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The metamorphosis of the Conservative Party under Thatcher Henriksson, Tracey 1991

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THE METAMORPHOSIS OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY UNDER THATCHER by Tracey HenriKsson H.B.A. , LaKehead U n i v e r s i t y , 1989 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Ute accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1991 (9 Tracey H e n r i K s s o n , 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P o l i t i c a l Science The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date July 31 , 1991 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT In the postwar e r a , t h e r e has been a change in the nature of the B r i t i s h C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y caused by the a d o p t i o n of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l ideas a n t i t h e t i c a l to i t s p r i n c i p l e s . T h i s t r e n d r a p i d l y a c c e l e r a t e d d u r i n g the l e a d e r s h i p of the P a r t y by Margaret Thatcher who appeared o b l i v i o u s to the fundamental i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of l i b e r a l i s m and c o n s e r v a t i s m . She attempted to weld them t o g e t h e r in her economic and s o c i a l p o l i c i e s c r e a t i n g s t r o n g i n t e r n a l t e n s i o n s w i t h i n what was dubbed "Thatcher ism". T h i s c l a s h became more pronounced as her r e i g n as B r i t i s h Prime M i n i s t e r c o n t i n u e d and was p a r t of the reason f o r her e v e n t u a l d o w n f a l l at the hands of her own p a r t y . To i l l u s t r a t e the c o n v e r s i o n of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y to a more l i b e r a l s t a n d p o i n t we w i l l c o n s i d e r two modern day p o l i t i c a l t h i n K e r s and the p o p u l a r i t y of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . T h i s approach i s taken because t h e i r p h i l o s p h i e s p a r a l l e l the t h i n K i n g of the postwar C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y b e f o r e Thatcher and under T h a t c h e r ' s l e a d e r s h i p . Michael OaKeshott, who f i t s i n t o the c o n s e r v a t i v e t r a d i t i o n and F r i e d r i c h HayeK, uho embodies l i b e r a l i s m . OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y i s in sharp c o n t r a s t at important p o i n t s to the ideas of HayeK, a s e l f - c o n f e s s e d and proud l i b e r a l , whose ideas n e v e r t h e l e s s found f a v o u r w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y w h i l e many i n t e g r a l p a r t s of c o n s e r v a t i s m , of which OaKeshott i s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , were pushed a s i d e . The s t r i d e n c y and harshness with which Thatcher preached the d o c t r i n e of economic l i b e r a l i s m and i d e o l o g y and a l s o t r i e d to r e t a i n c e r t a i n c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l s such a s , a u t h o r i t y , i i n a t i o n a l i s m and m i l i t a r i s m c o n s t i t u t e d a s e r i o u s and damaging t e n s i o n w i t h i n her programme as w e l l as demonstrating the depth o-f the change t h a t had o c c u r r e d in the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . T h i s t h e s i s seeks to p o i n t out these changes and i l l u s t r a t e the adverse e-f-fects caused by a t t e m p t i n g to t u r n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n t o a promoter of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y and thereby p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n the i n c r e a s i n g s h a x i n e s s o-f Thatcher ism in the 1980's. Even though i t s l e a d e r never l o s t -faith in i t s c o n v i c t i o n s or her d e t e r m i n a t i o n to t r a n s l a t e them i n t o c o n c r e t e p o 1 i c i e s . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT. , i i -\ ' TABLE OF CONTENTS iv i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i CHAPTER 1 1 PRELUDE TO THATCHER ISM HISTORIC BACKGROUND OF CONSERVATISM THE IDEOLOGY, BELIEFS AND FORMATION OF THATCHER ISM VICTORIAN VALUES ATHUORITY AND LIBERTY THE RESULTS OF THATCHER ITE IDEOLOGY 2. INTRODUCTION 33 FREEDOM SPONTANEOUS ORDER THE RULE OF LAW EQUALITY AND INDIVIDUALISM DEMOCRACY THE FATE OF ENGLAND 3. INTRODUCTION 55 RATIONALISM OAKESHOTT'S POSITION IN CONSERVATISM THE RULE OF LAW CIVIL ASSOCIATION CHANGE THE ROLE OF POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY 4. CONCLUSIONS 30 i v SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would LiKe to express my thanKs and a p p r e c i a t i o n "to Dr. Les Jacobs and Dr. Robert JacKson f o r the guidance they have gi v e n me on t h i s t h e s i s . The s u g g e s t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m s o f f e r e d were i n s t r u m e n t a l in p r o v i d i n g me with a b e t t e r p e r s p e c t i v e on the uorK and in a c h i e v i n g i t s c o m p l e t i o n . I would a l s o 1 iKe to. thanK George Joseph who d i d a l l the t y p i n g f o r me, o f t e n on very s h o r t n o t i c e . v i CHAPTER 1 When Margaret Thatcher stepped down as Prime M i n i s t e r of Great B r i t a i n in November 1990 because of the lacK of support and c o n f i d e n c e of the members of her p a r t y , i t s i g n i f i e d a change in the d i r e c t i o n Jf the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y and the c o u n t r y . Perhaps i t can be s a i d t h a t her d e f e a t and the b a c k l a s h a g a i n s t her p o l i c i e s , most n o t a b l y the p o l l tax and her r e s i s t a n c e to B r i t a i n ' s more complete i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the EEC, was at l e a s t a p a r t i a l consequence of the fundamental i n c o n g r u i t i e s and t e n s i o n s w i t h i n her p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y . The main c o n t e n t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t the p o l i c i e s and r h e t o r i c of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y changed d r a m a t i c a l l y in the postwar p e r i o d in response to what was p e r c e i v e d to be the f a i l u r e of Keynesian s o c i a l democracy to f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y and s u c c e s s f u l l y . The f o c u s s h i f t e d from t r y i n g to manage the economy in a t e c h n o c r a t i c , i m p a r t i a l manner in which consensus and harmony were the Keynotes, to b i t t e r i d e o l o g i c a l p o l a r i z a t i o n between the Labour and C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t i e s in the 1970's and 80's, with each s i d e promoting i t ' s own views as the s o l u t i o n to B r i t a i n ' s economic d e c l i n e . Under Margaret Thatcher the n e o - 1 i b e r a l i s m of the p o l i t i c a l r i g h t became dominant w i t h i n the P a r t y and those members who d i d not b e l i e v e in the T h a t c h e r i t e v i s i o n of B r i t a i n ' s f u t u r e o f t e n o f f e r e d no r e s i s t a n c e because 1 they wanted to g a i n or m a i n t a i n p o s i t i o n s of power and a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the government and the P a r t y . However, t h e r e was a problem with the ascendancy of the new h a r d l i n e r i g h t w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y as i s i n d i c a t e d by the name " n e o - 1 i b e r a l i s m " . What Thatcher t r i e d to do was to f u s e the d o c t r i n e of c l a s s i c a l marKet l i b e r a l i s m with t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m . I b e l i e v e such an attempted f u s i o n was unwise because l i b e r a l i s m and c o n s e r v a t i s m are p o l a r o p p o s i t e s in t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s , f o r example, the l i b e r a l b e l i e f in the overwhelming importance of freedom i s h o s t i l e to the c o n s e r v a t i v e emphasis on a u t h o r i t y and t r a d i t i o n . Perhaps the c h i e f d i f f e r e n c e s e p a r a t i n g the two i s t h a t l i b e r a l i s m i s a s t r o n g l y i d e o l o g i c a l d o c t r i n e while c o n s e r v a t i s m i s n o t a b l e f o r i t s ' emphasis on pragmatism and f o r i t s ' a v e r s i o n to i d e o l o g y . The consequence of these c o n t r a d i c t o r y g o a l s appears to me to have o n l y aggravated the worsening p o l i t i c a l and economic s i t u a t i o n of B r i t a i n , r e n d e r i n g i t more d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a v i a b l e s o l u t i o n . The change in the nature of the Conservat ive P a r t y was f i r s t apparent in c o n s e r v a t i v e thought where t h i s unusual combination of c o n s e r v a t i s m and l i b e r a l i s m was f o r m u l a t e d . K e i t h J o s e p h , T h a t c h e r ' s i d e o l o g i c a l mentor, who was p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r her c o n v e r s i o n to n e o - 1 i b e r a l i s m and monetarism, c r y s t a l l i z e d many of the sentiments and ideas she was drawn towards. It was Joseph's i n f l u e n c e and support t h a t h e l p e d to g i v e her the d e t e r m i n a t i o n to propose and implement her p o l i c i e s . My t h e s i s i s concerned with e x p l o r i n g the magnitude of the changes the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has undergone in the postwar e r a in i t s t h i n k i n g and i t s p o l i c i e s and l i n k i n g these changes in nature to the P a r t y ' s adoption of some of the t e n e t s of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m . A harmonious c o - e x i s t e n c e between l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y and c o n s e r v a t i s m w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y was attempted and many c o n s e r v a t i v e s , such as T h a t c h e r , d i d not see any c o n f l i c t between these two p h i l o s o p h i e s . However, c o n s e r v a t i s m and l i b e r a l i s m have d i f f e r e n t g o a l s and a t t i t u d e s c o n c e r n i n g p o l i t i c s and s o c i e t y which are o f t e n at odds with each o t h e r . T h e r e f o r e , my f i r s t c h a p t e r i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with s e t t i n g out what I b e l i e v e to t y p i f y the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m which was dominant p r i o r to Thatcher ism and the b a s i c elements of the new c o n s e r v a t i s m of which Thatcher was an exponent. By examining the d i f f e r e n c e s between l i b e r a l i s m and c o n s e r v a t i s m we can see the t e n s i o n s t h a t e x i s t e d w i t h i n T h a t c h e r i s m and o f t e n prevented the achievement of i t s s t a t e d g o a l s or aims, to the de t r i m e n t of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . T h i s j u x t a p o s i t i o n of l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e ideas permeated the Thatcher y e a r s and was a p p a r e n t , f o r example, when the government s a i d i t was deeply committed to freedom and t h a t freedom was the b a s i s of i t s ' p o l i c i e s ( p r e v i o u s l y , freedom had not been a common C o n s e r v a t i v e c o n c e r n ) . However, in r e a l i t y the government was q u i t e a u t h o r i t a r i a n , a u t o c r a t i c and w i l l i n g to e l i m i n a t e the freedom of i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s i t saw as undermining i t s ' a m b i t i o n s . The second and t h i r d c h a p t e r s of my t h e s i s i n v o l v e l o o k i n g at two modern day p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r s who have been a s s o c i a t e d with both c o n s e r v a t i s m and the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , in an e f f o r t to underscore the ex t e n t of the changes the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has e x p e r i e n c e d in a very s h o r t time p e r i o d . Michael OaKeshott has more in common with the t r a d i t i o n a l brands of c o n s e r v a t i s m and F r i e d r i c h HayeK with T h a t c h e r ' s type of c o n s e r v a t i s m . HayeK i s in r e a l i t y a l i b e r a l and h i s a d o p t i o n by the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y under the i n f l u e n c e of Thatcher i l l u s t r a t e s the e x t e n t to which the marriage of c o n s e r v a t i v e and l i b e r a l p h i l o s o p h y was t a k e n . OaKeshott, on the o t h e r hand, f i t s more r e a d i l y i n t o c o n s e r v a t i s m as i t has been h i s t o r i c a l l y p e r c e i v e d . HayeK's p o p u l a r i t y and approval by the proponents of Thatcher ism i n d i c a t e s the degree to which the T h a t c h e r i t e view of c o n s e r v a t i s m d e v i a t e s from i t s r o o t s and the extremes the P a r t y has gone to in o r d e r to r e v e r s e the economic d e c l i n e of B r i t a i n . I am l o o k i n g to OaKeshott and HayeK's p h i l o s o p h i e s to p r o v i d e a p a r a l l e l to the t r a n s i t i o n the P a r t y has undergone and to shed some l i g h t on the p o s i t i o n s espoused d u r i n g the Thatcher e r a and how they d i f f e r e d from i t s ' past s t a n c e s . T h e r e f o r e , I want to make i t c l e a r t h a t I am not p r o p o s i n g t h a t e i t h e r OaKeshott or HayeK a d v i s e d Mrs. Thatcher or the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y on matters of p o l i c y or c o r r e c t p a r t y p r i n c i p l e s , s i n c e t h i s i s o b v i o u s l y not the c a s e . Only t h a t t h e i r thought has been a s s o c i a t e d in some r e l e v a n t ways with c o n s e r v a t i s m and the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . OaKeshott and HayeK's w r i t i n g s d i f f e r from each o t h e r in important a s p e c t s with one l e a n i n g h e a v i l y towards l i b e r a l i s m and the o t h e r towards c o n s e r v a t i s m and c o n s e q u e n t l y , I have r e l i e d upon them to i l l u s t r a t e some of the major s h i f t s in the P a r t y ' s p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g between the p r e - T h a t c h e r and the Thatcher p e r i o d s of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . B e a r i n g in mind t h a t 5 •there i s some o v e r l a p between the ideas o-f the two t h i n k e r s , I b e l i e v e t h e i r w r i t i n g s and ideas can be p r o f i t a b l y u t i l i z e d as a method of p o i n t i n g out these changes. I have i d e n t i f i e d OaKeshott with a s t y l e of c o n s e r v a t i s m t h a t had been common in the P a r t y p r i o r to the advent of T h a t c h e r i s m ; in t h i s c o n s e r v a t i s m , s k e p t i c i s m , a n t i - i d e o 1 o g y and pragmatism were h e l d in high esteem. His p h i l o s o p h y e l a b o r a t e s on the m e r i t s of such concepts and the dangers of ones he b e i i e v e s are c o n t r a r y to these c o n s e r v a t i v e v a l u e s , f o r example, i d e o l o g y , r a t i o n a l i s m , l i b e r a l i s m and even democracy. It s h o u l d be Kept in mind, however, t h a t OaKeshott does not embody or espouse every idea or v a l u e t h a t has been a s s o c i a t e d with e i t h e r c o n s e r v a t i s m or the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . Such a t o t a l alignment would not be p o s s i b l e f o r two main r e a s o n s . F i r s t l y , because the P a r t y does not t r y and never has t r i e d to conform to a r i g i d s e t of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T h i s i s something t h a t has been more p r e v a l e n t in p a r t i e s founded upon a c l e a r s e t of p r i n c i p l e s . The Labour P a r t y c o r r e s p o n d s more c l o s e l y to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n , whereas, the C o n s e r v a t i v e s found t h i s approach an anathema and have p u r p o s e l y been a n t i - i d e o l o g i c a l and pragmatic in r e a c t i o n to the i d e o l o g i c a l nature of both l i b e r a l i s m and s o c i a l i s m . C o n s e r v a t i v e s viewed i d e o l o g y as d e s t r u c t i v e and s i m p l i s t i c and the r e s u l t has been t h a t a wide v a r i e t y of p o s i t i o n s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been encompassed w i t h i n the P a r t y . T h e r e f o r e , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a s e t number of s t a n d a r d f e a t u r e s to which C o n s e r v a t i v e s and c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n K e r s conform. It was q u i t e commonplace to say t h a t the C o n s e r v a t i v e 6 P a r t y was more e a s i l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d by what i t was a g a i n s t than what i t was f o r in p o l i t i c s . As a r e s u l t , the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y does not have c e r t a i n Known and e x p l i c i t t e n e t s and t h i s makes i t i m p o s s i b l e to have a wholly c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n K e r . As OaKeshott h i m s e l f has s a i d , i t i s not s p e c i f i c b e l i e f s about the world or s o c i e t y t h a t i d e n t i f y someone as c o n s e r v a t i v e but r a t h e r t h e i r d i s p o s i t o n . 1 The second reason t h a t OaKeshott cannot f a l l p e r f e c t l y in l i n e with c o n s e r v a t i s m i s t h a t he has a q u i t e pronounced s i d e to h i s thought t h a t c a r r i e s elements of l i b e r a l i s m . H i s advocacy of a f r e e marKet economy, the r u l e of law and h i s s t r e s s on a concept of freedom are common l i b e r a l s e n t iments he s u p p o r t s . However, I don't t h i n K t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s any grave problems in r e l y i n g on OaKeshott to i l l u s t r a t e c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n K i n g p r i o r to the 1970's. I b e l i e v e problems r a i s e d c o n c e r n i n g OaKeshott's l i b e r a l i s m are surmountable because the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y does not have a d i s t i n c t c h a r a c t e r and because of OaKeshott's own b e l i e f s t h a t a person does not have to s u b s c r i b e to c e r t a i n b e l i e f s to be c o n s i d e r e d c o n s e r v a t i v e . To OaKeshott, such a view of matters would mean t h a t c o n s e r v a t i s m and the P a r t y had become r a t i o n a l i s t and i d e o l o g i c a l and no d i f f e r e n t from a l l the othe r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . These o b s e r v a t i o n s about OaKeshott are a l s o a p p l i c a b l e to HayeK because he i s not a paradigm l i b e r a l a l t h o u g h , t h i s d i s c r e p a n c y i s not as pronounced as i t i s in OaKeshott. HayeK has a c o n s e r v a t i v e s t r a i n t h a t s u r f a c e s in h i s w r i t i n g s . In f a c t , when he d i s c u s s e s Knowledge and h i s view t h a t not a l l Knowledge i s e x p l i c i t or can be w r i t t e n down but t h a t Knowledge i s d i v i d e d 7 i n t o two r e a l m s , h i s thought p a r a l l e l s OaKeshott's t h e o r y of Knowledge. HayeK's u n d e r s t a n d i n g o-f Knowledge a l s o leads him to defend the v a l u e and worth of t r a d i t i o n s which i s something t h a t had been prominent in the h i s t o r y of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . HayeK's p o s i t i o n on Knowledge and t r a d i t i o n s i s summarized below by S h i r l e y Robin L e t w i n . Any u n d e r s t a n d i n g , whether of p o l i t i c s or of s c i e n c e depends on a fund of h a b i t s , c o n v e n t i o n s , languages, and moral b e l i e f s - what HayeK c a l l s " u n a r t i c u 1 a t e d r u l e s " do not s p r i n g f u l l - b l o w n from t h i s or t h a t man's head, but fo r m u l a t e an u n d e r s t a n d i n g which a l r e a d y e x i s t s and which w i l l c o n t i n u e to g i v e to what has been s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y p a r t i c u l a t e d . HayeK's r e g a r d f o r customs and c o n v e n t i o n s a l t h o u g h i t i s not without q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , in a d d i t i o n to h i s theo r y t h a t c i v i l i z a t i o n was the r e s u l t of human a c t i o n but not d e s i g n (an attacK on s o c i a l i s m and the f a i t h in man's reason) lends HayeK's l i b e r a l i s m a c o n s e r v a t i v e a u r a . A l t h o u g h , OaKeshott i s a b e t t e r exemplar of t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m than HayeK, t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m a l s o f a i l e d to r e v e r s e or improve B r i t a i n ' s economic s i t u a t i o n which i s one of the reasons why Thatcher ism arose and was so h o s t i l e towards t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m . To understand why the n e o - 1 i b e r a l i s m of Thatcher was a b l e to get such a f i r m f o o t h o l d in B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s in the l a t e 1976's, a b r i e f s y n o p s i s of post World War II p o l i t i c s and economics w i l l be sketch e d o u t . PRELUDE TO THATCHER ISM <THE DEMISE OF KEYNES IAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY) The wartime e x p e r i e n c e had a tremendous moral and mental impact on England as a whole and i t u n i f i e d the n a t i o n in a new way. The s u c c e s s of the c o a l i t i o n government in p u t t i n g a s i d e p a r t i s a n d i f f e r e n c e s and c o n c e n t r a t i n g a l l t h e i r e n e r g i e s on v i c t o r y and m o b i l i z i n g economic r e s o u r c e s proved t h a t the s t a t e c o u l d have a b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t on the economy and d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y have to be an e v i l t h a t s h o u l d be Kept as l i m i t e d as p o s s i b l e and not allowed to i n t e r f e r e in the economic sphere of l i f e . The war was a l s o a t u r n i n g p o i n t because i t had a l e v e l l i n g e f f e c t on the p o p u l a t i o n . The t h r e a t of d e f e a t and the d e s i r e to save the n a t i o n made c i t i z e n s from a l l c l a s s e s and ways of l i f e seem equal to one an o t h e r . And with the A l l i e d v i c t o r y i n 1945 the s a c r i f i c e s t h a t had been r e q u i r e d of the n a t i o n had to be r e p a i d . The p u b l i c would not accept a r e t u r n to the o l d way of l i f e as i t had a f t e r World War I and i t was from t h i s s i t u a t i o n t h a t the w e l f a r e s t a t e s p r a n g . It was an attempt to promote g r e a t e r e q u a l i t y among i t s c i t i z e n s , not j u s t e q u a l i t y of economic o p p o r t u n i t y but e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n as espoused by t h i n K e r s 1iKe R.H. Tawney. The w e l f a r e s t a t e promised and seemed to d e l i v e r t h i s through u n i v e r s a l medical c a r e , e d u c a t i o n , p r o t e c t i o n from unemployment and the p r o v i s i o n f o r the needs of o l d age. The nature and i n v e n t i o n of the B r i t i s h w e l f a r e s t a t e owed much to the economist John Keynes. The fundamental p r i n c i p l e of Keynesian economic theory was to s o l v e the problem of unemployment by demand management. During the p e r i o d from 1945 to the mid 1970's, i t was common to thinK of the economy as 3 something which was aK in to the running o-f a b u s i n e s s c o r p o r a t i o n . T e c h n i c a l s K i i l s were what was needed in government, and p o l i t i c a l d i-f-f e rences and i d e o l o g y were thought by many to be i r r e l e v a n t . The mainstream o-f the Labour and C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t i e s appeared to have more in common than they had ever had in the past and both had accepted the w e l f a r e s t a t e and Keynesian economics. The s t r e s s was on economic growth and p r o g r e s s and the maintenance of f u l l employment. However, B r i t a i n was not as s u c c e s s f u l as i t had wished in a c h i e v i n g growth r a t e s and Keeping e c o n o m i c a l l y c o m p e t i t i v e with o t h e r Western c o u n t r i e s . Most Western n a t i o n s were s u r p a s s i n g B r i t a i n and indeed, the U.S. and Germany had done so s i n c e the b e g i n n i n g of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . Problems with imposing incomes p o l i c i e s on unions and f e a r s of b e i n g trapped in the "stop-go" economic c y c l e became more p r e v a l e n t . In combination with the onset of the r e c e s s i o n of the 1370's, the o i l c r i s i s , r i s i n g i n f l a t i o n and the i n c r e a s i n g u n c o n t r o 1 1 a b i 1 i t y of the u n i o n s , the f o u n d a t i o n s of K e y n e s i a n i s m s t a r t e d to crumble. In response to t h i s p redicament, i d e o l o g i c a l p o l i t i c s r e s u r f a c e d . S i n c e B r i t a i n ' s economic s i t u a t i o n had d e t e r i o r a t e d under K e y n e s i a n i s m i t appeared l o g i c a l to members of the p o l i t i c a l l e f t and r i g h t t h a t the "middle way" was u n v i a b l e and t h e r e f o r e , a new p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y was needed. On the l e f t , i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t Keynesian economics had not gone f a r enough and t h a t t r u e s o c i a l i s m would p r o v i d e the answer. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the r a d i c a l l e f t w i t h i n the Labour P a r t y become much more pronounced and v o c a l . C o n v e r s e l y , on the r i g h t , the c o l l a p s e of K e y n e s i a n i s m was seen as a b s o l u t e p r o o f t h a t s o c i a l i s m in any g u i s e d i d not worK. They argued t h a t s o c i a l i s m was undermining the B r i t i s h economy as w e l l as l i m i t i n g the r i g h t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s of i t s ' c i t i z e n s . Freedom and l i b e r t y had become v i c t i m s of " c r e e p i n g s o c i a l i s m " . What uas d e s p e r a t e l y needed was a r e t u r n to the c o m p e t i t i v e f r e e market and a r a d i c a l d i m i n u t i o n of s t a t e power. N e i t h e r the a n a l y s i s of the r i g h t , nor t h a t of the l e f t of the f a i l u r e of K e y n e s i a n i s m are n e c e s s a r i l y c o r r e c t . K e ynesianism sho u l d not bear the brunt of the c r i t i c i s m f o r B r i t a i n ' s damaged economy. It i s common Knowledge t h a t B r i t a i n ' s d e c l i n e began in the l a t e 1808's and t h a t w h i l e K e y n e s i a n i s m may not have t u r n e d the c o u n t r y around, i t was not the cause of i t s woes. W r i t e r s 1iKe David Marquand o f f e r a more r e a l i s t i c e x p l a n a t i o n of the causes of the f a i l u r e of Keynesian economics. S p e c i f i c a l l y , in Marquand's booK, The Unor ir>c i o l e d Soc i e t v . the problem i s p i n p o i n t e d as a d i s p a r i t y between d o c t r i n e and r e a l i t y in both the government and the b u s i n e s s and i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s of England. Because England had been the l e a d e r and i n n o v a t o r of the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n and i t had in the e a r l y phase an unquestioned dominance over most a s p e c t s of i n d u s t r y and t r a d e , i t c o u l d a f f o r d to preach the d o c t r i n e of the f r e e marKet and the importance of the the s o v e r e i g n i n d i v i d u a l to the marKet. But, as time p a s s e d , other c o u n t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Germany and the U.S., overtooK B r i t a i n and e v e n t u a l l y many B r i t i s h p r o d u c t s and p r e v i o u s i n n o v a t i o n s became outdated and o b s e l e t e . Marquand's a n a l y s i s i s very u s e f u l here because he r e v e a l s t h a t B r i t a i n d e a l t with t h i s change in i t s c i r c u m s t a n c e s by 11 b a s i c a l l y b u r y i n g i t s head in the sand and re-fusing to abandon i t s l i b e r a l i n d i v i d u a l i s t view o-f s o c i e t y and -follow the s u c c e s s f u l examples of Germany and the U.S. in u s i n g the s t a t e as a method of d i r e c t i n g the economy towards c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s and to encourage r e s e a r c h and development to produce f u r t h e r i n n o v a t i o n s . It was r e l u c t a n t to adopt t a r i f f b a r r i e r s to p r o t e c t i t s * v u l n e r a b l e i n d u s t r i e s because t h i s seemed to be a r e p u d i a t i o n of what B r i t a i n had s t o o d f o r and an admission t h a t i t was no longer a powerful empire. B r i t a i n a l s o r e f u s e d to accept i t s change in s t a t u s to a second r a t e power. Marquand's b a s i c , and I t h i n k c o r r e c t c o n t e n t i o n , i s t h a t n e i t h e r neo-1 i b e r a l ism nor n e o - s o c i a l i s m address the t r u e nature of B r i t a i n ' s poor economic c o n d i t i o n and i n s t e a d c o n s t i t u t e u n h e l p f u l e v a s i o n s . The h u m i l i a t i o n of the C a l l a g h a n government d u r i n g the 1978-79 "Winter of D i s c o n t e n t " (when a s e r i e s of s t r i k e s by p u b l i c s e r v i c e unions broke out over the attempt by the government to impose f u r t h e r incomes p o l i c i e s ) caused s e v e r e damage to Labour's c l a i m to be the best equipped p a r t y to run the c o u n t r y . The u n i o n s , who were Labour's t r a d i t i o n a l base of support and a l l i e s , were no longer even t r y i n g to work in c o n c e r t with the government f o r the p u b l i c good. The C o n s e r v a t i v e s , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r neo-1 i b e r a l leader- Margaret T h a t c h e r , d i d not h e s i t a t e to take advantage of t h i s s t a t e of a f f a i r s . T h i s paper f o c u s e s on the b e l i e f s and r h e t o r i c the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y under Thatcher had employed to j u s t i f y i t s ' 1 i b e r a l - o r i e n t e d p o l i c i e s and how t h i s i s a s i g n i f i c a n t change in •the n a t u r e of c o n s e r v a t i s m which has a f f e c t e d the P a r t y . However, these changes are u n l i K e l y to r e v e r s e B r i t a i n ' s economic downturn . THE HISTORIC BACKGROUND OF CONSERVATISM To comprehend the d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r of c o n s e r v a t i s m d u r i n g the Thatcher p e r i o d we must get an overview of i t s ' t r a d i t i o n a l f e a t u r e s and some of i t s h i s t o r i c a l background and c o n t e x t . The p h i l o s o p h y and p r a c t i c e of c o n s e r v a t i s m began to take a f i r m shape as a r e a c t i o n to the French R e v o l u t i o n . The r a p i d changes t h a t had o c c u r r e d d e s t r o y i n g t r a d i t i o n a l French s o c i e t y were c o n s i d e r e d with f e a r by important s e c t i o n s of B r i t i s h s o c i e t y . As F r e d e r i c k Ulatkins d e s c r i b e s i t , these people s t a r t e d to r a l l y around t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h i d e a l s which b u t t r e s s e d and supported the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y . T h i s movement congealed i n t o c o n s e r v a t i s m which c o n s c i o u s l y put i t s e l f in o p p o s i t i o n to the l i b e r a l i s m of the R e v o l u t i o n . It a l s o c l a i m e d to have the v i r t u e of being a b l e to d i s t i n g u i s h r e a l i t y from t h e o r y and i d e o l o g y . And t h e r e f o r e , not s u b j e c t to what they b e l i e v e d to be the misguided and dangerous f a n t a s i e s t h a t had p r o p e l l e d the French R e v o l u t i o n and o t h e r emerging i d e o l o g i e s . From the h i s t o r i c c i r c u m s t a n c e s of c o n s e r v a t i s m ' s emergence came c e r t a i n key concepts and ideas t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h c o n s e r v a t i s m as c o n s e r v a t i s m . I w i l l s e t out what I b e l i e v e these f e a t u r e s c o n s i s t o f , f o l l o w i n g the approach of Michael Freeden and h i s " c l u s t e r c o n c e p t " . Foremost among these f e a t u r e s , i s t h a t c o n s e r v a t i s m has always t r i e d to p r e s e n t i t s e l f as an a n t i - i d e o 1 o g y in o p p o s i t i o n to an i d e o l o g y . As p a r t of the r e a c t i o n to the French R e v o l u t i o n which c o n s e r v a t i v e s b e l i e v e d was f u e l l e d by i d e o l o g y , they have t r i e d to Keep away from f o r m u l a t i n g a s e t code of ideas c o n c e r n i n g man and s o c i e t y . A c c o r d i n g to c o n s e r v a t i v e s , t h i s p o s t u r e has allowed c o n s e r v a t i s m to remain f l u i d and adapt and change to meet the needs of the n a t i o n and f o s t e r i t s growth. Other p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are accused of p u t t i n g t h e i r own narrow and s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d needs above those of the c o u n t r y as a whole and m a i n t a i n i n g an i n f l e x i b l e adherence to i d e o l o g y . The r o l e i d e o l o g y has in o t h e r major p a r t i e s i s seen as i n t r i n s i c to them, a p a r t of t h e i r nature which they cannot escape because they are based upon d e f i n i t e aims and g o a l s . Ian G i l m o u r , uses a h e l p f u l analogy to e x p l a i n the nature of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y which a l s o a p p l i e s to c o n s e r v a t i s m in g e n e r a l . The Tory P a r t y i s more 1iKe an a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s i t e on which s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n s have l e f t l a y e r upon l a y e r of s t r u c t u r e and remains each l a y e r being d i f f e r e n t from the o t h e r s , but having c e r t a i n common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s imposed upon i t by the geography and topography of the s i t e . 4 C l o s e l y r e l a t e d to c o n s e r v a t i s m ' s a n t i - i d e o l o g y i s i t s emphasis on p r a c t i c e and not t h e o r y , in the hope of being a b l e to b e t t e r deal with r e a l i t y . C o n s e r v a t i s m c l a i m s to want to understand the world as i t i s , not as they or o t h e r s wish i t to be. T h e i r avoidance of a b s t r a c t i o n and i d e o l o g y i s intended to a l l o w them to a s s e s s the s i t u a t i o n more a c c u r a t e l y * they b e l i e v e they are then b e t t e r p o s i t i o n e d than other p a r t i e s to adapt to changing c i r c u m s t a n c e s and t h e r e - f o r e , to allow -for the gradual piecemeal improvement o-f s o c i e t y . The a t t i t u d e of t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m towards change in g e n e r a l i s s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by i t s p o s i t i o n on p r a c t i c e and r e a l i t y . T h e i r r e a s o n i n g d i c t a t e s t h a t only s m a l l w e l l - c o n s i d e r e d improvements to s o c i e t y brought about through the 1 e g a l / j u d i c i a l p r o c e s s are b e n e f i c i a l . R a d i c a l and l a r g e - s c a l e changes such as those e v i d e n t in r e v o l u t i o n s are d e s t i n e d to f a i l and a l s o leave s o c i e t y in a w orse-off p o s i t i o n than b e f o r e because the changes they impose do not c o r r e s p o n d to the r e a l i t y of s o c i e t y but r a t h e r how they wish s o c i e t y and mankind to be. The d e c i s i o n by the s t a t e to embark upon a change in the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y s h o u l d o n l y be contemplated a f t e r the t r a d i t i o n a l methods and i n s t i t u t i o n s have f a i l e d . Oakeshott i s a good example of a c o n s e r v a t i v e who espouses t h i s a t t i t u d e to change and he has o f t e n c o n t r a s t e d i t with r e v o l u t i o n a r y change. Oakeshott would concur with N i s b e t ' s f o l l o w i n g assessment of the p i t f a l l s of change. What Burke and h i s s u c c e s s o r s have fought i s what he c a l l e d 'the s p i r i t of i n n o v a t i o n ' ; t h a t i s the i d l e worship of change f o r i t s own s a k e . 5 In one h i s s p e e ches, D i s r a e l i , o f t e n p o i n t e d to by c o n s e r v a t i v e s as an e x c e l l e n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of c o n s e r v a t i v e t r a d i t i o n , g i v e s a c l e a r e x p o s i t i o n of the c o r r e c t and i n c o r r e c t way to approach change. In a p r o g r e s s i v e c o u n t r y change i s c o n s t a n t and the g r e a t 1 5 q u e s t i o n i s not whether you s h o u l d r e s i s t change which i s i n e v i t a b l e , but whether t h a t change s h o u l d be c a r r i e d out in d e f e r e n c e to the manners, the customs, the laws and the t r a d i t i o n s of a people or whether i t s h o u l d be c a r r i e d out in d e f e r e n c e to a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e and a r b i t r a r y and g e n e r a l d o c t r i n e s . 6 The type of change f a v o u r e d by c o n s e r v a t i v e s p o i n t s to the high v a l u e p l a c e d on s t a b i l i t y and order in s o c i e t y . A major reason why t h e r e i s the p r e f e r e n c e f o r s t a b i l i t y and slow gradual change i s t o m a i n t a i n the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y and t h i s d e s i r e f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of s o c i e t y stems mainly from s e l f - i n t e r e s t . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has been composed of men of wealth and p r o p e r t y who have a l s o r u l e d the n a t i o n . The ideas d i s s e m i n a t e d d u r i n g the French R e v o l u t i o n were a t h r e a t to t h e i r power and way of l i f e and the c l e a r f o r m u l a t i o n of c o n s e r v a t i s m was a d e f e n s i v e manoeuvre to p r o t e c t t h e m s e l v e s . Another id e a common to c o n s e r v a t i s m i s the n o t i o n of the o r g a n i c s o c i e t y . The c o n c e p t i o n of s o c i e t y as an o r g a n i c e n t i t y s i m i l a r to a l i v i n g organism, s t r e n g t h e n s the idea of a h i e r a r c h y in s o c i a l l i f e and i s a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the wide d i f f e r e n c e s of wealth and s t a n d a r d s of l i v i n g in a n a t i o n . LiKe an organism which has d i f f e r e n t p a r t s to p e r f o r m d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n s , a n a t u r a l h i e r a r c h y o c c u r s in s o c i e t y which g i v e s o r d e r to l i f e by g i v i n g every person a c e r t a i n r o l e and p l a c e in t h a t s o c i e t y . The promotion of h i e r a r c h y i s important in c o n s e r v a t i s m because i t p r e s e r v e s the s t a t u s quo, as does the i n s t i t u t i o n of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . The e x i s t e n c e of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y g e n e r a l l y means t h a t t h e r e w i l l be q u i t e l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e s in the amount of p r o p e r t y 16 i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s p o s s e s s . Those uho have g r e a t e r amounts of p r o p e r t y a l s o have g r e a t e r power and i n f l u e n c e which r e i n f o r c e s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n s o c i e t y . C o n s e r v a t i s m 1iKes to propose t h a t p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y a c t s as a s t a b i l i z e r in s o c i e t y and t h a t i t promotes i n d i v i d u a l freedom. Those with g r e a t e r w e a l t h , of c o u r s e , have many more c h o i c e s and freedom than o t h e r c i t i z e n s which i s uhy c o n s e r v a t i v e s f i n d i t a t t r a c t i v e . However, they tend to argue t h a t i t enhances the freedom of a l l because everyone has at l e a s t the chance of amassing g r e a t e r p r o p e r t y and u e a l t h , t hereby i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s . By employing r e a s o n i n g 1iKe t h i s c o n s e r v a t i s m t r i e s to combine some element of freedom with i t s main concerns of a u t h o r i t y and s t a b i l i t y . I m p l i c i t in c o n s e r v a t i v e thought i s t h a t g r e a t e r freedom in s o c i e t y a c c r u e s to those at the top end of s o c i e t y . Not u n t i l T h a t c h e r i s m was i t s e r i o u s l y put forward t h a t c o n s e r v a t i s m meant equal freedom f o r a l l as w e l l as a u t h o r i t y . C o n s e r v a t i s m has t r i e d to maKe the p o l i t i c a l and economic i n e q u a l i t i e s i t embodies more p a l a t a b l e with the concept of "noblesse o b l i g e " , the idea t h a t the wealthy have d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r o t h e r s l e s s f o r t u n a t e than t h e m s e l v e s . T h i s p a t e r n a l , c o l l e c t i v i s t s i d e of c o n s e r v a t i s m which m a n i f e s t e d i t s e l f in the p r o t e c t i o n of the lower c l a s s e s , underwent a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n in the l a t e 19th and 20th c e n t u r i e s to adapt to a new f o r m a t i o n of s o c i e t y . A s t r o n g e r more p o s i t i v e r o l e f o r the s t a t e was e n u n c i a t e d to compensate f o r the d e c l i n e in power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the landed a r i s t o c r a c y , which had been in l a r g e p a r t d i s p l a c e d by the new commercial c l a s s of the I n d u s t r i a l Revo 1ut ion . Even though c o n s e r v a t i s m i s not opposed to a s t r o n g s t a t e they t r y t o m i t i g a t e the s t a t e ' s o p p o r t u n i t y -for abuse o-f i t s power by -favouring a l i m i t e d s t a t e in a d d i t i o n to a d e c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e and independent l o c a l governments. There i s a concern in c o n s e r v a t i v e l i t e r a t u r e and thought to m a i n t a i n the d i v i d i n g l i n e between the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e spheres o-f l i f e . The s t a t e s h o u l d be supreme in the p u b l i c sphere but i t sho u l d not be allo w e d t o o v e r s t e p i t s bounds. A s t r o n g s t a t e which upholds the r u l e of law and c a r r i e s out i t s l e g i t i m a t e f u n c t i o n s and ma i n t a i n s the r i g h t s of i t s c i t i z e n s but at the same time l e t s the p r i v a t e sphere and s o c i e t y develop to i t s f u l l e s t p o t e n t i a l i s the c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l . One way of p r o t e c t i n g s o c i e t y from o v e r b e a r i n g s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n s i s the e x i s t e n c e of a m u l t i t u d e of d i v e r s e and v i g o r o u s p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t can act as both a b u f f e r and a 1inK between c i t i z e n s and the s t a t e . The a d m i r a t i o n of v a r i e t y and d i v e r s i t y in s o c i e t y i s m i r r o r e d by a c o r r e s p o n d i n g d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n c o n s e r v a t i v e thought. There are a c o n s i d e r a b l e number of p o s i t i o n s and s t r a i n s w i t h i n c o n s e r v a t i s m i t s e l f and t h i s f i t s in with i t s p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t i t i s an a n t i - i d e o 1 o g y J being an id e o l o g y would e n t a i l a s t r i c t adherence to dogma. T h i s p a r t i c u l a r l i n e of r e a s o n i n g was b a s i c a l l y u n c h a l l e n g e d u n t i l the r i s e of Thatcher ism. I r o n i c a l l y , the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y under Thatcher has been extremely h o s t i l e to d i v e r s i t y both w i t h i n the P a r t y and in s o c i e t y . THE IDEOLOGY, BELIEFS AND FORMATION OF THATCHER ISM Under the l e a d e r s h i p of Margaret T h a t c h e r , the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o i t s e l f p r i n c i p l e s t h a t are l i b e r a l in o r i g i n w h i l e at the same time a t t e m p t i n g to m a i n t a i n some of the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l s . The manner in which v a l u e s t h a t were g e n e r a l l y thought of as at o p p o s i t e ends of the p o l i t i c a l spectrum were combined garnered them the a p p e l l a t i o n of "Thatcher ism" because Margaret Thatcher was f e r o c i o u s l y determined to put them in e f f e c t d u r i n g her tenure as Prime Min i s t e r . The s u c c e s s of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e p t i o n has meant t h a t many of the t r a i t s and f e a t u r e s t h a t had made the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y r e c o g n i z a b l e were no longer p r e s e n t , or at l e a s t submerged. T h e r e f o r e , I t h i n K t h a t the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y under Thatcher went too f a r and absorbed ideas t h a t were i n c o m p a t i b l e and too much at odds with each o t h e r which c r e a t e d a dangerous t e n s i o n w i t h i n i t . T h i s t e n s i o n was a l s o heightened by Thatcher in t r y i n g to impose l i b e r a l i s m on the P a r t y which meant a l s o t r y i n g to impose an i d e o l o g y on i t , something which was i n i m i c a l to c o n s e r v a t ism. C e n t r a l to t h i s t e n s i o n was the attempt to promote both a u t h o r i t y and l i b e r t y . The C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the p a r t y of a u t h o r i t y with l i b e r t y and freedom p l a y i n g s u b o r d i n a t e r o l e s , as I d i s c u s s e d p r e v i o u s l y . C o n s e r v a t i v e s are i n t e r e s t e d in r e t a i n i n g the freedom of a s m a l l , e x c l u s i v e s e c t i o n of s o c i e t y . Maurice C o w l i n g , a well-Known adherent of c o n s e r v a t i s m c l e a r l y e x p r e s s e s the type o-f freedom c o n s e r v a t i v e s d e s i r e and hou t h i s i s r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the freedom of l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . In the c o n s e r v a t i v e c o n c e p t i o n of freedom ... t h e r e i s a g r e a t d e a l of d o u b l e - t a l K and many l a y e r s of c o n c e a l e d c o n s c i o u s n e s s . C o n s e r v a t i v e s , i f they begin to t a l K about freedom long enough be g i n to b e l i e v e t h a t i s what they want. But i t i s not freedom t h a t c o n s e r v a t i v e s u a n t , what they want i s the s o r t of freedom t h a t w i l l m a i n t a i n e x i s t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s or r e s t o r e l o s t ones so f a r as p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n can do t h i s . ^ T hatcher ism can be grouped in as p a r t of movement termed the New R i g h t . The s u p p o r t e r s of a more r i g h t wing and c l a s s i c a l 1 i b e r a l s t y l e of government and economics have always been p r e s e n t but i t was the d i s c r e d i t i n g of Keynesian economics and i t s s o c i a l p o l i c y t h a t allowed i t to undergo a s t r o n g r esurgence in the 70's and 80's. HayeK formed p a r t of the c o n t i n g e n t of the New Right and Thatcher was i n f l u e n c e d by i t s i d e a s , e s p e c i a l l y HayeK's, p r i m a r i l y through the i n t e r m e d i a r y of K e i t h Joseph. A c c o r d i n g to the New R i g h t , the economic c o n d i t i o n B r i t a i n found i t s e l f in was due to the p o l i c i e s of Keynesian s o c i a l democracy which had promoted i n e f f i c i e n c y , waste and i n f l a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , T h a t c h e r ' s s t a t e d i n t e n t i o n to t u r n B r i t a i n around e c o n o m i c a l l y meant d e c i s i v e l y r e p u d i a t i n g major elements of Keynesian economic and s o c i a l p o l i c y . The d i s c i p l i n e of the marKet was b e l i e v e d to be the instrument t h a t would c o r r e c t B r i t a i n ' s economy, and i t s workings would a l s o s o l v e s o c i a l problems by f o r c i n g i n d i v i d u a l s to take care of themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The T h a t c h e r i t e c l a i m advanced was t h a t only under a t r u l y c o m p e t i t i v e market system c o u l d the freedom of i n d i v i d u a l s , freedom meaning the c a p a c i t y to e n t e r i n t o rnarKet t r a n s a c t i o n s unhindered by s t a t e i n t e r f e r e n c e , be r e a l i z e d and u p h e l d . The r e i m p o s i t ion of market f o r c e s would t h r u s t B r i t a i n out of i t s economic d e c l i n e and a l s o a l l o w i t to r e a s s e r t i t s proper p o s i t i o n as a l e a d e r in the world p o l i t i c a l s t a g e . If the market was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d , Thatcher and her f o l l o w e r s were co n v i n c e d t h a t a h e a l t h i e r s o c i e t y would d e v e l o p . Her v i s i o n i s t h a t of a 'world in which sm a l l b u s i n e s s e s c o u l d compete f r e e l y f o r the f a v o u r s of the i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y consumer; in which the s t a t e keeps law and o r d e r , i n c l u d i n g the elements of a moral o r d e r to p r o t e c t f a m i l y decency and p r o v i d e s u c c o r f o r the g e n u i n e l y u n f o r t u n a t e Q who cannot h e l p themselves. These i d e a l s , so c e n t r a l to T h a t c h e r i s m , are predominantly l i b e r a l in c h a r a c t e r and so c o n f l i c t with c o n s e r v a t i v e ideas such as a u t h o r i t y , t r a d i t i o n and the n o t i o n of the d u t i e s owed by f e l l o w c i t i z e n s to one a n o t h e r . As a r e s u l t , many l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e ideas c a n c e l each o t h e r o u t . VICTORIAN VALUES The l i b e r a l ideas adopted as p a r t of T h a t c h e r i s m were not new but i n s t e a d were a throwback to the V i c t o r i a n e r a d u r i n g the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n in the 1800's. Common to both the V i c t o r i a n and Thatcher e r a s were the e x h o r t a t i o n s to c u l t i v a t e such v i r t u e s as t h r i f t , s e l f - r e l i a n c e and i n d u s t r y . Thatcher b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i r importance had been f o r g o t t e n . A c o n n e c t i o n between these two e r a s i s e v i d e n c e d in the view t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s economic h a r d s h i p or f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s were almost always the r e s u l t 21 o-f some p e r s o n a l f a i l i n g of the i n d i v i d u a l , and i f they had c u l t i v a t e d these v i r t u e s , they c o u l d have avoided such i l l s . The moral c h a r a c t e r of an i n d i v i d u a l was d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the amount of wealth he or she p o s s e s s e d . T h i s a s p e c t of V i c t o r i a n l i b e r a l i s m was c o n s c i o u s l y c a r r i e d over i n t o the T h a t c h e r i t e p r o j e c t because i t allowed the government to d i s p l a c e the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i t had accumulated over time onto i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s . The s t a t e was to be the "nightwatchman" of l i b e r a l myth, guarding s o c i e t y a g a i n s t e x t e r n a l t h r e a t s and p r o v i d i n g law and or d e r w i t h i n s o c i e t y but ot h e r than t h i s , l i t t l e e l s e . In an e f f o r t to q u e l l p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the attempted shedding of the s t a t e ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , I b e l i e v e Thatcher p u r p o s e l y r e i n t r o d u c e d moral c a t e g o r i e s i n t o p o l i t i c s in which c i t i z e n s were c l a s s i f i e d in Bob Jessop's words, as e i t h e r p r o d u c t i v e or p a r a s i t i c . The p a r a s i t i c s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y i n c l u d e d e t h n i c m i n o r i t i t e s and much of the n o n - s k i l l e d working c l a s s o u t s i d e the S o u t h - E a s t . T h e r e f o r e , the groups t h a t f a c e d the worst economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s were l a b e l l e d as un d e s e r v i n g of h e l p . In tandem with the c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l or V i c t o r i a n v i r t u e s , was the r e a s s e r t ion of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l " r i g h t s " . Namely, freedom, e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y and the a b o l i t i o n of any remaining p r i v i l e g e s of the a r i s t o c r a c y and the upper c l a s s . What t h i s b a s i c a l l y meant was t h a t Thatcher ism wanted to remove the s h a c k l e s t h a t had i n t e r f e r e d with the r u n n i n g of the " u n d i s t o r t e d " f r e e market. T h a t c h e r i t e freedom c o n s t i t u t e d freedom from r e s t r i c t i o n s , t h e r e f o r e , i n d i v i d u a l s needed to be 22 made equal in the eyes of the 1au and t h i s i s uhy T h a t c h e r i t e s , u n l i K e o t h e r more t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e s , were not t o l e r a n t of the p r i v i l e g e s and customs of the upper c l a s s . A c c o r d i n g to t h e i r a n a l y s i s , i t was the t r a d i t i o n a l E n g l i s h c l a s s system t h a t had been one of the c h i e f c u l p r i t s p r e v e n t i n g the e x i s t e n c e of a f u l l y f l e d g e d f r e e market economy. At the core of the T h a t c h e r i t e v i s i o n of England uas a c o u n t r y uhere a l l i n d i v i d u a l s , r e g a r d l e s s of c l a s s or s t a t u s , uere f o r c e d through the i m p e r a t i v e s of the market to become p r o d u c t i v e u e a l t h - c r e a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s . But because B r i t a i n i s a c l a s s - r i d d e n s o c i e t y i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to use t h e i r t a l e n t s p r o d u c t i v e l y and a c c o r d i n g t o T h a t c h e r , the triumph of the c l a s s system made i t i n e v i t a b l e t h a t B r i t a i n uould be caught up in a dangerous economic d e c l i n e . Although the e f f e c t s of a market economy of the type t h a t Thatcher promoted might seem u n n e c e s s a r i l y h a r s h . C o n s e r v a t i v e s t r i e d to j u s t i f y i t (again in the t e r m i n o l o g y and l o g i c of the V i c t o r i a n e r a ) on the grounds t h a t i t a c t u a l l y i n c r e a s e d the u e a l t h and s e c u r i t y of a l l members of s o c i e t y because of the amount of revenue generated when compet i t ive market f o r c e s uere not h i n d e r e d . Halsey a d e p t l y e x p l a i n s the type of t h i n k i n g t h a t uas promoted by T h a t c h e r i t e s in the f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n . It uas argued t h a t a s u c c e s f u l n a t i o n l i k e a wise f a m i l y , doesn't p r o s p e r by s h a r i n g out what i t has but by g i v i n g the best s h a r e s to those c a p a b l e of e n t e r p r i s e , uho w i l l in t u r n c r e a t e u e a l t h f o r the weaker members. Economic growth through the e n t e r p r i s e s o c i e t y , not e q u a l i t y in economic d e c l i n e , uas the best path to a d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e . 1 0 T h i s l i n e of r e a s o n i n g was h e l p f u l to T h a t c h e r i s m in condemning the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth e s p e c i a l l y through instruments l i k e S3 p r o g r e s s i v e -taxation. It a l s o - f i t s w e l l with the ideas o-f c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l w r i t e r s 1iKe HayeK. AUTHORITY AND LIBERTY The l i b e r a l v a l u e s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o Thatcher ism made i t im p o s s i b l e f o r i t to be a v i a b l e s t r a t e g y or i d e o l o g y because i t was at odds with c o n s e r v a t i v e v a l u e s such as p a t e r n a l i s m , a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m , m i l i t a r i s m and p a t r i o t i s m a l r e a d y p r e s e n t in the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . The end r e s u l t was t h a t the most un a p p e a l i n g f e a t u r e s of each were combined. As Andrew Gamble put i t "... B r i t a i n has been moving both towards a f r e e r , more c o m p e t i t i v e , more open economy and towards a more r e p r e s s i v e , more a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t a t e . " 1 1 An i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y i s shown in Tha t c h e r ' s a t t i t u d e s towards v o l u n a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , c o n s e r v a t i v e s , of whom OaKeshott i s a prominent one, have p l a c e d a high v a l u e on these i n s t i t u t i o n s as a way of m a i n t a i n i n g the r i c h n e s s and d i v e r s i t y of s o c i e t y and p r o t e c t i n g the c i t i z e n s from the s t a t e . But Thatcher t r i e d to e l i m i n a t e the power and i n f l u e n c e of these i n s t i t u t i o n s because she saw them as a t h r e a t to the new or d e r she was t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h . T h i s h o s t i l i t y towards i n t e r m e d i a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s was made abundantly c l e a r in the 1988 L o c a l Government Act which r a d i c a l l y l i m i t e d the power and i n f l u e n c e of these d e c e n t r a l i z e d governments so t h a t they c o u l d not blocK her p o l i c i e s or put up e f f e c t i v e r e s i s t a n c e t o them. She a l s o a b o l i s h e d the G r e a t e r London C o u n c i l because the Labour P a r t y was very i n f l u e n t i a l 84 with in i t , as w e l l as l o c a l governments in the r e s t o-f the c o u n t r y . Not only uas l o c a l government t h r e a t e n e d but o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t e g r a l to B r i t i s h s o c i e t y such as the u n i v e r s i t i e s , t r a d e unions and media came under a t t a c k . Freedom of e x p r e s s i o n uas s e v e r e l y c u r t a i l e d in the Thatcher e r a because of a f e a r t h a t the o p i n i o n s and ideas of i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s uould undermine the T h a t c h e r i t e programme. The t e n s i o n betueen a u t h o r i t y and l i b e r t y i s obvious uhen ue c o n s i d e r t h a t one of the primary aims of Thatcher uas to r e s t o r e l i b e r t y and freedom (meaning f r e e i n g i n d i v i d u a l s from r e s t r i c t i o n s and government i n t e r f e r e n c e ) but in her attempts to do so she s t r e n g t h e n e d the c o e r c i v e powers of the s t a t e and l i m i t e d the freedom of both i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Thatcher t r i e d to r e t a i n both l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e elements in her i d e o l o g y when i t would have made more sense f o r her to choose o n l y one. For example, the c o n s e r v a t i v e element of p a t r i o t i s m was v i s i b l e throughout T h a t c h e r ' s tenure as Prime M i n i s t e r and was e s p e c i a l l y prominent d u r i n g the F a l k l a n d s War. In the F a l k l a n d s War, Thatcher e f f e c t i v e l y used the p a t r i o t i s m and m i l i t a r i s m the war had evoked to s t r e n g t h e n her chances of r e - e l e c t i o n . Her r e s i s t a n c e to i n t e g r a t i o n in the European Community was a more endu r i n g example of p a t r i o t i s m and n a t i o n a l i s m . On the o t h e r hand, she suppressed the c o n s e r v a t i v e b e l i e f in p a t e r n a l i s m and the concept of duty which would have e n t a i l e d the s u b s c r i p t i o n to a s t r o n g e r r o l e f o r the s t a t e in the a r e a of w e l f a r e and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . 25 P a r t o-f the reason -for T h a t c h e r ' s f a i l u r e to see the c o n f l i c t between a heavy r e l i a n c e on both l i b e r a l d o c t r i n e and c o n s e r v a t i s m i s t h a t in the immediate postwar p e r i o d t h e r e were prominent t h i n k e r s such as HayeK who were anxious to stop what they saw as the advancement of t o t a l i t a r i a n forms of government. T o t a l i t a r i a n governments c o u l d be e i t h e r f a c i s t or s o c i a l i s t in nature ( a l t h o u g h , these w r i t e r s saw s o c i a l i s m as the major t h r e a t ) and because they were opposed to s o c i a l i s m these l i b e r a l w r i t e r s became m i s t a k e n l y a l i g n e d with c o n s e r v a t i s m in many people's eyes. In Maurice Cowling's words, f o r the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y t h i s s i t u a t i o n was " t a c t i c a l l y d e s i r a b l e so f a r as i t fused the c o n s e r v a t i v e and l i b e r a l c r t i c i s m s of s o c i a l i s m [but 3 i t had u n d e s i r a b l e e f f e c t s so f a r as i t p r e s e n t e d the p o l i t i c a l problem in a l i b e r a l language which obscured i t s n a t u r e . " The s y n t h e s i s of l i b e r a l i s m and c o n s e r v a t i s m , l i b e r t y and a u t h o r i t y brought ideas t h a t were a l i e n i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m and attempted to change i t i n t o an i d e o l o g y . Cowling again p r o v i d e s an e n l i g h t e n i n g looK at the p o s i t i o n of postwar c o n s e r v a t i s m . The d i f f i c u l t y about postwar a n t i t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m i s t h a t i t has brought i n t o c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n k i n g b o d i e s of o p i n i o n which are not p r i m a r i l y concerned with the f o r m u l a t i o n of a c o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . They leave the impression of b y - p a s s i n g or a v o i d i n g the p o l i t i c a l problem and of l e n d i n g themselves too r e a d i l y to the idea t h a t in some e x c l u s i v e way freedom i s the u l t i m a t e v a l u e . As I mentioned b e f o r e , t h e r e i s an element of freedom in t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m but i t i s v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t promoted by l i b e r a l i s m which i s u l t i m a t e l y connected to the f r e e marKet economy and o f t e n sees any form of r e s t r i c t i o n upon 26 i n d i v i d u a l s as d i m i n i s h i n g -freedom. It i s p r i m a r i l y a n e g a t i v e •freedom and i t a l s o has a more e g a l i t a r i a n c o n c e p t i o n of freedom than c o n s e r v a t i s m which g e n e r a l l y has more sympathy with i n e q u a l i t y . THE RESULTS OF THATCHER ITE IDEOLOGY During T h a t c h e r ' s tenure in o f f i c e she had the o p p o r t u n i t y to put i n t o p r a c t i c e the ideas she had a c q u i r e d d u r i n g her p o l i t i c a l development and to attempt to r e v e r s e the economic p o s i t i o n of B r i t a i n . Although she was very vague d u r i n g the 1979 e l e c t i o n and the year or so a f t e r w a r d s about what her s p e c i f i c p o l i c y g o a l s were, when she became more secure in her p o s i t i o n as the l e a d e r of both the P a r t y and the c o u n t r y , she s t a r t e d to implement her i d e a s . The u n w i l l i n g n e s s to be more e x p l i c i t about what her p o l i c i e s would i n v o l v e , in r e t r o s p e c t , appears to stem from a concern not to s c a r e o f f members of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y who were not f i r m s u p p o r t e r s and the c o u n t r y in g e n e r a l with the r a d i c a l n a t u r e of her p o l i t i c a l programme. However, her d e t e r m i n a t i o n to d i s m a n t l e what remained of K e y n e s i a n i s m soon became apparent in her s t a n c e on unemployment. Thatcher withdrew from the commitment to f u l l employment and made the c o n t r o l of i n f l a t i o n a major p r i o r i t y . It was c l a i m e d t h a t the government c o u l d not have f u l l employment and at the same time Keep down i n f l a t i o n . And i n f l a t i o n was p e r c e i v e d as the p r i n c i p a l t h r e a t to the economy. The employment r a t e climbed r a p i d l y d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d and i r o n i c a l l y , the Thatcher 27 government was o b l i g e d to i n c r e a s e i t s w e l f a r e spending to d e a l with t h i s new group of unemployed p e o p l e . S e l e c t i v e w e l f a r e spending had always been one of the Keynotes of Thatcher ism and f i t t e d in with the T h a t c h e r i t e b e l i e f t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s who were un d e s e r v i n g of a i d because they were l a z y and s c r o u n g e r s were the main r e c i p i e n t s of w e l f a r e b e n e f i t s . The people h i t h a r d e s t by these p o l i c i e s were i n e v i t a b l y those at the bottom of the economic s c a l e . Even though Thatcher t r i e d to t e r m i n a t e the p r i v i l e g e s and b e n e f i t s r e c e i v e d by those at the h i g h e r end of the economic s c a l e and of t r a d i t i o n a l p u b l i c s c h o o l and upper c l a s s background, i t was the working c l a s s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the u n s k i l l e d working c l a s s , t h a t was the main v i c t i m . An u n d e r c l a s s of b a s i c a l l y d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d people grew in number which i n c r e a s e d the t e n s i o n and c o n f l i c t between the c l a s s e s and m i n o r i t i e s as became very c l e a r d u r i n g the r a c e r i o t s of the e a r l y 1980's. Thatcher was not at a l l averse to such a development, but used i t to her advantage in p l a y i n g one group o f f a g a i n s t another w h i l e at the same time a t t e m p t i n g to decrease the s t a t e ' s r e s p o n s i b i 1 t y towards s o c i e t y . The e x i s t e n c e of t h i s new u n d e r c l a s s d i d not concern Thatcher because i t was not s t r o n g enough to d i s l o d g e her from power. Thatcher a l s o t r i e d to c o n v e r t i n d i d v i d u a l s to her way of t h i n k i n g through such t a c t i c s as the s a l e of c o u n c i l houses to those of the working c l a s s in an e f f o r t to b r i n g about t h e i r "embourgeoisment". In a i d of the f u r t h e r a n c e of t h i s p l a n , the buying of shares in p r i v a t e companies was a l s o encouraged. Many of these companies had been newly d e n a t i o n a l i z e d by the 28 government in the l a r g e s t program o-f wholesale p r i v a t i z a t i o n t h a t had ever o c c u r r e d in B r i t i s h h i s t o r y . Thatcher uas c o n v i n c e d n a t i o n a l i z e d companies uere i n e f f i c i e n t and u n p r o f i t a b l e and t h a t p r i v a t i z a t i o n uould maKe them c o m p e t i t i v e and s t r e n g t h e n the economy. The a t t a c k on t r a d e unions i s one example of Thatcher ism's d i s l i k e of i n t e r m e d i a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s ; but t r a d e unions uere a l s o used as a scapegoat on which to blame economic f a i l u r e . The h a t r e d of the unions symbolized the o v e r a l l decrease in the amount of freedom t h a t took p l a c e under T h a t c h e r i s m . C i v i l l i b e r t i e s uere d ecreased as s t a t e and p o l i c e power uere i n c r e a s e d in the e f f o r t to remould s o c i e t y to f i t the i d e a l s of T h a t c h e r i s m . Such a v i s i o n f a l l s c l o s e l y in l i n e u i t h Hayek's ideas about what c o n s t i t u t e s a f r e e market s o c i e t y and uhat both of them uere a d v o c a t i n g i n v o l v e d a huge change in the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y as was e v i d e n t d u r i n g T h a t c h e r ' s Prime M i n i s t e r s h i p . T h i s was i r o n i c because even though Thatcher and Hayek were moti v a t e d by the d e s i r e to m a i n t a i n and expand freedom, the methods they f a v o u r e d towards t h i s end had a c o n t r a r y e f f e c t . I m p l i c i t in what Hayek says i s t h a t a n e o - 1 i b e r a l government which r e a l l y d i d wish to r e t u r n to a market order would be f o r c e d to engage in an e n t e r p r i s e of s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g at l e a s t as h e r o i c and i n t r u s i v e as a n y t h i n g attempted by the s o c i a l e n g i n e e r s of the 1960's and 1 9 7 0 ' s . 1 4 Throughout the 1980's, l i b e r a l i s m of the type Hayek espoused became more a c c e p t a b l e w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y and enjoyed a p o p u l a r i t y i t had not known b e f o r e as T h a t c h e r i s m became more entrenched in the P a r t y . C o n v e r s e l y , more t r a d i t i o n a l £9 c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n k i n g and w r i t e r s who r e p r e s e n t e d i t , such as Oakeshott, were in the background and b a s i c a l l y n e g l e c t e d . By examining the main p o i n t s of Hayek's and Oakeshott's p h i l o s o p h i e s i t w i l l become c l e a r why Hayek's thought was more a p p e a l i n g to s u p p o r t e r s of Thatcher ism r a t h e r than someone l i k e Oakeshott. The f a c t t h a t w r i t e r s l i k e Hayek found g r e a t e r f a v o u r with Thatcher and her P a r t y i s an example of the e x t e n t to which c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m had merged with c o n s e r v a t i s m w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . 30 Chapter i Endnotes ^Michael OaKeshott, "On Being C o n s e r v a t i v e " in Rat i o n a l i s m  i n Pol i t i e s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 183-4. 2 S h i r l e y Robin L e t u i n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " in Essays on Hayek. (New York! New York U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), 152. F.A. Hayek, "The R e s u l t s of Human A c t i o n but not of Human De s i g n " Stud i e s in P h i l o s o p h y . P o l i t i c * and E c o n o m i c s . (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1967), 157. 4 I a n G i l m o u r , Ins ide Right , 8. Study o_£ Conservat ism. (London: Hutchinson and Co. L t d . , 1977>, 39. 5 R o b e r t N i s b e t . C o n s e r v a t i s m Dream and Real i t y • ( M i l t o n Keynes, England: Open U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1986), 26. 6 N e i l Nugent and Roger King e d s . . The Br i t i s h R i g h t . (Uiestmead, England: Saxon House, 1977), 19. ''Maruice C o w l i n g , "The P r e s e n t C o n d i t i o n " in Conseruat i»e  E s s a y s . (London: C a s s e l L t d . , 1978), 9. 8 R o b e r t S k i d e l s k y , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " in Thatcher i s m . (London: Chatto and Ulindus, 1988), 1-2. g Bob Jessop et a l . , " A u t h o r i t a r i a n P o p u l i s m , Two Na t i o n s and Thatcher ism" in New L e f t R e u i e u . 147 (1984>, 50. 1 ft A.H. H a l s e y , "A S o c i o l o g i s t ' s View of Thatcher ism" in Thatcher i s m . (London: Chatto and Ulindus, 1988), 185. ^Andrew Gamble, "This Lady's Not For T u r n i n g : Thatcher ism Mark I I I " in Marx ism Today 28 (1984), 8. 31 12 x t M a r u i c e C o w l i n g , "The P r e s e n t C o n d i t i o n " in Conservat J»P E s s a v s . (London: C a s s e l L t d . , 1978), 7. 1 3 I b i r i . , 9. 14 David Marquand, "The Paradoxes of T h a t c h e r i s m " in Thatcher ism.. (London: Chatto and Uiindus, 1988), 168. 32 CHAPTER S HAYEK INTRODUCTION HayeK i s a major i n t e l l e c t u a l -figure of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . His ideas c o n c e r n i n g p o l i t i c s and economics have s t i m u l a t e d debate and c o n t r o v e r s y , much of i t b i t t e r . HayeK r e a l l y f i r s t became v i s i b l e when he c r o s s e d over from the s t r i c t l y economic f i e l d to p o l i t i c s with the p u b l i c a t i o n of The  Road to Serfdom in 1944. Throughout h i s p o l i t i c a l w r i t i n g s , what HayeK seems most concerned with i s what c o n s t i t u t e s a proper p o l i t i c a l and market o r d e r f o r a c o u n t r y t h a t v a l u e s and wishes to p r e s e r v e freedom. He a l s o spends a g r e a t d e a l of time on what he c o n s i d e r s to be p e r v e r s i o n s of the proper order which sometimes masquerade as p r o t e c t o r s of freedom and l i b e r t y . What HayeK terms, " t o t a l i t a r i a n " governments are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r d e s t r o y i n g freedom, and s o c i a l i s m in a l l i t s forms i s the most dangerous type of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . C o n s e q u e n t l y , HayeK devoted much of h i s energy in t r y i n g to d i s c r e d i t s o c i a l i s m on both economic and p o l i t i c a l grounds. It has sometimes been the case t h a t OaKeshott's and Hayek's worK have been lumped t o g e t h e r as e s p o u s i n g the same form of n o n - i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s and economic o r d e r . However, such an alignment o n l y c o n f u s e s the is s u e and d i s t o r t s the meaning of 33 34 t h e i r w r i t i n g s . T h i s con-fusion i s perhaps aide d because OaKeshott has a l i b e r a l s i d e to him and HayeK, who c o n s i d e r s himsel-f a l i b e r a l , has been used by c o n s e r v a t i v e s to j u s t i f y a t t a c K s on s o c i a l i s m and i t s g o a l s , as well as having some c o n s e r v a t i v e sympathies. But OaKeshott and HayeK occupy and defend d i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n s even though both of t h e i r p h i l o s o p h i e s have been espoused by c o n s e r v a t i v e s . HayeK 's p r e v i o u s background as an economist i s obvious when l o o k i n g at h i s p o l i t i c a l w r i t i n g s because economics in one form or a n o t h e r , o f t e n seems to be j u s t beneath the s u r f a c e . The degree to which economics i n f l u e n c e s h i s work i s demonstrated by h i s overwhelming concern with s e t t i n g out the c o n d i t i o n s which w i l l m a i n t a i n a f r e e market o r d e r , and the f a c t t h a t much of h i s r e f u t a t i o n of s o c i a l i s m i s based on i t s supposed economic d e f e c t s and m i s c a l c u l a t i o n s . It was j u s t t h i s concern which motivated Hayek to t u r n away from the s t r i c t l y economic f i e l d to t h a t of p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y when he became alarmed at the p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s in B r i t a i n d u r i n g World War I I . He was very uneasy with the c o l l e c t i v s m he saw emerging in the government and the economy, an u n e a s i n e s s t h a t became even more pronounced with the e l e c t i o n of the Labour government in 1945. Hayek i d e n t i f i e d the m i l d s o c i a l d e mocratic government of Labour P a r t y as not being f a r removed from communism and o t h e r forms of t o t a l i t a r i a n government. A c c o r d i n g to him, both forms of government would have the same r e s u l t s , the o n l y d i f f e r e n c e being the amount of time i t took f o r s o c i a l democracy to become as extreme as these other p o l i t i c a l systems. Hayek made a p l e a to the B r i t i s h to c o n s i d e r 35 c a r e f u l l y the i m p l i c a t i o n s of what they were doing and to hang on to t h e i r former p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s which HayeK b e l i e v e d had made the c o u n t r y the c r e a t o r of the l i b e r a l s o c i a l o r d e r in the West. ... in B r i t a i n , as elsewhere in the w o r l d , the d e f e a t of the o n s l a u g h t of s y s t e m a t i c s o c i a l i s m has merely g i v e n those who are anxious to p r e s e r v e freedom a b r e a t h i n g space in which to re-examine our a m b i tions and to d i s c a r d a l l those p a r t s of a s o c i a l i s t i n h e r i t a n c e which are a danger to a f r e e s o c i e t y . Without such a r e v i s e d c o n c e p t i o n of our s o c i a l aims we are l i K e l y to c o n t i n u e to d r i f t in the same d i r e c t i o n in which o u t r i g h t s o c i a l i s m would merely have c a r r i e d us a l i t t l e f a s t e r . 1 Both OaKeshott and HayeK were s p u r r e d i n t o a defense of the l i b e r t y and freedom t h a t they b e l i e v e d had e x i s t e d in the past in E ngland. However, HayeK had an a d d i t i o n a l reason to be d i s t r u s t f u l of the changes t h a t were o c c u r r i n g in England and the Western w o r l d . The impact of World War I on h i s n a t i v e c o u n t r y of A u s t r i a and the f o l l o w i n g c o l l a p s e of l i b e r a l i s m t h e r e made HayeK anxious to see t h a t the same f a t e d i d not await England which had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the upholder of l i b e r a l i s m . The bulK of HayeK's w r i t i n g i s spent e i t h e r in d e f i n i n g what h i s concepts of the r u l e of law and the spontaneous marKet or d e r e n t a i l and why they are v i t a l f o r the maintenance of a f r e e s o c i e t y or e l s e a t t a c k i n g a n y t h i n g he c o n s i d e r s d e s t r u c t i v e of these i d e a l s . As a consequence, s o c i a l i s m bears the brunt of HayeK's c r i t i c i s m s . T h i s h o s t i l i t y towards s o c i a l i s m sprang from HayeK's view t h a t i t i n e v i t a b l y compromised the freedom of i n d i v i d u a l s ; he b e l i e v e d i t t r i e d t o e q u a l i z e a l l the d i f f e r e n c e s and i n e q u a l i t i e s among i n d i v i d u a l s in w e a l t h , t a l e n t s and i n t e l l i g e n c e , in an e f f o r t to be more f a i r and j u s t . However, t h i s i n v o l v e d the l o s s of freedom and l i b e r t y and s e v e r e l y 36 r e s t r i c t e d the c h o i c e s i n d i v i d u a l s uere allowed to make. The i m p o s i t i o n of s o c i a l i s m meant t h a t people uere not p e r m i t t e d to develop the advantages t h a t they p o s s e s s e d . In a d d i t i o n to the diminishment of freedom t h i s c aused, i t a l s o s t i f l e d c r e a t i v i t y and d i v e r s i t y in s o c i e t y because of the amount of power and c o n t r o l the s t a t e uas g i v e n . HayeK b e l i e v e s t h a t the s t a t e should be a c t i v e mainly in a r e g u l a t o r y c a p a c i t y , to uphold l a u and the f r e e market economy but not to taKe p a r t in i t . T h e r e f o r e , the s o c i a l i s t aim of r e d i s t r i b u t i n g wealth and p r i v i l e g e seems to HayeK to e n t a i l endowing the s t a t e with f u n c t i o n s i t does not have the r i g h t or the a b i l i t y to perform. In HayeK's eyes s o c i a l i s m i s the outcome when the f r e e marKet and l i b e r a l order of a c o u n t r y degenerates due to the d e s i r e f o r power on the p a r t of those in c o n t r o l of the s t a t e . Governments s t r o n g enough to p r o t e c t i n d i v i d u a l s a g a i n s t the v i o l e n c e of t h e i r f e l l o w s make p o s s i b l e the e v o l u t i o n of an i n c r e a s i n g l y complex o r d e r of spontaneous and v o l u n t a r y c o o p e r a t i o n . Sooner or l a t e r , however, they tend to abuse t h a t power and to suppress the freedom t h a t had e a r l i e r been s e c u r e d in or d e r to e n f o r c e t h e i r own presumably g r e a t e r wisdom and not to allo w ' s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to develop in a haphazard mariner ...'. HayeK b e l i e v e s t h a t s o c i a l i s m ' s p o s i t i o n on economic a f f a i r s i s f a t a l l y f l a w e d . For HayeK, the i n t e r n a l mechanisms t h a t operate w i t h i n the f r e e marKet are always v a s t l y s u p e r i o r to the planned economy of s o c i a l i s m which can never a c h i e v e the p r o d u c t i v i t y and u e a l t h t h a t i s p o s s i b l e in a s t a t e where a marKet economy i s dominant. HayeK bases t h i s c o n c l u s i o n on h i s b e l i e f t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l never be able to compile the amount of Knowledge and i n f o r m a t i o n n e c e s s a r y to make r e s p o n s i b l e and a c c u r a t e 3? d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the economy. T h e r e f o r e , i t i s much wiser to a l l o w the marKet to worK out any imbalances because i t i s equipped to maKe the adjustments n e c e s s a r y to respond to f l u c t u a t i o n s . Because i t i s d e t r i m e n t a l f o r the s t a t e to i n t e r f e r e in the m a j o r i t y of economic and s o c i a l m a t t e r s , a s t r o n g but l i m i t e d s t a t e i s what i s d e s i r a b l e in o r d e r to a c h i e v e a f r e e s o c i e t y and the exact o p p o s i t e of t h i s i s s o c i a l i s m . From the awareness of the l i m i t a t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l Knowledge and from the f a c t t h a t no person or s m a l l group of persons can Know a l l t h a t i s Known to somebody, i n d i v i d u a l i s m a l s o d e r i v e s i t s main p r a c t i c a l c o n c l u s i o n s i t s demand f o r a s t r i c t , l i m i t a t i o n of a l l c o e r c i v e or e x c l u s i v e power. HayeK's high s t a n d i n g i n d i c a t e d the h e i g h t s T h a t c h e r i s m had reached because a s u b s t a n t i a l p r o p o r t i o n of h i s thought p a r a l l e l e d T h a t c h e r i t e b e l i e f s and v a l u e s and both had important a s p i r a t i o n s in common, 1iKe the a b o l i t i o n of p r i v i l e g e and h e r e d i t y r i g h t s to b r i n g about the unhindered f r e e marKet. An e x p o s i t i o n of some of the c e n t r a l t e n e t s and b e l i e f s of the HayeKian system of thought w i l l r e v e a l i t s c o m p a t i b i l i t y with Thatcher ism. FREEDOM At the c e n t r e of HayeK's thought i s the extreme importance he a t t a c h e s to freedom. Freedom i s the u l t i m a t e v a l u e , the v a l u e upon which a l l o t h e r s r e s t . ... l i b e r t y i s not j u s t one v a l u e among o t h e r s , a maxim, but the source o f , and n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n f o r , a l l o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l v a l u e s . 3 8 Freedom i s a p r e c i o u s and n e c e s s a r y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o-f advanced s o c i e t i e s because i t encourages c i v i l i z a t i o n , p r o g r e s s and movement forward to b e t t e r and b r i g h t e r t h i n g s . HayeK t h i n K s freedom r e s u l t s i n p r o g r e s s because through i n d i v i d u a l freedom and lacK of c o n s t r a i n t s , i n d i v i d u a l s are a b l e to breaK from the pacK and the o p p r e s s i v e n e s s of c o n v e n t i o n a l ideas and c r e a t e i n n o v a t i o n s which improve upon t r a d i t i o n a l methods of doing t h i n g s and t h e r e f o r e , promote new a t t i t u d e s and i d e a s . It i s t h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n with freedom t h a t l e a d s HayeK to f o c u s more on B r i t a i n than any o t h e r c o u n t r y in h i s s t u d i e s because he b e l i e v e s t h a t l i b e r t y was c u l t i v a t e d and came to f r u i t i o n in t h a t c o u n t r y . B r i t a i n demonstrated what freedom t r u l y meant and showed up the f a l s e n e s s of the c l a i m s of freedom made by o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y F r a n c e . Concern f o r l i b e r t y and freedom was something t h a t was expressed c o u n t l e s s times by the f o l l o w e r s of Thatcher and t h i s made HayeK a n a t u r a l f i g u r e to draw upon i n defense of i t s g o a l s . S i n c e HayeK c o n s i d e r s freedom to be the u l t i m a t e v a l u e and the r o o t of a l l o t h e r l i b e r t i e s and p r o g r e s s i n s o c i e t y he i s w i l l i n g to accept and endure the drawbacKs and u n p l e a s a n t n e s s of the marKet system and f o r g o the a p p l i c a t i o n of methods c o n s i d e r e d more e f f i c i e n t and p a i n l e s s to taKe care of problems. HayeK o u t l i n e s the f o l l y of succumbing t o the c l a i m s of s o c i a l i s t t h i n K i n g which urge the use of the s t a t e to s o l v e imbalances. However, he does admit t h a t the l o g i c of s o c i a l i s t t h i n K i n g i s o f t e n hard to r e s i s t . So long as he Knows o n l y the hard d i s c i p l i n e of the 39 market, he may w e l l t h i n k the d i r e c t i o n by some ot h e r i n t e l l i g e n t human b r a i n p r e f e r a b l e ; but when he t r i e s i t , he soon d i s c o v e r s t h a t the former s t i l l l e a v e s him at l e a s t some c h o i c e , while the l a t t e r l e a v e s him none, and t h a t i t i s b e t t e r to have a c h o i c e between s e v e r a l u n p l e a s a n t a l t e r n a t i v e s than being c o e r c e d i n t o one. Freedom i s the t h r e a d which p u l l s a l l of Hayek's work t o g e t h e r and g i v e s i t coh e r e n c e . In o r d e r to defend freedom, Hayek has d e f i n e d and put forward two concepts he b e l i e v e s are n e c e s s a r y f o r a f r e e s o c i e t y to develop and s u s t a i n i t s e l f , the concepts of the r u l e of law and spontaneous o r d e r . The spontaneous o r d e r d e s i g n a t e s the economic system of a f r e e s o c i e t y and the r u l e of law the type of p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e which a l l o w s the f u n c t i o n i n g of t h i s economic order by s e t t i n g out a b s t r a c t u n i v e r s a l r u l e s w i t h i n which men can p l a n t h e i r a c t i o n s because of i t s s t a b i l i t y and pred i c t a b i 1 i t y . SPONTANEOUS ORDER The spontaneous order concept Hayek has e l a b o r a t e d and r e f i n e d i s used t o d e s c r i b e what i s commonly known as the f r e e marKet economy. The market i s based upon c o m p e t i t i o n among i n d i v i d u a l s and each i n d i v i d u a l i s rewarded in p r o p o r t i o n to what he has to s e l l i s d e s i r e d and va l u e d by ot h e r i n d i v i d u a l s . However, f o r Hayek the f a c t t h a t what i n d i v i d u a l s p o s sess and are abl e to c r e a t e f i l l s a demand,it does not f o l l o w t h a t these i n d i v i d u a l s are m o r a l l y s u p e r i o r to o t h e r s or of a b e t t e r c h a r a c t e r (as i s s t o n g l y i m p l i e d in T h a t c h e r i s m ) but o f t e n only 40 means t h a t they were in the r i g h t p l a c e at the r i g h t t i m e . The marKet o p e r a t e s a c c o r d i n g to i t s own l o g i c , not any sense of j u s t i c e and c o n s e q u e n t l y , i t a r b i t r a r i l y d i s t r i b u t e s rewards and punishments, o f t e n r e g a r d l e s s of the deserw ingness of i n d i v i d u a l s or t h e i r p e r s o n a l a t t r i b u t e s . But the market must be as f r e e as p o s s i b l e from government i n t e r v e n t i o n because HayeK b e l i e v e s t h a t attempts by the s t a t e to c o n t r o l the economy, even i f done to t r y to m i t i g a t e some of i t s h a r s h e r e f f e c t s , w i l l i n v a r i a b l y do more harm than good. C o n s e q u e n t l y , though s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s t s , may have noble g o a l s in mind in t r y i n g to implement p l a n n i n g , the r e s u l t s are s t i l l d i s a s t r o u s . His t h e o r y i s t h a t the marKet i s a b l e to work out the f l a w s and imbalances with i t s own i n t e r n a l mecahanisms and s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n would o n l y throw these mechanisms o f f . T h i s idea i s v a l u e d by n e o - l i b e r a l s l i k e George C. Roche who d e s c r i b e s i t in glow ing terms. One of Hayek's g r e a t e s t d i s c o v e r i e s and the keystone of h i s e n t i r e work on law and economics i s the concept of 'spontaneous o r d e r ' . T h i s d i s c o v e r y r e a c h i n g back to Adam Smith and h i s analogy of the i n v i s i b l e hand, sees human s o c i e t y as equipped with an i n t e r n a l gyroscope which produces a spontaneous orders the market. The gyroscope o r g a n i z e s human a c t i v i t y without c o n s c i o u s , o v e r a l l p r e p l a n n i n g by a s i n g l e man or any group of men and tends to p r o v i d e a n a t u r a l s t a b i l i t y to s o c i e t y . Hayek b e l i e v e s t h a t England has t u r n e d i t s back on the spontaneous o r d e r and the p o l i t i c a l system which enabled i t t o become a g r e a t power and has f a l l e n prey to s o c i a l i s m . The damage caused by t h i s i s very grave even though much of s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y was not a c c e p t e d . ... the system under which we l i v e choked up with 41 attempts at p a r t i a l p l a n n i n g and r e s t r i c t ion ism i s almost as f a r from any system of c a p i t a l i s m which c o u l d be r a t i o n a l l y advocated as i t i s d i f f e r e n t from any c o n s i s t e n t system of p l a n n i n g ... The world of to-day i s j u s t i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t chaos.^ W i t h i n HayeK's spontaneous o r d e r he maKes p r o v i s i o n f o r the t r a d i t i o n s and bonds which h o l d s o c i e t y t o g e t h e r . He c l a i m s t h a t he does not advocate a system of government where i n d i v i d u a l s are viewed as a b s t r a c t i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e b e i n g s . The f a c t t h a t t h i s i s a common c o n c e p t i o n of the f r e e marKet i s due to the attempts to t r a n s p l a n t the methods s u i t a b l e to the p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s i n t o the r e a l m of s o c i a l l i f e . A c c o r d i n g to HayeK, t h i s type of s c i e n t i f i c method does not h e l p in any u s e f u l a n a l y s i s of a s o c i e t y and i s one to which h i s own p r o f e s s i o n of economics has succumbed. ... It seems to me t h a t t h i s f a i l u r e of economists to guide p o l i c y more s u c c e s s f u l l y i s c l o s e l y connected with t h e i r p r o p e n s i t y to i m i t a t e as c l o s e l y as p o s s i b l e the procedures of the b r i l l i a n t l y s u c c e s s f u l p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s - an attempt which in our s u b j e c t may l e a d to Q o u t r i g h t e r r o r . In c o n t r a s t to the s o c i a l i s t and s c i e n t i s t i c p e r c e p t i o n s of the marKet o r d e r , HayeK advocates what he b e l i e v e s to be the best form of o r d e r , the spontaneous o r d e r . In o t h e r p a r t s of h i s worK, HayeK taKes i s s u e with the term "economy". T h i s stems from h i s d e s i r e to d i s a s s o c i a t e h i s idea of a f r e e s o c i e t y from any form of o v e r a l l p l a n n i n g . His problem with the word economy i s t h a t he b e l i e v e s i t to i n d i c a t e "a complex of a c t i v i i t i e s by which a g i v e n s e t of means i s a l l o c a t e d in accordance with a u n i t a r y p l a n among the competing ends a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r r e l a t i v e importance. The marKet o r d e r s e r v e s no such s i n g l e o r d e r of ends." The p l a n n i n g an economy i n v o l v e s 4S i s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h i n g s such as an i n d i v i d u a l household or a c o r p o r a t i o n but something c a l l e d a " n a t i o n a l economy" in the t r u e sense o-f the word means a planned s o c i e t y and hence t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m of one form or ano t h e r . C o n s e q u e n t l y , HayeK f o r m u l a t e d from the GreeK language the term " c a t a l l a x y " to d e s c r i b e the marKet o r d e r because i t was the best word he c o u l d f i n d to approximate h i s idea of a f r e e market o r d e r . C a t a l l a x y means ... the or d e r brought about by the mutual adjustment of many i n d i v i d u a l economies in a market. A c a t a l l a x y i s a s p e c i a l k i n d of spontaneous order produced by the market through people a c t i n g w i t h i n the r u l e s of 10 the law of p r o p e r t y , t o r t and c o n t r a c t . A f i n a l p o i n t to b r i n g out in the d i s c u s s i o n of Hayek's view of the spontaneous o r d e r concerns how such an order developed and c o n t i n u e d to d e v e l o p . In t h i s r e s p e c t , Hayek draws on the p h i l o s p h y of David Hume and r e i t e r a t e s h i s s t a n c e t h a t human i n s t i t u t i o n s arose not from c o n s c i o u s i n d i v i d u a l p l a n n i n g t h a t had d e f i n e d the ends and g o a l s of the i n s t i t u t i o n s beforehand but t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n s arose g r a d u a l l y through human a c t i o n and they s l o w l y a d j u s t e d themselves to meet the p r e v a i l i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . ... many of the i n s t i t u t i o n s on which human achievements r e s t have a r i s e n and are f u n c t i o n i n g without a d e s i g n i n g or a d i r e c t i n g mind; t h a t as Adam Ferguson ex p r e s s e d i t , 'nations stumble upon e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , which are indeed the r e s u l t of human a c t i o n but not the r e s u l t of human d e s i g n ' ; and t h a t the spontaneous c o l l a b o r a t i o n of f r e e men o f t e n c r e a t e s t h i n g s which are g r e a t e r than t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l minds can ever f u l l y comprehend. 1 1 The e v o l u t i o n a r y aspect of the p r o c e s s i s what i s s t r e s s e d most as compared with the d e l i b e r a t e n e s s of the d e s i g n t h e o r y promoted by those Hayek terms the C a r t e s i a n r a t i o n a l i s t s or c o n s t r u c t i v i s t 43 r a t i o n a l i s t s . THE RULE OF LAW The -framework which p r o t e c t s the spontaneous o r d e r and which i t i s dependent upon i s the r u l e of law. The v a l u e of the r u l e of law sh o u l d never be unde r e s t i m a t e d because i t i s a b s o l u t e l y v i t a l f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of l i b e r t y . Simply p u t , the r u l e of law means, ... t h a t the government in a l l i t s a c t i o n s i s bound by r u l e s f i x e d and announced beforehand - r u l e s which make i t p o s s i b l e to f o r s e e with f a i r c e r t a i n t y how the a u t h o r i t y w i l l use i t s c o e r c i v e powers in g i v e n c i r c u m s t a n c e s and to p l a n one's i n d i v i d u a l a f f a i r s on the b a s i s of t h i s k n o w l e d g e . 1 2 Hayek p r i z e s the r u l e of law so h i g h l y because even though i t r e s t r i c t s what people can do in one way and s e t s b o u n d a r i e s , i t i s only under the law t h a t freedom i s p o s s i b l e . The laws do not determine what c h o i c e s people sh o u l d make because they are u n i v e r s a l and a b s t r a c t . S i n c e they are known b e f o r e h a n d , they a l l o w i n d i v i d u a l s to c a r r y out t h e i r p l a n s and l i v e s as they see f i t . "Law i s an or d e r of human freedom because i t o r d e r s freedom, a vague m e t e r - l e g a l concept by t r a n s m u t i n g i t s p a r t s i n t o c o n c r e t e l i b e r t i e s and r i g h t s . By means of t h i s t r a n s m u t a t i o n , the law economizes i n t a n g i b l e freedom i n t o t a n g i b l e ' p r o p e r t i e s ' 13 The r e l i a n c e of Hayek on t h i n k e r s l i k e Hume and Burke and h i s obvious a d m i r a t i o n of t h e i r work has been to h i s advantage in having h i s ideas a c c e p t e d by the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . Burke and Hume have o f t e n been c l a s s i f i e d as c o n s e r v a t i v e s ( e v e n though 44 c l o s e r examination suggests t h a t they were p a r t o-f the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n ) and t h i s made the n e o - 1 i b e r a l i s m of HayeK seem f a m i l i a r and not a complete break with C o n s e r v a t i v e h i s t o r y and i d e a s . It a l s o i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e were elements of l i b e r a l i s m a l r e a d y embedded w i t h i n the P a r t y -that would become a source of f r i c t i o n as l i b e r a l i s m became more p o p u l a r . The r u l e of law was h i s t o r i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with a l i b e r a l o r d e r and the adherence to l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y and t h i s i s an important reason in HayeK's c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of h i m s e l f as a l i b e r a l or in h i s words an " o l d W h i g " . 1 4 In c o n j u n c t i o n with the r u l e of law, HayeK a l s o s u p p o r t s , along with OaKeshott, the e x i s t e n c e of numerous v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s because he b e l i e v e s these a s s o c i a t i o n s a c t as a b u f f e r between the s t a t e and the people and h e l p to enhance freedom. They a l s o f i t in with HayeK's c o n c e p t i o n of a f r e e s o c i e t y as composed mainly of s m a l l independent o r g a n i z a t i o n s and b u s i n e s s e s . The s t r e n g t h of the r u l e of law i s t h a t i t e s t a b l i s h e s c o n c r e t e r i g h t s and freedoms and does not p r o f e s s g o a l s which are i m p o s s i b l e to a c h i e v e . T h i s i s a s i n HayeK acc c u s e s s o c i a l i s t s of committing. Any endeavours at p l a n n i n g out the p o l i t i c a l o r der are untenable because i t i n e v i t a b l y i n v o l v e s the l o s s of freedom s i n c e the s i t u a t i o n s which occur in s o c i e t y are so complex, t h a t p l a n n i n g n e c e s s i t a t e s imposing an a r b i t r a r y and r i g i d o r d e r on s o c i e t y because i t does not have the means to de a l with t h i s c o m p l e x i t y . The r u l e of law p r e s e r v e s freedom because i t i s l e s s a m b i t i o u s and in the end wiser than c o l l e c t i v s t p l a n s . It i s a s o r t of o r d e r over the p a r t i c u l a r m a n i f e s t a t i o n s 45 of which we have l i t t l e c o n t r o l , because the r u l e s which determine i t on l y determine i t s a b s t r a c t c h a r a c t e r , w h i l e the d e t a i l depends on the ... p a r t i c u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s Known only to i t s i n d i v i d u a l members. It i s t h e r e f o r e an ord e r on which we cannot improve upon but on l y d i s t u r b by att e m p t i n g to change by d e l i b e r a t e arrangement of any one p a r t of i t . . . " 1 5 In d e l i n e a t i n g what the r u l e of law i n v o l v e s , HayeK s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s l e g i s l a t i o n and decrees from laws. In g e n e r a l , l e g i s l a t i o n i s l a b e l l e d as d e s t r u c t i v e of freedom and t h e r e f o r e , the g r e a t e r the amount of l e g i s l a t i o n passed by P a r l i a m e n t , the more i n f l e x i b l e the s t a t e becomes. It i s the law which has s l o w l y e v o l v e d over the decades and the c e n t u r i e s t h a t s h o u l d be preeminent in any l i b e r a l s o c i e t y . Law i s not only much o l d e r than l e g i s l a t i o n or even an o r g a n i z e d s t a t e : the whole a u t h o r i t y of the l e g i s l a t i o n and of the s t a t e d e r i v e s from p r e - e x i s t i n g c o n c e p t i o n s of j u s t i c e , and no system of a r t i c u l a t e d law can be a p p l i e d except w i t h i n a frameworK of g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d but 1 6 o f t e n u n a r t i c u 1 a t e d r u l e s of j u s t i c e . In a r g u i n g h i s case f o r the common law of a coun t r y which has ev o l v e d over the c e n t u r i e s and i s based on j u s t i c e and e s t a b l i s h e d norms, at the expense of l e g i s l a t i o n or government by decree (which i n v o l v e s a r b i t r a r y law maKing by o f f i c i a l s who are e a s i l y swayed by s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s ) ; HayeK uses a l i n e of r e a s o n i n g analogous to the one c o n c e r n i n g the n e c e s s i t y f o r the f r e e marKet to o v e r r i d e any form of a planned economy. Below John Gray a r t i c u l a t e s HayeK's r e a s o n i n g as to why law i s s u p e r i o r to 1 eg i s 1 at i o n . J u s t as no economic p l a n can approach the s e n s i t i v i t y and s u b t l e t y of the marKet p r o c e s s in i n t e g r a t i n g men's p l a n s and a c h i e v i n g c o o r d i n a t i o n in the use of r e s o u r c e s , so s t a t u t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n cannot match the s e n s i t i v i t y of the common law in res p o n d i n g to an a d j u d i c a t i n g of the c o n c r e t e problems of man's s o c i a l e x i s t e n c e . But the common 1 au u h i c h r e l i e s on the d o c t r i n e o-f p r e c e d e n t , cannot s u r v i v e u i t h o u t a s t r o n g , independent and d e c e n t r a l i s e d j u d i c i a r y . 1 7 It i s u n a v o i d a b l e t h a t some degree o-f l e g i s l a t i o n u i l l e x i s t . A l t h o u g h , a -free s o c i e t y demands t h a t the r u l e o-f l a u s h o u l d be the s t r o n g e s t and be r e s p e c t e d by both the c i t i z e n s and the s t a t e . Only uhen i t i s -following the r u l e of l a u s h o u l d the s t a t e be allowed to c a r r y out i t s c o e r c i v e f u n c t i o n s "... c o e r c i o n i s admissable only when i t conforms to g e n e r a l laws and not when i t i s a means of a c h i e v i n g p a r t i c u l a r o b j e c t s of c u r r e n t p o l i c y . " 1 8 EQUALITY AND INDIVIDUALISM A c o n t i n g e n t f a c t o r in the treatment of the r u l e of l a u i s Hayek's p o s i t i o n on e q u a l i t y and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . He i s adamant in m a i n t a i n i n g e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the l a u and e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y through the absence of l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s and p r i v i l e g e s . Houever, t h i s commitment to e q u a l i t y does not extend to uhat i s termed e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to HayeK, e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n would a c t u a l l y mean the e l i m i n a t i o n of freedom because i t i n v o l v e s an attempt at l e v e l l i n g o f f the d i f f e r e n c e s between p e o p l e . While e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y , on the o t h e r hand, which r e a l i z e s t h a t t h e r e are d i f f e r e n c e s between i n d i v i d u a l s i s c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t r u e freedom and t h e r e f o r e , i s the o n l y a c c e p t a b l e form of freedom. There i s a l l the d i f f e r e n c e in the world between t r e a t i n g people e q u a l l y and a t t e m p t i n g to make them a l l e q u a l . While the f i r s t i s the c o n d i t i o n of a f r e e s o c i e t y , the second means as De T o c q u e v i l e d e s c r i b e d i t , 'a new form 1 Q of s e r v itude ' . 47 On -this b a s i s , HayeK opposes any -form of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of u e a l t h to a i d l e s s f o r t u n a t e members of s o c i e t y born i n t o a poor economic s i t u a t i o n or o t h e r w i s e handicapped. He c l a i m s t h a t endeavouring to b r i n g about some form of e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n uould mean a t t e m p t i n g to maKe i n d i v i d u a l s the same in a l l r e s p e c t s , f o r example, in i n t e l l i g e n c e or t a l e n t s . While i n d i v i d u a l i s m i s p r o f o u n d l y opposed to a l l p r e s c r i p t i v e p r i v i l e g e , to a l l p r o t e c t i o n , by l a u or by f o r c e , of any r i g h t s not based on r u l e s e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e to a l l p e r s o n s , i t a l s o d e n i e s government the r i g h t t o l i m i t uhat the ab l e or f o r t u n a t e may a c h i e v e . It is e q u a l l y opposed to any r i g i d l i m i t a t i o n of the p o s i t i o n i n d i v i d u a l s may a c h i e v e , uhether t h i s power i s p a used to p e r p e t u a t e i n e q u a l i t y or to c r e a t e e q u a l i t y . HayeK's spontaneous o r d e r p r o t e c t e d by the r u l e of l a u has the i n d i v i d u a l at i t s core because a f r e e s o c i e t y r e q u i r e s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s have the r i g h t to maKe t h e i r own c h o i c e s and be p r o t e c t e d from c o e r c i o n . But t h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s m i s d i s t i n c t from the egal i t a r i a n i s m promoted by s o c i a l i s m which i s based upon e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n and w e a l t h . We must f a c e the f a c t t h a t the p r e s e r v a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l freedom i s i n c o m p a t i b l e with a f u l l s a t i s f a c t i o n of our P l views of d i s t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e . DEMOCRACY Although l i b e r a l i s m does not r e q u i r e democracy to uphold i t and HayeK b e l i e v e s t h e r e i s a danger of t o t a l i t a r i a n democracy because some people mistaKenly b e l i e v e t h a t i f the m a j o r i t y of people approve of a c e r t a i n a c t i o n , the r u l e of l a u i s unnecessary; he b e l i e v e s t h a t democracy can worK u i t h the r u l e of 48 l a u because i t has the advantage of endowing the r u l e of l a u with g r e a t e r l e g i t i m a c y because a l l people are e n f r a n c h i s e d . HayeK, on t h i s a c c o u n t , f a u l t s those types of c o n s e r v a t i s m h o s t i l e t o democracy. ... the advantages of democracy as a method of p e a c e f u l change and of p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n seem to be so g r e a t compared with those of any o t h e r system t h a t I can have no sympathy with the a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c s t r a i n of c o n s e r v a t i s m . It i s not who governs but what government is e n t i t l e d to do t h a t seems to me the e s s e n t i a l p r o b l e m . 2 2 In s p i t e of HayeK's c a s t i g a t i o n of the narrowmindedness of c e r t a i n forms of c o n s e r v a t i s m , he i s s t i l l somewhat ambivalent about the b e n e f i t s of democracy. In h i s scheme of t h i n g s , democracy i s v a l u a b l e when i t h e l p s the cause of l i b e r a l i s m . It i s u s e f u l as a t o o l f o r h e l p i n g to m a i n t a i n the s t r e n g t h and p o p u l a r i t y of l i b e r a l i s m but i t i s a l s o something u h i c h s h o u l d p r o p e r l y remain s u b o r d i n a t e to l i b e r a l p r i n c i p l e s and i d e a l s . Houever, to ensure t h a t democracy does not overuhelm l i b e r a l i s m HayeK has been q u i t e s t r i n g e n t in the amount and s e v e r i t y of the r e s t r i c t i o n s and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s he i s w i l l i n g t o p l a c e on d e m o c r a t i c r u l e . The r e f u s a l to g i v e democracy h i s wholehearted consent i s q u i t e apparent in Law. L e g i s l a t i o n and L i b e r t y , one of h i s most r e c e n t uorKs. However, s t r o n g the g e n e r a l case f o r democracy, i t i s not an u l t i m a t e or a b s o l u t e v a l u e and must be judged by what i t u i l l a c h i e v e . It i s p r o b a b l y the best method of p o a c h i e v i n g c e r t a i n ends, but not an end in i t s e l f . D e s p i t e h i s e q u i v o c a t i o n s , HayeK's p o s i t i o n on democracy s t i l l c o n t r a s t s with t h a t of OaKeshott's uho has no f a i t h in the a b i l i t y of democracy to p r e s e r v e freedom u h i l e HayeK a l l o w s t h a t i f democracy i s l i m i t e d and Kept w i t h i n c e r t a i n c o n s t r a i n t s i t can be c o m p a t i b l e with l i b e r t y . L i b e r a l i s m r e g a r d s i t as d e s i r a b l e t h a t o n l y what the m a j o r i t y a c c e p t s s h o u l d in f a c t be law, but i t does not b e l i e v e t h a t t h i s i s t h e r e f o r e n e c e s s a r i l y good law. I t s aim indeed, i s to persuade the m a j o r i t y to observe 04 c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s . But , where HayeK and OaKeshott are in agreement i s on the harmony of both freedom and a u t h o r i t y . ... t h r e i s o c o n f l i c t between law and freedom and freedom i s dependent upon c e r t a i n a t t r i b u t e s of the law, i t s g e n e r a l i t y and c e r t a i n t y , and the r e s t r i c t i o n s i t p l a c e s on a u t h o r i t y . THE FATE OF ENGLAND In a way, B r i t a i n and i t s e x p e r i e n c e s have been p i v o t a l to HayeK's worK. His r e s p e c t f o r the s u c c e s s e s i t had a c h i e v e d and h i s apprehension t h a t these s u c c e s s e s were be i n g l o s t or s a c r i f i c e d prompted HayeK to c o n c e n t r a t e on p o l i t i c s . He b e l i e v e d t h a t B r i t a i n had been tempted i n t o b e l i e v i n g t h a t the methods of p l a n n i n g common in c o n t i n e n t a l Europe were s u p e r i o r to i t s own methods. However, one of the m e r i t s of the E n g l i s h had been t h a t they had taken a more balanced view of the i n t e l l i g e n c e of men and t h e i r n ature and c o n s e q u e n t l y , they d i d not have any f a i t h in f u l l s c a l e p l a n n i n g which r e l i e d s o l e l y upon human r e a s o n . As a r e s u l t , E n g l i s h p h i l o s o p h y had s e r v e d as an a n t i d o t e to the r a t i o n a l i s t i c t h e o r i e s of t h i n k e r s such as Rousseau whose p h i l o s o p h y Hayek b e l i e v e d had l e d d i r e c t l y to the i m p o s i t i o n of a t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e . 50 The ant i r a t i o n a l i s t i c approach, which r e g a r d s man not as h i g h l y r a t i o n a l and i n t e l l i g e n t but as a very i r r a t i o n a l and f a l l i b l e b e i n g ; whose i n d i v i d u a l e r r o r s are c o r r e c t e d only in the course of the s o c i a l p r o c e s s , and which aims at maKing the best of very i m p e r f e c t m a t e r i a l i s p r o b a b l y the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e of E n g l i s h i n d i v i d u a l i s m . 2 6 The R o a d t o S e r f d o m p u b l i s h e d in 1944, i s devoted to e x p l a i n i n g why a planned s o c i e t y i s a mistake and how England was moving in t h a t d i r e c t i o n . Here HayeK f i r s t proposes the view t h a t the f a c t t h a t E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s t s had no d e s i r e f o r a t o t a l i t a r i a n government d i d not a l t e r the f a c t t h a t such a government would i n e v i t a b l y emerge. What I have argued in t h i s booK, and what the B r i t i s h e x p e r i e n c e c o n v i n c e s me even more to be t r u e , i s t h a t the u n f o r s e e n but i n e v i t a b l e consequences of s o c i a l i s t p l a n n i n g c r e a t e a s t a t e of a f f a i r s in which, i f the p o l i c y i s to be pursued, t o t a l i t a r i a n f o r c e s w i l l get the 0-7 upper hand. Years a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of The R o a d to Serfdom. HayeK was s t i l l no more r e a s s u r e d about the f a t e t h a t awaited B r i t a i n . Of c o u r s e , s i x y e a r s of s o c i a l i s t government in England have not produced a n y t h i n g r e s e m b l i n g a t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e ... but ... the most important change which e x t e n s i v e government c o n t r o l produces i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l change, an a l t e r a t i o n in the c h a r a c t e r of p e o p l e . 2 8 HayeK i s c o n v i n c e d t h a t a p s y c h o l o g i c a l change has o c c u r r e d which has made the B r i t i s h more s e r v i l e and a t t a c k e d t h e i r d e v o t i o n to 1 i b e r t y . Perhaps, the p s y c h o l o g i c a l i d e a l s of the E n g l i s h are now r e t u r n i n g to a c o n d i t i o n he would c o n s i d e r more conducive to freedom. The sudden upsurge of HayeK's p o p u l a r i t y from the 1970's onwards and the r e v i v a l of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y a l l p o i n t to the f a c t t h a t not o n l y s o c i a l i s m but the m i l d s o c i a l 51 democratic i d e a l s embodied in the Keynesian we 1-fare s t a t e and the postwar consensus have been s h a t t e r e d . HayeK Endnotes f r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, Thf» Road to Serfdom. ( C h i c a g o : The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1944), xv i . S F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, T h P F a t a l C o n c e i t - The E r r o r s o-f Soc i a l ism, ed. Ul.W. B a r t l e y I II (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1988), 32. 3 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, I n d i v i d u a l i s m and the Economic Order. (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1948), IS. ^ G o t t f r i e d D i e t z e , "HayeK on the Rule of Lau" in Essavs on Hayek. (New YorK: Neu YorK U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), 111. 5 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, I n d i v i d u a l i s m and thi* Economic Order. (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1948), 24. e G e o r g e C. Roche I I I , "The Relevance of Hayek" in Essavs on  Hayek. (New York: Neu York U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), 10. 7 F r i e d r i c h A. Hayek, C o l l e c t i v i s t Economic P l a n n i n g . (London: George Routledge and Sons L t d . , 1935), 23-24. 8George C. Roche I I I , "The Relevance of Hayek" in E s s a v s on Hayek. (Neu York: Neu York U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), 10. 9 F r i e d r i c h A. Hayek, l . a u . L e g i s l a t i o n a n d L i b e r t y . (London Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1976), 107. 1 0 l b _ i d _ . , 107. 1 1 J J i _ i A . , 108-9. HayeK E n d n o t e s 1 2 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, "The R e s u l t s of Human A c t i o n But Not of Human D e s i g n " in S t u d i e s in P h i l o s o p h y . P o l i t i c s and Economics. (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1967), 101 1 3 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, T h e Road t o S e r f d o m . ( C h i c a g o : The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1944), 72. 1 4 G o t t f r i e d D i e t z e , "HayeK on the Rule of Law" in Essays on Havek. (New YorKJ New YorK U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), 115. l 5 F r i e d r i c h A . HayeK, The R o a d t o S e r f d o m . (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1944), 81-82. 1 6 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, "The R e s u l t s of Human A c t i o n But Not of Human D e s i g n " in stud J P S in P h i l o s o p h y , P o l i t i c s and E c o n o m i c s . ( C h i cago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1967), 102 1 7 J o h n Gray, "F.A. von HayeK" in C o n s e r v a t i v e T h i n k e r s ! Essays from the S a l i s b u r y Review. (London! The C l a r i d g e P r e s s , 1988), 255. 1 8 F r i e d r i c h A. Hayek, The C o n s t i t u t i o n of L i b e r t y . (Chicago The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , I960), 215. F r i e d r i c h A. Hayek, "Kinds of R a t i o n a l i s m " in S t u d i e s in P h i l o s o p h y . P o l i t i c s and Economics. (Chicago! The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1967), 92. " F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, I n d i v i d u a l i s m and the Economic Order ( C h i c a g o : The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1948), 16. 2 1 I h i d . , 22. S 2 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, The C o n s t i t u t i o n of L i b e r t y . (Chicago The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1960), 403. S 3 l b _ i i t . , 106, HayeK Endnotes g 4 I b i d . . 103. S 5 T h i d . . 167. 2 6 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, I n d i v i d u a l i s m and the Economic Order. (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y o-f Chicago P r e s s , 1948), 8-9. 2 7 F r i e d r i c h A. HayeK, The Road to Serfdom. (Chicago! The U n i v e r s i t y o-f Chicago P r e s s , 1944), x i . 28lbJL0L. , £ 2 . CHAPTER 3 OAKESHOTT INTRODUCTION Michael OaKeshott has o f t e n been a s s o c i a t e d with c o n s e r v a t i s m and has been r e f e r r e d to as the g r e a t e s t c o n s e r v a t i v e p h i l o s p h e r of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . An examination of the Key b e l i e f s of h i s p h i l o s o p h y w i l l h i g h l i g h t the l i b e r a l d i r e c t i o n taKen by the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y under Thatcher away from i t s r o o t s . In a d d i t i o n , i t w i l l h e l p to expose the fundamental i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a s . Moreover, the lacK of i n f l u e n c e of the w r i t i n g s of t h i n K e r s who express c o n s e r v a t i v e p o s i t i o n s <1iKe OaKeshott) s i g n i f i e s the precedence g i v e n to l i b e r a l i s m under the Thatcher regime. It i s important to r e a l i z e t h a t OaKeshott does not espouse a r i g i d s e t of ideas or d o c t r i n e s t h a t he would term " c o n s e r v a t i v e " . In f a c t , he i s f i e r c e l y opposed to any type of i d e o l o g y , c o n s e r v a t i v e or o t h e r w i s e . One of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s about OaKeshott i s h i s f a i t h in p r a c t i c e and h i s consequent abhorrence of i d e o l o g y . T h i s change in the c h a r a c t e r of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y which was n o t i c e a b l e in the postwar p e r i o d but became f u l l b l o w n under the l e a d e r s h i p of Thatcher was always d i s t r e s s i n g to OaKeshott and has been a change he has sought to r e v e r s e . 55 56 RATIONALISM OaKeshott c l a i m s t h a t -this change has been -for the worse because he sees i t as a type of p o l i t i c s he terms r a t i o n a l i s t i c which he b e l i e v e s has woven i n t o i t s f a b r i c fundamental and dangerous e r r o r s . He a s s o c i a t e s r a t i o n a l i s t i c p o l i t i c s with a planned s o c i e t y and s o c i a l i s m , as opposed to a s o c i e t y where the r u l e of law and freedom p r e v a i l s . Because of the d e t r i m e n t a l e f f e c t s he b e l i e v e s stem from a planned s o c i e t y , he spent a good p o r t i o n of h i s w r i t i n g s t r y i n g to r e f u t e i t a f t e r the Second World War. It i s in the nature of r a t i o n a l i s m to s u b o r d i n a t e i n d i v i d u a l i t y , c r e a t i v i t y and d i v e r s i t y by a t t e m p t i n g to rnaKe the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the n a t i o n conform to c e r t a i n narrowly d e f i n e d ends t o the e x c l u s i o n of a l l o t h e r s . R a t i o n a l i s m supposedly champions the supremacy of i d e o l o g y and to OaKeshott id e o l o g y means t h a t a sm a l l p o r t i o n of the complex t r a d i t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e are v a s t l y s i m p l i f i e d i n t o a s e t of assumptions about how p o l i t i c s and s o c i e t y s h o u l d be r u n . I n v a r i a b l y , at the h e a r t of r a t i o n a l i s m i s the b e l i e f t h a t " c o r r e c t " ideas and v i e w p o i n t s can be imposed on mankind and t h e i r nature changed, t h a t p e r f e c t i o n i s p o s s i b l e i f the r i g h t i d e o l o g y i s f o l l o w e d . OaKeshott b e l i e v e s t h i s has l e d to the s t a t e becoming an instrument which e x e r t s e x c e s s i v e c o n t r o l and power over i t s c i t i z e n s . The p r o g r e s s i v e l o s s of freedom and many t r a d i t i o n a l a n c i e n t freedoms has been the hallmarK of the postwar per iod . 57 C e n t r a l t o OaKeshott's d i s l i K e o-f r a t i o n a l i s m i s t h a t r a t i o n a l i s t s b e l i e v e t h a t they can manage and change the economy and s o c i e t y o-f a co u n t r y based on t e c h n i c a l in-format ion t h a t can be w r i t t e n down in booKs. However, OaKeshott t h i n K s t h a t t h i s i s a type o-f Knowledge t h a t i s v a s t l y in-fer i o r t o Knowledge t h a t i s gained from p r a c t i c e and e x p e r i e n c e . It i s through t h i s p r a c t i c e - b a s e d Knowledge, to use one of OaKeshott's w e l l Known examples, t h a t a chef i s a b l e to prepare and COOK f o o d . He has not l e a r n e d h i s s K i l l s through r e a d i n g the d i r e c t i o n s s e t out in cooKbooKs but from e x p e r i e n c e and watching o t h e r cooKs. T h e r e f o r e , r a t i o n a l i s m i s inadequate because i t f o r m u l a t e s i t s programs and p o l i c i e s s o l e l y on the b a s i s of t e c h n i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n which cannot convey a l l the ne c e s s a r y Knowledge. It is dangerous because i t t r i e s to s o l v e problems by f o l l o w i n g p o l i c i e s and s t r a t e g i e s i n s t e a d of a l l o w i n g these s i t u a t i o n s to r e s o l v e themselves through methods and p r a c t i c e s t h a t have developed over t i m e . The s t r e n g t h of r a t i o n a l i s m today i s e x h i b i t e d in the high v a l u e and c r e d i b i l i t y g i v e n to s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , economists and t e c h n i c i a n s . One of the u n d e r l y i n g reasons f o r the r i s e of r a t i o n a l i s m , i s t h a t i t corresponded to the r i s e of p o l i t i c a l l y i n e x p e r i e n c e d people i n t o p o s i t i o n s of power and, alth o u g h t h i s has been o c c u r r i n g s i n c e the time of the E n l i g h t e n m e n t , i t appears to have reached i t s apex in the modern e r a . Both B r i t a i n ' s e v o l u t i o n i n t o a 1 i b e r a l - d e m o c r a c y and the i n d u s t r i a l and commercial middle c l a s s p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p o l i t i c s has made i t s u s c e p t i b l e to r a t i o n a l i s i t c p o l i t i c s . T h i s i s the case because r a t i o n a l i s m i s 58 e s s e n t i a l l y an abridgement of e x i s t i n g p r a c t i c e s and can s e r v e as a guide or textbook -for those uho have no Knowledge or e x p e r i e n c e o-f r u l i n g . In f a c t , OaKeshott terms them c r i b s . The r e s u l t of a l l t h i s has been a g r a v e l y d i s t o r t e d view of s o c i e t y and p o l i t i c s which even the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , the t r a d i t i o n a l defender of the r u l e of law and an unplanned s o c i e t y , has become g u i l t y of promoting. A f u r t h e r drawback of the r e l i a n c e on p l a n s and i d e o l o g i e s by the p o l i t i c a l l y i n e x p e r i e n c e d , i s t h a t because of the i n h e r e n t d e f i c i e n c i e s of a l l such pl a n s they cannot remain in p l a c e f o r a long p e r i o d of time b e f o r e they become unworkable and need to be r e p l a c e d . T h e r e f o r e , a s u c c e s s i o n of p l a n s i s imposed one a f t e r a n o t h e r , as each p r e c e e d i n g one f a i l s . "The modern h i s t o r y of Europe i s l i t t e r e d with the p r o j e c t s of R a t i o n a l i s m . " 1 The consequence i s chaos and i n s t a b i l i t y . That a l l contemporary p o l i t i c s are deeply i n f e c t e d with R a t i o n a l i s m w i l l be denied o n l y by those who choose to g i v e the i n f e c t i o n another name. Not o n l y are our p o l i t i c a l v i c e s r a t i o n a l i s t i c , but so are our p o l i t i c a l v i r t u e s ... And those t r a d i t i o n a l e l e m ents, p a r t i c u l a r l y in E n g l i s h p o l i t i c s , which might have expected to c o n t i n u e some r e s i s t a n c e to the p r e s s u r e of R a t i o n a l i s m , have almost c o m p l e t e l y conformed to the p r e v a i l i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l temper, and even r e p r e s e n t t h i s c o n f o r m i t y to be a s i g n of t h e i r v i t a l i t y , t h e i r a b i l i t y to move with the t i m e s . R a t i o n a l i s m has ceased to be merely one s t y l e in p o l i t i c s and has become the s t y l i s t i c c r i t e r i o n p of a l l r e s p e c t a b l e p o l i t i c s . OaKeshott's e x p l a n a t i o n of the c u r r e n t s t a t e of p o l i t i c s and i t s drawbacks sheds l i g h t on the degree of p o p u l a r i t y and s t a n d i n g h i s p h i l o s o p h y i s g i v e n in modern England. E s p e c i a l l y when i t i s p o i n t e d out t h a t a l t h o u g h he c o n s i d e r s h i m s e l f to be of a c o n s e r v a t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n he does not approve of the methods 59 or ideas o-f the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y which he b e l i e v e s has succumbed to the r a t i o n a l i s t in-fluence. The bug o-f r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s has b i t t e n the C o n s e r v a t i v e . To have hoped t h a t he might be immune from the u n i v e r s a l i n f e c t i o n was, p erhaps, e x c e s s i v e opt imism. OaKeshott found t h i s s i t u a t i o n d i s t u r b i n g both because of h i s temperament and because in the e a r l y postwar p e r i o d he had e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e d h i s wish to have the B r i t i s h C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y d e f e a t the r i s i n g t i d e of r a t i o n a l i s m t h a t was e n g u l f i n g B r i t a i n and which he b e l i e v e d the Labour P a r t y s u p p o r t e d . His c a l l to the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y to f i g h t r a t i o n a l i s m and to r e s t o r e B r i t a i n to i t s f o r m e r , more g l o r i o u s way of l i f e was s e t out in h i s essay "Contemporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " . E vidence of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y ' s b e t r a y a l of t h e i r own i d e a l s and t r a d i t i o n s i s r e v e a l e d in t h e i r a d o p t i o n of HayeK, a t h i n K e r in the mould of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m , as an icon and someone whose t h e o r i e s are g i v e n c r e d e n c e . S e r i o u s attempts have been made to implement h i s ideas c o n c e r n i n g the economy and p o l i t i c s , and even though HayeK i s very h o s t i l e towards s o c i a l i s m and c o l l e c t i v i s m with the p l a n n i n g i t e n t a i l s , OaKeshott sees h i s method of doing so as s e l f - d e f e a t i n g . In OaKeshott's words: ... the i n f o r m a l i t y of E n g l i s h p o l i t i c s (which enabled us to escape, f o r a long time p u t t i n g too high a v a l u e on p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and p l a c i n g too high a hope in p o l i t i c a l achievement - to escape in p o l i t i c s at l e a s t , the i l l u s i o n of evanesence of i m p e r f e c t i o n ) t h a t r e s i s t a n c e 4 has now c o n v e r t e d i t s e l f i n t o an i d e o l o g y . OAKESHOTT'S POSITION IN CONSERVATISM GaKesho-tt 's ideas s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h him from the bulK of C o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i t i c i a n s today and impart to h i s p h i l o s o p h y r a d i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . Some contend t h a t i t i s p o t e n t i a l l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y because i t would mean a t o t a l change in the way p o l i t i c s i s c o n c e i v e d and p o l i t i c a l l i f e o p e r a t e s . In f a c t , t h e r e has been debate over whether or not OaKeshott can be c o n s i d e r e d c o n s e r v a t i v e . It has been p o s t u l a t e d t h a t he i s more a p p r o p r i a t e l y thought of as a l i b e r a l t h i n K e r and h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to c o n s e r v a t i s m i s o n l y s u p e r f i c i a l . His concern f o r freedom and i n d i v i d u a l i t y which i s extremely prominent in h i s worK i s h e l d by some to maKe him a l i b e r a l t h i n K e r . As Paul Franco sees i t , OaKeshott's ... t h e o r y of c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n , in i t s concern with l i b e r t y , i t s a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l i t y and i t s defense of the r u l e of law cannot but be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as 1 i b e r a l . 5 It has been suggested t h a t OaKeshott has been i n c o r r e c t l y a l i g n e d with c o n s e r v a t i s m mainly on the b a s i s of what he has w r i t t e n about the v a l u e and importance of t r a d i t i o n s which was then used to show OaKeshott's a f f i n i t y to w r i t e r s in the c o n s e r v a t i v e v e i n . It can be conceded t h a t t h e r e i s an element of l i b e r a l i s m in OaKeshott's thought. However, t h a t t h e r e i s a s t r e a K of l i b e r a l i s m in OaKeshott does not mean i t i s dominant in h i s p h i l o s o p h y and in any case,, a concern f o r l i b e r t y and freedom i s not the s o l e p r e s e r v e of l i b e r a l i s m . The C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y has h i s t o r i c a l l y viewed i t s e l f as the defender of a n c i e n t l i b e r t i e s 61 and p r i v i l e g e s which were i n t e g r a l to the maintenance o-f the s o c i a l o r d e r . An a d d i t i o n a l i n d i c a t i o n o-f OaKeshott's c o n s e r v a t i s m i s the a r t i c l e he p u b l i s e d in 1948 e n t i t l e d , "On Being C o n s e r v a t i v e " in which he e x p l i c i t l y a l i g n s himsel-f with those of a c o n s e r v a t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n e s p e c i a l l y in r e g a r d to change. OaKeshott c o n s i d e r s h i m s e l f c o n s e r v a t i v e and h i s s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n to r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s and a planned s o c i e t y i s at the core of h i s a f f i n i t y with the c o n s e r v a t i v e temperament. It i s t r u e t h a t c e r t a i n f a m i l i a r presumptions of c o n s e r v a t i s m are m i s s i n g from h i s thought. But i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to f i n d any c o n s e r v a t i v e f i g u r e who s u b s c r i b e s to a l l f e a t u r e s of the c o n s e r v a t i v e t r a d i t i o n . OaKeshott does not b e l i e v e i t i s these t r a d i t i o n s which maKe a person c o n s e r v a t i v e , as he maKes c l e a r in the f o l l o w i n g passage. What maKes a c o n s e r v a t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n in p o l i t i c s i n t e l l i g b l e i s n o t h i n g to do with a n a t u r a l law or p r o v i d e n t i a l o r d e r , n o t h i n g to do with morals or r e l i g i o n ; i t i s the o b s e r v a t i o n of our c u r r e n t manner of l i v i n g combined with the b e l i e f (which from our p o i n t of view need be regarded as no more than a h y p o t h e s i s ) t h a t governing i s a s p e c i f i c and l i m i t e d a c t i v i t y , namely the p r o v i s i o n and custody of g e n e r a l r u l e s of c o n d u c t , which are u n d e r s t o o d , not as p l a n s f o r imposing s u b s t a n t i v e a c t i v i t e s , but as instruments e n a b l i n g people to pursue the a c t i v i t e s of t h e i r own c h o i c e with the minimum of f r u s t r a t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e something which i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e to be c o n s e r v a t i v e about. There i s a t e n s i o n in OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y but the c o n s e r v a t i s m i s dominant over the l i b e r a l a s p e c t s and i t i s in t h i s c o n t e x t t h a t he sho u l d be s t u d i e d . 68 In the immediate postwar p e r i o d , OaKeshott's a n x i e t y about the s t a t e o-f a-f-fairs brought about by the i n c r e a s i n g s t r e n g t h o-f r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s r e s u l t e d in him w r i t i n g p i e c e s a n t a g o n i s t i c to r a t i o n a l i s m and t r y i n g to maKe c l e a r the f o l l y of a l l o w i n g t h i s mode of p o l i t i c s to become dominant. One of the t h i n g s OaKeshott most f e a r e d in the postwar e r a <1iKe HayeK) was the i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a r i t y of s o c i a l i s m , even though B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m was a much m i l d e r form than t h a t p r a c t i c e d in c o n t i n e n t a l Europe. In OaKeshott's e y e s , r a t i o n a l i s m had i t s apex in s o c i a l i s m and would eat away at the s o c i a l f a b r i c of B r i t a i n and d e s t r o y the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s and l i b e r t i e s t h a t Englishmen had enjoyed in the p a s t . For example, the r i g h t to p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and the freedom to choose how to l i v e one's l i f e , p r o v i d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l remained w i t h i n the bounds of the r u l e of law. That OaKeshott had been animated and pushed i n t o a c t i o n by the events of the 1940's and 50's i s e a s i l y d i s c e r n i b l e in h i s e s s a y , "Contemporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " . In i t he goes on at l e n g t h of the dangers of s u p p o r t i n g the Labour P a r t y which he b e l i e v e d was i n e v i t a b l y moving towards s o c i a l i s m as i t became more deeply e n t a n g l e d with r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s and t h i n K i n g . He exhorted the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y to act as the defender of freedom and t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h s o c i e t y because he b e l i e v e d t h a t i t was the only p a r t y c a p a b l e of u n d e r t a k i n g such a t a s K . It was the p r o g r e s s i o n and a c c e l e r a t i o n of r a t i o n a l i s m t h a t a c t e d as the c a t a l y s t f o r most of OaKeshott's worK. His energy was devoted mainly towards the r e f u t a t i o n of r a t i o n a l i s m or the e l u c i d a t i o n 63 o-f what he viewed as the opposing and s u p e r i o r mode o-f p o l i t i c s which was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by -freedom and there-fore, c o m p e t i t i o n . T h i s c o m p e t i t i o n in p o l i t i c s and economics had always been pre s e n t to some degree in the past but was now s l i p p i n g away. OaKeshott in On Human Conduct and o t h e r w r i t i n g s d i s c u s s e s h i s b e l i e f t h a t economic c o m p e t i t i o n i s n e c e s s a r y to p r e s e r v e freedom. A c l o s e r examination of some of OaKeshott's c e n t r a l b e l i e f s are r e q u i r e d in o r d e r to see how he compares with the c o n s e r v a t i v e t r a d i t i o n and why he seems to be more compatible with the ideas and t r a d i t i o n s of an e a r l i e r age. In p a r t i c u l a r , he appears to be more in harmony with the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y t h a t was dominated and c o n t r o l l e d by a more a r i s t o c r a t i c f a c t i o n and when the f a i t h in the idea of a n a t u r a l r u l i n g e l i t e was s t i l l s t r o n g and not much q u e s t i o n e d . Although the e x i s t e n c e of such an e l i t e drawn from the upper c l a s s e s has p e r s i s t e d i n t o the p r e s e n t , i t s s t r e n g t h has d i m i n i s h e d and t h e r e i s now more emphasis on the importance of m e r i t and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . A l s o , t h e r e was T h a t c h e r ' s p e r s o n a l h o s t i l i t y to those of an a r i s t o c r a t i c or p u b l i c s c h o o l background. The gap between OaKeshott's w r i t i n g s and r e c e n t E n g l i s h p o l i t i c s h e l p s to show the magnitude of the changes t h a t have taKen p l a c e in the postwar p e r i o d . A l t h o u g h , he contends t h a t i t was not so much a change in a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n , as an a c c e l e r a t i o n of t r e n d s which had a l r e a d y been p r e s e n t in Western and E n g l i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n . One r e s u l t of the changes produced by the t r e n d towards r a t i o n a l i s m 64 w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i s t h a t OaKeshott's t e n e t s seemed a l i e n and unen 1 ighten ing to those o-f the T h a t c h e r i t e p e r s u a s i o n in the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , which had become an important f o r c e in the 1980's. RULE OF LAW At the c e n t r e of OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y i s h i s b e l i e f in the r u l e of law as an i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t p r e s e r v e s both s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and i n d i v i d u a l freedom. W i t h i n the r u l e of law the c o n f l i c t i n g v a l u e s of a u t h o r i t y and l i b e r t y are balanced and f i n d t h e i r proper e q u i l i b r i u m . Under the r u l e of law a l l laws are Known beforehand and apply e q u a l l y to e v e r y o n e , t h e r e f o r e , a u t h o r i t y i s upheld but i n d i v i d u a l s are g i v e n the freedom to maKe t h e i r own d e c i s i o n s . The laws do not t e l l i n d i v i d u a l s what they must do, they o n l y p l a c e boundaries on t h e i r f i e l d s of a c t i o n . OaKeshott o u t l i n e s what the r u l e of law i n v o l v e s in the paragraph below as , ... a s s o c i a t i o n in terms of r u l e s appears a r e l a t i o n s h i p in r e s p e c t of a u t h o r i t a t i v e p r e s c r i p t i o n s which have a c e r t a i n j u r i s d i c t i o n and an a s c e r t a i n a b l e a u t h e n t i c i t y . They assume agents engaged in s e l f - c h o s e n a c t i o n s to promote or p r o c u r e v a r i o u s s u b s t a n t i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n s and they impose o b l i g a t i o n s upon them to s e c u r e c e r t a i n a d v e r b i a l c o n d i t i o n s in p e r f o r m i n g a l l or any of these a c t i o n s . These r u l e s are not designed to promote or t o impede the achievement of these s a t i s f a c t i o n s and are i n c a p a b l e of doing s o , and they are not i n s t r u m e n t a l to the achievement of a s u b s t a n t i v e purpose of t h e i r own. And those o b l i g a t i o n s may or may not be d i s c e r n e d , but they are not denied in a f a i l u r e to observe them. 7 OaKeshott sees the r u l e of law as an instrument v i t a l to 65 •the p r e s e r v a t i o n of l i b e r t y not o n l y because t h e r e can be no freedom without the law and a u t h o r i t y . The type of freedom t h a t was enjoyed by the E n g l i s h uas a human c o n s t r u c t i o n b u i l t w i t h i n the frameuorK of a u t h o r i t y . It has been the lacK of u n d e r s t a n d i n g on the p a r t of the postwar c o n s e r v a t i v e s of hou l i b e r t y and a u t h o r i t y f u n c t i o n e d t h a t l e d OaKeshott to e l a b o r a t e on the o p e r a t i o n of a proper p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y in Qn. Human Conduct. OaKeshott i s very c l e a r throughout h i s w r i t i n g s t h a t a u t h o r i t y and the r u l e of law do not d e n i g r a t e freedom but t h a t the tuo s t r e n g t h e n and r e i n f o r c e one ano t h e r . " I t i s p r e c i s e l y because r e c o g n i z i n g the a u t h o r i t y of r e s p u b l i c a does not i n v o l v e a p p r o v a l of i t s c o n d i t i o n s t h a t the 'freedom' inh e r e n t in agency i s p r e s e r v e d . " Such a view demonstrates OaKeshott's indebtedness to Hegel and h i s i d e a s . It i s n e c e s s a r y to understand OaKeshott's b e l i e f t h a t freedom and a u t h o r i t y are not a u t o m a t i c a l l y in o p p o s i t i o n to each o t h e r or c o n t r a d i c t o r y i d e a l s because he bases much of h i s w r i t i n g s around t h i s c o n c e p t . The f r e e d o m / a u t h o r i t y dichotomy i s a t h r e a d t h a t seems to run throughout the postwar p e r i o d and OaKeshott i s c o n v i n c e d t h a t he has r e s o l v e d the t e n s i o n between the two, and t h a t the n o t i o n of t h e i r i n c o m p a t a b i 1 i t y was founded on a m i s c o n c e p t i o n as to how c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n f u n c t i o n s . OaKeshott a l s o drew upon Hobbes ' w r i t i n g s because he too attempted to r e s o l v e the p u l l between freedom and a u t h o r i t y and r e c o g n i z e d t h i s p u l l as something t h a t c o u l d and uas d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e d e s t r u c t i v e of E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . OaKeshott says t h a t . 66 ... what s t i r s Hobbes i s ' g r i e f f o r the p r e s e n t c a l a m i t i e s of my c o u n t r y ' , a c o u n t r y t o r n between those who c l a i m too much f o r L i b e r t y and those who c l a i m e d too much f o r A u t h o r i t y , a c o u n t r y g i v e n over i n t o the hands of a m bitious men who e n l i s t e d the envy and resentment of g a 'giddy p e o p l e ' f o r the advancement of t h e i r a m b i t i o n s . Hobbes r e c o g n i z e d t h a t u n r e s t r i c t e d freedom not s u b j e c t to the c o n s t r a i n t s of the r u l e of law was d e s t r u c t i v e of peace, s e c u r i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n , c o n s e q u e n t l y , freedom and a u t h o r i t y had to be balanced so t h a t a s u i t a b l e e q u i l i b r i u m c o u l d be f ound. T h i s i s one of the s o u r c e s of OaKeshott's a d m i r a t i o n of Hobbes. Although to OaKeshott, the r u l e of law means s t r o n g government, i t a l s o s i g n i f i e s l i m i t e d government. It i s only due to the f a c t t h a t government has c e r t a i n w e l l Known p r e s c r i b e d ends and d u t i e s t h a t a u t h o r i t y and l i b e r t y can m a i n t a i n a harmonious r e l a t i o n s h i p . Any attempt on the p a r t of the s t a t e to taKe on more than c e r t a i n l i m i t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and powers, even i f i t has good i n t e n t i o n s , means an i r r e v o c a b l e s h i f t to a r a t i o n a l i s t and s o c i a l i s t government. A c c o r d i n g to OaKeshott such a move s i g n a l s the end of t r u e freedom and l i b e r t y . The i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t t e n d e n c i e s of t h i s form of p o l i t i c s i s something which o n l y s t r e n g t h e n s with the p a s s i n g of time and i t c r e a t e s a huge and i n e f f i c i e n t b ureaucracy t h a t becomes p a r a l y z e d and immobile as i t s departments and f u n c t i o n s c o n t i n u e to grow; in a d d i t i o n to the l o s s of freedom of i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s . That t h i s f orm of government has been a l l o w e d to become dominant was the r e s u l t of o v e r l y s i m p l i s t i c and mistaken ideas about the nature of p o l i t i c s and the human c o n d i t i o n . 67 ... the b e l i e f t h a t p o l i t i c s are (or s h o u l d be) s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g - these have been the main (though not e x c l u s i v e ) i n s p i r a t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y in Western Europe f o r the l a s t two hundred y e a r s . ... they have gi v e n us the ideas and i d e a l s which determine our p r e s e n t p o l i t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s t h a t economics can and s h o u l d r e p l a c e p o l i t i c s , t h a t the i d e a l of government i s the a d m i n s t r a t i o n of t h i n g s and not government of the people ... t h a t the r i s K s and u n c e r t a i n t i e s of both p o l i t i c a l and commercial b a r g a i n i n g can be r e p l a c e d by the c e r t a i n t y of r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n , t h a t ( i n s h o r t ) i t i s only our ignorance of the u n i v e r s a l causes of human a c t i v i t y u h i c h stands between us and a s o c i e t y incomparably b e t t e r o r d e r e d , more j u s t and more 10 prosperous than any human s o c i e t y t h a t has yet e x i s t e d . A l t h o u g h , the above s u p p o s i t i o n s are o p t i m i s t i c and are aimed at improving mankind, OaKeshott i s c o n v i n c e d t h a t r e l i a n c e upon them i n e v i t a b l y b a c k f i r e s because i t d e s t r o y s what uas u o r t h u h i l e and v a l u a b l e in t h a t s o c i e t y . A c e n t r a l l y planned s o c i e t y i s , of c o u r s e , the s i m p l e s t of a l l s o c i e t i e s , and o f f e r s the g r e a t e s t p r i z e s of power to those uho can get in on the ground f l o o r . It appeals not o n l y to the ambitious p o l i t i c i a n but a l s o to the ignorant p o l i t i c i a n . E c o n o m i c a l l y i t i s based upon a s i m p l i f i e d , m e c h a n i s t i c c o n c e p t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n ; q u a n t i t a t i v e , p h y s i c a l c o n t r o l s can be understood o n l y by the those who c o u l d never r e a c h a proper u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the k i n d of c o n t r o l the E n g l i s h common 1au and the law merchant f o r c e n t u r i e s e x e r c i s e d over some departments of a c t i v i t y , and f o r many years over a l l . 1 1 CIVIL ASSOCIATION The form of c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n Oakeshott i s promoting and the form he accuses r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s of t a k i n g i s based on tuo i d e a l types of c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n he d e f i n e s most t h o r o u g h l y in On Human Conduct . moral a s s o c i a t i o n and e n t e r p r i s e 68 a s s o c i a t i o n , or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , s o c i e t a s and u n i v e r s i t a s . G e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , t h e n , human conduct d i s c l o s e s two c a t e g o r i a l l y d i s t i n c t modes of r e l a t i o n s h i p s r e l a t i o n s h i p in doing ( t r a n s a c t i o n a l or c o - o p e r a t i v e ) f o r the s a t i s f a c t i o n of s u b s t a n t i v e wants, and r e l a t i o n s h i p in terms of o b l i g a t i o n to s u b s c r i b e to moral c o n d i t i o n s in 12 do ing . Moral a s s o c i a t i o n c o r r e s p o n d s to a s o c i e t y governed by the r u l e of law where freedom and a u t h o r i t y are u p h e l d , in i t the r o l e of the s t a t e i s c l e a r l y d e f i n e d and p o l i t i c s p l a y s a s u b o r d i n a t e r o l e and i s not n e c e s s a r y f o r the s u r v i v a l of the a s s o c i a t i o n . "... P o l i t i c s i s c a t e g o r i a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from r u l i n g . R u l i n g in a c i v i t a s i s a d i u r n a l engagement, the concern of persons who occupy o f f i c e s ; and i t s u t t e r a n c e i s a u t h o r i t a t i v e and not 1 3 p e r s u a s i v e . " The s o c i e t a s a s p e c t of c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n was something t h a t was more prominent in the p ast in England but has been l o s i n g ground to e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the postwar e r a . OaKeshott has no qualms about a d v o c a t i n g moral a s s o c i a t i o n as b e t t e r than e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n and c o n n e c t i n g the e n t e r p r i s e mode with the ascendancy of the p o l i t i c a l l y i n e x p e r i e n c e d and r a t i o n a l i s m . To t r y to have a c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n based on the i d e a of an e n t e r p r i s e where t h e r e are d e f i n i t e g o a l s and aims the s t a t e i s t r y i n g to a c h i e v e , r e s u l t s in d i s a s t e r f o r i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and freedom. The adherence to s p e c i f i c ends means t h a t d e v i a t i o n from them i s not p e r m i t t e d and t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s who attempt to f o l l o w t h e i r own path and which do not n e c e s s a r i l y c o r r e s p o n d to the u n i v e r s a l g o a l s are regarded as dangerous and need to be s u p p r e s s e d . And even i f i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l i n g l y a ccepted t h i s type of a s s o c i a t i o n , OaKeshott argues 69 -that t h e r e are no p l a u s i b l e ends t h a t a l l c i t i z e n s c o u l d agree on and a c c e p t . It i s not in the nature of the s t a t e to be able to f o l l o w o v e r a r c h i n g i d e a l s and b e l i e f s . Paul Franco g i v e s a c l e a r summary of why OaKeshott t h i n k s t h a t c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n cannot be based upon the n o t i o n of an e n t e r p r i s e and i s t h e r e f o r e , u ntenable and f o o l i s h . ... OaKeshott vehemently r e j e c t s t h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n as an ' e n t e r p r i s e c o n d i t i o n ' . In the f i r s t p l a c e he d e n i e s t h e r e i s any common purpose which adequately s p e c i f i e s c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n . Even 'peace' or ' s e c u r i t y ' f a i l s in the r e g a r d , i n s o f a r as 'peace' or ' s e c u r i t y ' i s not r e a l l y a s u b s t a n t i v e purpose at a l l -th a t i s , a s p e c i f i c s a t i s f a c t i o n sought f o r i t s e l f - but r a t h e r a c o n d i t i o n which makes p o s s i b l e the p u r s u i t of 14 s u b s t a n t ive s a t i s f a c t i o n s . A f u r t h e r d e f e c t of e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n i s t h a t i t i m p l i e s i t s members have the freedom to leave the a s s o c i a t i o n i f they no longer agree with i t s ends; but i t i s not f e a s i b l e t h a t c i t i z e n s s h o u l d be ab l e to d i s a s s o c i a t e themselves and no longer f o l l o w i t s r u l e s or obey i t s a u t h o r i t y . If t h i s were s o , the r e s u l t would be chaos and the s t a t e would be an u n v i a b l e e n t i t y . In f a c t , even where the e n t e r p r i s e mode i s dominant, c i t i z e n s must r e s p e c t the s t a t e ' s a u t h o r i t y and i t s ends. T h e r e f o r e , i t s u f f e r s from a lacK of freedom and i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r i g i d i t y and inf1 ex ib i 1 t y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the undertaKing to impose t h i s c h a r a c t e r upon a s t a t e whose membership i s compulsory c o n s t i t u t e s a moral e n o r m i t y , and i t i s the attempt and not the deed 15 which c o n v i c t s i t of moral e n o r m i t y . OaKeshott d i r e c t l y l i n k s e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n to any form of c o l l e c t i v i s m but e s p e c i a l l y to s o c i a l i s m , even in i t s m i l d e r s o c i a l d e mocratic v a r i a n t s . In c o n t r a s t , h i s view of moral 70 a s s o c i a t i o n f i t s in w e l l with h i s s t r o n g i n d i v i d u a l i s m . He p e r c e i v e s p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and a f r e e marKet economy as i n t e g r a l p a r t s of a s o c i e t a s . These s e n t i m e n t s are somewhat l i b e r a l but i t seems 1 i K e l y t h a t OaKeshott b e l i e v e d t h a t moral a s s o c i a t i o n f i t t e d in b e s t with c o n s e r v a t i s m s i n c e he had made i t c l e a r in "Contemporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " t h a t he thought t h a t only the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y c o u l d r e v e r s e the t r e n d towards r a t i o n a l i s m which i s almost synonymous with the concept of an e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n . OaKeshott i s a b l e to r e c o n c i l e h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s m with h i s b e l i e f in c o n s e r v a t i s m because to him, the i n d i v i d u a l i s not the r a t i o n a l i s t i c , i s o l a t e d and p r o f i t maximizing person of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . I n s t e a d , the i n d i v i d u a l i s a member of a s o c i e t y and a community which he depends upon f o r h i s e x i s t e n c e and from which he d e r i v e s b e n e f i t s and owes d u t i e s . It i s the g r e a t m e r i t of c o n s e r v a t i s m t h a t i t has r e s i s t e d the p r e s s u r e of c i r c u m s t a n c e s and a middle e l e c t o r a t e to embrace the p r o j e c t of a c e n t r a l l y planned s o c i e t y ; i t s p r e s e n t weakness i s t h a t i t has not r e s i s t e d t h a t p r e s s u r e with the a b s o l u t e c o n v i c t i o n with which i t 16 s h o u l d be r e s i s t e d . In Oakeshott "s e y e s , government or the s t a t e i s t h e r e to p r e s e r v e o r d e r , s t a b i l i t y and the freedoms of i t s ' c i t i z e n s . He c l a i m s t h a t in the past the E n g l i s h s t a t e has a llowed t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s to f l o u r i s h and has been a n e u t r a l i m p a r t i a l instrument implementing the r u l e of law and had w i t h s t o o d the p r e c e p t s of r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s . However, the r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s found in e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n has been s u p p l a n t i n g moral a s s o c i a t i o n in B r i t a i n and has been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y undermining o r d e r , s t a b i l i t y and freedom. The p l a n s such a form of s t a t e wishes to e n a c t , 71 c o r r u p t and d i s t o r t p o l i t i c s because i t t r i e s to impose upon p o l i t i c s tasKs i t i s not c a p a b l e of c a r r y i n g o u t . P o l i t i c s ... n e c e s s a r i l y e x c l u d e s benevolent p l a n s f o r the g e n e r a l betterment of mankind, f o r d i m i n i s h i n g between wants and s a t i s f a c t i o n s or f o r moral improvement ... a l s o ... p r o p o s a l s f o r awards of b e n e f i t or advantage to a s c e r t a i n a b l e i n d i v i d u a l or c o r p o r a t e i n t e r e s t s c l a i m e d on account of the m e r i t , the b a r g a i n i n g - p o w e r , or any o t h e r a l l e g e d p r o p e r t y of such i n t e r e s t s ... are not merely e x c l u d e d from p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e ; they are n e c e s s a r i l y e x c l u d e d by the c h a r a c t e r of the r e s p u b 1 i c a . 1 7 Oakeshott condemns a s t a t e b a s e d on e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n as p e r p e t u a t i n g the ideas j u s t c i t e d and w h i l e they may sound a p p e a l i n g , they are unreachable and m i s l e a d i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o s u r r e n d e r i n g the t r u e freedoms they a l r e a d y possess f o r what Oakeshott b e l i e v e s are U t o p i a n f a n t a s i e s . OaKeshott's concept of t r u e or t r a d i t i o n a l freedoms c o n s t i t u t e s an important d i f f e r e n c e with Hayek who b e l i e v e s t h a t freedom has much more e g a l i t a r i a n c o n n o t a t i o n s . Oakeshott accuses Hayek of b e i n g i d e o l o g i c a l and hence, r a t i o n a l i s t because Hayek t h i n k s t h a t freedom can be c o n s c i o u s l y i n s t i t u t e d through laws and because the p o l i t i c a l e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of Hayek seems to Oakeshott to be a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the mistakes made d u r i n g the French R e v o l u t i o n . OaKeshott s u p p o r t s a p e c u l i a r Kind of freedom which b e n e f i t s the p r i v i l e g e d and w e a l t h i e s t s e c t i o n s of s o c i e t y and a l l o w s them to m a i n t a i n t h e i r s t a t u s . T h e r e f o r e , he i s h o s t i l e towards any atempts at l e v e l l i n g or e q u a l i t y in s o c i e t y , both economic and p o l i t i c a l . One problem with OaKeshott's p l a c i n g h i s hopes on c o n s e r v a t i s m to b a t t l e the growth of e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n i s t h a t he admits t h a t c o n s e r v a t i s m has not been as s t r o n g as i t s h o u l d have been 78 in i t s r e s i s t a n c e and t h a t r a t i o n a l i s m has even been p a r t i a l l y a c cepted by the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . There-fore, OaKeshott's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t a s t a t e which r e l i e s on c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g i s o n l y the most obvious case of an e n t e r p r i s e a s s o c i a t i o n would mean t h a t the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i s not a good c a n d i d a t e to uphold moral a s s o c i a t i o n in B r i t a i n . However, OaKeshott h i m s e l f does not appear to see t h i s d i s c r e p a n c y . C o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i t i c s i s s u p e r i o r to r a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s because i t does not promise u n a t t a i n a b l e t h i n g s or t r y to remould s o c i e t y i n t o a narrow and r e s t r i c t i v e image which some person has d e c i d e d w i l l produce p e r f e c t i o n . It i s more concerned with Keeping t h i n g s steady and u p h o l d i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s of government. It does not impute to p o l i t i c s any grand c a p a b i l i t i e s but r e c o g n i z e s i t as an a c t i v i t y of a secondary n a t u r e . CHANGE Re g a r d l e s s of these c r i t i c i s m s , OaKeshott has maintained h i s p o s i t i o n and supported a c o n s e r v a t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n in p o l i t i c s . In p a r t i c u l a r , he approves of the c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e towards change and i t s manner of d e a l i n g with i t . C o n s e r v a t i v e s Norton and Aughey e x p l a i n t h a t , ... the nature of C o n s e r v a t i v e s t a t e c r a f t i s to a d j u s t what e x i s t s to what i s becoming, and t h i s by gradual and incremental means. T h i s i s what OaKeshott has b r i l l i a n t l y l 8 d e s c r i b e d as the p u r s u i t of i n t i m a t i o n s . OaKeshott's a t t i t u d e towards change i d e n t i f i e s him as 73 c o n s e r v a t i v e . ... to be c o n s e r v a t i v e i s not merely to be averse -from change <uhich may be an i d i o s y n c r a s y ) ; i t i s a l s o a manner of accommodating o u r s e l v e s to change, an a c t i v i t y imposed upon a l l men. F o r , change i s a t h r e a t to i d e n t i t y 19 and every change i s an emblem of e x t i n c t i o n . H i s a t t i t u d e towards change i s such t h a t i t assumes t h e r e i s at l e a s t some form of o r g a n i c i s m i n h e r e n t in s o c i e t y . For example, t h i s i s apparent when d i s c u s s i n g the French R e v o l u t i o n he argues t h a t i t had such c a t a s t r o p h i c consequences because i t s p r i n c i p l e s were imported from England and d i d not a r i s e from French t r a d i t i o n s . A g a i n , t h i s i s another important p o i n t of d i f f e r e n c e between OaKeshott and HayeK. While OaKeshott i s very l e e r y about change and the speed at which i t taKes p l a c e , HayeK i s much more welcoming towards i t . In a f r e e s o c i e t y e s p e c i a l l y , HayeK a s s o c i a t e s change with p r o g r e s s and c i v i l i z a t i o n . But to OaKeshott, such a c o n n e c t i o n between change and p r o g r e s s i s another dangerous r a t i o n a l i s t s u p p o s i t i o n . THE ROLE OF POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY OaKeshott's view of p o l i t i c s as a secondary and l i m i t e d type of a c t i v i t y has an a r i s t o c r a t i c t i n g e t o i t and f i t s in e a s i l y with the h i s t o r i c a l b e l i e f t h a t p o l i t i c s was the duty of a n a t u r a l r u l i n g c l a s s . P o l i t i c s uas i d e a l l y o n l y a p a r t - t i m e o c c u p a t i o n not done f o r monetary reward. T h i s a f f i n i t y i s made very c l e a r uhen OaKeshott t a l K s about democracy. He sees democracy as a t o o l t h a t has been used to t e a r down the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s r i g h t s in s o c i e t y , t h a t have s l o u l y been b u i l t 74 up over the c e n t u r i e s . In -fact he seems a l i t t l e h y s t e r i c a l in h i s condemnation o-f democracy as a way o-f imposing c o n s t r a i n t s upon i n d i v i d u a l s by o t h e r people who are a f r a i d to taKe advantage o-f the neu o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a t have been opened up to them with the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o-f -feudal s o c i e t y in Europe. In -feudal Europe i n d i v i d u a l s had almost no c h o i c e of the r o l e and f u n c t i o n they would have in l i f e . A c c o r d i n g to OaKeshott, democracy and the e q u a l i t y among c i t i z e n s i t e n t a i l s , i s r e a l l y masking the f e a r of i n d i v i d u a l s who are "mass men" and who want to prevent o t h e r people from t a k i n g advantage of the freedom they are not capable of e n j o y i n g t h e m s e l v e s . By "mass man" OaKeshott means a person with a " d i s p o s i t i o n to a l l o w in o t h e r s o n l y a r e p l i c a of h i m s e l f , to impose upon a l l a u n i f o r m i t y of b e l i e f and conduct t h a t l e a v e s p a no room f o r e i t h e r the p a i n s or p l e a s u r e s of c h o i c e ..." By u s i n g the government and h i s own power, "mass man" i s able to e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t e freedom of c h o i c e and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . For OaKeshott, the c o r r e c t way to approach government and p o l i t i c s i s to Keep both as l i m i t e d as p o s s i b l e and leave them in the hands of t r u e i n d i v i d u a l s who support freedom and c h o i c e . OaKeshott t h i n k s t h a t such i n d i v i d u a l s are small in number, compared to mass men, and are more l i k e l y to c o r r e s p o n d to those of a c o n s e r v a t i v e temperament. T h i s i s a view he o u t l i n e s in the essay "The Masses in R e p r e s e n t a t i v e Democracy". In some ways, OaKeshott's thought p a r a l l e l s t h a t of HayeK's at c e r t a i n p o i n t s . For i n s t a n c e , both are s t r o n g b e l i e v e r s and s u p p o r t e r s of the r u l e of law and the n e c e s s i t y of combining both a u t h o r i t y and l i b e r t y to uphold a c i v i l i z e d s t a t e . They a l s o have 75 in common -the de-fense of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and the f r e e market economy as s a f e g u a r d s of p e r s o n a l 1 i b e r t y and freedom. Both were motivated to speaK out a g a i n s t the new al1-encompassing s t a t e they saw a r i s i n g in the modern e r a because with i t they a s s o c i a t e d the r u n n i n g of the c o u n t r y by e x p e r t s and t e c h n i c i a n s who m i s t a k e n l y thought a l l problems c o u l d be s o l v e d by s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g and a p p l y i n g the methods of p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s to s o c i a l l i f e . The consequence of t h i s neu f a i t h in e x p e r t s was a l o s s of l i b e r t y and a d w i n d l i n g of the d i v e r s i t y and c r e a t i v i t y in c i v i l s o c i e t y . Hayek and Oakeshott were both c o n v i n c e d t h a t these r a t i o n a l i s t i c p o l i t i c s were i n s e p a r a b l e from s o c i a l i s m and th a t s o c i a l i s m was i n s e p a r a b l e from t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . C o n s e q u e n t l y , both men spoke out s t r o n g l y a g a i n s t s o c i a l i s m i n a l l i t s forms and urged England to h o l d onto i t s ' t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s and freedoms. In s p i t e of these s i m i l a r i t i e s , important d i f f e r e n c e s s e p a r a t e the two t h i n k e r s . The c h i e f one i s t h a t even though Oakeshott i s s u p p o r t i v e of freedom and a market economy he d i s a p p r o v e s of Hayek's r e a s o n i n g t h a t through the economy, freedom and p r o g r e s s can be i n s t i t u t e d . To Oakeshott, t h i s i s f a l l i n g prey to the r a t i o n a l i s m and c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g Hayek i s t r y i n g to p r e v e n t . As Franco s u c c i n c t l y puts i t . By s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n from the idea of economic w e l f a r e or p r o s p e r i t y in t h i s way, OaKeshott d i s t a n c e s h i m s e l f from such l i b e r t a r i a n w r i t e r s as Friedman and HayeK, who tend to recommend l i b e r a l i s m in u t i l i t a r i a n terms. For OaKeshott, c i v i l a s s o c i a t i o n i s not to be understood as a 'fr e e e n t e r p r i s e ' a s s o c i a t i o n p 1 but r a t h e r as a 'no e n t e r p r i s e ' a s s o c i a t i o n . I r o n i c a l l y , HayeK has drawn up s p e c i f i c p l a n s and programs he 76 b e l i e v e s w i l l r e s t o r e l i b e r t y and which he wants adopted by p o l i t i c i a n s and there-fore, appears to j u s t i f y OaKeshott's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t he has caught h i m s e l f in the t r a p he was t r y i n g to a v o i d . There i s a l s o an obvious d i v e r g e n c e between OaKeshott and HayeK r e g a r d i n g the v a l u e they a s s i g n to democracy. In OaKeshott's c a s e , he a s s o c i a t e s the r i s e of democracy with the r i s e of the p o l i t i c a l l y i n e x p e r i e n c e d and t h e r e f o r e , r a t i o n a l i s m . He seems to b e l i e v e t h a t i t i s f a i r l y easy to sway the masses i n t o a c c e p t i n g t o t a l i t a r i a n regimes because they can be b r i b e d with promises of wealth and m a t e r i a l p o s s e s s i o n s . HayeK, on the o t h e r hand, t h i n K s democracy can be h e l p f u l in p r e s e r v i n g s t a b i l i t y and freedom and he says in The C o n s t i t u t i o n of L i b e r t y t h a t i t i s not important who governs but r a t h e r how they govern. Perhaps t h i s d i f f e r e n c e can be accounted f o r in terms of OaKeshott's ease with more a r i s t o c r a t i c t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e forms of government and HayeK's a f f i n i t y with l i b e r a l i s m . T h i s b r i e f looK at some of the more s a l i e n t p o i n t s of OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y p o i n t s towards why he goes l a r g e l y u n n o t i c e d in B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s , w h i l e a t h i n K e r 1iKe HayeK i s in the l i m e l i g h t , as Robert Behrens, I t h i n K c o r r e c t l y , maKes c l e a r in the f o l l o w i n g passage. P r o f e s s o r OaKeshott's d i v i s i o n between the c o n s e r v a t i v e and the r a t i o n a l i s t d i s p o s i t i o n i s u n s u i t a b l e even though i t i s one of the most thought provoKing d i s t i n c t i o n s in p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s ... because ... i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to f i n d any c o n s e r v a t i v e s at a l l in the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y <or any o t h e r p a r t y ) . Mr. Heath with h i s problem s o l v i n g approach ... S i r K e i t h Joseph with h i s c r a s h course in HayeK, Friedman and T o c q u e v i l l e ... were a c t o r s on the same not d i f f e r e n t p l a n e . They were r a t i o n a l i s t men i n c a r n a t e , d a b b l i n g in the p o l i t i c s of 22 i n e x p e r i e n c e . 77 OaKeshott himsel-f does not -feel any deep K i n s h i p with the C o n s e r v a t i v e s because as Anthony Quinton puts i t , they " r e l y on t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e b e l i e f s more -for r i t u a l ornamentation than f o r a c t u a l p o l i t i c a l use." An a d d i t i o n a l reason f o r OaKeshott's n e g l e c t stems from h i s o p p o s i t i o n to i d e o l o g i c a l p o l i t i c s and t h e r e f o r e h i s avoidance of o u t l i n i n g s t r a t e g i e s and m a n i f e s t o e s f o r the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . The p o l i t i c a l complexion of modern B r i t a i n with i t s emphasis on economics, r a t i o n a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t , i s not a t t r a c t e d to an O a K e s h o t t i a n p h i l o s o p h y because i t i s opposed to or has s e r i o u s r e s e r v a t i o n s about these g o a l s , and what OaKeshott i s in f a v o u r of cannot be s e t out in a simple c l e a r c u t programme to be implemented by the s t a t e . It has been suggested t h a t OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y does not a t t r a c t widespread a t t e n t i o n in B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s because i t f a i l s to s e p a r a t e those of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y from o t h e r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s because c o n s e r v a t i s m i s now committed to the p h i l o s o p h y of r a t i o n a l i s m . The acceptance of r a t i o n a l i s m by C o n s e r v a t i v e s was p r o b a b l y provoKed in l a r g e p a r t by the f a i l u r e of the o l d methods of g o v e r n i n g and economic management to put an end to B r i t a i n ' s ever i n c r e a s i n g economic and p o l i t i c a l d e c l i n e . 78 OaKeshott Endnotes ^Michael OaKeshott, " R a t i o n a l i s m in P o l i t i c s " in Rat i o n a l i s m  in P o l i t i e s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 6. g l h i d . , 21 3 M i c h a e l OaKesho.tt, "Contemporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " in The  Cambridge J o u r n a l . I (1947-48), 488. 4 Michael OaKeshott, " R a t i o n a l i s m in P o l i t i c s " in Rat i o n a l i s m  in P o l i t i e s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 21. 5 P a u l F r a n c o , "Michael OaKeshott as a L i b e r a l T h e o r i s t " in P o l i t i c a l Theory. 18 (1990), 411. c Michael OaKeshott, "On Being C o n s e r v a t i v e " in Rat i o n a l i s m in P o l i t i e s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 183-4. 7 M i c h a e l OaKeshott, "The Rule of Law" in On H i s t o r y , p. 131. 8 P a u l F r a n c o , "Michael OaKeshott as a L i b e r a l T h e o r i s t " in P o l i + i r a l Thpnrv. 18 (1990), 427. 9 M i c h a e l OaKeshott ed. , Leo i a t h a n . by Thomas Hobbes (O x f o r d : R.R. Mowbray and Co. L t d . , 1946), x i . i PI '"Michael OaKeshott, " S c i e n t i f i c P o l i t i c s " in The Cambridge J o u r n a l . I (1947-48), 350. ^ M i c h a e l OaKeshott, "Contemporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " in The C a m b r i d g e J o u r n a l . I (1947-48), 478. Michael OaKeshott, "On M i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g Human Conduct" in P o l i t i r a l Theory. 4 (1976), 366. 79 OaKeshott Endnotes " M i c h a e l OaKeshott, On Human Conduct. ( O x f o r d : Clarendon P r e s s , 1975>, 166. 1 4lbJJt. , 424. 1 5 M i c h a e l OaKeshott, "On M i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g Human Conduct" i n P o l i t i c a l Thpnrv. 4 (1976), 367. 1 R Michael OaKeshott, "Contamporary B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s " in The  Cambridge J o u r n a l . I (1947-49), 479. 1 7 M i c h a e l OaKeshott, O n H u m a n C o n d u c t . ( O x f o r d : Clarendon P r e s s , 1975), 169. 1 Ft P h i l i p Norton and A r t h u r Aughey , C o n s e r u a t i u e s and  Conseruat ism. (London; Temple Smith L t d . , 1981), 20. i a Michael OaKeshott, "On Being C o n s e r v a t i v e " in Rat i o n a l i s m  in Pol i t i e s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 170-1. P 0 Michael OaKeshott, "The Masses in R e p r e s e n t a t i v e Democracy" in F r e e d o m a n d S e r f d o m , ed. A l b e r t Hunold. (Dordect: D R e i d e l P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1961), p 160. Paul F r a n c o , "Michael OaKeshott as a L i b e r a l T h e o r i s t " in P o l i t i c a l Theory. 18 (1998), 428. " R o b e r t Behrens , The Conservat ive Party from Heath ±SL Thatchers P o l i c i e s and P o l i t i c s 1974-1979. (Westmead, England: 1980), 17-18. " A n t h o n y Q u i n t o n , The Pol i t i e s o_f Imperfect ion . (London: Faber and Faber L i m i t e d , 1978), 92. CONCLUSIONS T r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i s m , as w e l l as t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , h a s had a f r a g m e n t e d c h a r a c t e r e n c o m p a s s i n g a m u l t i t u d e o f p o s i t i o n s and i d e a s . T h i s f r a g m e n t a t i o n and d i v e r s i t y s t e m s f r o m an i n g r a i n e d d i s l i k e o f i d e o l o g y , i n a d d i t i o n , t o t h e n e e d t o t a k e c o g n i z a n c e o f s h i f t s i n t h e e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l w o r l d s . H o w e v e r , t h e b e n e f i t s w h i c h r e s u l t e d f r o m t h e r e l i a n c e on d i v e r s i t y and v a r i e t y h a v e t u r n e d a g a i n s t t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y w i t h t h e a b s o r p t i o n o f l i b e r a l p o s i t i o n s t h a t were p o p u l a r i z e d by n e o - 1 i b e r a l s and g a i n e d i n c r e a s i n g a c c e p t a n c e i n t h e 1970's and 8 0 ' s . T h i s c h a n g e became m a r k e d l y a p p a r e n t i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y u n d e r t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f M a r g a r e t T h a t c h e r , who f i e r c e l y b e l i e v e d i n t h e t e n e t s o f e c o n o m i c l i b e r a l i s m a l o n g w i t h c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e b e l i e f s . The i d e a s T h a t c h e r p r o m o t e d were n o t o r i g i n a l and n o t h e r own b u t t h e way s h e c o m b i n e d t h e s e i d e a s and made t h e m t h e b a s i s f o r h e r p o l i c i e s became known as T h a t c h e r i s m . The c o n d i t i o n s i n E n g l a n d were more c o n d u c i v e t h a n a t any o t h e r t i m e i n t h e p o s t w a r y e a r s t o t h e e x i s t e n c e o f T h a t c h e r i s m and c o n s e q u e n t l y , as C o w l i n g p u t s i t , t h i s s i t u a t i o n " e n a b l e d M r s . T h a t c h e r t o p l a y r a d i c a l v a r i a t i o n s on t h a t p a t r i o t i c c o n j u n c t i o n o f f r e e d o m , a u t h o r i t y , e q u a l i t y , i n d i v i d u a l i s m and a v e r a g e d e c e n c y and r e s p e c t a b i l i t y w h i c h had b e e n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y ' s theme s i n c e a t l e a s t 1886 ... 80 81 The extent of the acceptance of 1 i b e r a l i s m by the Conservative Party and Thatcher's f o l l o w e r s seems p l a i n when we consider the lacK of h o s t i l i t y towards the ideas espoused by l i b e r a l t h i n k e r s , and even the admiration of some l i k e Hayek. The approval of t h e o r i e s and ideas common to Hayek and other n e o - l i b e r a l s and the corresponding neglect and lack of i n t e r e s t in many of the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l s represented by philosophers such as Oakeshott, throws l i g h t on the d i r e c t i o n s taken by the Conservative Party during Thatcher's r e i g n . A p a r a l l e l i s provided between the thought of these two w r i t e r s and the change in d i r e c t i o n of the postwar Conservative P a r t y , i t also demonstrates the c o n f l i c t between the opposing values and ends of l i b e r a l i s m and conservatism. The Conservative Party and conservatism have been concerned with s t a b i l i t y and order and with the p r e s e r v a t i o n of s o c i e t y with i t s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s and i n e q u a l i t i e s . They have been p r i m a r i l y the spokesmen and instrument of the p r i v i l e g e d and the wealthy, the members of s o c i e t y who have b e n e f i t e d from t h i s c o n f i g u r a t i o n and i t s car r y o v e r s from the medieval p e r i o d which s t r e s s e d h i e r a r c h y and organicism. This i s r e f l e c t e d in the Conservative concern f o r p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , a u t h o r i t y and the fear of e q u a l i t y , which places i n d i v i d u a l s on the same f o o t i n g and uses the f r e e market as the s o l e determinant of wealth and power. The f e a r of e q u a l i t y i s so great that even the not ion of p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y has been regarded with s k e p t i c i s m and h o s t i l i t y . In f a c t . Conservatives have always been amenable to the power and c o n t r o l of s o c i e t y r e s t i n g in the hands of a small 82 e l i t e , g e n e r a l l y of an a r i s t o c r a t i c background and the s t a t u s ; the a t t i t u d e s and a s p i r a t i o n s of C o n s e r v a t i v e members have overwhelmingly bourne out t h i s penchant. It was commonly b e l i e v e d t h a t such a p o l i t i c a l arrangement produced more b e n f i c i a l r e s u l t s than one which t r i e d to p l a c e a l l c i t i z e n s on an equal f o o t i n g . The m i s t r u s t and s u s p i c i o n of e q u a l i t y has p e r s i s t e d i n t o modern times and i s expressed in the f o l l o w i n g quote by an adherent of c o n s e r v a t ism. In c o n s e r v a t i s m the a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s tands opposed to the heresy of e q u a l i t y . S o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l advance in a c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t y can o n l y proceed through the p wisdom of an e n l i g h t e n e d m i n o r i t y . T h i s statement c a p t u r e s the views of a c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r t i o n of the P a r t y . The ideas of HayeK and OaKeshott have been examined in o r d e r to see how they f i t i n t o the d i s c o u r s e of the contemporary B r i t i s h C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y and to demonstrate the metamorphosis the P a r t y has undergone. OaKeshott was chosen mainly because he h i g h l i g h t e d a t t i t u d e s and ideas t h a t were common to the o l d e l i t e . A l t h o u g h , t h i s power s t r u c t u r e c o n t i n u e s to f u n c t i o n in the modern e r a , Thatcher has attempted to d i s m a n t l e and n e u t r a l i z e i t . HayeK was s i n g l e d out f o r a t t e n t i o n because h i s thought was more in l i n e with the new f o r c e s T h a t c h e r i s m r e p r e s e n t e d and because h i s ideas were a c t u a l l y drawn upon and p o i n t e d to as v a l i d a t i n g i t s p o s i t i o n . One of the ways in which HayeK's ideas were d i s s e m i n a t e d to C o n s e r v a t i v e s was through o r g a n i z a t i o n s 1iKe the IEA ( I n s t i t u t e f o r Economic A f f a i r s ) . K e i t h Joseph went to the IEA r e g u l a r l y f o r r e a d i n g m a t e r i a l which 8 3 he o-f ten passed on to Mrs. Thatcher and t h i s was hou she became more t h o r o u g h l y a c q u a i n t e d with HayeK's worKs. HayeK a l s o appeared an a p p r o p r i a t e -figure to choose because of h i s a t t e n t i o n to the p o l i t i c a l developments of B r i t a i n . H i s s t a t u s as a mentor and a p h i l o s p h e r admired by c o n s i d e r a b l e numbers of C o n s e r v a t i v e s d u r i n g the Thatcher e r a symbo l i z e s the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n t o an exponent of l i b e r a l i s m . To ease t h i s t r a n s i t i o n and maKe i t more p a l a t a b l e . C o n s e r v a t i v e s attempted to choose l i b e r a l t h i n K e r s uho had some c o n s e r v a t i v e a s p e c t s in t h e i r t h o u g h t , 1iKe HayeK, and t h e r e f o r e , maKe the s h i f t to ide o l o g y and l i b e r a l i s m u i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y seem n a t u r a l , as does John Gray. HayeK's p o s i t i o n i s d i s t i n c t i v e to be s u r e . It embodies the best elements of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m and a l s o suggests a c r i t i c i s m of many c o n v e n t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e p o s i t i o n s . At the same time i t d e r i v e s from some of the 3 most profound i n s i g h t s of c o n s e r v a t i v e p h i l o s o p h y ... Houever, I b e l i e v e any attempts to t u r n HayeK i n t o an exponent of c o n s e r v a t i s m and a s u p p o r t e r of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i s misguided because HayeK has been a l i f e l o n g b e l i e v e r and advocate of l i b e r a l i s m and i t s major t e n e t s . The O a K e s h o t t i a n brand of c o n s e r v a t i s m has a more s k e p t i c a l c a s t of mind c o n c e r n i n g p o l i t i c s and s o c i e t y , u n l i K e the more e c o n o m i s t i c and r a t i o n a l i s t i c thought of HayeK. OaKeshott's p h i l o s o p h y i s n o t a b l e f o r i t s i n h e r e n t s K e p t i c i s m and i t s d e n i a l t h a t the problems of s o c i e t y can be s o l v e d by f o l l o w i n g an i d e o l o g y , and any p l a n s t h a t uould stem from t h i s i d e o l o g y . In f a c t , OaKeshott p l a c e s l i t t l e f a i t h in the p o t e n t i a l of p o l i t i c s to r e s o l v e s o c i e t y ' s d e f e c t s . In t h i s r e s p e c t , h i s v i e u s are in 8 4 l i n e with the main body o-f t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e thought and p r a c t i c e . OaKeshott has much more sympathy with t h i s o l d e r type of c o n s e r v a t i s m and to the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y of the p a s t , as i s made c l e a r when he e x p r e s s e s h i s c a u t i o n a r y a t t i t u d e towards change. Even though change i n e v i t a b l y o c c u r s , i t must be e v o l u t i o n a r y and connected to the t r a d i t i o n s and h i s t o r y of the c o u n t r y . He i s very s u s p i c i o u s of sudden and abrupt changes, e s p e c i a l l y when these changes i n c l u d e t r y i n g to impose formulas and p l a n s on s o c i e t y (something which Thatcher was g u i l t y of as C o n s e r v a t i v e l e a d e r ) . As mentioned b e f o r e , t h i s i s something he f a u l t s HayeK f o r even though HayeK has t r i e d to a v o i d the e v i l s of p l a n n i n g . OaKeshott s t a t e s t h a t ! T h i s i s perhaps the main s i g n i f i c a n c e of HayeK's Road to  Serfdom - not the cogency of h i s d o c t r i n e , but the f a c t t h a t i t i s a d o c t r i n e . A p l a n to r e s i s t a l l p l a n n i n g may be b e t t e r than i t s o p p o s i t e , but i t belongs to the same s t y l e of p o l i t i c s . OaKeshott's t i e s to a more upper c l a s s s t y l e of c o n s e r v a t i s m has meant t h a t he does not see i n e q u a l i t y , p r i v i l e g e and ranK as a danger to B r i t i s h s o c i e t y but r a t h e r as an advantage. T h i s p a r a l l e l s the t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e concern about the proper s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y of which OaKeshott w r i t e s . The C o n s e r v a t i v e f e a r i s t h a t without wise l e a d e r s h i p democracy may mean u l t i m a t e l y the triumph of mass a p p e t i t e s , r e l e a s e d from s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e , d e s t r o y i n g a l l c i v i l i s e d human v a l u e s A l s o , h i s attacK on the p h i l o s o p h y of r a t i o n a l i s m with i t s f a i t h in s c i e n c e and the power of man's reason to put r i g h t any i m p e r f e c t i o n s and imbalances in s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e , runs c o n t r a r y to the very f o u n d a t i o n s of T h a t c h e r i s m . 85 HayeK, on -the o t h e r hand, a c c e p t s i n e q u a l i t y on d i f f e r e n t terms: the type of i n e q u a l i t y t h a t i s produced by the marKet. HayeK f i n d s i n e q u a l i t y of u e a l t h j u s t i f i a b l e because i t i s caused by the i m p a r t i a l mechanism of the f r e e marKet. The i n e q u a l i t y produced by the marKet i s t o l e r a b l e f o r HayeK because he sees the marKet and c a p i t a l i s m as the most e f f i c i e n t and p r o d u c t i v e economic system ever and he b e l i e v e s the u e a l t h c r e a t e d by i t b e n e f i t s the uhole of s o c i e t y not j u s t those at the t o p . T h i s b e l i e f c l o s e l y connects HayeK u i t h T h a t c h e r i s m and he a l s o sympathizes u i t h V i c t o r i a n v i r t u e s such as t h r i f t , hard uorK and s e l f - h e l p promoted in the T h a t c h e r i t e c r e e d . HayeK's thought appealed to T h a t c h e r i t e s because he f u r n i s h e d reasons f o r at t e m p t i n g to remould B r i t a i n i n t o a s o c i e t y based on money and not c l a s s or p r i v i l e g e . OaKeshott of c o u r s e , d i d not q u e s t i o n these t h i n g s and t h e r e f o r e , uas not a p p e a l i n g to the T h a t c h e r i t e s . Indeed, OaKeshott r e p r e s e n t e d f o r many of them uhat uas urong u i t h the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y . Such an a t t i t u d e e x e m p l i f i e s the extent of the r e f o r m u l a t i o n of the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y and hou f a r i t has been won over to the m e r i t s of i d e o l o g y . Much of HayeK's thought d o v e t a i l s u i t h the p r o p o s i t i o n s of T h a t c h e r i s m . For example, t h e r e i s mutual support of a s t r o n g but l i m i t e d s t a t e and a s o c i e t y composed of s m a l l independent businessmen and farmers in u h i c h n e g a t i v e freedom i s the u l t i m a t e v a l u e and the b e l i e f t h a t the "marKet" sh o u l d be the c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n of any such s o c i e t y . Both HayeK and T h a t c h e r i s m f a c e problems because such a v i s i o n of s o c i e t y does not co r r e s p o n d to 86 •the r e a l i t y o f c o n t e m p o r a r y E n g l a n d and c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e i r a t t e m p t s t o o p e r a t e by p r i n c i p l e s and methods w h i c h t a K e t h i s p i c t u r e t o be t r u e o r t r y t o c h a n g e t h e s o c i e t y and economy t o c o n f o r m t o t h i s p i c t u r e has a d e l e t e r i o u s e f f e c t on t h e c o u n t r y and i t s c i t i z e n s . M a j o r p r o b l e m s h ave a l s o r e s u l t e d b e c a u s e o f t h e u n e a s y , and i n t h e e n d , i n c o m p a t i b l e a l l i a n c e o f l i b e r a l i s m and c o n s e r v a t i s m i n T h a t c h e r i s m . T h i s h a s made " T h a t c h e r i s m b o t h r e v o l u t i o n a r y and c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y ... i t a p p e a l s t o new a s p i r a t i o n s , and a t t h e same t i m e a s s e r t s o l d v a l u e s : i t p r o m i s e s g b o t h f r e e d o m and o r d e r , c h o i c e and d i s c i p l i n e . " The e n d e a v o u r on t h e p a r t o f M a r g a r e t T h a t c h e r and h e r f o l l o w e r s t o f u s e c o n s e r v a t i s m and l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y w i t h i n t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n o r d e r t o d e a l w i t h d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f K e y n e s i a n i s m was a f l a w e d s t r a t e g y . I f what was w a n t e d was e c o n o m i c o r c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m , a c o m p l e t e c o n v e r s i o n was what was r e q u i r e d . H o w e v e r , T h a t c h e r a l s o t r i e d t o h o l d o n t o c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l s w h i c h were d i r e c t l y a t o d d s w i t h l i b e r a l i s m and i t s i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s . E v e n i f s u c h a t o t a l c h a n g e t o l i b e r a l i s m had b e en c o n t e m p l a t e d , i t i s d o u b t f u l i t w o u l d h ave b e e n s u p p o r t e d by t h e P a r t y b e c a u s e i t w o u l d h a v e meant t h a t t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y w o u l d no l o n g e r h a v e been a b l e t o m a i n t a i n t h e s l i g h t e s t c l a i m t o b e i n g " c o n s e r v a t i v e " . T h a t c h e r i s m o n l y u n p r o f i t a b l y f r a g m e n t e d t h e P a r t y and p r e v e n t e d i t f r o m c r e a t i n g s u c c e s s f u l and c o n s t r u c t i v e programmes and s t r a t e g i e s t o d e a l w i t h B r i t a i n ' s e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l p r o b l e m s . A l t h o u g h , I do n o t e n d o r s e t h e i d e a l and g o a l s o f t h e 8? o l d e r s t y l e o-f c o n s e r v a t i s m O a K e s h o t t i s an e x e m p l a r o f , i t u a s a t l e a s t a b l e t o o f f e r v a l u e s and t r a d i t i o n s f o r t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y t o d r a u u p o n . P e r h a p s , t h e P a r t y ' s d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t u i t h T h a t c h e r < u h i c h u a s most e v i d e n t uhen t h e y f o r c e d h e r t o s t e p doun as l e a d e r i n t h e autumn o f 1990) most c l e a r l y p o i n t s o u t t h e f u n d a m e n t a l t e n s i o n b e t w e e n t h e l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e i d e a l s s h e e m b r a c e d . 88 CONCLUSIONS Endnotes Maurice C o w l i n g , "The Sources of the New R i g h t " , 8. P h i l i p Norton and A r t h u r Aughey, C o n s e r v a t i u e s and  Conservat ism. (London: Temple Smith L t d . , 1977), 37. ''John Gray, "F.A. HayeK" in Conseruat i»e Th i n k e r s ; Essays from the S a l i s b u r y Review. (London: The C l a r i d g e P r e s s , 1988), 249. P h i l i p Norton and A r t h u r Aughey, C o n s e r v a t i v e s and  Conseruat ism. (London: Temple Smith L t d . , 1981), 19. ^Mi c h a e l OaKeshott, " R a t i o n a l i s m in P o l i t i c s " in Rat i o n a l ism  in Po1 i t i c s . (London: Methuen and Co. L t d . , 1962), 21. David Marquand, "The Paradoxes of T h a t c h e r i s m " in Thatcher ism. (London: Chatto and UJindus, 1988), 171. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Beer, Samuel H. B r i t a i n flqains-t I t s e l f - The P o l i t i c a l C o n t r a d i c t i o n s of Co 1 1 e c t i v i s m . Neu YorK: W.W. Norton and Company, 1982. Behrens, Robert. The C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y from Heath to T h a t c h e r : P o l i c i e s and P o l i t i c s 1 9 7 4 - 1 9 7 9 . Farnborough, England: Saxon House, 1980. Bosanquet, NicK. A f t e r the Neu R i o h t . 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"Philosophy i n t o Dogma: the R e v i v a l o f " " C u l t u r a l C o n s e r v a t i s m . " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of Pol i t i c a l Sc i e n c e . 18: 4<198>: 455-473. S K i d e l s K y , Robert. " I n t r o d u c t i o n " . Thatcher ism, ed. Robert S K i d e l s K y . London: Chatto and Hindus, 1388. WatKins, F e d e r i c K M. The Age Of Ideology - P o l i t i c a l Thought 1750 to the P r e s e n t . Englewood C l i f f s , New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c e - H a l l . Inc., 1965. White, R.J. ed. The C o n s e r v a t i v e T r a d i t i o n . London: A & C BlacK L t d . , 1950. Young, Hugo. The Iron Lady. New YorK: F a r r a r S t r a u s G i r o u x , 1989. 

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