y , w h i le i n t e r p r e t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e s compare models. There i s a p a r a l l e l between the " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake" p e r s p e c t i v e and mainstream anthropology ( B e r n s t e i n 1978) i n t h a t both approaches apply e s s e n t i a l l y Western models t o the phenomena of other c u l t u r e s i n the hopes of d e v e l o p i n g a coherent, l o g i c a l and r a t i o n a l p i c t u r e of t h a t c u l t u r e . More c u r r e n t i n t e r p r e t i v e approaches use indigenous models t o a c hieve fundamentally the same ends, a p o r t r a i t of a c u l t u r e i n which c e r t a i n a s p e c t s of a c u l t u r e are c o n s i s t e n t with other a s p e c t s . In both cases, f a c e t s of c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y are e x p l a i n e d and rendered meaningful v i a t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s to other f a c e t s , whether the model proposed f o r a n a l y s i s o r i g i n a t e s i n the mind of the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t or i n t h a t of those who are s t u d i e d . 17 Each of these approaches i s based on a combination of t h r e e f a c t o r s which Bateson (1978:90-98) has i s o l a t e d as d e s c r i p t i o n , t a u t o l o g y , and e x p l a n a t i o n which a r e , a c c o r d i n g t o Bateson, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Western s c i e n t i f i c thought. D e s c r i p t i o n i n c l u d e s the " f a c t s " or " e f f e c t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s " and su g g e s t i o n s of conne c t i o n s between f a c t s (p.90), and e x p l a n a t i o n connects r e l a t i o n s among f a c t s and "maps" these r e l a t i o n s among f a c t s onto t a u t o l o g y which connects p r o p o s i t i o n s (p.91). In t h i s p r o c e s s , data and p r o p o s i t i o n s about the data are connected i n such a way t h a t they each g i v e credence and coherence t o the ot h e r . In s p i t e of these p e r c e i v e d l i m i t a t i o n s , t h a t a n a l y s i s and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparison can be done a t a l l r e f l e c t s a profound statement: a l l people as humans possess s i n g u l a r commonalities. In d i s c u s s i n g these commonalities, v a r i o u s terms are proposed t o i n d i c a t e t h a t another f a c t o r i n a d d i t i o n t o man's p h y s i c a l being and h i s c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y must be c o n s i d e r e d . V a r i o u s l y c a l l e d "metaculture"*, " a e s t h e t i c s " or "metapattern" (Bateson 1978), " t r o p e " (Wagner 1986) and " s u p r a c u l t u r a l " or "mythic" (Armstrong 1983), each a s s e r t s t h a t a l l c u l t u r e s , because they are a l l composed of humans, possess t h i n g s i n common, the presence of which cannot be a t t r i b u t e d t o c u l t u r e or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e alone. Bateson (1978) argues t h a t the a e s t h e t i c can be c a l l e d the " u l t i m a t e u n i t y " (p. 19) or "the p a t t e r n which 18 connects" (p. 8 ) , and thus the a e s t h e t i c response i s a c t u a l l y a response t o r e c o g n i t i o n and empathy with the p a t t e r n (p. 9) » He proposes the e x i s t e n c e of t h r e e fundamental types of p a t t e r n which he d e s c r i b e s as f i r s t , second, and t h i r d order connections. F i r s t order c o n n e c t i o n s are comparisons between two i n d i v i d u a l s i n the same group, second order c o n n e c t i o n s are c o n n e c t i o n s by p a t t e r n (p. 11), with f i r s t and second order c o n n e c t i o n s themselves connected t o the metapattern which i s "a p a t t e r n of p a t t e r n s " , the " p a t t e r n which connects" or "mind" (p. 12). For Bateson c o n t e x t , a " p a t t e r n through time" (p. 15) i s important s i n c e " a l l communication n e c e s s i t a t e s context...without context t h e r e i s no meaning...contexts c o n f e r meaning because t h e r e i s a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of c o n t e x t s " (p. 18). S i m i l a r l y t o Bateson, Armstrong (1983) argues t h a t f o r man, "two f o r c e s " (p. 17) a r e o p e r a t i v e , the f i r s t an " i n s t i t u t i o n a l " or s u p r a c u l t u r a l f o r c e i n which man obeys human and by and l a r g e s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s , the second an i n d i v i d u a l i m p e r a t i v e i n which man "might mark the world" (p. 17) by v i r t u e of having l i v e d i n i t . L i k e Bateson, Armstrong r e c o g n i z e s p a t t e r n s w i t h i n c u l t u r e and p a t t e r n s i n the s u p r a c u l t u r e , with the a d d i t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l component through which man i s c r e a t i v e and w i t h i n the bounds of humanness and c u l t u r e , maintains i n d i v i d u a l i n t e g r i t y . Armstrong l i n k s these p a t t e r n s t o 19 " d i a c h r o n i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s " and "synchronic c o n s c i o u s n e s s " , the farmer r e f e r r i n g t o c u l t u r a l and human g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and the l a t t e r c o n s c i o u s n e s s a r i s i n g from i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n i n the world (p. 19). Armstrong a l s o argues t h a t the a e s t h e t i c i s imbued with " a f f e c t i n g presence" or power which r e f l e c t s t e n s i o n i n the l o c a t i o n of the a e s t h e t i c a b j e c t as both s u b j e c t and o b j e c t and d e r i v i n g great power and energy from t h i s t e n s i o n (pp. 5-7). Wagner (1986) d e f i n e s " t r o p e " as a s i n g l e phenomenon or p r i n c i p l e C t h a t l c o n s t i t u t e s human c u l t u r e and c u l t u r a l c a p a b i 1 i t y . . . . T h e phenomenon i s coherent and p e r v a s i v e , o r g a n i z i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r the p e r c e p t i o n of meaning over the whole s c a l e — r a n g e of c u l t u r a l forms (p. 126, emphasis o r i g i n a l ) . He f u r t h e r s t a t e s t h a t t h e r e a re t h r e e o r d e r s of t r o p e , s e r v i n g t o o r g a n i z e c u l t u r a l symbolism with i n c r e a s i n g g e n e r a l i t y from i n d i v i d u a l c u l t u r e s t o human c u l t u r e as a whole, i n which can be found "core" symbols (p. 127). P h y s i c a l p e r c e p t i o n and c u l t u r a l p e r c e p t i o n r e q u i r e , a c c o r d i n g t o Wagner, a body t o o r i e n t p e r c e p t i o n i n space, and a mind f o r " c o n s o c i a t i o n " (p. 129). L i k e those w r i t i n g from the i n t e r p r e t i v e approach, they are u n i t e d i n t h e i r i n s i s t e n c e t h a t context be co n s i d e r e d i n d i s c u s s i n g a r t and a e s t h e t i c s . In order t o move from c u l t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of a r t and a e s t h e t i c s t o the human, the c u l t u r a l , t h a t i s , the manner i n which these are d e f i n e d , c o n s t i t u t e d and a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h i n a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r e , must be c o n s i d e r e d s i n c e "observable a e s t h e t i c systems are as v a r i a b l e - from people t o people of the same time, and from epoch t o epoch — as s o c i a l systems and economies" (Armstrong 1983:8). What these approaches have i n common which d i s t i n g u i s h e s them from both mainstream and i n t e r p r e t i v e anthropology i s t h e i r agreement t h a t an e x p l a n a t i o n founded on c u l t u r e or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i s incomplete. P a i n t i n g out c o n s i s t e n c y and coherence w i t h i n one p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e does not acknowledge or attempt to i d e n t i f y , l e t alone e x p l a i n , the p e r v a s i v e human nature of people i n c u l t u r e . Each admits too, of being unable to p r o v i d e more than s u p p o s i t i o n s about the c o n n e c t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s , c u l t u r e and the l a r g e r p a t t e r n . As Bateson s a i d i n an imaginary c o n v e r s a t i o n with h i s daughter, What does e.e. cummings say? 'Always the more b e a u t i f u l answer who asks the more d i f f i c u l t q u e s t i o n . ' Something l i k e t h a t . You see I am not a s k i n g another q u e s t i o n each time. I am making the same q u e s t i o n b i g g e r . The sacred (whatever t h a t means) i s s u r e l y r e l a t e d (somehow) t o the b e a u t i f u l (whatever t h a t means). And i f we c o u l d say haw they are r e l a t e d , we c o u l d perhaps say what the words mean. Or perhaps t h a t would never be necessary. Each time we add a r e l a t e d p i e c e t o the q u e s t i o n , we get more c l u e s t o the s o r t of answer we should expect (1978:235-236, emphasis o r i g i n a l ) . Performance Moving from the p h i l o s o p h i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l t o the p r a c t i c a l , the q u e s t i o n must be r a i s e d of how t o study these i d e a s , s p e c i f i c a l l y , how t o l i n k i d e o l o g y t o a r t and i d e o l o g y t o s o c i a l l i f e . In the study of music and musical a e s t h e t i c s , an answer t o t h i s can be found i n performance, "the enactment of the p o e t i c f u n c t i o n , the essence o f . . . a r t i s t r y " (Bauman 1986:3). Performance, f o r the L o l o , i s the nexus of human and s p i r i t a c t i v i t y . A n a l y t i c a l l y , performance p r o v i d e s the v e h i c l e i n which metaphysical and e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t s , m o r a l i t y , the s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c and the A e s t h e t i c are merged i n a s i n g l e e n t i t y . For t h i s reason, the study of performance i s c e n t r a l t o t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . The study of performance and the r o l e s of the performer and audience are c r i t i c a l t o an understanding of c u l t u r e . Lord (1958:27)), i n h i s seminal study of Yugoslavian f o l k s i n g e r s , d i s c u s s e d the importance of performers. What i s of importance here i s not the f a c t of exactness, but the constant emphasis by the s i n g e r on h i s r o l e i n the t r a d i t i o n . I t i s not the c r e a t i v e r o l e t h a t we have s t r e s s e d f o r the purpose of c l a r i f y i n g a misunderstanding about o r a l s t y l e , but the r o l e of conserver of the t r a d i t i o n , the r o l e of the defender of the h i s t o r i c t r u t h of what i s being sung; f o r i f the s i n g e r changes what he has heard i n i t s essence, he f a l s i f i e s t r u t h . I t i s not the a r t i s t but the h i s t o r i a n who speaks at t h i s moment, although the s i n g e r ' s concept of the h i s t o r i a n i s t h a t o-f guardian of legend. Audiences too are a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n performance. They "are not s o l e l y t a r g e t s f o r r h e t o r i c a l s t r a t e g i e s ; they a r e , r a t h e r , a c t i v e i n t e r p r e t e r s , c r i t i c s and respondents" (Brenneis 1987:237). With the help of t h e a t r i c a l d i r e c t o r s such as Schechner (1977, 1985, 1986b) and o t h e r s , performance i s added t o the symbolic or r e l i g i o u s study of r i t u a l (e.g., Turner 1967, 1969, 1974, 1986b). S i n g e r (1972), i n order t o study the c o m p l e x i t i e s of Indian s o c i e t y , proposed the " c u l t u r a l performance model", an h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e which moves up the "ladder of a b s t r a c t i o n " (p. 65) from performance t o " c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e " (p. 64). He argues t h a t by beginning with the f o r m a l , o b s e r v a b l e u n i t s of performance, the p a t t e r n s and p r i n c i p l e s of performance can be d i s c o v e r e d and then extended by a n a l y s i s t o the p a t t e r n s and p r i n c i p l e s of c u l t u r e . Singer i s not l o o k i n g at performance f o r i t s own sake, r a t h e r , he uses performance as a means t o i n v e s t i g a t e a b s t r a c t and l e s s v i s i b l e a s p e c t s of c u l t u r e , a treatment s i m i l a r t o t h a t of S c h i e f f e l i n (1976) i n h i s study of the Gi s a r o ceremony among the K a l u l i . In another example, Bauman (1986:4) d e s c r i b e s performance events as a product of the s y s t e m a t i c i n t e r p l a y of numerous s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s , prominently i n c l u d i n g the f o l l o w i n g : 1) P a r t i c i p a n t s ' i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s ; 2) The e x p r e s s i v e means employed i n performance; 3) S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l ground r u l e s , norms, and s t r a t e g i e s f o r performance and c r i t e r i a f o r i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n ; 4) The sequence of a c t i o n s t h a t make up the s c e n a r i o of the event (Bauman 1986:4). Other s t u d i e s of performance have c e n t e r e d on the symbolic or t e x t u a l a s p e c t s of performance. S c h i e f f e l i n (1985) c a l l s these symbolic or hermeneutic a n a l y s e s "meaning c e n t r e d " and argues t h a t a l i n g u i s t i c or d i s c u r s i v e a n a l y s i s i s incomplete and a v o i d s such i s s u e s as why performances work, t h a t i s , how they communicate the symbols and meanings which they undeniably do. S c h i e f f e l i n (1985:709) argues t h a t i t i s the e x p e r i e n t i a l aspect of performance r a t h e r than o n l y the l i n g u i s t i c or symbolic t h a t makes performance e f f e c t i v e : ...through performance, meanings are formulated i n a s o c i a l r a t h e r than a c o g n i t i v e space, and the p a r t i c i p a n t s are engaged with the symbols i n the i n t e r a c t i o n a l c r e a t i o n of a performance r e a l i t y , r a t h e r than merely being informed by them as knowers. In r e f e r e n c e t o K a l u l i seances as performances, S c h i e f f e l i n (p. 722) s t a t e s t h a t The s o c i a l l y emergent dimension of performance, c o n s t r u c t e d through the i n t e r a c t i o n of the performers and p a r t i c i p a n t s but not r e d u c i b l e t o them, c o n s t i t u t e s the r e a l i t y i n which the a c t u a l work of the seance g e t s done. 24 And -further, ...the meaning a-f r i t u a l performance i s on l y p a r t l y r e s i d e n t i n the symbols and symbolic s t r u c t u r e s of which i t i s c o n s t r u c t e d . To a l a r g e degree...the meanings of the symbols and of the r i t e i t s e l f a re c r e a t e d d u r i n g the performance, evoked i n the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s i m a g i n a t i o n i n the n e g o t i a t i o n between the p r i n c i p l e performers and the p a r t i c i p a n t s ( i b i d ) . For S c h i e f f e l i n , p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n performance i n whatever c a p a c i t y i s what makes the performance work, not the symbols or the " t e x t " of the performance alone. As Geertz (1986s377) says of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t e x t and performance: They are p e r c e i v e d not as independent r e a l i t i e s t o be f i t t e d t o gether i n the name of mechanical or quasi-mechanical 'such are the f a c t s ' e x p l a n a t i o n ; r a t h e r they come as 'seeing as' e l u c i d a t i o n s of one another, i n s e p a r a b l e moments of an i n t e r p r e t i v e d i a l e c t i c , i n p r i n c i p l e e n d l e s s . Thus the performance i t s e l f must be examined, not o n l y f o r the l i g h t i t c a s t s on other a s p e c t s of c u l t u r e , but as a pa r t of a d i a l e c t i c a l p r o c e s s of experi e n c e and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In the same v e i n , K a p f e r e r (1986) suggests t h a t response t o performance i s an a e s t h e t i c e xperience. E x p e r i e n c i n g a performance renders meaningful and coherent other experience. The form and content of performance, bath a r t i s t i c and s o c i a l , a r e s u b j e c t e d t o the i n t e r p r e t i v e d i a l e c t i c which i s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g and g e n e r a l i z i n g , and which r e c a l l s , a r t i c u l a t e s , and u n i f i e s a r t i s t i c and moral conventions. Performance renders meaningful other e x p e r i e n c e through the use of symbols and metaphors (Fernandez 1982, 1986)* Metaphors s e r v e t o u n i t e the m a t e r i a l elements and t r a p p i n g s of a performance with more a b s t r a c t and perhaps unconscious i d e a s , o r , use "the more f a m i l i a r and e v i d e n t as a model t o grasp and c l a r i f y the l e s s e v i d e n t and e l u s i v e " (Earth 1975:210). As such, metaphor "helps t o ground our conceptual s t r u c t u r e s i n the r e a l i t y of c o n c r e t e e x p e r i e n c e " (Beck 1978:84). The study of performance metaphors a l l o w s f o r a g r e a t e r understanding not o n l y of the events t a k i n g p l a c e i n a s p e c i f i c performance, but enables a deeper understanding of what g i v e s r i s e t o the performance i t s e l f , the i n f o r m a t i o n and s e n s a t i o n s communicated v i a the performance, and the mechanics of t h a t communication. Performance, then, i s a n a t u r a l means of g a i n i n g access t o i n f o r m a t i o n about other a s p e c t s of s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l l i f e , s i n c e i t s study r e q u i r e s an examination of most f a c e t s of s o c i a l l i f e . The A e s t h e t i c . A e s t h e t i c s , and the A e s t h e t i c Experience In t h i s c hapter, the concept of a e s t h e t i c s has been examined, as has the study of music and the a r t s i n anthropology. Two i s s u e s emerge from t h i s d i s c u s s i o n : s t u d y i n g a r t w i t h i n i t s context a l l o w s f o r the understanding of why c e r t a i n items are seen w i t h i n t h e i r c o n t e x t s as " a r t " or as imbued with " a e s t h e t i c " q u a l i t i e s : and a e s t h e t i c s and the a e s t h e t i c experience can be seen as s i m u l t a n e o u s l y s e p a r a t e from, yet an i n t e g r a l p a r t of everyday experience such t h a t t h e r e i s c o n t i n u i t y between the two, with the a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e i n v o k i n g powers of a d i f f e r e n t , e x t r a o r d i n a r y order such t h a t the e x p e r i e n c e of such an event i s profound. Armstrong (1981) argues t h a t o b j e c t s which are venerated or accorded s p e c i a l treatment are o b j e c t s i n v e s t e d with power: It i s the work's power which demands our a t t e n t i o n ; i t i s power which quickens us so t h a t we g r e a t l y p r i z e such t h i n g s and, thus, so u n i v e r s a l l y we make them; and i t i s power which both r e q u i r e s and v a l i d a t e s those s a c r i f i c e s we exact of o u r s e l v e s and of our goods i n t h e i r behalf (p.6). T h i s i s t r u e too f o r the L o l o . C e r t a i n o b j e c t s or p r a c t i c e s a r e potent because they e i t h e r invoke power, or are themselves s a t u r a t e d with power and are thus t r e a t e d with c a r e and deference. The L o l o A e s t h e t i c c o n s t i t u t e s t hat p a r t of the moral order governing the treatment of these o b j e c t s and p r a c t i c e s . For the purposes of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n then, an a n a l y t i c a l framework i s needed t o s e p a r a t e d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of meaning att a c h e d t o the n o t i o n of an A e s t h e t i c . In the a n a l y t i c a l framework, " A e s t h e t i c " r e f e r s t o responses t o , or e x e r c i s e s o f , t h a t which the L o l o c o n s i d e r t o be powerful, g e n e r a l l y by v i r t u e of c o n n e c t i o n s with u l t i m a t e or e x t r a o r d i n a r y power. Both the L o l o p e r s p e c t i v e and t h a t presented i n the a n a l y t i c a l -framework are concerned with powers, powers which are e x t r a o r d i n a r y and mysterious, and which humans can not hope t o completely c o n t r o l . A e s t h e t i c s i n c l u d e s the means with which humans ga i n access t o the realm of the powers. A e s t h e t i c s , p l u s m o r a l i t y or the g u i d e l i n e s f o r a p p r o p r i a t e human a c t i o n as d e f i n e d by the L o l o , c o n s t i t u t e the moral or d e r . " M u s i c a l " , "performance", and " s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s " r e f e r t o the r u l e s and conventions governing the treatment of o b j e c t s and p r a c t i c e s imbued with power, and p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r c a r r y i n g out c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d t o r e l a t e t o the realm of the A e s t h e t i c . The a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e i s t h a t of e x p e r i e n c i n g the merging of the moral order of the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n with the A e s t h e t i c , and e x p e r i e n c i n g the power i n v e s t e d i n the o b j e c t s or events, as a r e s u l t of the proper use of a e s t h e t i c s . The comparison of the L o l o and a n a l y t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s i s as f o i l o w s . L o l o P e r s p e c t i v e A n a l y t i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e Powers of r e p r o d u c t i o n and The A e s t h e t i c c r e a t i o n - mythical s p i r i t s A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s Performance a e s t h e t i c s Humans and human a c t i o n moral order (moral/immoral behaviour) The L o l a mast o f t e n use a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s i n the p r o c e s s of g a i n i n g access t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers, and use ceremonial performances as v e h i c l e s f o r the a c t i v i t i e s of the a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s and thus the c o n n e c t i o n between humans and the powers of mythical beings. For the L o l a , power i n performance comes as a r e s u l t of the performers' i n t e r a c t i o n and a s s o c i a t i o n with e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers v i a the s u p e r n a t u r a l , power whicl i s t r a n s f e r r e d t o the performance i t s e l f , and t o the audience as a r e s u l t of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n with the performers. If the performers and audience f a i l t o make the conn e c t i o n and a s s o c i a t i o n s with the s u p e r n a t u r a l and hence e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers, the L o l o are denied the b e n e f i t s of these a s s o c i a t i o n s and a r e s u b j e c t t o the wrath of the s p i r i t s . Performances can f a i l i n t h i s r e s p e c t i f they do not make proper use of a e s t h e t i c s , t h a t i s , i f performances are not a p p r o p r i a t e l y d i r e c t e d toward the powers. Based on t h i s premise, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the L o l o are l o s i n g knowledge of the A e s t h e t i c . M u s i c a l , performance, and s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s a r e thus not resonant with t h e i r r e c e n t l y a b b r e v i a t e d knowledge and a r e becoming l i k e w i s e a b b r e v i a t e d . The l o s s of the A e s t h e t i c thus has dramatic consequences f o r performance and s o c i a l l i f e i n g e n e r a l . T h i s p r o c e s s i s more f u l l y developed i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s . The -Following c h a p t e r s p r o v i d e the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c ontext f o r a study o-f the L o l o A e s t h e t i c , music and performance, by p r e s e n t i n g the " c h r o n i c character", s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s or m o r a l i t y of the L o l o . T h i s p r o v i d e s b a s i s from which t o examine the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s among s o c i a l and musical a e s t h e t i c s , performance, the A e s t h e t i c , and everyday l i f e . CHAPTER I I THE ETHNOGRAPHIC S E T T I N G The b a s i c ethnographic context o-f the L o l o i s o u t l i n e d below. T h i s c o n t e x t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s needed i n order t o p l a c e the L o l o i n r e l a t i o n t o other l i e l a n e s i a n s o c i e t i e s , and most i m p o r t a n t l y with r e s p e c t t o t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , t o begin the process of understanding the s e t t i n g of L o l o music making and the c o n s t i t u t i o n s o f , and a r t i c u l a t i o n s between, c u l t u r e , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the A e s t h e t i c . The land i n h a b i t e d by the L o l o , t h e i r language, economy and p o l i t i c s , and the a r t s i n c l u d i n g s t o r i e s , music and performance are addressed. These were s e l e c t e d f o r me by my informants who s a i d t h a t an understanding of the L o l o people demanded an understanding of these f a c e t s of L o l o l i f e . The chapter concludes with an examination of t h r e e agents of change, C h r i s t i a n i t y , Western bio-medicine and money, which, i n my a n a l y s i s , have had the g r e a t e s t impact on the L o l o A e s t h e t i c . 30 The Land The L o l o l i v e i n the i n t e r i o r mountainous area o-f northwestern West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e , Papua New G u i n e a . = They number approximately 1200 people and are spread out through seven v i l l a g e s which the L o l o d i v i d e i n t o t h r e e s e p a r a t e d i s t r i c t s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o e l e v a t i o n and t r a d i t i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n . These are the mountain L o l o , among whom I conducted my r e s e a r c h . T h e i r s t o r i e s p l a c e t h e i r o r i g i n i n the mountains, and they have subsequently spread out t o occupy a broad band t h a t s t r e t c h e s a c r o s s the i s i a n d . On the north coast near Cape G l o u c e s t e r (the d i s t r i c t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c e n t r e , e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1959) are f o u r L o l o v i l l a g e s , housing the beach or c o a s t a l L o l o . The i n h a b i t a n t s of these v i l l a g e s moved here a f t e r Cape G l o u c e s t e r was chosen t o be the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n post t o c a p i t a l i z e on the development i n the area. South of the mountain L o l o are the Idne-Lolo. In the l i t e r a t u r e on languages of West New B r i t a i n , i t was thought ( C a p e l l 1962) t h a t the term Idne r e f e r r e d t o a s e p a r a t e language. However, those who l i v e i n the v i l l a g e s along the Idne R i v e r towards the south co a s t of the i s l a n d are a subgroup of the mountain L o l o c o n s i d e r e d t o be the most t r a d i t i o n a l of the L o l o s i n c e they continue t o perform ceremonials i n the L o l o r e p e r t o i r e which have been elsewhere abandoned. When the L o l o t a l k about those who l i v e on the Idne R i v e r , they c a l l them "Idne", but when questioned about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the L o l o and the "Idne", I was informed t h a t they are d i s t i n g u i s h e d o n l y because they a r e not mountain d w e l l e r s l i k e " t r u e " L o l o but are r i v e r people who, f o r example, use canoes t o go t o t h e i r gardens. The Idne-Lolo spend more time i n mountain v i l l a g e s v i s i t i n g k i n and a r r a n g i n g ceremonials than the c o a s t a l group. The L o l o thus occupy t h r e e very d i f f e r e n t environments, c o a s t a l , mountain and r i v e r i n e , and range from the s o p h i s t i c a t e d on the coa s t t o the very t r a d i t i o n a l on the r i v e r . I was unable, p r i m a r i l y because of the r a i n which made paths between v i l l a g e s impassable even f o r the s u r e - f o o t e d L o l o , t o v i s i t a l l the Idne v i l l a g e s . However, I spent s e v e r a l days i n two Idne-Lolo v i l l a g e s and met many of these people when they v i s i t e d A r a i g i l p u a , the v i l l a g e i n which I conducted the bulk of my r e s e a r c h . A r a i g i l p u a i s the c e n t r a l v i l l a g e with t h r e e up the mountain, and th r e e down i n t o the v a l l e y , and as well i s c o n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be the c e n t r e of the i s l a n d . I t i s the c e n t r e of the area f a r other reasons as w e l l , f o r i t i s here t h a t the a i d post, C a t h o l i c church, and community school are l o c a t e d . When o f f i c i a l b u s i n e s s takes p l a c e , f o r example d i s t r i c t c o u r t , a v i s i t by the didiman ( a g r i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e r ) or any other d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r , i t i s t o A r a i g i l p u a 33 t h a t they come t o hold t h e i r meetings. I was a b l e t o a t t e n d these meetings and i n t h i s way meet people -from each L o l o v i l l a g e . A r a i g i l p u a i s u n f o r t u n a t e l y p l a c e d on the boundary between the two p r e v a i l i n g p r e s s u r e systems, the Northwest and Southeast t r a d e winds, meaning t h a t the L o l o g e n e r a l l y e x p e r i e n c e a g r e a t deal of r a i n f o r the e n t i r e year. However, 1985, when I d i d my r e s e a r c h , was c o n s i d e r e d t o be the wettest year t h a t any c o u l d remember. A f t e r even an hour's heavy r a i n , r i v e r s turned i n t o r a g i n g t o r r e n t s o f t e n s t r a n d i n g people f o r days between v i l l a g e s . Log b r i d g e s of f o u r f e e t i n diameter washed away, o l d e r houses caved i n from r a i n , and damage t o gardens was e x t e n s i v e . The L o l o are swidden h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s and use axes, bush knives and d i g g i n g s t i c k s t o p l a n t gardens of v a r i o u s kinds of t a r o (Aj^ae^aeae f a m i l y ) and sweet po t a t o (Ipomoea b a t a t a s ) . These are the s t a p l e foods of the L o l o who r e f e r t o t a r o as "our bones" and say t h a t t a r o i s the o n l y food indigenous t o the a r e a and the one crop p l a n t e d by t h e i r a n c e s t o r s . Taro i s a v a i l a b l e throughout the year, while sweet potatoes a r e s e a s o n a l . The u b i q u i t o u s t a r o i s supplemented by other s e a s o n a l l y a v a i l a b l e foods such as p i t p i t ( S e t a r i a p a l m i f o l i a ) , a kind of g r a s s the s o f t i n n e r shoot of which i s eaten, and the e q u a l l y u b i q u i t o u s a i b i k a ( H i b i 5 c u s manihot Abelmoschus manihot), greens resembling spinach i n t h e i r raw s t a t e which are cooked u n t i l s l i m y and g e l a t i n o u s and used as a g a r n i s h with every meal. These •foods form the b a s i s of a d i e t which i s p r o t e i n poor, being composed almost e n t i r e l y of carbohydrates. Night f i s h i n g i s i n f r e q u e n t , and most p r o t e i n i n the d i e t i s i n the form of pork d i s t r i b u t e d a t ceremonials but n e i t h e r pork nor f i s h i n g p r o v i d e a s u b s t a n t i a l a d d i t i o n t o the d i e t . The gardens of the L o l o are g e n e r a l l y used f o r o n l y a few seasons. A f t e r t h i s , gardens are l e f t f a l l o w f o r about twenty years so t h a t they w i l l be f e r t i l e again f o r the next g e n e r a t i o n . The L o l o thus have s e v e r a l gardens at v a r i o u s s t a g e s , some which are c u r r e n t l y producing, o l d gardens ready t o be l e f t f a l l o w , and new gardens. Crops are p l a n t e d c o n t i n u o u s l y so t h a t t h e r e w i l l always be food ready f o r h a r v e s t i n g . In a d d i t i o n t o the foods mentioned above, L o l o a l s o have coconuts which some L o l o have p l a n t e d i n p l a n t a t i o n s with an eye t o economic development. Coconuts are a r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t a d d i t i o n t o the a r e a , the f i r s t t r e e s having been brought up from the north coast a f t e r WWII. T a l i s ( T erminalia) and a i l a (Inocarpus f a q i f e r ) are two types of nuts consumed i n a d d i t i o n t o g a l i p . A d d i t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s such as firewood, m a t e r i a l s f o r h o u s e b u i l d i n g and so on, a r e a v a i l a b l e i n the bush. Barden lan d can be a c q u i r e d from numerous sources. People work gardens on land a c q u i r e d from p a r e n t s , from the g i v e r s of t h e i r names, and l a n d upon which they have use r i g h t s , r i g h t s u s u a l l y granted by s i b l i n g s . Each L o l o has access t o s e v e r a l p l a t s of l a n d , which, i-f used as gardens, a r e t y p i c a l l y e i t h e r f a l l o w , newly p l a n t e d , or a l r e a d y producing thus e n s u r i n g a constant supply of ready food. Gardens are the f o c a l p o i n t of L o l o work. Women spend most of the day engaged i n garden work. Women r e t u r n t o the v i l l a g e i n mid-afternoon, s i n c e i t i s co n s i d e r e d shameful and a d e r e l i c t i o n of duty f o r a woman t o r e t u r n home c l o s e t o dark because by t h i s time, her husband and c h i l d r e n w i l l be hungry and needing food. If a woman r e t u r n s l a t e from the gardens, those whom she c u s t o m a r i l y f e e d s do not eat u n t i l q u i t e l a t e i n the evening. In t h i s event, a hungry man goes t o a s i s t e r ' s house or t o h i s mother, complains about h i s w i f e , and i s giv e n food and sympathy. A man's schedule f o r gardening i s d i f f e r e n t and more dependent upon personal p r e f e r e n c e than i s a woman's. Unless a man i s a p a r t of an organized labour p a r t y , he i s f r e e t o r e t u r n t o the v i l l a g e when he l i k e s , whether or not he has accomplished anything i n the garden. Men are i n the h a b i t of r e t u r n i n g t o the v i l l a g e i n the e a r l y a f t e r n o o n t o have a nap i n the men's house, s i t i n the sun and g o s s i p , or look f o r someone t o make them food. A very common complaint i s t h a t wives are too busy t o cook f o r them i n the gardens and, out of d e s p e r a t i o n , they must come back t o the v i l l a g e t o be f e d . While working i n the garden, s t r i c t r u l e s are observed r e g a r d i n g the treatment of food and the d i s p o s a l of garden r u b b i s h . A l l r e f u s e i s c a r e f u l l y gathered and hidden i n the brush. Gardens are favoured t a r g e t s f o r s o r c e r y and one must e x e r c i s e g r e a t c a u t i o n i n d i s p o s i n g of garden l e a v i n g s s i n c e the gardens are so v u l n e r a b l e . Any waste from food eaten i n the gardens i s covered with a f i n e coat of red s p i t from b e t e l nut p r o t e c t i n g i t and p r e v e n t i n g i t s use by a s o r c e r e r . Upon e n t e r i n g a garden, eyes are peeled f o r evidence t h a t an unauthorized person has t r e s p a s s e d . I t i s unacceptable behaviour f o r people t o enter the gardens of o t h e r s u n l e s s those gardens belong t o a f a m i l y member. Even i f t h i s i s the case, food g a t h e r i n g i s not p e r m i t t e d u n l e s s one has obtained p r i o r p e r m i s s i o n . If gardens belong t o non-kin, then t h e r e i s no a c c e p t a b l e excuse f o r one's presence. Should i t be d i s c o v e r e d t h a t one has t r e s p a s s e d i n gardens belonging t o non-kin then one can be l a b e l l e d a t h i e f of f o o d , one of the most s e r i o u s a c c u s a t i o n s t h a t one L o l o can l e v e l a g a i n s t another. Both gardens and food are t r e a t e d with s i m i l a r c a r e and r e s p e c t , and the q u a l i t y of each i s used i n determining a person's worth i n L o l o s o c i e t y . Good gardens produce good food, v i t a l f o r good h e a l t h and f o r s u c c e s s f u l ceremonials. Food i s c e n t r a l i n L o l o performance and ceremonial events. The success or f a i l u r e of such events i s based i n 37 l a r g e p a r t on the q u a l i t y and the q u a n t i t y o-f -food d i s t r i b u t e d . I t can c o r r e c t l y be s a i d o-f the L o l o t h a t t h e r e i s no ceremony without -food, and no food without ceremony. From the s i m p l e s t meal t o the most e l a b o r a t e ceremonial event, the c o l l e c t i o n , p r e p a r a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food render v i s i b l e a complex web of b e l i e f and a c t i o n t h a t i s a t the very f o u n d a t i o n of L o l o c u l t u r e . The Language Maleu, the v e r n a c u l a r spoken by the L o l o , i s a member of the S i a s i group of languages and one of t h r e e A u s t r o n e s i a n language f a m i l i e s of Northwestern New B r i t a i n (Thurston 19B7). Maleu was g i v e n to the L o l o people by Maleupua, the b i r d who was guardian and messenger f o r Namor, the c r e a t o r being. Language i t s e l f i s c a l l e d Maleu a c c o r d i n g t o the L o l o , s i n c e i t was the f i r s t language given t o people. As w e l l , because i t was the f i r s t language, Maleu speakers i n s i s t t h a t the language i s the e a s i e s t language t h a t one c o u l d p o s s i b l y l e a r n t o speak, and one who has not mastered the language i n s e v e r a l weeks i s , a c c o r d i n g t o the L o l o , a hopeless i d i o t or one who i s being d e l i b e r a t e l y uncooperative. One d i a l e c t of Maleu i s spoken by the K i l e n g e at the t i p of the northwest c o a s t and another by those who 38 l i v e i n the v i c i n i t y of Saksak on the west c o a s t . D i f f e r e n c e s among these d i a l e c t s a re minimal and anyone who i s a Maleu speaker can e a s i l y understand the d i a l e c t of a speaker from another area. The L o l o make d i s t i n c t i o n s between d i a l e c t s based on the sound of the speech. The K i l e n g e "cut t h e i r t a l k " and indeed Maleu spoken by a K i l e n g e sounds s t a c c a t o t o one accustomed t o the L o l o d i a l e c t i n which the t a l k " s l e e p s " . Those around Saksak tend t o speak i n h i g h , pinched tones such t h a t " t h e i r t a l k stands up." There i s no d i f f e r e n c e e i t h e r t o the L o l o or t o my ear between Maleu spoken by a L o l o or spoken by an Idne-Lolo. One's a b i l i t y t o converse i n the n a t i v e v e r n a c u l a r marks one as an i n s i d e r t o the c u l t u r e , w h ile those who are unable t o converse remain a t the o u t s i d e of the s o c i a l boundaries. I was r e p e a t e d l y t o l d by my informants t h a t being l i k e a L o l o r e q u i r e d t h a t I understand t h e i r language and use i t e x c l u s i v e l y . T h i s a t t i t u d e was e s p e c i a l l y n o t i c e a b l e i n regard t o the way th a t people t a l k e d about those l i v i n g i n the v i l l a g e who were unable t o communicate i n Maleu but spoke Tok P i s i n p l u s t h e i r own language. I t was c o n s i d e r e d d i s g r a c e f u l t h a t the e f f o r t t o l e a r n Maleu had not been made. Thurston (1987) notes t h a t speakers of the S i a s i f a m i l y of languages tend t o speak fewer other languages than do o t h e r s i n West New B r i t a i n . T h i s i s so f o r the 39 L o l o perhaps because i n t e l l i g i b l e d i a l e c t s of Maleu are spoken by a l a r g e number of people i n the ar e a p r e c l u d i n g the need t o speak s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t languages. In A r a i g i l p u a , most people speak some Kabana (the language spoken i n the B a r i a i area of the north c o a s t ) , some have knowledge of languages from the south c o a s t , but g e n e r a l l y , w h i l e they know t h a t many other languages are used i n West New B r i t a i n , most do not speak them with any degree of f l u e n c y . In comparison t o other areas i n West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e , Tok P i s i n i s spoken very r a r e l y and i s a r e l a t i v e l y a r c h a i c form u s i n g f a r fewer a n g l i c i z e d words than v a r i a n t s found, f o r example, on the nor t h c o a s t . I r a r e l y heard Tok P i s i n used among Maleu speakers except f o r swearing and i n s u l t s , o c c a s i o n a l l y by soccer p l a y e r s , and sometimes by c h i l d r e n j u s t back from school i n the af t e r n o o n . Older people sometimes chided c h i l d r e n f o r us i n g Tok P i s i n s i n c e i t i s d e f i n i t e l y regarded as an i n f e r i o r language. Tok P i s i n i s taught i n the community school but c h i l d r e n , once l e a v i n g the s c h o o l y a r d , resume speaking i n Maleu. They would speak Maleu e x c l u s i v e l y but the t e a c h e r s a l l e g e d l y h i t them i f they do not use e i t h e r E n g l i s h or Tok P i s i n w h i l e at s c h o o l . E n g l i s h i s not spoken a t a l l . During my s t a y i n the v i l l a g e I heard E n g l i s h spoken o n l y once when a school-aged c h i l d used E n g l i s h t o s c o l d a younger s i b l i n g . School c h i l d r e n or 40 those who have had some formal education are the o n l y ones with even a l i m i t e d understanding of E n g l i s h . Language i s an important means of e s t a b l i s h i n g one's i d e n t i t y among the L o l o . If one can speak l i k e a L o l o then one i s l i k e a L o l o and thus l i n g u i s t i c a b i l i t y i s analogous t o s o c i a l a b i l i t y . The L o l o equate custom and language. Each d i f f e r e n t language i s a s s o c i a t e d with a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l complex so t h a t one o n l y f e e l s t r u l y c o m f o r t a b l e with those with whom one shares a language w h i l e those who speak another language are a u t o m a t i c a l l y regarded as o u t s i d e r s . Not o n l y does language r e i n f o r c e the L o l o sense of uniqueness, but the name of the language r e c a l l s t h e i r o r i g i n s , t h e i r c l o s e r e l a t i o n t o Namor, and t h e i r s p e c i a l s t a t u s among the world's peoples as "chosen". In t h i s way, language, l i k e c e r t a i n a r t forms such as ba s k e t r y , become "marks" of the L o l o and se r v e t o d e f i n e L o l o as d i s t i n c t . Economic and P o l i t i c a l S e t t i n g T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the L o l o c o n s i d e r e d themselves t o be w e l l - o f f . R a r e l y d i d they e x p e r i e n c e a shortage of food as a r e s u l t of inclement weather, and even i f gardens were poor, a g r e a t v a r i e t y of w i l d food was always a v a i l a b l e i n the bush. T h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of wealth has changed aver the year s , and while wealth s t i l l means having many p i g s and 41 t r a d i t i o n a l household goods i n l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s , t o be a wealthy L o l o today means having these p l u s p o s s e s s i n g Western goods l i k e aluminum cooking p o t s , t i n p l a t e s , "kauboi" ( f l a s h y ) s h i r t s , or a r a d i o . I t i s thus i n c r e a s i n g l y necessary f o r the L o l o t o have cash t o pay t h e i r t a xes, t o buy c l o t h i n g , t o buy school s u p p l i e s and t r e a t s l i k e b i s c u i t s f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r o v e r a l l wealth and s t a t u s . Cash i s r e q u i r e d even to conduct ceremonial work p r o p e r l y s i n c e each ceremony now i n c l u d e s an exchange of money i n a d d i t i o n t o the exchange of t r a d i t i o n a l goods. P i g s are no longer a v a i l a b l e without some cash and s i n c e these are s t i l l one of the c e n t r a l measures of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s wealth, one who a s p i r e s t o p r e s t i g e i n the t r a d i t i o n a l way of having many p i g s , must have access t o money t o amass them. S u r p r i s i n g l y , r i c e i s assuming a p o s i t i o n almost analogous t o p i g s i n the L o l o view. Each ceremonial r e q u i r e s l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of r i c e f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n . I t i s p o s s i b l e t o b a r t e r f o r at l e a s t a p o r t i o n of the p r i c e of a p i g , meaning t h a t o n l y a small amount of cash i s needed, but the r u l e at the s t o r e i s cash o n l y and cash up f r o n t . Thus, a l a r g e sum of money must be c o l l e c t e d t o purchase the 40 t o 60 kilograms of r i c e u s u a l l y consumed. While I was i n A r a i g i l p u a , a t l e a s t t h r e e ceremonial events were postponed u n t i l those r e s p o n s i b l e c o u l d r a i s e the money to buy the r i c e . Cash i s necessary t o o b t a i n a l l t r a d i t i o n a l •farms a-f wealth from p i g s to carved bowls ( n a t a v i l a ) and s h e l l money (namatavuvu), and t o purchase Western goods which are now an expected p a r t of ceremonial d i s t r i b u t i o n s . The L o l o a r e , u n f o r t u n a t e l y , at a d e f i n i t e disadvantage i n terms of e n t r y i n t o a monetary economy. They a r e i n v a r i a b l y f o r c e d t o l e a v e the v i l l a g e t o f i n d work or r e l y on t h e i r k i n who have a l r e a d y done so. O p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r e a r n i n g money i n the v i l l a g e are very l i m i t e d with o n l y o c c a s i o n a l p r o j e c t s l i k e roadwork or c a r r y i n g cargo f o r the s t o r e s up from Cape G l o u c e s t e r . Others i n West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e p l a n t and work copra p l a n t a t i o n s with some degree of s u c c e s s , but the c o n d i t i o n of the road t o the L o l o v i l l a g e s p r e c l u d e s the a v a i l a b i l i t y af any r e g u l a r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The L o l a then, are u n l i k e l y a t l e a s t i n the f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e t o be a b l e to take advantage of such t h i n g s as g r a n t s f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development and are l i k e l y t o remain, as they d e s c r i b e themselves i n comparison t o c o a s t a l peoples, very poor. T h e i r poverty i s v i s i b l e , and d i f f e r e n c e s between the standard of l i v i n g of the L o l o and t h a t of the more prosperous c o a s t a l d w e l l e r s are immediately apparent. I t i s a source of shame f o r the L o l o t h a t they d r e s s i n rags, have no soap f o r washing t h e i r c l o t h e s , are unable t o g i v e t h e i r c h i l d r e n r i c e , and t h a t t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n s a t ceremonials are sa meager. 43 Nonetheless, L o l o men and women spend much of t h e i r time i n v o l v e d i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l machinations, and owing t o the nature of l o c a l p o l i t i c s i n Papua New Guinea, i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o sepa r a t e the two. P o l i t i c a l s u c c e s s i s achieved with the support t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l can muster from h i s or her s o c i a l network and l a c k i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e s o c i a l s k i l l s means th a t p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e w i l l be minimal. In s p i t e of t h e i r e g a l i t a r i a n ethos, i t i s con s i d e r e d h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e t o possess i n f l u e n c e and i n c r e a s e t h a t i n f l u e n c e by u s i n g the v a r i e t y of o p t i o n s a v a i l a b l e . C e r t a i n people a re born with i n f l u e n c e by v i r t u e of t h e i r b i r t h i n t o an a l r e a d y i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l y . A l l a r e very c o n s c i o u s of t h e i r a c t i o n s and c a r e f u l not to of f e n d those who may be i n a p o s i t i o n t o grant f a v o u r s , and to do fa v o u r s f o r o t h e r s so t h a t they w i l l be indebted, c r e a t i n g o b l i g a t i o n s t o be c a l l e d i n at a l a t e r date. P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y f o r the L o l o takes p l a c e i n a framework both t r a d i t i o n a l and modern, although men are more l i k e l y than women t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n "modern" p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . Men a s p i r e t o hold p o s i t i o n s i n e i t h e r or both spheres and attempt t o ga i n these p o s i t i o n s u s i n g a combination of t r a d i t i o n a l and modern techniques although g r e a t e r weight i s pl a c e d on t r a d i t i o n a l means. For example, should one a s p i r e t o hold any of the e l e c t e d p o s i t i o n s i n v i l l a g e government, one must be a powerful i n d i v i d u a l i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sense p o s s e s s i n g a l a r g e 44 number of p i g s and other t r a d i t i o n a l forms of wealth and a b l e t o c a l l on a l a r g e number of s u p p o r t e r s . Added t o t h i s , c a n d i d a t e s must demonstrate s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o deal e f f e c t i v e l y with the t a n g l e s of modern bureaucracy and not be i n t i m i d a t e d i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s with d i s t r i c t or p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s . P o s s e s s i o n of high p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l or economic s t a t u s i s at once a b l e s s i n g and a c u r s e f o r the L o l o . To be a s i g n i f i c a n t and v i s i b l e f i g u r e i n v o l v e d i n the a f f a i r s of the v i l l a g e i s t o p l a c e one's l i f e and the l i v e s of one's f a m i l y a t r i s k , s i n c e i n f l u e n t i a l people are favoured t a r g e t s f o r s o r c e r y , endemic among the L o l o . T y p i c a l l y i n Papua New B u i n e a , 7 s o r c e r y can be i n i t i a t e d f o r many reasons, as revenge f o r some r e a l or imagined s l i g h t , t o a t t a c k f i r s t or be a t t a c k e d , t o teach someone a l e s s o n f o r g e t t i n g a s w e l l e d head, t o ensure t h a t no one e l s e g a i n s ascendancy, and so on. Among the L o l o , members of one's immediate f a m i l y , f o r example f a t h e r s or b r o t h e r s , are the most f e a r e d . Family have the g r e a t e s t ease of access to personal p o s s e s s i o n s which are the favoured t a r g e t s of s o r c e r e r s , and most i m p o r t a n t l y , have the g r e a t e s t number of g r i e v a n c e s t o address. To a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , while f a m i l y members r e f l e c t the g l o r y of the accomplishments of the o t h e r s i n t h e i r f a m i l y , i t s t i l l means t h a t what i s given to one i s denied the o t h e r , and so one i s not s a f e even 45 among c l o s e k i n . S o r c e r y i s thus one of the most potent means of s o c i a l c o n t r o l and manipulation p r a c t i c e d and makes each L o l o walk a t i g h t r o p e i n an e f f o r t t o enhance s t a t u s and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a v o i d being e n s o r c e l e d . The r e p u t a t i o n of the L o l o as dangerous s o r c e r e r s i s widespread, and has been blamed f o r the demise of the S i a s i - K i 1 e n g e - L o l o t r a d e ( Z e l e n i e t z 1980). C e r t a i n l y i t does not make f o r c a r d i a l r e l a t i o n s and i s l i k e l y one reason why the L o l o marry i n f r e q u e n t l y i n t o other groups. So r c e r y has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r more than day-to-day, or f a c e — t o — f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n . S o r c e r y , or the t h r e a t of s o r c e r y , h o l d s a l l L o l o i n check. They must c o n s t a n t l y e v a l u a t e t h e i r a c t i o n s , t r y t o second-guess a c t i o n s of s o r c e r e r s , and t a i l o r t h e i r behaviour t o minimize danger. In a d d i t i o n , and more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the degree t o which s o r c e r y i s p r a c t i c e d would seem t o p o i n t t o a s e r i o u s problem. S o r c e r y i s symptomatic of a changing L o l o moral order , which has consequences f o r the L o l a way of l i f e . I t i s argued below t h a t these changes, i n c l u d i n g the i n c r e a s e of s o r c e r y , are the n a t u r a l consequences of an A e s t h e t i c i n t r a n s i t i on. The A r t s  Verbal A r t s The t e l l i n g of s t o r i e s i s an important p a r t of L o l o s o c i a l l i f e . The content of s t o r i e s s e r v e s t o r e i n f o r c e the L o l o sense of uniqueness and p r o v i d e s the hearers with l e s s o n s i n L o l o h i s t o r y and m o r a l i t y . The a c t of t e l l i n g s t o r i e s i s an o c c a s i o n i n which the L o l o moral i m p e r a t i v e of s o c i a b i l i t y i s enacted. A d u l t s and o l d e r c h i l d r e n o f t e n t e l l s t o r i e s t o young c h i l d r e n , and everyone d e l i g h t s i n hea r i n g them t o l d and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the t e l l i n g . The L o l o d i f f e r e n t i a t e among napu, pungunga, and k i l k i l n g a , t h r e e genres of s t o r i e s . When r e f e r r i n g t o the t e l l i n g of s t o r i e s , the L o l o use the term a p p r o p r i a t e t o the p a r t i c u l a r genre of s t o r y , t h e r e being no g e n e r i c word f o r s t o r y or s t o r y t e l l i n g i n Maleu. Napu are the " s t o r i e s of the n i g h t " . G e n e r a l l y , people s t a y i n the v i l l a g e a t n i g h t because of the dangers from s p i r i t s and s o r c e r e r s , but c e r t a i n circumstances such as hunting w i l d p i g s and p r e p a r i n g f o r c e r t a i n kinds of garden work r e q u i r e t h a t a group of men spend a n i g h t i n the bush. A f t e r dark, they s i t by a f i r e and t e l l napu. P e r i o d i c a l l y some drop o f f t o s l e e p , but t h e r e i s always one man t e l l i n g s t o r i e s and someone l i s t e n i n g . Napu t e l l of animals or s p i r i t s who l i v e i n the bush and many of them e x p l a i n how they came t o cooperate with man. One s t o r y d e s c r i b e s how man came t o use l i z a r d s k i n f o r the heads of drums, another t e l l s how p i g s came t o be domesticated. I was t o l d by one o l d e r man, a s p e c i a l i s t i n t h i s genre, t h a t the s t o r i e s helped t o pass the long n i g h t s and make the dark bush, teeming with dangers at 4 7 n i g h t , l e s s f r i g h t e n i n g . The s t o r i e s , he s a i d , b e f r i e n d and render f a m i l i a r the n i g h t c r e a t u r e s . T e l l i n g napu reminds men of t h i s w h ile the a c t i v i t y around the f i r e keeps malevolent s p i r i t s a t bay. A l l napu are s i m i l a r l y s t r u c t u r e d . Each i s about ten minutes l o n g , begins by i n t r o d u c i n g the c e n t r a l human c h a r a c t e r s , and c o n t i n u e s with an account of an event or a journey. The c e n t r a l animal c h a r a c t e r i s then i n t r o d u c e d . Each napu has a s p e c i a l song c o n s i d e r e d as a l e i t m o t i f f o r the p a r t i c u l a r animal i n v o l v e d i n the s t o r y . The animal's song i s sung twice i n the course of the s t o r y , and the s t o r y concludes with a statement r e m i n i s c e n t of Aesop's f a b l e s , i n which the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the animal and man i s e x p l a i n e d along with a statement of proper moral behaviour as a r e s u l t of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . On o c c a s i o n a group of men may hold a n i g h t of s t o r y t e l l i n g f o r the v i l l a g e . In t h i s i n s t a n c e , food i s cooked and d i s t r i b u t e d , and members of the v i l l a g e l i g h t f i r e s and s i t o u t s i d e while the men t e l l napu u n t i l dawn. In t h i s way, c h i l d r e n l e a r n the s t o r i e s w h ile everyone enjoys the entertainment. T h i s i s one way t h a t napu are l e a r n e d , although many are t o l d by parents t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n l e s s formal s e t t i n g s . S e v e r a l napu were t o l d t o me by c h i l d r e n , and i f t h e i r p a rents or other a d u l t s were p r e s e n t , they beamed with p r i d e . 48 When people gathered t o t e l l napu t o me, these were u s u a l l y h i l a r i o u s o c c a s i o n s . They would crowd i n t o my house, men and women accompanied by c h i l d r e n , and s e t t l e i n •for an evening of g o s s i p i n g and s t o r y t e l l i n g . By c o n t r a s t , the t e l l i n g of pungunga r e q u i r e s e l a b o r a t e p r e p a r a t i o n , i s a time of gre a t s o l e m n i t y , and i s one of the few times t h a t small c h i l d r e n a re not welcome. Pungunga t e l l of t h i n g s t h a t happened i n the past. These s t o r i e s d e s c r i b e the o r i g i n s of d i f f e r e n t f o ods, customs, ceremo n i a l s , and speak of the time when Namor the c r e a t o r being walked the la n d . For t h i s reason, g r e a t importance was attached t o these s t o r i e s , and so when pungunga were t o l d t o me, c a r e was taken t o c r e a t e the proper s e t t i n g and atmosphere. P r i o r t o t e l l i n g pungunga a group of o l d and h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d men gathered a t one or another of t h e i r houses and rehearsed, making sure of the chronology of events and a l l d e t a i l s such as p l a c e names, names of c h a r a c t e r s , and so on. The c o n s t i t u t i o n of these groups and the house chosen t o h o l d t h e i r r e h e a r s a l s p r o v i d e d c l u e s r e g a r d i n g the ownership of s t o r i e s . Pungunga a r e passed by a f a t h e r t o h i s sons when he judges t h a t they a re ready t o hear the s t o r i e s and a p p r e c i a t e t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e . In t h i s way, ownership of s t o r i e s i s e s t a b l i s h e d , i n a way t h a t f o l l o w s general p a t t e r n s of descent among the L o l o . Ownership does not mean t h a t o t h e r s do not know the s t o r i e s , r a t h e r , i t 49 means th a t c e r t a i n people, by v i r t u e of t h e i r k i n l i n k s , have what can be c a l l e d use r i g h t s t o p a r t i c u l a r s t o r i e s , and thus have the a u t h o r i t y t o p u b l i c l y t e l l the s t o r i e s and can pass these s t o r i e s a long. These i n d i v i d u a l s are those who are the a r b i t e r s of the s t o r i e s with the power t o say which v e r s i o n of the s t o r y i s c o r r e c t (Cf. Coplan 1987 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of a u t h o r i t y i n songs). Rehearsal i s an important element of L o l o s t o r y t e l l i n g , e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of pungunga. During r e h e a r s a l s , arguments o c c a s i o n a l l y erupt as p a r t i c i p a n t s d i s a g r e e on some p o i n t of the s t o r y . P a r t i c i p a n t s i n these d i s c u s s i o n s are those p o s s e s s i n g the proper c r e d e n t i a l s i n the form of k i n l i n k s . If a younger man d i s a g r e e s with an o l d e r man, the younger man i s reprimanded f o r h i s e f f r o n t e r y i n c h a l l e n g i n g the s u p e r i o r knowledge of one of h i s e l d e r s . If a man argues with another about some aspect of a s t o r y and i s ignored or h i s o p i n i o n d i s r e g a r d e d , chances are t h a t t h a t p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l i s h e l d i n low r e g a rd by h i s peers. Knowledge i s e s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c a l with regard t o the pungunga c o n t a i n i n g s t o r i e s fundamental t o L o l o i d e n t i t y . Those with the g r e a t e s t amount of knowledge of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r genre are venerated and h e l d i n high regard while o t h e r s with l e s s knowledge are l e s s r e s p e c t e d . When those without the proper s a n c t i o n f o r t e l l i n g c e r t a i n s t o r i e s t o l d them t o me, t h e i r e f f o r t s were rewarded with s n o r t s of d e r i s i o n from other v i l l a g e r s , and the a c c u s a t i o n 50 t h a t they were " r u b b i s h " . In some cases, i t was c l e a r t h a t the t e l l e r s indeed knew l i t t l e of the s t o r i e s . In o t h e r s , however, the v e r s i o n s of the s t o r i e s were s i m i l a r , but s i n c e the t e l l e r l a c k e d the a u t h o r i t y t o t e l l the s t o r i e s , the s t o r i e s themselves were seen as "no good". F r e q u e n t l y , those who t o l d s t o r i e s which were "no good" were a l s o "no good" themselves, s i n c e o n l y an u p s t a r t would t e l l a s t o r y not r i g h t f u l l y h i s . Pungunga are reminders of the past and L o l o b e l i e v e t h a t without these s t o r i e s , t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s would fade away and disappear. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s i s p r e c i s e l y what i s happening. Almost each time I was t o l d a pungunga, e s p e c i a l l y an important one, the t e l l e r would a p o l o g i z e f o r h i s incomplete knowledge of the s t o r y . C e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s are s i n g l e d out as the masters of t h i s genre, not because they know the s t o r i e s i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y , but because they remember more of the s t o r i e s than do o t h e r s . By l o s i n g e n t i r e s t o r i e s and p a r t s of o t h e r s , the L o l o are l o s i n g p a r t s of the A e s t h e t i c . S i n c e these s t o r i e s p r o v i d e important moral l e s s o n s and e x p l a n a t i o n s of the L o l o world, s p e c i f i c a l l y the s p i r i t world, t h i s p a r t i c u l a r l o s s of the A e s t h e t i c l e a d s t o a corres p o n d i n g l o s s i n moral orde r , s i n c e t h e i r understanding of the fo u n d a t i o n f o r b e l i e f s and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d p r a c t i c e s i s gone. Both napu and pungunga are c o n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be indigenous but can a l s o be found among other groups i n West New B r i t a i n ( S c a l e t t a 1985, Z e l e n i e t z 1980). The t h i r d g e n r e , k i l k i l n g a , i s n o t c o n s i d e r e d t o be i n d i g e n o u s K i l k i l n g a a r e r i d d l e s . I f a man wants b e t e l n u t , he w i l l go t o a n o t h e r man and draw v e r b a l p i c t u r e s o f what he w a n t s , and t h e o t h e r h a s t o g u e s s and g i v e him what he a s k s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , I n e v e r h e a r d any o f t h e s e s i n c e v e r few p e o p l e i n t h e a r e a know how t o t e l l them. The L o l o a r e q u i t e p a r t i c u l a r i n t h e i r n o t i o n s o f what c o n s t i t u t e s good s t o r y t e l l i n g . S t o r y t e l l i n g i s a " v e r b a l a r t " (Bauman 1986.8) and c o n t r i b u t e s t o a p e r s o n ' s s t a t u s w i t h i n t h e s o c i e t y . P r o w e s s i n s t o r y t e l l i n g r e f l e c t s and c a u s e s o t h e r s t o a c k n o w l e d g e v a s t c u l t u r a l k n o wledge making t h o s e most a d e p t t r u e b i g men. S t o r y t e l l i n g f o r t h e L o l o f u l f i l l s a number o f f u n c t i o n s . As Bauman (1986:113) s t a t e s , When one l o o k s t o t h e s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s by w h i c h s o c i a l l i f e i s a c c o m p l i s h e d , one f i n d s - w i t h s u r p r i s i n g f r e q u e n c y - p e o p l e t e l l i n g s t o r i e s t o e a c h o t h e r , a s a means of g i v i n g c o g n i t i v e and e m o t i o n a l c o h e r e n c e t o e x p e r i e n c e ; c o n s t r u c t i n g and n e g o t i a t i n g s o c i a l i d e n t i t y ; i n v e s t i n g t h e e x p e r i e n t i a l l a n d s c a p e w i t h m o r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n a way t h a t c a n be b r o u g h t t o b e a r on human b e h a v i o u r ; g e n e r a t i n g , i n t e r p r e t i n g , and t r a n s f o r m i n g t h e work e x p e r i e n c e ; and a h a s t o f o t h e r r e a s o n s . T h e s e s t a t e m e n t s c e r t a i n l y a p p l y t o L o l o s t o r y t e l l i n g . I n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y i s g a i n e d f r o m t h e r e c o g n i t i o n and r e s p e c t g i v e n t o t h o s e c o n s i d e r e d t a l e n t e d and h i g h l y k n o w l e d g e a b l e r a c o n t e u r s . Much o f what i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e e s s e n c e o f L o l o c u l t u r e i s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the Namor s t o r i e s and other o r i g i n s t o r i e s . L o l o s t o r i e s , most p a r t i c u l a r l y pungunga, t e l l of the o r i g i n s of the o r d i n a r y and the e x t r a o r d i n a r y and d e s c r i b e the moral o r d e r s of each, while i n d i c a t i n g how the two are a r t i c u l a t e d i d e o l o g i c a l l y and i n a c t i o n . I t i s c l e a r t h a t g i v e n the s i g n i f i c a n c e of L o l o s t o r i e s f o r the i n f o r m a t i o n c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n and f o r t h e i r s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , l o s i n g p a r t s of s t o r i e s and e n t i r e s t o r i e s c o n s t i t u t e s a vacuum i n L o l o l i f e . S t o r i e s t e l l how the L o l o a re connected t o s p i r i t s and powers, hence the A e s t h e t i c . Loss of t h i s component of the A e s t h e t i c c o n t r i b u t e s t o f u r t h e r changes i n the moral order of c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , s i n c e knowledge of the s t o r i e s i s r e q u i r e d t o render coherent the con n e c t i o n s between the e x t r a o r d i n a r y and the mundane. Music and Performance More than any other f a c e t of t h e i r c u l t u r e , the L o l o c o n s i d e r music and performance as t h a t which most c l e a r l y s e p a r a t e s them from other groups, and t h a t which speaks most d i r e c t l y t o the essence of t h e i r c u l t u r e . T h i s i s merely a b r i e f i n t r o d u c t i o n t o music and performance of music among the L o l o . F u r t h e r c h a p t e r s deal with t h i s s u b j e c t i n g r e a t e r depth. Maleu c o n t a i n s no g e n e r i c terms f o r sang ar music. Each time these a c t i v i t i e s take p l a c e they are l a b e l l e d 53 a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r c o ntext. For c e r t a i n types of ceremonials the L o l o use the term narogo which g l o s s e s l o o s e l y as f e a s t , but which more p r o p e r l y r e f e r s t o onl y c e r t a i n types of ceremonial events. The narogo c y c l e i s d i s c u s s e d i n f u r t h e r d e t a i l i n Chapter V. The L o l o t r a d i t i o n a l l y possessed a r i c h and e l a b o r a t e ceremonial complex (See F i g u r e 1). C e r t a i n of these ceremonies i n s l i g h l t y d i f f e r e n t form can be found among the K i l e n g e and the Kabana. The L o l o complex i n c l u d e d the f o l l o w i n g indigenous ceremonies: K a i , Vukumu, Vokoi , Netutnetne, Navoltomare, Naosung, Malanggan, and Rumburumbu. Sev e r a l of these are not c u r r e n t l y performed, a c c o r d i n g t o the L o l o , because of incomplete knowledge. Netutnetne, a performance f o r women o n l y , and Rumburumbu, are l a r g e l y f o r g o t t e n by even the o l d e s t L o l o . Naosung and Malanggan have not been performed f o r years. These are very potent ceremonials i n v o l v i n g the most powerful and f r i g h t e n i n g masked s p i r i t s known t o the L o l o . Women f l e e t o the gardens when these s p i r i t s emerge from the men's house, and w i l l not r e t u r n u n t i l the f i g u r e s a re again hidden. My informants would not s i n g the songs or t a l k about the performances because of the in h e r e n t danger. These t o p i c s were v i r t u a l l y the o n l y ones about which they were not forthcoming. Vukumu and Vokoi were given t o the L o l o by Namor along with Naosung and Malanggan. Kai and Navoltomare were 54 g i f t s from a s p i r i t being who, l a c k i n g a head, sang the songs from a mouth l o c a t e d i n h i s armpit. Most of these ceremonies are c o n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be indigenous with the most important g i v e n t o them by Namor along with t h e i r s t o r i e s , performance magic and the F i g u r e 1  L o l o Ceremonies 55 Ceremony Nakamutmut D e s c r i p t i o n Source Navoltomare Vokoi Naosung Performed i n the context of Half f i r s t b o r n c e r e m o n i a l , t o " p u l l " h a l f p i g s f o r Vukumu, and t o c e l e b r a t e namos, the male and female f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n , the wealth amassed f o r the ceremony, and the act of c e l e b r a t i o n i t s e l f . T h i s i s c u r r e n t l y performed. L o l o , B a r i a i P a r t of the narogo c y c l e of ceremonies f o r mortuaries and the f i r s t b o r n . Performed t o r a i s e the c e n t r a l post of the men's house, and t o c e l e b r a t e the " r e b i r t h " of the s p i r i t s who l i v e i n the men's house. Primary p a r t i c i p a n t s i n c l u d e agnates of the men's house group f o r which the post i s r a i s e d , secondary p a r t i c i p a n t s i n c l u d e cognates, more d i s t a n t k i n , and members of the r e s i d e n t i a l group. Not now performed, i t has been r e p l a c e d by S i a . Indi genous - headless s p i r i t Performed f o r female f i r s t b o r n named S a l i k i t o c a l l her name, t o "turn her i n t o a man", and t o c e l e b r a t e her marriage. Part of narogo ceremonial c y c l e . Performed by agnates and cognates of G a l i k i ' s p a t e r n a l men's house group. L a s t performed i n i t s e n t i r e t y about 20 years ago. Performed f o r male f i r s t b o r n named Natavolo t o c a l l h i s name, and g i v e him female r e p r o d u c t i v e powers. Performed by agnates and cognates of h i s p a t e r n a l men's house group. L a s t performed about 30 years ago. Naosung masks burned i n 1930's. Indigenous — a g i f t from Namor Indigenous - a g i f t from Namor F i g u r e 1 (can't) Malanggan Performed t o t u r n B a l i k i back i n t o a woman. Pa r t of narogo c y c l e , and was performed by G a l i k i ' s male agnates and cognates. L a s t performed about 30 years ago. Maianggan masks burned i n 1930's. Indigenous - Namor Netutnetne Performed as p a r t of the narogo c y c l e f o r female f i r s t b o r n i n p r e p r a t i o n f o r marriage. Female agnates and cognates were key p a r t i c i p a n t s . No longer performed, the l a s t performance was about 40 years ago. Indigenous - Namor Vukumu Pa r t of the narogo c y c l e , and performed t o put black bands on l e g s of male f i r s t b o r n . Key p a r t i c i p a n t s a re agnates of male f i r s t b o r n being decorated. S t i l l performed i n Idne v i l l a g e s , l a s t performed about 20 years ago L o l o v i l l a g e s . Indi genous — Namor i n Kai O r i g i n a l l y performed by young men of men's house groups as a way t o demonstrate t h e i r s t r e n g t h and t o a t t r a c t women. S t i l l performed, although now o n l y as an adjunct t o S i a . Indigenous — headli s p i r i t 57 e x p e c t a t i o n s -for a p p r o p r i a t e p r e p a r a t i o n s and q u a n t i t i e s o-f p i g s and other forms of wealth d i s t r i b u t e d i n the course of performance. Indigenous ceremonies are viewed as being a c t u a l p r o p e r t y belonging t o the L o l o , s i n c e Namor gave these t o them along with the i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the performance. The L o l o thus have what i s analogous t o " c o p y r i g h t " over the performance of these ceremonies. These ceremonies are not the p r o p e r t y of i n d i v i d u a l s but r a t h e r belong t o a l l L o l o who as a r e s u l t have a stake i n e n s u r i n g t h a t they a r e p r o p e r l y executed and not allowed to f a l l i n t o the wrong hands. C e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s , i d e a l l y the "boss" of the men's house or n a t a v a l o , have primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r e n s u r i n g t h a t performances are c a r r i e d out p r o p e r l y . However, i f , as i s the case i n Umelpua, the e l d e r of the men's house i s not seen as capable, an i n d i v i d u a l more expert assumes t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . It i s p a s s i b l e t a buy ar s e l l a ceremony. The L o l a say t h a t they would not l i k e t o see one of the important performances s o l d t o another group of people, but they have no such qualms about l e s s e r performances which i n c l u d e those which were given by someone other than Namor. In order t o buy a ceremony, one must f i r s t engage i n n e g o t i a t i o n s with those who h o l d c o p y r i g h t . One ceremony, M u r m u r (Arawe A i u ) , was purchased from the Arawe on the south c o a s t . A L o l a f a m i l y with Arawe k i n had seen i t performed and wished t o use i t i n p l a c e of Vukumu s i n c e they were unable t o a c q u i r e s u f f i c i e n t wealth f o r i t s performance. Thus, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h i s f a m i l y went t o the Arawe and began t o d i s c u s s the purchase of Murmur. A f t e r l e n g t h y n e g o t i a t i o n s , i t was decided t h a t Murmur c o u l d be s o l d . The purchasers would f i r s t h o l d a s p e c i a l ceremony i n which the Arawe would come t o a L o l o v i l l a g e , perform Murmur so t h a t the L o l o c o u l d l e a r n i t c o r r e c t l y , and would t h e r e be p a i d f o r the r i g h t s t o performance. The p r i c e f o r t h i s was e i g h t a d u l t p i g s , t h r e e males and f i v e females, s e v e r a l carved bowls and c l a y pots, and l a r g e shares of cooked pork and food f o r a l l who came t o teach the L o l o . T h i s d u l y proceeded, and now the L o l o number Murmur as one of " t h e i r " ceremonies, although the q u a l i t y of ownership i s d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of the indigenous ceremonies. The L o l o can now s e l l Murmur t o another group a f t e r seeking p e r m i s s i o n from the Arawe. In t h i s event, the Arawe would not r e c e i v e compensation, but the L o l o would be p a i d f o r t h e i r time and t r o u b l e as i n s t r u c t o r s r e c e i v i n g l e s s than i f the ceremony was purchased from the t r u e owners. Purchases of a l l t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonies f o l l o w t h i s p a t t e r n . The L o l o welcome any o c c a s i o n g i v i n g them an excuse t o s i n g . Every L o l o s i n g s l u l l a b i e s , p l a y songs, mourning songs, eulogy songs, songs from ceremonies or b a l l a d s , on an almost d a i l y b a s i s . People s i n g while they walk t o and from the gardens, and n e a r l y any a c t i v i t y can be e n l i v e n e d by spontaneous s i n g i n g . Many other groups from West New B r i t a i n c o n s i d e r the L o l o t o be the masters of s i n g i n g (Counts, personal communication 1983, S c a l e t t a 1985) and b e l i e v e they possess the most e x t e n s i v e r e p e r t o i r e of songs i n ceremonials. L o l o music i s mainly v o c a l . They possess few musical instruments, and o n l y the kundu or h o u r g l a s s drum i s r e g u l a r l y used i n performance. Bamboo jaw harps a re play e d , but u s u a l l y by young men t o while away the time, or to occupy themselves on long walks. C e r t a i n f l u t e s a re played p u b l i c l y , o t h e r s a re played i n the p r i v a c y of the men's house or i n the bush away from women. F l u t e s a re used f o r ceremonial purposes and f o r l o v e charms with s u c c e s s f u l wooing guaranteed i f a young man t h i n k s of h i s beloved while p l a y i n g a p a r t i c u l a r k i nd of f l u t e . The L o l o v a l u e m u s i c i a n s h i p and use t h i s as a means t o grant high or low s t a t u s t o i n d i v i d u a l s . Those having a wide knowledge of songs are g e n e r a l l y those who possess comparable c u l t u r a l knowledge and are granted the s t a t u s of "b i g man" or " b i g woman". Good s i n g e r s a re a l s o v a l u e d , the L o l o having very d e f i n i t e i d e a s about what makes a good or a poor s i n g e r . T h e i r c r i t e r i a used i n assessments of vocal a b i l i t y a re remarkably s i m i l a r t o those used i n Western s o c i e t y , at l e a s t i n the e v a l u a t i o n of male v o i c e s . Men, a c c o r d i n g t o my informants, should have f u l l , round v o i c e s , a wide vocal range, and should be a b l e t o s i n g notes at the extremes of t h i s range with no l o s s of timbre or power. Women on the other hand, are expected t o s i n g i n r a t h e r nasal tones, and i t i s a mark of t a l e n t i f a woman can h i t e x c e p t i o n a l l y high notes although i n t h i s case, the f a c t t h a t a woman can h i t these notes i s of g r e a t e r importance than the q u a l i t y of the sound produced. T h i s combination of h i g h , nasal tones and the f u l l lower tones produced by the men i s d e s i r a b l e and p l e a s i n g t o the L o l o ear. Land, language, items c o n s i d e r e d by the L o l o t o be i n t r i n s i c a l l y v a l u a b l e , the v e r b a l a r t s , and music and performance, a l l have, and are important because o f , t h e i r i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n s t o s p i r i t s and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. T h i s i n t i m a t e connection imbues those a s p e c t s of L o l o l i f e with the weight and s i g n i f i c a n c e of s p i r i t power. Economic and p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n p r o v i d e the r o u t e t o p o s s e s s i o n of g r e a t e r amounts of wealth and i n f l u e n c e , hence more w o r l d l y power, and w h i l e c o n s t i t u t e d p r i m a r i l y of a c t i o n with other human beings, s t i l l n e c e s s i t a t e d e a l i n g with the e x t r a o r d i n a r y . 61 Agents of Change T h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s intended t o p r o v i d e the context f o r examinations of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change among the L o l o . I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n here t o p r o v i d e e x t e n s i v e documentation on L o l o c o n t a c t h i s t o r y - Rather, I i n t e n d t o f o c u s on t h r e e agents of change, the m i s s i o n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Western bio—medicine, and the growth of a monetary economy, which, from my a n a l y s i s of the s i t u a t i o n , have had the g r e a t e s t impact on L o l o r e l a t i o n s with the s p i r i t s and t h e i r f e l l o w humans. Data f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s were c o l l e c t e d from s e n i o r men and women i n the v i l l a g e (who would d e s c r i b e themselves as C h r i s t i a n ) and i n d i s c u s s i o n s with the incumbent p r i e s t at the K i l e n g e m i s s i o n . As such, t h i s i s not an h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , but r a t h e r an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of h i s t o r y as given t o me by my i nformants. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y has been an extremely potent f o r c e i n the process of modernization and s e c u l a r i z a t i o n . The l a t t e r term r e f e r s t o the p r o c e s s by which the L o l o are moving from an o r i e n t a t i o n guided by r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s t o one i n which they are guided by the s e c u l a r . Because of the L o l o ' s i s o l a t e d l o c a t i o n , t h e i r e a r l y c o n t a c t s with m i s s i o n s came second hand. The K i l e n g e , the L o l o ' s neighbours on the north c o a s t , had become f a m i l i a r with m i s s i o n s and mission a c t i v i t i e s through s t o r i e s brought by t h e i r t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s , the S i a s i . A Lutheran m i s s i o n had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n S i a s i t e r r i t o r y , and a c c o r d i n g t o the S i a s i , was a powerful f o r c e . The e x p l o s i o n of R i t t e r I s l a n d i n 18SS was a t t r i b u t e d t o d i v i n e r e t r i b u t i o n f o l l o w i n g an e a r l y a t t a c k on the m i s s i o n . The K i l e n g e responded t o t h i s news by burning t h e i r Naosung masks, which the S i a s i had a l r e a d y done i n response t o a demand by the Lutherans ( Z e l e n i e t z 1980s 165). The L o l o a t the time were i n v o l v e d with the K i l e n g e - L o l a - S i a s i t r a d e and a c c o r d i n g t o my informants were l i k e w i s e f a m i l i a r with these s t o r i e s . In 1929, at the request of the K i l e n g e , the Order of the Sacred Heart e s t a b l i s h e d a m i s s i o n i n K i l e n g e which has s i n c e been s t a f f e d by I r i s h and Serman p r i e s t s , i n t e r r u p t e d o n l y by the Japanese oc c u p a t i o n d u r i n g World War II ( i b i d , pp. 35—36). The mission i n K i l e n g e i n c l u d e d the mountain L o l o w i t h i n i t s t e r r i t o r y (there were no L o l o on the c o a s t a t t h i s time, and the Idne—Lolo r e c e i v e d t h e i r C h r i s t i a n t e a c h i n g s from A n g l i c a n s ) , but given the l o c a t i o n of the L o l o , c o n t a c t was i n c o n s i s t e n t . M i s s i o n c o n t a c t with the L o l o began i n the 1930's. According t o my informants, they were v i s i t e d by a p r i e s t on a few o c c a s i o n s p r i o r t o World War I I . A f t e r the War, the m i s s i o n attempted more s u s t a i n e d c o n t a c t and i n the 1950's s e t up a small s c h o o l , church and a i d post. 63 The mission found i t d i f f i c u l t t o s t a f f the s c h o o l , and the L o l o say t h a t i t was c l o s e d more o f t e n than not. Attempts were made t o open other s c h o o l s f u r t h e r a f i e l d i n the L o l o a r e a , but these s u f f e r e d the same f a t e . With Papua New Guinean S e l f Government i n 1973 and Independence i n 1975, the present community school was developed. The church has never had a r e s i d e n t p r i e s t . U n t i l the l a t e 1960's, when the f i r s t c a t e c h i s t a r r i v e d , the L o l o were v i s i t e d by the p r i e s t when he made h i s p a t r o l s i n the area. My informants say t h a t the c u r r e n t p r i e s t , u n l i k e h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s , v i s i t s f r e q u e n t l y , f o r example, making f i v e t r i p s i n 1985. P r e v i o u s incumbents at the mission u s u a l l y p a t r o l l e d once or twice each year, and the L o l o t a l k of one p r i e s t who d i d not come i n t o the mountains f o r a p e r i o d of some years. Even now, the p r i e s t ' s v i s i t s a re b r i e f . T r a n sport t o the v i l l a g e being so hazardous and the weather so u n p r e d i c t a b l e mean t h a t the p r i e s t u s u a l l y a r r i v e s , conducts a hasty s e r v i c e , does whatever e x t r a t a s k s need t o be done such as performing group marriages, and then l e a v e s to r e t u r n t o the c o a s t . There i s no time f o r the p r i e s t t o answer q u e s t i o n s or p r o v i d e any r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , although s i n c e the p r i e s t , a t a l l and very imposing f i g u r e , f r i g h t e n s the v i l l a g e r s , i t i s d o u b t f u l t h a t anyone would have the t e m e r i t y t o ask q u e s t i o n s . 64 In s p i t e of the l i m i t e d f a c e - t o - f a c e c o n t a c t , the mis s i o n presence was a decided f o r c e . According t o my informants, the f i r s t m i s s i o n a r i e s encouraged the L o l o t o abandon the use of masks, i n c l u d i n g performances of Naosung and Malanggan, two of t h e i r most important and powerful ceremonials. The L o l o acquiesced t o t h e i r r e q u e s t s , s i n c e they were l i k e l y f r i g h t e n e d of the consequences of r e f u s a l , g iven the catacl y s m of R i t t e r I s l a n d f o l l o w i n g S i a s i antagonism of the mi s s i o n . With the abandonment of these ceremonies, the L o l o l o s t t h e i r usual means of access t o the powers of these performances which as w i l l be r e c a l l e d from p r e v i o u s d i s c u s s i o n s , i n v o l v e the t r a n s f e r of male and female r e p r o d u c t i v e powers t o t h e i r o p p o s i t e s . As i s demonstrated i n f u r t h e r c h a p t e r s , powers of r e p r o d u c t i o n are c e n t r a l t o the L o l o A e s t h e t i c , speaking d i r e c t l y t o L o l o c o n c e p t i o n s of s p i r i t s , s p i r i t powers, and s p i r i t powers assumed by human beings. C h r i s t i a n i t y o f f e r e d a r o u t e t o powers, but powers with which the L o l o were u n f a m i l i a r . Because the L o l o are so i s o l a t e d , t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n i n C a t h o l i c i s m was t r u n c a t e d although t h e r e a r e , and have been, c a t e c h i s t s i n A r a i g i l p u a f o r some ye a r s . V i l l a g e r s , the m a j o r i t y of whom co n s i d e r e d themselves t o be C h r i s t i a n s , o f t e n questioned me about C a t h o l i c d o c t r i n e . Questions would u s u a l l y a r i s e d u r i n g times of c r i s i s , f o r example when t h r e e v i l l a g e r s d i e d i n r a p i d s u c c e s s i o n , or when almost a l l of the young women of Ararau v i l l a g e were s t r i c k e n with p o l i o . From t h e i r q u e s t i o n s , I concluded t h a t the L o l o have gr e a t d i f f i c u l t y r e c o n c i l i n g C h r i s t i a n concepts with indigenous b e l i e f s . For example, C h r i s t i a n concepts of heaven and the soul are at odds with L o l o b e l i e f s i n s p i r i t s of the dead who remain near t h e i r v i l l a g e s and who c o n t i n u e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the a f f a i r s of t h e i r descendants. Heaven, f o r the L o l o , i s where s o u l s , the source of d e s t r u c t i v e powers, of malevolent s p i r i t s , d w e l l . They f e a r t h a t the s p i r i t s of t h e i r dead are s t o l e n by the s o u l s of malevolent s p i r i t s and taken t o heaven where they themselves become e v i l , whereupon they are sent back t o wreak havoc on the vi11agers. The L o l o are h i g h l y confused with regard t o the nature of the powers of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and the means of a c c e s s t o these powers advocated by the m i s s i o n a r i e s . In a d d i t i o n , what the L o l o know of the powers of C a t h o l i c i s m i s at odds with t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n s of powers, most p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h a t the realm of r e p r o d u c t i v e powers i s presented as p a r t of the male domain, while f o r the L o l o , t h i s power i s female. The e f f e c t of t h i s has been a l o s s i n knowledge of the powers (the A e s t h e t i c ) and a l o s s of means with which t o address them ( a e s t h e t i c s ) . C a t h o l i c i s m has as yet been unable t o p r o v i d e a s u b s t i t u t e A e s t h e t i c . Once the reasons f o r , and the means 66 o f , access t o the e x t r a o r d i n a r y a r e gone, so a r e t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d p r a c t i c e s , p r a c t i c e s which are played out a c c o r d i n g t o the moral order of the c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . In a d i s c u s s i o n of the impact of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n on t r a d i t i o n a l Motu dance, McLean (19S6s34) notes t h a t i n a BBC r a d i o broadcast of 1956, i t was s t a t e d t h a t u n s u c c e s s f u l attempts had been made t o r e v i v e the dance i n v i l l a g e s where i t had l a p s e d . The r e a l reason was t h a t the Motu no longer stood t o g a i n from a r i t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n with t h e i r a n c e s t r a l gods. The Motu had moved from s u b s i s t e n c e gardening to a cash economy. There was 'no a n c e s t r a l  r i t e f o r o b t a i n i n g h i g h e r wages' (emphasis o r i g i n a l ) . Thus, "once the songs and dances at i s s u e became i r r e l e v a n t , they ceased t o be performed" ( i b i d ) . Consequently, the moral order of the c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s s u b j e c t t o a s i m i l a r e r o s i o n . Hence, both the A e s t h e t i c and the moral order f o l l o w p a r a l l e l paths of change. B u r r i d g e (197S), i n a d i s c u s s i o n of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n , examines the u n d e r l y i n g impact of C h r i s t i a n i t y . He s t a t e s (p. 15) t h a t once the process of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n begins, The person - a p a r c e l of customary r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s - i s capable of becoming an i n d i v i d u a l toy which! I mean the c a p a c i t y t o d e l i b e r a t e l y step o u t s i d e custom, t r a d i t i o n , and g i v e n s o c i a l r o l e s , r i g h t s , and o b l i g a t i o n s , s c r u t i n i z e them, formulate a moral c r i t i q u e , and, without r e l i n q u i s h i n g p a r t i c i p a t o r y v a l u e s , envisage a new s o c i a l order governed by new m o r a l i t i e s . 67 And -further (p. 16) , The c o n c e i v i n g of an a l t e r n a t i v e s o c i a l o r d e r , a new m o r a l i t y , i s what i s important. And doing so e n t a i l s concomitant a l i e n a t i o n s from what i s given and t r a d i t i o n a l . Thus, the m i s s i o n presence communicates a c r i t i c a l approach t o s o c i a l l i f e , and p r o v i d e s an example of an a l t e r n a t i v e way of being, o f t e n a n t a g o n i s t i c t o t h a t of the host group. In the L o l o case, the r e s u l t of t h i s p r o c e s s of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n has been the i n c r e a s i n g tendency t o abandon mythical and s p i r i t powers, hence s e p a r a t i n g the L o l o from t h e i r own s a c r a , the ontology of those powers, and means of ac c e s s t o them. Performances d e d i c a t e d t o p r o p i t i a t i n g and working with s p i r i t s a re l o s t or abandoned. S t o r i e s d e s c r i b i n g the s p i r i t s and t h e i r a c t i o n s , as well as s t o r i e s which o u t l i n e the c r e a t i o n of a s p e c t s of L o l o c u l t u r e are l i k e w i s e l o s t or abandoned. The r e s u l t a n t changes c o n t r i b u t e t o changes t o the A e s t h e t i c , gaps i n knowledge of a e s t h e t i c s , and f u r t h e r a l t e r i n g o f , or p e r c e p t i o n of change, i n the moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . A f o r c e which f u r t h e r s e r v e s t o change the L o l o A e s t h e t i c i s Western bio-medicine. There has been an a i d post i n A r a i g i l p u a s i n c e the e a r l y 1950's which i s s t a f f e d by Papua New Guinean n a t i o n a l s . The c u r r e n t o r d e r l y or dokta. a K i l e n g e , has been i n the v i l l a g e f o r f i f t e e n years. P r i o r t o the advent of the a i d p a s t , h e a l i n g i n v o l v e d the a s s i s t a n c e o-f s p e c i a l i s t s , those knowledgeable i n the use of p l a n t m a t e r i a l s and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d magic used t o e f f e c t c u r e s . When Western medicine and t h e o r i e s of d i s e a s e were i n t r o d u c e d , these means of c u r i n g were t r e a t e d as s u p e r s t i t i o n , an a t t i t u d e s t i l l h e l d by the c u r r e n t dokta, although h i s knowledge of medicine i s l i m i t e d t o what he l e a r n e d when he was t r a i n e d by the A u s t r a l i a n s i n 1955. Indigenous medicine r e q u i r e d t h a t the h e a l e r g a i n access t o the realm of powers i n order t o f i r s t determine the cause of the i l l n e s s and then t o cure. In t h i s view, d i s e a s e s c o u l d be i n f l i c t e d by s o r c e r y or by s p i r i t s , d i s e a s e s which c o u l d r e s u l t i n the death of the person a f f l i c t e d . To e f f e c t i v e l y heal a p a t i e n t then, the h e a l e r had t o be adept i n r e a d i n g the symptoms of the d i s e a s e , determining which, e i t h e r s o r c e r e r or s p i r i t , had caused the d i s e a s e , and m a n i p u l a t i n g or p r o p i t i a t i n g the s p i r i t s or working s t r o n g e r magic than the s o r c e r e r . T h i s demanded an i n t i m a t e knowledge of the powers h e l d by the s p i r i t s , and the proper means of g a i n i n g access t o these powers i n order t o cure the d i s e a s e . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of Western medicine and t h e o r i e s of d i s e a s e and the i n s i s t e n c e t h a t i l l people use the a i d post c o n t r i b u t e d t o a l o s s of knowledge of the s p i r i t powers and s p i r i t induced d i s e a s e , and hence rendered the indigenous h e a l e r s l a r g e l y i n e f f e c t i v e . Western medical t e c h n i q u e s have not, however, r e p l a c e d indigenous means, s i n c e the dokta's knowledge i s very l i m i t e d , the a i d post i t s e l f u s u a l l y has no medical s u p p l i e s , and people p e r s i s t i n dying i n s p i t e of Western medical treatment. In an area where the m o r t a l i t y r a t e i s s h o c k i n g l y high and the p o t e n t i a l f o r death by s o r c e r y an omnipresent r e a l i t y , the l o s s of access t o powers f o r h e a l i n g i s a t e r r i b l e t h i n g f o r the L o l o . T h i s l o s s has l i f e and death consequences. The f a i l u r e of the A e s t h e t i c and the impact of t h i s on indigenous medicine a l l o w s f o r s o r c e r e r s t o k i l with impunity, s i n c e no one, not even the dokta. has the knowledge or the power t o prevent them. The L o l o l i v e i n f e a r f o r t h e i r l i v e s . T h e i r f e a r i s at times almost p a l p a b l e , and t h e i r every a c t i o n i s e v a l u a t e d i n terms of p o s s i b l e a c t i o n s by s o r c e r e r s . T h i s more than anything e l s e , i s i n d i c a t i v e of the consequences of the changes i n the A e s t h e t i c . C a t h o l i c i s m and Western medicine have both served t o carve away p o r t i o n s of the A e s t h e t i c thus e l i m i n a t i n g knowledge o f , and access t o , c e r t a i n powers. N e i t h e r has proved a v i a b l e replacement i n the L o l o view. The vacuums c r e a t e d have allowed s o r c e r e r s t o become some of the most powerful people h o l d i n g the powers of l i f e and death over the L o l o , sure evidence t h a t when the A e s t h e t i c changes, s too does the moral order. 70 Money i s another -force s e r v i n g t o a l t e r t r a d i t i o n a l means of access t o the A e s t h e t i c . Items f o r m e r l y used i n exchanges are t h i n g s i n v e s t e d with s i g n i f i c a n c e i f not with power, s i n c e s p i r i t s have designated these items as important or v a l u a b l e . Carved bowls, c l a y p o t s , s h e l l money and p i g s are the t r a d i t i o n a l items of wealth, a l l of which have i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n s with L o l o ceremony and custom. Each indigenous ceremony p r e s c r i b e s the kinds and amounts of wealth t o be exchanged and by adhering t o these p r e s c r i p t i o n s , the p a r t i c i p a n t s are assured of harmony with the s p i r i t s . Money, on the other hand, does not possess any i n t r i n s i c a s s o c i a t i o n s with the s p i r i t s . I t s presence and i n c r e a s i n g importance i n ceremonial exchanges undermine the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t r a d i t i o n a l wealth and thus undermine performance a e s t h e t i c s a s s o c i a t e d with these performances. I t s p e r c e i v e d s i g n i f i c a n c e t o whites, and the d i f f i c u l t i e s e xperienced by the L o l o i n a c q u i r i n g i t , make money an i n c r e a s i n g l y potent f o r c e i n i t s e l f and one which i s c h i p p i n g away at performance a e s t h e t i c s and hence the A e s t h e t i c . Each agent of change moves the L o l o f u r t h e r along i n the process of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n , t h a t i s , f u r t h e r from the domain of s p i r i t s and s p i r i t powers as d e f i n e d and c o n s t i t u t e d by the L o l o , and toward a u n i v e r s e of more s e c u l a r powers i n t r o d u c e d by Europeans. P r e v i o u s l y , power 71 and i n f l u e n c e emanating from s p i r i t s and s p i r i t a c t i v i t i e s were c e n t r a l i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n of everyday l i f e , with human beings and s p i r i t s c o o p e r a t i n g t o s t e e r the course of L o l o l i f e . C u r r e n t l y , C h r i s t i a n i t y , Western medicine and money, some of the most patent i n f l u e n c e s on L o l o l i f e , are f o r e i g n , and as such have no connec t i o n t o indigenous s p i r i t s or s p i r i t powers. These t h r e e f a r c e s , C h r i s t i a n i t y , Western medicine and money, a l l c o n t r i b u t e t o what B u r r i d g e (19B9, personal communication) has d e s c r i b e d as a process of u n i v e r s a l i s a t i o n . Each of these, most p a r t i c u l a r l y C h r i s t i a n i t y , moves the f o c u s from c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c i t y and p a r t i c u l a r i t y t o a p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t i s g l o b a l or g e n e r a l i z i n g , speaking t o u n i v e r s a l v a l u e s . U l t i m a t e l y , the L o l o w i l l l i k e l y be absorbed by and i n t o the Western u n i v e r s a l o r i e n t a t i o n . At t h i s p o i n t i n the process, the L o l o appear t o be at the beginning of t h e i r c r i t i q u e of t h e i r c u l t u r e , and t y p i c a l of t h i s p r o c e s s , a re i n a s t a t e of near anomie. The next chapter f o c u s e s on the s o c i a l l i f e of the L o l a , examining the d i f f e r e n t ways i n which L o l o are organized i n t o s o c i a l groups which a l s o f u n c t i o n as moral u n i t s . T h i s a n a l y s i s i s intended t o demonstrate the e x i s t e n c e of a moral order p r e d i c a t e d upon indigenous c o n c e p t i o n s of power, being, and r i g h t and a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i on. CHAPTER I I I THE MORAL DIMENSIONS OF SOCIETY T h i s chapter i s an examination of L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The p e r s p e c t i v e taken here i s t h a t L o l o s o c i e t y i s composed of groups p o s s e s s i n g a moral, as well as a s o c i a l and j u r a l c h a r a c t e r . L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n p r o v i d e s f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of m o r a l i t y , and the p l a y i n g out i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n L o l o concepts of the nature of people and of s p i r i t s . T h i s s o c i a l and moral o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e w i s e p r o v i d e s the context i n which ceremonies are performed, and i n t e r a c t i o n between humans and s p i r i t s conducted. T h i s chapter i s intended t o address the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s . F i r s t , assuming t h a t L o l o groups a r e c o l l e c t i o n s of people who h o l d v a l u e s and s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s i n common and are m o r a l l y bound together by these i n everyday l i f e and cer e m o n i a l , what are these v a l u e s and p r a c t i c e s , and how are they r e f l e c t e d i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ? Second, what are the moral u n i t s of s o c i e t y , and how do i n d i v i d u a l s become members of these moral u n i t s ? T h i r d , what are the r e l a t i o n s between humans and s p i r i t s , and how are these played out i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ? F i n a l l y , how does L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n r e f l e c t p r i n c i p l e s of the A e s t h e t i c as d e f i n e d i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n ? To e x p l o r e these q u e s t i o n s , t h i s chapter begins with an a b b r e v i a t e d v e r s i o n of the L o l o myth of parthenogenesis, a myth t h a t p r o v i d e s c o s m o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n of L o l o s o c i e t y and moral r e l a t i o n s . L o l o k i n s h i p , i n c l u d i n g d e f i n i t i o n of k i n , k i n terminology, c h a r a c t e r of k i n s h i p , the moral content of k i n r e l a t i o n s and development of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and m o r a l i t y are then examined. The chapter then t u r n s t o an examination of the nature and c h a r a c t e r of L o l o descent. Next, groups as moral u n i t s a r e examined, as are the r e l a t i o n s between s o c i a l l i f e and moral order. The r o l e of the s p i r i t s i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s d i s c u s s e d . The chapter concludes with a d i s c u s s i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l l i f e and the A e s t h e t i c . Namor. the Creator Being The L o l o myth of parthenogenesis was t o l d t o me by Nahalo, the s e n i o r male of A r i a g i l p u a v i l l a g e . He, and h i s b r o t h e r s who a s s i s t e d him i n the t e l l i n g , a p o l o g i z e d f o r the b r e v i t y and incompleteness of the s t o r y , even though the v e r s i o n of the s t o r y I recorded i s c l o s e t o s i x hours long. The Namor odyssey, which no one i n the L a l o area now remembers, takes s e v e r a l days t o t e l l , and i s a d e t a i l e d account of Namor's journeys and adventures. I have here omitted the d e t a i l s of Namor's a c t i v i t i e s , and have i n c l u d e d o n l y a b r i e f summary of t h e n s t o r y . In the be g i n n i n g , the L o l o say, t h e r e was nothing but the sea, and Namor, an enormously t a l l b e ing, s i t t i n g on a rock i n the middle. He paddled h i s f e e t i n the water, and soon the s i l t was s t i r r e d up u n t i l the water was t h i c k and muddy. Namor took h a n d f u l s of the muck and squeezed i t i n h i s hands and s e t i t down. He continued t o do t h i s u n t i l he had c r e a t e d the f i r s t land and a mountain. H i s s l a b of rock was now at the top of the mountain, and here he made h i s home. He c r e a t e d the t r e e s , animals, and a l l other t h i n g s on the land. He then took a t r e e and carved i t i n the shape of a man. He l a y the c a r v i n g down, c a l l e d i t man and asked i t t o r i s e . The f i g u r e d i d not respond. Namor blew l i f e i n t o the f i g u r e , threw the c a r v i n g away, and a man remained. Namor then took a handful of e a r t h and formed i t i n t o the shape of another man. He blew i n t o t h i s too and l i k e the f i r s t , the f i g u r e came to l i f e . He gave the two men a house i n which they c o u l d l i v e , and because they needed more companions, made more men and more houses. The men needed women, so with bones removed from the back of 75 the f i r s t man, Namor b u i l t a woman. She l i v e d with the f i r s t man and bore him c h i l d r e n . T h i s f i r s t v i l l a g e was c a l l e d Rovata, and c o n s i s t e d of nothing but rows of men's houses, and the houses of women and c h i l d r e n . Namor decided t h a t people should move to other p a r t s of the l a n d , and so Maleupua, Namor's b i r d s p i r i t g u ardian, was sent t o d i s p e r s e the men's houses, and with them, t h e i r language c a l l e d Maleu. For many yea r s , the people l i v e d with Namor and were happy. Namor t r a v e l l e d through the land and c r e a t e d other peoples, and these o t h e r s helped the f i r s t people with t r a d e items from the sea, s i n c e the f i r s t people l i v e d i n the mountains. He gave the f i r s t people ceremonies and food and showed them how t o l i v e a good l i f e i n which people d i e d o n l y of o l d age, t h e r e was no war, and a l l people helped each other. Then, f o r a reason about which my informants d i s a g r e e d , Namor became angry with the f i r s t people. He c r e a t e d other peoples and languages and s k i n c o l o u r s , and then went away, f a r from the L o l o . Ever s i n c e , the L o l o have l i v e d without the b e n e f i t of h i s presence, although t h e i r l i v e s remain i n h i s shadow s i n c e h i s i n f l u e n c e and power remain. C e r t a i n elements of t h i s myth are s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The themes of men's house groups, r e l a t i o n s h i p s between people and the 76 l a n d , r e l a t i o n s h i p of humans t o s p i r i t s , r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the L o l o and other peoples, and language, are d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r below. K i n s h i p The L o l o d i f f e r e n t i a t e between c l o s e k i n and d i s t a n t k i n a c c o r d i n g t o f o u r c r i t e r i a i n c l u d i n g blood, men's house group a f f i l i a t i o n , exchange, and i n t e r a c t i o n . Depending on the s i t u a t i o n , one or more of these c r i t e r i a t a kes precedence i n determining the nature of the k i n s h i p r e l a t i on. K i n s h i p terminology i s Hawaiian or g e n e r a t i o n a l . The sex of ego i s of s i g n i f i c a n c e when r e f e r r i n g t o s i b l i n g s with s i b l i n g s of same sex d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from s i b l i n g s of o p p o s i t e sex. The s u f f i x "ge" means " f i r s t " or b i g g e r , " l i a " means s m a l l e r . Each p o s i t i o n c a r r i e s with i t a l o a d of o b l i g a t i o n and a s p e c i a l code of conduct v i s - a - v i s o ther k i n s h i p p o s i t i o n s . In the L o l o extended f a m i l y , t h r e e b a s i c k i n s h i p c a t e g o r i e s a re r e c o g n i z e d . The f i r s t , p arent, i n c l u d e s f a t h e r s F (tamage), FB (t a m a g e l i a ) , and MB (oage). Mother i n c l u d e s M (anage), FZ (lega n e ) , and MZ ( n a g e l i a ) . S i b l i n g s are designated as o l d e r or younger than egos e l d e r B (toage), younger B ( t e k l i a ) , e l d e r Z ( l i u g e ) , younger Z ( l i u k l i a ) . The same terms a r e used i n r e f e r e n c e t o FBS, FED, FZS, FZD, MBS, MBD, MZS, MZD. Ego's o f f s p r i n g and ego's s i b l i n g s ' o f f s p r i n g a r e t u m e l i a (female) and t u m l i a (male). Grandparent and g r a n d c h i l d share a k i n term ( t i v u g e or t i v u k l i a ) depending on the e l d e r or younger s t a t u s of the grandparent. Character of Kin R e l a t i o n s T h i s s e c t i o n examines s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s among k i n i n order t o p o i n t out the e x p e c t a t i o n s of behaviour apparent i n d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and by e x t e n s i o n , the moral i m p e r a t i v e s g u i d i n g t h i s behaviour. Some of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was presented t o me by my informants i n the form of moral l e s s o n s , some was i n f e r r e d from o b s e r v a t i o n s of behaviour. What i s presented below i s l a r g e l y t he i d e a l case: c e r t a i n l y these i d e a l s a r e not met on a d a i l y b a s i s s i n c e L o l o do q u a r r e l and behave wrongly toward t h e i r k i n . T h i s p a r t i c u l a r a n a l y s i s , however, i s d i r e c t e d towards the normative. Mother - Daughter Mathers are t e a c h e r s . At a young age, daughters are taught how t o garden, cook, and look a f t e r younger c h i l d r e n . Mothers a l s o teach t h e i r daughters how t o behave with o t h e r s : t o r e s p e c t , heed, and ser v e food t o o l d e r men and women, t o avoid but pay r e s p e c t t o s o r c e r e r s , and t o avo i d compromising s i t u a t i o n s with young boys, e s p e c i a l l y as the g i r l s get o l d e r . The most important l e s s o n taught 79 i s the value of hard work, a l e s s o n which i s r e i n f o r c e d by o t h e r s i n the household and v i l l a g e . The h i g h e s t compliment t h a t a young g i r l can r e c e i v e from her mother, or from anyone f o r t h a t matter, i s t h a t "she's a good worker". Daughters l e a r n e a r l y about exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . They are sent with bundles of food f o r v a r i o u s k i n l i v i n g i n the v i l l a g e , and the reason f o r the g i f t i s u s u a l l y e x p l a i n e d . For example, a mother may say "Take these t h r e e t a r o t o my s i s t e r L a i t e n g e . I always g i v e food t o my s i s t e r . " Or, "Bive some sweet potatoes t o my b r o t h e r Kataka. Make sure t h e y ' r e good ones - he's a f i r s t b o r n . " In t h i s way, g i r l s are taught about t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s with o t h e r s , and how t o deal a p p r o p r i a t e l y with these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Mothers expect t h a t t h e i r daughters w i l l be r e s p o n s i b l e and dependable, w i l l do t h e i r b i d d i n g , and w i l l respond when demands f o r a s s i s t a n c e are made. T h i s i s i n s t i l l e d i n g i r l s from about age 3 and beyond. However, mothers say t h a t school teaches t h e i r daughters t o be d i s o b e d i e n t and l a z y . G i r l s are expected t o help with gardening and cooking a f t e r s c h o o l , but f r e q u e n t l y run o f f t o p l a y with t h e i r f r i e n d s i n s t e a d . Mothers, while not condoning t h i s behaviour, excuse i t because of t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n t h a t school i s a bad i n f l u e n c e . 79 When g i r l s f i n i s h t h e i r s c h o o l i n g , they become f u l l — t i m e h e l p e r s f o r t h e i r mothers. At t h i s age, they have t h e i r own gardens and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r c o n t r i b u t i n g food t o the household and f o r ceremonial. Mothers expect t h e i r daughters t o f l i r t with young men, but do not h e s i t a t e t o speak i f a daughter's behaviour exceeds the bounds of p r o p r i e t y . When a daughter m a r r i e s , mothers teach them the r i t u a l a s p e c t s of cooking, and t e l l them "women's s e c r e t s " : the female p e r s p e c t i v e of male powers and how pregnancy oc c u r s . B r i d e s a re expected t o s h i f t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i r new f a m i l i e s , and atte n d t o the wishes of t h e i r husbands. T h i s s h i f t i s e s p e c i a l l y apparent when a woman g i v e s b i r t h t o her f i r s t c h i l d , although a mother s t i l l e xpects her daughters t o respond t o her r e q u e s t s f o r a s s i s t a n c e . Mother - Son The mother—son r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by " l e t t i n g go". Male i n f a n t s and t o d d l e r s a re cared f o r by t h e i r mothers, but I n o t i c e d t h a t i n many cases, even very young boys were r e f e r r e d t o t h e i r f a t h e r s or other males f o r d i s c i p l i n e or i n s t r u c t i o n . Boys are r e p e a t e d l y t o l d of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s importance, i n f l u e n c e and s t r e n g t h , and are encouraged t o emulate them. As boys get o l d e r , mothers t e l l them t o "go away from the women", and send them away t o t h e i r f a t h e r s or 80 other male k i n . One boy, about e i g h t y ears o l d , d i d not l i k e t o s l e e p i n the men's house, and would f i g h t with h i s mother n e a r l y every n i g h t . She t o l d him r e p e a t e d l y t h a t boys who stayed with t h e i r mothers c o u l d not grow i n t o men, and would c a l l a man from the men's house t o take the boy away. T h i s r e l u c t a n c e t o spend time with o t h e r males i s unusual. Most boys are happy t o l e a v e the company of t h e i r mothers and spend time with t h e i r age mates or o l d e r men. Adolescent youths are expected t o be troublesome and t o s h i r k t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Both mothers and f a t h e r s are q u i t e l e n i e n t with youths, but do not h e s i t a t e t o s c o l d i f they t r a n s g r e s s the boundaries of proper a d o l e s c e n t behaviour, f o r example i f they a re rude t o an e l d e r male or female, i f they a l l o w t h e i r work r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t o s l i d e f o r more than a couple of days, i f they s t e a l , or i f they a re c r u e l t o younger c h i l d r e n . In t hese cases, youths are demanded t o heed t h e i r mothers. As youths grow i n t o men, they have l e s s and l e s s i n t e r a c t i o n with t h e i r mothers. They are s t i l l expected t o help i n gardening f o r the household, but t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s a re p r i m a r i l y male. When i t i s time f o r them t o marry, they a re expected t o d e f e r t o the wishes of t h e i r p a rents and e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r grandparents, but t h e r e were a couple of cases w h i l e I was i n the v i l l a g e where a young man f e l t very s t r o n g l y about h i s own c h o i c e of a mate and was allowed t o marry her, a l b e i t with some grumbling and d i r e p r e d i c t i o n s . F a t her - Daughter F a t h e r s s p o i l t h e i r daughters u n t i l i t i s time -for them t o begin t o take some r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r working i n the gardens. A f t e r t h i s , f a t h e r s have l i t t l e t o do with t h e i r daughters, and tend t o leav e them i n the c a r e of t h e i r mothers. F a t h e r s do, however, put enormous p r e s s u r e on t h e i r daughters t o be good workers and ho s t e s s e s . One of my f a t h e r s t a l k e d f r e q u e n t l y of h i s f i r s t b o r n daughter who had d i e d w hile s t i l l a teenager. She was, he s a i d , a f i n e g i r l , a very hard worker. Whenever she cooked, she would cook l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of food, and would c a l l t o passersby to have some. She was always s m i l i n g , he s a i d , and always t a k i n g c a r e of people with food. Other men too used t h i s g i r l as an example of a good L o l o daughter, and always t a l k e d of her i n terms of her a b i l i t i e s as a worker and a generous cook. F a t h e r s l e a v e most i n s t r u c t i o n and d i s c i p l i n e t o women. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between f a t h e r s and daughters u n t i l the daughters marry and have c h i l d r e n i s f r i e n d l y but somewhat f o r m a l . Daughters are expected t o s e r v e t h e i r f a t h e r s and other males, but i n a "seen and not heard" capaci t y . T h i s changes when a daughter bears her f i r s t c h i l d . A f t e r t h i s , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between f a t h e r s and daughters becomes more r e l a x e d , and they enter i n t o a j o k i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p almost f l i r t a t i o u s i n c h a r a c t e r . If a man f e e l s i n need of c h e e r i n g up, he w i l l o f t e n v i s i t h i s married daughters, o s t e n s i b l y t o see t h e i r c h i l d r e n , but I n o t i c e d t h a t many times, however, the f a t h e r would spend more time j o k i n g with h i s daughter than a t t e n d i n g t o the g r a n d c h i l d r e n . When I asked men about t h i s , they would say something l i k e " i t make us both happy f o r her t o c a r e f a r the o l d man". Father-Son F a t h e r s t y p i c a l l y pay l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i r sons when they a re very young, and l e a v e them i n the c a r e of t h e i r mothers. As boys age, they are turned over t o t h e i r f a t h e r s f o r i n s t r u c t i o n and d i s c i p l i n e . F a t h e r s take t h e i r sons t o the men's house t o s l e e p and t o work with them i n the gardens. F a t h e r s a re charged with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of t e a c h i n g t h e i r sons the e s o t e r i c l o r e of the men's house, the s p i r i t s who l i v e i n s i d e , the "marks" or symbols of t h e i r men's house group, f l u t e s , and so on. T h i s i n s t r u c t i o n or m a s c u l i n i z a t i o n process extends over a p e r i o d of y e a r s , beginning with a boy's s e c l u s i o n i n the men's house a f t e r c i r c u m c i s i o n . F a t h e r s expect t h e i r sons t o g i v e them t r o u b l e and be r e b e l l i o u s . I t i s not unusual -for a d i s c u s s i o n between a -father and son t o erupt i n t o a heated argument. These arguments t y p i c a l l y rage -for about f i f t e e n minutes, and then, i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, the f a t h e r suddenly seems t o d e f l a t e and g i v e i n t o the son, e s p e c i a l l y i f the son i s h i s f i r s t b o r n . F a t h e r s say t h a t t h i s j o c k e y i n g f o r power i s p a r t of growing up t o be a man, and w h ile they would p r e f e r t h a t t h e i r sons d i d not f i g h t with them, r e c o g n i z e t h a t t h e i r sons w i l l a s s e r t themselves by r e b e l l i n g . On the other hand, r e g a r d i n g ceremonial o b l i g a t i o n s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n ceremonial work, sons are expected t o obey t h e i r f a t h e r s without q u e s t i o n . Sons should take the " b i g " t h i n g s s e r i o u s l y , and g e n e r a l l y the sons do. Arguments between unmarried sons and f a t h e r s r e g a r d i n g ceremonial were extremely r a r e . Those which d i d occur were of very s h o r t d u r a t i o n and were always won by the f a t h e r , who was t y p i c a l l y supported by the e l d e r males of the vi11 age. Once married, the son's a l l e g i a n c e i n everyday matters s h i f t s t o h i s own new household and f a m i l y . In p o l i t i c a l and ceremonial debates, however, a f a t h e r can demand support from h i s sons. In the p o l i t i c a l arena, however, a son may oppose h i s f a t h e r t o f u r t h e r h i s awn cause. In the few i n s t a n c e s of t h i s t h a t I witnessed, the f a t h e r i n q u e s t i o n was of low s t a t u s , and a l l e g i a n c e t o 84 t h i s man would not have helped t o advance the p o l i t i c a l a mbitions of h i s son. T y p i c a l l y , sons support f a t h e r s i n ceremonial and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , and as the son matures and has more c h i l d r e n , h i s , and not h i s f a t h e r ' s , becomes the p u b l i c v o i c e . B r o t h e r - B r o t h e r When young, the way t h a t b r o t h e r s behave toward one another i s l a r g e l y dependent upon t h e i r age d i f f e r e n c e . If a number of years s e p a r a t e s them, an o l d e r b r o t h e r torments h i s younger b r o t h e r u n m e r c i f u l l y , o f t e n i n j u r i n g him. My house was next door t o the a i d post, and as well as many l e s s e r i n j u r i e s , I saw one young boy impaled by a spear t h a t h i s o l d e r b r o t h e r had d e l i b e r a t e l y thrown a t him, and another young boy who had been shot i n the head with an arrow, again d e l i b e r a t e l y . Minor i n j u r i e s i n f l i c t e d by o l d e r b r o t h e r s a re t r e a t e d l i g h t l y , w h i l e these more s e r i o u s i n c i d e n t s r e s u l t e d i n the o l d e r s i b l i n g s r e c e i v i n g censure from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and o t h e r s i n the v i l l a g e . Once b r o t h e r s marry, and i f they r e s i d e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y , they depend on one another f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n gardening, i n h o u s e b u i l d i n g , or f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n any other undertaking. P r o v i s i o n of wealth f o r ceremonial i s e s p e c i a l l y important, s i n c e i t i s f r e q u e n t l y a br o t h e r who i s requested t o help p r o v i d e p i g s f o r exchange. T h i s i s d i s c u s s e d below i n more d e t a i l i n the examination of a g n a t i c descent below. S i s t e r - S i s t e r L i k e the b r o t h e r — b r o t h e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , r e l a t i o n s h i p s among s i s t e r s a re c h a r a c t e r i z e d by mutual a i d and support. I-f t h e r e i s a l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e i n age between s i s t e r s , the e l d e r s i s t e r assumes an almost maternal r o l e toward the younger from having spent time h e l p i n g with c h i l d r e a r i n g . T h i s a l l o w s the o l d e r s i s t e r t o assume a dominant and i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e , which the younger s i s t e r o f t e n r e j e c t s as she matures. S i s t e r s are expected t o garden c o o p e r a t i v e l y and share household d u t i e s . T h i s p a t t e r n of c o o p e r a t i o n l a s t s f o r l i f e between s i s t e r s , and i s very s t r o n g i f s i s t e r s r e s i d e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y . S i s t e r s a re expected t o exchange food every day i f they r e s i d e i n the same v i l l a g e . These g i f t s of food are not extravagant. Rather, small g i f t s , f o r example a few t a r o or sweet potatoes, a re s u f f i c i e n t . S i s t e r s g i v e food t o one another more r e g u l a r l y and f r e q u e n t l y than do mothers t o a d u l t daughters and v i c e v e r s a . I was r e p e a t e d l y t o l d t h a t " t r u e " s i s t e r s must always g i v e and r e c e i v e food. When a d u l t daughters g i v e food g i f t s t o t h e i r mothers, i t i s co n s i d e r e d proper, but more an e x p r e s s i o n of personal f e e l i n g s r a t h e r than a b u i l t - i n k i n s h i p o b l i g a t i o n such as t h a t between s i s t e r s . T h i s o b l i g a t i o n h o l d s t r u e r e g a r d l e s s of personal f e e l i n g s . M i l d r e d , a young woman with a r e p u t a t i o n f o r l a z i n e s s , p e r p e t u a l l y asked her s i s t e r Timo f o r food, s a l t , or whatever she had on hand. Timo had no r e s p e c t f o r M i l d r e d and f e l t t h a t she should be working i n her garden i n s t e a d of spending her time v i s i t i n g and g o s s i p i n g , but always gave M i l d r e d what she asked. When I asked her why, Timo shrugged and s a i d "She's my s i s t e r . I'm a good woman, so I have t o g i v e her what she asks." When s i s t e r s marry, they maintain a high l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i o n with t h e i r s i s t e r s i n s p i t e of t h e i r new o b l i g a t i o n s . S i s t e r s a s s i s t one another with c h i l d c a r e , teach the daughters of t h e i r s i s t e r s about cooking p r i o r t o t h e i r marriages, and a i d each other i n p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r ceremonial work. S i s t e r s are a l s o expected t o present a u n i t e d f r o n t i n d i s p u t e s . Not doing so i s a cause f o r s c a n d a l . Grandparent - G r a n d c h i l d Grandparents s p o i l t h e i r very young g r a n d c h i l d r e n . As the g r a n d c h i l d r e n get o l d e r , the grandparents become more s t e r n and demanding. E x p e c t a t i o n s p l a c e d on g r a n d c h i l d r e n a re q u i t e h i g h , which grandparents j u s t i f y by the amount of wealth and e f f o r t they must g i v e t o t h e i r g r a n d c h i l d r e n f o r ceremonial work. Grandparents f r e q u e n t l y sponsor ceremonial work f o r t h e i r g r a n d c h i l d r e n , and as sponsors, pay out l a r g e amounts of wealth and i n c u r heavy debts among t h e i r k i n , e s p e c i a l l y i f the ceremonial work i s done f o r a f i r s t b o r n . 87 G r a n d c h i l d r e n g e n e r a l l y - f a l l i n with the wishes of t h e i r grandparents, and mostly d e f e r t o them. There are fewer of the t e n s i o n s noted between, f o r example, sans and f a t h e r s . G r a n d c h i l d r e n do r e s p e c t t h e i r grandparents' knowledge and wisdom, even i f they f e e l i t i s misplaced i n a more "modern" world. G r a n d c h i l d r e n are g e n e r a l l y w i l l i n g t o h elp t h e i r grandparents, and are o f t e n the ones who spend most time with them i f they are s i c k . Mother's Brother / F a t h e r ' s S i s t e r / F a t h e r ' s Brother /  Mother's S i s t e r These p o s i t i o n s are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y equated with f a t h e r and mother. Behavioural1y, they are a l s o r o u g h l y e q u i v a l e n t , although the degree of deference and a t t e n t i v e n e s s shown depends to some extent on the degree of esteem i n which the i n d i v i d u a l i s h e l d . For example K i l k i l u a n g e , a man h e l d i n low regard by h i s s i s t e r , i s l i k e w i s e h e l d i n low regard by her c h i l d r e n , whose behaviour toward him i s t y p i c a l l y amused t o l e r a n c e r a t h e r than r e s p e c t . Another b r o t h e r , K a l a l , i s s t r o n g and powerful. H i s s i s t e r ' s c h i l d r e n are very a t t e n t i v e t o h i s words and r e q u e s t s . Regardless of the esteem i n which these people are h e l d , t h e i r s i b l i n g s ' c h i l d r e n are s t i l l expected t o a s s i s t them i n t h e i r l a b o u r s . These households r e c e i v e f r e q u e n t g i f t s of food, and should they r e s i d e i n the same v i l l a g e , r e c e i v e food almost d a i l y . If t h e i r s i b l i n g s ' c h i l d r e n are 88 young, they a c t as s u r r o g a t e parents i f t h e i r p a rents a re away. Residence When c o n s i d e r i n g where t o r e s i d e a f t e r marriage, a couple c o n s i d e r s such f a c t o r s as where t h e i r producing gardens a r e , where they have the most land f o r f u t u r e gardens, and, most important, where they can count on the l a r g e s t network of k i n t o a s s i s t them i n house c o n s t r u c t i o n , r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n , and i n f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r ceremonial o b l i g a t i o n s . I d e a l l y , g e n e r a t i o n s a l t e r n a t e . If a woman from Aselmepua f o r example marries and moves t o A r a i g i l p u a , one of her c h i l d r e n should marry i n t o Aselmepua and l i v e t h e r e . T h i s i s , however, an i d e a l r a r e l y achieved s i n c e the range of c h o i c e i s so l a r g e and because o t h e r , more p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a re given p r i o r i t y . In s p i t e of t h i s wide range of a v a i l a b l e c h o i c e s , v i r i l o c a l i t y i s the s t a t i s t i c a l norm f o r r e s i d e n c e . The L o l o tend t o change r e s i d e n c e s q u i t e f r e q u e n t l y although t h i s i s most common among those who are r e c e n t l y married. One young woman who had j u s t g i v e n b i r t h t o her f i r s t c h i l d t o l d me t h a t she and her husband had moved t h r e e times s i n c e they had married. Each time, they had argued with those they had chosen t o l i v e near and had decided t o move away r a t h e r than c o n t i n u e t o f i g h t . Oddly 89 enough, i n each case where a couple had moved -frequently, the reason f o r the move was a -fight. I suspect t h a t the u n d e r l y i n g reason f o r moving was not t h a t they fought a l l the time and were thus always uncomfortable, r a t h e r , they f e a r e d the p o s s i b l e withdrawal of support v i t a l i n order t o meet ceremonial o b l i g a t i o n s . I t i s b e t t e r t o move than r i s k the shame and inconvenience r e s u l t i n g from t h i s l a c k of support. In a d d i t i o n t o f r e q u e n t changes of r e s i d e n c e , i t i s common (although not always welcome or i n v i t e d ) t h a t k i n from other v i l l a g e s v i s i t , v i s i t s which o f t e n l a s t s e v e r a l months. These p a t t e r n s and p r e f e r e n c e s r e s u l t i n c ouples moving t o the v i l l a g e of the f a t h e r , mother, i n - l a w s , grandparents, or s i b l i n g s . S i n c e s i b l i n g groups are a p r e f e r r e d group f o r i n t e r a c t i o n , people o f t e n choose t o move where they have s i b l i n g s . S i b l i n g Groups The s i b l i n g group i s an important r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l u n i t . G e n e r a l l y , s i b l i n g s r e s i d e together and are members of the same men's house group. S i b l i n g groups, composed most u s u a l l y of b r o t h e r s or b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s , tend t o cooperate i n l a r g e - s c a l e p r o j e c t s such as making new gardens, house c o n s t r u c t i o n , c o l l e c t i n g b r i d e p r i c e , and ceremonials, as well as on a d a i l y b a s i s i n gardening and food exchange. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n these a c t i v i t i e s i s 90 l a r g e l y p r e d i c a t e d on r e s i d e n c e . Those s i b l i n g s r e s i d i n g i n c l o s e s t p r o x i m i t y engage i n these c o o p e r a t i v e ventures r e g u l a r l y , w h i l e s i b l i n g s l i v i n g -further away may be e n l i s t e d o n l y i n order t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n ceremonial. Women who have married i n t o another v i l l a g e maintain t i e s with t h e i r s i b l i n g groups. If a woman's spouse d i e s , she may r e t u r n t o her n a t a l v i l l a g e and e n l i s t the a i d of her s i b l i n g s . I n d i v i d u a l s marrying i n t o another v i l l a g e may have r e a l or c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s i b l i n g s r e s i d i n g t h e r e , and i n t h i s event, can choose whether t o a t t a c h t o t h i s group, o r , i f the n a t a l v i l l a g e i s c l o s e by, maintain t i e s with the o r i g i n a l s i b l i n g group. In c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a f f i n e s behave much l i k e s i b l i n g s . S i s t e r s - i n - l a w exchange food as do s i s t e r s and a s s i s t one another i n c o o p e r a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s . B r o t h e r s - i n -law sometimes help each other with gardening, and, should b r o t h e r s - i n - l a w r e s i d e i n the same men's house, they cooperate i n some p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r ceremonial events. However, a f f i n a l taboos s t i l l o b t a i n , f o r example, a f f i n e s may not eat i n each o t h e r ' s presence, nor can they speak each o t h e r ' s name. In s p i t e of the d i s t a n c e imposed by taboo, the c l o s e n e s s achieved by c o o p e r a t i o n c r e a t e s r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a f f i n e s t h a t are s i m i l a r t o those of s i b l i n g s i n everyday a f f a i r s . In the e x e c u t i o n of cere m o n i a l , a f f i n e s cooperate with t h e i r own k i n groups. 91 Moral Content of Kin R e l a t i o n s C e r t a i n themes r e g a r d i n g the moral content of k i n r e l a t i o n s pervade any d i s c u s s i o n of how k i n should behave toward k i n . These themes are rooted i n the Namor s t o r y , which d e s c r i b e s , i n the Utopian phase, the ways i n which k i n take c a r e of k i n . The f i r s t theme i n v o l v e s a s s i s t a n c e . In each ca t e g o r y of r e l a t i o n s h i p d i s c u s s e d above, the i m p e r a t i v e t o help i s s t r o n g . A c e r t a i n degree of r e b e l l i o n i s expected from c h i l d r e n and a d o l e s c e n t s , but t h i s i s expected t o d i m i n i s h , and u s u a l l y does, with adulthood. The L o l o b e l i e v e t h a t without k i n a person i s b e t t e r o f f dead, l a r g e l y because such a person has no one t o help with l a b o u r i n gardening and ceremonial. Second, s o l i d a r i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t . A l s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of k i n r e l a t i o n s i s the i m p e r a t i v e t o support kins t o p r o v i d e a s s i s t a n c e with work, t o s i d e with them i n d i s p u t e s , t o p r o t e c t them. Development of S o c i a l I d e n t i t y T h i s s e c t i o n addresses the q u e s t i o n of how d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of s o c i a l l i f e c o n t r i b u t e t o the development of i n d i v i d u a l s as s o c i a l and moral beings. The L o l o r e c o g n i z e t h a t c h i l d r e n are not born i n p o s s e s s i o n of m o r a l i t y , but r a t h e r t h a t c h i l d r e n must be taught how t o "grow up human". For boys, t h i s i n v o l v e s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a p r o c e s s of m a s c u l i n i z a t i o n , a process which p h y s i c a l l y removes boys from the i n f l u e n c e s of t h e i r mothers and other women, and p l a c e s them s o l i d l y i n the world of men. For g i r l s , t h e i r maturation i n v o l v e s i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n , and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r , food, gardens, and c h i l d r e n , the c e n t r a l c o n s t i t u e n t s of the women's domain. E a r l y r i t u a l a c t i v i t y s e t s the stage f o r moral development. A l l c h i l d r e n , e s p e c i a l l y the f i r s t b o r n , r e c e i v e food from o t h e r s i n ceremonial c o n t e x t s and have food g i v e n i n t h e i r names. Food exchange i s e x p l a i n e d i n d e t a i l t o c h i l d r e n : they a r e shown the food they a r e g i v i n g or have r e c e i v e d and t o l d who i t goes to and why, or who i t came from and why. Before they are a c t i v e i n the ceremonies themselves, they p a r t i c i p a t e i n food exchange, and are shown how they are p a r t of a l a r g e network of exchange. C e r t a i n events, such as c i r c u m c i s i o n , f i r s t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a dance, r e c e i v i n g a name, menarche, marriage, and parenthood, a r e t r e a t e d with ceremony. An i n d i v i d u a l i s the f o c u s of a t t e n t i o n i n these ceremonies, and by c e r e m o n i a l l y b r a c k e t i n g these events, the i n d i v i d u a l c l e a r l y passes i n t o a new phase of s o c i a l l i f e with i t s attendant r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . These l i f e - c y c l e events have an i n s t r u c t i o n a l component: f o r example, a f t e r c i r c u m c i s i o n , boys a r e secluded i n the men's house f o r i n s t r u c t i o n i n m a s c u l i n i t y , the dangers i n h e r e n t i n -feminine powers, and c e r t a i n r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a . In t h i s way, those c e l e b r a t e d l e a r n t h e i r new o b l i g a t i o n s and e x p e c t a t i o n s , along with concomitant c o s m o l o g i c a l r a t i o n a l e . S o c i a l development and i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the moral order take p l a c e i n l e s s formal ways. In a d d i t i o n t o o v e r t comments about how t o behave a p p r o p r i a t e l y towards k i n and s p i r i t s , a d u l t s a r e seen t o model moral behaviour. Given t h a t what people do i s a c o n s t a n t focus of a t t e n t i o n and t o p i c of e n d l e s s c o n v e r s a t i o n , people's a c t i o n s , motives f o r a c t i o n , and e v a l u a t i o n s of both, p r o v i d e constant comment on morals, t h e i r breach, and r e s u l t a n t s a n c t i o n s . Increased r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l l i f e i n general p a r a l l e l awareness o f , and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n , the moral o r d e r . Increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the moral order engenders a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d awareness of d e a l i n g s with s u p e r n a t u r a l powers, and g r e a t e r e f f i c a c y i n these d e a l i n g s . S o c i a l i z a t i o n a l l o w s i n d i v i d u a l L o l o g r e a t e r and g r e a t e r understanding of and f a c i l i t y with the nature of e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers, the nature of being, how these are played out i n every day l i f e , and how they are manifest i n ceremonial. Concomitant with t h i s i s moral i n s t r u c t i o n . In e f f e c t , with g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l l i f e , L o l o a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e i n c r e a s i n g l y i n the realms of the A e s t h e t i c , and l e a r n about the v a r i o u s forms of a e s t h e t i c s , those v e h i c l e s which promote harmony between humans and e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. Descent and I n h e r i t a n c e Descent among the L o l o i s rooted i n the myth of parthenogenesis, and has as i t s i d e o l o g i c a l f o c a l p o i n t the men's house. Because of i t s d i s t i n c t i v e a r c h i t e c t u r e , the men's house i s a l s o the v i s u a l f o c u s of each L o l o v i l l a g e or hamlet. The men's house has a t a l l , s l o p i n g roof and i s b u i l t on the ground, w h i l e o r d i n a r y houses have s h o r t peaked r o o f s and are on s t i l t s . Domestic dweelings f a c e one another a c r o s s the c e n t r a l p l a z a , and i n each v i l l a g e , the men's house s i t s a t an angle t o other houses i n a corne r . Adult men and bays of about S years of age and o l d e r s l e e p i n the men's house, while younger boys s l e e p with t h e i r mothers and s i s t e r s i n the houses. When Namor f i r s t c r e a t e d man, the v i l l a g e of Rovata was nothing but rows and rows of men's houses. Maieupua, Namor's b i r d s p i r i t g u ardian, gave Maleu t o the people and d i s p e r s e d the men's houses. Each s e n i o r male of each o r i g i n a l men's house became the s e n i o r male of each new v i l l a g e , so l i n k i n g the people t o the land and p r o v i d i n g the b a s i s f o r the L a l o system of descent. P r i o r t o an 95 examination of L o l o descent, i t i s u s e f u l t o d e s c r i b e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the men's house and the v i l l a g e . I t i s from the name of the s e n i o r member of the o r i g i n a l k i n groups t h a t the men's house land takes i t s name. Each men's house i s l o c a t e d on a named p l o t of land known as a men's house r e g a r d l e s s of whether or not a b u i l d i n g i s t h e r e . Each men's house b u i l d i n g has i n s i d e i t s e v e r a l stones conceived as the p h y s i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of s p i r i t s of the ance s t o r f o r whom the p l o t was named and h i s k i n . Each men's house has a "boss" or a na t a v o l o . Natavolo i s more p r o p e r l y a name, but has become a t i t l e a s s o c i a t e d with the s e n i o r male of the men's house group. The n a t a v o l o i s the spokesman f o r the men's house group. I t i s h i s duty t o announce deaths and i n d i c a t e t h a t some momentous event has oc c u r r e d by p l a y i n g the qaramut or s l i t — g o n g . The n a t a v o l o has the p r i v i l e g e and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s l e e p i n g i n the room at the back of the men's house which houses a n c e s t r a l and other types of s p i r i t s with t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d ceremonial p a r a p h e r n a l i a . T h i s i s a weighty r e s p o n s i b i l i t y indeed. M a t e r i a l s embodying s p i r i t beings are e x c e p t i o n a l l y powerful, and have g r e a t p o t e n t i a l f o r causing t r o u b l e . I t i s the n a t a v o l o * s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o ensure t h a t t h i s does not happen. In a d d i t i o n t o ceremonial o b j e c t s , the men's house group c o l l e c t i v e l y owns such t h i n g s as the p l o t where the 96 men's house b u i l d i n g i s s i t u a t e d , p i g and f i s h n e t s , and s i i t — g o n g s . The men's house i s home t o many powerful and dangerous t h i n g s , thus numerous r u l e s r e s t r i c t the behaviour of men, women and c h i l d r e n while near the men's house. Women are not allowed i n s i d e or around the back of the men's house and are not allowed t o eat any of the f r u i t p i c k e d from the t r e e s at the r e a r . They are not allowed t o go c l o s e by u n l e s s t a k i n g food t o a man o u t s i d e . In t h i s case, a woman should stand a r e s p e c t f u l d i s t a n c e from the door and c a l l t o one of the men t o come out and take the food i n s i d e . T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y t r u e f o r younger women. Older women, those past c h i l d - b e a r i n g age, are a b l e t o get a l i t t l e c l o s e r t o the men's house. For example, i t i s a c c e p t a b l e f o r an o l d e r woman t o sweep the area up c l o s e t o the men's house while younger women a r e p r o h i b i t e d from doing so. Men t r e a t the men's house b u i l d i n g , i t s c o n t e n t s and surroundings with r e s p e c t . They are expected t o keep the i n t e r i o r and the area surrounding the b u i l d i n g c l e a n , and are t o behave with proper decorum. Late n i g h t and e a r l y morning are dangerous times when the s p i r i t s are most v o l a t i l e . People a r e u s u a l l y sound a s l e e p d u r i n g the n i g h t , so the e a r l y morning has the most r u l e s f a r proper behaviour. Women are not t o shout, y e l l a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n , make a c l a t t e r with d i s h e s and pots, or make any laud n o i s e at a l l . C h i l d r e n e s p e c i a l l y a re r e s t r a i n e d from p l a y i n g a t t h i s time. Only a f t e r the sun i s up i n the sky and the men have emerged from the men's house i s i t p e r m i s s i b l e t o make loud n o i s e s . Not o n l y a re men's houses and members v u l n e r a b l e t o the whims of s p i r i t s , but they are a l s o i n danger from the a c t i o n s of other men. The men's house b u i l d i n g , e s p e c i a l l y the beds s l e p t i n by the members, i s a f a v o r i t e t a r g e t f o r s o r c e r y . While I was i n the v i l l a g e , at l e a s t one death was a t t r i b u t e d t o s o r c e r y caused by a s o r c e r e r working h i s malevolence on the bed of a member. A f t e r the death of an important man i n the v i l l a g e , members began t o l o c k the door t o the men's house i n the hopes t h a t they would be ab l e t o di s c o u r a g e s o r c e r e r s . The men's house i s the most important b u i l d i n g f i g u r a t i v e l y and s y m b o l i c a l l y f o r the L o l o . That s o r c e r y can be p r a c t i c e d here i n d i c a t e s the power of s o r c e r y r e l a t i v e t o the power of the men's house, and i s i n d i c a t i v e of s e r i o u s problems f o r the L o l o . The men's house b u i l d i n g i s used f o r many purposes. I t i s where the a d u l t males of the v i l l a g e s l e e p , where d e l i b e r a t i o n s over v i l l a g e a f f a i r s and ceremonials take p l a c e , and where d i s t r i c t o f f i c i a l s meet with the men of the v i l l a g e . I t i s a l s o a v i s i b l e and t a n g i b l e reminder of the p a s t . I t p r o v i d e s a p h y s i c a l l i n k t o the a n c e s t o r s s i n c e i t i s b u i l t on t h e i r land and named a f t e r them, and the a n c e s t o r s a re present i n s p i r i t and i n " f l e s h " i n the 98 stone r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . The men's house s i t u a t e s the L o l o i n time and i n space, g i v i n g them a l o c a t i o n which connects men's house members back t o the a n c e s t o r s and which w i l l c o n t i n u e t o l i n k members of s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n s . Most i m p o r t a n t l y , the men's house i s a d w e l l i n g i n which the o r d i n a r y and the e x t r a o r d i n a r y c o e x i s t . Descent and i n h e r i t a n c e are f l e x i b l e and weighted, at l e a s t i d e o l o g i c a l l y , toward the male l i n e . When judging r e l a t e d n e s s , both male and female l i n e s are c o n s i d e r e d , r e s u l t i n g i n a p r e v a i l i n g c o g n a t i c descent i d e o l o g y . For the L o l o r e l a t e d n e s s , r a t h e r than the sex of l i n k i n g k i n , i s c r i t i c a l . The group r e f e r e n t s a r e , i n each case, a n c e s t o r s i n the mythic past. Descent i s always t r a c e d t o the a p i c a l a n c e s t o r s of the f i r s t f a m i l i e s who were given land by Namor. When L o l o t a l k e d of a n c e s t o r s i n the remote pa s t , they more f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d t o male k i n than t o female. However, i n d i s c u s s i o n s of k i n i n more r e c e n t g e n e r a t i o n s , both male and female l i n k s were mentioned, although males were predominant. St r e n g t h of c h a r a c t e r and accomplishment appear t o i n f l u e n c e the c h o i c e of e i t h e r the male or female l i n e . The o v e r a l l e f f e c t of t h i s p a t r i l i n e a l b i a s i s cumulative p a t r i f i 1 i a t i o n . The L o l o system of descent c l o s e l y resembles t h a t of the Kwaio (Keesing 1970, 1971, 1975, 1982). L i k e the Kwaio, the L o l o d i s t i n g u i s h between mythical beings, the f i r s t beings which although human i n form were not q u i t e human, and a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s which are the "known founders (Keesing 1982s 75) of s o c i a l groups. A l s o l i k e the Kwaio, L o l o descent can be viewed as t a k i n g t h r e e forms: c o g n a t i c , a g n a t i c and non-agnatic descent. Each form of descent i s d e f i n e d i n terms of r e f e r e n c e t o an a p i c a l a n c e s t o r which f o r the Kwaio i s the founder of a s h r i n e and f o r the L o l o those i n d i v i d u a l s g iven a men's house by Namor. Keesing (1971:122) d i s t i n g u i s h e s these forms of descent as f a l l o w s . Cognatic descent i s an "unbroken c h a i n of f i l i a l l i n k s , male or female", a g n a t i c descent i s a "chain of male l i n k s " , and non-agnatic descent a "chain of l i n k s a t l e a s t one of whic i s female". For both the Kwaio and the L o l o , A person's r i g h t s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s can be viewed as a composite bundle t h a t i s put together from the bundles of f a t h e r and mother i n ways r e f l e c t i n g the circumstances of e a r l y l i f e and c h i l d h o o d r e s i d e n c e (Keesing 1971:122). While r e c o g n i z i n g the e x i s t e n c e and s i g n i f i c a n c e of both male and female l i n k s , both Kwaio and L o l o accord primacy to male l i n k s . Descent groups then, based as they are upo a descent p r i n c i p l e t h a t i s p r i m a r i l y a g n a t i c , can then be c o n t r a s t e d with the d i s p e r s e d cate g o r y of persons, c o g n a t i c a l l y descended from the founding a n c e s t o r s , whose primary attachments are to other p l a c e s (Keesing 1971:123). In the L o l o case, cognates are those who t r a c e descent d i r e c t l y t o the founding ancestor of the men's house. Given the c o g n a t i c descent p r i n c i p l e , i t i s 100 p o s s i b l e t o hold membership i n s e v e r a l men's house groups s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . The L o l a , however, r e c o g n i z e d i f f e r e n t degrees of membership i n men's house groups, probably t o b e t t e r c o n t r o l access t o r e s o u r c e s , and so membership i s not equated with c o g n a t i c descent. Agnates hold primary membership i n a men's house group. Primary membership e n t i t l e s an i n d i v i d u a l male, f o r example, the r i g h t t o s l e e p i n the men's house and the r i g h t t o b u i l d a house f o r h i s f a m i l y on men's house l a n d . Settlement p a t t e r n p r o v i d e s a rough i n d i c a t o r of s t a t u s of membership: the c l o s e r one's house i s t o the men's house, the c l o s e r one i s r e l a t e d t o the "boss" ar s e n i o r male of t h a t men's house group. Primary membership a l s o e n t i t l e s a male t o acc e s s to p r o p e r t y h e l d i n common by the men's house. Property-i n c l u d e s such items as p i g and f i s h n e t s , but most i m p o r t a n t l y , agnates have access t o r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a such as masks and f l u t e s , and the r i g h t s t o the e s o t e r i c l o r e surrounding these o b j e c t s i n c l u d i n g o r i g i n s t o r i e s (pungunga). Thus, primary membership i n a men's house group cements the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between l i v i n g group members, t h e i r a n c e s t o r s , and the mythical s p i r i t beings r e s i d e n t i n the ground upon which the men's house i s s i t u a t e d and whose masks ( t h e i r c o r p o r e a l beings) l i v e i n s i d e the men's house. F u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s i s thus incumbent 101 on primary members, r e g a r d l e s s of whether they l i v e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o the men's house. Boys l e a r n e a r l y of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of primary membership i n the men's house. A group of boys, r e l a t e d t o one another by a g n a t i c descent, undergoes c i r c u m c i s i o n t o g e t h e r and subsequent s e c l u s i o n i n the men's house. E l d e r agnates a c t as t h e i r t u t o r s and mentors through t h e i r s e c l u s i o n , which i s the formal beginning of the m a s c u l i n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . Non-agnatic males have c e r t a i n r i g h t s i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l men's house and men's house group. They a r e allowed t o s l e e p i n the men's house but i t i s s a i d t h a t they "sleep n o t h i n g " , meaning t h a t they have the s t a t u s of guest r a t h e r than member. In a c t u a l i t y , non-agnates have r i g h t s s i m i l a r t o those of primary members, but these r i g h t s a re earned by r e s i d e n c e and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , r a t h e r than by v i r t u e of agnation. Non-agnates may a l s o b u i l d houses upon men's house land and can and do p a r t i c i p a t e i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s . Regarding the l a t t e r however, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t a non-agnate would be p r i v y t o the most important r i t u a l knowledge of the men's house. Non-agnate's involvement i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s i s t r e a t e d more l i g h t l y than t h a t of primary members. T h e i r s u g g e s t i o n s and d e s i r e s are gi v e n l e s s c o n s i d e r a t i o n than those of agnates, and should non-agnates became too vo c a l and demanding, they are reminded t h a t t h e i r primary a f f i l i a t i o n i s elsewhere. As a r e s u l t , non-agnates t y p i c a l l y accede t o the wishes of primary members, u n l e s s they are c h a r i s m a t i c i n d i v i d u a l s , i n which case, t h e i r personal power g r a n t s them s t a t u s roughly e q u i v a l e n t t o t h a t of primary members. Although the L o l o men's house group i s based on descent, c o n s i d e r i n g i t s o l e l y as a descent group i s l i m i t i n g . F o l l o w i n g Holy (1976:126), we should a l s o remember t h a t the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on the grounds of t h e i r descent i d e o l o g i e s i s not on a par with c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of these on ' f u n c t i o n a l ' or ' o p e r a t i o n a l ' grounds, as, e.g., p o l i t i c a l , economic or r e l i g i o u s groups. These l a t t e r may be forms of c o r p o r a t e n e s s , and p e r t a i n to the substance r a t h e r than the i d e o l o g y of group membership. T h i s i s t r u e f o r the L o l o , s i n c e other f a c t o r s , such as r e s i d e n c e and even personal c h o i c e , may take precedence over descent i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of men's house group a f f i l i a t i o n , f a c t o r s which, f o r the L o l o , are important i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the f u n c t i o n s and purposes of men's nous; groups. The s i t u a t i o n i s s i m i l a r f o r women as w e l l . T h e i r primary a l l e g i a n c e i s t o the men's house group to which they are r e l a t e d by a g n a t i c descent, and i t i s t h i s group which p l a c e s the g r e a t e s t demands upon them. They are o b l i g a t e d t o a s s i s t i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t y f o r t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l men's house group, as well as t h e i r own. 103 L o l o c o r p o r a t e groups are p r i m a r i l y based on r e s i d e n c e , which i s i t s e l f c h a r a c t e r i z e d by f l u i d i t y and personal c h o i c e (cf Barnes 1962, Barth 1973, B u r r i d g e 1957). M a n i p u l a t i o n s of r e s i d e n c e , marriage and so on are o p p o r t u n i s t i c and designed so t h a t chances f o r economic ga i n and support are maximized. S i b l i n g s h i p i s c r i t i c a l i n these m a n i p u l a t i o n s . A c h o i c e of r e s i d e n c e o f t e n depends on the l o c a t i o n of s i b l i n g s s i n c e s i b l i n g s g e n e r a l l y cooperate i n the normal round of d a i l y a f f a i r s (Burridge 1959, 1969). Given the amount of f l e x i b i l i t y and the r e l a t i v e autonomy of i n d i v i d u a l s t o make c h o i c e s , the L o l o u t i l i z e two p a r a l l e l networks of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , one based on personal c h o i c e , the other on k i n s h i p (cf Rabbins 1982). Depending on the s i t u a t i o n , one network or the other i s a c t i v a t e d so t h a t i n d a i l y a f f a i r s , s i b l i n g s , men's house group members, and those who are good f r i e n d s or who l i v e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y may cooperate i n d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s , w h i le i n the event of ceremonial work, an i n d i v i d u a l i s e n l i s t e d by the l a r g e r k i n network t o p a r t i c i p a t e . The two main s o c i a l groups f o r the L o l o are the men's house group and the s i b l i n g group. These may be c o n s i s t e n t , given the c o g n a t i c descent c o n s t r u c t , p r e f e r e n c e s f o r v i r i 1 o c a l i t y , and a d e s i r e t o r e s i d e i n a s i b l i n g group. However, t h e r e are other s o c i a l u n i t s which are c r i t i c a l i n d i s c u s s i o n s of L o l o s o c i a l l i f e as moral l i f e . 104 Moral U n i t s of S o c i e t y The most b a s i c moral u n i t of L o l o s o c i e t y i s the i n d i v i d u a l . I n d i v i d u a l s have a great deal of power and i n f l u e n c e over t h e i r own l i v e s and the l i v e s of o t h e r s , and thus bear a high degree of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c o l l e c t i v e moral l i f e . The c h a r a c t e r of i n d i v i d u a l m o r a l i t y depends upon the age of the i n d i v i d u a l , and to a c e r t a i n extent upon sex, c h a r a c t e r , and, s i n c e human a c t i o n does not occur i n a vacuum, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s one has with o t h e r s . Young L o l o are expected t o r e b e l , to disobey t h e i r e l d e r s , and t o misbehave. L o l o a d u l t s do, however, s e t boundaries t h a t young L o l o are wise not to t r a n s g r e s s . As w e l l , e x p e c t a t i o n s d i f f e r g iven the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s , and given the age of the i n d i v i d u a l s . The moral q u a l i t y of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between young s i s t e r s , f o r example, changes as the s i s t e r s age, although they are expected t o a s s i s t and support one another r e g a r d l e s s of age. So too f o r a l l i n d i v i d u a l s : as i n d i v i d u a l L o l o age, they are expected to correspond more c l o s e l y to i d e a l s of L o l o m o r a l i t y . The household i s a s o c i a l , moral and c o r p o r a t e u n i t . The composition of a household i s t y p i c a l l y a n u c l e a r f a m i l y , but i s f r e q u e n t l y extended v e r t i c a l l y or h o r i z o n t a l l y . P r e d i c t a b l y , household members i n t e r a c t with 105 one another with g r e a t e r frequency and i n t e n s i t y than with other k i n . Within the household, each i n d i v i d u a l ' s moral i m p e r a t i v e s a re c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . A l l household members a s s i s t with a l l household matters, f o l l o w i n g the gender-based d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r , whether these are food g a t h e r i n g , gardening, cooking, or ceremonial work. Even i f a p a r t i c u l a r member of a household has been s i n g l e d out by h i s or her k i n t o p l a y a p a r t i c u l a r r o l e i n ceremonial or c o n t r i b u t e wealth, a l l members of the household are r e q u i r e d t o c o n t r i b u t e . The e x t r a burdens imposed by these demands may cause some f r i c t i o n , but i t i s r a r e and cause f o r a gr e a t deal of n e g a t i v e comment should the request be r e f u s e d = Household members can experience some t e n s i o n i f f o r some reason t h e r e i s t e n s i o n between the f a m i l i e s of the male and female heads of the household. In t h i s case , household members must choose whose s i d e t o take. I d e a l l y , a c c o r d i n g t o the L o l o moral code, k i n should s i d e with k i n , but t h i s i s not always the case (see Chapter VII f o r an example of t h i s t e n s i o n ) . The men's house group, s i n c e i t i s so c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with a n c e s t r a l and mythical s p i r i t s , has a st r o n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o be a c o n s c i o u s l y moral u n i t . A c t i v i t i e s engaged i n by the members as a c o l l e c t i v e a re t y p i c a l l y of a ceremonial nature. Ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s 106 enable the c o n t i n u a t i o n of harmonious r e l a t i o n s between humans and the s p i r i t world, thus the men's house group's most important f u n c t i o n i s a moral, r a t h e r than a c o r p o r a t e one. When the men's house group a c t s as a c o l l e c t i v e , i t bears the burden of m o r a l i t y f o r o t h e r s s i n c e , as L o l o , they are a l l r e s p o n s i b l e f o r conducting ceremonial as p r e s c r i b e d by Namor. F a i l i n g t o do so i n c u r s the wrath of Namor and other mythical and a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s and puts a l l a t r i s k of punishment s i n c e s p i r i t anger, l i k e s o r c e r y , can r i c o c h e t or be broadcast l i k e a s c a t t e r g u n , p u n i s h i n g anyone, not j u s t the g u i l t y p a r t i e s . As w e l l , those f o r whom the ceremonial work i s performed depend on the men's house group t o do i t p r o p e r l y t o d e r i v e the b e n e f i t s of the performance. Future g e n e r a t i o n s of L o l o too depend on the moral behaviour of the men's house group, f o r i n the absence of w r i t t e n r e c o r d s , c o r r e c t t r a n s m i s s i o n of ceremonial knowledge r e q u i r e s c o r r e c t e x e c u t i o n , with which men's house group members are charged. For t h i s reason, ceremonial s p e c i a l i s t s a re r e s p e c t e d and venerated i n d i v i d u a l s , f o r t h e i r s i s a weighty o b l i g a t i o n indeed. D i s c u s s i o n - The Role of the S p i r i t s i n L o l o S o c i a l L i f e From s p i r i t s p l a y the preceding d i s c u s s i o n , i t i s c l e a r t h a t the s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s i n the everyday a f f a i r s of 107 the L o l o as well as i n ceremonial. The L o l o d i s t i n g u i s h between two types of s p i r i t s , mythical s p i r i t s or those c r e d i t e d with the o r i g i n of a l l t h i n g s , and a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s . Each kind of s p i r i t i s powerful and demanding. M y t h i c a l s p i r i t s are f r i g h t e n i n g and u n p r e d i c t a b l e . If angered, they can b r i n g widespread death and d e s t r u c t i o n t o the L o l o . For example, i n t h r e e days, seven people d i e d . T h e i r deaths were a t t r i b u t e d t o anger an the p a r t of the mythical s p i r i t s , anger t h a t was expressed by the constant e r u p t i o n s from Mount Langla d u r i n g t h a t time. The mythical s p i r i t s can become angry f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons. Each of the f a l l o w i n g was c i t e d by my informants as something t h a t would, or had i n the p a s t , angered the mythical s p i r i t s , and caused the L o l a t o be punished. The mythical s p i r i t s are angered by the amount of s o r c e r y they see p r a c t i c e d . The mythical s p i r i t s may cause a rash of deaths, as i n the example above, deaths which may or may not be d i r e c t e d toward a c t u a l o f f e n d e r s . The innocent are e q u a l l y v u l n e r a b l e t o t h e i r anger. If L o l o f a i l t o behave p r o p e r l y on a day-to-day b a s i s , i f men beat t h e i r wives, i f c h i l d r e n are n e g l e c t e d , i f food i s abused, the mythical s p i r i t s may be angered. If t r a n s g r e s s i o n s are s l i g h t , punishment may be e i t h e r m i l d or very severe. The g r e a t e s t cause of anger f o r the mythical s p i r i t s i s f a i l u r e t o p r o p e r l y observe custom. S p i r i t s can 108 be angered by the simultaneous performance of a t r a d i t i o n a l ceremony and a modern dance; a f a i l u r e t o observe a decent p e r i o d of mourning by the performance of a ceremony; a bad judgement i n s u b s t i t u t i n g an imported performance f o r an indigenous one; a f a i l u r e t o perform indigenous ceremony p r o p e r l y , f o r example i f p i e c e s are m i s s i n g , i f the e x e c u t i o n i s sloppy, or i f food d i s t r i b u t i o n and exchanges of wealth a r e not adequate; and f i n a l l y , they can be angered by the i n a p p r o p r i a t e treatment of ceremonial p a r a p h e r n a l i a. In s h o r t , the s p i r i t s are angered and w i l l punish both innocent and g u i l t y f o r v i o l a t i o n s of s o c i a l and performance a e s t h e t i c s . Because t h e i r wrath i s u n p r e d i c t a b l e and the d i r e c t i o n of t h e i r anger not n e c e s s a r i l y d i r e c t e d toward a g u i l t y p a r t y , a l l L o l o are v u l n e r a b l e t o the a c t i o n s of o t h e r s . Each i n d i v i d u a l then, can be seen as r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the w e l l - b e i n g of o t h e r s where r e l a t i o n s with the mythical s p i r i t s are concerned. Those who i g n o r e these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are c o n s i d e r e d no b e t t e r than murderers, a sentiment i n f e r r e d from many c o n v e r s a t i o n s about the s p i r i t s . A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s , w h i l e somewhat l e s s f e a r e d , are e q u a l l y u n p r e d i c t a b l e . As d i r e c t descendants of these a n c e s t o r s , the L o l o f e e l a c l o s e r and more personal bond. However, a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s too can be benevolent, and then unexpectedly t u r n dangerous. A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s are invoked 109 t o a s s i s t with gardening, c e r e m o n i a l , h e a l i n g , or any a c t i v i t y which needs s p i r i t guidance. Contemporary L o l o use the o p i n i o n s (and subsequent a c t i o n s ) of a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s as a y a r d s t i c k with which t o measure t h e i r own a c t i o n s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between L o l o a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s and t h e i r l i v i n g descendents i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t of the T a l l e n s i . F o r t e s (1987:79), i n a d i s c u s s i o n of what he c a l l s a ncestor worship, d e s c r i b e s t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p as a combination of b e l i e f and r i t u a l p r a c t i c e , c o r r e l a t e d with r u l e s of conduct, which s e r v e s t o entrench the p r i n c i p l e of j u r a l a u t h o r i t y t o g e t h e r with i t s c o r o l l a r y , l e g i t i m a t e r i g h t , and i t s r e c i p r o c a l , designated a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , as an i n d i s p u t a b l e and s a c r o s a n c t v a l u e - p r i n c i p l e of the s o c i a l system. In t h i s way, the moral order of the L o l o encompassess both the l i v i n g and the dead, a n c e s t r a l and mythical s p i r i t s , and p r o v i d e s a guide f o r the l i v i n g t o deal a p p r o p r i a t e l y with the dead. A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s are c o n s i d e r e d as a p a r t of the s o c i a l sphere: the f a c t t h a t they are i n c o r p o r e a l beings does not remove t h e i r power and i n f l u e n c e . In ceremonial as well as mundane c o n t e x t s , the l i v i n g and the dead c o - e x i s t . A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s are i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the system of descent and are members of descent groups as c l e a r l y as are t h e i r descendents. U n l i k e humans, s p i r i t s are not bound by the moral order of the s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n , but r a t h e r transcend i t . Humans, 110 however, must abide by the moral p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l a c t i o n i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s with the l i v i n g and the dead, i n both every day and ceremonial c o n t e x t s , or be prepared f o r the consequences of breaching the moral p r i n c i p l e s . S p i r i t s , both mythical and a n c e s t r a l , can, i n response t o a breach of moral p r i n c i p l e s , impose n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s which can range from a poor garden crop t o a wave of death and d e s t r u c t i o n . Unpleasant events are construed as e i t h e r punishment by the s p i r i t s , or as evidence t h a t the s p i r i t s have "turned t h e i r backs" or withdrawn t h e i r support. The s p i r i t s , then, a c t as a check a g a i n s t the L o l o , i d e a l l y p r e v e n t i n g them from a c t i n g i n ways t h a t w i l l anger the s p i r i t s , and p r o v i d i n g them with a means t o e v a l u a t e t h e i r a c t i o n s and the a c t i o n s of o t h e r s . The "worst case" s c e n a r i o f o r the L o l o i s one i n which they have l o s t t h e i r knowledge of custom so thoroughly t h a t they have no knowledge o f , and means t o , a c t i n ways t h a t w i l l p l e a s e the s p i r i t s . Were t h i s t o be the case, the L o l o would be k i l l e d , one by one, f a m i l y by f a m i l y , u n t i l t h e r e would be no L o l o l e f t upon the e a r t h . T h i s s c e n a r i o can be seen as the L o l o v o i c i n g t h e i r very r e a l f e a r of l o s s of moral p r i n c i p l e s , the body of which can be c a l l e d the s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c as d e f i n e d i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . The next chapter i s an examination of food and performance, i n d i c a t i n g how s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and I l l c oncepts of power are i n t e r r e l a t e d i n food r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s i n s e c u l a r and ceremonial c o n t e x t s , and i n the p r e p a r a t i o n and e x e c u t i o n of ceremony. CHAPTER IV FOOD AND PERFORMANCE The i n t e n t i o n of t h i s chapter i s t o f u r t h e r i l l u m i n a t e the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between the moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the A e s t h e t i c . In t h i s c h a p t e r , r e l a t i o n s among food, food p r e p a r a t i o n and food exchange are d i s c u s s e d , f o l l o w e d by an examination of L o l o performance and the nexus of food and performance. The chapter concludes with an a n a l y s i s of how food and performance speak t o the L o l o moral o r d e r , t o performance a e s t h e t i c s , and t o the A e s t h e t i c i n g e n e r a l . The L o l o say t h a t "food i s custom" and equate ceremonial performances with food p r e p a r a t i o n . Much of the p r e p a r a t i o n i n v o l v e d i n ceremonial events i n v o l v e s food, d i r e c t l y or o b l i q u e l y , s i n c e food p l a y s a major p a r t i n the p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r ceremonial as well as i n the course of the performance i t s e l f . Food exchanges which take p l a c e p r i o r to and d u r i n g a ceremony are c o n s i d e r e d as important as the performance i t s e l f . Indeed, a ceremony i s thought t o begin with food exchange, although t h i s may take p l a c e hours 112 be-fore the s t a r t o-f the performance. Food i s not onl y c r i t i c a l i n terms of a c t u a l l y running a performance, but the L o l o say t h a t you cannot have ceremony or any performance of any kind without food. Far t h i s reason, i t i s important t o examine food i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o performance a e s t h e t i c s . I a r r i v e d i n A r a i g i l p u a i n t e n d i n g t o study music, performance and a e s t h e t i c s among the L o l o but was i n i t i a l l y f r u s t r a t e d because my attempts t o gather i n f o r m a t i o n on these t o p i c s were i n v a r i a b l y met with a comment having something t o do with food. E v e n t u a l l y , l i k e o t h e r s (e.g., Kahn 1984, Meigs 1984 and Young 1971), " C t l h e i s s u e of food was presented t o me on a p l a t t e r , and f i n a l l y I a t e what I was g i v e n " (Meigs 1984:x). As I d i r e c t e d my i n v e s t i g a t i o n s f u r t h e r i n the d i r e c t i o n s suggested by my informants, I d i s c o v e r e d t h a t food and performance h e l d the key t o the L o l o moral order and the A e s t h e t i c . Food p r o v i d e s a means f o r c r e a t i n g , d e f i n i n g and s u s t a i n i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , h e l p s f o r g e i n d i v i d u a l and c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t i e s , a s s i s t s i n the maintenance of o r d e r l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the s u p e r n a t u r a l , expresses b e l i e f s and val u e s about the way the world i s and the way i t should be, and can be used t o express o p i n i o n s or impose p o s i t i v e or ne g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s , as well as f u l f i l l i n g b i o l o g i c a l and n u t r i t i o n a l n e e d s . s 114 Food and performance are i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d , not only because food i s a c e n t r a l component of each ceremonial event, but by v i r t u e of the L o l o equation of food and ceremony with custom, t r a d i t i o n , and the essence of t h e i r c u l t u r e . What food does and i m p l i c i t l y means i n the context of everyday l i f e i s r e s t a t e d , i n t e n s i f i e d and reconfirmed d u r i n g ceremonial events. Thus, c o n s i d e r a t i o n of food and the r e l a t i o n s of food t o performance p r o v i d e the necessary context f o r the examination of the L o l o moral order and performance a e s t h e t i c s . Food P l a n t s Taro c l e a r l y surpasses other foods i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . I t f i g u r e s l a r g e l y i n s t o r i e s , c h i l d r e n ' s games i n c o r p o r a t e t a r o as c h a r a c t e r s , and the L o l o c a l l t a r o t h e i r "bones". Neke, the "mother" of a l l t a r o p l a n t s , was f i r s t g iven t o the L o l o by a female bush s p i r i t . T h i s was the o r i g i n a l food possessed by the L o l o and remains the s t a p l e of t h e i r d i e t . I c o l l e c t e d over seventy names f o r d i f f e r e n t kinds of t a r o . A knowledgeable gardener i s one who can i d e n t i f y each kind by l o o k i n g at the l e a v e s of the p l a n t or a t the tuber i t s e l f . A l l t a r o p l a n t s a re named, some f o r t h e i r p l a c e of o r i g i n (e.g., B a i n i n g or K i l e n g e ) , o t h e r s have personal names and are designated as male or female. The names giv e n t o these t a r o are f a m i l y names, 115 thus e s t a b l i s h i n g a k i n s h i p between the t a r o p l a n t and those who are members of the k i n group t o whom the name belongs. If a w i l d t a r o p l a n t , u n l i k e any c u l t i v a t e d , i s found i n the bush, then whoever f i n d s i t may name the p l a n t and t r a n s p l a n t i t i n t o h i s or her garden. A f t e r the t a r o i s well e s t a b l i s h e d the f i n d e r may d i s t r i b u t e the newly domesticated p l a n t . Before t h i s can occur, the tuber must be s p l i t and r e p l a n t e d s e v e r a l times t o p r o v i d e adequate sto c k . T h i s p r o c e s s of e s t a b l i s h i n g a new t a r o p l a n t g e n e r a l l y takes s e v e r a l seasons of c a r e f u l p r o p a g a t i o n . As well as being named, t a r o a re eval u a t e d . Some are " b e t t e r " than o t h e r s and are thus s u i t e d f o r important g i f t s , p r e f e r r e d f o r food d i s t r i b u t i o n at ceremon i a l s , and a p p r o p r i a t e f o r g i v i n g t o s i g n i f i c a n t k i n . The "best" t a r o are those which possess a leng t h y genealogy, were named by n o t a b l e i n d i v i d u a l s , or which belong t o i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l i e s . Some t a r o a re b e l i e v e d t o be " s t r a n g e r " than o t h e r s and are given t o s i c k persons t o eat so t h a t they w i l l assume some of the s t r e n g t h of the t a r o and w i l l themselves become s t r o n g . These t a r o a re thought t o c l e a n s e the blood and, when eaten with greens, c r e a t e new blood which h e l p s wash away i l l n e s s . Taro with no out s t a n d i n g q u a l i t i e s a re used p r i m a r i l y f o r o r d i n a r y consumption. Only when b e t t e r t a r o a re i n s h o r t supply a re i n f e r i o r t a r o used f o r ceremonial purposes. 116 The L o l a r e c o g n i s e t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s of foods i n c l u d i n g bush food, garden food and "white" foods or food of European o r i g i n . Because t h e i r d i e t i s predominantly composed of foods from gardens, when speaking of food i n g e n e r a l , the L o l o mean garden produce. Garden food, as well as being the most important n u t r i t i o n a l l y , i s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d the best food. E a t i n g garden food makes one st r o n g and a b l e t o engage i n strenuous p h y s i c a l a c t i v i t y . Bush foods, although used i n a d d i t i o n t o the r e g u l a r d i e t , are p r i m a r i l y famine foods. Thoughtful cooks c o l l e c t these foods and use them t o vary the d i e t , but they a re not used with great frequency. "White" food, although a t r e a t , and i n s p i t e of i t s high p r e s t i g e v a l u e , does not have much n u t r i t i o n a l v a l u e a c c o r d i n g t o the L o l o . T h i s i s why people with white s k i n need educations t h e i r steady d i e t of r i c e , t i n n e d meat and so on renders them u n f i t f o r anything but o f f i c e work. Food i n Everyday L i f e When food i s brought i n from the gardens, i t i s c a r e f u l l y s o r t e d and org a n i z e d f o r s t o r a g e and d i s t r i b u t i o n . I t i s d i s g r a c e f u l t o s t o r e food haphazardly. Not o n l y i s one a poor housekeeper but a l s o a "bad" person and o t h e r s a re warned not t o eat t h e i r food. Food i s a l s o separated and s t o r e d a c c o r d i n g t o ownership. If s e v e r a l people i n a household share gardening d u t i e s , t h e i r food i s o r t e d and s t o r e d a c c o r d i n g t o ownership. On a d a i l y b a s i s , food i s d i s t r i b u t e d t o o t h e r s , and i n v o l v e s t a k i n g small p a r c e l s of food ( s e v e r a l t a r o , sweet potatoes and greens f o r example) t o those who l i v e c l o s e by, perhaps a bundle t o a s i s t e r and one to a br o t h e r . G i f t s a re made a f t e r c o n s i d e r i n g i s s u e s such as who has v i s i t o r s and i s i n need of help with food, who i s having t r o u b l e with t h e i r gardens, or who has a s s i s t e d wit some r e c e n t p r o j e c t . G i f t s a re not governed by r u l e s , but r a t h e r a re s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c and p r a c t i c e d somewhat a c c o r d i n g t o whim. In the case of a q u a r r e l with a r e l a t i v e , f o r example, one expresses anger or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with t h a t person by w i t h h o l d i n g food. Most raw and cooked food g i f t s go t o k i n , e s p e c i a l l y c l o s e k i n . P r o x i m i t y i s a key f a c t o r i n a l l g i f t s of food. Non—kin, i f l i v i n g c l o s e by, r e c e i v e f r e q u e n t g i f t s of food, while k i n l i v i n g a t a d i s t a n c e r e c e i v e food more r a r e l y . One must be open and generous with food g i f t s t o those l i v i n g nearby because of the frequency, r e g u l a r i t y and i n t e n s i t y of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . R e l a t i o n s h i p s not maintained l a p s e , thus g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g food i s the primary means of s u s t a i n i n g s o c i a l c o n t a c t and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . For t h i s reason, i t i s c r u c i a l t o keep t r a c k of a l food r e c e i v e d . I t i s necessary t o know who gave raw food 118 or a meal so t h a t g i f t s can be r e c i p r o c a t e d . T h i s i s a l s o a means f o r e v a l u a t i n g a r e l a t i o n s h i p and a s s e s s i n g v a l u e as a person and as a kinsman. For example, i f food i s r e c e i v e d from a l l k i n i n the v i c i n i t y except f o r a s i s t e r , then t h i s i n d i c a t e s f a i l u r e i n one's d u t i e s and o b l i g a t i o n s towards t h a t s i s t e r . Not o n l y do donors and r e c i p i e n t s maintain accounts of food g i f t s , but food i s s c r u t i n i z e d and monitored by other v i l l a g e r s . Food i s a p u b l i c matter. I t i s openly s t o r e d , should be eaten i n p u b l i c view, and o f f e r e d t o a l l p r e s e n t . E a t i n g i n p r i v a t e means t h a t one may be hoarding s p e c i a l food with no i n t e n t i o n of s h a r i n g , d i r e c t l y c o n t r a d i c t i n g the i m p e r a t i v e of g e n e r o s i t y . The i m p e r a t i v e i s a f f e c t e d by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of goods such as r i c e and t i n n e d meat. These items a r e c o s t l y , d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n and with t h e i r p r o d i g i o u s a p p e t i t e s a kilogram of r i c e f eeds o n l y a few a d u l t s , hence the L o l o now tend t o cook and eat r i c e l a t e at n i g h t behind c l o s e d doors. Repeated consumption of r i c e i s an improper and f l a g r a n t e x h i b i t i o n of wealth and can damage one's r e p u t a t i o n . Another important g i f t i s firewood. Subject t o s i m i l a r conventions of g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g as food, i t i s f o r the L o l o an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the food network. Every household has a p l a t f o r m over the hearth where wood i s s t o r e d . T h i s wood becomes very dry and as time passes i s blackened by soot and smoke. Food cooked by t h i s wood i s 119 given e x t r a s t r e n g t h , and so t h i s firewood i s given t o women i n c h i l d b i r t h or t o women i n mourning s e c l u s i o n . When p l a n n i n g a meal, the f i r s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s who i s s u b j e c t t o what food taboos. When a kinsman d i e s , those who shared a household, a c l o s e k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p ( f o r example, a n a t u r a l parent, blood s i b l i n g ) or c l o s e personal r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the deceased assume taboos f o r c e r t a i n foods i n a d d i t i o n t o the taboos imposed d u r i n g the i n i t i a l p e r i o d of mourning. The food tabooed i s t h a t which the deceased a t e j u s t p r i o r t o death, f o r example, i f the l a s t meal eaten was t a r o , then those who take on the taboo a r e f o r b i d d e n t a r o s i n c e e a t i n g i t w i l l make them v i o l e n t l y i l l . The taboos are observed f o r at l e a s t a year, although those who were very s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d by the death may honour the deceased by adhering t o the taboo f o r l i f e . Breaking taboos i s an o c c a s i o n f o r a s m a l l , r e l a t i v e l y p r i v a t e ceremony, i n which the tabooed i n d i v i d u a l merely begins t o eat the p r e v i o u s l y tabooed food, and makes a s p e c i a l commemorative t r i p t o the gardens of the deceased. Once food f o r a meal has been chosen, the method of cooking must be decided. R o a s t i n g , b o i l i n g or baking i n an ea r t h oven are the a v a i l a b l e c h o i c e s , although the e a r t h oven r e q u i r e s so much p r e p a r a t i o n t h a t i t i s u s u a l l y r e s e r v e d f o r ceremonial o c c a s i o n s when s e v e r a l people share the d u t i e s . 120 Cooking -for ceremonial events r e q u i r e s e l a b o r a t e p r e p a r a t i o n s . In these cases l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of the same foods as are r o a s t e d or b o i l e d f o r everyday consumption a r e baked i n an e a r t h oven a f t e r they have been s p e c i a l l y prepared. Taro f o r example, a r e peeled twice. F i r s t , each tuber i s peeled to remove the outer s k i n , w h ile a second p e e l i n g c r e a t e s a uniform s u r f a c e . Once peele d , each tuber i s c u t i n a c e r t a i n way. Taro are f i r s t s p l i t lengthwise with each p i e c e halved and halved again so t h a t a l l p i e c e s are approximately equal i n s i z e . V i s u a l appearance i s c r i t i c a l , s i n c e food t h a t does not meet the a p p r o p r i a t e standards i s d i s c a r d e d . Once the food i s prepared, i t i s c a r e f u l l y p l a c e d i n the e a r t h oven and baked. Women are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r cooking and p r e p a r i n g food on a d a i l y b a s i s . However, d u r i n g p r e p a r a t i o n f o r ceremonials, c e r t a i n o p e r a t i o n s , f o r example s t i r r i n g t a r o pudding i n massive carved bowls, are taken over by the men. Each o p e r a t i o n done by the men i s i t s e l f i n v e s t e d with ceremony with the use of s p e c i a l u t e n s i l s , r i t u a l a c t s and songs. Good cooks are admired and r e s p e c t e d i n d i v i d u a l s . They are concerned about the v i s u a l appearance of food they s e r v e . T h e i r r o a s t e d foods have no t r a c e of c h a r r e d s k i n , b o i l e d greens are a r t f u l l y t w i s t e d and knotted, peeled t u b e r s are smooth and c l e a n l y c u t , and food cooked i n e a r t h ovens has no punctures from f o r k s . Food must a l s o t a s t e 121 good and a good cook adds q u a n t i t i e s of s a l t and d e l i c a c i e s l i k e c u r r y powder i f these are a v a i l a b l e . N u t r i t i o n i s another c o n s i d e r a t i o n . For the L o l o , e a t i n g well means consuming a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t foods and l a r g e amounts of greens t o c l e a n s e the blood. To many, proper n u t r i t i o n i n c l u d e s s p a r i n g use of coconut milk and an awareness of the m e d i c i n a l v a l u e s of d i f f e r e n t foods. Good cooks are h y g i e n i c cooks. Hands are washed b e f o r e food i s prepared, u t e n s i l s are kept c l e a n , the hearth area i s swept and a l l r e f u s e i s p r o p e r l y d i s c a r d e d . Food from d i r t y households, I was warned, i s food t h a t makes one i l l . People v a l u e goad cooks not onl y f a r t h e i r n u t r i t i o u s , v i s u a l l y a p p e a l i n g and t a s t y food, but f o r t h e i r g e n e r o s i t y as w e l l . Good cooks are those who c a r e about f o o d , r e s p e c t food and those whom they s e r v e . 9 When food i s served, c e r t a i n conventions are observed which i n d i c a t e deference and r e s p e c t . In any g a t h e r i n g , prominent men r e c e i v e food f i r s t . These men are e l d e r s , u s u a l l y f i r s t b o r n , and i n v a r i a b l y those who possess l a r g e amounts of c u l t u r a l knowledge, f o r example song s p e c i a l i s t s , s t o r y s p e c i a l i s t s , or those who h o l d l a r g e amounts of t r a d i t i o n a l wealth. Not o n l y are prominent persons served f i r s t , they are a l s o given the best p l a c e s to s i t and eat. If the wives of these men are present and come from high s t a t u s f a m i l i e s themselves, they r e c e i v e food immediately a f t e r t h e i r husbands. Those who r e c e i v e t h e i r food l a s t are those who have the lowest s o c i a l s t a n d i n g i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r g a t h e r i n g . There i s no d i f f e r e n c e i n the s i z e of the p o r t i o n s or i n what food i s served. Rather, the order i n which food i s r e c e i v e d i s the i n d i c a t o r of s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . New p o s i t i o n s have been added t o t h i s pecking o r d e r . At a g a t h e r i n g where e x c e p t i o n a l l y prominent men are absent, the d o c t o r , c a t e c h i s t , and t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , the t e a c h e r s , r e c e i v e t h e i r food f i r s t . These people occupy o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s s a n c t i o n e d by the church or the government, have money and education and are thus r e s p e c t e d . T h i s r e s p e c t i s , f o r many people, tempered with f e a r s i n c e these people are d i f f e r e n t , more s o p h i s t i c a t e d and w o r l d l y making the v i l l a g e r s somewhat uncomfortable i n t h e i r company. 1 0 When food i s served, i t i s never passed from hand to hand but i s always p l a c e d d i r e c t l y i n t o the hand of the intended r e c i p i e n t . T h i s a p p l i e s not o n l y t o s e r v i n g meals but t o g i f t s of food as w e l l . When g i v i n g o r d i n a r y g i f t s of f ood, i t i s a c c e p t a b l e t o g i v e these to the s e n i o r female of a household while more s i g n i f i c a n t g i f t s are given t o the s e n i o r male. Food i s a favoured t a r g e t f o r s o r c e r y . S o r c e r e r s tamper with gardens, food i t s e l f , or food r e f u s e i n gardens or households. Great care must be e x e r c i s e d when a c c e p t i n g food from a known s o r c e r e r , s i n c e t o r e f u s e would be t o r i s k the s o r c e r e r ' s wrath. T h i s i s a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n f a r the L o l a . Family members with easy access t a one's home and belongings are most g r e a t l y f e a r e d as s o r c e r e r s but a t the same time, a re those most l i k e l y t o present food. C u s t o m a r i l y , food g i v e n by s o r c e r e r s i s accepted and i f unavoidable eaten. The r e c i p i e n t s can o n l y hope t h a t i t i s s a f e . Known s o r c e r e r s are thus given f r e q u e n t and l a v i s h g i f t s of food i n the hope t h a t they w i l l d i r e c t t h e i r m a l i c e elsewhere. Analogous t o the men's house or gardens, food i s a t a r g e t because of i t s power. Food g a i n s power through the ground, and through a s s o c i a t i o n with other realms of the A e s t h e t i c , n o t a b l y ceremonial. A t t a c k i n g food, gardens or the men's house i s t r u l y an a t t a c k upon the A e s t h e t i c , i n t h a t o b j e c t s s a t u r a t e d with the powers of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y , hence the A e s t h e t i c , a re the o b j e c t s of a s o r c e r e r ' s malice. E a t i n g food i s secondary t o g i v i n g or r e c e i v i n g food. R e c e i v i n g food means t h a t one belongs, has k i n , f r i e n d s , or i n s h o r t , people who are concerned f o r one's w e l f a r e . G i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g food ensure p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l s e c u r i t y by e s t a b l i s h i n g one's p o s i t i o n w i t h i n k i n networks and w i t h i n the l a r g e r sphere of v i l l a g e r e l a t i o n s . 124 Food and S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s The L o l a use food as a means t o c r e a t e , de-fine and maintain s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and so food becomes the v e h i c l e f o r the c r e a t i o n of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and f o r d e f i n i n g one's p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s t h a t of others- As d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I I , moral p r i n c i p l e s of mutual a i d , support and exchange are c e n t r a l i n the c r i t e r i a f o r d e f i n i n g k i n and i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n of k i n r e l a t i o n s -G i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g food, g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g meals, and h e l p i n g with food r e l a t e d d u t i e s enable L o l o i n d i v i d u a l s t o f u l f i l l t h e i r moral i m p e r a t i v e s towards o t h e r s . Although women are the g i v e r s and r e c e i v e r s of food among the L o l o , the s o c i a l a s p e c t s of these i n t e r c h a n g e s are extended t o i n c l u d e households r a t h e r than a p p l y i n g s o l e l y t o i n d i v i d u a l s . For the L o l o , g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g food mean t h a t each person has a p l a c e w i t h i n the s o c i a l system by v i r t u e of the f a c t t h a t one g i v e s and r e c e i v e s . However, c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the k i n s h i p network p l a c e g r e a t e r demands than o t h e r s . S i s t e r s , f o r example, h a b i t u a l l y exchange food r e g a r d l e s s of whether they are n a t u r a l or c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s i b l i n g s , and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by almost d a i l y exchange of food. Thus, the type of r e l a t i o n s h i p determines the frequency of food g i f t s , although the frequency i s tempered by p h y s i c a l d i s t a n c e . Never g i v i n g food t o k i n l i v i n g some d i s t a n c e away can cause a r u p t u r e i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p , hence the g i f t s a re made but are o c c a s i o n a l . The importance of personal p r e f e r e n c e echoes the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I I I . Cooperation among s i b l i n g s i s expected, and i n g i v i n g food, i t i s s i b l i n g s who are expected t o exchange food most o f t e n . The importance of p r o x i m i t y i n d a i l y food g i v i n g s e r v e s t o f u r t h e r e s t a b l i s h r e s i d e n t i a l groupings as the most s i g n i f i c a n t c o r p o r a t e group among the L o l o . G i f t s of meals or cooked food a r e made c o n s t a n t l y , and g e n e r a l l y t o the same people. Those who l i v e nearby o f t e n send a c h i l d t o a s i s t e r ' s house with a p l a t e of cooked food which i s then d i v i d e d among a l l present. G i f t s of meals are dependent on s i t u a t i o n as w e l l . If a number of guests arrive^ or i n case of s i c k n e s s , those a f f e c t e d r e c e i v e g i f t s of cooked food. In a d d i t i o n , f o r those who l i v e at the other end of the v i l l a g e , an o c c a s i o n a l g i f t of cooked food r e p l a c e s h a b i t u a l g i f t s of raw food and se r v e s the same purpose. G i f t s of cooked food are o f t e n given t o the men's house f o r the consumption of a l l men i n s i d e . As w e l l , those who a r r i v e when a meal i s i n progress a r e o f f e r e d a meal r e g a r d l e s s of whether or not they have eaten. M a i n t a i n i n g good r e l a t i o n s h i p s with k i n and those who l i v e nearby i s fundamentally the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of 126 women. They ha r v e s t -food, cook -food and u l t i m a t e l y a re those with the power t o c r e a t e and maintain these r e l a t i o n s h i p s s i n c e they are based i n l a r g e p a r t on the g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g o-f food. One woman i n the v i l l a g e i n c u r r e d the wrath of her female neighbours by sprea d i n g m a l i c i o u s g o s s i p . The other women r e t a l i a t e d by r e f u s i n g t o b r i n g her the usual g i f t s of food. T h i s a c t i o n on the pa r t of the v i l l a g e women caused her t o p u b l i c l y mourn f o r h e r s e l f . S i n c e she r e c e i v e d no food, she was deserte d and thus dead. She f o l l o w e d t h i s announcement with a p u b l i c apology and next day the g i f t s of food resumed. T h i s i l l u s t r a t e s two b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s . The f i r s t speaks t o the importance of food g i f t s . The absence of these g i f t s i m p l i e s a l i e n a t i o n from one's k i n and neighbours. A l i e n a t i o n and i t s r e s u l t a n t i s o l a t i o n a r e , f o r the L o l o , worse than death. Secondly, women h o l d the means t o e i t h e r p r e s e r v e or d e s t r o y k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Men p l a y a s m a l l e r but s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n t h i s p r o c e s s . Men p r o v i d e a s s i s t a n c e i n l a r g e - s c a l e gardening p r o j e c t s , and i n p r e p a r i n g food f o r ceremonial events. On a d a i l y b a s i s , t h e i r r o l e i s r e s t r i c t e d t o encouraging the women t o be generous with t h e i r food g i f t s s i n c e the r e p u t a t i o n of the men r e s t s t o a gre a t extent on the l a r g e s s of the women of t h e i r household. The onl y time a man may l e g i t i m a t e l y beat h i s wife i s i f she i s remiss i n matters concerning food, f o r example f a i l i n g i n her 127 ceremonial r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , f a i l i n g t o feed a man's guests , or f a i l i n g t o p r o v i d e the f a m i l y with adequate amounts of food. If a man's wife and unmarried daughters f u l f i l l a l l f o o d - r e l a t e d o b l i g a t i o n s , h i s r e p u t a t i o n i s enhanced a c c o r d i n g l y . S o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by gender i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n L o l o c o n c e p t i o n s of food. D e a l i n g s with food a re based on more than mere c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of a d i v i s i o n of labour although i n regard t o gardening and food p r e p a r a t i o n t h i s d i v i s i o n i s marked. Food a l s o speaks t o the d e f i n i t i o n and c o n s t i t u t i o n of m a s c u l i n i t y and f e m i n i n i t y . Women bear c h i l d r e n , and although the L o l o r e c o g n i z e the importance of the man's r o l e i n conc e p t i o n and g e s t a t i o n , the f a c t t h a t women carry and bear c h i l d r e n independently of men outweighs t h e i r i n i t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s . The L o l o view g i v i n g food and g i v i n g b i r t h as analogous i n t h a t each c r e a t e s a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . A c h i l d at b i r t h a u t o m a t i c a l l y e n t e r s a network of k i n r e l a t i o n s , p r o v i d i n g the c h i l d with a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . G i v i n g food a l s o g i v e s b i r t h t o r e l a t i o n s h i p s and as a c h i l d needs food t o grow and mature, so do r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Food and women's work are thus necessary t o each i n d i v i d u a l ' s p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l s u r v i v a l . Women have power t o g i v e or deny l i f e . Women can carry a pregnancy t o term, can p r a c t i c e b i r t h c o n t r o l or abort . J u s t as e a s i l y , they can all o w r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o be 128 perpetuated or destroyed by g i v i n g or w i t h h o l d i n g g i f t s o-f food. For these reasons, men are c a u t i o u s with women s i n c e i n t h i s r e s p e c t they a re at t h e i r mercy. Dlder men c h i d e newly-married young men f o r arguing with t h e i r wives, b e a t i n g them, or m i s t r e a t i n g them. Younger men are warned t h a t should they so behave, t h e i r wives would stop f e e d i n g them. Were t h i s t o occur, a man would cease t o have a wi f e , or be guaranteed a c h i l d l e s s marriage. Both men and women r e a l i z e the e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and complementarity of t h e i r r o l e s with regard t o the c r e a t i o n and maintenance of i n d i v i d u a l s , s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and ceremony. Food i s a female domain, and performance the p r o v i n c e of men. J u s t as food c o n t r i b u t e s t o one's s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , food a i d s i n the development and d e f i n i t i o n of one's i d e n t i t y as an i n d i v i d u a l . A good L o l o woman works hard and her gardens a re monuments t o her p r o d u c t i v i t y . She always has enough food a v a i l a b l e and more t o feed her f a m i l y , her guests, and t o f u l f i l l her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n p r o v i d i n g food f o r ceremonial. G e n e r o s i t y when g i v i n g food and observance of c o r r e c t p r o t o c o l i n s e r v i n g and d i s t r i b u t i n g show t h a t one c a r e s about one's r e p u t a t i o n as a L o l o woman. Treatment of food p r o v i d e s the barometer f o r gauging a woman's s t a n d i n g i n the v i l l a g e and among k i n . F a i l i n g t o observe and outdo the conventions of food d i s t r i b u t i o n can t u r n a woman i n t o a p a r i a h , and d e s t r o y 129 her husband's and f a m i l y ' s r e p u t a t i o n s i n the process. A woman may be f o r g i v e n n e a r l y e v e r y t h i n g except abusing f o o d . 1 1 For men too food i s c r i t i c a l i n t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n as i n d i v i d u a l s . In order f o r them t o achieve renown through t h e i r wives and daughters, they must p u l l t h e i r weight i n the gardens. A s u c c e s s f u l and p r o d u c t i v e garden r e q u i r e s the combined e f f o r t s of men and women. Without t h i s c o o p e r a t i o n , gardens q u i c k l y d e t e r i o r a t e and produce small wizened food d e s c r i b e d as " p i g food". P r e s e n t a t i o n of t h i s food as g i f t s or du r i n g ceremonial s e v e r e l y damages one's r e p u t a t i o n . Those who do l i t t l e but expect t o r e c e i v e food f o r t h e i r e f f o r t s should be ashamed of themselves. G e t t i n g food f o r nothing makes people o b j e c t s of s c o r n . C l e a r l y , food p r o v i d e s a means by which L o l o men and women c r e a t e and cement i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y . "Good" men and "good" women are hard workers who r e s p e c t o t h e r s and show i t by t h e i r wise and j u d i c i o u s use of food. L o l o who are re s p e c t e d by o t h e r s have a good s t a n d i n g among the L o l o and with t h e i r k i n , are known i n other ar e a s , are r a r e l y the butt of g o s s i p or anger, cause few problems with other v i l l a g e r s , are l i k e l y t o av o i d s o r c e r y , and, by-ex e m p l i f y i n g conduct c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e and proper f o r a L o l o , a v o i d the wrath of Namor and thus b e n e f i t by being i n h i s good graces. 130 Food and t h e Cash Economy Food i s e n t e r i n g i n t o t h e m o n e t a r y economy, a new d e v e l o p m e n t f o r t h e L o l o . U n t i l q u i t e r e c e n t l y , L o l o would o n l y e x c h a n g e f o o d , u s u a l l y r e c e i v i n g f o o d i n r e t u r n . Now however, f o o d i s o f f e r e d f o r s a l e . T h i s a p p l i e s , o f c o u r s e , t o " w h i t e " f o o d b o ught a t t h e s t o r e a s w e l l a s t o i n d i g e n o u s f o o d s . On s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s when f o o d was r a t h e r scarce owing t o t h e r a i n , women were f o r c e d t o pay c a s h f o r g a r d e n f o o d w h i c h t h e y needed f o r c e r e m o n i a l s . T w i c e w h i l e I was i n t h e v i l l a g e , men s h o t w i l d p i g s w h i c h , a f t e r t h e y had been c o o k e d , were c u t up and s o l d . T h o s e who had money and a t e p o r k were b i t t e r l y r e s e n t e d by t h o s e who had none. T h e r e was much d i s g r u n t l e d t a l k a b o u t t h o s e who a t e p o r k . One i n c i d e n t i n wh i c h f o o d was o f f e r e d f o r s a l e h o r r i f i e d many o f t h e v i l l a g e r s . A f t e r a d e a t h , c e r t a i n women r e m a i n i n m o u r n i n g s e c l u s i o n f o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y one month a f t e r w h i c h t h e r e i s a ceremony and f o o d d i s t r i b u t i o n m a r k i n g t h e end o f t h e f o r m a l p e r i o d o f m o u r n i n g . On t h i s o c c a s i o n , a p i g was k i l l e d and n o t o n l y t h e p o r k b u t a l l o t h e r f o o d was s o l d r a t h e r t h a n g i v e n away. The d e c e a s e d was a young woman and h e r h u s b a n d , r e c e n t l y r e t u r n e d t o t h e v i l l a g e f r o m w o r k i n g i n a lumber camp o u t s i d e t h e p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l , d e c i d e d t h a t f o o d s h o u l d be s o l d w i t h p r o c e e d s t o be s p l i t among h i m s e l f , h i s b r o t h e r s , and h i s af f i n e s . He r a t h e r t e r r i f i e d h i s a f f i n e s . A hat temper and rumours of h i s a b i l i t i e s as a s o r c e r e r persuaded h i s a f f i n e s t o acqui e s c e . For o l d e r L o l o and t r a d i t i o n a l l y -minded younger L o l o , t h i s was viewed as a very s e r i o u s breach of L o l o custom. D i r e p r e d i c t i o n s of Namor's wrath abounded, and those seen as r e s p o n s i b l e , a f f i n e s i n c l u d e d , were shunned and o s t r a c i z e d . Kin of the t r a n s g r e s s o r s f e a r e d f o r t h e i r l i v e s s i n c e t h i s a c t i o n so angered the v i l l a g e r s t h a t s o r c e r y was b e l i e v e d i n e v i t a b l e . The young men r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h i s o n l y wished t o make some money am thought they were doing no harm, but g o s s i p and o s t r a c i s m punished them f o r t h e i r mistreatment of food and ceremony and t h i s type of i n c i d e n t never occurred again. There are some i n s t a n c e s i n which the s a l e of food i s s a n c t i o n e d . These are p r i m a r i l y fund r a i s i n g events. The L o l o Women's Club o c c a s i o n a l l y makes food and s e l l s i t with the small p r o f i t s going t o stock a small s t o r e run by the Club, or the L o l o v i l l a g e s may o r g a n i z e a dance or "Bate" i n which food i s s o l d , again t o r a i s e small amounts of money f o r the a i d past , the s c h o o l , ar t o c o n t r i b u t e towards the purchase of a community t r u c k . At these events, a l l understand t h a t food i s s o l d e x p l i c i t l y t o r a i s e money. Even so, many o l d e r v i l l a g e r s r e f u s e t o atten d these events because t o them the s a l e of food i n t h i s manner r e p r e s e n t s a v i o l a t i o n of L o l a m o r a l i t y . The problem i s not a l a c k of money, although i t i s c e r t a i n l y s c a r c e , s i n c e small amounts o-f money c i r c u l a t e among v i l l a g e r s v i a ceremonial d i s t r i b u t i o n s . The i s s u e i s t h a t •food i s not a commodity t o be s o l d . Food and Performance L o l o ceremonial events have p r e d i c t a b l e c y c l e s i n t h a t c e r t a i n events take p l a c e at c e r t a i n times d u r i n g an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l i f e . Thus, b e f o r e i t i s a c t u a l l y announced t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r event w i l l take p l a c e , t h e r e i s cas u a l comment t h a t , f a r example, i t i s time f o r a c h i l d t o be c i r c u m c i s e d , married, or named. The grandparent g e n e r a t i o n i s key i n t h i s . Depending on t h e i r s t a t u s i n the v i l l a g e , they assume much of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the proceedings. They p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n and i n s t r u c t i o n on c o r r e c t p r o t o c o l and p r o v i d e most of the wealth exchanged d u r i n g the ceremony. The formal announcement i s made, however, by the person " o f f i c i a l l y " s ponsoring the event, u s u a l l y the f a t h e r of the c h i l d , who, a f t e r c o n s u l t i n g h i s k i n , assumes p u b l i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , even though i t i s , f o r example, h i s f a t h e r who assumes the p r i v a t e , most c r i t i c a l , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of en s u r i n g t h a t the performance i s p r o p e r l y executed. The announcement of an impending ceremony s i g n a l s the s t a r t of v i g o r o u s d e l i b e r a t i o n s t h a t carry on f o r weeks. Each n i g h t , the members of the sponsoring men's 133 house group gather t o o r g a n i z e the event, j o i n e d by members of other men's house groups with an i n t e r e s t i n the proceedings. A l s o i n c l u d e d are s p e c i a l i s t s . If none of those assembled possess the a p p r o p r i a t e c u l t u r a l knowledge, the s p e c i a l i s t i s c a l l e d i n as a c o n s u l t a n t t o the proceedings. In the course of the d e l i b e r a t i o n s , the men deci d e who i s to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r what i n the p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r the ceremonial and du r i n g the performance i t s e l f . T h i s i n v o l v e s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the purpose of the performance and the type of ceremonial. "True" L o l o c e r e m o n i a l s , those indigenous t o the L o l o , possess d i r e c t i v e s governing the types and amounts of wealth t h a t must be exchanged, numbers of p i g s t o be given t o those who a c t i n a c e r t a i n c a p a c i t y , amounts and kinds of t r a d i t i o n a l wealth t o be exchanged, and so on. In g e n e r a l , however, those who sponsor the event a re those who must pay. While these d e l i b e r a t i o n s are being c a r r i e d out, the female r e l a t i v e s of those i n v o l v e d (the wives of the sponsors, the s i s t e r s of the sponsors and t h e i r female c h i l d r e n ) , should they be present i n the v i l l a g e or l i v e c l o s e by, are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r f e e d i n g the men. T h i s i n c l u d e s a s s i s t i n g with gardening, h a r v e s t i n g and cooking food. If t h e r e are too few women pre s e n t , women e n l i s t the a i d of t h e i r female k i n . Food presented t o the men d u r i n g t h e i r d e l i b e r a t i o n s must be taken t o the men's house and 134 given with a p p r o p r i a t e decorum and ceremony. The women too have t h e i r own d e l i b e r a t i o n s . As the men n e g o t i a t e i n the men's house, the women n e g o t i a t e while p r e p a r i n g -food. Women l e t t h e i r o p i n i o n s be known t o t h e i r male k i n i n no u n c e r t a i n terms. Men r e a l i z e t h a t the wishes of the women must be given s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n i f they wish t o a v o i d t r o u b l e and secure t h e i r c o o p e r a t i o n . 1 2 By the c l o s e of the formal n e g o t i a t i o n s , the men have l a i d the ground r u l e s f o r the performance. They have decided what r o l e each household i n v o l v e d w i l l p l a y , who p r o v i d e s what food, who d r e s s e s the c h i l d i n ceremonial f i n e r y , who makes the dance s k i r t s and men's r e g a l i a , who donates a p i g or other form of wealth, who a c t s as a masked f i g u r e , who l e a d s the performance, and when the performance i s t o be h e l d . Each of these r e q u i r e s a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of numerous v a r i a b l e s . I f , f o r example, two men must p r o v i d e f o u r a d u l t p i g s but do not possess them, they must secure them from o t h e r s . Thus, d e c i d i n g who p r o v i d e s a p i g means t h a t p r e v i o u s ceremonial involvement of k i n must be eva l u a t e d t o a s c e r t a i n whether i t i s time f o r one or another t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s way. The same i s t r u e f o r amassing the other forms of wealth. Once i t i s e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t a c e r t a i n person must p r o v i d e f i v e carved bowls and twenty fathoms of s h e l l money, i t i s up t o t h a t person t o ob t a i n these a c c o r d i n g t o whatever means are at h i s d i s p o s a l , g e n e r a l l y by c a l l i n g i n o l d debts or c r e a t i n g new 135 ones. These requirements a r e , t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , b u i l t i n t o k i n s h i p s t a t u s . The end of d e l i b e r a t i o n s i s sounded by the s l i t -gong. The date of the performance i s made known, and f o r those with o b l i g a t i o n s t o f u l f i l l , the labour begins. They must take stock of t h e i r present s i t u a t i o n and deci d e i f they have s u f f i c i e n t wealth on hand. If they f e e l t h a t some of the m a t e r i a l should be pro v i d e d by o t h e r s indebted f o r s e r v i c e s i n the pa s t , they begin t o e n l i s t the a i d of t h e i r k i n by making t h e i r r e q u e s t s known. At t h i s j u n c t u r e , more d e l i b e r a t i o n s begin as each person n e g o t i a t e s with k i n t o f u l f i l l o b l i g a t i o n s . T h i s i n v a r i a b l y r e s u l t s i n hours of argument and debate, again r e q u i r i n g an assessment of each person's involvement i n past ceremonial events. These n e g o t i a t i o n s should i d e a l l y be concluded at l e a s t a week p r i o r t o the event i t s e l f , but i t i s not uncommon f o r i n d i v i d u a l s t o be arguing and r a c i n g about t o c o l l e c t items f o r exchange on the morning of the performance. Female k i n and the wives of those i n v o l v e d p l a y a l a r g e p a r t i n these n e g o t i a t i o n s . Women p a r t i c i p a t e i n the debates with t h e i r own or husband's k i n concerning the wealth t o be exchanged, while o r g a n i s i n g the food f o r the event. S i m i l a r p rocesses o b t a i n i n n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r food. Women must c o n s i d e r who owes them f o r s e r v i c e s rendered and toward whom they may become indebted. L i k e the men's 136 n e g o t i a t i o n s , s h o r t l y b e f o r e the performance, women are s t i l l persuading kinswomen t o a s s i s t them i n t h e i r p r e p a r a t i o n s . For the women, the week b e f o r e the ceremony i s spent c o l l e c t i n g firewood, food, the m a t e r i a l s f o r d e c o r a t i n g the p a r t i c i p a n t s , and making dance s k i r t s . The day b e f o r e the event, l o o s e ends are t i e d up, the l a s t food c o l l e c t e d , and the day's labour p a r t i e s o r g a n i z e d . Each v i l l a g e has at l e a s t one e a r t h oven. The households a re attach e d t o the one l o c a t e d c l o s e s t t o them, and so again i t i s those who l i v e i n the c l o s e s t p r o x i m i t y who make up the work p a r t i e s . The morning of the event begins e a r l y . The f i r s t task i s t o prepare the e a r t h oven. Firewood i s brought, a f i r e b u i l t i n the h e a r t h , stones p i l e d on the f i r e , and the whole i s covered with a t h i c k b l a n k e t of l e a v e s so t h a t the stones are thoroughly heated. While the stones are h e a t i n g , the women prepare the food. T h i s takes s e v e r a l hours depending on the s i z e of the ceremonial and how much food i s r e q u i r e d . Food used f o r ceremonial purposes must be prepared a c c o r d i n g t o the d i c t a t e s d e s c r i b e d above. Men a s s i s t i n t h i s p rocess by g a t h e r i n g dozens of "dry" coconuts, husking them, and g r a t i n g the coconut f o r coconut milk. When the stones a re thoroughly heated, the oven i s opened. Hot stones a r e pushed t o one s i d e , and a l a y e r of banana l e a v e s i s pl a c e d on the hearth. The l e a v e s are organ i z e d so t h a t each woman's food can be kept separate. The food i s very c a r e f u l l y p l a c e d on the l e a v e s , each woman memorizing j u s t what she has c o n t r i b u t e d , and l e a v i n g a space between her c o n t r i b u t i o n s and those of the other women. Greens are i n s e r t e d i n spaces around the food, and coconut milk poured over a l l . The oven i s c l o s e d by ar r a n g i n g banana l e a v e s over the food so t h a t the whole i s t i g h t l y e n c l o s e d . If any steam i s v i s i b l e , the leak must be found and covered so t h a t the food cooks evenly. The heated stones a re p i l e d on top of the mound, and another l a y e r of l e a v e s i s added t o h o l d the heat i n the stones. Wood i s p i l e d on top and the oven i s c l o s e d . S i n c e i t takes s e v e r a l hours f o r the food t o cook, the women are f r e e t o c a t c h t h e i r breath and a s s i s t t h e i r male k i n i n l a s t minute b u s i n e s s . During t h i s time, the men have been p r e p a r i n g f o r t h e i r p a r t s i n the event. They rehea r s e the songs f o r the performance, prepare t h e i r r e g a l i a , f i n a l i z e the l a s t d e t a i l s of the event, o r g a n i z e f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, or a s s i s t i n the food p r e p a r a t i o n s . Large q u a n t i t i e s of b e t e l nut and tobacco a re needed f o r exchange, f o r paying dancers and s i n g e r s , and f o r consumption d u r i n g the performance. These are c o l l e c t e d i n advance but on the day of the performance arrangements are made f o r t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n . 138 Each ceremony o f f i c i a l l y begins with a food d i s t r i b u t i o n . A mat of banana l e a v e s i s l a i d i n the c e n t r e of the v i l l a g e , the e a r t h oven i s opened, the food wrapped i n l e a f bundles f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1 3 and the food p i l e d on the l e a f mat. Large p o r t i o n s of food are given t o those who have pr o v i d e d s e r v i c e s f o r the sponsor, those who c o n t r i b u t e d wealth, those who c o n t r i b u t e d the p i g f o r consumption, and those who provided major a s s i s t a n c e d u r i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n s . These are i n e v i t a b l y the same people i n v o l v e d from the s t a r t . In e f f e c t , s i n c e they have done the l i o n ' s share of p r o v i d i n g the wealth and doing the work f o r the event, they are the ones who r e c e i v e the most food. They have a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d food t o the event, but t h e i r food goes t o those who have a s s i s t e d them i n t h e i r work, so t h a t everyone's e f f o r t s are p a i d i n food by those f o r whom they have done a s e r v i c e , the q u a n t i t y of food r e f l e c t i n g the degree of a s s i s t a n c e . One man remarked t o me d u r i n g a food d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t food was l i k e blood s i n c e i t flowed throughout the e n t i r e v i l l a g e , an apt s i m i l e s i n c e the food f o l l o w s a c i r c u l a t o r y system through a l l who have been i n v o l v e d i n one way or another. A f t e r the food d i s t r i b u t i o n the exchange of v a l u a b l e s o c c u r s . At L o l o c e r e m o n i a l s , o n l y one p i g i s k i l l e d , cooked and d i s t r i b u t e d . The remaining p i g s are given l i v e t o the r e c i p i e n t s . P i g s are t i e d under the house of the r e c i p i e n t or under the house where the 139 r e c i p i e n t i s s t a y i n g , and carved bowls, s h e l l money, baskets, and goods such as kerosene lamps, r i c e , l a p l a p and S D on are d i s t r i b u t e d . L i k e the food d i s t r i b u t i o n , v a l u a b l e s go to those who have made a major c o n t r i b u t i o n . A p i g may go t o someone who gave a p i g , provided s e v e r a l carved bowls, or t o one towards whom one owes a l a r g e number of accumulated debts. In most cases, wealth goes t o those who occupy c l o s e k i n s h i p p o s i t i o n s , and so wealth, l i k e f ood, operates as a p a r a l l e l c i r c u l a t o r y system. Fundamentally, the same people r e c e i v e wealth as r e c e i v e l a r g e amounts of food, s i m u l t a n e o u s l y emphasizing t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s and t h e i r c l o s e k i n s h i p t i e s . One person from each household i s designated the o f f i c i a l r e c i p i e n t , r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t a k i n g the food t o t h a t household where i t i s then d i s t r i b u t e d among the occupants. A f t e r the food and wealth have been d i s t r i b u t e d , the ceremonial performance begins. Biven the l e n g t h of time t h a t these other a c t i v i t i e s take, the performance begins at dusk. Those who have been s e l e c t e d or who have vo l u n t e e r e d t o be dancers and drummers dr e s s i n t h e i r f i n e r y , those who are f o r the moment s p e c t a t o r s arrange themselves around the dance ground, and the dancing s t a r t s . The performance c o n t i n u e s throughout the n i g h t , u s u a l l y with a break f o r food and a r e s t at midnight and again at about f o u r a.m. Dancers and s i n g e r s may t i r e and o t h e r s take t h e i r p l a c e s , thus everyone who wishes t o p a r t i c i p a t e 140 has a chance t o do so. The dancing c o n t i n u e s u n t i l the sun i s well up i n the sky. The l e a d e r of the dance then c a l l s the performance t o a h a l t , and those not remaining i n the v i l l a g e c o l l e c t t h e i r belongings and l e a v e . Those who hosted the ceremonial begin t o c l e a n up, g a t h e r i n g l e a v e s and garbage and sweeping the v i l l a g e . Performance E v a l u a t i o n My q u e s t i o n s about e v a l u a t i o n of performances were i n t e r p r e t e d by my informants as q u e s t i o n s about food. T h i s emphasis on the p l a c e of food i n performance e v a l u a t i o n i s a r e s u l t of the L o l o d e s i g n a t i n g the food d i s t r i b u t i o n as the s t a r t of the performance, although the musical performance may not begin u n t i l hours l a t e r . T h i s p e r c e p t i o n p l a c e s a gre a t deal of weight on the r o l e of food and of food p r o v i d e r s i n performance. The f i r s t t h i n g t h a t the L o l o e v a l u a t e i n a performance i s the q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y of food. For the L o l o , ceremonials a re c o n s i d e r e d s u c c e s s f u l and t o have p r o p e r l y f u l f i l l e d t h e i r purpose i f they a re performed i n the way t h a t t h e i r e l d e r s would have performed them and thus as much l i k e Namor intended as p o s s i b l e . S i n c e Namor intended t h a t a l l L o l o should be generous with food, i t i s i n accordance with Namor's wishes t h a t the L o l o f u l f i l l t h i s d i c t a t e i n ceremonial. Those who have outdone 141 themselves i n c o n t r i b u t i n g food and g i v i n g o n l y the best food, are spoken of with r e s p e c t and ad m i r a t i o n . T h i s r e s p e c t i s given not o n l y t o the women who pr o v i d e d the food, but t o a l l members of the household. U n l i k e food, items of wealth a re non-negotiable. E i t h e r one f u l f i l l s one's o b l i g a t i o n s or one does not, but i n the matter of food, t h e r e i s room t o e i t h e r b e t t e r or d i m i n i s h one's r e p u t a t i o n and s t a t u s and t h a t of the household. For t h i s reason, the L o l o c a r e f u l l y monitor the flow of food, s i n c e i t p r o v i d e s an accurate i n d i c a t o r of a woman's va l u e , hence the value of her household, and of a woman's p e r c e p t i o n of her own and her husband's k i n . If one f a i l s t o meet one's o b l i g a t i o n s f o r p r o v i d i n g wealth, the p a s s i b l e reasons f o r t h i s are c o n s i d e r e d and i f t h e r e i s evidence t h a t a man i s down on h i s luck because of s o r c e r y , other weighty ceremonial o b l i g a t i o n s , 1 * or uncooperative k i n , t h a t person i s u s u a l l y excused and people say t h a t he w i l l make up f o r i t at a l a t e r date. However, i f a woman f a i l s t o p r o v i d e adequate amounts of food, or t r e a t s her c o n t r i b u t i o n with i n d i f f e r e n c e by d i s t r i b u t i n g b adly prepared food or common t a r o , she becomes an o b j e c t of s c o r n , and her e n t i r e household f a l l s i n the eyes of the other v i l l a g e r s . She earns a r e p u t a t i o n f o r s t i n g i n e s s , i m p l y i n g t h a t she does not r e s p e c t her k i n or her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and so i s o s t r a c i s e d , the s u b j e c t of m a l i c i o u s g o s s i p , and she, or someone e l s e of her 142 household or c l o s e k i n , becomes a l i k e l y t a r g e t -for s o r c e r y . Meanness with food on a r e g u l a r b a s i s i s seen as bad, but poor treatment of food f o r ceremonial i s immoral and "covers the house with shame". A r e p u t a t i o n of t h i s s o r t i s not e a s i l y e r a d i c a t e d but p e r s i s t s f o r g e n e r a t i o n s , a f f e c t i n g the descendants of the o f f e n d i n g woman. In view of t h i s , food d i s t r i b u t i o n s at ceremonials are good i f the food c o v e r s a wide c i r c l e on the ground i n the c e n t r e of the v i l l a g e . A c o l o u r f u l and abundant d i s p l a y of food, judging from the admiring and proud comments, i s , f o r the L o l o , a metaphor f o r the "good l i f e " . A good l i f e c o n s i s t s of harmonious r e l a t i o n s among humans, between humans and a n c e s t o r s and between humans and mythical s p i r i t s . Seeing a l l the food spread out r e i n f o r c e s the n o t i o n of harmonious r e l a t i o n s , f o r i n order to have a s u c c e s s f u l food d i s t r i b u t i o n , these r e l a t i o n s h i p s must be harmonious, or at l e a s t harmonious enough t o a c h i e v e t h i s abundance, s i n c e the p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r a food d i s t r i b u t i o n take at l e a s t a year of p r e p a r i n g gardens and n u r t u r i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n order t o produce the r e q u i s i t e food. The food f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n i s the product of the c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t of s i b l i n g groups and men's house groups and so the food spread out f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n i s a l s o a metaphor f o r s i b l i n g s h i p and descent as d e f i n e d by the L o l o . 143 Thus, a good food d i s t r i b u t i o n t e l l s the L o l o t h a t t h e i r s o c i a l and co s m o l o g i c a l networks are i n p l a c e and o p e r a t i n g as they should , and are b l e s s e d by s u p e r n a t u r a l s a n c t i o n . If the food d i s t r i b u t i o n i s s u c c e s s f u l so too w i l l the musical performance be, s i n c e i t too w i l l have the b l e s s i n g of the s u p e r n a t u r a l . In e f f e c t , then, food d i s t r i b u t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t s o c i a l and performance a e s t h e t i c s a re f o l l o w e d c o r r e c t l y hence e n a b l i n g the L o l o t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the realm of the A e s t h e t i c and access e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. The musical performance i t s e l f i s s u p e r f i c i a l l y judged t o be a success i f t h e r e i s a l a r g e number of people pres e n t . The L o l o say t h a t they l i k e the sound of many v o i c e s , both male and female, combined with the sound of a l a r g e number of drums. As well as sounding good, the presence of a l a r g e number of people supports the n o t i o n of a good l i f e , s i n c e t h i s i n d i c a t e s good r e l a t i o n s h i p s among ki n and non-kin i f many people at t e n d and perform. More c r i t i c a l l y , a good performance i s one headed by s p e c i a l i s t s , the more the b e t t e r . The presence of s p e c i a l i s t s r a i s e s the q u a l i t y of the music performed by adding a u t h o r i t y and a u t h e n t i c i t y t o the performance. A u t h o r i t y and a u t h e n t i c i t y make the performance more " r e a l " : t h e r e i s no doubt t h a t the performance i s genuine and hence l e g i t i m a t e . They are a l s o d e d i c a t e d t o the s u c c e s s f u l and proper e x e c u t i o n of the performance, s i n c e 144 t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n as s p e c i a l i s t s r i d e s on each performance. Thus, i f these elements a re present i n a performance, the audience (never t o t a l l y a t t e n t i v e t o the proceedings) i s more i n v o l v e d . Women clown by aping the men, other men and women le a v e the audience and j o i n the performers, audience members s i n g a l o n g , request songs, or may indeed begin songs which a re then taken up by the performers. Performance a e s t h e t i c s p r o v i d e the means with which the performance i s used t o ga i n access t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. These e f f o r t s are enhanced, i f not enabled, by the presence of the s p e c i a l i s t s . They a re the ones who a r e ab l e t o do t h i n g s the c o r r e c t way, by en s u r i n g t h a t performers know the words, dance s t e p s , drumming p a t t e r n s , and a re a b l e t o do these i n synchrony; f o r c i n g the other performers t o match t h e i r standards; and f i n a l l y , by having the support of a l a r g e number of people who w i l l prepare food and do a l l the work i n v o l v e d i n ex e c u t i n g the performance. Power i n the performance comes from s e v e r a l sources. F i r s t , the performance d e r i v e s power from i t s h e r i t a g e of mythical and a n c e s t r a l powers. Power i n the ceremony i s invoked by the performers' i n g e s t i o n of powerful substances, such as w i l d g i n g e r , which c o n s t i t u t e the performance magic given by s p i r i t s along with the ceremony. The performance i t s e l f b r i n g s these powers t o 145 contemporary L o l o p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the performance, as audience or as performers. Power i s given p a r t i c u l a r l y t o the s p e c i a l i s t s . To the L o l o knowledge i s power, and s p e c i a l i s t s are powerful i n t h e i r c a p a c i t y as a u t h o r i t i e s by v i r t u e of t h e i r knowledge and e x p e r t i s e and t h e i r p o s i t i o n s as important men ( u s u a l l y natavolo) • The performer assumes power through the context and a c t of performance, and a c t s as a c o n d u i t of these powers t o the audience, thus connecting the e x t r a o r d i n a r y t o the o r d i n a r y . Power a l s o comes from the exchange of food: food i t s e l f i s powerful i n t h a t i t i s grown i n the ground i t s e l f a source of power, and i s , i f grown f o r ceremonial, p r o t e c t e d with the a i d of powerful s p i r i t s . The c o n n e c t i n g of e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers with the o r d i n a r y c o n s t i t u t e s the a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e , an e x p e r i e n c e which i s f e l t by both audience and performers, although the experience i s q u a n t i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t g i v e n the degree of involvement. Power, then, f o r performers and audience, i s the c o n n e c t i o n to the e x t r a o r d i n a r y . Performances are transcendant e x p e r i e n c e s : mythical beings are present as i n c o r p o r e a l or c o r p o r e a l beings, and o r d i n a r y men engage i n e x t r a o r d i n a r y a c t s through t h e i r use of performance magic, by a c t i n g as the embodiment of a s p i r i t b e i n g , and i n s i n g i n g , dancing, and drumming songs t h a t themselves have a h e r i t a g e of mythical power. By adhering t o performance a e s t h e t i c s , and p r i o r t o t h i s , s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s i n the s u c c e s s f u l e x e c u t i o n of the food exchange and the exchange of wealth, by connecting and merging the e x t r a o r d i n a r y and the mundane, the performance takes both performers and audience t o the realm of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y , hence the A e s t h e t i c -D i s c u s s i o n The p r i n c i p l e s of e v a l u a t i o n of performances i l l u s t r a t e the g r a v i t y of proper treatment of food i n a ceremonial context- I t i s c r u c i a l f o r a household t o f u l f i l l a l l food o b l i g a t i o n s t o enhance or at l e a s t m aintain one's s t a n d i n g with one's k i n and among other v i l l a g e r s , t o ensure t h a t should one need a s s i s t a n c e t h a t help w i l l be forthcoming, t o minimize the dangers from s o r c e r y , t o p l e a s e Namor and reduce the l i k e l i h o o d of i n c u r r i n g h i s wrath, t o p l e a s e and support one's k i n , and t o maintain L o l o custom and t r a d i t i o n so t h a t the L o l o can cont i n u e as a v i a b l e c u l t u r e . I was t o l d over and over t h a t "kastam i hat" ( l i t e r a l l y , "custom i s hard") meaning t h a t a c t i n g as Namor wished, being a good L o l o , t r e a t i n g food p r o p e r l y and c a r r y i n g out ceremonial t o the best of t h e i r a b i l i t i e s i s d e b i l i t a t i n g . I t d r a i n s them of wealth, empties t h e i r gardens, and robs them of s t r e n g t h s i n c e the p r e p a r a t i o n s and e x e c u t i o n of performances are so 147 strenuous. However, i n the next b r e a t h , I was always t o l d t h a t i t was worth i t t o be a good L o l o . There was no g r e a t e r s a t i s f a c t i o n f o r them than t o see t h e i r c h i l d r e n growing up imbued with proper moral standards. T h i s i s , however, becoming more and more d i f f i c u l t f o r the L o l o given the i n c r e a s i n g emphasis on cash f o r buying p i g s , r i c e , and u s i n g western goods as exchange items i n ceremonials. Indigenous L o l o ceremonials r e q u i r e l a r g e amounts of wealth i f they are t o be performed as s p e c i f i e d by Namor, and the L o l o say they v a l u e these ceremonials too much t o c o n s i d e r a performance t h a t d i s r e g a r d s Namor's i n s t r u c t i o n s . They a l s o f e a r Namor's anger and the r e p e r c u s s i o n s of such a c t s . Thus, the L o l o are r e l y i n g more and more on ceremonials they have purchased from other groups ( S i a from the S i a s i , Murmur from the Arawe). These are e a s i e r t o perform s i n c e they do not c a r r y the i m p e r a t i v e s f a r l a r g e exchanges of wealth as do indigenous ceremonials. As w e l l , the L o l a do not f e e l bound t o use these ceremonials f o r the purposes f a r which they were o r i g i n a l l y intended. Performances of indigenous ceremonials are d e c r e a s i n g , and the phenomenon af "doubling" ceremonial (using one performance f o r numerous purposes, f o r example s i m u l t a n e o u s l y c a l l i n g a name and c i r c u m c i s i n g s e v e r a l boys) i s more common. T h i s causes sorrow t o t r a d i t i o n a l L o l o s i n c e they can see t h e i r ceremonies f a d i n g and those of o t h e r s g a i n i n g ascendancy. 148 These i n d i v i d u a l s c a l l the p r a c t i c e of performing ceremonials from o t h e r s l i k e the S i a s i or the Arawe wasted cer e m o n i a l , s i n c e t h i s i s not what Namor intended f o r them, but i s b e t t e r than no ceremonial at a l l . The i s s u e of poverty i s c e n t r a l here, and a c u r s o r y examination of the L o l o s i t u a t i o n would bear t h i s out as a s i g n i f i c a n t cause f o r l o s s of c e r e m o n i a l . R i c e i s now necessary f o r e x e c u t i o n of ceremonies, goods t o be exchanged must o f t e n be purchased with money, and not i n f r e q u e n t l y people are p a i d i n cash f o r the goods and s e r v i c e s they p r o v i d e . However, f u r t h e r examination and a n a l y s i s r e v e a l t h a t poverty i s but a symptom of a much deeper malaise r e s u l t i n g from the f a i l u r e of the A e s t h e t i c . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s reached because the L o l o are a b l e t o muster the r e q u i s i t e goods f o r other ceremonies, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i r poverty. The f o c u s must s h i f t from economics t o more fundamental i s s u e s such as the u n d e r l y i n g reasons f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of c e r t a i n ceremonials and the impact of t h i s l o s s . In her study of the Hua, Meigs (1984) d i s t i n g u i s h e s between two types of v a l u e a s s o c i a t e d with food, i n t r i n s i c and e x t r i n s i c v alue. N u t r i t i o n a l , homeopathic and t a s t e q u a l i t i e s are i n t r i n s i c v a l u e s , while f o r the Hua, e x t r i n s i c v a l u e r e s t s upon a t r a n s f e r of power. Food assumes the powers of i t s producer, and these powers are given along with food. 149 The L o l o a l s o r e c o g n i z e these two types of v a l u e s . For the L o l o , v a l u e s e x t r i n s i c t o food i n v o l v e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . If food g i f t s , exchanges, and ceremonial food o b l i g a t i o n s are o p e r a t i n g as they s h o u l d , then so too i s L o l o s o c i a l l i f e and L o l o r e l a t i o n s with Namor and l e s s e r members of the s u p e r n a t u r a l . A n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s are s a t i s f i e d and those who p r o p e r l y f u l f i l l t h e i r d u t i e s i d e a l l y have nothing t o f e a r from malevolent s p i r i t s . The d a i l y round of food exchanges and food i n ceremonial p r o v i d e the ways i n which the L o l o can measure the o r d e r l y and proper f u n c t i o n i n g of t h e i r s o c i e t y . Each L o l o possesses a l a r g e measure of c o n t r o l over r e l a t i o n s with k i n although s u b j e c t t o c e r t a i n conventions surrounding proper ways to deal with k i n and non-kin. However, s i n c e food exchanges c o n s t i t u t e the c e n t r a l means of i n t e r a c t i n g with o t h e r s on a d a i l y b a s i s , m a i n t a i n i n g these r e l a t i o n s can be done with e i t h e r p o s i t i v e or ne g a t i v e e f f e c t . By g i v i n g much good food f r e q u e n t l y , or by g i v i n g small amounts of common t a r o or " p i g food" one can make d e f i n i t e statements about one's f e e l i n g s f o r the r e c i p i e n t . G i f t s a re very p u b l i c , making t h i s a very e f f e c t i v e means of e x p r e s s i n g o p i n i o n s or imposing n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s . Everyone i s thus aware of any t e n s i o n , f r e e t o j o i n s i d e s , or make t h e i r own o p i n i o n s known with food. Food t r a n s f e r s a re r e s p o n s i v e t o d a i l y happenings and 150 events thus p r o v i d i n g a r e c o r d o-f f e e l i n g s and o p i n i o n s expressed by i n d i v i d u a l s . Food i s a h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e i n d i c a t o r of v i o l a t i o n s of L o l o m o r a l i t y and conventions. By examining amounts, frequency and q u a l i t y of food t r a n s f e r r e d on a d a i l y b a s i s , one can see who has offended whom, t o what degree, and what i s done t o c o r r e c t the s i t u a t i o n . In e f f e c t , food p r o v i d e s a d a i l y b u l l e t i n of i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . C l e a r l y then, the L o l o do not b l i n d l y f o l l o w d i r e c t i v e s f o r proper behaviour v i s - a - v i s k i n . Each i n d i v i d u a l has c o n t r o l over the q u a l i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and a means f o r e x p r e s s i n g f e e l i n g s , p u n i s h i n g , and c o r r e c t i n g problems. T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y t r u e f o r women s i n c e they h o l d the key t o these t r a n s a c t i o n s . However, t h e i r male k i n and t h e i r husbands are a b l e t o take a c t i o n should women abuse t h i s power. Food then, i s i t s e l f power, and a power which r e s i d e s p r i m a r i l y i n the hands of women. T h i s , combined with t h e i r power over c o n c e p t i o n , chi 1dbearing and c h i l d r a i s i n g , makes them f o r m i d a b l e members of the s o c i e t y . Food i s a l s o an e x p r e s s i o n of m o r a l i t y . The L o l o say t h a t most of t h e i r moral d i r e c t i v e s came from Namor. They were i n s t r u c t e d t o be generous with food and to take c a r e of t h e i r k i n . Taking c a r e of k i n means g i v i n g them food r e g u l a r l y , a s s i s t i n g them i n ceremonial or other work, performing ceremonials the way Namor inte n d e d , and h e l p i n g t o maintain the c u l t u r e so t h a t f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s of L o l o b e n e f i t . Nearly a l l of these are expressed by food, and food i s the primary way t o care f o r k i n by g i v i n g food, r e c e i v i n g food, p r o v i d i n g a s s i s t a n c e i n f o o d - r e l a t e d matters, f u l f i l l i n g food o b l i g a t i o n s f o r ceremonials. Thus, food and i t s treatment are at the very b a s i s of L o l o moral c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Performance can a l s o be examined on the b a s i s of i n t r i n s i c and e x t r i n s i c v a l u e s , and from an i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e . For a l l L o l o , ceremonials are i n t r i n s i c a l l y fun. They p r o v i d e an o p p o r t u n i t y t o meet with k i n and f r i e n d s , g o s s i p , dance, s i n g , and eat p l e n t y of good food. Performances a l s o g i v e the L o l o something t a n t i c i p a t e . The long r a i n y months are d r e a r y , and p l a n n i n and o r g a n i z a t i o n of ceremonial events p r o v i d e s a welcome d i s t r a c t i o n . E x t r i n s i c a l l y , L o l o ceremonials are a v e h i c l e f o r the e x p r e s s i o n of L o l o i d e o l o g y and m o r a l i t y , maintain and perpetuate L o l o c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y , and g i v e the L o l o the s a t i s f a c t i o n of having conducted a ceremonial w e l l . I n d i v i d u a l s can use ceremony t o enhance t h e i r s t a t u s and g a i n renown, and can be assured t h a t they have p r o p e r l y f u l f i l l e d t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s t o k i n . For the L o l o , the moral order as a whole concerns the proper r e l a t i o n s among people, t h i n g s and the s u p e r n a t u r a l , with an a n a l y t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n made here between the moral order of the o r d i n a r y and t h a t of the 152 e x t r a o r d i n a r y . The moral order speaks to the way t h i n g s a r e , and t o the way t h i n g s should be. Order r e s t s f i r s t on the proper and harmonious r e l a t i o n s among k i n , as d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I I I . Namor gave the L o l o c e r t a i n i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r proper conduct i n these r e l a t i o n s . For example, s i s t e r s should h a b i t u a l l y g i v e each other f o o d , always help with t h e i r work, a s s i s t d u r i n g c e r e m o n i a l , support each other i n times of t r o u b l e , look a f t e r each o t h e r s ' c h i l d r e n or adopt them, and so on. Again, many of these i n s t r u c t i o n s depend on the proper treatment and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food. Proper r e l a t i o n s with the s u p e r n a t u r a l a l s o r e s t t o a g r e a t extent on food. Treatment of food p r o v i d e s the d a i l y measure of a person's a c t s , and ceremonial p a r t i c i p a t i o n adds or s u b t r a c t s t o t h i s measure, depending on a person's success or f a i l u r e . Namor, a p u n i t i v e being s w i f t t o anger and punish, i s h i g h l y f e a r e d . Thus, m a i n t a i n i n g proper r e l a t i o n s with Namor r e q u i r e s a c t i n g i n ways of which he would approve. F a i l u r e t o do so means death t o i n d i v i d u a l s , v i l l a g e s d e s t r oyed, chaos, anomie and anarchy. To prevent angering Namor, the L o l o t r y t o l i v e i n the ways t h a t t h e i r a n c e s t o r s d i d , e s p e c i a l l y r e g a r d i n g food and ceremonial events. In s h o r t , what t h i s means i s t h a t the L o l o t r y t o adhere t o s o c i a l a e s t h e t i c s and performance a e s t h e t i c s , thereby m a i n t a i n i n g the moral 153 o r d e r , and hence are a b l e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the realm of the A e s t h e t i c The moral order too i s manifest i n everyday l i f e . People work hard to keep gardens producing good food so t h a t they are a b l e t o s u r v i v e p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y . Arrangements f o r food must sometimes be made years i n advance so t h a t t h e r e i s an adequate supply f o r ceremonials a c c o r d i n g t o Namor's wishes and so t h a t t h e i r c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y i s preserved. In the ceremonial c o n t e x t , the moral order i s very apparent s i n c e f o r the L o l o , ceremonies expose the underpinnings of L o l o c u l t u r e . Proper performance shows th a t Namor's d e s i r e s are being c a r r i e d out, t h a t proper r e l a t i o n s with k i n are maintained and strengthened through exchange and a s s i s t a n c e , and t h a t the ceremonial i s p r o p e r l y done e n s u r i n g a good l i f e f o r those who p a r t i c i p a t e . C e n t r a l t o t h i s i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n and involvement. I s o l a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n are the a n t i t h e s e s of the s o c i a l and c o s m o l o g i c a l order. In everyday l i f e and e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g c e r e m o n i a l , c o o p e r a t i o n , mutual a i d and support, the moral i m p e r a t i v e s as d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I I , are emphasized. Without t h i s , L o l o c u l t u r e and the L o l o themselves would be unable t o s u r v i v e . The d e s i r e t o be alone i s c o n s i d e r e d not o n l y immoral but p a t h o l o g i c a l . The s t r o n g e s t L o l o moral i m p e r a t i v e i s t o a i d o t h e r s and t o s u s t a i n t h e i r involvement and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Food i s 154 c e n t r a l i n t h i s r e s p e c t s i n c e i t i s the common cur r e n c y of c o n t a c t and a s s i s t a n c e . Performance r e q u i r e s t h a t a l l moral u n i t s of s o c i e t y , i n d i v i d u a l s , households, and men's house groups, work i n c o n c e r t and a c c o r d i n g t o the p r i n c i p l e s of the moral order. If not, the ceremonials would be executed improperly. The moral order i s p r e d i c a t e d on v a l u e : what i s good, proper, a p p r o p r i a t e and d e s i r a b l e , and which can be a p p l i e d t o human beings, o b j e c t s , names, s t o r i e s , or songs. L o l o v a l u e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , involvement and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and food and ceremonial f o r the ways i n which they enhance the former. Thus, because of the c e n t r a l i t y of these v a l u e s i n L o l o i d e o l o g y , i t i s too simple t o see food as a f e a t u r e of an economic exchange system. Weiner's (19S0) model of r e c i p r o c i t y i s s u i t e d f o r an a n a l y s i s i n which exchanges are but a p a r t of a l a r g e r system i n c o r p o r a t i n g people and r e l a t i o n s h i p s as well as o b j e c t s . Weiner's argument i s based on the premise t h a t "any s o c i e t y must reproduce and regenerate c e r t a i n elements of v a l u e i n order f o r the s o c i e t y to c o n t i n u e " (p. 71). For Weiner, " r e p r o d u c t i o n " i s the meaning a s c r i b e d t o the a c t of c r e a t i n g , while " r e g e n e r a t i o n " r e f e r s t o r e v i t a l i z i n g elements a l r e a d y c r e a t e d . Food and ceremonial f o r the L o l o f u l f i l l both r e p r o d u c t i v e and r e g e n e r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s . Food i s an a b s o l u t e n e c e s s i t y f o r r e p r o d u c t i o n of new members of the group, can c r e a t e new r e l a t i o n s h i p s 155 and g i v e new meaning t o e s t a b l i s h e d ones, can renew and r e d e f i n e r e l a t i o n s h i p s on a d a i l y b a s i s and can r e v i v e lapsed r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Food and ceremonial are the prime movers of r e g e n e r a t i o n f o r the L o l o s i n c e each performance and food d i s t r i b u t i o n i s a r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of L o l o i d e o l o g y and m o r a l i t y . The v e h i c l e f o r t r a n s l a t i n g the moral order and va l u e i n t o a c t i o n i s , r e c a l l i n g Forge's d e f i n i t i o n , the l i m i t s of c h o i c e governing behaviour and i n t e r a c t i o n . C o n s i d e r i n g l i m i t s r a t h e r than r u l e s i s i n t h i s case a more h e u r i s t i c approach, s i n c e the L o l o c l e a r l y have the freedom to manipulate moral conventions and e x p e c t a t i o n s of behaviour, as seen i n d i s c u s s i o n s of food exchanges above. L o l o s o c i a l s t y l e r e f l e c t s the complex of moral a t t i t u d e s and a c t i o n s based on food and ceremonial d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s c hapter. 1 = 5 Each L o l o performance r e q u i r e s the e f f o r t s of most v i l l a g e r s so a l l i n v o l v e d e x p e r i e n c e the performance as p a r t i c i p a n t s i n some c a p a c i t y r a t h e r than as s p e c t a t o r s . E x p e r i e n c i n g a performance i s doubly s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the L o l o given t h a t involvement and p a r t i c i p a t i o n are key elements i n t h e i r i d e o l o g y , m o r a l i t y , and s o c i a l and performance s t y l e s . The " s o c i a l l y emergent dimension" ( S c h i e f f e l i n 1985:722) of performance, a p a r a l l e l t o Weiner's n a t i o n af r e g e n e r a t i o n , i s what makes the performance work, both at the moment of performance and over time. However, L o l o s o c i e t y does not c u r r e n t l y r e f l e c t L o l o n o t i o n s of order. Many ceremonies are no longer performed, and and are r e p l a c e d by a l i e n ceremonies. S t o r i e s are l o s t or p a r t s f o r g o t t e n , s p e c i a l names l i k e G a l i k i and Natavolo are no longer given with f u l l ceremonial honours, and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d ceremonies are l i k e w i s e l o s t . The f a i l u r e of the A e s t h e t i c , most s t r o n g l y i n d i c a t e d by the omnipresence of s o r c e r y as well as the l o s s of means of access t o and knowledge of the workings of the A e s t h e t i c i s probably at the r o o t of the problem. The L o l o say t h a t they cannot perform ceremonials because they l a c k the m a t e r i a l items r e q u i r e d . However, the m a t e r i a l items are a v a i l a b l e and used i n other ceremonies. The l a c k of these items cannot be used t o e x p l a i n these l a s s e s , s i n c e i t appears t h a t the L o l a c o u l d amass the goods i n s u f f i c i e n t q u a n t i t i e s , and i t would seem p r e f e r a b l e t o reduce the goods r e q u i r e d r a t h e r than e l i m i n a t i n g the e n t i r e ceremony. The e x p l a n a t i o n f a r t h i s , and indeed f o r any other q u e s t i o n s of why the L o l o behave i n the ways t h a t they do, seems rooted i n the A e s t h e t i c . S o c i a l and p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l and r e p r o d u c t i v e powers are powers fundamental t o L o l a s o c i a l l i f e and indeed f o r human l i f e and a r e a l l p r o p e r l y i n the domain of the A e s t h e t i c . The A e s t h e t i c i s t h a t which o r i e n t s and 157 o r d e r s these powers. In the case of the L o l o , the l o s s of so much from the realm of the A e s t h e t i c means t h a t the foc u s or o r i e n t i n g p r i n c i p l e s of L o l o a re gone or have l a r g e gaps. There i s thus no r a t i o n a l e f o r the L o l o t o adhere t o a moral order which o n l y has r e l e v a n c e i n r e l a t i o n t o a coherent A e s t h e t i c . The o l d r e l e v a n c e s no longer make sense, hence are f a l l i n g away. C a t h o l i c i s m does not f i l l the gap, nor does Western medicine, s i n c e so few have the knowledge or s k i l l s t o f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e . Thus, the l o s s of the A e s t h e t i c causes the moral order t o decay, a decay marked most c l e a r l y by s o r c e r y . Hence, i n the absence of an a r t i c u l a t e d A e s t h e t i c , the moral order l o s e s i t s coherence. Thus f a r , what has been presented has been a l a r g e l y normative p o r t r a y a l of L o l o s o c i a l l i f e and performance, i n d i c a t i n g haw these are l i n k e d v i a the moral order and s p e c i f i c forms of a e s t h e t i c s such as performance a e s t h e t i c s t o the A e s t h e t i c i t s e l f . In the next chapter, narogo, the major ceremonial c y c l e of the L o l o i s examined i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the A e s t h e t i c . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a d e t a i l e d examination of one performance from t h i s c y c l e . CHAPTER V PERFORMANCE. CULTURAL VALUES AND THE AESTHETIC In t h i s c hapter, I examine the v a r i o u s performances extant i n the L o l o r e p e r t o i r e . These performances i n c l u d e v i r t u a l l y a l l ceremonial a c t i v i t y which o c c u r s 1 6 and speak d i r e c t l y t o L o l o moral order and the A e s t h e t i c i n t h a t they i n v o l v e food, proper and harmonious r e l a t i o n s with other L o l o and with the s u p e r n a t u r a l , i n s h o r t , t o L o l o s o c i a l and cosmic order. T h i s chapter e x p l o r e s these i s s u e s v i a an examination of the p r o d u c t i o n and consumption of food and the o c c a s i o n s d u r i n g which food and k i n s h i p s p e c i f i c a l l y with regard t o the dead and the f i r s t b o r n , are c e l e b r a t e d . These events are seen i n the context of the L o l o A e s t h e t i c . The L o l o ceremonial c y c l e can be conceived as po s s e s s i n g two broad c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d i n g those which commemorate the dead and those which c e l e b r a t e the l i v i n g , s p e c i f i c a l l y the f i r s t b o r n c h i l d , or l a u t a v e . 1 7 Both c a t e g o r i e s c e l e b r a t e c e r t a i n people: mortuary ceremonies use the deaths of important s e n i o r males as s i g n p o s t s d u r i n g the c y c l e , and f i r s t b o r n ceremonies are performed f o r f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n . T h i s does not imply t h a t these ceremonials are i n any way e x c l u s i v e , r a t h e r , c e r t a i n s t a t u s e s of i n d i v i d u a l s are s e l e c t e d as f o c i i n these c y c l e s so t h a t w h ile not a l l are c e l e b r a t e d , the e f f e c t s of the c e l e b r a t i o n impinge on the l i v e s of a l l . T h i s s e p a r a t i o n i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s i s used o n l y f o r h e u r i s t i c purposes. As i s shown below, the two o v e r l a p and elements of one echo the other. As w e l l , L o l o themselves c o n c e i v e of the mortuary and f i r s t b o r n ceremonies as segments of one pro c e s s . C o l l e c t i v e l y , mortuary and f i r s t b o r n ceremonies are known as narogo 1 B (see F i g u r e 2 f o r a diagram of the e n t i r e c y c l e ) . Death and the Mortuary C y c l e Death and l i f e a r e , f o r the L o l o , i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d . There i s no l i f e without death and no death without l i f e , and so the two major types of ceremonial are t w i s t e d and knotted t o g e t h e r by p r e p a r a t i o n s , performance and i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the l i v i n g and the dead. Two d i s t i n c t k inds of ceremonies are performed i n the context of the mortuary. The f i r s t c o n s i s t s of ceremonies f o r i n d i v i d u a l dead: the f u n e r a l and mourning, the second i s the a c t u a l mortuary i t s e l f , d e d i c a t e d t o i n d i v i d u a l s who were exemplars of L o l o c u l t u r e and embodiments of proper 161 s o c i a l conduct. U n l i k e i n d i v i d u a l f u n e r a l s and a s s o c i a t e d r i t u a l , the mortuary as a whole i s a c e l e b r a t i o n of the l i v i n g and of l i f e i t s e l f and i t s performance means t h a t the L o l o way of l i f e can c o n t i n u e , hence i t s f o c u s on the f i r s t b o r n . Namelomelo: The Mortuary C a l l e d namelomelo ( c r o t o n ) , 1 9 the mortuary commemorates the deaths of s e n i o r men of a men's house group. If f o u r or f i v e s e n i o r males have d i e d , and a c o r r e s p o n d i n g number of f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n are ready f o r ceremonial work, the s e n i o r male of the men's house makes the d e c i s i o n f o r namelomelo t o begin. To s i g n a l the b e g i n n i n g , a f f i n e s of the deceased r e c e i v e q u a n t i t i e s of cooked pork ("pig of the mark"). Those so marked must supply the host men's house group with p i g s e q u i v a l e n t i n number t o the number of deceased. R e c e i v i n g cooked pork begins the process of a s s e s s i n g wealth and a s s e s s i n g the debts and o b l i g a t i o n s of k i n and a f f i n e s . Those whom the o r i g i n a l r e c i p i e n t s have chosen t o a s s i s t r e c e i v e i n t u r n a p i e c e of the o r i g i n a l " p i g of the mark". The next t h r e e years or so p r e c e d i n g the ceremonies are spent s e l e c t i n g p i g s ("pigs of the n a t e m " or red croton) f o r the ceremonies and e n s u r i n g they t h r i v e with 162 c a r e f u l f e e d i n g and ceremonials. Women are charged with t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y so they w i l l make a good showing. A small or s i c k l y p i g i s a s l a p i n the f a c e f o r the sponsors of t he ceremony and guarantees censure or s o r c e r y . lien conduct the r e q u i r e d c e r e m o n i a l , r e c a l l i n g the e s s e n t i a l complementarity of male and female labour. In the months b e f o r e the ceremonies, p o l e s f o r c a r r y i n g p i g s t o the host v i l l a g e a re s e l e c t e d and carved with the designs ( n a m e r ) belonging t o the men's house group. S p e c i a l rope (manggasi) i s made t o t i e the p i g s t o the p o l e s . In the host v i l l a g e , the red c r o t o n t o mark the deceased are p l a n t e d at the r e a r of the men's house and p e r i o d i c f e a s t s mark the growth of the p l a n t . Once these p r e p a r a t i o n s a re completed, a date f o r the event i s s e t . On the day of the event, the p i g s a re decorated i n red and blue p a i n t i n designs matching those on the p o l e s . Those coming from the f u r t h e s t v i l l a g e s e t out f i r s t and are j o i n e d i n each s u c c e s s i v e v i l l a g e by those c a r r y i n g p i g s and those going t o at t e n d . The s l i t - g o n g s t r i k e s upon t h e i r a r r i v a l t o i n d i c a t e the number of p i g s e n t e r i n g the v i l l a g e , and again as they l e a v e t o show how the numbers of p i g s have i n c r e a s e d . By the time the host v i l l a g e i s reached, the crowd has s w e l l e d t o as many as f o u r or f i v e hundred people. The s l i t - g o n g s t r i k e s t o count the p i g s and t o announce the beginning of the ceremony. Women hid e i n t h e i r houses, and 163 those women an the paths hang back u n t i l the sound of the s l i t — g o n g , a powerful s p i r i t v o i c e dangerous t o women, has subsided. The "pigs of the red c r o t o n " a re then staked i n p a i r s through the c e n t r e of the v i l l a g e . V i l l a g e s are p a i r e d a c c o r d i n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l groupings and p i g s from these v i l l a g e s are l i k e w i s e p a i r e d . The l i n e of p i g s r e p r e s e n t i n g v i l l a g e s c o u l d appear as f o l l o w s , with the dott e d l i n e s i n d i c a t i n g which p i g s a re tra d e d . Aselmepua A l i o p u a Aselmepua Kakumo Orelmo < > A l i o p u a A l i o p u a < > Orelmo Ararau < > Rovata Ararau < > Rovata Makvar A r a i g i l p u a A r a i g i l p u a Ararau When p i g s from the p a i r e d v i l l a g e s a re traded^ a cognate of the deceased who d e l i v e r e d the " p i g of the mark" to each v i l l a g e l e a d s the r e c i p i e n t of the p i g t o h i s op p o s i t e . The donor s l a p s the p i g with red c r o t o n , and the r e c i p i e n t f l i n g s a handful of lime powder over the p i g . T h i s p r o c e s s i s repeated u n t i l the p i g switch i s concluded. In e f f e c t , t h i s i s a switch of n e a r l y e q u i v a l e n t p i g s between the a f f i n e s of the deceased, a l l of whom are from d i f f e r e n t men's house groups. 164 The remaining p i g s are " c a l l e d " by the red c r o t o n of the deceased and given t o s e n i o r male cognates of the deceased. These s e n i o r males remove the red c r o t o n from the ground behind the men's house i n the order i n which the deaths o c c u r r e d . The cognate of the f i r s t deceased c a r r i e s the r ed c r o t o n up near the top of the p l a n t , the second i s c a r r i e d f u r t h e r down the stem, the next f u r t h e r down u n t i l the l a s t c a r r i e s the red c r o t o n at the base of the p l a n t . F o l l o w i n g t h i s o r d e r , the h o l d e r s of red c r o t o n go t o the p i g s r e p r e s e n t i n g the a f f i n a l group g i v e n the " p i g of the mark". Each of these p i g s i s slapped with the red c r o t o n and taken away t o be t i e d under the r e c i p i e n t ' s house. The s l i t - g o n g s t r i k e s , c o unting the p i g s now taken by the cognates of the deceased. The p i g exchange concludes with a huge f e a s t and food d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r the p a r t i c i p a n t s . The days f o l l o w i n g a r e occupied by a f e a s t f o r growth of p i g s and t a r o , and i n p r e p a r i n g f o r the major ceremonial event of the mortuary ceremonies, the performance of Nakamutmut. Nakamutmut i s a performance by masked autochthonous s p i r i t f i g u r e s (navala) who l i v e i n s i d e the back room of the men's house. These s p i r i t f i g u r e s are c a l l e d by p i g s and so make t h e i r appearance f o l l o w i n g the mortuary p i g exchange. If t h e r e are few p i g s , they are i n s u l t e d and r e f u s e t o appear and so t h e i r emergence from the men's house i s a c e l e b r a t i o n of wealth and p r o s p e r i t y . When performed i n the context of the mortuary, Nakamutmut s e r v e s a dual purpose, -functioning both as a c e l e b r a t i o n i n response t o the number of p i g s exchanged and as a c a l l f o r more p i g s f o r the performance of Vukumu. Vukumu i s a ceremony d e d i c a t e d t o p u t t i n g black woven bands (nakue) on the l e g s of male f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n . The L o l o say t h a t Nakamutmut " p u l l s " Vukumu and as such o c c u p i e s a p i v o t a l p o s i t i o n i n narogo s i m u l t a n e o u s l y completing ceremonies h e l d f o r the dead alone and beginning t h a t segment which honours both the dead and the f i r s t b o r n . I t c o n s t i t u t e s a powerful statement f o r the L o l o . I t c e l e b r a t e s both b i r t h and death and thus c o n t i n u i t y , with the appearance of ance s t o r s p i r i t s e f f e c t i v e l y c o l l a p s i n g the gap between the s p i r i t and the human worlds. S p i r i t f i g u r e s appearing i n Nakamutmut are male and female, and always appear i n even numbers with t h e i r genders e q u a l l y r e p r e s e n t e d . Males, c a l l e d A i k o s (the widower) are much l a r g e r than t h e i r female c o u n t e r p a r t s N a v i u v i u (the mother of A i k o s ) . A i k o s wears a huge sweeping s k i r t of w i l d ginger l e a v e s and bears a long r e c t a n g u l a r mask. The ginger l e a v e s , m a t e r i a l used by men i n magic, denote male gender. N a v i u v i u i s c l a d i n banana l e a v e s and wears a s m a l l e r , t r i a n g u l a r mask. Banana l e a v e s mark N a v i u v i u as feminine because they are used by women t o wrap bundles of food. The costumes are very e l a b o r a t e and r e q u i r e hours t o prepare and don. The beings whom the dancers r e p r e s e n t a re very powerful and so the dancers must 166 do t h e i r work w e l l . Magic i s needed t o a s s i s t them and with the help o-f t h i s magic assume the powers of the s p i r i t s themselves and t r a n s f e r t h a t power t o the ceremony. Before f i r s t l i g h t on the day of the performance, the s p i r i t f i g u r e s a re taken from the men's house t o the p r i v a c y of the bush where those who are t o dance as s p i r i t s make t h e i r p r e p a r a t i o n s . In the morning, t h e i r path from the men's house can be seen. Trees and branches have been v i c i o u s l y s l a s h e d and the ground i s churned and t o r n up. C h i l d r e n a re t o l d about the s t r e n g t h and power of the beings who made these paths and are warned t o s t a y away, s i n c e any c h i l d i n t r u d i n g on t h e i r p r e p a r a t i o n s i s unceremoniously eaten. The f i n a l phase of the mortuary c y c l e i n v o l v e s r e b u i l d i n g the men's house, a leng t h y p r o c e s s which i n v o l v e s cognates of both deceased and f i r s t b o r n of the men's house group. The men's house i s a l a r g e and s i g n i f i c a n t b u i l d i n g and as such, m a t e r i a l s f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n must be of high q u a l i t y r e q u i r i n g weeks of s e a r c h i n g f o r good t r e e s f o r p o s t s and planks and f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n of the m a t e r i a l s f o r b u i l d i n g . When the men's house frame i s completed, a ceremony c a l l e d Navoltomare i s i d e a l l y performed. When food i s c a r r i e d f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n at t h i s ceremony, women c a r r y food on t h e i r s h o u l d e r s and men carry food on t h e i r heads, an 167 i n v e r s i o n of usual procedures. C u r r e n t l y , however, another ceremony, most u s u a l l y S i a , i s chosen i n i t s stead. Next, the t h a t c h i s put on and the w a l l s are •finished. A l l t h a t remains t o be done i s t o decorate the door, e x t e r i o r p o s t s and the wall above the door with d e s i g n s belonging t o the men's house group. These marks i n c l u d e i c o n i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of s p i r i t b e i n gs, animals such as snakes or c r o c o d i l e s , and g r a p h i c d e s i g n s s y m b o l i z i n g l o c a t i o n s s i g n i f i c a n t t o the men's house members, f o r example a r i v e r where the o r i g i n a l s e n i o r male of the men's house was s a i d t o bathe, or the rock from whence a s p i r i t being emerged. The men's house i s l i k e a man i n t h a t i t ages, grows weaker and f i n a l l y " d i e s " with i t s "death" t r e a t e d with equal g r a v i t y and ceremony. L i k e the ceremonies f o r the deceased, the fo c u s of the men's house changes from a c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the dead t o a c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the l i v i n g , s p e c i f i c a l l y the f i r s t b o r n . As the men's house must be transformed i n t o a b u i l d i n g newly "born", so must the s p i r i t f i g u r e s l i v i n g i n s i d e . C o n c u r r e n t l y with the p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r e r e c t i n g the men's house, numerous l a r g e gardens a r e being r e a d i e d f o r the work of c r e a t i n g the new s p i r i t f i g u r e s . A f t e r the men's house b u i l d i n g i s completed, the men's house members make new masks f o r the s p i r i t f i g u r e s . The L o l o have t h r e e types of s p i r i t f i g u r e s : n a v a l a which appear dur i n g Nakamutmut, and 168 naosung and malanggan which appear o n l y t o men du r i n g ceremonials b e a r i n g the same names. These masks are a l l p a i n t e d white with d e s i g n s both s p e c i f i c t o the men's house and the s p i r i t f i g u r e i t s e l f p a i n t e d i n red and black upon the f a c e s . For these masks, the p a i n t s must be made i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner. Red p a i n t (amonmon) i s made from a s p e c i a l red ocher found i n the mountains which was an important t r a d e item with the S i a s i , and bl a c k (natoa) i s made from s o o t , coconut o i l and black e a r t h . To enhance the power of the masks, d e c o r a t i o n i s conducted with magic and t o the accompaniment of s p e c i a l songs. The new and o l d masks c o - e x i s t i n the men's house u n t i l a s p e c i a l f e a s t i s prepared. The produce from the l a r g e gardens i s gathered t o g e t h e r and put i n t o an enormous bag (nage) made of woven coconut s t r i p s . The bag i s s t r u n g on f o u r p o l e s i n the form of a square and r e q u i r e s s e v e r a l s t r o n g young men t o carry i t i n t o the v i l l a g e . They carry the bag t o the c e n t r e of the dance ground and s e t i t down, so l a r g e and f u l l y - p a c k e d with food t h a t i t remains u p r i g h t . S e n i o r men's house men a t t a c k the bag with knives and axes, ca u s i n g the food i n s i d e t o s p i l l over i n a massive outpouring. Those assembled scramble madly t o gather as much food as p o s s i b l e and, when i t i s a l l c o l l e c t e d , s i t down f o r a f e a s t prepared by the women of the host men's house. Enough p i g s p r o v i d e d by the host men's house have 169 been k i l l e d and cooked so th a t each new s p i r i t f i g u r e r e c e i v e s a l a r g e share. At t h i s p o i n t , the o l d s p i r i t f i g u r e s are removed i n s e c r e c y from the men's house, taken i n t o the bush t o be burned, and the new pl a c e d i n t h e i r homes i n the back room (navovo) of the men's house where they w i l l be p r e s i d e d over by the s e n i o r male. The f i n a l s tage i n opening the men's house and c e l e b r a t i n g the deceased and f i r s t b o r n t o g e t h e r i s an a l l -n i g h t performance of l u l l a b i e s (nalolonga) f o r a f i r s t b o r n of t he men's house group. The mother and f a t h e r of the f i r s t b o r n present a p i g t o the men's house, and announce t h a t the event i s t o take p l a c e . On the n i g h t of na l o l o n g a , the house of the f i r s t b o r n i s f u l l of women and the men's house f u l l of men from numerous men's house groups. In the l a p of every woman i s a baby or young c h i l d , f i r s t b o r n or not. The f i r s t b o r n f o r whom the ceremony i s staged must be c o n t i n u o u s l y rocked i n a woman's la p . Should she t i r e , she must immediately pass the f i r s t b o r n t o another so t h a t the c h i l d i s never s t i l l . As the sun r i s e s , a f t e r s i n g i n g hundreds of l u l l a b i e s , the f i n a l n a l o l o n g a i s sung. The men i n s i d e and o u t s i d e the men's house pound the w a l l s and stamp the ground making a huge n o i s e , w hile those i n s i d e the f i r s t b o r n ' s house stand and a l l rock back and f o r t h v i g o r o u s l y so t h a t the e n t i r e house sways with t h e i r movements. When the song i s done, the n i g h t of n a l o l o n g a i s over and the men's house 170 o f f i c i a l l y completed. T h i s ceremony a l s o s i g n a l s the b eginning o-f the phase of narogo d e d i c a t e d s o l e l y t o the f i r s t b o r n . Namelomelo i s complete, although d u r i n g the f i r s t b o r n c eremonials t h e r e are echoes and h i n t s of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the dead and the f i r s t b o r n . The F i r s t b o r n References t o p r imogeniture and the e x c e p t i o n a l p o s i t i o n of the f i r s t b o r n c h i l d are t o be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e on Melanesian s o c i e t i e s . These r e f e r e n c e s suggest but do not d e l v e i n t o the s p e c i a l nature and the importance of the f i r s t b o r n i n r e l a t i o n t o s o c i a l l i f e and cosmology (e.g., Bateson 1958, Meigs 1984). A n o t a b l e e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s i s S c a l e t t a ' s (1985) study of the f i r s t b o r n i n the B a r i a i area of West New B r i t a i n P r o v i n c e . The Kabana about whom she w r i t e s and the L o l o are r e l a t e d both c u l t u r a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y . So as not t o r e i t e r a t e and repeat S c a l e t t a ' s work, i t i s s u f f i c i e n t here t o d i s c u s s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f i r s t b o r n t o the L o l o . The b i r t h or adoption of a f i r s t b o r n i s , f o r the L D I O , t a n g i b l e evidence of c o n t i n u i t y and p e r p e t u a t i o n of l i f e . F i r s t b o r n , more than secondborn or subsequent c h i l d r e n , occupy a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i o n i n the l i v e s of t h e i r f a m i l i e s and by e x t e n s i o n , t o the r e s t of the L o l o . The f i r s t b o r n ' s b i r t h i n i t i a t e s too the beginning of the 171 r e l a t i o n s h i p between grandparent and g r a n d c h i l d , a r e l a t i o n s h i p c e n t r a l t o L o l o s o c i a l l i f e . The grandparent and g r a n d c h i l d g e n e r a t i o n s share names, share a k i n term ( t i v u g e ) , and i t i s the grandparent who not o n l y p r o v i d e s the m a t e r i a l wealth f o r the g r a n d c h i l d ' s ceremonial work but a l s o sponsors, o r g a n i z e s and l e a d s the events. Without t h i s work, a c h i l d would be unable t o grow i n t o a " t r u e " L o l o . Maturation and a s u c c e s s f u l , p r o d u c t i v e and moral l i f e are secured through the e f f o r t s of the grandparents. The f i r s t b o r n i s not, however, the s o l e b e n e f i c i a r y . Grandparents themselves use the f i r s t b o r n as t h e i r main chance to i n c r e a s e t h e i r renown and p r e s t i g e . T h e i r e f f o r t s enhance the s t a t u s of t h e i r c h i l d r e n which i s u l t i m a t e l y r e f l e c t e d back t o the grandparents. T h i s o f t e n l e a d s t o c o m p e t i t i o n between g r a n d f a t h e r s s i n c e each one i s eager t o be the one t o c e l e b r a t e the f i r s t b o r n g r a n d c h i l d and g a i n renown thereby. The p a r e n t s of the f i r s t b o r n are p r o v i d e d with a f i r m f o u n d a t i o n upon which t o perform ceremonial work f o r t h e i r f i r s t b o r n g r a n d c h i l d , work which w i l l cover the names of t h e i r p a rents with renown even a f t e r t h e i r deaths, renown which i s t r a n s f e r r e d t o t h e i r g r a n d c h i l d r e n i n e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g c i r c l e s p r i m a r i l y from the g r a n d p a r e n t - g r a n d c h i l d g e n e r a t i o n s and s e c o n d a r i l y from the parent t o c h i l d and from c h i l d t o parent. The s p e c i a l s t a t u s of the f i r s t b o r n i s r e f l e c t e d i n the p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment of the f i r s t b o r n i n everyday l i f e and the ceremonial c y c l e d e d i c a t e d to c e l e b r a t i n g the f i r s t b o r n . S i n c e so much labour and wealth are i n v e s t e d i n ceremonies f o r the f i r s t b o r n , i t stands t o reason t h a t measures must be taken t o ensure t h a t no harm b e f a l l s the c e l e b r a t e d one. Hence, i f a f i r s t b o r n i s "wronged", f a l l s o f f a porch, i s h i t , spoken t o i n anger, or i n j u r e d i n any way, then those r e s p o n s i b l e must pay r e d r e s s t o the i n j u r e d f a m i l y , u s u a l l y by g i v i n g a p i g or o t h e r , e q u i v a l e n t , t r a d i t i o n a l wealth. Depending on the nature of the i n j u r y , compensation goes e i t h e r t o the p a r e n t s or grandparents of the f i r s t b o r n . Normally, f i r s t b o r n s must be t r e a t e d as p r e c i o u s beings. They are not r e q u i r e d t o do any work i f they d e s i r e otherwise, are f e d immediately on demand and served with c h o i c e foods, and are denied nothing t h a t i s i n t h e i r p a r e n t s ' c a p a c i t y t o g i v e . F a i l u r e t o t r e a t a f i r s t b o r n a p p r o p r i a t e l y g i v e s r i s e t o censure and g o s s i p . The o f f e n d e r s a r e known as " r u b b i s h " . To c e l e b r a t e the f i r s t b o r n and t o underscore t h e i r s p e c i a l s t a t u s among the l i v i n g and i n r e l a t i o n t o the dead, the second phase of narogo i s d e d i c a t e d t o the maturation of the f i r s t b o r n . T h i s phase of ceremonial work i n c o r p o r a t e s ceremonies on both small and grand s c a l e s , and c e l e b r a t e s v a r i o u s " f i r s t s " i n the l i f e of the f i r s t b o r n , and " f i r s t s " i n the development of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between the f i r s t b o r n and o t h e r s . Maturation Ceremonies -for the F i r s t b o r n Each " - f i r s t " i n the l i f e of the f i r s t b o r n i s greeted with ceremony. Small f e a s t s and exchanges take p l a c e when the f i r s t b o r n i s f i r s t taken o u t s i d e the house, t o the houses of other v i l l a g e r s , t o bathe i n the r i v e r , t o another v i l l a g e , dressed i n c l o t h i n g , g e t s a h a i r c u t , a t t e n d s a ceremonial event, c u t s a t o o t h and so on. In each of these cases, a kinsman (or kinswoman i f t a k i n g a female f i r s t b o r n t o a ceremonial event) takes the c h i l d and f o r m a l l y begins the proceedings. Each " f i r s t " i s an o c c a s i o n f o r the f i r s t b o r n t o r e c e i v e g i f t s and f o r the "guardian" of the c h i l d t o be compensated with food and small items of wealth. These " f i r s t s " a re performed i n r e c o g n i t i o n of the f i r s t time t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t event takes p l a c e i n the l i f e of the f i r s t b o r n . In these c a s e s , the f i r s t b o r n i s the p a s s i v e r e c i p i e n t of the food of o t h e r s . A s p e c i a l ceremony marks the f i r s t time t h a t food i s given i n the name of the f i r s t b o r n , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t the f i r s t b o r n has become an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t i n the c i r c u l a t i o n of food among cognates and a f f i n e s . Likened by the L o l o t o baptism, t h i s ceremony i s c r u c i a l s i n c e t h i s i s the moment when the c h i l d t r u l y begins the process of "growing up L o l o " . I f , however, a female c h i l d i s named S a l i k i then these events, r a t h e r than being minor o c c a s i o n s attended p r i m a r i l y by cognates of the f i r s t b o r n , e s c a l a t e i n t o ceremony on a grand s c a l e . G a l i k i was the f i r s t female f i r s t b o r n and appears as a c e n t r a l character i n numerous s t o r i e s . In a d d i t i o n t o the r e g u l a r p r o h i b i t i o n s surrounding the treatment of a f i r s t b o r n , should t h a t c h i l d be named G a l i k i , the f o l l o w i n g c o n d i t i o n s obtains G a l i k i may carry nothing on her head, no one may walk behind her, and should G a l i k i be i n j u r e d or harmed, the r e p e r c u s s i o n s are severe indeed. Each time t h a t G a l i k i passes one of the " f i r s t s " , i n s t e a d of small items of wealth, she r e c e i v e s a p i g . As w e l l , s e p a r a t e ceremonies are performed i n her honour, d u r i n g which she r e c e i v e s more p i g s . One would t h i n k t h a t because G a l i k i i s the r e c i p i e n t of so much t h a t p a rents would clamour t o have t h e i r female f i r s t b o r n named G a l i k i . T h i s i s not, however, the case, s i n c e the ceremonial t h a t must be performed f o r G a l i k i i s dangerous and f r i g h t e n i n g , p u t t i n g a l l of G a l i k i ' s k i n a t r i s k . The same holds t r u e f o r Natavolo, the name given t o the f i r s t male f i r s t b o r n . He i s l e s s c e l e b r a t e d than G a l i k i , although he too has ceremonies performed f o r h i s b e n e f i t . When a f i r s t b o r n m a r r i e s , a l a r g e p o r t i o n of the pa r e n t s ' wealth i s immediately given t o the b r i d e or the groom. The f i r s t b o r n son or daughter may r e c e i v e as much as two p i g s , f i v e c l a y cooking p o t s , f i v e carved bowls, and twenty fathoms of s h e l l money, i n a d d i t i o n t o , i n a daughter's case, her r e g u l a r dowry of household goods and 175 items of value. T h i s wealth i s marked f o r f i r s t b o r n s o n l y , and should i d e a l l y not be used f o r other ceremonial purposes but remain i n the hands of the owner u n t i l the marriage of h i s or her f i r s t b o r n . In t h i s way, c e r t a i n items of wealth f a l l o w a s p e c i a l i z e d i n h e r i t a n c e system. As soon as i t i s known t h a t a woman i s pregnant with her f i r s t c h i l d , p r e p a r a t i o n s begin f o r ceremonies which w i l l g r e e t the c h i l d ' s b i r t h . These p r e p a r a t i o n s f a l l upon the s h o u l d e r s of the grandparents, s i n c e the p a r e n t s of the c h i l d are too young and i n e x p e r i e n c e d i n the ways of t r a d i t i o n as well as being m a t e r i a l l y unable t o assume the ceremonial burdens. During the pregnancy, the g r a n d f a t h e r who has e l e c t e d t o take on t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y c a l l s i n debts so he can p r o v i d e the newborn with two p i g s , one f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n , the o t h e r , a young p i g , f o r the c h i l d . Woven Black Bands Vukumu i s performed f o r the purpose of p u t t i n g nakue (black woven bands) on the l e g of male f i r s t b o r n . Vukumu i s " p u l l e d " by the performance of Nakamutmut f a r without a l a r g e s c a l e performance t o h e r a l d i t s coming, Vukumu c o u l d not be done. The mark of Vukumu i s a long s t i c k of r o l l e d and p a i n t e d tobacco. S i n c e r e c e i v i n g t h i s mark d u r i n g the mortuary, those s e l e c t e d have been p r e p a r i n g p i g s f o r vukumu i n the same manner as d e s c r i b e d 176 f o r the mortuary p i g exchange. The r e c i p i e n t of the tobacco i s charged with p r o v i d i n g a p i g and the nakue. Unless t h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s adept i n t h e i r making, he re q u e s t s the a s s i s t a n c e of a s p e c i a l i s t . Performing Vukumu i s another step i n "growing up human". Black woven bands a r e symbolic of the L o l o , and r e c e i v i n g one v i a Vukumu means t h a t one t r u l y i s a L o l o . They dance with Dirom, a crazed s p i r i t b i r d and one of Namor's companions, r e n d e r i n g the mythic past r e a l and contemporary. The f i r s t b o r n becomes f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r enmeshed i n the networks of r e l a t i o n s h i p s and o b l i g a t i o n s i n which he w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e u n t i l he d i e s . He "owes" those who have performed f o r him, he "owes" those who have presented p i g s i n h i s honour, and f a r the r e s t of h i s l i f e he w i l l be re p a y i n g these debts and c o n t r a c t i n g new ones. Namos Narnos i s the c u l m i n a t i o n of the f i r s t b o r n ceremonies. The term namos i s a c o n f u s i n g one i n t h a t i t r e f e r s t o c e r t a i n ceremonial work f o r a f i r s t b o r n , t o the f i r s t b o r n being c e l e b r a t e d themselves, and t o the goods and s e r v i c e s i n v o l v e d i n these c o n t e x t s . The term namos i s on l y used when a male f i r s t b o r n of f o u r or f i v e years of age i s c i r c u m c i s e d and a female f i r s t b o r n of the same age i s decorated i n dance r e g a l i a and p a r t i c i p a t e s i n a ceremony f o r the f i r s t time. T h i s i s the f i r s t time i n a 177 f i r s t b o r n ' s l i f e t h a t s e x u a l i t y and f u t u r e r e p r o d u c t i v e powers are acknowledged and, h e n c e f o r t h , the f i r s t b o r n must wear c l o t h i n g t o cover t h e i r g e n i t a l s and l e a r n t o a c t i n a manner a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e i r gender. A g r a n d f a t h e r of the f i r s t b o r n i s chosen t o bear the burden of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r t h i s event, and from the beginning of the p r e p a r a t i o n s t o the c o n c l u s i o n of the event, he r e f e r s t o the c h i l d as l e k m o s , denoting p o s s e s s i o n of a l l i m p l i e d i n the term n a m o s . H i s f i r s t duty i s t o prepare the carved post which, i f f o r a boy ( n i l ) i s taken i n t o the men's house, and f o r a g i r l ( n a r i u r i u ) a t t a c h e d t o the porch of her house. The p o s t s are carved with r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of s p i r i t b e i n g s, d e s i g n s b e l o n g i n g t o the men's house group of the carver, animals or p o r t r a i t s of s i g n i f i c a n t deceased r e l a t i v e s . J u s t b e f o r e dark on the day of the event, c h i l d r e n f o r whom the ceremony i s performed and who have been decorated f o r the o c c a s i o n a re l i f t e d t o the s h o u l d e r s of male kinsmen d e p u t i z e d t o carry them i n t o the v i l l a g e . Two other kinsman have been s e l e c t e d t o carry the p o l e upon which are sl u n g a l l the po t s , bowls and s h e l l money c o l l e c t e d . Male and female k i n of the f i r s t b o r n , a l s o p a i n t e d and decorated, c l u s t e r t i g h t l y around the men c a r r y i n g the the c h i l d r e n and p o l e s from which items of wealth a re suspended and h o l d l a r g e branches of t r e e s i n f r o n t of t h e i r f a c e s . The two groups from the p a i r e d 178 v i l l a g e s , s i n g i n g and accompanied by drums, en t e r the dance ground from o p p o s i t e ends o-f the v i l l a g e . As they near each o t h e r , a s e n i o r male of the host men's house with boar's t u s k s between h i s t e e t h , f a c e p a i n t e d with l i m e powder and c a r r y i n g a spear, dances between the two groups, advancing f i r s t t o one group and then the o t h e r , b r a n d i s h i n g h i s spear at both. The two groups move c l o s e r and c l o s e r as the speardancer s p i n s i n c i r c l e s between them u n t i l the two groups meet i n the c e n t r e . New pandanus mats are p l a c e d b e f o r e the door of the men's house. The f i r s t b o r n t o be c i r c u m c i s e d a r e c a r r i e d and p l a c e d on these mats. Carved bowls f u l l of lime powder are passed around among the kinsmen of the f i r s t b o r n . They grab h a n d f u l s and s l a p i t on each o t h e r s ' c h e s t s , then r o a r , grab s p e a r s and run y e l l i n g through the v i l l a g e . Lime powder i s a mark of war. P r i o r t o m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and p a c i f i c a t i o n i n the a r e a , w a r r i o r s dressed f o r b a t t l e i n a l o i n c l o t h and covered a l l exposed s k i n with nao. White i s a powerful c o l o u r : skinchangers g r a d u a l l y turned white with Namor's a i d , and white i s the c o l o u r of semen and b r e a s t m i l k , both powerful substances f o r the L o l o . Lime powder i s h i g h l y valued by the L o l o both f o r the power i n t r i n s i c t o i t and because the L o l o must t r a d e v a l u a b l e s with t h e i r neighbours on the coast t o a c q u i r e marine s h e l l s i n s u f f i c i e n t amounts f o r a ceremony of t h i s s o r t . 179 Two female k i n of the f i r s t b o r n kneel upon the mats and the boy i s p l a c e d so he stands with one f o o t on each of t h e i r backs. These women are agnates of the f i r s t b o r n , s i n c e o n l y they can be c l o s e when the blood of another i s to be s p i l l e d . They are women past c h i l d b e a r i n g y e a r s , so th e r e i s no danger t h a t a s e x u a l l y potent female can harm the boy's g e n i t a l s . A carved bowl f i l l e d with l i m e powder i s pl a c e d under the boy's p e n i s , and a young male, a l s o one blo o d , stands by the boy, s u p p o r t i n g him and p l a c i n g h i s hand i n the boy's mouth so t h a t i n s t e a d of c r y i n g out, the boy can b i t e down on h i s hand. In p r e v i o u s y e a r s , a s e n i o r male of-the men's house group t o which the boys belonged d i d the c u t t i n g . C u r r e n t l y , t h i s i s done i n A r a i g i l p u a by the dokta. a l o c a l medical o r d e r l y . He grasps the f o r e s k i n and removes i t by s l i c i n g i t with a r a z o r blade and t r i m s e x t r a t i s s u e from the head of the p e n i s . The blood d r i p s i n t o the Lime powder, the boy i s l i f t e d up with a r o a r of approval (louder i f he does not c r y out) and borne away t o the men's house i n the arms of h i s agnate, with another h o l d i n g the bowl so t h a t no blood d r i p s t o the ground. The proc e s s i s repeated f o r each boy being c i r c u m c i s e d . The boys then enter s e c l u s i o n (neremi) i n the men's house. A f t e r the c i r c u m c i s i o n , the food from the p l a t f o r m s i s d i s t r i b u t e d , and Nakamutmut i s performed, marking the f i r s t appearance of the female f i r s t b o r n i n dance r e g a l i a . ISO At the c o n c l u s i o n , those who have p a r t i c i p a t e d , the dokta. the men who h e l d the boys, the women who are "paid -for the s p i l l i n g of b l o o d " , those who made dance r e g a l i a and those who helped i n the d e c o r a t i n g are compensated with s h e l l money, carved bowls or woven baskets i n a d d i t i o n t o the share of food they r e c e i v e . The boys remain i n s e c l u s i o n f o r the next weeks while they are i n s t r u c t e d i n male e s o t e r i c l o r e . The s e c r e t s of the f l u t e s are r e v e a l e d , along with the s e c r e t s of the l e a s t powerful s p i r i t f i g u r e s who l i v e i n the men's house. They are a l s o t o l d something of the dangers of women. Given t h a t the boys a r e young when they enter s e c l u s i o n , t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n i s a b b r e v i a t e d with the most dangerous i n f o r m a t i o n l e f t u n t i l they are f u l l y a b l e t o a p p r e c i a t e i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s . While i n s e c l u s i o n , the boys' t e e t h are blackened with natoa, b l a c k v o l c a n i c ash which has been baked i n an e a r t h oven, and are s u b j e c t t o numerous food taboos. T h e i r bodies are p a i n t e d with red ochre. These pigments are a p p l i e d every day d u r i n g s e c l u s i o n . Each boy has a young agnate p a i d by the sponsoring g r a n d f a t h e r t o r e a p p l y the p a i n t and a c t as a mentor through s e c l u s i o n . Male k i n of the boys s t a y c l o s e t o the v i l l a g e w h i l e they are i n s e c l u s i o n . Should they go i n t o the bush, they might be brushed by s p i d e r webs which would cause the boys' penes t o dry up. 181 To p r o p e r l y conclude and " s e a l " the p e r i o d of s e c l u s i o n , a young male shapechanger named P o r o v i s i s summoned f o r a ceremony c a l l e d n a v i u . P o r o v i s s u r v i v e d an a p o c a l y p t i c war of a l l a g a i n s t a l l i n mythic times by h i d i n g under a post i n the men's house. For n a v i u , P o r o v i s t u r n s i n t o a s m a l l , round, p e r f e c t l y smooth stone, and i s summoned by s p e c i a l , s t r o n g — s m e l l i n g l e a v e s . P o r o v i s , once he i s found, i s taken i n t o the men's house and p l a c e d under a bundle of baked and m a g i c a l l y t r e a t e d l e a v e s i n a carved bowl. Those who have been a c t i n g as t e a c h e r s and mentors t o the boys d r e s s i n scented l e a v e s and p a i n t t h e i r f a c e s with r e d ochre. They l e a v e the men's house c a r r y i n g the bawl i n which P o r a v i s i s concealed. Passing the bowl from one end of the l i n e t o the o t h e r , they s i n g u n t i l the howl reaches the door of the men's house. I t i s taken i n s i d e , the boys are brought o u t s i d e , and food which has been prepared f o r the o c c a s i o n i s d i s t r i b u t e d . The boys are f r e e now to do as they p l e a s e , but i t i s hoped t h a t they have taken t o heart the i n s t r u c t i o n they r e c e i v e d d u r i n g s e c l u s i o n . Masked S p i r i t Ceremonies U n t i l e a r l y adolescence i s reached, G a l i k i and Natavolo have been c e l e b r a t e d s i m i l a r l y t o other f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n , with the e x c e p t i o n of r e c e i v i n g more p i g s and having t h e i r " f i r s t s " g reeted with more pomp. Maturation 182 means t h a t G a l i k i and Natavolo grow more "human", more l i k e " t r u e " L o l o and hence a b l e t o understand and assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n h e r e n t i n t h e i r s p e c i a l s t a t u s as e x c e p t i o n a l f i r s t b o r n . For t h i s reason, t h e i r ceremonials a r e delayed u n t i l they are o l d e r . G a l i k i and Natavolo have r e c e i v e d other names p r i o r t o t h i s , but i t i s understood t h a t they are t o r e c e i v e the names G a l i k i and Natavolo although they have not been f o r m a l l y granted. Only those f i r s t b o r n c h i l d r e n of s e n i o r males of men's houses a b l e t o demonstrate r i g h t s t o the names G a l i k i and Natavolo can use these names. G a l i k i r e c e i v e s her name with a performance of Vokoi. What i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r G a l i k i i s t h a t f o r a l l i n t e n t s and purposes, she i s "turned i n t o a man" and granted freedom of the men's house. She i s taken i n s i d e , shown the f l u t e s , shown the masks and had the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a l l these o b j e c t s e x p l a i n e d t o her. She i s a l s o g i v e n her name, a formal and c o n c r e t e s i g n of her s p e c i a l s t a t u s and a constant reminder t o o t h e r s of her uniqueness. Natavolo r e c e i v e s h i s name d u r i n g a ceremony c a l l e d Naosung, which invokes some of the most dangerous s p i r i t beings known t o the L o l o . My informants were v i s i b l y tense as they d i s c u s s e d Naosung with me s i n c e even mentioning the name i s enough t o b r i n g havoc upon the v i l l a g e . S o r c e r y being endemic among the L o l o , they f e e l t h a t they have enough c o v e r t e v i l f o r c e s t o cope wit h , so Naosung i s no 183 longer performed and has not been f o r some ye a r s . During Naosung, the genders a re t o t a l l y r e v e r s e d . Men d r e s s as women and G a l i k i , t he o n l y female w i t h i n m i l e s of the event, i s decorated l i k e a man. During Naosung, Natavolo i s granted female r e p r o d u c t i v e powers through the t r a n s v e s t i s m which c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h i s performance. S i n c e V o k o i , G a l i k i has been a kind of h a l f -male/half-female. Up u n t i l t h i s p o i n t , G a l i k i has been f o r b i d d e n t o have anything p l a c e d on her head and i s thus excused from c a r r y i n g burdens and, i n f a c t , from doing most women's work. Malanggan, her f i n a l ceremony, completes the proc e s s by t u r n i n g her back i n t o a woman. During Malanggan, very potent s p i r i t s p i l e numerous powerful o b j e c t s such as dog's t e e t h on her head. My informants were r e l u c t a n t t o c o u r t d i s a s t e r by d i s c u s s i n g t h i s i n grea t d e t a i l s i n c e t o rouse Malanggan means t h a t a l l i n the immediate v i c i n i t y would be s t r u c k down dead, and the l i v e s of g e n e r a t i o n s t o come i n p e r i l . When Malanggan i s done, G a l i k i t u r n s back i n t o a woman and i s expected, i n s p i t e of her s p e c i a l s t a t u s , t o do the r e q u i s i t e women's work. Marriage Before any L o l o m a r r i e s , i t i s expected t h a t they have proved themselves capable of doing a l l the work t h a t i s r e q u i r e d of an independent householder. For men, t h i s means t h a t they can do a l l garden work, can b u i l d a s o l i d 184 house, and are becoming adept i n the manipulation of debts and o b l i g a t i o n s . Women too should be good gardeners and good cooks with a l l t h a t t h i s i m p l i e s . They a r e a l s o expected t o d e f e r t o the wishes of t h e i r e l d e r s i n a c h o i c e of a mate. Again, the grandparental g e n e r a t i o n i s i n a p o s i t i o n of g r e a t i n f l u e n c e e s p e c i a l l y r e g a r d i n g the f i r s t b o r n s i n c e i t i s they who have expended and i n v e s t e d g r e a t amounts of energy and wealth i n the course of ceremonia l . For young men, no s p e c i a l ceremony i s r e q u i r e d t o prepare them f o r marriage. Young f i r s t b o r n women however, are prepared f o r marriage and f e t e d i n a ceremony f o r women on l y c a l l e d Netutnetne. T h i s i s another L o l o event which has disappeared. None of my informants, a l l s e n i o r men i n t h e i r s i x t i e s , had seen i t , but had o n l y heard of i t from t h e i r p a r e n t s . The same i s t r u e f o r s e n i o r women as w e l l . F i r s t b o r n a re now f r e e t o marry. Marriage ceremonies f o r f i r s t b o r n and subsequent c h i l d r e n a re s i m i l a r , except t h a t more p i g s are exchanged, more items of wealth change hands, and the f i r s t b o r n r e c e i v e s the s p e c i a l wealth passed from f i r s t b o r n t o f i r s t b o r n . G a l i k i i s honoured once more by Vokoi. T h i s time, the o b j e c t s c o l l e c t e d go t o her as g i f t s from akor, the t h i e v i n g b l a c k b i r d s who a r e the c e n t r a l f i g u r e s i n the ceremony, each competing t o be the one t o g i v e her the most goods. The b i r t h of the f i r s t b o r n ' s f i r s t b o r n s e t s the f i r s t b o r n c y c l e i n motion a g a i n , t h i s time with a new person as the r e c i p i e n t of honour. One maintains one's s t a t u s as f i r s t b o r n f o r a l i f e t i m e , but once one has given b i r t h one i s c o n s i d e r e d mature and t o have "grown up L o l o " . The f o c u s of a t t e n t i o n thus t u r n s t o the newlyborn s i n c e they have the g r e a t e s t need of i n s t r u c t i o n and ceremony. D i s c u s s i o n and A n a l y s i s C l e a r l y , the L o l o i n v e s t g r e a t amounts of time, energy and v a l u a b l e s i n the narogo c y c l e . The pre c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n has f o l l o w e d the a c t i v i t i e s i n one such c y c l e from beginning t o end, but i t must be r e a l i z e d t h a t t h i s c y c l e i s o p e r a t i n g a t one stage or another i n each men's house group i n each of the seven mountain L o l o v i l l a g e s , the f o u r v i l l a g e s on the c o a s t , and among the Idne-Lolo v i l l a g e s as w e l l . T h i s means t h a t each L o l o i n d i v i d u a l s i m u l t a n e o u s l y p l a y s numerous r o l e s i n many c y c l e s . In any given household, one person may be marked t o p r o v i d e wealth f o r mortuary work i n Orelmo and p r o v i d e a p i g f o r a f f i n e s marked f o r a mortuary p i g exchange i n Makvar. Another may be marked as namos i n Rovata and due t o r e c e i v e a p i g from a mortuary i n Ararau. F i n a l l y , another may be marked t o p r o v i d e food f o r a c i r c u m c i s i o n , a naming, and f o r boys emerging from s e c l u s i o n . Thus, the narogo c y c l e i s , i n 186 a c t u a l i t y , l a y e r upon l a y e r of ceremonial spread out through the e n t i r e L o l o c u l t u r e a r e a , u n i t i n g them, i d e o l o g i c a l l y and p r a g m a t i c a l l y , while f o r c e f u l l y reminding them of t h e i r common h i s t o r y and b e l i e f s . Each i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e s both a d r a i n and an i n c r e a s e i n r e s o u r c e s , i d e a l l y accumulating a s s e t s so t h a t the income exceeds expenses. In t h i s p r o c e s s , men a r e c o n s t a n t l y i n v o l v e d i n n e g o t i a t i o n s of one s o r t or another, and spend much of t h e i r time c a n v a s s i n g t h e i r k i n and a f f i n e s f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n p r o v i d i n g m a t e r i a l s f o r ceremoni a l . N e g o t i a t i o n s a re based on e l a b o r a t e systems of checks and balances i n which evidence must be produced t o prove t h a t one owes or i s owed. Women p a r t i c i p a t e i n these n e g o t i a t i o n s t o o, although t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s a r e u s u a l l y done i n the p r i v a c y of the home. O v e r t l y , women are s l a v e s t o t h e i r gardens and t o the p i g s , e n s u r i n g t h a t the cr o p s and p i g s are t h r i v i n g as they should so t h a t they w i l l be ready and of high q u a l i t y t o enhance the s t a t u s of the household. T h i s labour i s spread over many years. In f a c t , i t i s c o r r e c t t o say as the L o l o themselves do, t h a t they are "imprisoned" by t h e i r d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n p r o v i d i n g f o r each ceremonial season. By e x t e n s i o n , i t can be s a i d t h a t the L o l o a re chained t o one another. One needs the c o o p e r a t i o n of o t h e r s i f one's f a t h e r , f o r example, i s t o be p r o p e r l y b u r i e d and mourned, or i f one's son must be c i r c u m c i s e d and c o r r e c t l y i n s t r u c t e d on the ways o-f men. I t i s through food and ceremonial t h a t such aims are accomplished. Not o n l y does narogo i n v o l v e t h i n g s of v a l u e , i t i s a t h i n g of va l u e i n i t s e l f , r e g a r d l e s s of expense and energy i n v e s t e d . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n and through the narogo c y c l e s e r v e s t o f u r t h e r l o c a t e the L o l o t e m p o r a l l y and s p a t i a l l y . The combined f o c u s on the dead and the f i r s t b o r n with the men's house the c e n t r e of the a c t i o n p l a c e the L o l o on " t h e i r " ground by v i r t u e of a n c e s t r a l s a n c t i o n with a simultaneous c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the p a s t , present and f u t u r e by honouring the dead and the newlyborn, an emphasis f u r t h e r played out i n the lekmos r e l a t i o n s h i p i n which of the two c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r s , one i s near the end of l i f e and the other near the b e g i n n i n g . 3 0 Everyday l i f e i n v o l v e s p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r events both i n the near and d i s t a n t f u t u r e . A l l L o l o make p l a n s f o r ceremonial work by marking gardens f o r a s p e c i f i c event whether next month or next g e n e r a t i o n , marking and r a i s i n g p i g s with an eye towards a p a r t i c u l a r event, and ma i n t a i n i n g with food the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t a re c e n t r a l t o and c r i t i c a l l y necessary f o r s u c c e s s f u l completion of ceremonial. Regardless of one's p r i v a t e f e e l i n g f o r another, one needs that other f o r a s s i s t a n c e and support i n ceremonial a c t i v i t y s i n c e i t i s t h i s ceremonial a c t i v i t y t h a t a l l o w s each L o l o t o grow up human. IBS Were ceremonial work not done, the L o l o would no longer l i v e with human beings as they know them, and, t h e i r e n t i r e s o c i a l and cosmic order upset, would d e c l i n e i n t o a s t a t e i n which people would l i v e "as w i l d p i g s " . Food n u r t u r e s humanity both l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y on a d a i l y b a s i s , w h i l e ceremonial work d r a m a t i c a l l y f o r m a l i z e s and b r a c k e t s e x p e r i e n c e s of a c h i e v i n g humanity i n a s p e c t a c u l a r d i s p l a y . The next chapter expands on t h i s a n a l y s i s by examining the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the moral o r d e r , power, and the A e s t h e t i c . Again, the f a l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n i s l a r g e l y normative. In Chapter V I I , an a n a l y s i s of one ceremony, Vokoi, takes the d i s c u s s i o n from the i d e a l t o the r e a l by d e s c r i b i n g the a c t u a l events t h a t t r a n s p i r e i n the c ourse of p r e p a r i n g f o r and e x e c u t i n g one ceremony. CHAPTER VI T H E MORAL ORDER. POWER. AND THE A E S T H E T I C I now t u r n t o an a n a l y s i s of the i n t e r — r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the moral orde r , power, and the A e s t h e t i c . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s intended t o put the ethnographic data thus f a r presented i n t o the concepts of the A e s t h e t i c and a e s t h e t i c s . To t h i s end, t h i s chapter begins with a summary of p r i n c i p l e s of the L o l o moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a d i s c u s s i o n i n d i c a t i n g how the moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s grounded i n L o l o concepts of power and r e a l i t y . The chapter concludes with a p r e s e n t a t i o n of general p r i n c i p l e s of the r e l a t i o n s among the A e s t h e t i c , a e s t h e t i c s , a r t forms and c u l t u r e . The Moral Order L o l o s o c i a l l i f e i n v o l v e s more than d e a l i n g s and i n t e r a c t i o n with other humans. S o c i a l l i f e a l s o i n v o l v e s i n t e r a c t i o n with s p i r i t s , and so s u c c e s s f u l s o c i a l l i f e and 189 190 s o c i a l harmony demand a knowledge of the nature and c o n s t i t u t i o n of s p i r i t s . J u s t as i n d i v i d u a l s must know each other t o l i v e i n harmony with them, so must the L o l o know the s p i r i t s t o have a s i m i l a r harmony. The moral order of s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n i s thus p r e d i c a t e d upon an understanding o f , and f a c i l i t y w ith, the nature of humans and the nature of s p i r i t s and s p i r i t powers. The men's house and ceremonial performance p r o v i d e the i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o c i f o r concepts of power and men's house groups, s i b l i n g groups, and r e s i d e n t i a l groups p r o v i d e the context f o r s o c i a l a c t i o n a c c o r d i n g t o these p r i n c i p l e s of r e a l i t y and power. L o l o c u l t u r a l v a l u e s are apparent and manifest i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and s e c u l a r and ceremonial a c t i v i t y , and can be summarized i n t h r e e p r i n c i p l e s , i d e n t i t y , c o o p e r a t i o n , and c o n t i n u i t y and growth. A sense of group and a sense of s e l f a re important t o each L o l o i n d i v i d u a l . T h e i r language, s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e i r d i a l e c t of Maleu, l o c a t e s them i n space, and p r o v i d e s a d i r e c t l i n k through t h e i r a n c e s t o r s t o Namor. I t d e f i n e s them as a c u l t u r a l group through t h e i r equation of language and custom. T h e i r r e s i s t a n c e t o Tok P i s i n and t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of i t as an i n f e r i o r language underscore t h e i r attachment t o Maleu. S t o r i e s , t o l d i n Maleu, a l s o emphasize t h e i r uniqueness as a group s i n c e t h e i r s t o r i e s d e s c r i b e t h e i r past and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the 191 environment i n a way t h a t , they b e l i e v e , i s p a r t i c u l a r t o the L o l o . S i m i l a r l y , t h e i r a r t forms (baskets, armbands, and so on) and ceremonial performances are t a n g i b l e symbols which u n i t e them as a c u l t u r a l e n t i t y and r e i n f o r c e l i n k s t o the past and t o the f u t u r e . T i e s of k i n s h i p , a f f i l i a t i o n with men's house groups, and p r o x i m i t y and personal c h o i c e s e r v e t o d i v i d e the L o l o c u l t u r a l group i n t o p r o g r e s s i v e l y s m a l l e r groups, lien's house groups, s i b l i n g groups, and r e s i d e n t i a l groups cooperate and a s s i s t one another i n gardening, house c o n s t r u c t i o n , and other p r o j e c t s , and as well a s s i s t with c h i l d c a r e and g i f t s of food and firewood. I n d i v i d u a l s a re l o y a l t o t h e i r group members and i n case of d i s p u t e s u s u a l l y c l o s e ranks a g a i n s t the d i s p u t i n g p a r t y . Within the r e s i d e n t i a l and men's house groups, i n d i v i d u a l L o l o s t r i v e t o f o r g e a p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y . Although c o n t r a r y t o the e g a l i t a r i a n ethos and i n s p i t e of the danger from s o r c e r y , i n d i v i d u a l s engage i n a c t i v i t i e s t h a t w i l l enable them t o ga i n renown through personal achievements, e s p e c i a l l y i n r e s p e c t t o p o l i t i c a l , economic and ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n t o i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t s , i d e n t i t y i s gained through other means, p r i m a r i l y through the achievements of k i n both l i v i n g and dead, because of the land h e l d and the uses t o which i t has been put, and t o the names they have been g i v e n . I d e a l l y they achieve a balance between i n d i v i d u a l ambition and c o l l e c t i v e good, a balance not e a s i l y won but t o a c e r t a i n extent maintained by the constant debating and monitoring o-f a c t i v i t i e s by o t h e r s . The c o l l e c t i v e good f i g u r e s l a r g e l y i n the e v a l u a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t i e s . Cooperation i s a c e n t r a l c u l t u r a l v a l u e of the L o l o . L o c a l groups c r o s s - c u t t i e s of k i n s h i p and descent and so k i n , non—kin and a f f i n e s p a r t i c i p a t e an a d a i l y b a s i s . The men's house i s the f o c a l p o i n t , p h y s i c a l l y and i d e o l o g i c a l l y , of descent and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Depending on s i t u a t i o n , e i t h e r the men's house group or a combination of groups, men's house, s i b l i n g , or r e s i d e n t i a l , work as a u n i t . Cooperation i s the means with which groups maintain t h e i r cohesion. Those i n d i f f e r e n t groups work tog e t h e r i n the gardens on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , p a r t i c i p a t e i n l a r g e r p r o j e c t s , i n the p r e p a r a t i o n and exe c u t i o n of performances, and most i m p o r t a n t l y , i n the s h a r i n g of food. Food c o n s t i t u t e s a v a l u e i n i t s e l f and a means to express other v a l u e s . Food i s the e x t e r n a l t r a p p i n g f o r c o o p e r a t i o n and a sense of group s i n c e i t ensures s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l w i t h i n the groups and among groups. Food p r o v i d e s i n d i v i d u a l s with a means t o strengthen or weaken bonds among k i n depending on circumstance. In s h o r t , food p r o v i d e s an e f f e c t i v e way t o manipulate k i n t i e s t o i n d i v i d u a l or c o l l e c t i v e advantage. By the same token, the e f f e c t s of food s h a r i n g spread among d i f f e r e n t 193 groups t o e i t h e r s t r e n g t h e n t i e s or cause r i f t s t o develop between these groups. Thus, food i s the most potent and v i s i b l e symbol of harmony, while i t s absence or w i t h h o l d i n g denotes d i s o r d e r . If food i s the v e h i c l e f o r harmony, then k i n s h i p i s i t s road. T y p i c a l l y , l o c a l groups are k i n based. Hamlets and v i l l a g e s are o f t e n formed around a nucleus of s i b l i n g s , with a f f i n e s and o c c a s i o n a l l y non-kin choosing t o l i v e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y . K i n , e s p e c i a l l y agnates, have a moral o b l i g a t i o n t o a i d and support one another i n any a c t i v i t y , whether t h i s i s a l a r g e s c a l e p r o j e c t , s h a r i n g food, or a s s i s t i n g i n ceremonial o b l i g a t i o n s by p r o v i d i n g wealth or food or performing s p e c i f i c s e r v i c e s . These a c t i v i t i e s , as well as common a n c e s t r y , shared names, and membership i n men's house groups serve t o bind k i n t o g e t h e r . The maintenance of moral order and s o c i a l s u r v i v a l a re apparent i n the c u l t u r a l value of c o n t i n u i t y and growth. Browth i s c e l e b r a t e d on a number of o c c a s i o n s , most n o t a b l y i n ceremonials f o r the f i r s t b o r n , ceremonies f o r p i g s , and magic performed at d i f f e r e n t stages i n the development of a garden. Browing t o m a t u r i t y , which f o r the L o l o means f u l l p o t e n t i a l as a worker and a r e p r o d u c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l , i s a i d e d and marked with ceremonial. Indeed, proper growth cannot be achieved without ceremonial events. Growth i s a never-ending process f o r the L o l o . I n d i v i d u a l s a re born and d i e , gardens are b u i l t , produce and a r e then l e f t f a l l o w , men's house b u i l d i n g s and the s p i r i t s they house are young, then i n t h e i r prime, and then d e s t r o y e d t o make way f o r the young. Only i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s f i n i s h . S p i r i t s remain while t h e i r descendants carry t h e i r names, work t h e i r l a n d , and carry on with t h e i r network of debts and o b l i g a t i o n s . In these ways the sense of c o n t i n u i t y i s preserved. C o n t i n u i t y i s the theme of the narogo c y c l e , and the a n c e s t r a l stones, the men's house and the masked s p i r i t s who l i v e i n the men's house s e r v e as f u r t h e r t a n g i b l e reminders. A l s o f o r t h i s reason, the f i r s t b o r n i s c e l e b r a t e d . The f i r s t b o r n i s symbolic of both growth and c o n t i n u i t y i n t h a t a married couple become pa r e n t s with attendant r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , o b l i g a t i o n s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r renown, and t h e i r p a rents become grandparents and as such are marked as s p e c i a l and s i g n i f i c a n t people. The c r e a t i o n of a new l i f e i s a momentous event i n i t s e l f , and i s t a n g i b l e proof of the never-ending c y c l e of l i f e and death. L o l o v a l u e s of i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y , c o o p e r a t i o n , and growth and c o n t i n u i t y a re apparent i n both ceremonial and s e c u l a r a c t i v i t y . During ceremonies, k i n , e s p e c i a l l y members of men's house groups, work together t o prepare and execute the ceremony or p a r t i c i p a t e as 195 s p e c t a t o r s . The ceremonies themselves are o v e r t l y about growth and c o n t i n u i t y , marking phases i n i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s and u n d e r s c o r i n g the c o n t i n u i t y o-f l i - f e and death i n the p r o c e s s as a whole. The presence of a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s d u r i n g these events f u r t h e r c o l l a p s e s time. Each performance c e l e b r a t e s both i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t and the combined e f f o r t s of d i f f e r e n t groups f o r without these, the events would not take p l a c e s i n c e t h e i r s u c c e s s f u l e x e c u t i o n i s dependent on the e f f o r t s of a l l i n v o l v e d . A l l c u l t u r a l v a l u e s are expressed d u r i n g performance and are v i s i b l e both i n the form and content of the event, i n content through the message of the ceremony, and i n the form by who p a r t i c i p a t e s , i n what c a p a c i t y , and with what r e s u l t s . In everyday a c t i v i t i e s , the same c u l t u r a l v a l u e s are m anifest. L a r g e — s c a l e ceremonies r e q u i r e years of p r e p a r a t i o n t o grow gardens, t o grow p i g s , and t o arrange f o r the r e q u i s i t e items of wealth. These a c t i v i t i e s are i m p o s s i b l e without a s s i s t a n c e from one's k i n . To ensure t h a t a s s i s t a n c e i s forthcoming, food exchanges cement r e l a t i o n s h i p s and guarantee a s s i s t a n c e . The e f f o r t s of i n d i v i d u a l s enhance both t h e i r own r e p u t a t i o n and the s t a t u s of the groups with which they are a f f i l i a t e d . From t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of those v a l u e s c e n t r a l t o L O I D ceremonial and everyday l i f e , two c o n s t i t u e n t p r i n c i p l e s of the L o l o moral order can be i s o l a t e d . The 196 • f i r s t a s s e r t s t h a t goad L o l o r e s p e c t and a s s i s t t h e i r k i n , i n c l u d i n g the s p i r i t s of t h e i r dead, a p r i n c i p l e c r o s s -c u t t i n g the realms of the o r d i n a r y and the e x t r a o r d i n a r y . The second i n v o l v e s having proper r e s p e c t f o r and being generous with food. These d i r e c t i v e s , however, are open t o a g r e a t deal of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . L o l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s f l e x i b l e , and food exchange i s the barometer f o r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s on a d a i l y b a s i s . L o l o i n d i v i d u a l s , e s p e c i a l l y women, thus are i n p o s i t i o n s of g r e a t power i n terms of t h e i r a b i l i t i e s t o s u s t a i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a l l o w them t o l a p s e , or sever them a b r u p t l y . In summary, the L o l o moral order i s maintained and made ev i d e n t and coherent by p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food, most n o t a b l y d u r i n g performances c e l e b r a t i n g matters p e r t a i n i n g t o k i n s h i p , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n v o l v i n g the dead and the f i r s t b o r n . Power The powers most s i g n i f i c a n t t o the L o l o are those governing two t h i n g s which I have d e f i n e d as c r e a t i v i t y and r e p r o d u c t i o n . The s p i r i t s are the t r u e owners of these powers, but under c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s , most n o t a b l y d u r i n g ceremonial performance, they are " l e n t " t o human beings, should they have f o l l o w e d the a p p r o p r i a t e p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r p r o p e r l y a c c e s s i n g these powers. 197 Male and female domains of power and i n f l u e n c e are enacted i n a context of c o o p e r a t i o n and mutual dependence. It i s , however, p a s s i b l e t o a n a l y t i c a l l y s e p a r a t e t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e spheres of power. C r e a t i v i t y i s a male domain. Men p r o t e c t and execute ceremonial performance, music and other a r t farms. These p r o v i d e v e h i c l e s f a r o c c a s i o n s and s i t u a t i o n s which trans c e n d the mundane. Men are " l e n t " the s p i r i t power of c r e a t i v i t y : w h ile the s p i r i t s are the o n l y t r u l y c r e a t i v e b e i n g s , g i v e n the nature and f l e x i b i l i t y of L o l o ceremonial performance, men are a b l e t o be c r e a t i v e i n the e x e c u t i o n of performance and manipulate t h a t which would, i n Western p a r l a n c e , be l a b e l l e d the a r t s . A l l L o l o a r t forms d e r i v e from powers which have t h e i r source i n the realm of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y , and a l l a r t forms are u t i l i z e d i n power-charged s i t u a t i o n s . D i f f e r e n t k inds of armbands, f o r example, gain power from d i f f e r e n t s o u rces. Nakue, the black bands used t o c e l e b r a t e f i r s t b o r n males i n Vukumu, ga i n power from the ground where they grow on Namor's mountain. The maker of nakomkom (armbands symbolic of mourning) t r a n s f e r s h i s power d e r i v e d from h i s a b i l i t i e s as a s p e c i a l i s t t o the armbands, and the v i n e s used i n t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n keep malevolence at bay d u r i n g mourning while p r o v i d i n g a measure of p r o t e c t i o n to the wearer. Knowledge i s t r u l y power i n t h a t p o s s e s s i n g the knowledge and the s p e c i a l s k i l l s t a make these armbands 198 g i v e access t o the deeper sources of power. S p e c i a l baskets Cnavisinga) a r e used t o t r a n s p o r t p r e c i o u s cargo i n c e r t a i n ceremonial events, and body d e c o r a t i o n , dance r e g a l i a and scented l e a v e s appear d u r i n g ceremonials as w e l l . Music comes from s t r e n g t h i n t r i n s i c t o the ground, s t r e n g t h given d i r e c t l y from Namor and passed t o man v i a the s p i r i t world. T h i s i s why people s i n g . They assume these powers and g a i n s t r e n g t h f o r hard work such as f e l l i n g t r e e s or gardening, can dance as s p i r i t b e i n g s, or s i n g and drum f o r hours. Performance r e p r e s e n t s a c o n c e n t r a t i o n and merging of d i f f e r e n t s o r t s of powers. Performance i s a nexus of the everyday, mundane moral order and t h a t of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n t h a t o r d i n a r y events such as gardening and p r e p a r i n g food take on s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e when done i n the context of ceremonial p r e p a r a t i o n s , and c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s , by v i r t u e of t h e i r r o l e s i n the event, assume the powers of the o c c a s i o n . P a r t i c i p a n t s tap i n t o e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers by the use of magic and s p e l l s , by donning costumes and "becoming" s p i r i t s , the presence of whom s e r v e s t o connect the human and s p i r i t worlds. Performances too take over the domain of the s p i r i t s . Ceremonial dances l a s t through the n i g h t , the time when s p i r i t beings walk the v i l l a g e paths and hover around the houses. The s o u l of the ceremony, the music, draws power from the e a r t h . Performance of the ceremony draws power 199 from Namor, s i n c e he, or h i s s p i r i t world d e l e g a t e s , a re the authors of the most s i g n i f i c a n t ceremonies. S p e c i f i c performances, p r i m a r i l y those indigenous t o the L o l o , themselves connect with and tap i n t o c e r t a i n types of powers. However, s i n c e many indigenous ceremonies are no long e r performed, the L o l o , i n a d d i t i o n t o l o s i n g ceremonies from t h