UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

A socio-dialectology survey of the English spoken in Ottawa : a study of sociological and stylistic variation… Woods, Howard B. 1979

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1979_A1 W67.pdf [ 21.28MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0100260.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0100260-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0100260-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0100260-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0100260-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0100260-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0100260-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0100260-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0100260.ris

Full Text

A SOCIO-DIALECTOLOGY SURVEY OF THE ENGLISH SPOKEN IN OTTAWA: A STUDY OF SOCIOLOGICAL AND STYLISTIC VARIATION IN CANADIAN ENGLISH by HOWARD B. WOODS B.Sc., M.A. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY . - I N -THB FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department"^ Linguistics) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1979 Q Howard B. Woods,, 1979 In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers ity of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shal l make i t f ree ly avai lable for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publ icat ion of th i s thesis for f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of t^J* The Univers ity of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D E - 6 B P 75-51 1 E i i A S o c i o - d i a l e c t o l o g y Survey of the E n g l i s h Spoken i n Ottawa: A Study of S o c i o l o g i c a l and S t y l i s t i c V a r i a t i o n i n Canadian E n g l i s h . ABSTRACT This study i s a response t o the long-standing need -within the f i e l d o f A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s f o r a "better understanding of General Canadian E n g l i s h and f o r a q u a n t i t a t i v e documentation of i t s usage. This d i s s e r t a t i o n presents an a n a l y s i s of a sample of t h i s n a t i o n a l language as spoken "by persons whose mother tongue i s E n g l i s h and who were born and r a i s e d i n the c i t y of Ottawa. The a n a l y s i s demonstrates th a t the•informants vary t h e i r speech patterns according t o the l i n g u i s t i c tasks which they are asked t o perform. E-urther, the a n a l y s i s demonstrates t h a t v a r i a t i o n s i n usage are c o r r e l a t e d t o age, sex, ariW'-socio-economic s t a t u s . ' An hour-long i n t e r v i e w was conducted w i t h one hundred informants by means of a questionnaire which was designed t o e l i c i t p h o n o l o g i c a l , morphological, s y n t a c t i c , semantic, and l e x i c a l responses w h i l e the informants were performing a.number.of language r e l a t e d t a s k s . U n l i k e s e v e r a l urban s o c i o - d i a l e c t o l o g y surveys conducted r e c e n t l y , t h i s survey analyses the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a broad range of the socio-economic s t r u c t u r e from s k i d row through the middle c l a s s e s t o the lower upper c l a s s . I t i s thereby the f i r s t such survey d e a l i n g w i t h Worth American E n g l i s h which inc l u d e s the mainstream of s o c i e t y as w e l l as the m i n o r i t y ethnic groups. P r i o r t o p r e s e n t i n g the extensive data and e v a l u a t i v e comments on the c o - v a r i a t i o n of s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n of Canadian i i i E n g l i s h usage, a number o f background s u b j e c t s are d e a l t w i t h . F i r s t , a r e v i e w and e v a l u a t i o n o f p r e v i o u s d i a l e c t o l o g y s t u d i e s i s p r e s e n t e d . Second, t h e background o f Ottawa's s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s and p r e s e n t s i t u a t i o n i s . d i s c u s s e d . T h i r d , t h e development o f Canadian E n g l i s h i s t r a c e d t h r o u g h time so t h a t t h i s n a t i o n a l . d i a l e c t can be p l a c e d i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r d i a l e c t s o f t h e . E n g l i s h language f a m i l y . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a d e t a i l e d account o f t h o s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n -g u i s h Canadian E n g l i s h from N o r t h e r n American, i t s c l o s e s t r e l a t i v e . The f o u r t h s u b j e c t d e a l t w i t h i s t h e methodology o f t h e s t u d y i t s e l f . ' Chapter 5 p r e s e n t s an a n a l y s i s o f t h e c o - v a r i a t i o n o f 27 p h o n o l o g i c a l segments and s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c p a r a m e t e r s . Our d a t a f o r c e f u l l y prove our h y p o t h e s i s . o f p h o n o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c c o - v a r i a t i o n , w i t h 20 o f t h e 27 items d e m o n s t r a t i n g v a r i a t i o n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e degree o f f o r m a l i t y o f t h e t a s k p e r f o r m e d by t h e i n f o r m a n t . S i m i l a r l y , our d a t a prove our h y p o t h e s i s o f p h o n o l o g i c a l and so c i o - e c o n o m i c c o -v a r i a t i o n . I n t h i s c a s e , 10 o f t h e 27 items demonstrate o r d e r e d s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . The upper c l a s s e s use a much b r o a d e r range o f s t y l e s t h a n do t h e lower c l a s s e s . Our a n a l y s i s a l s o r e v e a l s i m p o r t a n t f i n d i n g s o f sex and age d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a d d i t i o n t o a number o f im p o r t a n t p h o n o l o g i c a l d i s -c o v e r i e s . Chapter 6 a n a l y s e s t h e c o - v a r i a t i o n o f gr a m m a t i c a l , p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and v o c a b u l a r y forms and s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . The d a t a demonstrate t h a t I3 o f 15 grammatical i t e m s , 25 o f hQ p r o n u n c i a t i o n i t e m s , and 2 o f 8 v o c a b u l a r y items have c l e a r and o r d e r e d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . P r e s t i g e and s t i g m a t i z e d forms were d e s i g n a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o usage p a t t e r n s . These d a t a a l s o demonstrate sex and age d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ; our female iv i n f o r m a n t s m a i n t a i n e d t h e s t r o n g e s t c l a s s h i e r a r c h y , had t h e lo w e s t f r e q u e n c y o f s t i g m a t i z e d forms, and t h e h i g h e s t f r e q u e n c y o f p r e s t i g e forms. Both Chapters 5 and 6 have a summary s e c t i o n which c o n t a i n s t h e important f i n d i n g s . o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a n a l y s e s . The C o n c l u s i o n c o n t a i n s a.summary o f t h e s i g n i f i c a n t f i n d i n g s and s u g g e s t i o n s f o r f u t u r e s t u d i e s . Appendices.A t o G c o n t a i n t h e q u e s t i o n -n a i r e , t h e complete computer p r i n t o u t o f the d a t a , and t a b u l a r p r e s e n -t a t i o n s o f p a r a l i n g u i s t i c and a t t i t u d i n a l o b s e r v a t i o n s . v: TABLE OF CONTENTS page ABSTRACT 1 1 TABLE OP CONTENTS. • • • • DEDICATION ^ PREFACE... v i i i CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1. Purpose 1 2. The Value of S o c i o l i n g u i s t i c Urban Surveys 5 3. Previous Studies. .' 10 Footnotes 15 CHAPTER 2: OTTAWA 20 1. Ottawa, I t s Settlement and S e t t i n g 20 2. Ottawa V a l l e y Urban Centres 24 Footnotes 26 -CHAPTER 3: CANADIAN ENGLISH 27 1. Canadian E n g l i s h i n R e l a t i o n to Other D i a l e c t s 27 2. L i n g u i s t i c Features 33 Footnotes 57 CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY 59 1. The S o c i o l o g i c a l Parameters 59 2. The Contextual S t y l e s . . . 6 6 3. The Sample 71 4. The Questionnaire 83 5. Interviews 84 6. T r a n s c r i p t i o n and A n a l y s i s 85 7. L i m i t a t i o n s 86 Footnotes 9 0 v i i Page CHAPTER 5: THE CO-VARIATION OF THE PHONOLOGICAL VARIABLES WITH SOCIOLOGICAL AND STYLISTIC PARAMETERS 93 1. Measurement of C o - v a r i a t i o n 93 2. E v a l u a t i o n and Summary 178 3. Somers' D S t a t i s t i c a l A n a l y s i s 194 Footnotes 205 CHAPTER 6: THE CO-VARIATION OF GRAMMATICAL, PRONUNCIATION, AND VOCABULARY VARIABLES WITH SOCIOLOGICAL PARAMETERS 212 1. Grammar and Syntax 213 2. Pr o n u n c i a t i o n 226 3. Vocabulary 262 4. E v a l u a t i o n and Summary 270 5. Somers' D A n a l y s i s 282 6. Comparison w i t h SCE 287 Footnotes 289 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION 292 1. Methodology 292 2. The C o - v a r i a t i o n of Ph o n o l o g i c a l V a r i a b l e s w i t h S o c i o l o g i c a l and S t y l i s t i c Parameters 294 3. The C o - v a r i a t i o n of Grammatical, P r o n u n c i a t i o n , and Vocabulary V a r i a b l e s w i t h S o c i o l o g i c a l Parameters 301 Footnotes .' 308 BIBLIOGRAPHY 310 APPENDIX A: OTTAWA ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE 316 APPENDIX B: ITEM BY ITEM PRINT OUT 345 APPENDIX C: DISTINCTIVE ITEMS OF OTTAWA VALLEY URBAN CENTRES 407 APPENDIX D: CANADIAN INDEX 4 1 2 APPENDIX E: LANGUAGE ATTITUDES 4 i 5 APPENDIX F: PARA-LINGUISTIC'.PHENOMENA 4 2 1 APPENDIX G: MAPS 4 2 4 v i i DEDICATION This dissertation i s dedicated to Drs. Robert J. Gregg and Ruth E. McConnell both of whom have devoted their careers to the study of Canadian English. v i i i PREFACE This study i s a response to the long-standing need within the f i e l d of applied l i n g u i s t i c s for a better understanding of General Canadian English and for a quantitative documentation of i t s usage. This disser-tation w i l l present an analysis of a sample of this national language as spoken by persons whose mother tongue i s English and who were born and raised within the urban boundaries of the c i t y of Ottawa. The analysis w i l l demonstrate that the informants vary their speech patterns according to the tasks which they are asked to perform. Further, the analysis w i l l demonstrate that variations i n usage are correlated to age, sex, socio-economic status, ethnic background, r u r a l background and sometimes to the number of generations the informants family has been i n Canada. An hour-long interview was conducted with one hundred informants by means of a questionnaire which was designed to e l i c i t phonological, mor-phological, syntactic, semantic, and l e x i c a l responses while the informants were performing a number of language related tasks. There was, of course, no way of eliminating completely the influences of the interview situation,which generally causes speech to be more formal than the relaxed, unguarded style of casual conversation. However, a number of techniques were employed i n order to enable the informant to relax and thereby speak more fr e e l y . ix U n l i k e s e v e r a l urban s o c i o - d i a l e c t o l o g y surveys conducted p r e v i o u s l y , t h i s survey w i l l analyse the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a broad range of the socio-economic s t r u c t u r e , i n c l u d i n g the lower, working, lower middle, middle middle, upper middle, and lower upper, c l a s s e s . I t i s t h e r e f o r e the f i r s t such survey d e a l i n g w i t h North American E n g l i s h which analyses the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the mainstream of s o c i e t y as w e l l as those of the-minority e t h n i c groups. Chapter 5 w i l l present an a n a l y s i s of the c o - v a r i a t i o n of 27 phono-l o g i c a l segments and s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters. Our data w i l l f o r c e f u l l y prove the\hypothesis of phonological and s t y l i s t i c c o - v a r i a t i o n , w i t h 20 of the 27 items demonstrating v a r i a t i o n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the degree of f o r m a l i t y of the task performed by the i n f o r -mant. S i m i l a r l y , the data w i l l prove the hypothesis of p h o n o l o g i c a l and socio-economic c o - v a r i a t i o n . In t h i s case, 10 of the 27 items w i l l demonstrate ordered s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . 'The data a l s o r e v e a l that, the upper clas s e s use a much broader range of s t y l e s than do the lower c l a s s e s . Our a n a l y s i s w i l l a l s o r e v e a l i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g s of sex and age d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a d d i t i o n to a number of important p h o n o l o g i c a l d i s -c o v e r i e s . Chapter 6 w i l l analyse the c o - v a r i a t i o n of grammatical, pronuncia-t i o n , and vocabulary forms and s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . The data w i l l demonstrate that 12 of 15 grammatical items, 25 of 48 p r o n u n c i a t i o n items, and two of 8 vocabulary items have c l e a r and ordered s o c i o -economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . We w i l l . d e s i g n a t e p a r t i c u l a r forms to be p r e s t i g e and s t i g m a t i z e d forms according to observed usage p a t t e r n s . Our data w i l l a l s o demonstrate i n t e r e s t i n g sex and age d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ; f o r example,our female informants maintained the strongest c l a s s X h i e r a r c h y , had the lowest frequency of s t i g m a t i z e d forms, and the highest frequency of p r e s t i g e forms. Chapters 5 and 6 both have an e v a l u a t i o n and summary s e c t i o n which contains the important f i n d i n g s of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e analyses, a com-pa r i s o n of data and conclusions from previous s t u d i e s and a Somers' D s t a t i s t i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of our r e s u l t s . P r i o r to presenting the extensive data and e v a l u a t i v e comments on the c o - v a r i a t i o n of s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n of Canadian E n g l i s h usage, which i s to be found i n Chapters 5 and 6, a number of background subjects w i l l be d e a l t w i t h . F i r s t , a review and e v a l u a t i o n of the previous d i a l e c t o l o g y s t u d i e s from which the present study i s adapted w i l l be presented. Second, the background of Ottawa's s e t t l e -ment patterns and present s i t u a t i o n w i l l be discussed. T h i r d , the development of Canadian E n g l i s h w i l l be traced through time so that t h i s n a t i o n a l d i a l e c t can be placed i n r e l a t i o n to other d i a l e c t s of the E n g l i s h language f a m i l y . This h i s t o r i c a l sketch w i l l be followed by a d e t a i l e d account of those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h Canadian E n g l i s h from Northern American, i t s c l o s e s t r e l a t i v e . L i n g u i s t i c comparisons i n t h i s study w i l l be made most o f t e n w i t h reference to Northern American and General American r a t h e r than w i t h Standard Southern B r i t i s h . The f o u r t h subject to be d e a l t w i t h w i l l be the methodology of the study i t s e l f . The conclusion w i l l c o n t a i n a summary 7of the important f i n d i n g s , a comparison of data from previous s t u d i e s , and suggestions f o r f u t u r e s t u d i e s . The Appendices A to F w i l l c ontain the q u e s t i o n n a i r e and the complete computer p r i n t o u t of the data, l i n g u i s t i c data from Ottawa TP? Valley urban centres,and tabular and graphic presentations of para-linguistic and attitudinal observations. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1. Purpose The purpose of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s to i n v e s t i g a t e the nature and extent of the c o - v a r i a t i o n of c e r t a i n l i n g u i s t i c f eatures w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters i n the speech of the people of Ottawa, Ontario. This study, which makes use of s p e c i a l techniques to e l i c i t s t y l i s t i c , s o c i o l o g i c a l , and r e g i o n a l d i a l e c t o l o g i c a l v a r i a n t s of our l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s , i s the f i r s t l a r g e - s c a l e e f f o r t to d e s c r i b e the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an urban area of E n g l i s h Canada."'" I t i s al s o the f i r s t work i n North American urban d i a l e c t o l o g y which focusses on the mainstream, of the p o p u l a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g a la r g e range of s o c i a l c l a s s e s , many et h n i c backgrounds, and a l l s e c t i o n s of the c i t y and i t s r e s i d e n t i a l areas. In recent times because of the great s o c i a l need, l i n g u i s t s i n the United States have focussed t h e i r urban s t u d i e s on m i n o r i t y groups w i t h i n the i n n e r - c i t y cores of the l a r g e s t American 2 metropolises. U n t i l f i f t e e n years ago, d i a l e c t o l o g i s t s were mostly concerned w i t h r e g i o n a l d i a l e c t o l o g y . One of t h e i r major i n t e r e s t s was to determine the geographic boundaries of the d i a l e c t s of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e languages. This i n t e r e s t caused most of t h e i r work to take place i n r u r a l s e t t i n g s , which i n t u r n l e d the d i a l e c t o l o g i s t s to search f o r o l d r e l i c forms, before those forms disappeared f o r e v e r . The many p r o j e c t s c o n t r i b u t i n g 2 to the L i n g u i s t i c A t l a s of the United States and Canada are e x c e l l e n t 3 examples of t h i s type of d i a l e c t o l o g y . Given t h e i r aims i t i s under-standable that l i t t l e was done to describe or analyse the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the people who l i v e d i n the urban cen t r e s , and even l e s s was done to determine the c o r r e l a t i o n of v a r i a t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l or s t y l i s t i c parameters. In 1966, the s i t u a t i o n was a l t e r e d considerably by W. Labov's s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c study of the E n g l i s h spoken i n the Lower East Side of Manhattan I s l a n d i n New York C i t y , e n t i t l e d The S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h 4 i n New York C i t y . As a r e s u l t of t h i s breakthrough, d i a l e c t o l o g y now has two major areas of i n v e s t i g a t i o n , s o c i o l o g i c a l urban d i a l e c t o l o g y and t r a d i t i o n a l r e g i o n a l d i a l e c t o l o g y . This present study f i n d s i t s t h e o r e t i c a l base and o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e s i n s o c i o l o g i c a l urban d i a l e c -tology s p e c i f i c a l l y from the Labov and T r u d g i l l studies,"' w h i l e at the same time using a l a r g e number of l i n g u i s t i c items which have been shown to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Canadian as opposed to Northern American i n previous r e g i o n a l s t u d i e s . Most of the purely r u r a l Canadianisms were excluded from t h i s study. In order to accomplish the i n v e s t i g a t i o n , we constructed a que s t i o n n a i r e of 752 items c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Canadian E n g l i s h which we suspected would show s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n . This q u e s t i o n n a i r e was then administered o r a l l y to one hundred native-born anglophone Ottawans. Care was taken to ensure that a l l major s o c i o -l o g i c a l s u b - d i v i s i o n s were represented i n numbers l a r g e enough that meaningful comparisons among these groups could be made. The s o c i o l o g i c a l groups were based on: age, sex, socio-economic c l a s s , e t h n i c background, ur b a n / r u r a l background, and the number of generations the informant's 3 f a m i l y had been i n Canada. I t i s a major hypothesis of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n that c e r t a i n items i n the l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l w i l l show c o - v a r i a t i o n w i t h these s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters i n a systematic and non-random manner. In a d d i t i o n to the c o - v a r i a t i o n of the l i n g u i s t i c phenomena and s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , a second s o c i o l o g i c a l dimension, s t y l e or r e g i s t e r as i t i s als o c a l l e d by many l i n g u i s t s , was i n v e s t i g a t e d . S t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n g e n e r a l l y occurs as a r e s u l t of changes i n the s o c i a l context, e.g. the f o r m a l i t y of the occasion, the r o l e s of the i n d i v i d u a l s , or the r e l a t i v e age and sex of those communicating. How-ever, i n the i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n , the s o c i a l context i s r e l a t i v e l y constant. The problem, then, was to construct i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n s which would e l i c i t as f u l l a range of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n as p o s s i b l e . Two previous s t u d i e s already mentioned have developed and teste d language r e l a t e d tasks f o r i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n s which e l i c i t a l a r g e range of s t y l e s . These s t y l e s have been shown to approximate the range 6 of s t y l e s found i n most s o c i a l contexts. Ranging from the most formal to the most c a s u a l , the tasks which the informant was req u i r e d to do i n t h i s survey, were: 1) reading of minimal pairs,. 2) reading of word l i s t s , , 3) i d e n t i f y i n g objects by p i c t u r e s , 4) reading a s t o r y , and 5) speaking f r e e l y about Ottawa, Canadian E n g l i s h , h i s / h e r c l o s e s t encounter w i t h death, and c r e a t i n g a n a r r a t i v e from a sequence of p i c t u r e s . The second major hypothesis of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s that c e r t a i n items i n the l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l w i l l demonstrate c o - v a r i a t i o n w i t h the language r e l a t e d tasks i n a systematic manner. The l i n g u i s t i c items s y s t e m a t i c a l l y incorporated i n the question-n a i r e and i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study are d i v i d e d i n t o two major c a t e g o r i e s . The f i r s t group i s made up of phon o l o g i c a l segments, 4 e i t h e r s e p a r a t e l y or i n groups from which thousands of words can be generated. L i a i s o n patterns a l s o form p a r t of t h i s group. The pro-n u n c i a t i o n of the twenty-seven items i n t h i s group w i l l be analysed thoroughly w i t h r e l a t i o n to the s t y l i s t i c tasks and s o c i o l o g i c a l para-meters r e f e r r e d to above. The second major category of l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study i s comprised of seventy-one grammatical, word p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary items. Much of the data of t h i s p o r t i o n of our study can be compared d i r e c t l y w i t h the r e s u l t s of The Survey of Canadian  E n g l i s h by M.H. S c a r g i l l and H.J. Warkentyne.^ Although our study i s r e s t r i c t e d to mainly one c i t y and does not have the scope of a l l ten provinces as the SCE does, we are able to analyse our data w i t h r e f e r -ence to more i n t e r e s t i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters, i n c l u d i n g e s p e c i a l l y socio-economic c l a s s e s , e t h n i c background, r u r a l / u r b a n background, and the number of generations an informant's f a m i l y has been i n Canada. The f a c t that Canadian E n g l i s h i s a d i a l e c t d erived from and much inf l u e n c e d by American and B r i t i s h d i a l e c t s i s a major theme of reference throughout t h i s study. Indeed, most of the v a r i a b l e s i n t h i s study are l i m i t e d to e i t h e r B r i t i s h or American usage choices. In a d d i t i o n to a l i m i t e d number of indigenous usage items which d i s t i n g u i s h Canadian E n g l i s h from other d i a l e c t s of E n g l i s h , Canadian E n g l i s h i s most e a s i l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i t s unique blend of American and B r i t i s h usage. There-f o r e , the c o - v a r i a t i o n of s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters w i t h l i n g u i s t i c phenomena were discussed f r e q u e n t l y w i t h reference to usage patterns from these two d i a l e c t s w i t h which Canadian E n g l i s h i s i n contact. In order to d e a l w i t h and understand t h i s ' d i a l e c t s i n contact' s i t u a t i o n , we f i r s t present the h i s t o r y of Canadian E n g l i s h ; second, we 5 present the l i n g u i s t i c f e atures which c h a r a c t e r i z e Canadian E n g l i s h ; and f i n a l l y , we determine the frequency break-down of the v a r i a n t s of the v a r i a b l e s . I n a d d i t i o n to the s e v e r a l hundred l i n g u i s t i c items e l i c i t e d and analysed i n t h i s study, a number of p a r a l i n g u i s t i c phenomena were i n v e s t i g a t e d ; these i n c l u d e d : utterances of agreement, pulmonic i n g r e s s i v e s , reading time, h e s i t a t i o n phenomena, s t u t t e r i n g , swearing, and language a t t i t u d e s . These data are to be found i n Appendix C. 2. The Value of S o c i o l i n g u i s t i c Urban Surveys A New Body of Data One of the most obvious r e s u l t s of t h i s type of survey i s the accumulation of a new body of l i n g u i s t i c data. These data can provide a base upon which l i n g u i s t i c theory can be developed and v e r i f i e d . Because of a l a c k of such data the g e n e r a t i v e - t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i s t s of the 1960's, f o r example, f r e q u e n t l y experienced considerable d i f f i c u l t y g w h i l e t r y i n g to decide what was acceptable E n g l i s h usage. The Value to D i a l e c t o l o g y In a c i r c u l a r manner, each new survey i n the f i e l d of d i a l e c t o l o g y can help d i a l e c t o l o g i s t s re-evaluate t h e i r methods and techniques f o r surveying language usage. S o c i o l i n g u i s t i c urban surveys are a r e l a t i v e l y new a c t i v i t y and the s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters used i n c o r r e l a t i o n to the l i n g u i s t i c phenomena need to be tes t e d and r e f i n e d . S i m i l a r l y , the e l i c i t i n g and sampling techniques need r e - e v a l u a t i o n and development. This study i s i n n o v a t i v e i n r e l a t i o n 6 to recent urban s t u d i e s i n i t s use of p i c t u r e s f o r e l i c i t i n g i s o l a t e d 9 words or phrases, i n the use of s e q u e n t i a l p i c t u r e s f o r e l i c i t i n g casual speech,"^ i n the use of a casual reading passage f o r e l i c i t i n g l i a i s o n features and f a i r l y r e l a x e d speech, and i n s e t t i n g out to observe a number of p a r a - l i n g u i s t i c phenomena. This study w i l l a l s o prove to have broken new ground i n i t s s e t t i n g out to e l i c i t l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l from informants i n a l l l e v e l s of s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s . W. Labov's study appears to be an assessment of a truncated p o r t i o n of American s o c i e t y l o c a t e d on the Lower East Side of Manhattan I s l a n d whose income i s not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a f t e r $4,500.00 per annum,''""'" and P. T r u d g i l l ' s index of income f o r h i s informants i n Norwich, England stops d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g upwardly at approximately 12 $5,000.00 annually. Our informants had annual incomes ranging from $0.00 to over $35,000.00 and i t would appear both socio-economically and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y that the informants of these two other s t u d i e s would be s i t u a t e d i n our middle-middle c l a s s downward to our lower or working c l a s s e s . The Value to E n g l i s h Education On the p r a c t i c a l s i d e , a study such as t h i s which provides a l a r g e data base of current usage i s of great value to those i n the language education p r o f e s s i o n and more s p e c i f i c a l l y those i n v o l v e d i n the teaching of E n g l i s h . For how i s one to know what to teach and what problems to teach to i f one does not know the present s t a t u s and standard of E n g l i s h usage i n Canada and e s p e c i a l l y i n Canadian c i t i e s . Ever s i n c e 1876 when Georg:; Wenker s t a r t e d h i s survey of the Rhine d i a l e c t s of Germany, l i n g u i s t s the world over have been conducting 7 surveys and b u i l d i n g up data on t h e i r languages. Their main focus, however, has been to survey the r u r a l areas so as to understand the l i n g u i s t i c substratum from which most urban speech was derived and to record the most a r c h a i c types of r u r a l speech before that speech disappeared. Their work f r e q u e n t l y has not been immediately r e l e v a n t to the school systems i n the c i t i e s . Only r e c e n t l y have l i n g u i s t s turned to urban surveys i n any l a r g e or systematic way. The value and j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r urban surveys i n Canada seem immediately apparent. 13 Canada i s now 76 percent urbanized and only 24 percent r u r a l . The p r o p o r t i o n of people l i v i n g i n urbanfareas has s h i f t e d d r a s t i c a l l y from the time when d i a l e c t surveys s t a r t e d , and, of course, usage surveys should take place where the people l i v e . Not only are urban surveys important because of the number of people l i v i n g i n c i t i e s , but they are important because the c i t i e s are c u l t u r a l and commercial centres from which language s t y l e s and standards emanate. People from outside the urban areas g e n e r a l l y adjust t h e i r language h a b i t s to conform more c l o s e l y w i t h urban patterns i n order to o b t a i n higher education, g a i n employment, or r a i s e t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s . The s o c i o l o g i c a l aspect of such urban s t u d i e s i s important because of the f a c t that only a c e r t a i n segment of the urban s o c i e t y sets the l i n g u i s t i c standard. This l i n g u i s t i c standard i s not l e g i s l a t e d or even consciously thought out; i t i s mainly the composite of the language h a b i t s of the upper-upper, lower upper, and upper middle c l a s s e s . This segment of the p o p u l a t i o n , which comprises about 10 percent of the n a t i o n , exerts a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e i n f l u e n c e on the l e g a l , governmental, e d u c a t i o n a l , media, and commercial I n s t i t u t i o n s of Canada, and only a study of t h i s segment of s o c i e t y and i t s l i n g u i s t i c i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h the 8 other c l a s s e s w i l l give us an understanding of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c features of Canadian E n g l i s h . The Value of Data Most e d u c a t i o n a l i s t s f i n d i t d e s i r a b l e to teach what they would c a l l the standard language. Even those most f e a r f u l of the negative e f f e c t s of such a policy advocate the teaching of the standard language as a second d i a l e c t to non-standard speakers l a t e i n t h e i r e d u cational development. Unf o r t u n a t e l y , f a i l u r e to acquire a standard d i a l e c t tends to hinder an i n d i v i d u a l ' s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r development and advancement. I f the standard d i a l e c t i s to be taught, then i t must be described. There are two major ways of going a s t r a y when d e s c r i b i n g standard language usage. One way i s to describe the manner i n which most people speak, thereby i g n o r i n g the impact of the upper c l a s s e s on language standards. The other i s to p r e s c r i b e usage according to r u l e s of l o g i c , c l a s s i c a l L a t i n grammar, and past B r i t i s h usage, thereby denying the a r b i t r a r y nature of language and the f a c t that language i s continuously changing. S o c i o l i h g u i s t i c s t u d i e s such as t h i s are designed to avoid the p i t f a l l s of these two extremes and to provide a data base from which an adequate d e s c r i p t i o n of the language can be made. The Value to E.S.L. Such s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c surveys are a l s o of great b e n e f i t to those i n v o l v e d i n teaching E n g l i s h as a second language (E.S.L.). In E.S.L., the teacher i s concerned w i t h teaching usage r e g i s t e r s f o r the purposes of casual communication w i t h colleagues and f r i e n d s as w e l l as teaching 9 the formal r e g i s t e r s f o r job i n t e r v i e w s , o r a l t e s t s , speeches, etc. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of a l a r g e data base of s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a -t i o n w i l l be a great a i d to a teacher's i n t u i t i o n . Such s t u d i e s should be made a v a i l a b l e as reference m a t e r i a l f o r teacher t r a i n i n g programmes and teacher resource l i b r a r i e s . Curriculum developers and textbook w r i t e r s must ensure"that t h e i r examples, e x e r c i s e s , dialogues, a c t i v i t i e s , e t c . , r e f l e c t a p p r o p r i a t e usage. And appropriate usage should be r e l a t e d •to'-.'.the s i t u a t i o n s i n which the students are l i k e l y to be placed. Language data which show usage patterns according to sex, age, s o c i a l c l a s s , s t y l i s t i c l e v e l , e t c . , are p r e c i s e l y what i s needed. Moreover, i f the textbooks are designed to t r a i n students f o r l i f e i n Canada, then the data base should be from Canadian E n g l i s h usage. At the present time, many American t e x t s are used i n the E.S.L. classrooms i n Canada f r e q u e n t l y g i v i n g models of E n g l i s h i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the Canadian context. (For examples of the d i f f e r e n c e between Canadian and American usage see S e c t i o n 2 of Chapter 3 e n t i t l e d ' L i n g u i s t i c F eatures'). E q u a l l y unfortunate i s the f a c t that many Canadian E.S.L. textbooks are based on research on American E n g l i s h . This study and o t h e r s . l l k e i t help a l t e r t h i s s i t u -a t i o n by p r o v i d i n g a l a r g e data base of Canadian usage. The Value to Other F i e l d s Knowledge of appropriate Canadian usage i s a l s o a concern of those i n v o l v e d i n r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n broadcasting. Announcers, producers, w r i t e r s , and t h e i r support s t a f f are oft e n made p a i n f u l l y aware of any usage which t h e i r l i s t e n e r s f i n d unusual or i n c o r r e c t . The CBC's 1 4 monthly p u b l i c a t i o n e n t i t l e d You Don't Say and i t s CBC News S t y l e Book help i t s personnel to avoid o f f e n d i n g the taxpayers' ears. Other s t a t i o n s o f t e n request advice from u n i v e r s i t y departments of E n g l i s h and L i n g u i s t i c s when they f e e l u n c e r t a i n about a p a r t i c u l a r usage. Further, members of other p r o f e s s i o n s such as p l a y w r i g h t s , n o v e l i s t s , sit-com w r i t e r s , a c t o r s , people i n a d v e r t i s i n g , and customs o f f i c e r s are a l l known to have made observations and i n q u i r i e s about Canadian speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Surveys such as t h i s could be of value to these p r o f e s s i o n s as w e l l . S o c i o l i n g u i s t i c s t u d i e s can a l s o be of value to s o c i o l o g y and s o c i o l o g i s t s , as l i n g u i s t i c behavior i s one of the prime i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l c l a s s , age, and sex groupings. F i n a l l y i t i s hoped that i n d i v i d u a l s from the United S t a t e s , B r i t a i n , and elsewhere who have moved to Canada and become teachers of E n g l i s h , E.S.L., modern languages and l i n g u i s t i c s w i l l want to use the data of such surveys to b e t t e r understand Canadian E n g l i s h and the people who speak and w r i t e i t . 3. Previous Studies Regional Studies . The e a r l i e s t s t u d i e s of North American E n g l i s h d i a l e c t o l o g y have been concerned w i t h r u r a l d i a l e c t o l o g y . As s t a t e d p r e v i o u s l y , most of these p r o j e c t s were as s o c i a t e d w i t h or i n t e g r a l p a r ts of the research 16 f o r The L i n g u i s t i c A t l a s of the United States and Canada. The aim of these s t u d i e s l e g i t i m a t e l y has been concerned w i t h : 1) determining the geographic areas and boundaries of the major r e g i o n a l d i a l e c t s , 2) f i n d i n g the l i n g u i s t i c items which are most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the d i a l e c t s , and 3) recording o l d d i a l e c t forms before they have disappeared. The works of Kurath, Marckwardt, A l l e n , andC. Reed are perhaps most r e l e v a n t to t h i s study, as they define the American d i a l e c t s w i t h which Canadian E n g l i s h w i l l be compared. Urban Studies In the past decade a number of urban s t u d i e s have been conducted ' i n the United States These s t u d i e s were c a r r i e d out w i t h the primary goal of d e s c r i b i n g the d i a l e c t s of m i n o r i t y groups found i n i n n e r - c i t y areas of l a r g e A m e r i c a n . c i t i e s . The m o t i v a t i o n f o r many of these s t u d i e s was to gain r e c o g n i t i o n f o r these d i a l e c t s as languages of i n s t r u c t i o n f o r those students who spoke them. Labov's work, The S o c i a l 18 S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n New York C i t y , i s the f i r s t study which presents the c o r r e l a t i o n between l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n on the one hand and s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n on the other. H i s work i s a major reference f o r a l l s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c s t u d i e s which have f o l l o w e d . A few years l a t e r i n B r i t a i n , the e x c e l l e n t survey i n s o c i o l o g i c a l urban d i a l e c t o l o g y The S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n Norwich by P. 19 T r u d g i l l was published presenting the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the people of that c i t y . Although the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and s o c i a l c l a s s s t r u c t u r e s of both Manhattan and Norwich d i f f e r ' g r e a t l y from those Ottawa, these two s t u d i e s have provided a model i n theory and planning from which, we constructed our study. Other important c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n the area of s o c i o l o g i c a l urban d i a l e c t o l o g y came from F i e l d Techniques 20 i n an Urban Language Study by Shuy, Wolfram, and R i l e y and from "Sample Survey Methods and Computer A s s i s t e d A n a l y s i s i n the Study of 21 Grammatical V a r i a t i o n " by Sankoff and Sankoff. Canadian E n g l i s h Usage Many works provided needed data on Canadian E n g l i s h usage; those which d e a l t w i t h speech d i f f e r e n c e s along the Canadian-American border 22 were A l l e n , 1959; A v i s 1954, 1955, and 1956; and Reed, 1957 and 1961. Those which d e a l t w i t h p a r t i c u l a r sounds i n Canadian speech were: 23 Chambers, 1975; Gregg, 1973a, 1975; Joos, 1942. There are s e v e r a l l o c a l / r e g i o n a l surveys extant i n c l u d i n g A v i s , 1975; Chambers, 1974; Gregg, 1973b; Hamilton, 1958; K i n l o c h , 1972; Poison, 1969; Wanamaker, 24 1974; and Wilson, 1975. General background and reference books are: A v i s , 1967, 1973; Chambers, 1975; L o v e l l , 1955; McConnell, 1979; McDavid, 1967, 1971; S c a r g i l l , 1957, 1977; and von Baeyer, 1976, 1977. 2 5 F i n a l l y , there i s The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h sponsored by the Canadian C o u n c i l of Teachers of E n g l i s h from 1970 to 1974. This survey f o s t e r e d s e v e r a l p u b l i c a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g K i n l o c h , 1971, 1972; Rodman, 1974; S c a r g i l l , 1974 (the major work); S c a r g i l l and Warkentyne, 1972 26 (the r e p o r t ) ; and Warkentyne, 1971. A few of the above works merit s p e c i a l mention. Walter A v i s ' works i n 1954, 1955, 1956 d e a l i n g w i t h speech d i f f e r e n c e s along the Ontario-27 U.S. border i n s p i r e d personal i n t e r e s t i n the t o p i c and provided a number of items f o r t h i s survey. M a r t i n Joos' a r t i c l e "A P h o n o l o g i c a l Dilemma i n Canadian E n g l i s h " i s important because i t i s the f i r s t to s i n g l e out the s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Canadian diphthongs. M.H. S c a r g i l l ' s Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage, r e f e r r e d to as the SCE, i s perhaps the most u s e f u l r e s o u r c e ^ m a t e r i a l w i t h p r e c i s e s t a t i s t i c s on Canadian E n g l i s h usage f o r our study. The SCE i s a r e p o r t on the responses to over 30,000 questionnaires sent out to grade 9 students and t h e i r parents i n a l l ten provinces of Canada. The q u e s t i o n n a i r e 13 was made up- ;of questions d e a l i n g w i t h morphology and syntax, pronun-c i a t i o n , s p e l l i n g , and vocabulary. The many tab l e s give us a quick view of the d i f f e r e n c e s i n usage (or perhaps the d i f f e r e n c e s i n a t t i t u d e s towards usage) by age group, sex, and province. These t a b l e s a l s o sub-s t a n t i a t e q u i t e c o n c l u s i v e l y that females conform more r e a d i l y to what i s " c o r r e c t " , and that a great d e a l of language l e v e l l i n g i s t a k i n g place among young students. C e r t a i n disadvantages were inherent i n the SCE study, however. They were: (1) the study could r e p o r t only what informants claimed they s a i d , and i t assumed that the informants could make the necessary d i s t i n c t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n phonology. S c a r g i l l s t a t e s on page 70, "With a mailed q u e s t i o n n a i r e , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r p r e t the answers given about the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of calm, caught, f a t h e r , bother." One could a l s o f e e l some doubt about Questions 27 and 110, i . e . vase and guarantee; (2) informants gave one answer only and no attempt was made to take s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i n t o account. I n response to questions l i k e S c a r g i l l ' s Question 49 b u t t e r (which reads; "Does the - t t - i n b u t t e r sound l i k e the -dd- i n shudder?"), we w i l l t e s t the s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n of s e v e r a l words which c o n t a i n a medial t . Some of our informants a c t u a l l y ranged from 100 percent medial [t] i n t h e i r formal r e g i s t e r to 100 percent medial [d] i n t h e i r c a s u a l speech. I t can be s a f e l y assumed that most informants claimed usage c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e i r more formal r e g i s t e r s of speech; and (3) the survey avoided c a t e g o r i z i n g people according to s o c i a l or e d u c a t i o n a l groups. Instead, the survey grouped the informants by province. That d e c i s i o n may have been p o l i t i c a l l y motivated, c o n s c i o u s l y or subconsciously, i n order to avoid the taboo of s o c i a l c l a s s . This study w i l l attempt to show that f o r Ontario and west, s t y l i s t i c and socio-economic f a c t o r s are f a r greater determining f a c t o r s i n usage v a r i a t i o n .than are geographic f a c t o r s . These l i m i t a -t i o n s notwithstanding, the SCE i s the major work on Canadian E n g l i s h usage, and the one which provided the impetus and d e s i r e to begin t h i s present study. R.J. Gregg's l a t e s t work, the as yet unpublished monograph on 28 Canadian E n g l i s h f o r The Commonwealth Se r i e s on E n g l i s h gives an e x c e l l e n t summary of the development of Canadian E n g l i s h and describes the major systematic elements of Canadian E n g l i s h w i t h comparison made mainly to B r i t i s h E n g l i s h . This manuscript was u n a v a i l a b l e during most of t h i s present study. However the knowledge in v o l v e d had been con-veyed by Gregg over s e v e r a l years of seminars on Canadian E n g l i s h . Of most immediate b e n e f i t to t h i s survey was the Urban D i a l e c t Survey of the C i t y of Vancouver: P i l o t P r o j e c t . This p r o j e c t headed by P r o f e s s o r Gregg and a s s i s t e d by Margaret Murdoch, Gaelan de Wolf, and E r i k a Ludt i s a survey of s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n of 29 Vancouver. During the summer of 1977, I was f o r t u n a t e enough to have the opportunity to work on t h i s p i l o t p r o j e c t . Most of the design of the Ottawa qu e s t i o n n a i r e i s a development from that p i l o t p r o j e c t , i n c l u d i n g the reading" passage by Murdoch. In r e t u r n the newly begun Vancouver P r o j e c t i s now modelling a number of concepts a f t e r the Ottawa Survey. 15 Chapter I: Footnotes ''"David and G i l l i a n Sankoff conducted a survey on Canadian French i n Montreal. For a report on t h e i r methodology see D. and G. Sankoff, "Sample Survey Methods and Computer A s s i s t e d A n a l y s i s i n the Study of Grammatical V a r i a t i o n , " Canadian Language i n t h e i r S o c i a l Context, ed. Regna D a r n e l l , (Edmonton: Edmonton L i n g u i s t i c Research, 1973), pp.12-23. 2 The l e a d i n g resource m a t e r i a l s a v a i l a b l e on t h i s t o p i c are: W i l l i a m Labov, The S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n New York C i t y , (Washington, D.C: Center f o r Applied L i n g u i s t i c s , 1966), pp.1-655; W i l l i a m Labov et a l . , A Study of the Non-Standard E n g l i s h of Negro and  Puerto Rican Speakers i n New York C i t y , ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U.S. Regional Survey, 1968), vol.1:1-375, vol.2:1-357; Roger W. Shuy, Walter A. Wolfram, and W i l l i a m K. R i l e y , L i n g u i s t i c C o r r e l a t e s of S o c i a l  S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n D e t r o i t Speech, F i n a l Report, Cooperative Research P r o j e c t 6-1347, (Washington: U.S. O f f i c e of Education, 1967); Roger W. Shuy, Walter A. Wolfram, and W i l l i a m K. R i l e y , F i e l d Techniques i n  an Urban Language Study, (Washington, D.C: Center f o r A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 1968), pp.1-128; Walter Wolfram, S o c i o l i n g u i s t i c Aspects  of A s s i m i l a t i o n ; Puerto Rican E n g l i s h i n New York C i t y , ( A r l i n g t o n , Va.: Center f o r A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 1974), pp.1-241; Walter A. Wolfram and Ralph W. Faso l d , The Study of S o c i a l D i a l e c t s i n American E n g l i s h , (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1974), pp.1-239. 3 There are scores of branching p r o j e c t s w i t h i n t h i s p r o j e c t ; f o r an anthology of these works see: Readings i n American D i a l e c t o l o g y , eds. Harold B. A l l e n and Gary N. Underwood, (New York: Appleton, Century, C r o f t , 1971), pp.1-283 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as RAD) and A Various  Language, eds. J u a n i t a V. Williamson and V i r g i n i a M. Burke, (New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1977), pp.1-706. 4 W. Labov, The S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n New York C i t y , (Washington, D.C: Center f o r A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 1966), pp.1-655. ^Peter T r u d g i l l , The S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n Norwich, (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974), pp.1-211. 6Labov, 1966, pp.90-135 and T r u d g i l l , 1974, pp.45-54. ^M.H. S c a r g i l l and H.J. Warkentyne, "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : A Report," E n g l i s h Q u a r t e r l y , Volume 5, No.3, (Autumn 1972), pp.47-104. Reprinted s e p a r a t e l y w i t h permission from the Canadian Co u n c i l of Teachers of E n g l i s h and r e v i s e d and published as a book: M.H. S c a r g i l l , Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage: L i n g u i s t i c Change and 16 Reconstruction, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart i n cooperation w i t h the Canadian Co u n c i l of Teachers of E n g l i s h , 1974), pp.1-143. T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i s t s t r i e d to come to terms w i t h what was and was not grammatical. Following i s a t y p i c a l footnote: "11 The same seems to hol d true f o r E n g l i s h , a l s o , at l e a s t f o r some d i a l e c t s . Observe the f o l l o w i n g sentences: ( i ) A g i r l that John knew deceived a boy that he d i s l i k e d , ( i i ) A g i r l that he knew deceived a boy that John d i s l i k e d , ( i i i ) I t i s the boy that John d i s l i k e d that the g i r l that he ^knew deceived. ( i v ) ? I t i s the boy that he d i s l i k e d that the g i r l t hat John knew deceived... There seems to be a wide f l u c t u a t i o n i n n a t i v e speakers' i n t u i t i o n on the grammaticality or ungrammaticality of these and r e l a t e d sentences." The above was taken from Susumu Kuno "The P o s i t i o n of L o c a t i v e s i n E x i s t e n t i a l Sentences," L i n g u i s t i c I n q u i r y , Vol.11, No.3 (Summer 1971), pp.343. W. Labov commented on t h i s d i f f i c u l t y that t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i s t s had: "When challenges to data a r i s e on the f l o o r of a l i n g u i s t i c meeting, the author u s u a l l y defends himself by s t a t i n g that there are many ' d i a l e c t s ' and that the systematic argument he was presenting h e l d good f o r h i s own ' d i a l e c t ' . This i s an odd use of the term, and i t r a i s e s the question as to what the object of l i n g u i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n can or should be." Quote taken from "The Study of Language i n i t s S o c i a l Context," Studium  Generale, Vol.23 (1970), p.37. 9 We agree w i t h the e v a l u a t i o n of the use of p i c t u r e s which A.M. K i n l o c h put f o r t h i n h i s a r t i c l e , "The Use of P i c t u r e s i n E l i c i t a t i o n , " American Speech, Vol.46, (1971), pp.38-46. ^We made use of the sequence of p i c t u r e s i n P.R. Hawkins; S o c i a l  C l a s s , the Nominal Group and Ver b a l S t r a t e g i e s , (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1977), pp.56-57. 1 3"Labov, 1977, p.215. 1 2 T r u d g i l l , 1974, pp.60-61. 13 " P o p u l a t i o n : Geographic D i s t r i b u t i o n Urban and R u r a l D i s t r i b u t i o n , " 1976 Census of Canada, ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, Ottawa, 1976), p.7-1. ^"You Don't Say," unpublished monthly b u l l e t i n s compiled and d i s -seminated by the O f f i c e of Broadcast Language, eds. Lamont T i l d e n and George R i c h , (CBC, Toronto, 1975-78), volume 1, iss u e s 1-20; volume 2, issues 1-20. 17 1 5CEC News S t y l e Book, (CBC, Toronto, 1971), pp.1-83. 16 See footnote 3 and the f o l l o w i n g works: Hans Kurath, Handbook of  the L i n g u i s t i c Geography of New England, 2nd ed., (New York: AMS Press, 1973), pp.1-527; A l b e r t H. Marckwardt, " P r i n c i p a l and S u b s i d i a r y D i a l e c t Areas i n the North-Central S t a t e s , " i n RAD, pp.74-82; Harold B. A l l e n , The L i n g u i s t i c A t l a s of the Upper Midwest, (Minneapolis: U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1973-6), vol.1:1-425, vol.2:1-92, vol.3:1-362; Harold B. A l l e n , "The Primary D i a l e c t Areas of the Upper Midwest," i n RAD, pp.83-93; Harold B . A l l e n , "The Minor D i a l e c t Areas of the Upper Midwest," i n RAD, pp.94-104; David W. Reed, "Eastern D i a l e c t Words i n C a l i f o r n i a , " i n RAD, pp.105-114; C a r r o l l E. Reed, "The Pr o n u n c i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n the P a c i f i c Northwest," i n RAD, pp.115-121. "^See footnote 2. 18 Labov, 1966, o p . c i t . 1 9 T r u d g i l l , 1974, o p . c i t . 20 (Washington, D.C: Center f o r A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 1968) ,pp. 1-128. 21 See footnote 1. 22 H.B. A l l e n , "Canadian-American Speech D i f f e r e n c e s along the Middle Border," JCLA, v o l . 5 , no.1, (1959), pp.17-24; W.S. A v i s , "Speech d i f f e r -ences along the Ontario-United States border, 1 vocabulary," JCLA, v o l . 1 , n o . l , (1954), pp.13-17; W.S. A v i s , "Speech d i f f e r e n c e s along the On t a r i o -United States border, I I grammar and syntax," JCLA, v o l . 1 , n o . l , (1955), pp.14-19; W.S. A v i s , "Speech d i f f e r e n c e s along the Ontario-United States border, I I I p r o n u n c i a t i o n , " JCLA, v o l . 2 , no.2, (1956), pp.41-59; and C F . Reed, "Word Geography i n the P a c i f i c Northwest," Orbis, v o l . 6 , (1957), pp.86-93; C F . Reed, "The pro n u n c i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n the P a c i f i c North-west," Language, vol.37, (1961), pp.559-564. 23 J.K. Chambers, "Canadian R a i s i n g , " i n Canadian E n g l i s h : O r i g i n s  and S t r u c t u r e s , ed. J.K. Chambers (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.83-100; R.J. Gregg, " N e u t r a l i s a t i o n and Fusion of V o c a l i c Phonemes i n Canadian E n g l i s h as Spoken i n the Vancouver Area," JCLA, v o l . 3 , (1957), pp.78-83; R.J. Gregg, "The Diphthong ai and ai i n Scotland, S c o t c h - I r i s h and Canadian E n g l i s h , " CJL, vol.18, no.2, (1973), pp.136-145; R.J. Gregg, "The Phonology of Canadian E n g l i s h as Spoken i n the Area of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia," Canadian E n g l i s h , ed. J.K. Chambers, (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.133-144; -M. Joos, "A Phonological Dilemma i n Canadian E n g l i s h , " Language, vol.18, (1942), pp.141-144; D.E. Hamilton, "Standard Canadian E n g l i s h : P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " Proceedings of the Ninth  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of L i n g u i s t s , ed. H.C Lunt, (The Hague: Mouton, 1964), pp.456-459. 18 W.S. A v i s , "The Phonemic Segments of an Edmonton I d i o l e c t , " Canadian E n g l i s h : O r i g i n s and S t r u c t u r e s , ed. J.K. Chambers, (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.118-128; J.K. Chambers, "The Ottawa V a l l e y 'twang'," Canadian E n g l i s h : O r i g i n s and S t r u c t u r e s , ed. J.K. Chambers, (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.55-59; R.J. Gregg, "The L i n g u i s t i c Survey of B r i t i s h Columbia: the Kootenay Region," Canadian Languages i n t h e i r S o c i a l  Context, ed. Regna D a r n e l l , (Edmonton: Edmonton L i n g u i s t i c Research, 1973) , pp.105-116; D.E. Hamilton, "The E n g l i s h Spoken i n Montreal: A P i l o t Study," (unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t e de Montreal, 1958), pp.1-74; A.M. K i n l o c h , "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : P o s s i b l e Evidence f o r P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " EQ, Vol.4, No.4, (1971), pp.59-66; A.M. K i n l o c h , "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : a f i r s t look at New Brunswick r e s u l t s , " EQ, Vol.4, No.4, (1972-3), pp.41-54; J . Poison, "A L i n g u i s t i c Question-n a i r e f o r B r i t i s h Columbia," (unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969), pp.1-122; M.G. Wanamaker, "Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h — f o c u s on Manitoba," Classmate ( O f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n of Manitoba A s s o c i a t i o n of Teachers of E n g l i s h ) , Vol.4, No.2 (1974), pp.37-43; H.R. Wilson, "Lunenburg Dutch: Fact and F o l k l o r e , " Canadian E n g l i s h : O r i g i n s  and S t r u c t u r e s , ed. J.K. Chambers (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.40-44. 25 W.S. Avis et a l . , D i c t i o n a r y of Canadianisms on H i s t o r i c a l  P r i n c i p l e s , (Toronto: Gage, 1967), pp. 1-926; W.S. A v i s , "The E n g l i s h language i n Canada," Current Trends i n L i n g u i s t i c s , ed. T.A. Sebeok, Vol.10, N o . l , (1973), pp.40-74; J.K. Chambers, ed., Canadian E n g l i s h :  O r i g i n s and S t r u c t u r e s , (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.1-144 ( h e r e a f t e r c i t e d as Canadian E n g l i s h ) ; C.J. L o v e l l , " L e x i c o g r a p h i c a l Challenges i n Canadian E n g l i s h , " JCLA, V o l . 1 , N o . l , (1955), pp.2-5; R.E. McConnell, Our Own Voice: Canadian E n g l i s h and how i t i s Studied, (Toronto: Gage Edu c a t i o n a l P u b l i s h i n g , 1979), pp.1-275, H1-H48; R.I. McDavid, " L i n g u i s t i c Geography i n Canada: an i n t r o d u c t i o n , " JCLA, Vol.1, N o . l , (1954), pp.3-8; R.I. McDavid, "Canadian E n g l i s h , " AS, Vol.46, (1971), pp.287-289; M.H. S c a r g i l l , "The Sources of Canadian E n g l i s h , " JEGP, Vol.56, (1957), pp.610-614, r e p r i n t e d i n Canadian E n g l i s h , pp.12-15; M.H. S c a r g i l l , A Short H i s t o r y of Canadian E n g l i s h , ( V i c t o r i a : Sono N i s , 1977), pp.7-63; Cornelius von Baeyer, T a l k i n g about Canadian  E n g l i s h , (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1976), pp.1-74; Cornelius von Baeyer, The Ancestry of Canadian E n g l i s h , (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1977), pp.1-62. M.A. K i n l o c h , "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : P o s s i b l e Evidence f o r P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " E n g l i s h Quarterly,' Vol.4, No.4 (Winter, 1971) , pp. 59-65; M.A. K i n l o c h , "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : A F i r s t Look at New Brunswick R e s u l t s , " E n g l i s h Q u a r t e r l y , Vol.5, No.4, (1972-1973), pp.41-51; L. Rodman, " C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of B.C. E n g l i s h , " EQ_, Vol.7, No.4, (1974-5), pp.49-82; M.H. S c a r g i l l , Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage:  L i n g u i s t i c Change and Reconstruction, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974) , pp.7-143; M.H. S c a r g i l l and H. Warkentyne, "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : A Report," EQ_, Vol.5, No.3, (1972), pp.47-104; H.J. Warkentyne, "Contemporary Canadian E n g l i s h , " American Speech, Vol.46, (1971), pp. 193, 199; 19 I grew up on that border i n Port Huron, Michigan opposite S a r n i a , Ontario, son of a Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway family, w i t h my f a t h e r and grandfather having worked many years on both sides of the border. 28 R.J. Gregg, "Canadian E n g l i s h , " Varieties.,of E n g l i s h : Common-wealth E n g l i s h S e r i e s , ed. Y. Matsumura, (Japan, forthcoming), MS. pp.3-12. 29 To date two papers have been read p u b l i c l y from the p i l o t survey; they are: R.J. Gregg, "Urban D i a l e c t o l o g y : a p i l o t survey of.the E n g l i s h spoken i n the c i t y of Vancouver, B.C.," read at the Learned S o c i e t i e s Conference, F r e d e r i c t o n , 1977, pp.1-9; M. Murdoch, "Reading Passages and Informal Speech," read a t the T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l Conference of D i a l e c t o l o g y Methods, London, Ontario, .1978, pp.1-7. Abbreviations f o r names of j o u r n a l s : AS American Speech EQ E n g l i s h Quarterly CJL Canadian J o u r n a l of L i n g u i s t i c s (1961- ) JCLA J o u r n a l of the Canadian L i n g u i s t i c s A s s o c i a t i o n (1954-60). CHAPTER 2 OTTAWA 1. Ottawa, i t s Settlement and S e t t i n g This work i n Canadian E n g l i s h d i a l e c t o l o g y and s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c s takes the form of a study of the E n g l i s h spoken i n the c i t y of Ottawa, Ontario, the p o l i t i c a l c a p i t a l of Canada and the nation's f o u r t h l a r g e s t c i t y . The po p u l a t i o n of the me t r o p o l i t a n area i s growing r a p i d l y and i s p r e s e n t l y at 693,288 in h a b i t a n t s , w i t h 302,341 a c t u a l l y w i t h i n the boundaries of the c i t y proper."'" In a d d i t i o n , the v i l l a g e of R o c k c l i f f e Park, p o p u l a t i o n 2,017, and the c i t y of Vanier, p o p u l a t i o n 2 18,237, are surrounded by the c i t y of Ottawa. Ottawa i s s i t u a t e d on the Ontario-Quebec border on the south bank of the Ottawa R i v e r where the Rideau R i v e r j o i n s i t , some 100 miles upstream from the St. Lawrence R i v e r , 114 miles west of Montreal, and 220 miles northeast of Toronto. Ottawa, H u l l , and adjacent suburbs on both sides of the Ottawa River form the me t r o p o l i t a n area of Ottawa-Hull and a somewhat l a r g e r area forms the vague e n t i t y c a l l e d the N a t i o n a l C a p i t a l Region. Bytown, as Ottawa was f i r s t c a l l e d , was a c o n s t r u c t i o n s i t e f o r the b u i l d i n g of the Rideau Canal and the centre f o r lumber trade. Queen V i c t o r i a s e l e c t e d i t to be the c a p i t a l of Upper and Lower Canada i n 1857, and i t s c a p i t a l s t a tus has been i t s main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c ever s i n c e . This f a c t o r has important l i n g u i s t i c consequences. The po p u l a t i o n of Ottawa has become i n many ways a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the country as a whole. F i r s t l y , s i n c e World War I I thousands of i n d i v i d -u a l s w i t h s p e c i a l i z e d education and s k i l l s have been h i r e d annually from across Canada to take on r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n the Federal Government, and n a t u r a l l y the p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and t h e i r s t a f f s come from a l l regions of Canada. This movement to Ottawa has brought about a l i n g u i s t i c mixing and l e v e l l i n g process which tends to decrease the importance of the l o c a l speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I t i s not only the number of these newcomers but a l s o the f a c t that these people h o l d important p o s i t i o n s which has l i n g u i s t i c relevance. Secondly, and p o s s i b l y by chance, the Francophone p o p u l a t i o n of Ottawa i s very c l o s e 3 to the n a t i o n a l average of 27 percent. Ottawa i s a l s o t y p i c a l of many Canadian c i t i e s i n that i t has acted as a goal f o r i n - m i g r a t i o n and commuting from the surrounding r u r a l area. This r u r a l area i s , however, not l i n g u i s t i c a l l y t y p i c a l of General Canadian and needs to be i n v e s -t i g a t e d i n order to understand the l o c a l sub-stratum of urban Ottawa. Ottawa i n the Ottawa V a l l e y No summary of the settlement and s e t t i n g of Ottawa can be made i n any l i n g u i s t i c work without mentioning the surrounding Ottawa V a l l e y . The Ottawa V a l l e y here i s defined as the a g r i c u l t u r a l r e g i o n of the Ottawa R i v e r watershed i n Quebec as w e l l as Ontario. This r e g i o n , s e t t l e d mainly by the I r i s h and the Scots and l a t e r by Quebecers and some Poles and Germans, forms one of the most d i s t i n c t i v e r u r a l d i a l e c t areas i n Canada. (See Map 1.) Some r e l i c l i n g u i s t i c i n f l u e n c e s of the 'Ottawa V a l l e y Twang' can be found i n the c i t y of Ottawa today. This study, however, w i l l comment on only those items which were recorded during our urban survey. For an in-depth study of the Ottawa V a l l e y d i a l e c t one should consult the work of Enoch P a d o l s k i and Ian P r i n g l e now i n progress."' The c i t y of Ottawa serves as a c u l t u r a l , trade, and employment centre f o r much of the Ottawa v a l l e y . Socio-economic Considerations i n Ottawa W i t h i n the c i t y of Ottawa the socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s not as c l e a r l y a west-to-east gradation of r i c h to poor as i n a c i t y such as Vancouver. Fine houses have been b u i l t along the c a n a l , r i v e r s , parks, and parkways, but only two blocks removed from these houses one o f t e n f i n d s q u i t e humble d w e l l i n g s . This p a t t e r n tends to make the o f f i c i a l census t r a c t s q u i t e heterogeneous and th e r e f o r e very misleading. Personal income and s a l a r i e s are the highest per c a p i t a i n the n a t i o n . Furthermore, Ottawa, among Canadian c i t i e s , has by f a r the highest percentage of u n i v e r s i t y graduates. There may a l s o be a c e r -t a i n i n f l a t i o n of t i t l e and p o s i t i o n which may i n f l u e n c e any s o c i o -economic comparisons w i t h other Canadian c i t i e s . Communications and Cu l t u r e Ottawa has a i r , r a i l , bus, and expressway l i n k s to Montreal and Toronto and, mainly through these c i t i e s , to the r e s t of the world. Ottawa has two E n g l i s h evening newspapers and one French. The Globe and  M a i l from Toronto serves as the morning paper. Ottawa's E n g l i s h t e l e -v i s i o n s t a t i o n s are the CBC, CTV, G l o b a l , and Ontario E d u c a t i o n a l , and v i a c a b l e v i s i o n the American networks NBC and CBS are re l a y e d from Rochester, New York and the P u b l i c Broadcasting System (Educational) from Watertown, New York. Ottawa's c u l t u r a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s both i n the f i e l d of enjoyment and 23 Table 1. 'Income, Education, and M i g r a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s f o r Canada's' l a r g e s t C i t i e s . Census Average U n i v e r s i t y In-migrants Immigrant M e t r o p o l i t a n Family Graduation from the r e s t P o p u l a t i o n Area Income $ 1971 % of Canada T o t a l % Calgary 10,943 7.3 78,410 20.5 Ch i c o u t i m i - 9,162 3.9 10,535 1.4 Jonquiere Edmonton 10,660 6.4 80,450 18.3 H a l i f a x 10,176 6.8 32,605 7.2 Hamilton 10,757 4.3 45,755 26.7 Kitchener 10,661 4.6 32,890 21.8 London 10,763 5.6 42.565 20.0 Montreal 10,292 5.5 160,390 14.8 Ottawa-Hull 12,010 9.5 85,560 12.5 Quebec 10,159 5.7 52,150 2.2 Regina 9,637 5.7 25.465 13.1 St. Catharines- 9,997 3.4 23,245 22.9 Niagara St. John's 8,488 3.6 14.435 3.0 Saint John 8,821 3.5 9,850 4.9 Saskatoon 9,479 7.0 27,240 13.9 Sudbury 11,739 3.6 22,825 12.4 Thunder Bay 10,165 3.4 10.620 21.1 Toronto 11,841 6.3 185,530 34.0 Vancouver 10,664 5.7 131.555 26.5 V i c t o r i a 9,921 5.4 35,650 24.7 Windsor 11,281 3.9 18,600 21.5 Winnipeg 9,989 5.7 58,590 19.9 M e t r o p o l i t a n 10,788 5.8 20.8 Canada Nonmetropolitan 8,062 2.7 8.5 Canada Canada 9,600 4.4 15.3 From Canadian Urban Trends: M e t r o p o l i t a n P e r s p e c t i v e , Vol.2, ed. D. Michael Ray, (Toronto: Copp C l a r k P u b l i s h i n g , 1977), Tables 4.1, 4.3, 1.6 and 5.1; pp.7, 40, 43, and 71. employment are much greater than are found i n other Canadian c i t i e s of comparable s i z e . Quite n a t u r a l l y , because Ottawa i s the c a p i t a l of the confederation, i t i s the home of such i n s t i t u t i o n s as the N a t i o n a l A r t G a l l e r y , The N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, The N a t i o n a l L i b r a r y and P u b l i c A r c h i v e s , The N a t i o n a l A r t s Centre and the N a t i o n a l Museum of Science and Technology. Ottawa a l s o contains C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , The U n i v e r s i t y of Ottawa, St. Paul's U n i v e r s i t y , and Algonquin Col l e g e . 2. Ottawa V a l l e y Urban Centres Eleven informants from urban centres i n the Ottawa V a l l e y were interviewed i n order that we could compare the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of n a t i v e Ottawans w i t h the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of people from nearby towns, namely Renfrew and Smiths F a l l s . We were a l s o i n t e r e s t e d i n a s c e r t a i n i n g to what extent the Ottawa V a l l e y 'twang' could s t i l l be found among townspeople i n that area. J . K. Chambers i n h i s a r t i c l e "The Ottawa V a l l e y 'twang'" s t a t e s : A v i s i t o r i n Carp or A r n p r i o r or K i l l a l o e i s l i k e l y to spend a l o t of time there nowadays before he comes upon a n a t i v e who speaks much d i f f e r e n t l y than he himself does. The f o l k l o r e i s even much l e s s c r e d i b l e , of course, as i t a p p l i e s to the urbanized centres of the Ottawa V a l l e y l i k e Ottawa, H u l l , Renfrew and Pembroke. Residents of southern Ontario who move to those centres, as hundred do annually, may very w e l l l i v e the r e s t of t h e i r days i n them without c o n t a c t i n g a speaker of the twang. I t was not always thus. The f o l k l o r e has i t s b a s i s i n f a c t , and even a generation ago might have been termed g e n e r a l l y t r u e . Now the Ottawa V a l l e y d i a l e c t s u r v i v e s only i n what-ever i s o l a t e d r u r a l communities remain. Along the main rou t e s , the dominant d i a l e c t has come to be the d i a l e c t of hea r t l a n d Canada.? We hypothesize that people from these towns are speakers of General Canadian E n g l i s h w i t h perhaps a few vocabulary items remaining from the 'twang'. We w i l l f i n d some of these items of 'Val l e y Talk' extant i n the towns. We w i l l determine to what extent these items are i n the speech of native-Ottawans. Renfrew g Renfrew, a town of 8,530 i n h a b i t a n t s , i s an a g r i c u l t u r a l centre which a l s o has some secondary i n d u s t r y i n e l e c t r o n i c s and machine p a r t s . I t i s s i t u a t e d on the CN, the CPR, and the Trans-Canada Highway, s i x t y m i l e s west of Ottawa. Smiths F a l l s Smiths F a l l s , s i t u a t e d f i f t y m iles southwest of Ottawa on the Rideau Canal, highways 15 and 29, and CN and CPR l i n e s , i s a commercial and s e r v i c e centre f o r the surrounding a g r i c u l t u r a l lands and the Rideau Lakes. I t a l s o has some secondary i n d u s t r y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a number of secondary i n d u s t r i e s have f a i l e d or moved r e c e n t l y . The 9 popul a t i o n i s 9,149. 26 Chapter 2: Footnotes ^"Ottawa, S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1976 Census of Canada: P o p u l a t i o n :  P r e l i m i n a r y Counts, (1976), pp.50, 52, 54. 2 Ottawa, S t a t i s t i c s Canada, Census T r a c t s , Ottawa-Hull, (1971), pp.1-10. 3 I b i d , pp.1-10. S.K. Chambers, "The Ottawa V a l l e y 'twang'," Canadian E n g l i s h :  O r i g i n s and S t r u c t u r e s , ed. J.K. Chambers (Toronto: Methuen, 1975), pp.55-59. The above a r t i c l e o f f e r s a short summary of the d i a l e c t s i t u a t i o n i n the V a l l e y . ^E. Padolsky and I . P r i n g l e , "Reflexes of M.E. Vowels before / r / i n Ottawa V a l l e y D i a l e c t s of Hiberno-English Types," unpublished a r t i c l e read at the Learned S o c i e t i e s Convention at F r e d e r i c t o n , N.B., (1977), pp.1-13. Both researchers are profe s s o r s at C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , Ottawa. ^Canadian Urban Trends: M e t r o p o l i t a n P e r s p e c t i v e , Vol.2, ed. D.M. Ray, (Toronto: Copp Cl a r k P u b l i s h i n g , 1977), pp.39-42. (See our Table 1 compiled from the above source.) ^Chambers, o p . c i t . , p.55. Po p u l a t i o n : P r e l i m i n a r y Counts: 1976 Census of Canada, (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1976), p.54. I b i d . , p.50. 27 CHAPTER 3 CANADIAN ENGLISH 1. Canadian E n g l i s h i n R e l a t i o n to Other D i a l e c t s In order to understand the v a r i e t y of E n g l i s h w i t h which we are d e a l i n g , i t i s necessary that the d i a l e c t , Canadian E n g l i s h , be placed w i t h i n the l a r g e r framework of the E n g l i s h language f a m i l y . There are two main branches of the E n g l i s h language, the B r i t i s h branch and the North American branch. The B r i t i s h Branch The B r i t i s h branch i n c l u d e s the E n g l i s h d i a l e c t s of the B r i t i s h I s l e s , A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand, Southern A f r i c a , and a number of smaller c o l o n i e s and former c o l o n i e s . Approximately 91 m i l l i o n people are nat i v e speakers of t h i s branch of the language.''" Some elements common to most of the d i a l e c t s w i t h i n t h i s branch and d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from North American E n g l i s h are: 1) the pro n u n c i a t i o n of [a] i n words such as dance, can't, h a l f , and grass where the vowel does not immediately precede a stop, 2) the pronu n c i a t i o n of f t ] i n medial p o s i t i o n i n words l i k e c i t y or d i r t y , 3) the 'r l e s s ' p r o n u n c i a t i o n , i . e . the d e l e t i o n of / r / i n word and morpheme f i n a l p o s i t i o n and pre-consonantal p o s i t i o n , e.g. car and p a r t y , 4) the s y n t a c t i c combination of modal verb followed by the a u x i l i a r y verb do_ i n short form sentences such as We would do. and 5) the use of got as the past p a r t i c i p l e o f get. Most people throughout the world s t i l l choose Standard Southern B r i t i s h , SSB, the 28 p r e s t i g i o u s d i a l e c t w i t h i n t h i s branch, as t h e i r model when l e a r n i n g E n g l i s h as a Second Language. The North American Branch The North American Branch i s much l a r g e r ; approximately 211 m i l l i o n 2 people speak i t n a t i v e l y . Although conservative i n some r e s p e c t s , t h i s branch has developed g r a d u a l l y away from i t s source, which was,of course,. the E n g l i s h spoken i n B r i t a i n i n the seventeenth and eighteenth c e n t u r i e s . The American c o l o n i e s were the f i r s t area to be s e t t l e d , and at t h a t time, 1620-1775, trans-oceanic communications and overland t r a n s p o r t a t i o n 3 were p r i m i t i v e . I t was q u i t e n a t u r a l that the two branches grew apart. At that time, innovations were made to the language on the new c o n t i n e n t mainly i n the area of vocabulary because of the presence of p r e v i o u s l y unknown f l o r a and fauna and as a r e s u l t of the contact w i t h the Indians. In a d d i t i o n , the i n e v i t a b l e i n t e r n a l change of language usage over time was happening i n the mother country as w e l l as i n the c o l o n i e s . London and the surrounding areas of Southern England, f o r example, were i n the process of l o s i n g f i n a l and pre-consonantal / r / . With the onset of the Revolutionary War, 1776, and independence i n 1781, i t was only n a t u r a l that w i t h i n the United States l i n g u i s t i c d i v e r s i t y would develop even more r a p i d l y and that any d i f f e r e n c e i n usage would be sought out, magnified, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . The Settlement of Canada I t was i n 1783 and 1784, the year immediately a f t e r the Revolutionary War, that Canada f i r s t became s e t t l e d i n any s i g n i f i c a n t 4 number by E n g l i s h speaking people. These s e t t l e r s , w i s h i n g to remain 29 under the B r i t i s h Crown and the r u l e of law and order, were c a l l e d United Empire L o y a l i s t s ; some moved from New England and f u r t h e r south onto the c o a s t l i n e o f Nova S c o t i a , a r e g i o n l a t e r to be c a l l e d the provinces of New Brunswick, Nova S c o t i a , and P r i n c e Edward I s l a n d . Others s e t t l e d i n Quebec C i t y and Montreal. From Vermont, up-state New York, western Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, United Empire L o y a l i s t s of g e n e r a l l y humbler status and a more f r o n t i e r background moved over-land to S o r e l , Quebec,where they were given food and s h e l t e r i n a refugee camp f o r two years w h i l e the i n i t i a l land survey was being conducted. These L o y a l i s t s e v e n t u a l l y s e t t l e d along the northern bank of the St. Lawrence River and the northern shores of Lakes Ontario and E r i e i n what i s now Ontario."' (See Map 3.) There were, perhaps, only 10,000 United Empire L o y a l i s t s a l l t o l d who s e t t l e d O n t a r i o . ^ Many L o y a l i s t s who f i r s t had s e t t l e d i n Nova S c o t i a l a t e r moved to Upper Canada upon hearing reports of a more favourable climate and b e t t e r s o i l c o n d i t i o n s . A somewhat l a r g e r number of s e t t l e r s moved from the northern s t a t e s to Upper Canada a decade or two l a t e r (hence t h e i r name 'Late L o y a l i s t s ' ) , t a k i n g up land concessions i n a program sponsored by the Crown. These two groups together, the L o y a l i s t s and the l a t e L o y a l i s t s , formed i n Upper Canada a p o p u l a t i o n o f about 100,000 by 1812. 7 L i n g u i s -t i c a l l y , t h i s was the most important settlement i n B r i t i s h North America, because i t was Ontario which was destined to become the r i c h and densely populated h e a r t l a n d of Canada. Could the sparse settlement of 100,000 form the b a s i s of a n a t i o n a l language by each summer a s s i m i l a t i n g s h i p loads of scores of thousands of B r i t i s h immigrants? During the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century, from 1812 to 1850, 800,000 immigrants from B r i t a i n , mainly Scots and g I r i s h , s e t t l e d i n the same areas of Upper Canada. I t remains a con-t r o v e r s y today whether the American immigrants or the B r i t i s h immigrants 9 l a i d the foundation f o r Canadian E n g l i s h . What seems important i n summing up the development of Canadian E n g l i s h i n those e a r l y years from 1782 to 1850 before Canada e x i s t e d i s : 1) that both American and B r i t i s h immigration and settlement c o n t r i b u t e d j o i n t l y to the develop-ment of Canadian E n g l i s h , 2) that the B r i t i s h and American d i a l e c t s must have been l e s s divergent than they are t o d a y , 3 ) that each major d i a l e c t , i . e . American and B r i t i s h , must have been spoken i n Canada by hundreds of thousands of s p e a k e r s a n d 4) that Canadian E n g l i s h was developing independently of the two by p i c k i n g and choosing what i t p r e f e r r e d and by i n n o v a t i n g on i t s own when i t d i d not l i k e the choice or when there was no question of choice. A f t e r 1850, we see continued immigration from B r i t a i n and the United States and a growing p r o s p e r i t y i n southern Ontario and Montreal. As western Canada i s being s e t t l e d , we see three major E n g l i s h speaking groups s e t t l i n g the p r a i r i e s and i n f l u e n c i n g the language; these are the,Americans and the B r i t i s h again but a l s o f o r the f i r s t time the Canadians, mostly Ontarians. The Canadian s t y l e of E n g l i s h p r e v a i l s , and t h i s p a t t e r n continues as Canada expands westward and northward. Southern Ontario continues to grow and dominates the r e s t of Canada i n d u s t r i a l l y , commercially, and p o l i t i c a l l y , and as a consequence of dominating i n these three f i e l d s , i t sets the l i n g u i s t i c standard. Present S i t u a t i o n I f one looks at the language s i t u a t i o n across Canada today, one w i l l see that the Maritime provinces s t i l l r e t a i n a s t y l e o f speech s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from sthat of<the r e s t of Canada, a r e s u l t of the i n f l u x of s e t t l e r s from c o a s t a l New England s i n c e the 1760's and from continuous c u l t u r a l and economic t i e s w i t h New England ever s i n c e . Newfoundland too has a unique s t y l e of E n g l i s h based mainly on the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s e t t l e r s from I r e l a n d and from the southwest of England. The speech of i n d i v i d u a l s who l i v e i n the outports i s the 12 most d i f f e r e n t from General Canadian that one w i l l encounter i n Canada. The speech heard i n the c i t i e s , however, resembles more and more the speech heard across Canada. In f a c t , recent i n t e r v i e w s of Newfoundland high school students sounded almost i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from t h e i r counterparts i n suburban Toronto. This same language l e v e l l i n g among young people i s a l s o very n o t i c e a b l e not only i n the Maritime provinces but a l s o i n r u r a l d i a l e c t pockets across Canada. E n g l i s h i n r u r a l regions of Quebec i s almost non-existent except f o r the Eastern Townships and Pontiac County. The Eastern Townships were s e t t l e d by L o y a l i s t s and Late L o y a l i s t s from western New England and up-state New York. French i s now r e p l a c i n g E n g l i s h i n t h i s area. Pontiac County i s p a r t of the Ottawa V a l l e y and has speech charac-t e r i s t i c s which conform to that r e g i o n . Anglophone Montrealers sound 13 very much l i k e speakers from the r e s t of Canada. As s t a t e d p r e v i o u s l y , overland s e t t l e r s from western New England, up-state New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania moved i n t o O n t a r i o . Of those items which are of American d e r i v a t i o n i n Canadian E n g l i s h a predominant number are from the Northern American d i a l e c t - the p r e s t i g e d i a l e c t of the United States and the major c o n t r i b u t o r to General American. The geographic r e g i o n of the Northern American d i a l e c t i s 32 also the r i c h i n d u s t r i a l h e a r t l a n d of the United S t a t e s . The Northern American d i a l e c t area i s important to Ontario E n g l i s h not only because i t was the source of immigration from the United S t a t e s , but a l s o because i t i s the area of the United States w i t h which Ontario has maintained the c l o s e s t t i e s . A l l t h i s i s not to say that Midland America d i d not play a meaningful r o l e , f o r Midland speakers a l s o immigrated to southern Ontario. T h i s e x p l a i n s why we have Midland forms i n Canadian speech, e.g. b l i n d s , dew worm, and c o a l o i l . These forms were most e a s i l y accepted when B r i t i s h immigrant usage c o i n c i d e d , as i n the case of b l i n d s . The p r a i r i e s were s e t t l e d by farmers moving west from O n t a r i o , the American Mid-West (mainly Northern and some Midland speakers a g a i n ) , the Great P l a i n s s t a t e s , and from B r i t a i n . There a l s o were a l a r g e number of U k r a i n i a n s , French Canadians, Germans and Scandinavians. Educated Englishmen o f t e n obtained, as they do today, p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and p r e s t i g e as a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , c l e r g y , o f f i c e r s , educators, c i v i l s e rvants, e t c . This may be one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r -ences between the l i n g u i s t i c s i t u a t i o n of Canada and the United States today, namely that B r i t i s h E n g l i s h enjoys a p o s i t i o n of p r e s t i g e and respect throughout Canada. This advantage i s a f f o r d e d to one generation only as the immigrants' c h i l d r e n i n e v i t a b l y speak Canadian. The c o a s t a l r e g i o n and the Okanagan r e g i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia had a much l a r g e r number and p r o p o r t i o n of s e t t l e r s from B r i t a i n than d i d the P r a i r i e s , but even here, the Canadians from the Maritimes, Ontario, and the P r a i r i e s moved i n and l a t e r a s s i m i l a t e d them. Much of the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia was s e t t l e d by miners from Utah and Idaho whose ancestors came from Midland areas. These miners.were l a t e r a s s i m i l a t e d , too. 33 Canadian E n g l i s h thus i s very uniform from Ontario to B r i t i s h Columbia and northward, and i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y so i n A t l a n t i c Canada. The i n f l u e n c e s , Northern American, B r i t i s h , and Midland American were continuous and sometimes reconverging f o r over 200 years of development. As a r e s u l t , a uniform Canadian d i a l e c t covers a l a r g e r land mass than any other one d i a l e c t i n the world. Canadian E n g l i s h today i s most d e f i n i t e l y a North American d i a l e c t of E n g l i s h , be i t from the L o y a l i s t s or from 200 years of constant contact across some 4,000 miles of i n t e r n a t i o n a l border. To i l l u s t r a t e how s i m i l a r Canadian E n g l i s h and Northern American are, we can r e p o r t that i t takes most B r i t o n s a few years i n Canada to d i s t i n g u i s h the d i f f e r e n c e , and that some Canadian u n i v e r s i t y students have attended l e c t u r e s f o r one year without knowing whether t h e i r p r o fessor was American or not. These instances notwithstanding, Canadian E n g l i s h i s a d i s t i n c t i v e d i a l e c t w i t h i n the North American branch of the E n g l i s h language f a m i l y , and i t enjoys the s o c i o p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s of a n a t i o n a l language, something which Northern, Midland, Southern or Western American E n g l i s h can not. Having examined the development and present s t a t e of Canadian E n g l i s h , l e t us now i n v e s t i g a t e those l i n g u i s t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h i t from educated Northern American, the d i a l e c t most c l o s e l y 14 r e l a t e d to Canadian E n g l i s h . 2. L i n g u i s t i c Features As a r e s u l t of 1) l i s t e n i n g to Canadian and Northern American E n g l i s h , 2) n o t i c i n g how f o r e i g n e r s c a t e g o r i z e Canadian E n g l i s h and 3) an a l y s i n g our survey r e s u l t s which i n d i c a t e that Canadians and Northern Americans n o t i c e l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e between each other, i t i s c l e a r that Canadian E n g l i s h and Northern American ( a l s o General American) are very s i m i l a r . Acknowledging t h i s s i m i l a r i t y and using i t as a reference p o i n t , the next s e c t i o n w i l l o u t l i n e the d i s t i n g -u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Canadian E n g l i s h . We w i l l now take the major l i n g u i s t i c c ategories of language and describe the d i f f e r e n c e s which e x i s t . Those items which are unique to Canadian speech or which may be suspected of being i n a s t a t e o f change w i l l then be the b a s i s f o r the s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l survey which i s to f o l l o w . Phonology I t i s at the l e v e l of phonology t h a t we f i n d the greatest systematic d i f f e r e n c e between Canadian E n g l i s h and Northern American. Any d i f f e r e n c e here i n the r e s p e c t i v e systems could mean a d i f f e r e n c e i n p r o n u n c i a t i o n of hundreds of words. We w i l l now look a t the seg-mental u n i t s of these two d i a l e c t s and compare them. The Consonants The consonantal systems of Canadian E n g l i s h and Northern American are phonemically i d e n t i c a l . In f a c t a l l other major E n g l i s h d i a l e c t s seem to have a consonantal system which i s tabulated below. 35 L a b i a l Dental A l v e o l a r P a l a t a l V e l a r G l o t t a l Stops P b t d k g-A f f r i c a t e s t j d^ Nasals m n F r i c a t i v e s f V e 5 s z J' 3 h L a t e r a l 1 F r i c t i o n l e s s Continuant r G lides w j I t i s the a l l o p h o n i c r e a l i z a t i o n of these phonemes and t h e i r combina-t i o n s which d i f f e r e n t i a t e the d i a l e c t s . 1. / t j , dj , n j / Perhaps the most n o t i c e a b l e speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the consonants i s the pro n u n c i a t i o n by many Canadians of the yod, / j / , when followed by an /u/ and preceded by a It/, /d/, or /n/. Canadians r e a l i z e t h i s p r o n u n c i a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y when the word c o n t a i n i n g the sound i s pronounced i n i s o l a t i o n or when the word i s i n a s t r e s s e d p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a sentence. Americans do not have the pr o n u n c i a t i o n w i t h yod as a goal. Word Canadian Northern American 1. tube [tjub] [tub] 2. Tuesday [tjuzdei] [tuzdei] 3. tune [tjun] [tun] 36 Word Canadian Northern American 4. student [stjudant] [student] 5. stupid [stjupad] [stuped] 1. dew [dju] [du] 2. dual [djual] [dual] 3. due [dju] [du-:]. 4. duke [djuk] [duk] 5. dune [djun] [dun] 6. dupe [djup] [dup] 7. duplex [djupleks] [dupleks] 1. new [nju] [nu] 2. nude [njud] [nud] 3. avenue [svanju] [asvanu] 2. /hw/ Similarly, many Canadians pronounce a voiceless version of /w/, i.e., /hw/ or /M/, in words like whether, where, what, which, why, whine, white, etc., when these words are stressed. Americans typically do not hold this as a goal. These two differences between Canadian and American speech within the area of consonantal usage w i l l be investigated thoroughly in the s t y l i s t i c variation portion of the survey. The Vowels 1. The V o c a l i c System The v o c a l i c systems of Canadian and Northern American are somewhat d i f f e r e n t . The Canadian system i s i l l u s t r a t e d below. I l l u s t r a t i o n 3.1 beat The Canadian V o c a l i c System As one can see, there are 10 s t r e s s e d vowel phonemes plus the schwa which i s an a l l o p h o n i c v a r i a n t of any vowel sound i n an unstressed p o s i t i o n . The Northern American v o c a l i c system d i f f e r s i n one item only: where Canadian E n g l i s h has the back, open, rounded phoneme /n/, Northern American has the a d d i t i o n a l unrounded /a/. 38 cot 1 caught a [ kat ] • • 1 t> [ kDt ]_ Northern American thus has a co n t r a s t i n sound and meaning between cot and caught; and between c a l l e r [ k n l e r ] and c o l l a r [ k d l e r ] . Most Canadians a c t u a l l y use both these sounds but i n f r e e v a r i a t i o n , 1. e. without making any d i s t i n c t i o n i n meaning. They seem to make t h e i r choice l e x i c a l l y or at random. We w i l l analyse the nature of t h i s f r e e v a r i a t i o n i n the study. 2. Canadian Diphthongs There are three diphthongs common to the v o c a l i c systems of Canadian E n g l i s h , Northern American and a l l other major E n g l i s h d i a l e c t s ; these are: 1. / a i / as i n buy, 2. /ao/ as i n bough, and 3: / o i / as i n boy. 39 I l l u s t r a t i o n 3.2 E n g l i s h Diphthongs The a l l o p h o n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n of the second of these three diphthongs i s what d i f f e r e n t i a t e s Canadian E n g l i s h most markedly from North American, and i t i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the s h i b b o l e t h around and about the house. In the environment where the 'ou' diphthong i s followed by a v o i c e l e s s con-sonant i t i s pronounced [Au ] or sometimes [eu], e.g. south [ S A U G ] and out [Aut]. This diphthong w i t h a higher s t r e s s e d element may a l s o occur, but c e r t a i n l y l e s s f r e q u e n t l y , i n environments where a v o i c e l e s s con-sonant i s the u n d e r l y i n g form, but where the surface form i s r e a l i z e d ^ a s v o i c e d , e.g. as i n shouted where the u n d e r l y i n g form i s [J/uted] but where the surface form i s [jAudad], applying the medial / t / v o i c i n g r u l e . Here we have an i n t e r e s t i n g case of r u l e o r d e r i n g , i . e . , does one s e l e c t the diphthong w i t h the higher s t r e s s e d element f i r s t , then v o i c e the / t / , 40 or does one f i r s t v o i c e the / t / and then choose the. diphthong w i t h the lower s t r e s s e d element unraised? ..Some manage to say [Jauded]. I l l u s t r a t i o n 3.3 Canadian Diphthongs w i t h High Stressed Elements The other diphthong which has c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Canadian a l l o p h o n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n i s the /a 1/ diphthong. P a r a l l e l to the [ A U ] d i s t r i b u t i o n , the [ s i ] r e a l i z a t i o n occurs when followed by a v o i c e l e s s consonant, e.g. l i k e [ l a i k ] , n i g h t [ n s i t ] , or when the u n d e r l y i n g form of the consonant i s v o i c e l e s s , e.g., w r i t e r i s f r e q u e n t l y pronounced [ r a i d e r ] . Canadians and Americans seem unaware of t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r speech charac-t e r i s t i c s but subconsciously may i n c l u d e i t i n t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n that Canadian speech i s more " c l i p p e d " and " c r i s p " . In the study we w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e these diphthongs thoroughly i n many environments and s t y l e s . 3. Phonemic Reduction before / r / Canadian as w e l l as Northern American speakers have reduced the number of s t r e s s e d vowel phonemes o c c u r r i n g before / r / from the ten or eleven p o s s i b l e down to f i v e : 1. p i e r [ p i r ] 3. purr [ p e r ] 4. poor [ p o r ] ^ 2. pear [ p e r ] 5. par [ p a r ] Some Canadians, however, pronounce an over-rounded [o] before / r / i n words l i k e p o r r i d g e , Dorothy, orange, and s o r r y . A l s o , many Canadians tend to r e t a i n a d i f f e r e n c e between: Mary ] \ [meYi ] merryJ marry) [mari ] Most Northern Americans have merged a l l three words to [meVi ] . 4. L i a i s o n Northern Americans f r e q u e n t l y do not apply the second h a l f of a p r e s c r i p t i v e r u l e which s t a t e s that one should say a. [ a ] , the [6e], _to [ t e ] , e t c . , before words beginning w i t h consonant sounds and an [an], the [3i]» _t° [ t u ] 5 e t c . before words beginning w i t h vowel sounds. We w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e these l i a i s o n features i n Ottawa speech. Pro n u n c i a t i o n of Words In a d d i t i o n to the p h o n o l o g i c a l systems which have been described and contrasted above, there i s the simpler f a c t o r of the choice of phoneme to be used i n an i n d i v i d u a l word or set of words. The choice of phoneme used i n a word gives us some of the most e a s i l y recognizable d i f f e r e n c e s between Canadian and American E n g l i s h . In ;the l i s t that f o l l o w s , the pronunciation c i t e d i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the most frequent v a r i a n t , but i t does represent a s t y l i s t i c v a r i a n t which most s t r i k i n g l y 16 d i s t i n g u i s h e s a Canadian from an American and v i c e versa. There are a few a f f i x e s w i t h which we w i l l d e a l f i r s t . A f f i x 1. - i l e a. f. g-h. Examples) a g i l e f e r t i l e f u t i l e h o s t i l e m i s s i l e mobile proj e c t i l e v i r i l e Canadian [ a i l ] Northern American [ a i ] Comment The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s h i g h , i . e . most Canadians say [at I ] and most Americans say [ a l ] , c f . CEU, pp.80, 81, and W i l l . 17 2. a n t i -m u l t i -semi-3. - i n g [ant i ] [ m A l t i ] Is£m'\ ] [ I Q ] [ i n ] I eent a L ] [ mA* I t a i ] [ semai ] [ i Q ] [ an ] The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s h i gh, c f . CEU, pp.60, 61. Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , You Don't'Say, V o l . one, Issue 5, d i s -cusses t h i s usage i n Canada. 43 Word absurd again Canadian [abzard] Northern American Comment asphalt [ffisfnlt] [agei n] [absard] [fflJfDlt] [agin ] Algonquin [aelgnnkin] [ael gAnkw i n ] apricots [eiprakbts] [ffiprekats] Some di-fferentation, cf. DCE and Will. Some differentiation, cf. DCE and Wil l . Americans rarely say [agei n]; see CEU, p.72 for Canadian percentages. See DCE and Will. See CEU, p.54, and Gregg, 1973, pp. 109-113. balcony been blouse Datsun decal eh either [ br> I kan i ] [ baa I kan i ] [bin] [bIaoz] [ditsan] [d£kal ] [e i ] [ai5ar] [be Ikan i ] [bin] [bIaos ] caramel [ keerame I ] [ karma I ] [ d'cttsan ] [dake* I ] [ d f ke I ] [ h A ] [f5ar] See DCE and Will. Americans rarely say [bi n]. See DCE for Canadian usage. Americans never say [blaoz]. See DCE for preferred usage. High differentiation, see CEU, pp.67, 68. High differentiation. High differentiation. High differentiation in tag sounds. See CEU, pp.78, 79 for Canadian per-centages . eleven [ al e'van ] [ i I e'van ] Some differentiation. garage [gard^] [gar&d^] Some differentiation 44 Word Canadian N o r t h e r n American Comment H 1. hoof [huf ] [hof ] Canadians r a r e l y say [hof]. See CEU, p.75, f o r Canadian p e r c e n t a g e s of r o o f . I r o q u o i s [ i rakwd] [ Crakwo i ] H i g h d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , c f . DCE and W i l l . K, khaki [ k& rk i ] [ kaeki ] Americans never say [ k d r k i]. See DCE I and W i l l . l e i s u r e 2. l e v e r [ I i ? e r ] [ I f v . s r ] 4. l i l a c [ l a i l a k ] [ I f ^ r ] [ I e v e r ] 3. l i e u t e n a n t [ I a 11 ask ] See CEU, p.74, and Gregg, 1973:, pp.111, 112, f o r Canadian p e r c e n t a g e s . See CEU and Gregg, 1973', pp.112, 113 f o r Canadian p e r -centages . Americans n e v e r say [ I e f t e n a n t ] . See CEU p.7.3 f o r Canadian p e r c e n t a g e . H i g h d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , c f . DCE and W i l l . M 1. n e i t h e r [na tSar ] [ n ' S a r ] Usage p e r c e n t a g e s seem to approximate those f o r e i t h e r , e x c e p t i n the p h r a s e me n e i t h e r . 0 45 Word Canadian Northern American p 1. produce n. [proudus] [prddus] 2. progress [p rougres ] [ p rdg re s ] 3. process [prouses] [prases] Q 1. Renault [ renou] [ r e n a l t ] 2. roof [ r u f ] [ rof ] 3. root [ r u t ] [ r o t ] route [ r u t ] [ r a o t ] S l . schedule [ J ^ d ^ u l ] [ s k e r d ^ u l ] 2. s e n i l e [ s ^ n a i l ] [ s ' n a i l ] 3. shone [ J ^ n ] [ J o n ] T 1. tomato [temseto] [tameido] Comment Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see CEU, p.86, 87, f o r Canadian per-centages . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see CEU, p.75, f o r Canadian percentages. High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see Gregg, 1973, pp. 108-112 f o r Kootenay percentage. See CEU, pp.87, 88 and Gregg, 1973, pp. 108-113 f o r Canadian percentages. Americans never say [ J e d ^ u l ]. See CEU pp.55,56, and Gregg, 1973, pp.109-113 f o r Canadian percentages. Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , c f . DCE and W i l l . Americans never say [Jnn ]; Canadians almost always do. See Gregg, 1973, pp. 108,113, f o r Canadian percentages. Americans never say [t ameeto ]; Canadians sometimes do. See CEU, pp.65, 66, and Gregg, 1973, pp.108, 113 f o r Canadian percentages. 46 Word Canadian Northern American Comment U w vase 1. were 2. weren't [ vnz] or [vaz ] or [ vei z ] [ wer] [wernt ] [ vei s ] [wer ] [warnt ] Some differentiation, see CEU, pp.58, 59, and Gregg, 1973, pp. 109-113 for Canadian percentages. Some differentiation. Some differentiation. X Y J l . Z 2. zebra [ zed ] [zebra ] [ z i ] [ zfbra ] High differentiation, see CEU, pp.59, 60, for Canadian per-centages . Americans never say [zdbra]; Canadians sometimes do. Gregg, 197.3, 113, for B.C. centages. See pp.108-per-3. zero [ z iYou ] [zi: r o u ] Some differentiation. Grammar: Morphology and Syntax The grammatical structure i s the most conservative element of any language. The phonology and lexicon of various dialects of any language vary widely one from another, but i t is at the levels of morphology and syntax that dialects are most similar. The items which differentiate are: 47 Canadian Northern American Comment Do you not. . Are you not. Don't you.. Aren't you. Tuesday next Tuesday week A i r Canada Health and Welfare Canada Labour Canada S t a t i s t i c s Canada Sport Canada Transport Canada Lo t t o Canada et c . eh (as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r question tags, etc.) next Tuesday a week from t h i s coming Tuesday Canadians may use Don't you and Aren't you but Americans r a r e l y use the Do you not and Are you not forms. Tuesday next i s normal B r i t i s h usage. Tuesday next i s normal B r i t i s h usage. This type of word order, s t a r t e d i n governmentese, i s patterned a f t e r French and i s one of the r e s u l t s of the b i l i n g u a l i s m p o l i c y and language contact. Americans use eh when t e a s i n g l y reprimanding a f r i e n d and other-wise only extremely r a r e l y . Canadians use huh only extremely r a r e l y . Canadians may p r e f e r Have you got... more f r e q u e n t l y than do Americans. See A v i s , 1954, pp.13-17. In a d d i t i o n , there may be a few Standard Southern B r i t i s h forms and usages which are used more f r e q u e n t l y by Canadians than by Americans. huh Have you got.. Do you have. SSB USA 1. got gotten (as i n the past p a r t i c p l e of get) 48 SSB USA 2. Don't l e t ' s ~ r r Let's not... 3. proved proven (as i n the past p a r t i c i p l e of prove) Lexicon I t i s at the l e v e l of l e x i c o n that we f i n d the great e s t number of items which d i f f e r e n t i a t e Canadian E n g l i s h from Northern American. Moreover, i t i s at t h i s l e v e l more than any other that one can see that Canadian E n g l i s h has developed independently. Many Canadian words and phrases r e l a t e to uniquely Canadian experiences and th e r e f o r e w i l l be found nowhere e l s e but Canada. The L e x i c o g r a p h i c a l Centre f o r Canadian E n g l i s h l o c a t e d at the U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a under the d i r e c t i o n of Pro f e s s o r S c a r g i l l has produced two books which deal s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h 18 t h i s s u b j e c t . These books are A D i c t i o n a r y of Canadianisms e d i t e d by 19 W. Avis and A Short H i s t o r y of Canadian E n g l i s h by M.H. S c a r g i l l . Below, we l i s t some common Canadian items which are p a r t of the vocabulary of everyday l i f e and which d i f f e r e n t i a t e Canadians from Northern Americans. The c l a i m i s not that a l l Canadians use a p a r t i c u l a r term 100 percent of the time, but r a t h e r that that usage coupled w i t h other suohousages w i l l d i s t i n g u i s h a Canadian from a Northern American. The items are presented according to semantic area. 49 Canadian Grade 1, 2, e t c . someone i n grade 3 Grade 13 secondary school s e n i o r secondary j u n i o r secondary elementary school m a t r i c u l a t e d Separate Schools brush (blackboard) supply teacher e l a s t i c (band) zed grades i n v i g i l a t e ( t e s t s ) i n v i g i l a t o r residence calendar ( b u l l e t i n ) EDUCATION Northern American f i r s t grade, e t c . t h i r d grader j u n i o r high school and h i g h s c h o o l h i g h s c h o o l j u n i o r high school grade school graduated P a r o c h i a l or C a t h o l i c Schools eraser s u b s t i t u t e teacher rubber band zee marks monitor dorm(itory) c a t a l o g Comment 100% d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Grade 13 does not e x i s t i n the United States and some provinces. Americans never say c o l l e g i a t e i n s t i t u t e . Some Canadians say ( j u n i o r ) high school Some Canadians say (senior) high school Some Canadians say ( j u n i o r ) high s c h o o l Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n M a t r i c u l a t e d i s not heard i n the U.S. P a r o c h i a l Schools or C a t h o l i c Schools i s not heard i n Canada. Brush i s not heard i n the U.S. High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Americans never say zed. High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n c o l l e g i a t e i n s t i t u t e high school 50 Canadian 19. u n i v e r s i t y Canadian 1. bag (grocery) b l i n d s Northern American c o l l e g e ( i n a phrase l i k e 'gone o f f to _ . ') HOUSEHOLD Northern American sack shades 3. braces 4. budgie 5. c h e s t e r f i e l d 6. c u t l e r y f l a t w a r e 7. hydro b i l l hydro pole etc . 8. porridge 9. s e r v i e t t e 10. tap(s) suspenders parakeet davenport s i l v e r w a r e e l e c t r i c i t y b i l l e l e c t r i c i t y or telephone pole oatmeal napkin faucet Comment High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , Canadians usage i s u n i v e r s i t y i n such phrases. Comment High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see A v i s , 1954, p.13. Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see Gregg, 1974, pp. 108-114 f o r Canadian and American per-centages . Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see CEU, pp.106, 107, and Gregg, 1974, pp. 108-112. Low d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Americans do not have t h i s usage. High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Low d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see CEU, pp.116, 117. Faucet i s ga i n i n g i n usage i n Canada f o r one f i x t u r e which combines hot and c o l d water. Tap i s used i n both countries f o r the outside f i x t u r e . See CEU, pp.107-108, and Gregg, 1974, pp. 108-115 f o r Canadian and American percent-ages . 51 Canadian 11. veranda 12. w a l l e t Northern American porch b i l l f o l d Comment Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Few Canadians say b i l l f o l d . 4. 5. 6. 7. Canadian e l e c t e d by acclamation alderman concession concession road concession l i n e county town reeve (of a m u n i c i p a l i t y ) f i r e h a l l p o s t a l code LOCAL POLITICS, PUBLIC AFFAIRS Northern American Comment p o s t i e e l e c t e d without o p p o s i t i o n councilman land grant county seat mayor f i r e s t a t i o n z i p code mailman s o c i a l insurance number (SIN number) s o c i a l s e c u r i t y number This usage i s not found i n the States. See DCE and The D i c t i o n a r y of  Canadianisms. Councilman i s not used i n Canada. C o u n c i l l o r i s used i n P.E.I. Concession i s r a r e l y used i n the State s . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Reeve i s r a r e l y used i n the State s . Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , p o s t a l code i s pat-terned a f t e r French and i s a r e s u l t of the b i l i n g u a l i s m p o l i c y and language contact. Zip code i s heard very fr e q u e n t l y i n Canada. Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . P o s t i e i s not heard i n the St a t e s . Mailman i s most common i n Canada. High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . 52 10. 11. 12. Canadian garbage r e t u r n i n g o f f i c e r (an o f f i c i a l i n charge of an e l e c t i o n i n a constituency. s c r u t i n e e r (one who examines votes during an e l e c t i o n ) Northern American garbage (food products) junk (non-food products) t r a s h (non-food products) Comment High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Returning o f f i c e r i s not used i n the S t a t e s . S c r u t i n e e r i s not used i n the States, 13. hustings (a p l a t f o r m from which a candidate makes speeches) Hustings i s ^ seldom used i n the St a t e s . 14. r i d i n g (a p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n represented by an M.P., M.L.A., M.P.P., etc.) 15. backbencher (an ordinary member of Parliament or of a l e g i s l a t i v e assembly) congressional d i s t r i c t , s t a t e d i s t r i c t R i d i n g i s not used i n the S t a t e s . Backbencher i s not used i n the States. 16. r a t e payer (one who pays muni c i p a l taxes) Rate payer i s not used i n the States. 17. enumerator (one who, p r i o r to an e l e c t i o n , r e g i s t e r s e l i g i b l e v o t e r s ) 18. white paper green paper (government reports) Enumerator i s not used i n the States. This usage i s seldom found i n the St a t e s . 53 Canadian 19. constable 20. Baby Bonus ($20.00/month/child) Northern American policeman Comment Constable i s r a r e l y used i n the northern s t a t e s . This usage i s not found i n the States. Canadian Anglophone Francophone dew worm reserve ( f o r Indians) the e x ( h i b i t i o n ) CNE, CCE, PNE, etc. the o l d country (Europe or most of t e n B r i t a i n i s how being extended to Asia) the l i n e (meaning the U.S.-Canada border) the 49th p a r a l l e l (meaning the U.S.-Canada border even i n N.B., Que., Ont., Man. and B.C.) down East (meaning the Maritimes) MISCELLANEOUS Northern American Comment An E n g l i s h speaking Anglophone i s unknown person i n the Sta t e s . A French speaking Unknown i n the S t a t e s , person angle worm nigh t crawler r e s e r v a t i o n s t a t e f a i r High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . 54 Canadian back East (anywhere i n Canada East of the Lakehead) the States beer p a r l o r (a room i n a h o t e l where beer i s sold) mickey (a s m a l l whisky b o t t l e shaped to f i t i n the hi p pocket) rye red ribbon ( f i r s t place) Northern-American America the U.S.(A) S t a t e s i d e beer garden f l a s k whiskey blue ribbon Comment High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see DCE. Mickey i s not used i n the St a t e s . This meaning of rye i s uniquely Canadian. A red ribbon i s the award f o r second place i n the Stat e s . G i r l Guides b i s c u i t G i r l Scouts crackers cookies High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , there i s some over-l a p p i n g of meaning of these three words. chocolate bar cache ( a place f o r s t o r i n g s u p p l i e s ; to s t o r e away) candy bar stampede Landed Immigrant (one admitted to Canada as a s e t t l e r and p o t e n t i a l c i t i z e n ) rodeo (Legal) A l i e n Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , candy bar i s seldom heard i n Canada. This meaning of cache i s uniquely Canadian. This meaning of stampede i s uniquely Canadian. Landed Immigrant i s l e s s i n t i m i d a t i n g and uniquely Canadian. 55 Canadian 22. New Canadian (one born i n another country l i v i n g permanently i n Canada) 23. e t h n i c groups Canadians e t c . (euphemism f o r f o r e i g n , i . e . not of the two founding peoples) 24. pink s l i p (proof of t h i r d party l i a b i l i t y insurance) 25. running shoes 26. August C i v i c Holiday 27. Boxing Day 28. Remembrance Day 29. ramp (expressway) Northern American Comment N a t u r a l i z e d C i t i z e n New Canadian i s obviously unique. This usage of e t h n i c i s unique. tennis shoes sneakers f i r s t Monday i n Augus t December 26 A r m i s t i c e Day "Veterans Day expressway e x i t and entrance This usage i s uniquely Canadian. Some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . This h o l i d a y does not e x i s t i n the United S t a t e s . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Websters I I I omits Canada from l i s t of co u n t r i e s which c e l e b r a t e t h i s h o l i d a y . High d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . This usage i s probably to accommodate French rampe. In a d d i t i o n to the above l i s t e d words and terms which help to d i s -t i n g u i s h a Canadian from an American, Canadian E n g l i s h contains many other usages, mainly of B r i t i s h o r i g i n but a l s o French Canadian, which are l i t t l e known or f o r e i g n to American E n g l i s h ; some f a i r l y common items included i n the group are: b a l a c l a v a , bands (of I n d i a n s ) , bank h o l i d a y , Bay S t r e e t , b i l i n g u a l i s m , b i s c u i t , bloody, bloke , buckshee, 56 bugger, chap, c h i p s , Donnybrook, i n f u t u r e , G r i t s , h o l i d a y s ( v a c a t i o n ) , the l i q u o r s t o r e , muck about, queue, The Reserve ( N a t i o n a l Guard), a round about, second ( v e r b ) , shadow cabinet, superannuation, Tory, tuque, 20 t w i t , the Van Doos (vingt-deux), w a f f l e ( v e r b ) , and w r i t e an exam. A l a r g e number of the 752 v a r i a b l e s i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study were chosen from among the p h o n o l o g i c a l , p r o n u n c i a t i o n , grammatical, and l e x i c a l items presented i n t h i s chapter, thus g i v i n g the study a d e f i n i t e focus on Canadian E n g l i s h as i t i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from Northern American. 57 Chapter 3: Footnotes "^The United Nations S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook, (New York: United Nations, 1977), pp.67-73. 2 I b i d . , pp.67-73. 3 The c o a s t a l areas of North America d i d accept some l i n g u i s t i c i n n o v a t i o n from the mother country, e.g. the 'r l e s s n e s s ' of c o a s t a l c i t i e s from Boston to Savannah. 4 P r i o r to the American Revolutionary War, there were a few thousand troops garrisoned i n H a l i f a x , Annapolis Royal, Quebec C i t y , Montreal, e t c . and there were some 7,000 New Englanders, 2,000 B r i t i s h , 3,000 Germans, and 8,000 Acadians l i v i n g i n Nova S c o t i a . N. MacDonald, Canada,  1763-1841 Immigration arid Settlement, (Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1939), pp.41-73. ^The L o y a l i s t s drew l o t s , by s t a t u s and rank, f o r t h e i r w ilderness l a n d , and they s u f f e r e d g r e a t l y u n t i l they r e - e s t a b l i s h e d themselves. N. Mika, H. Mika, United Empire L o y a l i s t s : Pioneers of Upper Canada, ( B e l l e v i l l e : Mika P u b l i s h i n g , 1976), p.154. 6 J . B . Brebner, "The A r r i v a l of the L o y a l i s t s , " The United Empire  L o y a l i s t s : Men and Myths, ed. L.F.S. Upton, (Toronto: Copp C l a r k , 1967)p.92. ^Helen I. Cowan, B r i t i s h Emigration to B r i t i s h North America, (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1961), p.12. Helen I . Cowan, B r i t i s h Immigration Before Confederation, (Ottawa: Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1968), p.16. 9 The f o l l o w i n g sources give v a r y i n g opinions about t h i s question: Morton B l o o m f i e l d , "Canadian E n g l i s h : i t s R e l a t i o n to Eighteenth Century American Speech," Journal of E n g l i s h and Germanic P h i l o l o g y , (JEGP), V o l . 47, (1948), pp.58-63; M.H. S c a r g i l l , "Sources of Canadian E n g l i s h , " JEGP, Vol.56, (1957), pp.610-614; Walter S. A v i s , "The E n g l i s h Language i n Canada," Current Trends i n L i n g u i s t i c s , Vol.10, p a r t 1, ed. T. Sebeok, (1970), pp.40-68; M.H. S c a r g i l l , A Short H i s t o r y of Canadian E n g l i s h , ( V i c t o r i a : Nis Sono Press, 1977), C h a p t s . l , 7, 8, 9; C o r n e l i u s von Baeyer, The Ancestry of Canadian E n g l i s h , (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1977), pp.1-7; R.J. Gregg, "Canadian E n g l i s h " V a r i e t i e s of E n g l i s h :  Commonwealth E n g l i s h S e r i e s , ed. Y. Matsumura (Japan, forthcoming), MS. pp. 3-12. 58 "^For an h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e of t h i s divergence and a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of one p h o n o l o g i c a l item, see Gregg, o p . c i t . , pp.3-13. "'""'"This s i t u a t i o n of two concurrent d i a l e c t s has continued to the present day. One r e s u l t of t h i s f a c t i s that most Canadians are b i -d i a l e c t a l ( B r i t i s h / N o r t h American), e s p e c i a l l y i n l i s t e n i n g and reading comprehension,to a much higher degree than t h e i r American counterparts. Another r e s u l t may be that i n the formal end of many Canadians' s t y l i s t i c range, the B r i t i s h usage may be the goal. 12 General Canadian r e f e r s to a standard d i a l e c t which i s spoken i n most parts of Canada from the Ottawa R i v e r to the P a c i f i c ; i t i s roughly the d i a l e c t of broadcasters on the n a t i o n a l networks and of the u n i v e r s i t y educated. I n c r e a s i n g l y , i t i s the m a j o r i t y d i a l e c t of a l l Canadian c i t i e s . 13 D.E. Hamilton, "The E n g l i s h Spoken i n Montreal: A P i l o t Study," unpublished masters d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Montreal, Montreal. 14 For a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of.how Canadian E n g l i s h and Standard Southern B r i t i s h d i f f e r , see Gregg, (forthcoming), o p . c i t . , pp.13-40. "''"'Some Canadians and Americans pronounce words l i k e poor, [ p e r ] and Moore, [ n o r ] . Canadians seem to do t h i s much more f r e q u e n t l y than do Americans; see the D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian E n g l i s h , eds. W.S. A v i s , R.J. Gregg, et a l . , (Toronto: Gage, 1975). "^Such Canadian forms w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as Canadianisms through-out t h i s study. ^CEU i s the a b b r e v i a t i o n f o r M.H. S c a r g i l l ' s Modern Canadian  E n g l i s h Usage, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974). A l l data i n that book are i d e n t i c a l to data i n M.H. S c a r g i l l and H.J. Warkentyne's "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h , " o p . c i t . , however the comments, con- • e l u s i o n , and page numbers are d i f f e r e n t . The a b b r e v i a t i o n W i l l r e f e r s to Websters Third I n t e r n a t i o n D i c t i o n a r y . DCE stands f o r the D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian E n g l i s h , o p . c i t . 1 8 ( T o r o n t o : Gage, 1967), pp.1-927. 19 ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.: Sono Nis Press, 1977), pp.9-60. Most words and phrases c i t e d i n both these books, though of course of h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t , are g e n e r a l l y l i t t l e known to most Canadians. 20 The B r i t i s h items i n t h i s l i s t are a r e f l e c t i o n of the f a c t that Canadians are somewhat b i - d i a l e c t a l understanding both North American and B r i t i s h E n g l i s h . 59 CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY 1. The S o c i o l o g i c a l Parameters When measuring usage of a language, i t becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent that one i s a c t u a l l y measuring v a r i a t i o n , and that v a r i a t i o n can be measured w i t h reference to only a few parameters, namely temporal, geographical, s o c i o l o g i c a l , and s t y l i s t i c . Because our survey has been conducted w i t h i n the c i t y l i m i t s of Ottawa and since our survey i s by design synchronic, we w i l l not be d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h the f i r s t two parameters."'' The s t y l i s t i c parameters are presented i n Se c t i o n 2, the s e c t i o n immediately f o l l o w i n g t h i s . We s h a l l , t h e r e f o r e , d i s c u s s the s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters which w i l l be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the l i n g u i s t i c phenomena. The questionnaire contains more questions p e r t a i n i n g to the informant's background than we w i l l probably want to use; however, i f an unusual usage occurs, we may de s i r e to trace i t back to i t s probable o r i g i n , f o r example, the Ottawa V a l l e y , the et h n i c background, e t c . The s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters which we w i l l use s y s t e m a t i c a l l y are: sex, age, and s o c i a l c l a s s . Sex and age are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d f a c t u a l i n f o r -mation. Age The informants d i d not h e s i t a t e to give t h e i r year of b i r t h , and the i n f o r m a t i o n given appeared to be tr u e . We suspect that the speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Ottawa changed markedly during and a f t e r the Second World War, when l i f e s t y l e s were changing r a p i d l y everywhere i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world. For Ottawa, t h i s was the f i r s t time that thousands of people from across Canada were h i r e d to work f o r the Federal Government. Ottawa would no longer be such a closed s o c i e t y as i t had been p r e v i o u s l y . This was a l s o the time when married women were f i r s t allowed to work i n the C i v i l S e r v i c e , and the time when Ottawans switched from having t h e i r l a r g e dinners a t home at noon to having lunches i n t h e i r o f f i c e s . We hypothesize that i n d i v i d u a l s r a i s e d i n Ottawa before t h i s p e riod of change w i l l have c e r t a i n usage patterns s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from those used by people r a i s e d i n Ottawa a f t e r the change. The cut o f f year of b i r t h w i l l probably be around 1937. We w i l l check t h i s and other age group f a c t o r s . 2 S o c i a l Class S o c i a l c l a s s i s a much more complicated matter, f o r at l e a s t the three f o l l o w i n g reasons. F i r s t , although segments of s o c i e t y can be grouped f a i r l y e a s i l y through averaging a very l a r g e number of people, i t does not seem f u l l y adequate to simply take the average of an 3 i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i o l o g i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . Consider the d i f f i c u l t i e s of c a t e g o r i z i n g someone who has "dropped out" and i s l i v i n g o f f the l a n d , or a s k i l l e d labourer who i s earning more money than a u n i v e r s i t y music p r o f e s s o r , or someone who has r e c e n t l y married i n t o or made a great deal of money. Secondly, the concept of c l a s s i s an area of taboo f o r many middle c l a s s and upper middle c l a s s persons. T h i r d l y , language usage i s i n i t s e l f an important feature of c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ; thus f o r t h i s study, i n order not to become c i r c u l a r , l i n g u i s t i c features must be kept out of the s o c i a l index. The Socio-economic Index The goal i n c r e a t i n g a socio-economic c l a s s index i s to have a t o o l by which to measure o b j e c t i v e l y the s o c i o l o g i c a l s i t u a t i o n of each informant. Each informant can then be given a score, and groups can be formed from these scores. The l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n can then be p l o t t e d w i t h reference to these s o c i a l c l a s s groupings. The type of index developed f o r t h i s study was a m u l t i - i t e m index modelled a f t e r Labov's and T r u d g i l l ' s i n d i c e s but modified g r e a t l y f o r 4 the Canadian and Ottawa context. The index was s p e c i f i c a l l y extended to i n c l u d e the upper middle c l a s s and the lower upper c l a s s , thus a f f o r d i n g us w i t h the f i r s t non-truncated socio-economic study of urban d i a l e c t o l o g y . The upper upper c l a s s was i n a c c e s s i b l e . The index, as shown below, has seven s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s which can be employed separ-a t e l y or c o n j o i n t l y f o r c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n . Each of the se-ve n i n d i c a t o r s has a s c a l e assigned to i t w i t h p o i n t s ranging i n each case from 1 to 6 so that each informant could be assigned t o t a l p o i n t s ranging from 7 to 42.^ A d i s c u s s i o n of each of the i n d i c a t o r s appears below the c h a r t . Occupation The informants were given scores ranging from 1 to 6 according to the occupation i n which they were p r e s e n t l y i n v o l v e d . The scores and r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n s of occupations are based on Barber, 1957, pp.102-104^ and'an i n t i m a t e knowledge of the job-ranking h i e r a r c h y of the Federal P u b l i c S e r v i c e . R e t i r e d persons are rated according to t h e i r occupation before retirement. Housewives, househusbands and widows are rated as to Table 4.1 SOCIO-ECONOMIC CLASS INDEX Poi n t s Occupation Father's Occupation Income Education Spouse's Education House Value L o c a t i o n •% 1 seasonal manual seasonal manual 0-9,999 UIC-Welfare grade 7 grade 7 <40,000 Rented lower town 10 2 manual blue c o l l a r s e m i - s k i l l e d manual blue c o l l a r s e m i - s k i l l e d 10,000-14,999 grade 11 grade 11 40,000-49,999 subsidized lower town East End 20 3 s k i l l e d worker foreman blue c o l l a r s k i l l e d worker foreman blue c o l l a r 15,000-17,999 grade 12 or 13 grade 12 commercial 50,000-59,999 bungalow areas 20 4 white c o l l a r c l e r k , - teacher semi-profes-s i o n a l , s a l e s -man s k i l l e d worker foreman blue c o l l a r 18,000-23,999 high school complete & some Univ.-C o l l . t r a i n i n g high school complete 60,000-79,999 $60,000.00 house value areas 40 5 careerman i n p r o f e s s i o n , branch and u n i t managers white c o l l a r c l e r k , teacher semi-profes-s i o n a l , s a l e s -man 24,000 34,99.9 B.A,, B,Sc., some grad. studies u n i v e r s i t y degree 80,000-119,999 Glebe, A l t a Vista, West End 8 6 high l e v e l manager, employer, p r o f e s s i o n a l careerman i n p r o f e s s i o n , branch and u n i t managers >35,000 graduate pro-f e s s i o n a l degree,private schools u n i v e r s i t y degree plus >120,000 f i r e p l a c e s , l i b r a r y , d e n , c e n t r a l a i r c o n d i t i o n i n g , landscaping R o c k c l i f f e along canal I s l a n d Park 2 0-10.5 po i n t s - lower 24.5-31.5 points - middle middle 10.5-17.5 p o i n t s - working 31.5-38.0 points - upper middle 17.5-24.5 p o i n t s - middle lower >38 points - lower upper O N t-o 63 t h e i r spouse's occupation. Students were given an u n d i s c r i m i n a t i n g four p o i n t s . Father's Occupation The p o i n t system f o r t h i s i n d i c a t o r i s s i m i l a r to that of Occupation, but some p r o v i s i o n was made f o r upward m o b i l i t y i n these recent decades of a f f l u e n c e and increased opportunity. Therefore Father's Occupation o f f e r s higher points f o r a lower ranking occupation i n three boxes. A comparison of the f i r s t two i n d i c a t o r s of the index may show a case of upward m o b i l i t y . Instances of upward m o b i l i t y are of great i n t e r e s t to l i n g u i s t i c s t u d i e s such as t h i s one because a l a r g e number of l i n g u i s t i c changes tend to co-occur w i t h the s o c i o l o g i c a l changes.^ Income This i n d i c a t o r i s based on the s a l a r y , d i v i d e n d s , e t c . of the major bread winner of the household, not on the combined income of husband and wi f e , f o r two lower middle c l a s s workers with.good s a l a r i e s do not assume the manners, power, and p r e s t i g e of a lower upper c l a s s f a m i l y w i t h only one person working e x t e r n a l l y . The income s c a l e i s based on the s a l a r y s c a l e s f o r the Ottawa F i r e F i g h t e r s , Ontario U n i v e r s i t y Employees, and the Federal P u b l i c S e r v i c e , and on U.I.C., w e l f a r e , and old-age pensions, a l l of which are p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n . Housewives, househusbands, and c h i l d r e n s t i l l l i v i n g at home were given p o i n t s commensurate w i t h the income of the f a m i l y ' s major income earner. Education The score f o r t h i s i n d i c a t o r i s probably the e a s i e s t to a s s i g n as 64 one e i t h e r d i d or d i d not complete a grade or degree. U n l i k e Occupation and Income the p o i n t s f o r education are not t r a n s f e r a b l e to dependents. Two a d d i t i o n a l p o i n t s are given f o r p r i v a t e school attendance and one a d d i t i o n a l p o i n t f o r f u r t h e r s t u d i e s a f t e r once having been i n the work fo r c e f o r some years. Spouse's Education People tend to marry members of the opposite sex of the same s o c i a l c l a s s or of immediately adjacent s o c i a l c l a s s e s . Perhaps one of the best modes of e v a l u a t i n g who a person thinks he i s , i s to look at the person whom he or she marries. There i s a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between the amount and q u a l i t y of s c h o o l i n g and the p r e p a r a t i o n f o r l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s i n s o c i e t y . House Value One can acquire a f a i r l y adequate knowledge of house and property value by studying the r e a l e s t ate pages of the l o c a l papers. The Census Tract data help i n t h i s respect too. I t does not seem to matter i f a residence i s rented or not, as the value d i f f e r e n t i a t e s s u f f i c i e n t l y . House Location Where one r e s i d e s w i t h i n a c i t y i n d i c a t e s a great deal about one's s o c i a l s t a t u s i n l i f e . In every c i t y , there are c e r t a i n areas where the poor tend to l i v e and others where the r i c h tend to l i v e . The w e l l - t o -do may p r e f e r c e r t a i n l o c a t i o n s according to i n t e r e s t s such as r e c r e a -t i o n a l , e.g., proximity to parks, g o l f course, marinas, etc.; c u l t u r a l , e.g. p r o x i m i t y to the N a t i o n a l A r t s Centre; h i s t o r i c a l , e.g. the p r e s t i g e of h e r i t a g e houses.; o c c u p a t i o n a l , e.g. the p r o x i m i t y to a u n i v e r s i t y , the E x t e r n a l A f f a i r s B u i l d i n g , e t c . I d e n t i c a l houses i n d i f f e r e n t parts of town can s e l l f o r v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t p r i c e s . This d i f f e r e n c e i n p r i c e i s a r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' s d e s i r e f o r p r e s t i g e and a s s o c i a t i o n . In the past c e r t a i n races and e t h n i c groups were excluded from c e r t a i n areas of greater Ottawa. Although d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s no longer l e g a l l y p o s s i b l e , some of the p a t t e r n may s t i l l e x i s t . This concludes the e x p l o r a t i o n of the i n d i c a t o r s f o r our Socio-economic Class Index. Other s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s sometimes used i n t h i s survey are: E t h n i c Background C e r t a i n usages i n Canada are known to have t h e i r o r i g i n s i n B r i t i s h , American, S c o t t i s h , I r i s h , French, German, and Scandinavian g D i a l e c t s . When items are suspected of coming from other languages we w i l l analyze the v a r i a t i o n patterns w i t h reference to the e t h n i c background of the informants. The e t h n i c background of the informant was asked d i r e c t l y i n question number 18. Rural/Urban Background Although a l l informants i n t e r v i e w e d i n Ottawa were born and r a i s e d i n Ottawa, and t h e r e f o r e are to be considered urbanites,. some had r u r a l backgrounds. An informant was categorized to have a r u r a l background i f the informant's mother, f a t h e r or spouse had l i v e d o u t s ide a c i t y , or i f the informant had l i v e d i n the country f o r a short p e r i o d of time. A l l informants from Renfrew and Smith's F a l l s were categorized to have r u r a l backgrounds. Ottawa V a l l e y This category i s i d e n t i c a l to Rural Background, as a l l our i n f o r -mants w i t h r u r a l backgrounds happened to have Ottawa V a l l e y Backgrounds. New Canadian/Several Generation Canadian Informants who were born i n another country or whose mother or f a t h e r was . born i n another country were categorized as New Canadians; a l l others were c l a s s i f i e d S everal Generation Canadians sometimes shortened to Old Canadians. 2. The Contextual S t y l e s The c o - v a r i a t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters can be seen along two main dimensions. The dimension already d e a l t w i t h i n t h i s chapter i s that of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , e.g. age, sex, e t h n i c background, r u r a l or urban background, education, and s o c i a l c l a s s . The second dimension, the one d e a l t w i t h here, i s s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n . S t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s the response, conscious or subconscious, on the part of the i n d i v i d u a l speaker to t h e . s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n which the speech act occurs. Factors which may i n f l u e n c e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t y l e could be: 1) the f o r m a l i t y of the occasion, 2) the r o l e of the i n d i v i d u a l on that occasion, 3) the r e l a t i v e age and sex, and 4) the s o c i a l ranking of those present. The survey was designed to e l i c i t from each informant as f u l l a range of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n as p o s s i b l e by means of one s t r u c t u r e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e . Of course, one i n t e r v i e w e r w i t h a tape recorder i s not able to create the f u l l gamut of human experience, but by means of g i v i n g the informants s p e c i f i c language r e l a t e d t a s k s , one i s able to observe a wide range of s t y l i s t i c f o r m a l i t y and i n f o r m a l i t y . We w i l l f i r s t d e s cribe c a r e f u l speech and casual speech a f t e r which we w i l l l a b e l and d e f i n e those tasks which were incorporated i n t o the ques t i o n -n a i r e i n order to e l i c i t the f i v e s t y l e s used throughout the a n a l y s i s . C a r e f u l Speech C a r e f u l speech i s l i k e l y to be the s t y l e present when i n d i v i d u a l s do not know one another or when t h e i r r o l e s separate them s o c i a l l y one from another, e.g. i n response to formal school t e s t i n g , job i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n s , l i n g u i s t i c q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , addresses to l a r g e groups, or f i r s t encounters. During the survey i n t e r v i e w , formal speech would .. most l i k e l y , be . e l i c i t e d at the beginning when f a m i l y background i s being asked about, i n the grammar s e c t i o n , and i n those s e c t i o n s which r e q u i r e t h a t i n d i v i d u a l words be spoken i n i s o l a t i o n , i . e . the minimal p a i r s , word l i s t , and p i c t u r e s s e c t i o n s . As a r e s u l t of the f a c t that i t took s e v e r a l minutes to persuade many Ottawans to submit to the i n t e r v i e w , some informants were o f t e n very r e l a x e d and chatty by the time we s t a r t e d the i n t e r v i e w at S e c t i o n One. This l e d to an uneven comparison of performance i n that s e c t i o n , and th e r e f o r e t h i s s e c t i o n was excluded from the a n a l y s i s . Casual Speech Casual, unguarded speech i s most l i k e l y to occur i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h f r i e n d s and f a m i l y at i n f o r m a l occasions, e.g., at home, at work during breaks, and i n re s t a u r a n t s and bars. The s i t u a t i o n of a stranger e n t e r i n g someone's house, p l a c i n g a tape-recorder i n f r o n t of that person, and asking more than one hundred 68 questions might lea d one to expect t h a t only c a r e f u l , guarded speech and not casual speech would be forthcoming. F o r t u n a t e l y that i s not the case. There are many techniques i n i n t e r v i e w i n g which help e l i c i t c asual speech. These i n c l u d e asking the informant t o : 1) r e c i t e l i s t s known from childhood, 2) count by f i v e s or tens, 3) t e l l a funny s t o r y , 4) t a l k about h i s c i t y , 5) recount a dangerous s i t u a t i o n , 6) create a s t o r y from a sequence of p i c t u r e s , 7) read an i n f o r m a l s t o r y , 8) d i g r e s s from any t o p i c . Furthermore, f a m i l y members and f r i e n d s were encouraged to remain i n the room w h i l e the i n t e r v i e w was t a k i n g place. The presence of these people tended to r e l a x the informant,enabling him to speak more c a s u a l l y . 9 The F i v e S t y l e s Minimal P a i r s This task e l i c i t s the most c a r e f u l speech by p r e s e n t i n g the i n f o r -mant w i t h a l i s t of p a i r s of words which are pronounced a l i k e or almost a l i k e . The s i m i l a r i t y of the words e n t i c e s the informant to make phonemic d i s t i n c t i o n s which are not normally part of h i s i d i o l e c t or d i a l e c t . What the informant pronounces here i s t h e r e f o r e very important because the task e l i c i t s the u n d e r l y i n g form, the form which he thi n k s i s most ' c o r r e c t ' . This may be the c l o s e s t look we ever get at a person's competence, f o r when a person i s t a l k i n g normally i t i s most of t e n only h i s performance l e v e l that we can observe. Word L i s t For t h i s task, the informant i s asked to read a l i s t of 120 words. As i s the case w i t h the other t a s k s , most of these words conta i n at l e a s t one of the 27 l i n g u i s t i c items which we are i n v e s t i g a t i n g system-a t i c a l l y . This task, however, has the disadvantage of o f t e n e l i c i t i n g a reading p r o n u n c i a t i o n f o r a number of words. This task w i l l most l i k e l y e l i c i t the second most c a r e f u l s t y l e of speech. P i c t u r e s This task r e q u i r e s that the informant i d e n t i f y p i c t u r e s of objects presented to him.*''"'" This task reduces the chances of reading pronun-c i a t i o n s . Because the p i c t u r e s d i s t r a c t the informant from the l i n g u i s t i c nature of the i n t e r v i e w , i n t h i s task and the Word L i s t task we w i l l f i n d a l a r g e number of Canadian l e x i c a l markers. I t i s hypo-the s i z e d that t h i s task w i l l e l i c i t the t h i r d most c a r e f u l s t y l e of speech. Reading Here we have the f i r s t task which r e q u i r e s the informant to speak connected d i s c o u r s e , a l b e i t read, f o r normal lengths of time using n a t u r a l c a t e n a t i o n or l i a i s o n p a t t e r n s . I n a reading passage there are so many l i n g u i s t i c items to c o n t r o l that one's h a b i t u a l speech charac-t e r i s t i c s w i l l p r e v a i l most of the time. The. reading passage was i n t e n t i o n a l l y put i n an i n f o r m a l s e t t i n g i n v o l v i n g young people and a mother i n conversation at home. Although Labov and T r u d g i l l i n c l u d e t h e i r reading s t y l e s , S t y l e C and Reading S t y l e r e s p e c t i v e l y , as part 12 of formal speech, we w i l l demonstrate that our reading passage e l i c i t s a casual s t y l e , arid that f o r some items, the reading s t y l e may be more 13 c a s u a l than the s o - c a l l e d c a s u a l s t y l e . We w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e t h i s aspect i n depth. I t seems that many readers take on a r o l e when 7G reading which may be more casual than t h e i r own casual speech. Free Speech We incorporated a few questions i n order to e l i c i t f r e e speech; these were: 1) have you ever been i n s e r i o u s danger or what was your c l o s e s t encounter w i t h death, 2) has something happened to you t h a t was strange or funny, 3) could you t e l l me about a recent t r i p , and 4) what do you t h i n k of l i v i n g i n Ottawa? In most cases, the t o p i c and f o l l o w up questions d i s -t r a c t e d the informant from the l i n g u i s t i c i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n . Further we Incorporated a new sub-task i n t o the questionnaire i n order to e l i c i t more c o n t r o l l a b l e casual speech. From Hawkins (1977), 14 p.56, we took a s e r i e s of four p i c t u r e s and asked the informant to make up a s t o r y f o l l o w i n g the sequence of p i c t u r e s . In two i n s t a n c e s , the informant was asked to say e x a c t l y what the person i n the p i c t u r e sequence would say. This p i c t u r e sequence sub-task a f f o r d e d us the chance to d i r e c t a l l informants to a common experience and more o f t e n than not, to the same vocabulary items. There are a number of occasions outside the formal i n t e r v i e w proper when casual speech i s apt to occur. These occasions o f t e n o f f e r us the opportunity to record speech i n i t s most unguarded, n a t u r a l s t y l e . Such occasions presented themselves before and a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w and during i n t e r r u p t i o n s i n the Interview. I f the i n t e r v i e w took place i n the informant's home, as they most o f t e n d i d , frequent i n t e r r u p t i o n s would occur, f o r example the telephone would r i n g , a baby would need changing, the c h i l d r e n and/or spouse would have a comment to make or b r i n g c o f f e e , a neighbour would drop i n , e t c . In t h i s survey, care was taken to record these happenings of 71 r e a l l i f e . Another occasion which o f f e r s casual speech we w i l l l a b e l d i g r e s s i o n . This occurs when some informants make a weak l i n k between a question and t h e i r f a v o r i t e t o p i c then continue f o r minutes; t h i s , too, was encouraged and recorded. 3. The Sample In t a k i n g the sample f o r the Ottawa survey, the f o l l o w i n g p r i n c i p l e s were adhered to-: 1) a l l segments of the E n g l i s h speaking s o c i e t y should be represented; 2) a broad geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of the census t r a c t s should be represented; 3) there should be e x t e r n a l m o t i v a t i o n f o r the person contacted to agree to be interviewed; 4) every member of the E n g l i s h speaking p o p u l a t i o n should have a random, near equal, and non-zero chance of rep r e s e n t i n g h i s segment of s o c i e t y ; consequently 5) the method of s e l e c t i o n should i n no way be r e l a t e d to the primary v a r i a b l e s of the survey; and 6) no chain or network of f r i e n d s , f a m i l y , or colleagues should be allowed to form a group of informants. Sampling Procedure We decided that the sampling universe was to c o n s i s t of a l l i n d i v i d u a l s age 16 or over who were born and r a i s e d i n Ottawa, l i f e -long r e s i d e n t s of Ottawa, and n a t i v e speakers of E n g l i s h . For p r a c t i c a l purposes f o r t h i s survey a n a t i v e Ottawan was defined as a person who was born i n Ottawa or anyone who had moved to Ottawa before s t a r t i n g k i ndergarten, i . e . age f i v e . A l i f e - l o n g r e s i d e n t was defined as anyone who has l i v e d a l l h i s l i f e i n Ottawa, or one who had l e f t the c i t y only i n order to attend u n i v e r s i t y or serve during the wars. In a d d i t i o n , a person who had l e f t the c i t y f o r l e s s than two years and had returned long ago was considered a l i f e - l o n g r e s i d e n t . No s t a t i s t i c s are a v a i l a b l e on born and r a i s e d anglophone Ottawans; however, i t i s common knowledge that they do not represent a cross s e c t i o n of the Ottawan p o p u l a t i o n . Figure 4.9 i n Canadian Urban Trends, volume 2, e n t i t l e d "Income d i s p a r i t i o n " ^ c l e a r l y shows that the French and south European s e c t i o n s of Ottawa have the lowest incomes. Non-native Ottawans who migrated to Ottawa from other parts of Canada seemed to be the m a j o r i t y of the anglophone p o p u l a t i o n . S i x t y - t h r e e percent of those contacted who d i d not meet our c r i t e r i a were i n t h i s category. The Census Tract B u l l e t i n : Ottawa-Hull shows 70,975 in-migrants to 16 Ottawa proper i n the f i v e year period before the 1971 census. This number, which i s an i n d i c a t o r of a mobile p o p u l a t i o n , i s l a r g e r than the in-migrant number f o r c i t i e s of comparable s i z e . For a comparison of Canadian c i t i e s , see our Table 1, p.23. The process of s e l e c t i n g an address of a p o t e n t i a l informant was based on the s o c i o l o g i c a l make-up of the census t r a c t s . From the Ottawa-Hull Census Tract Bulletin"*"^ we chose census t r a c t s according to the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a : 1. Highest employment income (male). 2. Highest employment income (female). 3. Highest income ( s i n g l e ) . 4. Highest house value. 5. Highest cash rent. 6. Mid l e v e l employment income (male). 7. Mid l e v e l employment income (female). 8 Mid l e v e l income ( s i n g l e ) . 9. Mid l e v e l house value. 73 10. Mid l e v e l cash r e n t . •11. Lowest employment income (male). 12. Lowest employment income (female). 13. Lowest income ( s i n g l e ) . 14. Lowest house valu e . 15. Lowest cash r e n t . We canvassed the c i t y according to these census t r a c t s w i t h a view to f i n d i n g informants of va r i o u s s o c i o l o g i c a l backgrounds who would f i l l our predetermined s o c i o l o g i c a l c e l l s . See our Tables 4.3.1. to "4.3.13..for a pr e s e n t a t i o n of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the sample. A f t e r d e s i g n a t i n g the appropriate census t r a c t , we then determined the geographical midpoint of that census t r a c t , went to the north s i d e of the s t r e e t of that l o c a t i o n , knocked at the door, and explained the survey. I f the person met our c r i t e r i a , we asked f o r an appointment, and i n some cases we in t e r v i e w e d there and then. I f the person d i d not meet our c r i t e r i a or refused (there were nine r e f u s a l s ) we would con-tin u e t r y i n g s u c c e s s i v e l y higher s t r e e t numbers s t a y i n g on the north s i d e of the s t r e e t u n t i l we found a person who met our requirements and who was w i l l i n g to be interviewed. A f t e r completing an i n t e r v i e w w i t h one informant i n a p a r t i c u l a r mid l e v e l census t r a c t , we would move to another mid l e v e l census t r a c t , where we would repeat the search and i n t e r v i e w procedures. In d e a l i n g w i t h the non-middle c l a s s census t r a c t s of Ottawa, one i s faced w i t h c e r t a i n s o c i o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s . F i r s t , there are only 62 census t r a c t s i n Ottawa, and s e v e r a l of these are predominantly francophone d i s t r i c t s . Secondly, a few t r a c t s are almost e x c l u s i v e l y governmental, commercial or i n d u s t r i a l zones. T h i r d l y , there are only a few areas i n Ottawa where the lower-upper c l a s s l i v e . These areas are R o c k c l i f f e Park and small s e c t i o n s of A l t a V i s t a , I s l a n d Park, and the Glebe. S i m i l a r l y , there are only a few areas where lower c l a s s and working c l a s s anglophones l i v e . These d i s t r i c t s are parts of Centre Town, LeBreton F l a t s , and eastern Overbrook. Thus the census t r a c t s of these non-middle cla s s e s had to be surveyed more i n t e n s e l y than those t r a c t s which contained the middle c l a s s e s . We set a l i m i t of no more than 6 i n t e r v i e w s f o r these census t r a c t s . F i l l i n g the age and sex quotas was l e f t to the i n t e r v i e w e r , who would t r y to make up f o r the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of working age males. For example, the i n t e r v i e w e r would ask to i n t e r v i e w the f a t h e r i f a l l members of the f a m i l y q u a l i f i e d as native-born anglophone.Ottawans. See Appendix B number 527 f o r an a n a l y s i s of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the informants by census t r a c t . Map 2 on page 426 shows the geographical l o c a t i o n of the census t r a c t s . A t a l l y sheet account of people con-tac t e d but who d i d not meet our requirements i s as f o l l o w s : 1. Non-Ottawa born Canadian anglophones - 63%. 2. Francophones - 11%. 3. Foreign born anglophones - 6%. 4. Foreign born f o r e i g n mother tongue - 19%. ( I t a l i a n , Portuguese, Chinese, German, Lebanese, Greek, unknown) In the middle c l a s s census t r a c t s , the percentage of people unreached, e.g. not home, in d i s p o s e d , or d i d not answer, was about 20% even though the i n t e r v i e w e r s returned a few times. In the non-middle c l a s s census t r a c t s , the unreached percentage was l e s s than 10% as the in t e r v i e w e r returned to the same s t r e e t and address on s e v e r a l occasions. 7 5 Nearly 1,000 addresses were approached i n order to o b t a i n the 1 0 0 i n t e r v i e w s . Informant M o t i v a t i o n One may wonder what would motivate an i n d i v i d u a l to submit to an i n t e r v i e w such as ours. The f o l l o w i n g motives were s t a t e d : 1. Monetary—each person who met our requirements was o f f e r e d three d o l l a r s to take p a r t i n the i n t e r v i e w . This o f f e r motivated some of the poorer people and some of the younger people: i t had the added e f f e c t that i t convinced many that t h i s was not a magazine s a l e s promotion. 2. Canadian U n i t y — d u r i n g the explanation of the survey, we mentioned that we would be comparing data of speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s across Canada. This motivated many i n d i v i d u a l s to f e e l that they should do the i n t e r v i e w f o r the sake of Canadian u n i t y and they expressed such sentiments. 3. P a r e n t a l - F a m i l i a l P r e s s u r e — i f one member of the f a m i l y whose address we picked met our requirements, the other members of the f a m i l y would f r e q u e n t l y t r y to persuade that person to be interviewed. 4. H i s t o r i c a l - — w h i l e e x p l a i n i n g the survey, we mentioned that we were comparing o l d e r s t y l e s of speech to younger s t y l e s and that we would be asking informants to t a l k about Ottawa i n the olden days. Many o l d e r people showed a keen i n t e r e s t i n t h i s t o p i c . Empathy f o r a door-to-door canvasser—many people had some time i n t h e i r l i v e s knocked on doors w h i l e working on school p r o j e c t s , ' s e l l i n g something, or canvassing f o r a p o l i t i c a l party or an o r g a n i z a t i o n such as the Red Cross. Some of these people expressed comradeship and agreed to be interviewed. I n a b i l i t y to say n o — a few people obviously d i d not want to be interviewed but could not say 'no'. One woman asked h a l f way through the i n t e r v i e w whether she had to do t h i s ; I t o l d her"yes,"and she continued. C u r i o s i t y — p r o b a b l y most people who agreed to be i n t e r -viewed had some degree of c u r i o s i t y . Ennui—many people s a i d they had nothing b e t t e r to do. P r i d e i n i d e n t i t y — w h i l e e x p l a i n i n g the survey, we mentioned that we would be comparing people by age, c l a s s , sex, occupation, e t h n i c background, etc. Many people took p r i d e i n representing one or more of these groups. R e l i g i o u s — o n e woman had a magazine rack i n the v e s t i b u l e laden w i t h r e l i g i o u s pamphlets j u s t w a i t i n g f o r someone to knock on her door. She and her husband would submit to almost any i n t e r v i e w but c e r t a i n l y demanded equal time. Waste t h i s salesman's time—many people b e l i e v e d that the survey was j u s t another magazine sa l e s promotion. Two men s t a t e d they began the i n t e r v i e w i n order to see how long the i n t e r v i e w e r would continue to l i e . 77 12. Helping a n i c e young man—a number of e l d e r l y women st a t e d they wanted to help a n i c e young man. 13. I n t e r e s t i n t o p i c — a t l e a s t ten informants s a i d they were very i n t e r e s t e d i n the t o p i c . F i v e people who refused to be interviewed showed unequivocally that they were not. This i s a p o s s i b l e source of biassed r e s u l t s , as those who were i n t e r e s t e d i n the t o p i c r e a d i l y agreed to be interviewed, w h i l e a few who were not i n t e r e s t e d , refused or may have s t a t e d that they d i d not meet our requirements. S i z e of Sample Although the number of informants i s co n s i d e r a b l y s m a l l e r than we would have l i k e d , the number i s adequate f o r a s o c i o l o g i c a l urban d i a l e c t o l o g y survey. The Norwich Survey by T r u d g i l l had only s i x t y 19 informants, and the Lower East Side Manhattan Survey by Labov was com-20 p r i s e d of 81 New Yorkers. The Ottawa Survey has 89 Ottawans. With 21 reference to s i z e of sample, T r u d g i l l quotes Labov, 1966a, p.638; the f u l l quotation f o l l o w s : I t may th e r e f o r e be concluded that the 26 New York C i t y t e l e v i s i o n informants show the same l i n g u i s t i c behavior as the 81 New York C i t y ALS informants. I f the previous s t u d i e s of New York C i t y had followed a systematic method of s e l e c t i n g informants, the 25 or 30 cases described would have been s u f f i c i e n t to show the o u t l i n e s of a systematic s t r u c t u r e of s t y l i s -t i c and s o c i a l v a r i a t i o n . We may conclude that the s t r u c t u r e or s o c i a l and s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n of language can be st u d i e d through samples considerably s m a l l e r than those r e q u i r e d f o r the study of other forms of s o c i a l behavior. Further, w h i l e d i s c u s s i n g s i z e of sample and instances w i t h i n a c e l l , Labov states: 78 In Chapter IV, we found that from 10 to 20 instances of a given v a r i a b l e were s u f f i c i e n t to a s s i g n a value that f i t s c o n s i s t e n t l y i n t o a complex matri x of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n , w h i l e at the l e v e l of three or four i n s t a n c e s , f l u c t u a t i o n unrelated to the m a t r i x was noted. S i m i l a r l y , we w i l l f i n d that from ten to twenty i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l give us a value f o r a s o c i a l c l a s s which f i t s c o n s i s t e n t l y i n t o an o v e r a l l p a t t e r n of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n w h i l e groups of four or f i v e show unrelated f l u c t u a t i o n . In the case of ( r ) , i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e to d i v i d e a.group, of 81 informants i n t o s i x s t r a t a which are c l e a r l y separated i n the same order f o r f i v e s t y l i s t i c l e v e l s . Thus we see that numbers which might be t o t a l l y inadequate f o r the study of a t t i t u d e s , say, towards r a c i a l s egregation, w i t h the a s s o c i a t e d r e l u c t a n c e to give a s t r a i g h t f o r -ward personal response, are q u i t e adequate f o r the study of the p h o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s . 2 2 A few years l a t e r he r e v i s e d h i s number of r e q u i r e d informants downward to f i v e s t a t i n g : ...we f i n d that the b a s i c patterns of c l a s s s t r a t i -f i c a t i o n , f o r example, emerge from samples as s m a l l as 25 speakers. Extremely r e g u l a r arrays of s t y l i s -t i c and s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n emerge even when our i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s c o n t a i n as few as f i v e speakers and we have no more than f i v e or ten instances of the given v a r i a b l e f o r each speaker. With t h i s r e g u l a r and r e p r o d u c i b l e data, we are i n a p o s i t i o n to s p e c i -f y what we mean by the " s t y l i s t i c " or " s o c i a l " meaning which seems so e l u s i v e when language i s s t u d i e d out of context.23 We do, however, agree w i t h T r u d g i l l when he s t a t e s : However, a r a t h e r l a r g e sample would have been u s e f u l f o r those cases where i t i s d e s i r a b l e to c l a s s i f y informants according to sex, age and s o c i a l c l a s s simultaneously.24,25 A n a l y s i s of the Sample The s o c i o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 89 Ottawa and 11 urban v a l l e y informants were placed i n t o matrices w i t h a view to e v a l u a t i n g the d i s -t r i b u t i o n . We chose to u t i l i z e those which were most s i m i l a r to the Labov, 1966, T r u d g i l l , 1974, and S c a r g i l l , 1974 , Surveys and which were configured so as to contain the l a r g e s t p o s s i b l e number i n each c e l l . The most i n t e r e s t i n g matrices are presented below; those which were u t i l i z e d throughout e i t h e r Chapter 5 or Chapter 6 are boxed. Table 4.3.1 AGE-GROUP >40 <40 T o t a l Ottawa 37 52 89 Va l l e y 7 4 11 T o t a l 44 56 100 Table 4.3.2 SEX-GROUP M F T o t a l Ottawa 43 46 89 V a l l e y 4 7 11 T o t a l 47 53 100 Table 4.3.3 GENERATION CANADIAN New Canadians 0 + 1st gen. Old Canadians 2 or more gens. T o t a l Ottawa V a l l e y T o t a l 38 0 38 51 11 62 89 11 100 Table 4.3.4 RURAL BACKGROUND OTTAWA VALLEY BACKGROUND r u r a l urban T o t a l Ottawa V a l l e y T o t a l 23 11 34 66 0 66 89 11 100 Table 4.3.5 ETHNIC BACKGROUND I r i s h Scots E n g l i s h French Other Ottawa 15 20 27 6 19 V a l l e y 5 5 0 0 1 T o t a l 20 25 27 6 20 80 Table 4.3.6 SEX, AGE, CLASS (OTTAWA) Male >40 Female >40 Male <40 Female <40 T o t a l Low-wrk Low-mid Mid-mid Up-mid Low-up T o t a l 2 1 4 3 3 13 4 5 7 4 4 24 2 9 13 4 2 30 3 7 7 4 1 22 11 22 31 15 10 89 Table 4.3.7 SEX, AGE, CLASS (OTTAWA AND VALLEY) Male Female Male Female T o t a l > 40 > 40 < 40 < 40 Low-wrk 3 5 2 4 14 Low-mid 1 8 10 7 26 Mid-mid 4 9 15 7 35 Up-mid 3 4 4 4 15 Low-up 3 4 2 1 10 T o t a l 14 30 33 23 100 Table 4.3.8 SEX/AGE CLASS CONVERGED (OTTAWA) Male Female Male Female T o t a l > 40 > 40 < 40 < 40 L-WK-LM 3 9 11 10 33 Mid 4 7 13 7 31 UM LU 6 8 6 5 25 T o t a l 13 24 30 22 89 81 Table 4.3.10 ETHNIC BACKGROUND/CLASS (OTTAWA AND VALLEY) PQ US Eng Scot I r e I t l Ukr P o l Cz Eur Jwsh SAm T o t a l Lower 0 0 1 .0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 .2 Working 2 1 2 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 Low-Mid 2 1 4 4 7 3 0 0 1 3 0 1 26 Middle 1 2 11 11 7 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 35 Up-Mid 1 1 4 3 2 0 2 0 0 1 1 0 15 L-Up 0 0 5 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 T o t a l 6 5 27 25 21 5 3 1 1 4 1 1 100 Table 4. 3.11 AGE CONVERGED CLASS; . SEX CONVERGED CLASS (OTTAWA) •>40 <40 F M L WK LM 12 21 17 16 Mid Mid 11 20 17 14 UM LU 14 11 12 13 T o t a l 37 52 46 43 This m a t r i x was u t i l i z e d throughout Chapter 6. Table 4.3.12 SEX/AGE (OTTAWA AND VALLEY) Male >40 Female>40 Male<40 Female<40 T o t a l Ottawa 13 24 22 30 89 V a l l e y 1 6 1 3 11 T o t a l 14 30 23 33 100 This m a t r i x was u t i l i z e d throughout Chapter 5. 82 Table 4.3.13 CLASS (OTTAWA AND VALLEY) Ottawa V a l l e y T o t a l Lower-Working 11 3 14 Lower Middle 22 4 26 Middle 31 4 35 Upper Middle 15 0 15 Lower Upper 10 0 10 T o t a l 89 11 100 This m a t r i x was u t i l i z e d throughout Chapter 5. L i n g u i s t i c Sample The l i n g u i s t i c items which we i n v e s t i g a t e d i n the f i v e s t y l e s con-s i s t e d of 27 items. Below, these items are l i s t e d w i t h t h e i r frequency of occurrence i n the questionnaire f o r each s t y l e ; the column headed 'Free Speech' contains numbers i n d i c a t i n g the t o t a l number of u t t e r -ances of that item during f r e e speech by a l l 100 informants. Table 4.3.14 LINGUISTIC SAMPLE MP WL P SR Reading Free Speech 1. VtV 9 21 9 10 41 1,513 2. ntV 3 10 4 16 12 554 3. - i n g 3 5 7 3 20 1,404 4. n j , t j , d j 4 9 3 1 6 133 5. rV=rV 0 9 4 1 3 57 6. s t 0 1 3 0 4 300 7. h 4 0 0 : 0 12 205 8 v # # v 0 2 3 0 6. 79 83 MP WL P SR Reading Free Speech 9. 0 9 1 0 4 79 10. AU 4 5 3 2 8 493 11. Aut 1 •0 0: 0; 5 217 12. a i 3 1 3 3 10 431 13. a i t 1 2 0 0 4 194 14. An 0 2 0 0 1 16 15. nd 1 4 4 1 5 723 16. vr-+er 6 5 0 0 7 77 17. vr->-ar 0 1 0 0 0 114. 18. SB 0 2 0 0 4 231 19. hw 4 2 1 0 6 328 20. k t , pt 1 1 1 0 5 89 21. ~D 3 4 0 0 5 221 22. 3, 9 3 5 6 2 15 1,780 23. or 0 1 1 0 4 0 24. going to 0 0 0 0 3 110 25. mi l k 0 1 0 0 1 0 26. good [a/ 0 1 0 0 3 16 27. tomato 0 1 1 0 1 0 A p r e s e n t a t i o n of the frequencies f o r a l l the i n d i v i d u a l variable which go i n t o the. phonological study, Chapter .5, and the grammatical, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary study, Chapter 6, can be found i n Appendix B. SR stands f o r s e r i e s ; t h i s s t y l e was dropped from the a n a l y s i s mainly because of the i n a b i l i t y of the informants to r e c i t e poems, l i s t s , e t c. 4. The Questionnaire The s t r u c t u r e of the questionnaire was designed to put the informant at ease. The f i r s t s e c t i o n deals w i t h the informant's background which allows the informant to t a l k about h i m s e l f , h i s f a m i l y , and times past. The next s e c t i o n asks the informant to i d e n t i f y common objects by means 84 of p i c t u r e s ; t h i s task e a s i l y convinces every informant that he can indeed do the i n t e r v i e w , and i t demonstrates to the informant that we are i n t e r e s t e d i n what he a c t u a l l y says r a t h e r than what he may t h i n k i s ' c o r r e c t ' , thereby s e t t i n g the tone f o r the e n t i r e i n t e r v i e w . The t h i r d s e c t i o n i s a word l i s t of 120 items which the informant i s to read. Then comes the grammar s e c t i o n which r e q u i r e s only t h a t the informant o r a l l y f i l l i n the missing word w h i l e the i n t e r v i e w e r says the r e s t of the sentence. In the second p o r t i o n of t h i s grammar s e c t i o n , the informant i s asked to choose from two sentences spoken by the i n t e r v i e w e r the one that he would most l i k e l y say. F o l l o w i n g t h i s , the informant i s asked to supply or choose l o c a l words and phrases, then to read the reading passage, to t a l k about l i f e i n Ottawa, and to give a n a r r a t i v e . Next, the informant i s asked to t e l l a s t o r y by f o l l o w i n g a sequence of p i c t u r e s , then to read a l i s t of minimal p a i r s and f i n a l l y , to respond to questions of language a t t i t u d e concerning the Canadian, American, and B r i t i s h v a r i e t i e s of E n g l i s h and the informant's own speech p a t t e r n s . The e n t i r e questionnaire i s r e p r i n t e d i n Appendix A. 5. Interviews Of the 100 i n t e r v i e w s , 64 were conducted by myself, 15 by Margaret Murdoch and 21 by S t e f f i O r t i z . A l l three of the i n t e r v i e w e r s are graduate students i n L i n g u i s t i c s Departments w i t h experience i n d i a l e c -tology and a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n Canadian E n g l i s h . A l l the i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n a s i m i l a r f r i e n d l y and i n f o r m a l s t y l e , and there appears to be no d i f f e r e n c e i n the three sets of data. The three i n t e r -viewers ensured that a l l items i n the q u e s t i o n n a i r e were e l i c i t e d and encouraged the Informants to speak f r e e l y and d i g r e s s when they so 85 d e s i r e d . Most i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n the informants' homes. Their f r i e n d s and f a m i l y were encouraged to remain i n the same room. This arrangement tended to r e l a x the informant and enabled us to record casual conversations among f r i e n d s during breaks i n the i n t e r v i e w . 6 . T r a n s c r i p t i o n and A n a l y s i s From the q u e s t i o n n a i r e , a key was created which numbered a l l the v a r i a b l e s , the a n t i c i p a t e d v a l u e s , and l e f t numbered blanks f o r unexpected va l u e s . For the Free Speech s t y l e , we l i s t e d the v a r i a b l e s , t h e i r values and provided space to t i c k o f f the occurrence of each value. We then played the recorded i n t e r v i e w and t i c k e d o f f the appropriate value of the v a r i a b l e s as we progressed through the tape. Thus, r a t h e r than t r a n s c r i b i n g every b i t of the i n t e r v i e w , we s e l e c t e d the value of only those v a r i a b l e s we had p r e v i o u s l y incorporated i n t o the q u e s t i o n n a i r e . Using t h i s technique, we saved man-months of t r a n s c r i p t i o n time. Our next task was to t r a n s f e r the r e s u l t s from the 100 i n d i v i d u a l code books or keys to computer F o r t r a n Coding Forms and from these sheets to computer punch cards. The punching and punch v e r i f i c a t i o n was done by the Computer Services Department of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. The next stage, that of arranging and presenting the data, was per-formed w i t h the help of the Amdahl 470/V6, Model I I computer under the 26 MTS o p e r a t i n g system w i t h a Tektronic 4012 Graphics Terminal. The Midas programme was employed throughout t h i s stage of our survey by Lewis James, Computer Consultant f o r the A r t s F a c u l t y . The a n a l y s i s of our data was c a r r i e d ouC w i t h computer a s s i s t e d t e s t s as w e l l as w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l means. For the data i n Chapter 5, we con-86 s i d e r e d the a s s o c i a t i o n of each of our l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s i n r e l a t i o n to our s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters u s i n g Somers' D (a measure of o r d i n a l v a r i a t i o n ) . The data i n Chapter 6 was analysed s i m i l a r l y , except that i n s t e a d of g i v i n g the percentage of the time the informant responded i n a p a r t i c u l a r way, we have dic h o t i m i z e d the informants' scores as to whether they f e l l above or below the median. Chi-square t e s t s and i n some cases the F i s h e r t e s t f o r p r o b a b i l i t y were used to measure whether there was a - s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n the frequency of occurence of values i n Ottawa versus the Ottawa V a l l e y urban c e n t r e s . The above t e s t s were c a r r i e d out by V i r g i n i a Green, S t a t i s t i c s Consultant to the A r t s F a c u l t y a t U.B.C. 7. L i m i t a t i o n s The l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study are the l o g i c a l consequences of the t h e o r e t i c a l design of the survey, the equipment used, and the unavoidable biases of one t r a n s c r i b e r . L i m i t a t i o n s due to Survey Design Although d i a l e c t o l o g y as a science has e x i s t e d f o r w e l l over one hundred years and although i t has developed e s t a b l i s h e d and proven, techniques, the l i n g u i s t i s ever aware that h i s presence, as part of a survey, a f f e c t s the speech which he i s t r y i n g to observe. Urban s o c i o -d i a l e c t o l o g i s t s , who attempt to be more s e n s i t i v e to s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s than d i d workers i n t r a d i t i o n a l d i a l e c t o l o g y , are even more keenly aware of t h i s problem. The f a c t that we were present observing speech has no doubt a l t e r e d that speech. Another e f f e c t on the speech we observed i s a consequence of our having devised tasks 87 which the informants were to perform; some of these tasks were q u i t e unnatural, and perhaps never before performed by the informants. A f u r t h e r l i m i t a t i o n to a purely unbiased d e s c r i p t i o n of speech i s that we then take these speech utterances w h i l e performing q u i t e a r t i f i c i a l tasks and equate them to s p e c i f i c speech s t y l e s . The design of t h i s survey c o n t a i n i n g such t a s k s , though an improvement upon the o l d e r survey method which e l i c i t e d answers i n only one s t y l i s t i c mode, nevertheless must be evaluated as a l i m i t a t i o n . With the new methodology, one does observe a wide gamut of s t y l i s t v a r i a t i o n , but one i s l e f t to speculate about the informant's f u l l range of s t y l e s . Lack of American Data Throughout the e n t i r e time of the survey and e s p e c i a l l y w h i l e developing the questions and a n a l y s i n g the r e s u l t s , we were aware o f a l a c k of s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c surveys of main stream urban 27 Americans w i t h which we could have made comparisons. We now know, fo r i n s t a n c e , the frequency percentages of values of - i n g i n Ottawa (and Vancouver) but we know very l i t t l e about t h i s same item i n the United St a t e s . The Number of Informants Because of time r e s t r i c t i o n s , we could i n t e r v i e w only one hundred informants. This s m a l l number of informants provides us w i t h an even sm a l l e r number of informants i n each c e l l when two or three of the i n d i c a t o r s (sex, age, c l a s s ) were combined. At no time was the number i n a c e l l allowed to go below eleven. 88 Nature of Recruitment The f a c t t h a t our informants were volunteers gives a d e f i n i t e skew to our data. I t was my observation that one group of those who refused to be interviewed were not i n t e r e s t e d i n E n g l i s h , and they probably spoke much l i k e the two informants i n the lower c l a s s . Others who appeared to be of the lower upper c l a s s d e c l i n e d , c l a i m i n g l a c k of time. Probably i n a l l c l a s s e s those who l i k e d E n g l i s h or who f e l t t hat they were good at E n g l i s h agreed to be interviewed more r e a d i l y . t h a n those who f e l t that t h e i r usage was not standard. We a l s o d i d not have the f a c i l i t i e s , time, or aim of conducting a f u l l y random sampling which would meet the rigorous standards of an extensive s o c i o l o g i c a l survey. L i m i t a t i o n s due to Equipment Because we needed to have the r e c o r d i n g equipment l i g h t , s e l f - c o n t a i n e d and u n i n t i m i d a t i n g i n appearance, we used a Sony 110-B c a s s e t t e tape recorder u t i l i z i n g the b u i l t - i n microphone and b a t t e r y power w i t h Sony 28 Low-Noise C-90 c a s s e t t e s . The frequency response i s 50-10,000 Hz. The frequency response was adequate to make v a l i d t r a n s c r i p t i o n s of a l l speech recorded but was c e r t a i n l y not of a q u a l i t y to merit f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s on a sound spectrograph. Informants' D i f f i c u l t i e s Four women informants d i d not wear t h e i r dentures w h i l e being i n t e r -viewed and one man complained about h i s dentures w h i l e being i n t e r v i e w e d . S i x people had some tro u b l e reading w i t h or without g l a s s e s , and one was somewhat hard of h e a r i n g . These f a c t o r s may have i n f l u e n c e d some l i n g u i s t i c items minimally. 89 L i m i t a t i o n s of the Computer The Midas programme and the hardware c o n f i g u r a t i o n r e f e r r e d to above served our purposes w e l l . We d i d f i n d , however, that the computer p r i n t e r s could not e a s i l y be adjusted to use IPA (the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Phonetic Alphabet); t h i s n e c e s s i t a t e d s e v e r a l coding t r a n s f e r r a l s by hand w i t h the accompanying chance of e r r o r s w i t h each t r a n s f e r r a l . L i m i t a t i o n s of T r a n s c r i b e r To a c e r t a i n degree one has a propensity to hear what one has been t r a i n e d to hear and not hear what one has not been t r a i n e d to hear. This t r a n s c r i b e r , l i k e a l l other t r a n s c r i b e r s , had such a b i a s which w i l l i n e v i t a b l y skew the r e s u l t s to some small extent. The t r a n s c r i p t i o n s of t h i s Ottawa p r o j e c t and the Vancouver p r o j e c t w i l l however be f a i r l y s i m i l a r because the t r a n s c r i b e r s have had s i m i l a r t r a i n i n g . 90 Chapter 4: Footnotes "'"Concerning the geographical parameter, i t i s planned that the r e s u l t s of t h i s Ottawa study w i l l be compared to the r e s u l t s of the Vancouver study. Moreover, i t i s hoped that comparable s t u d i e s w i l l be c a r r i e d out i n other urban communities across Canada. Where the temporal parameter i s concerned, we w i l l make com-parisons of data from t h i s study w i t h data from previous s t u d i e s , e.g. A v i s , 1954, 1955, 1956; McDavid, 1951. 2 A working d e f i n i t i o n of c l a s s f o r t h i s study i s : 'a major s o c i a l group, members of which are of approximately the same economic p o s i t i o n , p r e s t i g e , o c cupational rank, power, value o r i e n t a t i o n s , and c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n t e r a c t i o n and c l a s s consciousness," taken from H.K. Reading, A Glossary of S o c i o l o g i c a l Terms (London: S o c i o l o g i a , 1976), p.27. 3 See our Socio-economic Class Index below. We do i n f a c t take the average of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s socio-economic i n d i c a t o r s . 4 Op.cit., pp.211-220; o p . c i t . , pp.38-41. "'There are three a d d i t i o n a l p o i n t s which may be assigned to an informant i n the education i n d i c a t o r . Two p o i n t s are given f o r p r i v a t e school attendance and one p o i n t f o r r e t u r n i n g f o r f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g . Bernard Barber, S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n (New York: Harcourt,.Brace, and World, 1957), pp.102-104. We a l s o consulted B. B l i s h e n and Hugh McRoberts, "A Revised Socioeconomic Index f o r Occupations i n Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, vol.13, n o . l (1976), pp.71-79. W^. Labov when summarizing data on s o c i a l m o b i l i t y concludes: "1) Upwardly mobile persons adopt the norms of an e x t e r i o r reference group - as a r u l e , the norms of the next higher group w i t h which they are i n contact. 2) A group which shows a past h i s t o r y of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y tends to be governed more by i t s own l i n g u i s t i c norms - more p r e c i s e l y , to achieve a balance i n which own and e x t e r n a l norms are r e f l e c t e d i n f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t performance, without a wide range of s t y l e s h i f t i n g . 3) A downward mobile category deviates i n i t s nonacceptance of the normative patterns which other segments recognize. Here we are speaking of a s e t of i n d i v i d u a l s who deviate from the p r i n c i p a l subgroup i n which they were r a i s e d . " W. Labov, "The E f f e c t of S o c i a l M o b i l i t y on L i n g u i s t i c Behavior," S o c i o l o g i c a l I n q u i r y , vol.36, no.2 (Spring 1966), pp.202, 203. We have made p r o v i s i o n f o r s o c i a l m o b i l i t y data i n t h i s survey and hope to be able to u t i l i z e i t i n a future study. 91 g See the D i c t i o n a r y of Canadianisms, o p . c i t . , and the D i c t i o n a r y of  Canadian E n g l i s h , o p . c i t . 9 For the purpose of s i m p l i c i t y , we w i l l l a b e l both the task and the s t y l e w i t h the same heading. We hypothesize the tasks e l i c i t ' s t y l e s ' which c o r r e l a t e c l o s e l y to the range of s t y l e s found i n n a t u r a l human communication. See Labov, 1966, pp.90-131 f o r d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s p o i n t . 1 0 S e e Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1965), pp.3-15 f o r a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the l i n g u i s t i c terms competence and performance. "'""'"This task, f i r s t used by me i n the Kootenay Region Survey during the summer of 1970 (Gregg, 1973, pp.105-116), i s not p a r t of the tech-niques d i s p l a y e d by Labov or T r u d g i l l . Murray K i n l o c h i n h i s a r t i c l e , "The Use of P i c t u r e s i n E l i c i t a t i o n , " American Speech, vol.46 (1971), pp.38-46, discusses the advantages of t h i s technique. 12 Op.cit., pp.92-109; o p . c i t . , p.47. 13 See Margaret Murdoch, "Reading Passages and Informal Speech," un-published paper given at the T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l Conference on Methods i n D i a l e c t o l o g y (London, O n t a r i o ) , 1978, pp.1-7. 14 P.R. Hawkins, S o c i a l C l a s s , The Nominal Group arid V e r b a l S t r a t e g i e s , (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1977), p.56. "^Canadian Urban Trends: M e t r o p o l i t a n P e r s p e c t i v e , Vol.2, ed. D.M. Ray, (Toronto: Copp C l a r k , 1977), p.53. "^Census Tract B u l l e t i n : Ottawa-Hull, (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1971), p.2. " ^ I b i d . , pp.2-37. 18 The above comments on the m o t i v a t i o n of the informants and the manner of approach ori the part of the i n t e r v i e w e r can best f i t i n t o a d i s c u s s i o n of f i e l d techniques as found i n : Roger Shuy, Walter Wolfram, and W i l l i a m R i l e y , F i e l d Techniques i n an Urban Language Study, (Washington: Center f o r Applied L i n g u i s t i c s , 1968), pp.20-28; W i l l i a m Samarin, F i e l d L i n g u i s t i c s : A Guide to L i n g u i s t i c F i e l d Work, (New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1967), pp.33, 34, and 108; David Sankoff and G i l l i a n Sankoff, "Sample Survey Methods and Computer A s s i s t e d A n a l y s i s i n the Study of Grammatical V a r i a t i o n , " Canadian Languages i n  t h e i r S o c i a l Context, ed. Regna D a r n e l l , (Edmonton: Edmonton L i n g u i s t i c Research, 1973), pp.12-23; and W. Labov, "The Study of Language i n i t s S o c i a l Context," Studium Generale, vol.23 (1970), pp.45-49. 92 1 9 T r u d g i l l , 1974, o p . c i t . , p.27. 20 Labov s t a r t e d w i t h 122 i n t e r v i e w s but found that he had to e l i m i n a t e some because they were not n a t i v e New Yorkers and others because they were non-native speakers. The Norwich Survey and the Ottawa Survey saved much time by s e t t i n g s t r i c t c r i t e r i a of place of b i r t h and n a t i v e language from the outset. 2 1 T r u d g i l l , 1974, o p . c i t . , p.27. 22 Labov, 1966a, o p . c i t . , p.181. 23 Labov, 1970, o p . c i t . , p.43. 24 T r u d g i l l , 1974, o p . c i t . , p.27, footnote 2. 25 Labov's work, The S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n New York  C i t y , has been c r i t i c i z e d f o r using as few as f i v e l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s as the base f o r a s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c survey; see J . Pellowe et a l . , "A Dynamic Mode l l i n g of L i n g u i s t i c V a r i a t i o n : The Urban (Tyneside) L i n g u i s t i c Survey," Lingua, vol.30, n o . l (1972), pp.1-30. 26 For f u r t h e r s p e c i f i c a t i o n s , see J.L. Leigh and Tina Duke, UBC  F a c i l i t i e s , (Vancouver: U.B.C. Computing Centre, 1978), pp.1-31. 27 As p r e v i o u s l y s t a t e d i n Chapter 1, most American surveys have been of r u r a l or i n n e r - c i t y speech. 2 8 Sony TC-110B s p e c i f i c a t i o n sheet. 93 CHAPTER 5 THE CO-VARIATION OF THE PHONOLOGICAL VARIABLES WITH SOCIOLOGICAL AND STYLISTIC PARAMETERS 1. Measurement of C o - v a r i a t i o n A major aim of t h i s study i s to i n v e s t i g a t e the c o - v a r i a t i o n of pho n o l o g i c a l items w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters. In order to measure t h i s type of c o r r e l a t i o n the f o l l o w i n g procedure was under-taken: 1) on For t r a n coding forms, we assigned a coded value to each of the 752 qu e s t i o n n a i r e items according to each informant's response; 2) the questionnaire items which contained any of the 27 ph o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s were then s e l e c t e d from the r e s t of the items and grouped together according to v a r i a b l e and the task i n which the informant was, at the time of utterance, performing; 3) each informant was placed i n a socio-economic class,"'' an age group, a sex group, a r u r a l or urban back-ground group, an e t h n i c background group, and a s e v e r a l generation or new Canadian group a l l according to s o c i o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n given during the i n t e r v i e w and as a r e s u l t of applying the socio-economic c l a s s index c r i t e r i a . This procedure allowed us to o b t a i n frequency scores f o r each v a r i a b l e w i t h reference to each s o c i o l o g i c a l group and each s t y l e . By means of these scores, we were able: 1) to analyse the nature and extent of the c o r r e l a t i o n between pho n o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s and s o c i o -economic c l a s s , s o c i a l context, age, sex and the other s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s ; 2) to dis c o v e r which v a r i a b l e s are most subject to c o - v a r i a t i o n w i t h the above l i s t e d s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters; and consequently 3) to 94 a s c e r t a i n whether our hypotheses, assumptions, i n d i c e s , sampling pro-cedures, age 'cuts', c l a s s 'cuts', task o r d e r i n g , e t c . , were v a l i d . We w i l l now present the 27 p h o n o l o g i c a l items, items which seemed l i k e l y to provide some s o c i o l o g i c a l or s t y l i s t i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and the r e s u l t s of the a n a l y s i s f o r each item i n graph form. The f i v e con-t e x t u a l s t y l e s are p l o t t e d along the a b s c i s s a ; the s t y l e s range on a l i n e a r s c a l e from the most formal, Minimal P a i r s (MP), through Word  L i s t (W), P i c t u r e s ( P ) , and Reading (R), to Free Speech (FS), assumed the most i n f o r m a l . The index scores f o r one value of each p h o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e are d i s p l a y e d i n percentages and p l o t t e d along the o r d i n a t e . These percentages are the mean average of the frequency of a value w i t h reference to the utterances of a v a r i a b l e by a l l members of a s o c i o l o g i c a l group. The symbols represent the s o c i o l o g i c a l groupings, and the l i n e s connect the scores obtained by each group i n the f i v e c o n t e x t u a l s t y l e s . The c l a s s e s represented i n the graphs are: Working (W), Lower Middle (LM) , Middle (M) , Upper Middle (UM) and Lower Upper (LU). A c l e a r case of ordered s o c i o l o g i c a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n would be i l l u s t r a t e d by a graph d i s p l a y i n g ordered and non-intersecting l i n e s spaced w i t h good separation; contextual v a r i a t i o n would be i l l u s t r a t e d by the slope of the l i n e s . 1. The V a r i a b l e (VtV), medial / t / Examples: c i t y , Ottawa, l i t t l e , out of, and 146 more words and phrases. This v a r i a b l e i s the post t o n i c / t / , pronounced [ t ] or [d], which i s found between vowel sounds or between the l i q u i d sounds / l / and / r / and vowel sounds, e.g. s h e l t e r , d e l t a , t i l t e d , b e l t e d and d i r t y , p a r t y , t h i r t y , q uarter, and smarty. I n a d d i t i o n , t h i s 95 variable was found to occur frequently after most.voiceless f r i c a -tives; after / f / in after, often, fifteen, and f i f t y ; after /s/ in sister, sixteen, mister, twister, b l i s t e r , etc.; and after / J / in wished our, washed (h)is, fished i t , etc. Furthermore, a medial /t/variation was noted to take place after In/, e.g. carpenter, seventy, seventeen, winter, centre, and pointed; occurrences of this last variation were always tabulated under the variable (ntv), how-ever. The medial Id rule also applied after /k/ in picture and arctic. 96 Figure 5.1.a. VtV = VtV by Class • = W Q R K I N G S L O W E R M I D D L E X ^ M I D D L E • = U P P E R M I D D L E S L O W E R U P P E R Figure 5.1.a. displays the average percentage scores for (VtV) = [VtV] for the five social classes established from our socio-economic class index (Table 4.1) in each of the five contextual styles. Figure 5.1.a. reveals that the phonological variable (VtV) i s 1) involved in a good amount of ordered social 97 c l a s s d i f f e r e n t a t i o n as i l l u s t r a t e d by the d i s t a n c e between the l i n e s and the almost p e r f e c t l i n e a r sequencing of the clas s e s at each s t y l i s t i c marker. In f a c t i f we used only three c l a s s l i n e s , as Labov f r e q u e n t l y d i d , LU/UM, M, and LM/W, we would have no cross-overs or i n t e r s e c t i o n s . Furthermore, a 20 percent s e p a r a t i o n i s maintained between the lower upper c l a s s and.the two lowest c l a s s e s . S t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s a l s o strong w i t h scores g e n e r a l l y d e c l i n i n g as we progress from l e f t to r i g h t on the axi s of formal to i n f o r m a l . The scores drop 45 percent f o r some c l a s s e s . The steepest gradient i s between W and P, both r e p r e s e n t i n g non-connected speech, r a t h e r than between P and R, f o r example, which would have represented a v a r i a t i o n between non-connected and connected speech. The percentages range between 67 and 7 and a few i n d i v i d u a l s scored 100 percent i n MP and 0 percent i n FS. Some of the working c l a s s , e s p e c i a l l y those i n the lower c l a s s , showed almost no s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n at a l l , w i t h the percentages being below 15 i n a l l s t y l e s . There appears to be some stigma attached to having too low a per-centage of [t] i n medial frj p o s i t i o n e s p e c i a l l y i n more formal s t y l e s . N o t i c e that f o r the lower upper c l a s s , the reading s t y l e score f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e i s lower than the f r e e speech score. Many informants of the lower upper and upper middle cl a s s e s demonstrate t h i s p a t t e r n throughout the survey. 98 Figure 5.1.b. VtV = VtV by Sex/Age P J = M H L £ S GE 4 0 YEARS OF AGE A-=MALES LT 4 0 Y E A R S OF AGE X - F E M A L E S GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <t>=FEMALES LT 4 0 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.1.b. displays the variable (VtV) when analysed according to sex/age groups. We can see that females over 40 years of age are the most formal through the entire range of styles while the young males were consistently the most informal; this 2 is a pattern which recurs frequently in our study. 99 A v i s , 1956; Gregg, 1957; and CEU t r e a t the usage of t h i s 3 v a r i a b l e i n Canadian E n g l i s h . There i s no p a r a l l e l study of Northern American usage w i t h regard to t h i s v a r i a b l e , and consequently no comparison can be made. The Webster's Third I n t e r n a t i o n a l D i c t i o n a r y t r a n s c r i b e s words w i t h p o s t - t o n i c medial / t / as [d] as f i r s t choice. 2. The V a r i a b l e (ntV) Examples: p l e n t y , centre, twenty, w i n t e r , and 44 other words. This v a r i a b l e has three p o s s i b l e p r o n u n c i a t i o n s , namely, /nt/, /n/, or /nd/. 100 Figure 5.2.a. ntV = nt by Class •^WORKING A=LQWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER Figure 5.2.a. displays the average percentage scores for the value /nt/. This graph clearly reveals that for this phonological variable, the upper middle class has consistently higher scores than does the lower upper class; we w i l l want to check the pattern throughout our survey as well. No other clear social class 101 d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n p a t t e r n emerges from our s t a t i s t i c s . On the other hand, the gradients of the l i n e s demonstrate a strong s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n , w i t h the frequency of /nt/ decreasing i n a l l classes as the f o r m a l i t y of the context decreases. The scores range from 94 to 13 percent. This range of scores f o r c i b l y i l l u s t r a t e s the inherent weakness of p o s t a l surveys which i n e v i t a b l y must ask questions such as, "Does the - t t - of b u t t e r sound l i k e the -dd- of shudder?" 4 The l e x i c a l item centre e l i c i t e d pronunciations more f r e q u e n t l y c o n t a i n i n g /nt/ than other words contains the v a r i a b l e (ntV); the h i g h p r e s t i g e of the N a t i o n a l A r t s Centre i n Ottawa undoubtedly played a r o l e i n t h i s anomaly. 102 Figure 5.2.b. ntV = nt by Sex/Age m=MHL£S GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALE5 GE 40 YEARS OF AGE •^FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.2.b. represents the same variable and value according to sex/age groups. We can observe that females are much more formal than males in a l l styles, and that age does not appear to be signi-ficant. 103 Figure 5.2,c, ntV = nd by Age/Sex •"=MALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A^MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <2>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE o a _J 00 I a _ I—co L U L J -CK UJ S T Y L E Figure 5.2.c, displays the variable (ntV) pronounced as /nd/. Males over forty, and to a lesser extent males less than forty, predominate in this pronunciation. 104 3. The V a r i a b l e (-ing) Examples: doing, f i s h i n g , morning, b u i l d i n g , and 97 other items. This v a r i a b l e i s the grammatical morpheme s u f f i x which marks the progressive aspect and gerund. I t i s a l s o a n o m i n a l i z i n g s u f f i x i n words such as morning and b u i l d i n g but i s not part of mono-syllabic stems such as t h i n g , s i n g , or wing. I t never c a r r i e s primary s t r e s s and i s pronounced i n three d i f f e r e n t manners, namely, A o / , / i n / , and /an/. Figure 5.3.a. - i n g = i Q by Cla s s •=WQRKING A=LQWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE S U P P E R MIDDLE *=LDVER UPPER Figure 5.3.a. displays the average percentage for each class for the variable (-ing) realised as /in/. This graph illustrates f a i r l y consistent differentiation and ordering according to class, some intersections and cross-over of lines notwithstanding. The percentages range from 94 for the lower upper class to 34 for the working class in minimal pair style with a separation of about 20 points maintained between these classes in a l l other styles. A strong s t y l i s t i c variation i s present with the steepest gradients again occurring between W" and P. The scores range between 94 and 11 percent. Comparing parallel studies on this variable,"' we notice that the pronunciation /an/ is considered to be the only alternative to /in/. 106 Figure 5.3.b. - i n g = an by Class • ^ W O R K I N G A=L0WER M I D D L E X = M I D D L E S U P P E R M I D D L E *=L0VER U P P E R 2 n s i U J (_j -S T Y L E Figure 5.3.b. d i s p l a y s the frequency of / e n / . One immediately sees that the working c l a s s stands out predominantly f o r the pro-n u n c i a t i o n i n FS but that f o r a l l other c l a s s e s and s t y l e s the frequency of t h i s s t i g m a t i z e d form i s c o n s i s t e n t l y very low. How-ever our study i n Ottawa r e v e a l s , and p r e l i m i n a r y i n v e s t i g a t i o n s elsewhere i n Canada s u b s t a n t i a t e , that both / i n / and /en/ are not 107 the most frequent realizations of variable (-ing), but that [in] i s . This pronunciation, not yet discussed i n l i n g u i s t i c journals, i s 6 treated as usage to be avoided by CBC newscasters i n You Don't Say. When analysing our corpus, we frequently discovered that our informants pronounced such words as being and bean, paying and pain, playing and p l a i n , saying and sane, and especially beings and beans in a very similar manner, with the vowel i n the word containing the -ing suffixzbeing somewhat longer. An example of the confusion which can arise from t h i s pronunciation comes from Margaret Murdoch, chief interviewer for the Vancouver Survey, interviewer for our Ottawa Survey, and native of Ottawa-Rockcliffe Park; she reports that a frequently e l i c i t e d opposite of playing i s fancy.^ 108 Figure 5.3.c. - i n g = i n by Class •=WQRKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE * = L 0 V E R UPPER Figure 5.3.c. shows the average frequency of / i n / f o r each c l a s s i n each s t y l e . No re g u l a r c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n emerges except to mention that as the lower upper c l a s s and the lower c l a s s have high occurrences of / i n V and /en/ r e s p e c t i v e l y , t h e i r scores f o r / i n / are lower than the three middle c l a s s e s . There i s a strong s t y l i s t i c gradient between W and P. 109 Figure 5.3.d. - i n g = i n by Sex/Age m=MflLES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <!>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.3.d. d i s p l a y s the frequency of / i n / according to sex/ age groups. I t i s important to n o t i c e that females and males l e s s than f o r t y years of age employ t h i s usage more than the older generation does. I t i s the op i n i o n of the author that / i n / i s an attempt towards the pron u n c i a t i o n / i n / and away from /en/. By f a r , most pronunciations of / i n / i n our corpus were of t e r t i a r y s t r e s s 1 1 0 l e v e l or lower. Only when a speaker r a i s e s the s t r e s s l e v e l of / i n / to secondary or higher l e v e l s do some l i s t e n e r s r e a c t n e g a t i v e l y to i t s usage; otherwise i t s usage was eyaluated as f u l l y acceptable or g unnoticed i n our i n f o r m a l surveys. I f we compare the Manhattan s t a t i s t i c s w i t h the Ottawa s t a t i s t i c s assuming that the Ottawa / i n / and / i n / are equivalent to Manhattan A n / and Ottawa /on/ i s eq u i -v a l e n t to Manhattan /©n/, we w i l l r e a d i l y see i n Figures 5.3.e. and 9 5.3.f. that the two c i t i e s vary g r e a t l y i n (-ing) usage. 4. The V a r i a b l e ( t y , dy, ny) p a l a t a l g l i d e Examples: tune, due, new student, duke, s t u p i d , avenue, nude, nu c l e a r , mature, tube, tune, Tuesday, and a few others. This v a r i a b l e i s the presence or absence of the p a l a t a l g l i d e [ j ] a f t e r / t / , /d/, or /n/ and before /u/. In Canadian E n g l i s h , the p a l a t a l g l i d e [ j ] i s normally not heard i n the word s u i t and always heard a f t e r / f / , /v/, /m/, and /b/; /k/ i s followed by e i t h e r value of (yu). I l l Figure 5.4.a. ty, dy, ny = ty, dy, ny by Class •^WORKING ASLOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE <J>=UPPER MIDDLE *=LQWER UPPER Figure 5,4.a. presents the averaged percentage scores for the [j] option of variable (ty, dy, ny) for a l l five classes in a l l five styles. The graph illustrates that there is a strong and ordered pattern of class differentiation with the exception of the working class. The non-linear ranking of the working class requires some comment. For a number of phonological items, the working class and 112 the lower upper and upper middle cl a s s e s have s i m i l a r p a t t e r n s . An explanations f o r t h i s l i e s i n the f a c t that Ottawa and the surrounding Ottawa V a l l e y was s e t t l e d i n the 1840s, 50s, and 60s, by Scots and I r i s h of mainly humble s o c i a l standing. Many of the descendents of these s e t t l e r s have now reached the upper middle and lower upper cl a s s e s of Ottawa w h i l e a l a r g e number have remained i n the working c l a s s . The r e s u l t s found f o r t h i s item and others such as (ou) , Cai) , C.hw) , (ar) , ( p o t a t o ) , (or) and ( f i l m ) p o i n t to t h i s common h e r i t a g e . The remaining c l a s s e s , LM and M, are to a l a r g e extent made up of new Canadians and newcomers, many of whom f o l l o w more c l o s e l y General Canadian usage pa t t e r n s . Females over f o r t y years of age have much higher scores than the other sex/age groups; see Figure 5.4.b. 113 Figure 5.4.b. t y , dy, ny = t y , dy, ny by Sex/Age LTJ^MRLES GE 4 0 Y E A R S OF AGE A """MALES L T 4 0 Y E A R S OF AGE X"""FEMALES GE 4 0 Y E A R S OF AGE 0 = F E M A L E S L T 4 0 Y E A R S OF AGE The s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s s i g n i f i c a n t only between R and FS where the gradient i s q u i t e steep. For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n on Ontario and Canadian usage of t h i s v a r i a b l e see A v i s , 1956 and CEU."'"^  Speakers of Northern American g e n e r a l l y do not appear to have t h i s p a l a t a l g l i d e as a goal i n t h e i r most formal s t y l e s . 114 5. The Variable (rV),r metathesis Examples: apricot, professor, Africa, agriculture, presume, hundred, introduce, precisely, presented, promoted, provincial. Figure 5.5.a. rV = rV by Class •^WORKING A-LOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=LDVER UPPER o 2 n STYLE 115 This v a r i a b l e i s the presence or absence of r metathesis. The pa t t e r n of v a r i a t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 5.5.a. The percentages represent the frequency of metathesis f o r a l l c l a s s e s i n four s t y l e s . We can see that i n s p i t e of cross-overs, there i s some c l a s s d i f f e r -e n t i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e as the upper c l a s s e s have the higher scores and the lower c l a s s e s have the lower scores. There i s no c l e a r p a t t e r n of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . The p a t t e r n which we expected f o r a l l c l a s s e s m a t e r i a l i z e d f o r the working c l a s s only. An i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h i s v a r i a b l e according to sex revealed that females had c o n s i s t e n t l y fewer occurrences of metathesis than d i d males. 6. The V a r i a b l e ( s t ) Examples: He j u s t l e f t , h a l f past e i g h t , l a s t Saturday, f a s t car, almost two, youngest, must be, best p a r t , West V i r g i n i a , mostly, o l d e s t , and f i r s t t h i n g . This v a r i a b l e i s the presence of absence of the / t / of the c l u s t e r / s t / i n morpheme f i n a l p o s i t i o n . 116 Figure 5.6.a. st = st by Class •=V0RKING A = L O W E R M I D D L E X = M I D D L E • - U P P E R M I D D L E * = L Q V E R U P P E R a a . (—to LU CJ Cr: UJ Q_, P' S T Y L E Figure 5.6.a. displays the presence of / t / for a l l classes for four styles; W and P are combined. We can see some class d i f f e r -entiation, with the working class having the lowest scores through-out and the lower upper class having the highest scores twice. The scores for the three middle classes reveal no regular pattern. Too H 7 few / s t / values i n morpheme f i n a l p o s i t i o n would appear to be a st i g m a t i z e d f e a t u r e e s p e c i a l l y i n formal contexts. The s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s q u i t e r e g u l a r as a l l scores decrease as we move from formal to more i n f o r m a l s t y l e s . We have no re p o r t s to t e l l us what the s i t u a t i o n w i t h regard to t h i s and the previous v a r i a b l e i n Northern American might be; however, we b e l i e v e that i t would be very s i m i l a r . 7. The V a r i a b l e (h) Examples: he, him, her, h i s , hers, them, and come here. This v a r i a b l e i s the presence or absence of i n i t i a l a s p i r a t i o n i n words i n t e r n a l to phrases and i n unstressed p o s i t i o n . 118 Figure 5.7.a. h = h •=WORKING A=LQVER MIDDLE X-MIDDLE <!>=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOWER UPPER a a _ a CD STYLE Figure 5.7.a. i l l u s t r a t e s the frequency of t h i s i n i t i a l a s p i r a -t i o n of the f i v e c l a s s e s i n MP, R, and FS. No r e g u l a r p a t t e r n appears evident f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n of t h i s v a r i a b l e . However, the s t y l i s t i c gradient from formal to i n f o r m a l i s q u i t e steep f o r a l l groups. Notice that the lower upper c l a s s ranges 74 percent i n MP 119 to 0 percent i n FS. C e r t a i n environments appeared to t r i g g e r a higher frequency of i n i t i a l a s p i r a t i o n than d i d others; f o r example, the phrase b i k e he bought e l i c i t e d a low frequency of /h/ (39%) whereas, the phrase guess h e ' l l be e l i c i t e d a higher frequency of /h/ (76%). This may lead someone to i n v e s t i g a t e the l i a i s o n patterns of p l o s i v e s versus s i b i l a n t s regarding s i l e n t 'h'."""""" Furthermore, there was a marked tendency among our informants towards i n i t i a l a s p i r a t i o n a f t e r medial Itlwhen pronounced as [ t ] and towards the absence of i n i t i a l a s p i r a t i o n when medial t was pronounced as [d]. The phrase to i n v i t e her serves as an example f o r t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g case of r u l e o rdering and interdependence. 8. The V a r i a b l e (V # #V) Examples: the apple, *a apple, to eat, to i n v i t e , the egg, the answer, the owner, the a i r , the A r t s Centre, the i c e , the other, the o l d , the end, the area, the a l l e y , the Ex, the apartment. Almost a l l grammar books p r e s c r i b e a r u l e which s t a t e s that a f u n c t i o n word before a word beginning w i t h a vowel sound must not end w i t h a schwa. T h i s v a r i a b l e (V^^V) measures the presence or absence of that schwa. 1 2 0 Figure 5.8.a. V#V = a V by Class LH=W0RKING A= L 0 W E R MIDDLE X=MIDDLE S U P P E R MIDDLE * = L 0 W E R UPPER a oo STYLE Figure 5.8.a. indicates the frequency of the occurrence of the schwa before words that begin with vowel sounds. Here again the working class and the lower class is differentiated strongly from a l l other classes in styles R and FS, the styles of connected speech. This pronunciation across word boundaries would appear to be a 121 s t i g m a t i z e d f e a t u r e . There i s no other p a t t e r n of s o c i o l o g i c a l or s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n which i s evident. I t i s important to observe that Northern American speakers, e s p e c i a l l y Michiganders are known f o r t h i s schwa usage, and that t h i s usage may be a c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r to the low assessment of Northern American E n g l i s h by our Canadian informants; see data on language a t t i t u d e s , Appendix E. 9. The V a r i a b l e ( t # y , d #y) Examples: would you, d i d you, could you, but you, bet you, get you, beside you, that you, t o l d you, what (are) you, thought you, at you, what you've done. This v a r i a b l e i s r e a l i s e d e i t h e r w i t h a strong h i a t u s between the aveolar p l o s i v e s / t / or /d/ and the / j u / that f o l l o w s , or as the a f f r i c a t e d p a l a t a l g l i d e s [ t j u ] or [d^,u]. 122 Figure 5.9.a. t y, d y = t y, dy by Class •^WORKING A=LDWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER o a _ I—CO L U CJ> -CK L U Figure 5.9.a. displays the average>frequencies of the f u l l hiatus as spoken by the five classes in three styles. Although no clear sociological patterns or s t y l i s t i c patterns are evident, the graph does demonstrate that the affricated palatal glide is the prevailing usage for a l l classes in a l l styles. 123 10. The V a r i a b l e (ou): the Canadian Diphthong Examples: house, south, mouth, l o u t , shout, houses, w i t h o u t , about, t r o u t , out, and mouse. This v a r i a b l e (-ou) i s the major p h o n o l o g i c a l f e a t u r e which d i f f e r e n t i a t e s Canadian E n g l i s h from Northern American E n g l i s h . This diphthong i s pronounced r e l a t i v e l y more c l o s e [ A U ] before v o i c e l e s s consonants and more open [ao] before vo i c e d segments and 12 i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n ; see Chapter 3, S e c t i o n 2. Northern American speakers pronounce the more open v a r i e t y before the v o i c e l e s s consonants as w e l l as before the voiced environments. ' 124 Figure 5.10.a. ou = A U by Class •^WORKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER I — L D LU O CL. 3' o CM MP P STYLE R "?S Figure 5.10.a. displays the average frequency of [AU]before voiceless consonants for the five classes in the five styles. There i s no significant s t y l i s t i c co-variation for the five classes in the five styles. Further, there is only a partial pattern of socio-economic co-variation, with the lower upper class having the highest 125 scores and the middle and lower middle c l a s s e s having the lowest scores. However, the p a t t e r n becomes q u i t e confused when we add the working c l a s s and the upper middle c l a s s . The important aspect of the data f o r Canadian E n g l i s h i s the high frequencies of [ A U ] before v o i c e l e s s consonants f o r a l l c l a s s e s i n a l l s t y l e s . We attempted to f i n d other s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s which might i n f l u e n c e the frequency of t h i s value. F i r s t , we hypothesized that informants w i t h r u r a l backgrounds would have a higher i n s t a n c e of t h i s value than would those informants w i t h urban backgrounds. We contrasted these two groups and, as Figure 5.10.b. r e v e a l s , we found no evidence to s u b s t a n t i a t e our hypothesis. Figure 5.10.b. ou = A U , Rural/Urban •=RURRL A=URBflN 127 Figure 5.10.C. ou A U , S everal Generation Canadians versus New Canadians •^SEVERAL GENERATIONS A=NEW CANADIANS a a _ r—iO LU CJ CLYL CL. MP S T Y L E ? S Secondly, we hypothesized that informants who were new Canadians or whose parents were new Canadians would have a lower instance of t h i s diphthong [AU] than would Canadians of longer lineage. Figure 5.10.C. proved t h i s hypothesis to be c o r r e c t . F i n a l l y , we i n v e s t i -gated the sex/age groups and found that females who were l e s s than 128 40 years of age had markedly lower scores than the other three groups; see Figure 5.10.d. This is a somewhat disquieting sign for this Canadian diphthong, as i t is often young women in society who set the trends in language usage for the future. Figure 5.10.d. ou = AU by Sex/Age •=MALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE 0=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE ° K P ? ? R1 ?S S T Y L E 129, Furt h e r , t h i s diphthong was noted to have a range of height of the i n i t i a l vowel from [A] to [e] . The i n i t i a l vowel was evaluated to be higher among male and female informants over 40 years of age and among young males than among young females. Three informants who were u n i v e r s i t y students and who had t r a v e l l e d and l i v e d i n other c o u n t r i e s s t a t e d s e p a r a t e l y that they had been s i n g l e d out f o r t h i s p r o n u n c i a t i o n and ^ h and that they had t r i e d to suppress both. Moreover, i t was noted on s e v e r a l occasions that when a word c o n t a i n i n g the v a r i a b l e (ou) was pronounced s l o w l y 13 or w i t h h e s i t a t i o n , the diphthong was pronounced [ ao] , not [ AU] . 11. The V a r i a b l e (outV): the Canadian diphthong plus medial It/ Examples: pouter, shouted, about i t , about an, out i n , out on, etc. The v a r i a b l e (ou) before medial/t/presents us w i t h an i n t e r e s t i n g r u l e o r d e r i n g problem and w i t h scores much d i f f e r e n t from those f o r v a r i a b l e (ou) . Rule (1) ou -»- Au/—t V when medial / t / r u l e , t -> d/v-V, i s not a p p l i e d . Rule (2) ou -> ao/-dV when m e d i a l / t / r u l e , t ->• d/V-V, i s a p p l i e d . Figure 5.11.a d i s p l a y s a strong and ordered socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n MP and FS but not i n R. 130 Figure 5.11.a. outV = Aut by Class • = W 0 R K I N G A - L O V E R M I D D L E X = M I D D L E • = U P P E R M I D D L E * = L 0 W E R UPPER As illustrated in Figure 5.11.a., there are high scores in styles which generally e l i c i t the medial / t / as [t], and there are generally low scores when the styles e l i c i t the medial / t / as [d]. There was, however, no one to one relationship present here, for there was occasionally an [acw] before a [t] and a 17 percent instance of [AU ] before [d]. 131 12. The V a r i a b l e (T) This Canadian diphthong i s i n many ways p a r a l l e l to the var -i a b l e (ou), but f a r l e s s known and consciously perceived. Examples: k i t e , n i g h t , r i g h t , b i k e , t o n i g h t , a l r i g h t , i n v i t e , s l i c e d , w r i t e , sjLte, e t c . This v a r i a b l e (T)is a major ph o n o l o g i c a l f e a t u r e which d i f f e r -e n t i a t e s Canadian E n g l i s h from Northern American. This diphthong i s pronounced r e l a t i v e l y more c l o s e , [ai ] before v o i c e l e s s consonants and more open J a i ] before voiced environments and i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n ; see i l l u s t r a t i o n s 3.2 and 3.3. As i s the case w i t h (ou), speakers of Northern American pronounce the more open v a r i e t y , [at] before v o i c e l e s s as w e l l as voic e d environments. 132 Figure 5.12.a. T = ei by Class •^WORKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE SUPPER MIDDLE *=LQWER UPPER LU CJ CK LU CD . CM MP "7 STYLE Figure 5.12.a. shows the average frequencies of the value [ei] before voiceless consonants for the five classes in a l l five styles. We can see that there i s a f a i r l y consistent pattern of socio-economic variation, with the exception again of the working class. The common background of the lower upper class and the working class of Ottawa 133 was discussed above when we presented the v a r i a b l e ( t y , dy, ny). There i s no c l e a r p a t t e r n of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n . I t i s important to observe the h i g h percentage of [ e i ] before v o i c e l e s s consonants f o r a l l c l a s s e s and s t y l e s . The lower middle and middle classes had the lowest scores f o r t h i s t y p i c a l l y Canadian item. Many informants t o l d us that the Canadian diphthongs are stronger i n the r u r a l areas than i n the c i t i e s . F o l l o w i n g t h i s l e a d , we cut our sample a c c o r d i n g l y . 134 Figure 5.12.b. i = s i , Urban versus Rural • = R U R f l L A=URBflN o UJ CJ UJ C M O MP P' STYLE " f t Figure 5.12.b. displays consistent separation at a l l s t y l i s t i c markers with urbanites scoring lower. Among those with urban back-grounds, however, was a significant minority of new Canadians, while a l l those with rural backgrounds were Canadians of several generations, 135 Figure 5.12.C. T = ei by Generations •-SEVERAL GENERATIONS A-NEW CANADIANS CD a _ LU CJ cn LU C M MP STYLE R ? S We.then examined the scores for new Canadians versus Canadians of several generations. Figure 5.12.c, not surprisingly, illustrates that Canadians of several generations have higher scores of this characteristically Canadian diphthong than do new Canadians. 136 Figure 5.12.d. T = ai by Sex/Age GAMBLES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <!>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Looking for further sociological patterns in the variation of [ai ], we analysed the scores according to our four sex/age groups, Figure 5.12.d. As is the case for the value [AU], females under 40 years of age had scores much below the other groups. The frequency percentages for this group leads one to predict a general but slight 137 d e c l i n e of t h i s Canadian marker f o r a l l Canadians i n the next few decades. As was a l s o the case w i t h [ A U ] , we n o t i c e d a range of height f o r the i n i t i a l and f i n a l vowels of t h i s diphthong; females under 40 g e n e r a l l y had a lower i n i t i a l /a/ and g l i d e d / i / than d i d the other sex/age groups. 13. The V a r i a b l e (TtV) 14 Examples: w r i t e r , i n v i t e ( h ) e r , i n v i t e d , r i g h t up, r i g h t away. Because of the r u l e o r d e r i n g o p t i o n s , the high diphthong [ a i ] immediately before a medial / t / p o s i t i o n had to be i n v e s t i g a t e d s e p a r a t e l y . Rule (1) a i -> a i V — t V when medial t r u l e , "t -* d/V_V, i s not a p p l i e d . Rule (2) a i ->- ai/—dV when medial t r u l e , t -> d/V_V, i s a p p l i e d . 138 Figure 5.13.a. i t V = a i t V by Class CD=WORKING SLOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER F i g u r e 5.13,a, d i s p l a y s the average percentages per c l a s s of the value [ a i ] when immediately before medial/t/. As we can see, the scores f o r (XtV) c l o s e l y f o l l o w the p a t t e r n f o r medial/t/, i . e . [ a i ] before medial/t/as [t] and [at] before medial/t/as [d]. However, i t should a l s o be noted that t h i s c o r r e l a t i o n i s not a one to one r e l a t i o n s h i p , e.g. we t r a n s c r i b e d s e v e r a l instances of ;[ait] and, more i n t e r e s t i n g l y , 139 we t r a n s c r i b e d even more i n s t a n c e s , approximately 10 percent, of [ a i d ] . 14. The V a r i a b l e (un-) Examples: untrue, u n b e l i e v a b l e , unbearable, unforgetable, u n r e a l . This v a r i a b l e , a negative p r e f i x , can be pronounced i n two d i f -f e r e n t ways, [ A n ] or [ a n ] . Informants from Smith's F a l l s and Renfrew of the working and lower middle c l a s s e s had very high scores of [ a n ] . 140 Figure 5.14.a. un = a n , Rural/Urban/Class • = R U R f l L WORKING I LOWER M I D D L E A ^ R U R R L M I D D L E 8, UPPER X=URBRN WORKING I LOWER M I D D L E D U R B A N M I D D L E I UPPER Figure 5.14.a. shows the frequency of the pronunciation: [an] in three styles W, R, and FS, and according to four sociological groups. Informants with rural backgrounds of the working and lower middle classes pronounced the negative prefix -un a s : [ a n ] much more fre-quently than did any other group. Informants with rural backgrounds of the middle, upper middle and lower upper classes were the group 141 w i t h the next highest scores, although the spread between these two groups was very l a r g e . Our u s u a l f i v e socio-economic groups and u r b a n - r u r a l background groups were replaced by r u r a l - c l a s s versus urban-class groups to more f o r c i b l y i l l u s t r a t e the s o c i o l o g i c a l forces at play as regards t h i s v a r i a b l e , i . e . r u r a l and c l a s s . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the working and lower upper c l a s s e s do not c l o s e l y approximate one another i n the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of t h i s item although one might have suspected i t . This p r o n u n c i a t i o n [an] i s a s t i g m a t i z e d f e a t u r e of Canadian E n g l i s h . Some speakers of Northern American E n g l i s h very d e f i n i t e l y have t h i s f e a t u r e [an] i n t h e i r speech though we do not yet know to what extent, and whether there e x i s t s a s o c i o l o g i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n . This item r e q u i r e s f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i t h r e f e r -ence to s t r e s s . 15. The V a r i a b l e (nd) Examples: sandwich, grandmother, husband, grandfather, second, almond, around, sound, and h i s , knives and f o r k s , hundreds, f r i e n d s , k i n d s , kind of, landscapes, and grounds. This v a r i a b l e i s the presence or absence of the /d/ i n the c l u s t e r /nd/. 142 Figure 5.15.a. nd = nd by Class • = W O R K I N G A=LOWER M I D D L E X = M I D D L E <S>=UPPER M I D D L E *=LOWER UPPER Figure 5.15.a. shows the scores for the value /nd/ for the five classes in five styles. The s t y l i s t i c variation follows a pattern similar to that for (VtV), (ntV), (-ing), (outV), (TtV), and (hw). No co-variation patterns related to socio-economic class are evident •in the f i r s t , three styles, but there i s strong s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in R and FS. It i s , however, very interesting to observe that again the upper 143 middle c l a s s i s more i n f o r m a l - i n R than i n FS; the lower upper c l a s s maintained equal scores f o r these two s t y l e s . We a l s o see that P i s a very i n f o r m a l s t y l e . This observation i s very important as t h i s i s a new t a s k / s t y l e not used i n e i t h e r Labov or T r u d g i l l . The choice of the l e x i c a l items f o r each s t y l e was extremely important and a p o t e n t i a l source of skewed r e s u l t s ; some words such as sound had a very high score of /nd/ w h i l e and was u s u a l l y pronounced /n/. For t h i s item, we recorded a few instances of (nd) as [ n t ] , i . e . f i n a l d e v o i c i n g . This l a t t e r p r o n u n c i a t i o n was almost e x c l u s i v e l y l i m i t e d to the working c l a s s . 16. The V a r i a b l e (aer), (eel) Examples: Marry, guarantee, caramel, Barry, wheelbarrow, Carp, (balcony) and (Aylmer). In Chapter 3, page 41 we discussed the convergence of vowel sounds before / r / . This v a r i a b l e i s the pr o n u n c i a t i o n of (eer) as e i t h e r [aer] or [ e r ] , the converged form. 144 Figure 5.16.a. ssr =. e r by Class •=WORKING A=LOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER Figure 5.16.a. d i s p l a y s the frequency i n percentage of (j&r) pronounced as [ e r ] , the converged form, f o r a l l c l a s s e s i n three s t y l e s , MP, W, and R. We can see t h a t as the f o r m a l i t y of the s t y l e decreases, there i s a s l i g h t i n c r e a s e i n the instances of t h i s v a lue, a moderate amount of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n . 145 We a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e d t h i s value w i t h reference to r u r a l versus urban background, and sex/age groups. Figure 5.16.b. ser = e r , Rural/Urban • = R U R B L A - U R B R N o _ 4 C M MP 7" P' STYLE FS 146 Figure 5.16.C. asr = er by Sex/Age •"""MALES >= 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES < 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALE5 >= 40 YEARS OF AGE <> """FEMALES < 40 YEARS OF AGE o s i fM MP P' S T Y L E ? S Figures 5.16.b. and c. display the scores for these two socio-logical parameters, respectively; we can see that our informants with rural backgrounds converge /aa/ before /r/ less frequently than our urban informants and that women over 40 converge /eer/ to /er/ less frequently than a l l other sex/age groups. 147 Figure 5.16.d. eer = er by Age •= GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A - LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.16.d. demonstrates that there was significant d i f f e r -entiation with regard to age alone. Our Somers' D index number 16 shows the difference by age to be .24896. Two other sources which deal with this variable in Canadian English are Gregg, 1957, and SCE. 1 7 148 Speakers of Northern American are known f o r merging marry, merry, and Mary to an [er] p r o n u n c i a t i o n . The r e t e n t i o n of [aer], t h e r e f o r e , i s a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g marker f o r Canadian E n g l i s h . The pronu n c i a t i o n of Carp as [keerp] occurred only twice as true e l i c i -t a t i o n s , but p o s s i b l y a l l informants knew and i m i t a t e d i t as Ottawa V a l l e y "twang". • Examples: balcony, and Aylmer. A very l i m i t e d s t a t i s t i c a l base i n d i c a t e s . the v a r i a b l e (ss I) would f o l l o w a p a t t e r n s i m i l a r to that of (aer). 17. The V a r i a b l e (Vr->sr) Examples: f o r , p a r t i c u l a r , f o r g e t , there's, o r , and you're. This v a r i a b l e i s the pro n u n c i a t i o n of the vowel q u a l i t y before /r/ or the re d u c t i o n of the vowel before / r / to schwa. 149 Figure 5.17.a. Vr = 3 r by Class •^WORKING I A=L0VER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE SUPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER ! i o o _, s-1 oo 0.4 I—CD ZZL LU CJ H CK CL. MP STYLE ? 5 Figure 5.17.a. displays the frequency of vowel quality reten-tion before /r/ for a l l five classes in two styles only. We can see a good deal of s t y l i s t i c variation with vowel quality retention increasing as the formality of the style decreases. This same figure shows that with regard to socio-economic parameters, the upper classes have less vowel reduction in formal style than do the other classes. 150 Figure 5.17.b. Vr = er by Sex/Age LTJ-MRLE5 GE 4 0 Y E R R S OF RGE A ^ M R L E S LT 4 0 Y E R R S OF RGE X ^ F E M R L E S GE 4 0 Y E R R S OF RGE <5>=FEMRLE5 LT 4 0 Y E R R S OF RGE o o _ CD o. h-uo ZZL UJ CJ • CK LU CKr-, CM HP i? p1 PT" STYLE ? S Figure 5.17.b. reveals that females both old and young have markedly less vowel reduction in non-connected speech than do males. The scores of a l l groups converge in Free Speech, however. As vowel reduction in English is very much dependent upon rhythm 18 and stress patterns, and as Canadian and Northern American English 151 rhythm and s t r e s s patterns are very s i m i l a r , one would expect t h i s v a r i a b l e (Vr->ar) to y i e l d s i m i l a r scores i n surveys of both d i a l e c t s . 18. The V a r i a b l e (se) . Examples: that ( i n s t r e s s e d p o s i t i o n ) , g l a s s , grass, and l a s t . This v a r i a b l e (ae) has two p h o n o l o g i c a l r e a l i z a t i o n s ; they are [ee] and [ae] . At the present time i n Canadian E n g l i s h , the lower ae, symbolized . [ae], i s found o p t i o n a l l y only i n a few words some of which are l i s t e d above. 152 Figure 5.18.a. ae = ae by Sex/Age •=MALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMflLES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE «>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE o o _, s i STYLE Figure 5,18.a. illustrates that females who are less than forty years of age pronounce Ig] far more frequently than any other sex/age group, this leads us to believe that this pronunciation may increase in the future. Our s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of socio-economic variation and of s t y l i s t i c variation did not yield any conclusive results. 153 Canadian E n g l i s h , l i k e Northern American, has r e t a i n e d the . [as] i n words such as grass, dance, can't, h a l f , path, and pass, whereas 19 Standard Southern B r i t i s h has adopted [ a : ] . Only one woman i n the Ottawa survey c o n s i s t e n t l y pronounced the.[a:] i n the B r i t i s h manner. She had l i v e d i n B r i t a i n f o r a short time, was married to a B r i t i s h e r , and found her i d e n t i t y i n B r i t i s h c u l t u r e , a not uncommon Canadian phenomenon. 19. The V a r i a b l e (hw) Examples: where, why, what, when, which, wheelbarrow, whipped, and whether. This v a r i a b l e i s the presence or absence of the f e a t u r e ' ~ v o i c e ' represented by the /h/. before the /w/. The frequencies of /hw/ f o r a l l the cl a s s e s and s t y l e s are d i s p l a y e d i n Figure 5.19.a. Our graph demonstrates a d e f i n i t e and ordered s o c i a l c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , w i t h the lower upper c l a s s being followed i n sequence by the upper middle, middle, lower middle, and working c l a s s e s . The graph a l s o r e v e a l s that there i s a p r o g r e s s i v e increase i n the range of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n as one moves up the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Further, we can observe that the upper middle c l a s s was more i n f o r m a l i n R than i n FS. Figure 5.19.a. hw = hw by Class •=WORKING A=LQWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER 155 Figure 5.19.b, hw = hw by Sex/Age m=MALES GE 40 YERRS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X = F E M A L E 5 GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <J>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE A close look.at.the sex/age groups, Figure 5.19.b., reveals a strong generation gap. The s t y l i s t i c variation for females and males over forty years of age is very similar to the s t y l i s t i c patterns for (VtV), (ntV) , (-ing), and (nd). The lines representing s t y l i s t i c variation for females and males under 40 are much more horizontal, 156 representing l i t t l e change from s t y l e to s t y l e . I t i s important to n o t i c e that young women c o n s i s t e n t l y employ t h i s p r o n u n c i a t i o n l e s s f r e q u e n t l y than any other group. This tendency i s again a p o s s i b l e s i g n of l e s s frequent usage of (hw) i n the f u t u r e . F u r t h e r , we n o t i c e again that f o r one group, the reading s t y l e was l e s s formal than the f r e e speech s t y l e . F igure 5.19.c. re v e a l s that informants whose f a m i l i e s have l i v e d s e v e r a l generations i n Canada have /hw/ as a goal i n t h e i r speech (see scores f o r MP and W) much more so than do the new Canadians. c 157 Figure 5.19.C. hw = hw by Generations •=SEVERRL GENERATIONS A=NEV CANADIANS For further discussion and data regarding this variable i n Canadian, British, and American English, see Avis, 1956; Gregg, 1957 and 1972; and CEU. 2 0 158 20. The V a r i a b l e (kt) , (pt) Examples: p i c t u r e , p e r f e c t l y , asked, exact, e x a c t l y except, p e r f e c t . This v a r i a b l e i s the consonant c l u s t e r of two v o i c e l e s s stops; one value i s both consonants a r t i c u l a t e d , k t or p t , and the other value i s only one of the consonants a r t i c u l a t e d , k , t , or p. Figure 5.20.a. k t = kt by Class •=V0RKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPPR MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER o STYLE 159 Figure 5.20.a. d i s p l a y s the frequency of the instances of both consonants being a r t i c u l a t e d f o r a l l c l a s s e s i n four s t y l e s . We can see that i n the non-connected speech s t y l e s there i s a l a r g e d i f -ference i n scores among the socio-economic c l a s s e s , but that the ord e r i n g i s somewhat confused. There i s a strong s t y l i s t i c v a r i a -t i o n which takes place mainly between the non-connected speech s t y l e s , MP and P, and the connected speech s t y l e s , R and FS. Notice again that the upper middle c l a s s are more formal i n t h e i r f r e e speech s t y l e than i n t h e i r reading s t y l e . F u r t h e r , those items which had c l u s t e r s of three consonants, e.g. p e r f e c t l y and e x a c t l y , e l i c i t e d much lower scores. 21. The V a r i a b l e /»/ Examples: shone, c o l l a r , c o t , daughter, ()ttawa, caught, hot, bought, l o c k , so>ccer, spot, not, Rochester, sock, rock, l o t , jodd, fog, God, box, p o l i t i c s , pod, shock, h o l i d a y , s t o p , b l o c k , Boston. In Canadian E n g l i s h , there i s no phonemic d i s t i n c t i o n between /r>/ and;/a/ as there i s i n Northern American. In Ottawa, t h e r e f o r e t h i s v a r i a b l e i s pronounced e i t h e r [x>] or: [a]; the degree of l i p rounding does not d i s t i n g u i s h meaning at a l l . As a consequence, t h i s v a r i a b l e i s a c t u a l l y pronounced w i t h a continuous r e d u c t i o n i n the range of l i p rounding from [n] to [ a ] , but f o r the purposes of t r a n s c r i p t i o n , we placed each utterance of t h i s v a r i a b l e i n t o e i t h e r the /D/ type or the /a/ type of the Northern American phonemic v o c a l i c system. 160 Figure 5.21.a. v = v by Class LTJ=VQRKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE SUPPER MIDDLE *=LQWER UPPER Figure 5,21.a. reveals no systematic socio-economic pattern of variation, but i t does display the strongest s t y l i s t i c variation of this study, ranging from 100 percent to 14 percent. The steepest gradient i s between R and FS. 161 Figure 5.21.b. v = t» by Sex/Age •=MALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A=MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE XrFEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE <5>=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.21.b. reveals that women under forty years of age have consistently higher scores than any other sex/age group. 22. The Variable (th) Examples: whether, thirsty, Thursday, grandfather, that, some-thing, South, father, grandfather, grandmother, three, 162 thirty, nothing, Dorothy, the, either, theatre, and many more. The variable (th) had the following values ordered by frequency from l e f t to right: S, 6, n, z, t, and d. •^WORKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=LDVER UPPER l — t o LU CJ -Cr: LU Figure 5.22.a. th = 5, 9 by Class Q-J ° f ? J P1 R1 ?5 STYLE 163 As i l l u s t r a t e d by Figure 5.22.a., there was no p e r c e p t i b l e v a r i a t i o n i n the f i r s t f our s t y l e s f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . However, i n Free Speech we detected socio-economic v a r i a t i o n which was con-s i s t e n t w i t h our socio-economic f i n d i n g s elsewhere. The upper middle c l a s s had the highest score followed by the lower upper, middle, lower middle and the working c l a s s e s . The value /n/ was pronounced i n phrases such as: and t h a t , and t h i s , and and those. The value /z/ was o f t e n detected i n the phrase Is that r i g h t , (eh)? Both these p r o n u n c i a t i o n s , /n/ and /z/, are cases of progressive c o n t e x t u a l a s s i m i l a t i o n which are n a t u r a l to n a t i v e speakers of E n g l i s h . The / t / and /d/ pronunciations were i n a few cases mere performance e r r o r s , and i n other cases they were instances of language i n t e r f e r e n c e from French and other mother tongues. We recorded no / t / or /d/ sounds from informants w i t h 21 I r i s h backgrounds. Because of the c l a s s o r d e r i n g of the pronun-c i a t i o n of t h i s v a r i a b l e , we can assume some s t i g m a t i z a t i o n f o r those who f r e q u e n t l y s u b s t i t u t e other sounds f o r the v a r i a b l e ( t h ) . Figure 5.22.b. Labov's th = 5, 9 by Class 164 (th) A comparison of s t a t i s t i c s f o r Ottawa (Figure 5.22.a.) and 22 Lower East Side Manhattan (Figure 5.22.b) r e v e a l s the f a c t that people from the Lower East Side, some of whom are t h i r d and f o u r t h generation Americans, have not been f u l l y a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h speech norms, whereas, g e n e r a l l y speaking, a l l anglophone Ottawans have. This comparison provides f u r t h e r evidence that the Labov 165 Manhattan survey cannot c l a i m to represent main stream American 23 speech. 23. The V a r i a b l e (or) Examples: orange, s o r r y , Dorothy, and p o r r i d g e . This v a r i a b l e had f i v e a l l o p h o n i c v a l u e s ; they were: [ o ] , [v], [ Q J J t o ] , and [r>:]. The value [D] was used most f r e q u e n t l y by a l l groups i n the three s t y l e s measured, w i t h no systematic s o c i o -economic or s t y l i s t i c p a t t e r n evident. The s o c i o l o g i c a l f i n d i n g s f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e were: 1) the working c l a s s and the lower upper c l a s s again had s i m i l a r usage p a t t e r n s , t h i s time i n the frequency of [a] i n the word s o r r y i n word l i s t s t y l e (see Figure 5.23.a.); 2) informants whose f a m i l i e s have been i n Canada f o r s e v e r a l generations more o f t e n pronounced the over-rounded sound [ o] before / r / than d i d newer Canadians (see F i g u r e 5.23.b.); and 3) informants over f o r t y pronounced t h i s value more f r e q u e n t l y than d i d those under f o r t y (Figure 5.23.C.). Figure 5.23.a. or = a by Class •^ WORKING A=LGVER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER o SH r- S | STYLE 167 Figure 5.23.b. or = o by Generation •=SEVERRL GENERATIONS A=NEW CflNRDIflNS CD CD o . CD CD . -CO LU CJ OC Lu Q_ 168 Figure 5.23.c. or = o by Age •= GE 40 YEARS OF RGE A= LT 40 YEARS OF AGE a a _, o. I—CD UJ O Words and Phrases The following variables are not phonological items but words or phrases. 169 24. The V a r i a b l e (going to) This v a r i a b l e has many r e a l i s a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g [ g o i Q t u ] , [ g o i n t u ] , [ g 6 i n t a ] and [ g o m t a ] a l l of which we have designated goto 1 and [ g e n e ] , [ g a n a ] , and [ g o n a ] which we have designated goto 2. Figure 5.24.a. going to = goto 1 by Class CD=WORKING ASLOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE «>=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER a a. CD . I—to UJ CJ LU 0_, 3" O -MP STYLE 170 Figure 5.24.a. d i s p l a y s the frequency of goto 1 f o r a l l f i v e c l a s s e s i n the Reading and Free Speech s t y l e s . The frequencies i n the Reading s t y l e r e v e a l no systematic v a r i a t i o n according to c l a s s , w i t h 66.8 percent of a l l occurrences being [ g o m t a ] . We do see, on the other hand, a great d e a l of socio-economic v a r i a t i o n when we analyse the scores f o r FS. We n o t i c e , once more, much s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n and the f a c t that the upper middle c l a s s are more formal i n FS than i n R s t y l e . A l s o worth s p e c i a l n o t i c e i s the f a c t that the working c l a s s stands alone i n t h e i r low frequency of goto 1 i n FS. This h i g h frequency of goto 2 (90 percent) by the working c l a s s causes i t to be evaluated as a s t i g m a t i z e d form i f used w i t h great frequency; on the other hand, a f i f t y - f i f t y mixing seems acceptable. Out of 397 e l i c i t a t i o n s of the v a r i a b l e (going to) i n the Ottawa survey, the f o l l o w i n g occurrences were obtained: Form Occurrences Percentage 1. go i n t a 230 57.9 2. goana 59 14.9 3. go i nt a 52 13.1 4. gana 34 8.6 5. gone 11 2.8 6. g o a n t a 7 1.8 7. go i rytu 4 1.1 100.2 American l i n g u i s t i c research has caused a l l ESL textbooks p r i n t e d i n the United States t o teach [ g a n a ] as the goal f o r connected speech; our evidence s t r o n g l y suggests t h a t , i n Canada, [ g o i n t a ] would be more appropriate. 171 25. The V a r i a b l e (milk) This v a r i a b l e i s pronounced e i t h e r [ m i l k ] or [ m e l k ] , and has to do wi t h the r e d u c t i o n of the number of vowel phonemes before /!/. Figure 5.25.a. m i l k = m i l k by Class •^ WORKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE <?>=UPPER MIDDLE SLOWER UPPER o o _ 7 P1 ? STYLE ?s ! 172 Figure 5.25.a. d i s p l a y s the frequency of [ m i l k ] f o r a l l c l a s s e s i n two s t y l e s only, namely W and R. The working c l a s s has the lowest scores f o r t h i s value i n both s t y l e s . The scores f o r the other c l a s s e s show no c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . The s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s f a i r l y l a r g e between the two s t y l e s . 26. The V a r i a b l e (good) This v a r i a b l e has two pronunciations of the vowel, 1) w i t h s l i g h t l i p rounding and the [o ] i n p o s i t i o n as shown i n I l l u s t r a t i o n 3.1, page 37 and 2) w i t h no l i p rounding and the [ o ] brought forward to a c e n t r a l i z e d [©']. 173 Figure 5.26.a. good = gc£d by Sex/Age LTJ^MALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A^MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X=FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE 0=FEMALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE S T Y L E Figure 5.26.a, displays the frequency of the latter version. We can see that males who are less than forty years of age generate this pronunciation in Free Speech far more than any other group. Females who are less than forty years of age appear to be a distant second in the production of this sound. This pronunciation is 7 174 found mostly among teenagers, and i t seems t o be a modern s u b s t i t u t e f o r s l a n g words such as neat, c o o l , and groovy. We note that the Somers' D a n a l y s i s i n d i c a t e s a strong socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . We would r e q u i r e many more data, however, before we could be c e r t a i n of t h i s t r e n d . 27. The V a r i a b l e (tomato) This v a r i a b l e has at l e a s t three values i n Canadian E n g l i s h , and a l l were found i n Ottawa: [tem&to], [-temffito], and [temeido]. The f i r s t two values have p r e s t i g e v a l u e f o r women over f o r t y years of age. The:/a/ value i s associated w i t h B r i t i s h E n g l i s h and has the highest p r e s t i g e . Many informants who had pronounced /•&,/ l a t e r claimed that they always s a i d /a/. The / e i / p r o n u n c i a t i o n i s a ssociated w i t h American E n g l i s h and has no stigma attached t o i t . Figure 5.27.a. tomato = tamlajro by Sex/Age 175 feel •=MALE5 GE 40 YEARS OF AGE A-MALES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE X-FEMALES GE 40 YEARS OF AGE O-FEMBLES LT 40 YEARS OF AGE Figure 5.27.a. demonstrates that women over forty stand out, predominately over a l l other sex/age groups in the pronunciation of [temdto] and 11: amart o j" combined. A further break-down of the statis-tics of this variable for these women according to their socio-economic class reveals interesting patterns in variation. Figure 5.27.b. tomato = tam(_a)to Women over 40 Upper Middle Class Figure 5.27.c Key: Figure 5.27.d. Figure 5.27.e. Figure 5.27.f. 1001 80 60 40 20 7 / / / / / / / W / / / / / / / i / / / I R = .33 Lower Upper Class 100 80 60 40 J 20 / / / / w 7 / / / / / / / JZL R 100 80 60 40 20 Middle W R Lower Middle Class 100 80 60 40 20 W 100 80 60 40 20 Working Class W R 177 Figures 5.27.bv, c. , d., e. , and f. , d i s p l a y the frequencies f o r the three v a l u e s , /a/, /ss/, and / e i / i n the three s t y l e s W, P, and R f o r women over f o r t y of the upper middle, lower upper, middle ' c l a s s , lower middle, and working c l a s s e s r e s p e c t i v e l y . We n o t i c e again that the upper middle c l a s s has hi g h e r scores than the lower upper c l a s s . Moreover, we can see that as we move down the socio-economic l a d d e r , we move from a B r i t i s h p a t t e r n to an American p a t t e r n ; t h i s tendency was observed throughout the survey w i t h other v a r i a b l e s . Other sources which deal w i t h the Canadian, B r i t i s h , and American p r o n u n c i a t i o n of (tomato) are A v i s , 1956; Gregg, 1973; and CEU. 2 4 178 2. E v a l u a t i o n and Summary  Cro s s - a n a l y s i s The data f o r the 27 l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s presented above provide us w i t h ample evidence of the c o - v a r i a t i o n of p h o n o l o g i c a l features on the one hand and s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c phenomena on the other. The Canadian E n g l i s h spoken by our sample of informants from Ottawa c l e a r l y r e veals socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n f o r the m a j o r i t y of v a r i a b l e s . Thus f a r i n t h i s chapter, we have analysed each pho n o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e i n d i v i d u a l l y by means of the s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters; we w i l l now attempt to analyse the same data and graphs by f o c u s i n g on the s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters as r e f e r -ence p o i n t s . S t y l i s t i c V a r i a t i o n S t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n was a major hypothesis of t h i s study. I t was hypothesised that a number of l i n g u i s t i c items would show ph o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the degree of f o r m a l i t y of the task to be performed by the informant. From our data, we can observe that of the 27 p h o n o l o g i c a l items w i t h which we d e a l t i n t h i s survey, 20 items underwent s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i n a f a i r l y r e g u l a r manner. These items are: VtV = VtV; ntV = nt; - i n g = - i n ; t y , dy, ny = t y , dy, ny; rV = rV; s t = s t ; h = h; d#y = d#y; out = A u t ; Tt = a i t ; nd = nd; Vr = e r ; Vr = e r ; hw = hw; k t = k t ; v = r>; th = t h ; going to = goto 1; m i l k = m i l k ; and tomato ?? t e m \ d ) t o . Only the f o l l o w i n g seven items d i d not show c l e a r s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n : V//V = e#V; , ou = A U ; T = e i ; un = an; a = as; or - o r ; and g o o d - go<d. This record of, 20 out of 27 items d i s p l a y i n g 179 s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n demonstrates the weakness of the u n i - s t y l i s t i c d i a l e c t s t u d i e s and provides a strong case f o r i n c l u d i n g s t y l i s t i c parameters i n f u t u r e d i a l e c t o l o g y surveys. Socio-economic V a r i a t i o n Socio-economic c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and l i n g u i s t i c c o - v a r i a t i o n was the other major hypothesis of t h i s study. I t was hypothesized t h a t , f o r many items, the l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n would be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the socio-economic c l a s s of the speaker and that,.as one moved up the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e one would observe more and more formal values conforming to pr e s c r i b e d standards. From our data we can see that ordered s o c i o -economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n occurred w i t h reference to the f o l l o w i n g v a l u e s : VtV = VtV, - i n g = 'in, nj = n j , rV = rV, s t = s t , out = Aut, Tt = a i t , nd = nd, hw ~.hw, and th = th. I n a d d i t i o n to such socio-economic d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n and o r d e r i n g , i t i s c l e a r to see that informants higher i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e have a much broader range of s t y l e s at t h e i r command than do those informants lower i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . See i n p a r t i c -u l a r the graph f o r hw = hw; i t i s probably the case that an informant would be able to communicate at any l e v e l of f o r m a l i t y below that at which he performed during the i n t e r v i e w but l e s s l i k e l y that an informant would speak i n r e g i s t e r ranges much above that which was recorded during the i n t e r v i e w . This range of d e l i v e r y on the par t of the upper c l a s s e s s u b s t a n t i a t e s the o f t e n heard working c l a s s c l a i m that the upper cl a s s e s are dishonest and two-faced, t a l k i n g to d i f f e r e n t people i n d i f f e r e n t ways, w h i l e they are themselves honest and t r u t h f u l , t a l k i n g the same way to a l l people. 180 Figure 5.28.a. hw = hw R e g i s t e r C o n t r o l •"""WORKING A ""•LOVER M I D D L E X = M I D D L E <I>=UPPER M I D D L E S L O W E R U P P E R o o _ STYLE Hatch marks i n d i c a t e area of c o n t r o l f o r our LU and Working c l a s s e s . Our data shows that socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s a major para-meter r e l a t e d to ph o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n and demonstrates the weakness of d i a l e c t s t u d i e s which do not i n c l u d e socio-economic data. The graph f o r hw, f o r example, d i s p l a y s a 70 percent spread between the lower upper and working classes i n Minimal P a i r s . 181 Data w i t h Reference to Working Class From the data and graphs a v a i l a b l e f o r our ph o n o l o g i c a l items, we are able to see that the working c l a s s has recorded lower scores than any other c l a s s f o r the f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r r e d values: VtV = VtV; ntV = nt; - i n g = i n ; t j , d j , nj = t j , d j , n j ; rV = rV; s t = s t ; V#V = V#V; out = Aut; T t = a i t ; un- = An; Vr = Vr not o r ; hw = hw; th = t h ; or = or, going to = is goto!, m i l k = m i l k ; and tomato = tam(a>to. This s et of data b u i l d s a strong case to r e f u t e any c l a i m that there i s no or only very l i t t l e s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Canadian E n g l i s h . Stigmatized Forms In a d d i t i o n to a t t a i n i n g the lowest scores f o r the above l i s t e d items, the working c l a s s set i t s e l f apart from a l l other c l a s s e s i n i t s pronun-c i a t i o n of - i n g = on, rV = Vr", s t = s#, V#V = e#V, un- = an, and th = n, z, t , and d, going to = goto I, and mil k = me Ik. The scores f o r these l a t t e r e i g h t items were so f a r removed from the scores of the other c l a s s e s that they could not be considered simply the lowest, but they had to be cate-g o r i z e d as d r a s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t . These forms are judged to be s t i g m a t i z e d values when used i n formal s i t u a t i o n s or when used too f r e q u e n t l y i n the more i n f o r m a l s t y l e s . The graphs f o r these s t i g m a t i z e d form are presented below. Figure 5.29.a ing = an •=VORKING A=LOWER MIDDLE X=M1DDLE e^UPPER MIDDLE *=LOWER UPPER o STYLE Figure 5.29.b. rV = rV •=V0RKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE OrUPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER o ° * i? ? S ?s STYLE 183 Figure 5.29.C. s t = s t [^ WORKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X=M1DDLE <J>=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER Q Figure 5.29.d. V*V = sh CD=WORKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER Figure 5.29.e. un- =F an •=VORKING A=LBVER MIDDLE X^MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER Figure 5.29.f. th = 5, 9 •=VORKING A=LOVER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE <»=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER LU a: LU MP P STYLE 185 Figure 5.29.g. going to = goto 1 O=U0RKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X^MIDDLE 0=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER UJ U or LU 0-, MP STYLE 7s Figure 5.29.h. milk = mi Ik •^WORKING A-LOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE SUPPER MIDDLE *=L0WER UPPER I — C D LU (_> -or LU MP P STYLE 186 Reading S t y l e In Chapter 4, when i n t r o d u c i n g the s t y l e s which would be e l i c i t e d and analysed i n t h i s study, we mentioned that i t appeared as though many i n f o r -mants read our reading passage i n a more i n f o r m a l s t y l e than t h e i r own Free Speech s t y l e . An a n a l y s i s of the data and graphs r e v e a l s that the lower upper c l a s s read the v a r i a b l e s VtV = VtV, d^y = d#y, and rV = rV more i n f o r m a l l y i n the reading passage than they pronounced them i n t h e i r own Free Speech s t y l e . S i m i l a r l y , the upper middle c l a s s read the v a r i -able rV = rV, nd = nd, Tt = e i t , k t = k t , hw = hw, and going to = g o t o ! more i n f o r m a l l y than they pronounced them i n t h e i r own Free Speech. I t would appear that the upper middle c l a s s and the lower upper c l a s s i n f o r -mants undertook r o l e p l a y i n g w h i l e reading the passage. The reading pas-sage was purposely w r i t t e n w i t h a view to e l i c i t i n g q u i t e i n f o r m a l speech. The two above mentioned cla s s e s read the passage more s l o w l y than the middle c l a s s but more r a p i d l y than a l l the other c l a s s e s . As we measured reading s k i l l s w i t h reference to our s o c i a l c l a s s e s we saw a pro g r e s s i v e increase i n ease and speed of reading as we moved up the clas s e s from lower, to working, lower middle, and middle. However, when we came to the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s we n o t i c e d a marked increase i n r o l e p l a y i n g and i n a concern f o r timing and h e s i t a t i o n . This reading s t y l e was accompanied w i t h a decrease i n speed. The graphs f o r the e i g h t v a r i a b l e s are presented below along w i t h a t a b l e which presents the d u r a t i o n of reading by c l a s s . Figure 5.30.a. 187 VtV = VtV •=V0RKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE SUPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER Figure 5.30.b. •^WORKING A=L0VER MIDDLE X-MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER STYLE Figure 5.30.C. rV = rV •^WORKING A^LOVER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE «=UPPER MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER LU O LU MP P STYLE Figure 5.3CLd. nd = nd •^WORKING A^LOVER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE «>=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER Figure 5.30.e. Tt = a l t O=W0RKING A-LOWER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE «=UPPER MIDDLE *=10VER UPPER Figure 5.30.f. k t = k t •^WORKING A=LOVER MIDDLE X^MIODLE 0=UPP-"R MIDDLE *=LOVER UPPER Figure 5.30.g. hw = hw •FORKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE <J>=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER STYLE Figure 5.30.h. going to = gotol CQ=WORKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE •=UPPER MIDDLE *=i_0WER UPPER v1 ? r? ft STYLE 191 Table 5.30.i. DURATION OF READING BY CLASS Class Seconds Lower 280 Working 234 Low Mid 217 Middle 205 Up Mid 211 Lower Up 212 I t would be remiss here not to discu s s Labov's f i n d i n g s concerning Reading s t y l e : A few upper middle c l a s s speakers seemed to have the degree of c o n t r o l and self-awareness needed to modify t h e i r reading s t y l e i n the d i r e c t i o n of con-v e r s a t i o n a l s t y l e , but t h i s i s a r a r e e f f e c t and not a very l a r g e one.25 The f a c t that our data demonstrate a d e f i n i t e and r e c u r r i n g p a t t e r n of t h i s phenomenon w h i l e the Lower East Side Manhattan informants produced only r a r e instances would tend to s u b s t a n t i a t e our c l a i m that the East Side Manhattan Survey i s a survey of a truncated p o r t i o n of American s o c i e t y which d i d not i n c l u d e the upper-upper, the lower upper, or upper middle c l a s s e s . Our middle c l a s s informants appeared to modify t h e i r reading about as o f t e n as Labov i n d i c a t e s h i s designated upper middle c l a s s d i d . This comparison would lead one to conclude that Labov's sample g e n e r a l l y performed as d i d the bottom three c l a s s e s i n the Ottawa Survey. A f u r t h e r comparison of data from both surveys on the v a r i a b l e s (th) and (-ing) a l s o r e v e a l s very d i f f e r e n t patterns and provides evidence that the Manhattan Survey i n v e s t i g a t e d and analysed in n e r - c o r e urban speech which contained features of f o r e i g n language i n t e r f e r e n c e , not the speech of a broad sample of American s o c i e t y . 192 P i c t u r e s The task and s t y l e l a b e l l e d P i c t u r e s was, as s t a t e d i n Chapter 4, an a d d i t i o n to the method devised by Labov i n 1966 and used by T r u d g i l l i n 1973. There was some doubt as to the proper placement of P i c t u r e s i n the sequence of s t y l e s along the a b s c i s s a from formal to i n f o r m a l . We decided to designate and pla c e i t as the l e a s t formal of the non-connected speech s t y l e s . Let us now analyse the data a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s s t y l e . Our data r e v e a l that f o r four v a r i a b l e s , namely VtV, - i n g , rV, and nd, P i c t u r e s would have been more a p p r o p r i a t e l y placed to the r i g h t of Reading, i . e . more i n f o r m a l than Reading. The p r i n t e d word i n the reading passage, i t would appear,.caused many informants to produce reading pronunciations and more c a r e f u l speech f o r some v a r i a b l e s than that which was e l i c i t e d w h i l e informants i d e n t i f i e d p i c t u r e s . Conversely, P i c t u r e s was more formal than Word L i s t f o r the v a r i a b l e V#V. For the remainder of v a r i -ables f o r which P i c t u r e s was a s t y l e , P i c t u r e s was c o r r e c t l y placed. One could evaluate from the above a n a l y s i s that P i c t u r e s , and indeed a l l the other s t y l e s , were adequately placed and that the sequence of t a s k s / s t y l e s 26 e s t a b l i s h e d above could w e l l be used i n f u t u r e surveys. Sex/ Age Groups When an a l y s i n g the data w i t h a view to comparing the performance of the four Sex/Age groups, we see evidence f o r the f o l l o w i n g general s t a t e -ments : 1) Females over f o r t y years of age stand out from the other sex/age groups by t h e i r tendency to pronounce more f r e q u e n t l y the formal values of our v a r i a b l e s . Evidence of t h i s tendency can be seen i n the graphs f o r VtV = VtV, ntV = n t , - i n g = - i n , ny = ny, Tt = a i t , Vr = Vr, hw = hw, 193 and tomato = tomidjto. This tendency of females over f o r t y to be more formal than the other sex/age groups i s seen to be the case very f r e -quently i n Chapter 6 as w e l l . 2) The opposite tendency i s observable among males l e s s than f o r t y years of age. They, more than any other sex/age group, pronounced the i n f o r m a l values of the v a r i a b l e s . Evidence of t h i s tendency can be seen i n the graphs f o r VtV = VtV, ntV = n t , ny = ny, hw = hw, and good = go^d. 3) Males over f o r t y years of age u s u a l l y had scores between the extremes of the-, two p r e v i o u s l y mentioned sex/age groups. They d i d , however, s t a n d o u t i n t h e i r p r o n u n c i a t i o n of ntV = nd and Vr = or. 4) Females under f o r t y years of age a l s o g e n e r a l l y had scores between the extremes of the ol d e r females and younger males, but they d i d stand out f o r t h e i r lower frequency of the pr o n u n c i a t i o n of both Canadian diphthongs, (ou) and (T) and t h e i r higher frequencies of the lowered [ae] and the l i p rounded /n/. The data regarding a l l four sex/age groups con-27 form g e n e r a l l y to the r e s u l t s of the Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h . 194 3. Somers' D S t a t i s t i c a l A n a l y s i s In a d d i t i o n to the summary i n the previous S e c t i o n , we have a p p l i e d the Somers' D s t a t i s t i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n i n order to f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e our c l a i m of l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n . The Somers' D a n a l y s i s i s best s u i t e d to the a n a l y s i s of data which can be d i v i d e d i n t o simple groups of two. In order to conform to t h i s format, we d i v i d e d our four sex/age groups i n t o two age groups, those over 40 and those under 40, and i n t o two sex groups, female and male. Furt h e r , we dichotomized a l l our informants i n t o two socio-economic groups r a t h e r than our previous f i v e . This d i v i s i o n was accomplished by f i n d i n g the median score of the Socio-economic Class Index (27.5 point s ) and p l a c i n g the 45 informants who were below that score i n t o a group l a b e l l e d Below. The remaining 44 informants were placed i n a group l a b e l l e d Above. I t was then p o s s i b l e to run two by two g r i d s w h i l e h o l d i n g one parameter con-s t a n t . A p o s i t i v e s i g n (+) i n f r o n t of the Somers' D value i s here a r b i t r a r i l y a s s o ciated w i t h a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n to the top d i v i s i o n of c l a s s , the o l d e r d i v i s i o n i n age, and females. The magnitude of the Somers' D value i s equal to the d i f f e r e n c e between the percentage of people who had the chosen usage w i t h i n one s o c i o l o g i c a l group and the percentage of people who had that same usage i n the opposite group. The 28 Somers' D s t a t i s t i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n f o l l o w s . (Immediately preceding the Somers' D value f o r C l a s s , Age, and Sex, we present the l i n g u i s t i c mean f o r each r e s p e c t i v e group. The value a t t a i n e d by the 'Above' group, Over 40, and Females i s placed above the 'Below' group, Under 40, and Males.) SOMERS' D DESCRIPTION Phonological Items Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 1. VtV = VtV 2. ntV = nt MP W R FS MP W R .63275 .46002 .60117 .40846 .23837 .09198 .23388 .18972 .19710 .07555 .94574 .90698 .74109 .63877 .71124 .59074 .5000 .44574 23256 .22687 ,29147 .13953 .30334 .07000 ,22687 ,16899 ,18605 .64631 .47444 .61986 .42147 .26114 .09593 .27148 .16883 . 21013 .08030 .95370 .90667 .73241 .65855 ,65278 .64744 ,52315 ,43667 ,29111 .25427 .38889 .44222 .44906 .11700 .06624 .10470 .18000 .62908 .45562 .60685 .39356 .23960 .08389 .27403 .14350 .18164 .08360 .98519 .86179 .78815 .58475 .75926 .53488 .57160 .36450 .37832 .27338 .34522 .42276 .28160 .22407 .27338 .14935 .42927 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M ,3. - i n g = in 4. ty dy ny = ty dy ny FS MP W R FS MP W FS .27993 .22804 .67442 .48062 .63721 .56889 .30255 .20910 .37497 .26800 .25679 .15432 .63953 .44574 .58430 .35675 .60465 .48148 .70930 .51550 .49138 .11795 .14206 ,23256 ,19948 .20155 ,23256 ,32204 .25581 ,29147 .17003 ,37209 ,35942 .26407 .24532 .62963 .54000 .63889 .57692 .30899 .21722 .36352 .29122 .25482 .16755 .63657 ,47500 .60268 .37466 .62963 ,48077 .71296 .54000 ,50333 ,15778 .03638 .12444 .05128 ,16239 .02000 .26767 , 35 889 34188 .25427 ,26000 ,40000 .30456 .19808 .62222 .52846 .61333 .59070 .25868 .25066 .34334 .29750 .21414 .19280 .61481 .46341 .56270 .36877 .57037 .51163 .70926 .50610 .44872 .19483 ,08291 ,10515 .01757 ,02584 .09431 .08291 ,12304 .16331 ,10284 ,20054 ,29708 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 5. rV = rV W s t = s t 7. h = h R FS W-P R FS MP FS .23611 .17603 .46111 .36822 .37209 .26357 .42391 .20930 .61302 .55667 .48256 .39922 .34363 .26646 .62760 .58065 . 30749 .37712 .06199 ,06212 .21499 .14005 .18605 .19919 .05271 .02326 .01220 .04940 , 13953 -.04389 .24279 .15471 .48878 .31019 .34506 .28704 .36538 .25676 .61111 .55769 .46528 .42333 .38693 .24191 .60897 .60135 , 41165 ,29238 .11538 .02355 ,13248 .14744 ,13667 .09875 ,10684 -.06667 .13665 .02911 32333 ,11966 .23837 .17654 .42054 .41111 .34959 .28889 .37209 .27174 .56667 .59303 .45370 .42683 .30183 .30783 .63426 .56481 .42610 .25034 ,11326 .01406 ,14884 .04186 ,15501 .16077 .05271 .01138 ,03624 .06481 .33604 .20417 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 8. V#V = V#V W 9. d#y, t#y 10. O U = A U R FS W R FS MP W .91860 .91111 1.0000 1.0000 .87829 .80775 .88889 .77193 .22222 .33333 .18605 .16667 .20833 .07331 .89147 .75194 .73837 .72407 .72093 .76667 .01500 NA .11628 , 15200 -.11111 .01938 ,09211 .18600 .04400 -.01520 .95833 .88462 1.0000 1.0000 .87500 .82000 .85000 .83333 .30000 .26087 .28571 .10000 .09841 .16250 .89815 .76667 .73611 .72756 .75000 .74631 .14800 NA ,20778 .04200 .03913 .18571 .00000 .14600 .03700 .01300 .90000 .93023 1.0000 1.0000 .88815 .79350 .86957 .81159 .23529 .31250 .22222 .12500 .02506 .26563 .76296 .88618 .65556 .81008 .64444 .84884 -.06000 NA ,21843 .08700 -.07721 .09722 -.20724 ,11300 -.09200 -.21100 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 11. outV = Aut 12. T = ai FS MP R FS MP W FS .79070 .73643 .72073 .61858 .81429 .65667 .36163 . 38140 .23073 .13858 .75581 .66279 .80952 .68889 .77519 .71852 .74806 .68217 .66892 .62070 .06900 .11630 .16478 -.04651 ,11630 ,04600 ,12100 .05400 .02300 -.05662 ,79630 ,74038 ,74170 ,74000 .85778 ,62449 .40833 ,34500 .24170 .15544 .80556 .64000 .86111 .66667 .86111 .66667 .81019 .64667 .72318 .58766 .01000 .02178 ,05329 .15600 ,11778 .17000 .19400 ,19100 ,24700 ,26403 .72593 .80488 .66860 .66722 .85000 .84390 .35889 .38537 .66860 .66722 .72222 .69512 .73333 .76190 .73333 .75969 .72593 .70325 .67567 .61012 .03700 .05662 -.00610 -.07480 -.05662 .01500 -.02900 -.03700 .06800 ,14661 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Mean Class Mean Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 13. Tt = a i t MP W 14. un = An 15. nd = nd R FS W R FS MP W R .93023 .79070 .62791 .51111 .27907 .27907 .24892 .18070 .81395 .82222 .88372 .83721 1.0000 1.0000 .09302 .06976 .56395 .50926 .18217 .14074 .30930 .20349 ,13900 .08837 .02326 .07662 -.03700 .04700 NA .02326 -.02687 .11059 .27907 .91667 .82000 .73611 .45192 .40278 .19000 .32318 .18766 .81944 .81731 .88889 .84000 1.0000 1.0000 .11111 .06000 .52778 .54167 .20833 .12821 .30972 .21800 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' Mean S ex F/M F/M Somers' D Age >40/<40 .09700 .28419 .28000 .26403 .04900 .04700 NA .05111 .01282' .20940 .35556 .95556 .75610 .65556 .47674 .36667 .18293 .27567 .17012 .80000 .83721 .88889 .82927 1:0000 1.0000 .04444 .12195 .58704 .48256 .17778 .14341 .28667 .22317 .20000 .18450 .31816 .14661 -.09000 .06000 NA -.07751 .20879 .11680 .15393 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 16. aer = asr 17. Vr = Vr 18. 8B = 33 FS MP W R W FS W 19. hw = hw FS MP W .28505 .15906 .47287 .42287 .52326 .48074 .62857 .58804 . M444 . 51163 .27778 .19638 .81395 .83333 .95349 ,94767 .44657 .52043 ,55233 ,20349 ,39535 ,16667 ,26427 .06977 ,00672 .11473 ,13200 ,19616 ,01300 .02300 -.11765 .39535 .26615 .26614 .18818 .49400 .38380 .58269 .38426 .70028 .48263 .63889 .53846 .26727 .21795 .87500 .78846 .98611 .92500 ,55227 ,45061 ,65972 , 17500 ,48611 ,13462 .03351 ,10778 ,36111 ,35718 .10100 -.10187 ,13000 16400 ,11067 ,46222 ,43803 .23181 .20958 .48667 .40528 .51938 .48444 .67687 .54658 .75556 .39535 .25604 .21964 .93023 ,72222 ,99390 ,91111 .58952 ,43932 ,41667 ,33537 ,30000 ,25581 .03393 ,11870 ,03876 31677 ,36100 .06117 .28600 ,24300 ,32500 ,12087 .05220 S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Above/Below Above/Beli R FS MP W-P R FS MP W R FS .17073 .11111 .17442 .08217 .10474 .03322 .62791 .62791 .47675 .47929 .16744 .20465 .13095 .10526 .90698 .91473 .81589 .90926 .62558 .59225 .15864 .10021 .05962 .09302 ,17308 .00000 -.02643 -.02326 -.02005 -.04600 -.15000 .02326 .05058 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Age >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' Mean S ex F/M F/M .20588 .09615 .21296 .06733 .12364 .02803 .69444 .58000 .48849 .47115 .21111 .16800 .13725 .10507 .87963 .93333 .81713 .89583 .56111 .64333 .12783 .13241 .10973 .22778 .27713 .11400 .03681 .05889 .06138 -.15000 -.11111 -.15889 -.02262 .15909 .11905 .14444 .11057 .07761 .05665 .64444 .60976 .47929 .47625 .19556 .17561 .08772 .14683 .90370 .91870 .89815 .82752 .63481 .58049 .18696 .06359 .04004 .00976 .09402 .03400 -.02643 .01355 -.02005 -.03200 .10500 .12087 .16725 Item S t y l e 22. th = 96 MP W R FS 23. or = or W R 24. going to = goto 1 R FS 25. mi l k = mi Ik W L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' Mean Sex F/M F/M 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 .97442 .90543 .0000 .0000 1.0000 .97778 .64922 .72674 .83740 .75000 .61765 .35933 .93023 .88889 NA NA NA NA .13900 NA .02200 -.09302 .06900 .28706 .04100 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 .91892 .95288 .0000 .0000 .97222 1.0000 .70602 .67500 .87879 .73551 .60185 .36042 .94444 .88462 NA NA NA NA -.20000 NA .02800 .04667 .17400 .23611 .05900 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 1.0000 .94891 .91183 .0000 .0000 .97778 1.0000 .68148 .69512 .88372 .68981 .55167 .38409 .93333 .88372 NA NA NA NA .09700 NA -.02200 -.05962 .14900 .14091 .04900 Item S t y l e L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Class Mean Age Above/Below Above/Below >40/<40 >40/<40 L i n g u i s t i c Somers' D Mean Sex F/M F/M 26. good = god 27. tomato = t a m v v t o R W R FS W R P o s i t i v e C o r r e l a t i o n .76744 .58140 .95349 .95556 .75969 .77519 .75000 .00000 .37209 .11111 .39535 .13333 .39535 .16279 77 of 101 ,18600 -.00300 -.04600 7500 .26098 .26202 ,23256 75 of 101 .66667 .68000 1.0000 .92308 .76852 .76667 .00000 .50000 .41667 .11538 .50000 .09615 .44444 .16000 84 of 101 .01300 .07700 .00400 ,50000 30128 ,40385 ,28444 87 of 101 .60000 .75610 .97778 .93023 .73333 .80488 1.00000 .25000 .48409 .11628 .49031 .13953 .50252 .09756 74 of 101 -.15600 .04800 -.19200 75000 ,23928 ,23874 ,34688 74 of 101 NJ O 205 Chapter 5: Footnotes "'"This was done w i t h the a i d of our Socio-economic Class Index. Of course, the cut o f f p o i n t s used to determine the placement of informants were a r b i t r a r y , but the socio-economic continuum i s very r e a l . We r e a l i z e that some people w i l l be upset w i t h the mentioning of s o c i o -economic c l a s s . The working c l a s s and the lower c l a s s have been merged f o r a l l f i g u r e s i n t h i s chapter, because there.were too few informants i n the lower c l a s s to give an adequate i n d i c a t i o n of usage p a t t e r n s . The two major matrices used i n t h i s chapter are presented below. Table 4.3.12.p. SEX/AGE (OTTAWA) Male > 40 Female > 40 Male < 40 Female < 40 T o t a l Ottawa 13 24 22 30 89 Table 4.3.12.b. CLASS (OTTAWA) Ottawa Lower-Working 11 Lower Middle 22 Middle 31 Upper Middle 15 Lower Upper 10 T o t a l 89 206 " T r u d g i l l , when d e s c r i b i n g the sex d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the v a r i a b l e (ng) n o t i c e d a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n and o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g e x p l a n a t i o n : This i s a f a c t which i s not, on the face of i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y s u r p r i s i n g , but one that i s at the same time i n need of some expl a n a t i o n . There would appear to be two inter-connected explanatory f a c t o r s : 1. Women i n our s o c i e t y are:more status-conscious than men, g e n e r a l l y speaking, and are the r e f o r e more aware of the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s . There are probably two main reasons f o r t h i s : ( i ) The s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of women i n our s o c i e t y i s l e s s secure than that of men, and g e n e r a l l y speaking, subord-i n a t e to that of men. I t i s t h e r e f o r e more necessary f o r women to secure and s i g n a l t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s l i n g u i s -t i c a l l y and i n other ways, and they are more aware of the importance of t h i s type of s i g n a l . ( i i ) Men i n our s o c i e t y can be r a t e d s o c i a l l y by t h e i r occupation, t h e i r earning power, and perhaps by t h e i r other a b i l i t i e s : i n other words, by what they do. For the most p a r t , however, t h i s i s not p o s s i b l e f o r women, who have g e n e r a l l y to be rated on how they appear. Since they cannot be rated s o c i a l l y by t h e i r occupation, by what other people know about what they do i n l i f e , other s i g -n a l s of s t a t u s , i n c l u d i n g speech, are correspondingly more important. This l a s t p o i n t i s perhaps the most important. 2. The second, r e l a t e d , f a c t o r i s the WC speech, l i k e many other aspects of WC c u l t u r e , has, i n our s o c i e t y , connotation of m a s c u l i n i t y , s i n c e i t i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h -the roughness and toughness supposedly c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of WC l i f e , which are, to a c e r t a i n extent, considered to be d e s i r a b l e masculine a t t r i b u t e s . They are not, on the other hand, considered to be d e s i r a b l e feminine charac-t e r i s t i c s . On the contr a r y , refinement and s o p h i s t i c a t i o n are much p r e f e r r e d . 3 Av i s i n v e s t i g a t e d t h i s v a r i a b l e (VtV) i n 1955 among upper middle c l a s s Ontarians. He asked the informants to analyse t h e i r own pronun-c i a t i o n of minimal p a i r s c o n t a i n i n g i n t e r v o c a l i c I t / ; a l l the words i n the l i s t were s i m i l a r or i d e n t i c a l to those i n the present study. Of 102 informants answering the question, 52 claimed t h a t they pronounced medial/t/only as [ t ] . W.A. A v i s , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s Along the Ont a r i o -United States Border: I I I P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " JCLA, Vol.2, No.2, (1956), pp. 54, 55. Gregg analysed the casual speech of Vancouverites and s t a t e s : "The d i s t i n c t i o n between p o s t - t o n i c , i n t e r v o c a l i c [ t ] and [d] has been l o s t i n n a t u r a l Van. speech. The [t ] i n t h i s p o s i t i o n has been v o i c e d , so that matter,and madder are both pronounced [ 'maedsr] h i t i t and h i d i t , both [ h i d i t ] V ( R . J . Gregg, "Notes on the Pr o n u n c i a t i o n of Canadian E n g l i s h as Spoken i n Vancouver, B.C.," JCLA, Vol.3, N o . l , [October 1957], p.25). CEU reveals that 51 to 72 percent of the parents claimed to pronounce medial/t/as [ t ] . M.H. S c a r g i l l , Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage: L i n g u i s t i c  Change and Reco n s t r u c t i o n , (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp.66, 67, henceforth c i t e d as CEU. 207 Our data r e v e a l s that the three sources above were probably not c o n t r a d i c t o r y but merely measuring d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s . 4CEU, pp.66-67. 5Labov, pp.394-399, and T r u d g i l l , pp.91-95. You Don't Say, v o l . 2 , i s s u e 4, e d i t o r s Lamont T i l d e n and George Ric h , (Toronto: CBC, 1978), p.2. ^Personal communication. Mention of i n f o r m a l surveys gives me the opportunity to rep o r t that t h i s survey has caused a great deal of i n t e r e s t among a l a r g e number of people w i t h whom I had contact during the two year p e r i o d of t h i s p r o j e c t . These people formed an unorganized network of advisors and evaluators of the survey. They o f f e r e d 1) suggestions regarding which l i n g u i s t i c items should be i n v e s t i g a t e d , 2) suggestions as to the d i f f e r e n c e between Canadian and Northern American E n g l i s h , 3) opinions on the r e s u l t s of the survey, and 4) t h e i r own s u b j e c t i v e a t t i t u d e s toward Canadian E n g l i s h usage. These i n f o r m a l surveys had i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t o r s from the f o l l o w i n g groups of people: 1. My a s s i s t a n t s on the survey, Margaret Murdoch and S t e f f i O r t i z . 2. Informants, t h e i r f a m i l y , f r i e n d s , and neighbours who would discus s ,Canadian E n g l i s h usage at great length a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w . 3. My colleagues at the Federal Language Bureau: Vera McLay, Cornelius von Baeyer, Michael Sutton, E d i t h Pahlke, and C h r i s t i n e Deeble. 4. Members of the A r t s Computer Consultancy S e r v i c e s U n i t of the Univer-s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia: Lewis James, V i r g i n i a Green, and Olga E l i a s . 5. Many B r i t i s h - C a n a d i a n s , American-Canadians, and Canadians who had experienced the d i f f e r e n t usage patterns i n va r i o u s E n g l i s h speaking lands. 208 The s t a t i s t i c s f o r Manhattan are taken from Labov, p.398, Figure 3. Notice that Labov's graphs need to be turned 180° to be compared w i t h T r u d g i l l ' s and ours. In Labov's graph, A = Casual speech, B = C a r e f u l Speech, C = Reading s t y l e , and SEC = socio-economic c l a s s w i t h 0 = Lower Class, 1 = Mixed Lower Class and Working Class, 2-5 = Working Class, 6-8 = Lower Middle Class, and 9 = Upper Middle Cla s s . Figure 5.3.e. -i n g = in + i n by Class •=VuRKING A=L0WER MIDDLE X=MIDDLE <!>=UPPER MIDDLE *=L0VER UPPER o. r—CO L U " 9 1 a KP P STYLE 209 Figure 5.3.f. Labov's - i n g = LQ by Class Contextual st y l e A v i s observes that i n Ontari o , the p a l a t a l g l i d e enjoys p r e s t i g e , but that there i s a remarkable degree of v a r i a t i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l words. He presents the f o l l o w i n g data: Tuesday news dew duke tune due student l u t e s u i t [ j u j / l i u ] 97 93 64 58 56 52 73 19 18 [u] 56 51 41 47 49 53 75 86 87 W.S. A v i s , o p . c i t . , pp.48, 49. CEU presents a short h i s t o r i c a l sketch of the once fashionable [duk t u z d i ] and data according to sex, age, and province. CEU, pp.52, 53. "'""'"Stress p a t t e r n s , too, should be i n v e s t i g a t e d more thoroughly. 12 Avis c a l l s t h i s Canadian diphthong " f a s t " w i t h a r e l a t i v e l y high beginning. A v i s , 1956, o p . c i t . , p.42. 13 Before we leave t h i s v a r i a b l e , we would l i k e to mention that we recorded a few cases of the word how pronounced as [hAu]. 210 14 This phrase has two steps of o p t i o n a l r u l e s which can u l t i m a t e l y a f f e c t the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of the diphthong: Rule (1) h -»- h i n f u n c t i o n words i n sentence i n t e r n a l p o s i t i o n . -> <f> i n f u n c t i o n words i n sentence i n t e r n a l p o s i t i o n . Rule (2) a i -> e i / _ t V when medial t r u l e , 't-*dA/-V i s not a p p l i e d . ai/-dV when medial t r u l e , ' t-Kl/V-V i s a p p l i e d . "'""'Our choice of the phrase, Did he f i n d them, has obviously d i s t o r t e d our graph i n the s t y l e MP. We would have expected a 70 to 90 reading f o r nd i n Minimal P a i r s . 16 Our Somers' D a n a l y s i s of the data i s presented i n S e c t i o n 3 of t h i s chapter. "^Gregg, o p . c i t . , p.22, when d e s c r i b i n g the vowel [e] s t a t e s : "Some speakers use t h i s vowel i n words l i k e B a rry, parry, e t c . , which are thus homophones of b e r r y , Perry [ ' b e r i ] [ ' p e r i ] . The same speakers a l s o t r e a t as homophones Harry and h a i r y [ ' h e r i ] , marry, Mary, and merry [ ' m e r i ] . CEU presents a t a b l e r e p r e s e n t i n g the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of guarantee according to sex, age and p r o v i n c e s , pp.95-99. 18 For an explanation of low s t r e s s l e v e l s on f u n c t i o n words see my booklet Rhythm and Unstress (Ottawa: Government of Canada, 1978), pp.1-7. 19 For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of /ee/, see Ruth McConnell, Our Own Voice, (Toronto: Gage Edu c a t i o n a l P u b l i s h i n g L i m i t e d , 1979), pp.22-23. 20 A v i s , o p . c i t . , p.53, a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e d t h i s v a r i a b l e (hw) i n Ontario among the upper middle c l a s s by means of a "written q u e s t i o n n a i r e and a minimal p a i r task. Of 159 informants, 68 claimed to pronounce [hw], 50 claimed j u s t [w], and 41 acknowledged i n c o n s i s t e n t usage. Gregg, o p . c i t . , p.26, again a n a l y s i n g f r e e speech s t a t e s : "17. The younger f o l k i n Van. seem l a r g e l y to have l o s t the [hw] sound, the unvoiced counterpart of [w]. With them w i t c h and which have f a l l e n together as [ w i t s ] , w i l e and w h i l e , as [wael], weal and wheel, as [ w i l ] . " CEU presents an h i s t o r i c a l sketch of [hw] and [w] and proceeds to confuse the question and the answer choices so that the data must be r e j e c t e d , pp.94, 95, and the questionnaire i n s e r t . Young people i n Ottawa appear to preserve the [hw] somewhat more than do t h e i r counterparts i n Vancouver, the Kootenays, and the Northern United S t a t e s . 21 There i s a number of P u b l i c Servants of I r i s h ancestry from P r i n c e Edward I s l a n d and Newfoundland i n Ottawa who f r e q u e n t l y s u b s t i t u t e [ t ] and [d] f o r /6/ and /5/ r e s p e c t i v e l y . (Personal observation.) 211 22 This graph of Manhattan's usage of (th) i s taken from Labov, 1966, o p . c i t . , p.260. Not i c e that Labov's graphs must be turned 180 degrees to be compared w i t h ours. 23 Labov when d e s c r i b i n g the s o c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of h i s survey area admits: "The absence of a steady segment of the upper middle c l a s s i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l h i s t o r y of the Lower East Side. I t i s a po r t of entry f o r immigrants and a place of nurture f o r those on the way up, but normally not a permanent home f o r c h i l d r e n of upper middle c l a s s parents" ( J u a n i t a W i lliamson and V i r g i n i a Burke, eds., "The E f f e c t of S o c i a l M o b i l i t y on L i n g u i s t i c Behavior," A Various Language: Perspec- t i v e s on American D i a l e c t s , [New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1971], pp.640-659). 24 A v i s , o p . c i t . , p.53, records that of 152 informants, 108 p r e f e r r e d /temeto/, 32 /temaeto/, and 12 /tamdto/. CEU describes B r i t i s h and North American r e g i o n a l pronunciations and presents data broken down according to sex, age, and prov i n c e , pp. 65-66. Gregg r e p o r t s that the teenagers i n the Kootenays use only /temeto/. R.J. Gregg,."The L i n g u i s t i c Survey of B r i t i s h Columbia: The Kootenay Region," Canadian Languages i n t h e i r S o c i a l Context, ed. Regna D a r n e l l (Edmonton: Edmonton L i n g u i s t i c Research, 1973), pp.109-113. For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n on B.C. usage, see Roberta Stevenson's, The Pr o n u n c i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976), pp.1-153. 25 » Labov, 1966, o p . c i t . , p.96, and footnote 6, p.132. 26 A s i x t h t a s k / s t y l e , S e r i e s , was attempted and abandoned because of very i r r e g u l a r performance and the i n a b i l i t y of informants to r e c i t e or l i s t . 27 Compare data w i t h SCE or CEU. Also see H.J. Warkentyne, "Contem-porary Canadian E n g l i s h : A Report of the Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h , " American Speech, Vol.46, (1971), pp.193-199. This l a t t e r a r t i c l e contains a two page s e c t i o n e n t i t l e d " E f f e c t s of Education on Usage" which sum-marizes the SCE data on a s o c i o l o g i c a l b a s i s . 28 For a deeper understanding of the Somers' D s t a t i s t i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n , see G. David Garson, Handbook of P o l i t i c a l Science Methods, (Boston: Holbrook Press, I nc., 1971), pp.161-162. 212 CHAPTER 6 THE CO-VARIATION OF GRAMMATICAL, PRONUNCIATION AND VOCABULARY VARIABLES WITH SOCIOLOGICAL PARAMETERS Measurement of C o - v a r i a t i o n In the previous chapter, we i n v e s t i g a t e d p h o n o l o g i c a l items and the extent and degree to which they v a r i e d according to s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters. We demonstrated that f o r many items there was systematic v a r i a t i o n according to socio-economic c l a s s , sex, and age. Furthermore, our data revealed even stronger evidence of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a -t i o n according to the tasks the informants were asked to perform. In t h i s chapter, we w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e 71 items which are important i n Canadian E n g l i s h because: 1) the items are b e l i e v e d to be i n a s t a t e of change, 2) the items are expected to show l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n , or 3) the items are p e c u l i a r l y Canadian or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Canadian, e s p e c i a l l y when compared to Northern American. In the design of the qu e s t i o n n a i r e , no systematic attempt was made at a c h i e v i n g a s t y l i s t i c a n a l y s i s f o r each item. Although there no doubt would be s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n f o r each item, we b e l i e v e that t h i s would be much l e s s than f o r the phonological items of the previous chapter. As s t a t e d i n Chapter 1. of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , one of the major motivating forces f o r t h i s study was the Survey of Canadian English"*"and 2 i t s d e r i v a t i v e book Canadian E n g l i s h Usage; the SCE reveals the l i n g u i s -t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n of 103 v a r i a b l e s according to age, sex and province. The SCE, however, excluded socio-economic c l a s s . 213 It i s our belief that one w i l l find more linguistic variation within a city,but across class boundaries, than one w i l l find in travelling 3,142 kilometers from Ottawa to Vancouver, but staying within the same class. Only when the Vancouver Survey and other Canadian urban surveys have been completed w i l l we be able to combine our. results and see whether our hypothesis i s correct. In order to partially substantiate our hypothesis, we w i l l present data for linguistic items which we believe w i l l show variation with respect to socio-economic parameters as well as the other sociological parameters of age, sex, ethnic background, rural/urban background, and new Canadian/several generation Canadian background. The 71 variables w i l l be presented in alphabetical order in the following three sections: 1) Grammar and Syntax, 2) Pronunciation, and 3) Vocabulary, thereby 4 following closely the format of SCE and Avis' three studies. 1. Grammar and Syntax The f i r s t section of this chapter deals with the correlation between the syntactic variation of an item on the one hand and the sociological variation on the other. A l l the variables in this section were eli c i t e d orally in a style very similar to the style of response to written questionnaires. Our data, therefore, are directly comparable to SCE, Avis 1954, 1955, and 1956, and Gregg, 1973.5 Avis (1954, p.14) when introducing his grammar and syntax data stated: "In matters of grammar especially, cleavages are more commonly social than regional,..." Our intuition would seem to agree with this statement. Let us now look at the sociological differentiation of our items with a view to evaluating 214 whether our socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s more e n l i g h t e n i n g than the p r o v i n c i a l d i f f e r e n c e as presented i n SCE. 1. Between John and Me #263 Question: John, Mary, and I are s i t t i n g i n a row. Mary i s s i t t i n g between John and A. me B. I C. you Table 6.1.1 BETWEEN JOHN AND ME Age > 40 Age < 40 Female' Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 27 73 0 14 86 0 22 78 0 14 86 0 19 MID 73 27 0 35 60 5 57 43 0 41 53 6 48 UM LU 79 21 0 73 27 0 85 15 0 67 33 0 76 OTTAWA 61 39 0 35 63 2 51 49 0 40 58 2 A l l data f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e r e v e a l a systematic socio-economic progres-s i o n . The lower c l a s s e s tend to use the h y p e r - c o r r e c t i o n between John and I_, w h i l e the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s mainly employ between  John and 'me. Middle c l a s s informants over 40 years of age c l o s e l y approx-imate the upper c l a s s e s w h i l e younger middle c l a s s informants are midway between the upper and lower c l a s s e s . For form A, the informants over the age of 40 had markedly higher scores, average 61, than those under 40, average 35, and females c o n s i s t e n t l y had higher scores than males. The generation gap which i s present i n our data i s a l s o evident i n the CEU, p .26. 215 2. Ju s t Between You and Me #264 Question: J u s t between you and , I th i n k that they're not t e l l i n g the t r u t h . A. me B. I Table 6.1.2 JUST BETWEEN YOU AND ME Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK M 64 36 95 5 89 11 79 21 84 MID 73 27 58 42 69 31 59 41 63 UM LU 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 OTTAWA 81 19 82 18 86 14 77 23 This c o l l o c a t i o n was included to demonstrate that the usage of a l i n g u i s t i c item can vary g r e a t l y depending on its;environment. The evidence suggests that the lower c l a s s e s are q u i t e confident i n t h e i r usage, that the middle c l a s s i s u n c e r t a i n and f r e q u e n t l y utters, hyper-urbanisms, and that the, usage of the upper cla s s e s i s i n agreement w i t h ( p r e s c r i p t i v e standards. 3. Eh Wh-interrogative #312 Question: Do you ever say something l i k e , What are they t r y i n g to  do, eh? A. yes B. no C. abhorrence Table 6.1.3a EH WH-INTERROGATIVE Age > 40 Age 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C B,C L WK LM 10 80 10 25 75 0 22 72 6 17 83 0 80 MID 9 64 27 16 68 16 14 79 7 13 56 31 87 UM LU 14 71 14 9 82 10 8 85 8 13 67 17 88 OTTAWA 11 71 17 18 74 8 16 78 7 15 67 17 216 Most informants f e l t that the eh was i n a p p r o p r i a t e a f t e r a question and even more so a f t e r a long question. An ordered socio-economic p a t t e r n i s evident but q u i t e weak. Eh i s one of the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c markers of Canadian E n g l i s h . In t h i s survey, we i n v e s t i g a t e d 8 d i f f e r e n t types of eh based on the s t r u c t u r e of the preceding sentence and the f u l l q uestion tag which eh r e p l a c e s . ^ Eh types s i x and seven are d i s p l a y e d here because t h e i r usage v a r i e s d r a s t i c a l l y from that of the others. Table 6.1.3b. presents data Cor. a l l 8 v a r i e t i e s of eh. Table 6.1.3b. Type of Eh Uses (%) Does not (%) Abhorrence (%) 1. Reversed p o l a r i t y , agreement 72 28 2. Reversed p o l a r i t y , confirma-: . t i o n 58 41 3. Constant p o l a r i t y 64 36 -4. Imperative 52 48 -5. Exclamation 73 27 6. Wh-interrogative 15 73 12 7. N a r r a t i v e 6 47 47 8. Pardon 43 42 16 A sample sentence f o r each type of eh was r e c i t e d by the i n t e r v i e w e r , see Questionnaire numbers 306-314, and the informant was asked to answer whether he used that type or not. In a d d i t i o n we noted a n i n t h v a r i e t y of eh which d i d not f i t i n t o our s t r u c t u r e d c a t e g o r i e s ; examples i n c l u d e : No,eh; Thanks, eh; and Good l u c k , eh. See CEU, pp.75-76 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n and data on t h i s v a r i a b l e . CEU's question 24 i s i d e n t i c a l w i t h our eh type 3; the percentages are almost i d e n t i c a l . 217 4. Eh N a r r a t i v e #313 Question: Do you ever say something l i k e . This guy i s up on the 27th  f l o o r , eh, then gets out on the ledge, eh, then the p o l i c e come, eh... A. yes B. no C. abhorrence Table 6.1.4 EH. NARRATIVE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C B,C L WK- LM 0 40 60 20 45 35 11 39 50 17 50 33 86 MIDDLE 0 73 27 5 63 32 7 71 21 0 63 38 97 UM LU 0 14 86 0 45 55 0 15 85 0 42 58 100 OTTAWA 0 40 60 10 52 38 7 42 51 5 52 42 This v a r i e t y of eh, u s u a l l y c a l l e d the ' n a r r a t i v e eh', has been des-g ignated a st i g m a t i z e d form by A v i s , 1972, types 6 and 8 obviously are too Table 6.1.4 re v e a l s ordered ranking; the lower c l a s s informants have t h i s usage more than the other c l a s s e s , middle c l a s s informants use t h i s form l e s s f r e q u e n t l y and the upper c l a s s e s c l a i m never to use i t . 5. Fewer #296 Question: What i s the opposite of t h i s sentence? There are more people here tonight than l a s t n i g h t . A. fewer B. l e s s Table 6.1.5 FEWER Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 56 44 30 70 47 53 25 75 38 MIDDLE 55 36 37 63 43 57 50 50 43 UM LU 71 29 56 44 77 23 50 50 65 OTTAWA 62 35 38 63 52 45 42 58 218 Table 6.1.5 reveals that the upper middle and lower upper classes c o n s i s t e n t l y had the highest scores f o r fewer, the pr e s c r i b e d form. The t a b l e a l s o demonstrates a l a r g e s o c i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h r e f e r -ence to the two age groups, w i t h those over 40 s c o r i n g high f o r fewer. Furt h e r , females averaged higher scores f o r fewer than d i d males. The ordered socio-economic c o r r e l a t i o n o u t l i n e d above recurs c o n s i s t e n t l y f o r the items of t h i s s e c t i o n . 6. Have You Got #277 Question: I f you needed a match, what would you ask your f r i e n d : a match? A. Have you got (Canadian) C. Have you ( B r i t i s h ) B. Do you have (American) D. Give me, Could I have, e t c . Table 6.1.6 HAVE YOU GOT Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 0 14 29 57 29 62 0 10 13 50 13 25 33 50 0 17 18 MIDDLE 45 9 36 9 25 45 5 25 29 36 21 14 35 29 12 24 33 UM LU 43 29 7 21 18 55 9 18 23 38 8 31 42 42 8 8 29 OLD 35 20 25 20 24 45 3 28 20 36 16 28 38 33 8 21 NEW 33 17 17 33 26 65 4 4 22 50 11 17 35 47 6 12 OTTAWA 34 19 22 25 25 54 4 17 21 42 14 23 37 39 7 17 A v i s , 1954, p.16 s t a t e s : According to my survey, do you have has s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e currency i n Ontario; of 85 persons questioned, only nine responded w i t h the American form and three would use e i t h e r . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that s e v e r a l of the 12 persons who use the form have l i v e d i n the States at one time or another. 219 Table 6.1.6 r e v e a l s a strong generation gap, w i t h the o l d e r i n f o r -mants of the middle and upper classes p r e f e r r i n g have you got and the ma j o r i t y of the younger informants employing do you have. The B r i t i s h form have you has moderate usage among the ol d e r informants of the lower and middle c l a s s e s but l e s s usage among the younger informants. Young informants of new Canadian backgrounds had the highest frequency scores f o r the American form; t h i s i s a p a t t e r n which we f i r s t observed i n the 97 Kootenay survey and which we w i l l evaluate throughout t h i s chapter. 7. I f I t Were #288 Question: They would go f o r a walk i f i t warmer. A. were B. was Table 6.1.7 IF IT WERE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 50 50 14 86 29 71 25 75 27 MIDDLE 33 67 14 86 25 75 17 83 20 UM LU 73 27 25 75 70 30 33 67 53 OTTAWA 61 39 18 82 48 52 26 74 Table 6.1.7 r e v e a l s a strong d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h reference to age and sex; the informants over 40 and females had much higher scores f o r A, 61 and 48 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y , than d i d the younger informants and males, 18 and 26 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . I n a d d i t i o n , the upper c l a s s e s , i . e . the upper middle and the lower upper c l a s s e s , d i f f e r e n t i a t e themselves sha r p l y from the other c l a s s e s . The data f o r the middle c l a s s are not i n l i n e a r p r ogression. CEU, pp.40-41 r e v e a l s s i m i l a r but weaker s o c i o -l o g i c a l p atterns f o r age and sex, l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e according to province, and of course no reference to socio-economic c l a s s . 220 8. I f You Had #287 Question: We would've helped you i f you asked us. A. would've C. had've B. had D. 0, i . e . nothing i n the blank Table 6.1.8 IF YOU HAD Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A : B . C D A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 22 56 11 11 24 52 24 0 29 59 6 6 15 46 38 0 53 MIDDLE 0 91 9 0 10 75 10 5 7 86 7 0 6 76 12 6 81 UM LU 0 100 0 0 18 82 0 0 8 92 0 0 8 92 0 0 92 RURAL 0 95 5 0 25 58 17 0 11 89 0 0 7 71 21 0 URBAN 10 76 10 5 16 70 12 2 18 73 6 3 10 71 16 3 OTTAWA 6 85 6 3 17 67 13 2 16 77 5 2 10 71 17 2 ALL TOT 5 85 7 2 18 67 13 2 16 78 4 2 9 71 18 2 These data demonstrate strong and r e g u l a r socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h the upper c l a s s e s c o n s i s t e n t l y having the highest scores f o r form B. We a l s o observe minor d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h reference to age and sex. The informants over 40 years of age and the female informants had higher average scores f o r form B than t h e i r counterparts d i d . Of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i s form C, had've; the lower, working, lower middle, and middle c l a s s e s a l l had incidences of t h i s value , but the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s d i d not have a s i n g l e i n c i d e n c e of t h i s form. Had've was employed by 38 percent of the male informants of the lower c l a s s e s . 221 9,10. L i e , Lay, Has L a i n //s 275 and 276 Question: He l i e s i n the sun every day. Yesterday, he there fo r • 3 hours • (A. l a i d B. l a y C. l i e d D. l i e ) So f a r tc he has there f o r 5 hours. (A. l a i d B . l a i n C . layen D. l i e d ) Table 6. 1.9 LIE PAST Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l .'A B C D A • B C D . A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 40 60 0 0 43 43 10 5 35 53 6 6 50 43 7 0 48 MIDDLE 9 91 0 0 20 65 15 0 14 79 7 0 18 71 12 0 74 UM LU .7 93 0 0 '..9 82 19 0 18 92 0 0 8 83 8 0 88 OTTAWA 17 83 0 0 27 60 12 2 20 73 5 2 26 65 9 0 Table 6. 1.10 LIE PRESENT PERFECT Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B c C A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 38 25 25 0 48 29 0 19 50 19 13 19 38 38 0 8 28 MIDDLE 9 73 18 0 45 40 15 0 21 64 14 0 41 41 18 0 52 UM LU 0 93 7 0 18 73 0 0 8 85 0 0 8 83 8 0 84 OTTAWA 12 70 15 0 40 42 6 8 28 53 9 7 31 52 10 2 Both t a b l e s r e v e a l strong and re g u l a r socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h reference to the Past and Present P e r f e c t tenses of the verb l i e . Strong d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n according to age i s al s o evident. CEU, pp.34-35 i n v e s t i g a t e s the Present P a r t i c i p l e of these two verbs, l i e and l a y , and f i n d s the confusion percentage to be 39 percent, which i s s i m i l a r to our data. 222 11. ? Not ? #744 A count was taken of the occurrences of questions generated by the informants i n f r e e speech which contained the non-contracted form not. Table 6.1.11 ? NOT ? Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male T o t a l A A A A A L WK LM 1 1 2 0 2 MIDDLE 6 0 0 6 6 UM LU 4 7 7 4 11 OTTAWA 11 8 9 10 In the s e c t i o n of the qu e s t i o n n a i r e which deals w i t h S u b j e c t i v e A t t i t u d e and Language Awareness, the question was asked: "What i s the d i f f e r e n c e between Canadian and American speech?" A s m a l l number of informants responded that Canadians ask some questions w i t h the f u l l form not w h i l e the Americans do not. Nineteen such questions were recorded during the survey; Table 6.1.11 presents those occurrences w i t h reference to our s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters. Although only a few occur-rences are a v a i l a b l e to make a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , we can see that an ordered c o r r e l a t i o n by c l a s s i s evident, i ; e . our upper c l a s s e s have the highest frequency followed by the middle c l a s s , and f i n a l l y the lower c l a s s e s have the lowest frequency of occurrence. Further i n v e s t i g a t i o n should be conducted concerning t h i s v a r i a b l e . 223 12. Past P e r f e c t #315 Question: Do you ever use verb forms l i k e these; had given, had gone? Give an example i n a sentence showing that the simple Past couldn't be used. (An example might be: i t had been found when the p o l i c e a r r i v e d . ) A. uses Past P e r f e c t demonstrating the d i f f e r e n c e B. uses Past P e r f e c t but doesn't demonstrate the d i f f e r e n c e C. gives only C o n d i t i o n a l I I I c o n s t r u c t i o n . D. no Table 6.1.12 PAST PERFECT Age >40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A' B C-J D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 0 88 13 0 15 60 10 15 0 71 12 18 27 64 9 0 11 MIDDLE 45.27 18 9 26 63 5 5 29 57 7 7 38 44 13 6 33 UM LU 46 31 8 15 64 27 0 9 67 33 0 0 42 25 8 25 54 OTTAWA 34 44 13 9 30 54 6 10 28 56 7 9 36 44 10 10 The a b i l i t y to generate a sentence which demonstrates the use of the Past P e r f e c t was s t r o n g l y r e l a t e d to socio-economic c l a s s i n each age and sex group. More than two-thirds of a l l informants were unable to generate a sentence which d i s t i n g u i s h e d the Past P e r f e c t from the Pas t , and i t would appear that the m a j o r i t y of those informants do not use the Past P e r f e c t i n t h e i r speech or w r i t i n g . 224 13. Snuck #280 Question: They sneak i n t o the movie theatre. Yesterday, they i n t o the movie theatre. A. sneaked B. snuck Table 6.1.13 SNUCK Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 30 70 0 100 12 88 7 93 10 MIDDLE 91 9 10 90 43 57 35 65 39 UM LU 64 36 18 82 46 54 42 58 44 OTTAWA 63 37 8 92 32 68 28 72 Table 6.1.13 shows the strongest generation gap of the survey. Some socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s a l s o evident. A few e l d e r l y l a d i e s i n d i c a t e d that they would not generate e i t h e r sneaked or snuck, and over 20 informants laughed or chuckled w h i l e answering t h i s question. The CEU, pp.43, 44 r e v e a l s a s i m i l a r s p l i t between the age groups. 14. Subject-Verb Non-agreement A count was taken of the occurrences of non-agreement i n number between subject and verb. A l l occurrences of subject-verb non-agreement were of the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n : There i s + p l u r a l . Table 6.1.14 SUBJECT-VERB NON-AGREEMENT Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male T o t a l A A A A A L WK LM 16 22 19 19 38 MIDDLE 4 17 7 14 21 UM LU 3 1 2 2 4 OTTAWA 23 40 28 35 ALL TOT 0 0 0 0 225 The above data show that there i s a d i r e c t and ordered r e l a t i o n s h i p between subject-verb agreement and socio-economic c l a s s ; the lower the c l a s s , the higher the frequency of there i s + p l u r a l . Informants over 40 and females had the lowest s c o r e s , 23 and 28 r e s p e c t i v e l y . We n o t i c e that f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e , t h e middle c l a s s informants over 40 years of age conform to the upper c l a s s e s usage p a t t e r n w h i l e the middle c l a s s informants l e s s than 40 s i d e w i t h t h i s lower c l a s s usage. Data of t h i s nature alarm many educators and parents. 15. Take #318 Question: You and S a l l y are on the t h i r d f l o o r , Mrs. Fraser i s on the s i x t h f l o o r . Ask S a l l y to carry a l e t t e r up to Mrs. Fraser. A. take B. b r i n g Table 6.1.15 TAKE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 78 22 85 15 88 12 75 25 83 MIDDLE 90 10 95 5 86 14 100 0 93 UM LU 100 0 91 9 92 8 100 0 96 RURAL 89 11 83 17 88 12 85 15 URBAN 90 10 88 12 88 12 90 10 IRISH 86 14 86 14 89 11 80 20 SCOTS 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 0 ENGLISH 100 0 93 7 94 6 100 0 FRENCH 0 0 100 0 100 0 100 0 OTHER 60 40 77 23 70 30 75 25 OTTAWA 91 9 90 10 88 12 92 8 ALL TOT 90 10 87 13 88 12 88 12 I t has long been my observation that people from the Ottawa V a l l e y and from t h e ' c i t y of Ottawa i t s e l f w i l l f r e q u e n t l y employ b r i n g when r e f e r r i n g to the act of someone c a r r y i n g something away from themselves or t h e i r s p a t i a l reference p o i n t . Our data r e v e a l that t h i s p a t t e r n 226 usage does i n f a c t e x i s t , and that i t i s p a r t i a l l y r e l a t e d to c l a s s but much more definitely„to I r i s h background. We are l o o k i n g forward to r e s u l t s from the Ottawa V a l l e y Survey concerning t h i s v a r i a b l e . 2. Pr o n u n c i a t i o n The speaker of Canadian E n g l i s h has a phon o l o g i c a l system as out-l i n e d and analysed i n Chapter 4 and 5 r e s p e c t i v e l y . This p h o n o l o g i c a l system allows the speaker to generate an i n f i n i t e set of p o s s i b l e words by means of p l a c i n g the component p a r t s of the system i n t o various com-b i n a t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n to a n a l y s i n g t h i s sound system i n Chapter 5, we undertook i n t h i s study to e l i c i t and analyse the pr o n u n c i a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l words. These i n d i v i d u a l words c o n s i s t of the ph o n o l o g i c a l segments which we have o u t l i n e d and analysed above. We, t h e r e f o r e , are ana l y s i n g the choice of p h o n o l o g i c a l segments, e.g. e i t h e r may be pro-nounced /aiSer/ or /foer/. We w i l l see to what extent s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters c o r r e l a t e to v a r i a t i o n i n word pron u n c i a t i o n . The p r o n u n c i a t i o n choices are f r e q u e n t l y associated i n the l i n g u i s t i c l i t e r a t u r e w i t h a B r i t i s h form, an American form, and i n some cases a uniquely Canadian form. This i s done i n s p i t e of the f a c t that a l l l i n g u i s t s are aware of a great d e a l of v a r i e t y i n usage w i t h i n these c o u n t r i e s . 227 1. A f r i c a #53 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [aef reko ] B. [ aef er ke] Table 6.2. 1 AFRICA Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 64 36 38 62! 61 39: ' 29 71 49 MIDDLE 91 0'9 75' 25 ' 7:9' 21 82 18 82 UM LU 64 36 • 45 55.-• •54 46, . .'58 42 55 OTTAWA 72 28 52 46 64 3.61 58 42 Table 6.2.1 rev e a l s there i s no l i n e a r c o r r e l a t i o n between the word pronu n c i a t i o n and socio-economic c l a s s . We can see, however, that the middle c l a s s c o n s i s t e n t l y has 30 percent higher scores f o r form A than do the other two c l a s s groups. Further, the older informants and the female informants have higher scores, 7 2 and 64 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y , than do the younger informants and the males, 54 and 58 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . 2. Again #146 Task; Word l i s t : A. [egei n] B. [ eg£n ] Table 6.2. 2 AGAIN Age > 40 Age < : 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 27 73 19 81 17 83 29 71 22 MIDDLE 36 64 30 70 43 57 24 76 32 UM LU 14 86 36 64 23 77 25 75 24 OLD 18 82 17 83 19 81 16 84 NEW 36 64 39 61 37 63 39 61 OTTAWA 25 75 27 73 27 73 26 7.4 Our data demonstrate that [ e g e i n ] i s s t i l l a s i g n i f i c a n t marker of Canadian E n g l i s h . Our data on the other hand show no r e g u l a r c o - v a r i a -t i o n of pro n u n c i a t i o n and s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters except that Ottawans 228 w i t h new Canadian background have c o n s i s t e n t l y higher scores f o r [ a g e i n ] ; A v i s , 1956, p.45 t e l l s us that [ e g e i n ] r e f l e c t s B r i t i s h p r a c t i c e and that i t occurs most f r e q u e n t l y i n s t r e s s e d p o s i t i o n . Many informants read the word l i s t i n breath groups; i f the word again was at the beginning of a word group or breath group i t would f r e q u e n t l y be s t r e s s e d and more l i k e l y be pronounced [ e g e i n ] . I f the word was i n the middle of the breath group,it would normally have l e s s s t r e s s and be pronounced [ a g e n ] . We a l s o n o t i c e d more s t r e s s on the f i r s t few words of a column or page and l e s s s t r e s s on words w i t h i n the l i s t . CEU, p.72 presents a s e l f a n a l y s i s on the part of the informants of the v a r i a b l e ( a g a i n ) . The data were s e l e c t e d by means of a w r i t t e n q u e s t i o n n a i r e ; the item was e l i c i t e d i n complete i s o l a t i o n i n the most formal s t y l e a t t a i n a b l e . The r e s u l t s , showing a preference f o r [ o g e i n ] i n a l l s o c i o l o g i c a l groups, are i n marked contrast to our data and demon-s t r a t e the repercussion of d i f f e r e n t survey methodologies. 3. A n t i - ( p o l l u t i o n ) #195 Task; Word l i s t : A. [aent i ] B. [sentat. ] C. [ffinte ] Table 6.2. 3 ANTI-Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 91 0 9 100- 0 0 94 0 6 100 0 0 97 MID 91 0 9 95 5 0 100 0 0 88 6 6 94 UM LU 93 7 0 91 9 0 100 0 0 83 17 0 92 OLD 86 5 9 '93 7 0 96 0 4 84 12 4 NEW 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 OTTAWA 92 3 6 96 4 0 98 0 2 91 7 2 The form [ s s n t i ] i s a very strong Canadianism and i t i s g a i n i n g f u r -ther s t r e n g t h among the younger informants. We can see that informants 229 w i t h new Canadian backgrounds a l l had scores of 100 percent f o r t h i s v a l u e . This suggests that new Canadians accept the p r e v a i l i n g form around them. Answer C. [asnta] was e l i c i t e d from only a few informants a l l of whom were over f o r t y . A v i s , 1956, p.47 and CEU, pp.60-61 present s i m i l a r percentages and r e v e a l a strengthening trend f o r [jjeirti ]. A v i s , 1956, gives us a quarter of a century's h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e of t h i s trend. 4. A p r i c o t s #65 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [ a e p r e k n t s ] B".' [ e l p r a k b f s ] Table 6.2.4 APRICOTS Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B B L WK LM 73 27 85 15 78 22 85 . 15 19 MIDDLE 91 9 89 11 100 0 82 18 10 UM LU 57 43 73 27 69 31 58 42 36 OLD 73 27 93 7 84 16 83 17 NEW 71 29 74 26 79 21 67 33 OTTAWA 72 28 84 16 82 18 76 24 Table 6.2.4 reveals a tendency toward [aeprekct], the American form, among the younger informants. The trend away from B r i t i s h forms toward Northern American forms i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d i n t h i s study, noteworthy exceptions notwithstanding. CEU, pp.54-55 presents s i m i l a r percentages f o r Ontario and data which demonstrate the strengthening of [ sprakx i t s ] among younger informants, w h i l e Gregg, 1973, pp.111-113 and CEU r e v e a l that B r i t i s h Columbia i s 30 to 40 percentage p o i n t s removed from the r e s t of Canada i n the d i r e c t i o n of Le I p r a k b t s J , the normal B r i t i s h form. 230 5. Asphalt #123 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ a e s f a l t ] B. [ a e j f a l t ] C. [ e s z f a l t ] Table 6.2.5 L WK LM MIDDLE UM LU OTTAWA Age > 40 A B C 30 40 30 64 9 27 57 29 14 51 26 23 ASPHALT Age < 40 A B C Female A B C Male A B C 5 90 15 80 18 82 12 84 5 5 0 4 6 81 13 21 64 14 36 50 14 29 59 12 31 62 8 50 42 8 23 65 12 33 56 12 A l l A 13 32 40 The most s t r i k i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e i s found by comparing the age groups. We can see that the informants over f o r t y had h i g h scores f o r [aesfalt] and f a i r l y h i g h scores f o r [s e z f a l t ] , w h i l e the younger informants have very h i g h scores f o r [ a e j f a l t ]• The lower classes c o n s i s t e n t l y had the highest scores f o r [ a e j f a l t ] . No comparative data are a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . 6. Aunt #79 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [aent] B. [ t i n t ] C. [ a n t ] Table 6.2.6 AUNT Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A :.B C B,C L WK LM 91 0 9 95 5 0 89 6 6 100 0 0 6 MIDDLE 91 0 9 95 0 5 93 0 7 94 0 6 7 UM LU. 86 0 14 91 9 0 77 8 15 100 0 0 12 OTTAWA 89 0 11 94 4 2 87 4 9 98 0 2 The data f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e deomonstrate that form A, [aent ] i s pre-dominant f o r a l l s o c i o l o g i c a l groups. Females of the upper middle and lower upper cl a s s e s scored 23 percent f o r [ n n t ] and [ a n t ] combined. We n o t i c e here a s i m i l a r usage p a t t e r n to the v a r i a b l e (tomato). A v i s , 1956, 231 p.52 s t a t e s : "Aunt and drama, probably because of the s o c i a l environment i n which they are used, appear to have a higher incidence of the 'broad a' than most other words i n the group;...." See Gregg, 1973, p.112 and CEU, pp.84-85 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n and almost i d e n t i c a l data on t h i s v a r i a b l e . 7. Balcony #234 Task; Word l i s t : A. [be'lkeni] B. [baelkani] C. [ b a l k e n i ] D. [ b n l k e n i ] Table 6.2.7 BALCONY Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 36 45 18 0 48 43 0 10 44 50 6 .0 43 36 7 14 44 MIDDLE 18 36 27 18 20 45 20 15 14 50 21 14 24 35 24 18 42 UM LU 21 71 7 0 18 82 0 0 23 77 0 0 17 75 8 0 76 OTTAWA 25 53 17 6 31 52 8 10 29 58 9 4 28 47 14 12 Table 6.2.7 rev e a l s that the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s have predominantly high scores f o r / b a l k e n i / , w h i l e the lower, working, arid lower middle cl a s s e s have the highest scores f o r /be* I ken i / . For f u r t h e r reference see v a r i a b l e (Vr->£r) of Chapter 5. 232 8. Been #181 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ b i n ] B. [ b i n ] C. [ ben ] Table 6.2. 8 BEEN Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 30 60 10 81 19 0 65 29 6 64 36 0 64 MIDDLE 55 36 9 70 30 0 57 43 0 71 24 6 64 UM LU 43 57 0 91 9 0 54 46 0 75 25 0 64 OLD 55 36 9 83 17 0 65 31 4 76 20 4 NEW 23 77 0 74 26 0 50 50 0 61 39 0 RURAL 70 20 10 85 8 8 78 17 6 73 13 13 URBAN 27 68 5 74 26 0 52 45 3 66 34 0 OTTAWA 43 51 6 79 21 0 59 39 2 70 28 2 ALL TOT 48 45 7 77 21 2 61 35 4 68 28 4 12 Our data would seem to i n d i c a t e that the Canadianism [ b i n ] i s growing i n frequency of usage. Table 6.2.8 reveals that there i s a l a r g e genera-t i o n gap between the age groups>with the younger informants having con-s i s t e n t l y higher percentages f o r form A [ b i n ] , than d i d the older i n f o r -mants. The t a b l e f u r t h e r r e v e a l s that both [ b i n ] and [ b e n ] are ut t e r e d more f r e q u e n t l y from informants w i t h r u r a l backgrounds than from urban informants. A v i s , 1956, p.45 p o i n t s out that [ b i n ] i s most l i k e l y to be u t t e r e d i n s t r e s s e d p o s i t i o n . Form B [ b in ] i s the normal one i n unstressed p o s i t i o n i n both Northern American and Canadian E n g l i s h . 233 9. Blouse #88 Task; P i c t u r e : A. [b1aoz] B. [b l A u s ] or [b 1 aos ] Table 6.2.9 BLOUSE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A _ B A B A L WK LM 91 9 86 14 100 0 71 29 88 MIDDLE 91 9 100 0 100 0 94 6 97 UM LU 100 0 91 9 100 0 92 8 96 OLD 100 0 97 3 100 0 96 4 96 NEW 86 14 87 13 100 0 72 48 OTTAWA 94 6 92 8 100 0 86 14 A l l female informants pronounced t h i s v a r i a b l e [ b l a o z ] . Lower c l a s s males and informants w i t h new Canadian backgrounds had the highest scores f o r [ b l A u s ] or [ bIaos}. Value A. [ b l a o z ] , i s the only p r o n u n c i a t i o n given by the Concise Oxford D i c t i o n a r y . 10. Caramel #152, 153, 154 Task; Word l i s t : A. [keYamel] B. [ kaereme I ] C. [ kdreme I ] D. [ kdrmeI] Table 6.2.10 CARAMEL Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 44 22 22 11 94 0 0 6 75 13 6 6 78 0 11 11 6 MIDDLE 89 11 0 0 80 5 5 10 86 7 7 0 80 7 0 13 6 UM LU 31 62 8 0 90 10 0 0 67 33 0 0 45 45. 9 0 38 OLD 58 17 5 0 77 8 4 12 70 22 9 0 68 18 ' 0 14 NEW 42 33 17 8 100 0 0 0 84 11 0 5 69 15 15 0 OTTAWA 52 35 10 3 87 4 2 7 76 17 5 2 69 17 6 9 Form D [kdrmeI], a popular form i n the States and I r e l a n d , was not once u t t e r e d by any informant of the upper middle or lower upper cla s s e s i n Ottawa. A l s o evident from t h i s t a b l e i s the f a c t that the younger 234 informants c o l l a p s e [asr] to [ e r ] more than any other group. Form B [ ksereme I ] c o n s i s t e n t l y r e c e i v e d i t s highest scores from the upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s . CEU, pp.67, 68 provides divergent data on t h i s item. I t focuses on whether the v a r i a b l e has two or three s y l l a b l e s , and informants c l a i m a 48 percent frequency f o r form D. This question i n the SCE would have been d i f f i c u l t f o r the informants to answer. 11. Catching #530 Task; Reading: A. [ksetf i n ] B. [k e ' t j i n ] C. [k£tj I Q ] Table 6.2. 11 CATCHING Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C" A B C A L WK LM 91 9 0 70 25 5 83 11 6 69 31 0 77 MIDDLE 100 0 0 89 0 .6 86 0 14 100 0 0 93 UM LU 86 14 0 91 9 0 92 8 0 83 17 0 88 OTTAWA 92 9 0 82 12 6 87 7 6 85 15 0 Table 6.2.11 demonstrates that among the younger informants t h i s v a r i a b l e v a r i e s d i r e c t l y w i t h socio-economic s t a t u s . Further,the t a b l e shows that only young female informants lowered the /ee/ to [as]. The lower c l a s s e s scored higher than the other two c l a s s e s w i t h reference to /e/. There appears to be a common ph o n o l o g i c a l background among the lower and upper cl a s s e s which i s not shared by the middle c l a s s , see Chapter 5, p. 112 f o r some h i s t o r i c a l background to t h i s p o i n t . 235 12. Congratulate #191 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ kangraet Je I ei t ] B. [ k e n g r s d ^ a l e i t ] Table 6.2.12 CONGRATULATE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 36 64 14 86 28 72 14 86 22 MIDDLE 73 27 30 70 36 64 53 47 45 UM LU ' 79 21 45 55 69 31 58 42 64 OTTAWA 64 36 27 73 42 58 42 58 This variable has very strong and ordered socio-economic d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n for a l l four age and sex groups. The higher one moves up the so c i a l ladder, the more frequently one w i l l hear form A. In addition, one can see a very strong s h i f t i n usage between the two age groups. One could expect that the younger informants might s p e l l the word with a 'd'. The data i n CEU, page 91 substantiates our claim that t h i s variable i s undergoing a change with reference to age group. 13. Decal #222 Task; Word l i s t : D. [de*kal] A. [de5k9l] B. [de*kael ] C. [dfkal ] Table 6.2.13 DECAL Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 55 9 9 0 67 0 14 0 50 6 22 0 79 0 0 0 62 MIDDLE 27 27 0 9 75 5 5 5 43 14 7 0 71 12 0 12 58 UM LU 43 21 7 0 100 0 0 0 69 8 8 0 67 17 0 0 68 OLD 41 23 9 5 86 3 3 0 54 8 12 0 80 16 0 4 NEW 43 14 0 0 65 0 13 4 53 11 16 0 61 0 0 6 OTTAWA 42 19 6 3 77 2 8 2 53 9 13 0 72 9 0 5 236 Values A, B, and D are t y p i c a l l y Canadian; value C and [dakasl] are American. The major s o c i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e i s w i t h reference to age group. The younger informants have much higher scores f o r [de*kel ] than do the o l d e r informants. Again we have evidence of a Canadianism gaining i n stre n g t h . 14. Egg #55 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [ e i g ] B. [eg] C. [ e i g ] D. [ i i ! Table 6. 2.14 EGG Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 91 0 9 0 86 10 0 5 83 6 6 6 93 7 0 0 6 MIDDLE 82 18 0 0 90 10 0 0 79 21 0 0 94 6 0 0 13 UM LU 71 14 14 0 82 18 0 0 77 23 0 0 75 8 17 0 16 OTTAWA 81 11 8 0 87 12 0 2 80 16 2 2 88 7 5 0 No strong p a t t e r n of l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n i s evident i n t h i s data. Form A. [ e i g ] i s s t r o n g l y p r e f e r r e d by a l l s o c i o -l o g i c a l groups. The upper classes had the highest incidences of forms B and C. The scores f o r value D, / i i g / may be a few occurrences of per-formance e r r o r s . 13 See Gregg, 1957, p.23 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n on t h i s v a r i a b l e . 237 15. E i t h e r #179 Task; Word l i s t : A. [aiSar] B. [.f5ar] C. [aroar] Table 6.2.15 EITHER Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A H A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 36 55 9 29 71 0 39 61 0 21 71 7 31 MIDDLE 27 73 0 35 65 0 43 57 0 24 76 0 32 UM LU 57 43 0 36 64 0 62 38 0 33 67 0 48 OTTAWA 42 56 3 33 67 0 47 53 0 26 72 2 CEU, pp.78 and A v i s , 1956, pp. 51-52 a s s o c i a t e [ a i 5a r ] and T H 5ar] w i t h B r i t i s h and American E n g l i s h r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i s t y p i c a l of Ontario and Ottawa that both forms are used. The upper c l a s s e s , however, s t r i v e f o r the p r e s t i g i o u s p r o n u n c i a t i o n /aiSar/ more than the other c l a s s e s do. Notice that socio-economic c l a s s i s s t r o n g l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d among females, e s p e c i a l l y among o l d e r women; t h i s i s a r e c u r r i n g phenomenon i n our survey. Comparing the two age groups and the two sex groups i n UM LU we can see that the older informants and the.female informants c o n s i s t e n t l y -chose, the more pr e s t i g i o u s , form. 16. February #92, 93 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [ f £ b j u e r i ] ' B. [ f ^ b u e r i ] C. [ f e b r u e r i ] D. [ f e b a r i ] Table 6.2.16 FEBRUARY Age >. 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l , A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D C L WK LM 50 0 33 17 67 33 0 0 80 0 20 0 38 50 0 13 10 MIDDLE 17 33 50 0 50 17 17 17 0 60 20 20 57 0 43 0 25 UM LU 0 55 36 9 22 22 33 22 8 25 50 17 13 63 13 13 32 OTTAWA 17 35 39 9 48 26 15 11 33 22 33 11 35 39 17 9 238 Amomg a l l young informants and female informants the incidence of form C . [ f t f b r u e r i ] increased as we moved up the s o c i a l c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . We can a l s o see that [ f t f b j u e r i ] , the t y p i c a l l y American form, i s very popular among the lower c l a s s e s , but that t h i s p o p u l a r i t y diminishes r a p i d l y as we move up i n c l a s s . Form D [ f e f b e r i ] i s a form which does not have the secondary s t r e s s on the penultimate s y l l a b l e ; other examples of t h i s are the B r i t i s h forms s e c r e t a r y [ s £ * k r a t r i ] , l i b r a r y [ l a i b r i ] , m i l i t a r y [ r r u l a t r i ] , e t c . Form B [ f c f b u e r i ] enjoys a f a i r l y h i g h frequency. 17. F e r t i l e #196 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ f e r t a 11 ] B. [ f a r t a l ] C. [ f arde1 1] Table 6.2. 17 FERTILE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male Al] A B C A B: C. A B C. A B C A L WK LM 82 9 . 9 100 0 0 100 0 0 86 7 7 94 MIDDLE 36 64 0 90 10 0 71 29 0 71 29 0 71 UM LU 50 29 21 91 9 0 62 31 8 75 8 17 68 OLD 59 27 14 93 7 0. 85 12 4 72 20 8 NEW 50 43 7 96 4 0 74 26 0 83 11 6 OTTAWA 56 33 11 94 6 0 80 18 2 77 16 7 Our data demonstrate again that younger informants use the t y p i c a l l y Canadian form f a r more f r e q u e n t l y than.do the older informants. F u r t h e r , informants of the lower c l a s s e s use the t y p i c a l l y Canadian form more f r e q u e n t l y than do the other c l a s s e s . Both of these trends are the con-t r a r y to our i n i t i a l expectations. A v i s , 1956, p.46 provides f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n and data on t h i s v a r -i a b l e plus s e n i l e , v i r i l e , d o c i l e , f u t i l e , m i s s i l e , p r o j e c t i l e , and pro-f i l e . The 25 year p e r s p e c t i v e which h i s study now allows us shows us that - i l e [ a i l ] i s maintaining s t r e n g t h f o r most words and has gained i n f e r t i l e and f u t i l e . 239 18. F u t i l e #215 Task; Word l i s t : A. | : f j u t a i l ] B . [ f j u d e l ] C. [ f j u t e l ] Table 6.2. 18 FUTILE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A . B C A B C A B C A B C A L WE LM 80 10 10 95 •5 0 94 6 0 86 7 7 90 MIDDLE 82 0 18 90 0 10 86 0 14 88 0 12 87 UM LU 86 7 7 91 9 0 92 0 8 83 17 0 88 OLD 86 0 14 90 7 3 92 4 4 84 4 12 NEW 79 14 7 96 0 4 89 0 11 89 11 0 OTTAWA 83 6 11 92 4 4 91 2 7 86 7 7 Table 6.2.18 shows a high i n c i d e n c e of the t y p i c a l l y Canadian form / f j u t a i l / f o r a l l s o c i o l o g i c a l groups. As was the case w i t h ( f e r t i l e ) , the new Canadians over f o r t y years of age have lower scores than the s e v e r a l generation Canadians i n t h e i r use of t y p i c a l l y Canadian forms, but younger new Canadians surpass s e v e r a l generation Canadians i n the younger generation; t h i s p a t t e r n f r e q u e n t l y r e c u r s . 19. F i l m #237 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ f i l m ] B. [ f i l o m ] Table 6.2.19 FILM Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 45 55 76 24 61 39 71 29 66 MIDDLE 55 45 75 25 79 21 59 41 68 UM LU 86 14 82 18 92 8 75 25 84 OLD 55 45 72 28 69 31 60 40 NEW 79 21 83 17 84 16 78 22 RURAL 57 43 54 46 58 42 53 47 URBAN 59 41 81 19 76 24 72 28 OTTAWA 64 36 77 23 76 24 67 33 ALL TOT 58 42 75 25 69 31 66 34 240 Those concerned about the " p u r i t y " of the E n g l i s h language may be pleased to see that the younger informants conform much more f r e q u e n t l y to the p r e s c r i b e d standard than do the older informants and that new Canadians have c o n s i s t e n t l y higher scores f o r [ f i l m ] than do o l d Canadians. Females show the strongest socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Urban informants have higher scores f o r [ f i l m ] than do informants w i t h r u r a l backgrounds. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that a l l informants on Elm S t r e e t i n a working c l a s s d i s t r i c t of Ottawa pronounced t h e i r s t r e e t Ii lam/. No-where e l s e was elm recorded w i t h two s y l l a b l e s . 20. Garage #71, 72, 73, 74 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [garcb,] B. [ga~rd;$] C. [garse^] D. [ g rd^ ] Table 6.2.20 GARAGE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 60 0 20 20 33 47 13 7 36 36 27 0 44 33 0 22 25 MIDDLE 57 0 43 0 20 20 20 40 30 20 30 20 33 8 25 33 23 UM LU 33 25 33 8 50 50 0 0 42 42 17 0 38 25 25 13 32 OTTAWA 46 13 33 8 32 37 13 18 36 33 24 6 38 21 17 24 No c l e a r s o c i o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n emerges from our data. I t i s i n t e r -e s t i n g , however, that the popular Northern America form [grad^] and the popular B r i t i s h Columbia form [greedy] were not among the four most f r e -quently e l i c i t e d forms. 241 21. Generally #233 Task; Word L i s t : A. [ d^nara I i ] B. [d n^rali] C. [denarii] D. [d^enar lli] Table 6.2.21 GENERALLY Age •>• 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D D L WK LM 18 9 36 36 10 29 24 29 11 17 28 39 14 29 29 21 31 MIDDLE 45 18 0 27 15 10 15 50 21 29 0 36 29 0 18 47 42 UM LU 8 15 0 62 9 18 9 55 8 31 0 46 9 0 9 73 58 OTTAWA 23 14 11 43 12 19 17 42 13 24 11 40 19 10 19 45 The upper middle and lower upper c l a s s e s p r e f e r r e d value D, [ d ^ n a r l l i ] , over a l l other forms. The lower cl a s s e s had higher i n c i d e n c e of form C, [ d ^ e n a r l i ] , than d i d any other c l a s s ; the frequency of t h i s form C decreased sharply as one moved up the s o c i a l c l a s s e s . I t appears that excessive vowel and s y l l a b l e r e d u c t i o n i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s t i g -matized speech, c f . a n t i - l i e u t e n a n t , n a t u r a l l y , potato, recognize, r e g u l a r , and temperature. 22. Genuine #157 Task; Word L i s t : A. [ d ^ n j u a n ] B. [ d ^ n j uai n ] Table 6.2. 22 GENUINE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 36 64 29 71 17 83 50 50 31 MIDDLE 73 27 50 50 71 29 47 53 58 UM LU 79 21 55 45 69 31 67 33 68 RURAL 43 57 8 92 42 58 13 87 URBAN 73 27 49 51 48 52 66 34 OTTAWA 64 36 42 58 49 51 53 47 ALL TOT 58 42 39 61 46 54 49 51 242 A v i s , 1956, page 47, s t a t e s that form B i s heard widely i n s p i t e of i t s being p r o s c r i b e d f o r more than a century. He has a l s o s t a t e d to Prof e s s o r R.J. Gregg that he suspects i t of having higher currency among r u r a l people. Our data proves Avis c o r r e c t on both counts. I n a d d i t i o n to the above comments we can see that t h i s v a r i a b l e d i s p l a y s a great deal of socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , w i t h the lower cl a s s e s p r e f e r r i n g form B. 23. Hundred #576 Task; S e r i e s : A. [hXndred] B. [hXnCd)er"t ] C. [hXnrad] D. [ h A n d e r d ] Table 6.2.23 HUNDRED Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 56 11 11 22 63 11 16 11 72 6 17 6 40 20 10 30 60 MIDDLE 45 9 18 27 67 0 16 16 64 7 7 14 53 0 13 13 58 UM LU 67 8 17 0 63 0 25 13 83 8 8 0 38 0 38 13 65 OTTAWA 56 9 16 16 64 4 13 9 73 7 11 7 45 6 18 18 Ge n e r a l l y , the higher one goes up the socio-economic c l a s s system, the more one w i l l hear form A, [hXndred]; the lower one goes i n the socio-economic c l a s s e s , the more one w i l l hear form B, [hAn (d )a r t ] , 14 w i t h p o s s i b l e [d] d e l e t i o n , r metathesis and f i n a l d e v o i c i n g . Females had a much higher percentage f o r the p r e f e r r e d form, form A, than d i d the males. 243 24. Khaki #52 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. E - kd rk i ] B. E k a k i ] C. E k d k i ] D. unknown Table 6.2.24 KHAKI Age > 40 Age .< 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 64 27 9 0 17 44 0 11 38 19 6 13 31 62 0 0 35 MIDDLE 82 18 0 0 20 40 10 10 50 21 14 0 35 41 0 12 42 UM LU 93 7 0 0 55 18 9 18 85' 0 8 8 67 25 0 8 76 OLD 82 14 5 0 30 37 4 15 56 12 8 12 50 42 0 4 NEW 79 21 0 0 23 36 9 9 56 17 11 0 33 44 0 11 OTTAWA 81 17 3 0 27 37 6 12 56 14 9 7 43 43 0 7 Khaki pronounced [ k d r k i ] i s an e s t a b l i s h e d Canadianism current i n a l l s o c i a l l e v e l s i n Canada. In Table 6.2.24, we can see that t h i s item d i s p l a y s a great deal of socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h the lower c l a s s e s having c l o s e r t i e s to American usage. The younger generation i s d e f i n i t e l y moving away from t h i s Canadianism; there i s a 54 percent spread between the younger and o l d e r informants f o r t h i s value. The h i s t o r y of t h i s item may shed some l i g h t on t h i s s h i f t . K haki, which i s derived from Urdu khaki meaning 'dusty', was borrowed i n t o E n g l i s h i n the n i n e -teenth century by the B r i t i s h Army i n I n d i a . The Canadians adapted i t from the B r i t i s h ; they assumed that what they heard, E kdk i ], was a r e f l e c -t i o n of the r - l e s s speech of most B r i t a i n s , so they i n s e r t e d an _r. In B r i t a i n and Canada the khaki uniform i s of two types: f o r w i n t e r i t i s a heavy wool, which i s dark greenish-brown i n c o l o u r ; f o r the summer the uniform i s a l i g h t cotton c l o t h and beige i n c o l o u r . In the S t a t e s , how-ever, the winter khaki i s not known and the beige or tan coloured t r o p i c a l m i l i t a r y c l o t h i s c a l l e d [ k a e k i ] . For the past two or three decades at l e a s t , pants and j a c k e t s f o r teenagers have been made of t h i s chino f a b r i c i n s e v e r a l c o l o u r s . During one i n t e r v i e w a teenage informant got up from 244 her c h a i r , went to her c l o s e t and showed me her l a t e s t blue khakis [kaekiz]. This i s a s t r i k i n g example of l i n g u i s t i c change. The meaning of kh a k i had changed from a dark greenish brown colour to a l i g h t shiny c l o t h and s t y l e . A v i s , 1956, pp.43-44 s t a t e s that only 4 of 109 informants s a i d [ k s s k i ] ; t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s the greatest l i n g u i s t i c change we are able to see by comparing these two s t u d i e s . 25. L i b r a r y #84 Tasks; P i c t u r e s : A. [ l a i b r e r i ] B. [ l a i b e r i ] C. [ l a i b r i ] D. [ I a i bar i 3 Table 6.2.25 LIBRARY Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 18 27 36 18 76 24 0 0 50 28 11 11 64 21 14 0 56 MIDDLE 64 27 9 0 60 30 10 0 64 14 21 0 59 41 0 0 61 UM LU 29 21 43 7 82 9 0 9 46 15 23 15 58 17 25 0 52 OTTAWA 36 25 31 8 71 23 4 2 53 20 18 9 60 28 12 0 Table 6.2.25 demonstrates that the informants under f o r t y conform to the p r e s c r i b e d form A much more than the o l d e r informants do. The t a b l e a l s o r e v e a l s that the B r i t i s h form [ l a i b r i ] i s f a i r l y current among the informants over f o r t y but not among the younger informants. The form [ l a i b e r i ] i s found l e s s f r e q u e n t l y i n the upper c l a s s e s . The middle c l a s s over f o r t y years of age conforms much more to the present norm than the other two c l a s s e s do. 245 26. Lieutenant #147 Task; Word l i s t : A. [Ie f t e n a n t] B. [ l u t e n a n t ] C. [ l a t e ' n a n t Table 6.2.26 LIEUTENANT Ag ;e > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 45 45 9 14 86 0 28 72 0 21 71 7 25 MIDDLE 91 9 0 25 75 0 57 43 0 41 59 0 48 UM LU 71 29 0 40 60 0 69 31 0 45 55 0 58 OLD 68 32 0 21 79 0 46 54 0 36 64 0 NEW 71 21 7 27 73 0 53 47 0 35 59 6 OTTAWA 69 28 3 24 76 0 49 51 0 36 62 2 Our data demonstrate, that the B r i t i s h form [Ief tenant ] i s a pres-t i g i o u s form, f o r one sees that g e n e r a l l y the higher the c l a s s , the higher i s the percentage of i t s occurrence. Further, from our data we-see a strong s h i f t towards the American form among the younger informants The trend toward American forms i s very strong i n m i l i t a r y t e r m i n o l -ogy, see (khaki) and ( m i s s i l e ) . The o l d e r informants had contact w i t h the B r i t i s h m i l i t a r y i n World War I I , w h i l e the younger informants know the m i l i t a r y through American movies, news, and p r o t e s t s . Only lower c l a s s males u t t e r e d form C. Form C, [late'riant] i s B r i t i s h naval usage. CEU, p.73, a l s o d i s p l a y s a strong s h i f t among younger informants to the American form. 246 27. Luxury #129 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ l A g ^ e r i ] B. [ i X k J e r i ] C. [ I X k j r i ] Table 6.2.27 LUXURY Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C B L WK LM 9 82 9 5 95 0 6 94 0 7 86 7 91 MIDDLE 0 100 0 10 90 0 0 100 0 12 88 0 94 UM LU 0 100 0 9 91 0 0 100 0 8 92 0 96 OTTAWA 3 94 3 8 92 0 2 98 0 9 88 3 No p a t t e r n of l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n i s evident i n t h i s t a b l e . Form B enjoys over 82 percent frequency by a l l groups and sub-groups. Form C, [ l A k J Y i ] , w i t h deleted second s y l l a b l e was e l i c i t e d only from males of the lower c l a s s e s . Our data i s very s i m i l a r to that of CEU, pp.77-78. 28. M i r r o r #41 Task; P i c t u r e : A. [ m i r e r ] B. [ n u r ] C. [ m t r a l ] D. [nurou] Table 6.2.28 MIRROR Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 64 27 0 9 71 24 5 0 61 28 6 6 79 21 0 0 69 MIDDLE 100 0 0 0 75 25 0 0 86 14 0 0 82 18 0 0 84 UM LU 100 0 0 0 80 20 0 0 92 8 0 0 91 9 0 0 92 OTTAWA 89 8 0 3 75 24 2 0 78 18 2 2 83 17 0 0 Here we have a c l e a r case o f socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . The pr e s c r i b e d form [ m t r e r ] i s more f r e q u e n t l y e l i c i t e d as we moved up the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . The f o r m [ m i r ] increases i n frequency as we moved down the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . The forms [ m i r e l ] and [ r r u rou ] may r e s u l t from confusion w i t h the word 'mural'. 247 29. Missile #87 Task; Picture: A. [nusail] B. [misal] Table 6.2.24 MISSILE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 27 73 33 67 17 83 50 50 31 MIDDLE 30 70 26 74 17 83 35 65 28 UM LU 29 71 64 36 38 62 50 50 44 OLD 24 76 36 64 17 83 44 56 NEW 36 64 39 61 32 68 44 56 OTTAWA 29 71 37 63 23 77 44 56 The data for this variable are markedly different from the data for the variables (fertile) and ( f u t i l e ) . This fact reinforces our claim that the trend toward American forms is very strong in military termin-ology, see (khaki) and (lieutenant). The British form, [nusail], never-theless, ^-is growing in prestige among the upper class informants who are less than forty years old. Notice that most women opt for the American form. Males who have been in the Canadian Forces overwhelmingly choose the British form. See Avis, 1956, p.46 and CEU, pp.80-81, for further information and similar data on this variable. 248 30. Morning #440 Task; Reading: A. [mornt-n] B. [mo rnan ] C. [ m o r n i n ] Table 6.2.30 MORNING Ag e > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B : C A L WK LM 45 0 55 45 0 55 56 0 44 31 0 69 45 MIDDLE 64 0 36 42 0 58 50 0 50 50 0 50 50 UM LU 71 0 29 45 0 55 69 0 31 50 0 50 60 OTTAWA 61 0 39 44 0 56 58 0 42 44 0 56 Table 6.2.30 demonstrates that f o r the ol d e r informants, the pro-n u n c i a t i o n of the n o m i n a l i z i n g morpheme - i n g i s socio-economically d i f -f e r e n t i a t e d . For the younger informants there appears to be no c o r r e l a -t i o n to socio-economic c l a s s , as a l l c l a s s e s range between 55 to 58 percent f o r [ - i n ] . As i s o f t e n the case i n our survey, the female informants conform i n higher numbers to pr e s c r i b e d and c a r e f u l speech. Not one occurrence of [ a n ] was recorded. See v a r i a b l e (-ing) Chapter 5, f o r f u r t h e r reference. 31. M u l t i - ( n a t i o n a l ) #223 Task; Word l i s t : A. [mXl t l - ] B . [m A l t a i -] C. [ mAl Its-] Table 6. 2.31 MULTI-Age > 40 Age < <40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B c A B C A L WK LM 91 0 9 100 0 0 94 0 6 100 0 0 97 MIDDLE 91 0 9 95 5 0 100 0 0 88 6 6 94 UM LU 79 7 14 91 9 0 85 0 15 83 17 0 84 OLD 77 5 18 93 7 0 88 0 12 84 12 4 NEW 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 OTTAWA 86 3 11 96 4 0 93 0 7 91 7 2 249 A l l s o c i o l o g i c a l groups have hig h scores f o r value A. The upper c l a s s e s , however, c o n s i s t e n t l y have the lowest. Informants whose f a m i l i e s have been i n Canada f o r more than three generations have lower scores than new Canadians. Only people over f o r t y u t t e r e d [ m X l t a - ] . In a d d i t i o n there were three utterances of [ m A l d i - ] ; these are i n c l u d e d i n the [ m A ' l t i - ] s t a t i s t i c s . See v a r i a b l e s ( a n t i - ) and (semi-) f o r f u r t h e r reference. 32. Natv-rally #190 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ n s t j a r s l i ] B. [ n s e t j r a l i ] C. [ n s t j e r l i ] D. [ nast jor I I i ] Table 6.2.32 NATURALLY Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C. D A B C D A B C D A B C D D L WK LM 36 0 18 36 5 20 60 15 24 18 24 29 7 7 71 14 23 MIDDLE 45 9 27 18 15 20 50 5 14 36 36 14 35 0 47 6 10 UM LU Q 43 21 29 0 9 45 36 0 23 38 38 0 33 25 25 32 OTTAWA 25 19 22 28 8 18 53 16 14 25 32 27 16 12 49 14 We placed t h i s item i n the questionnaire h y p o t h e s i z i n g that forms D and C would show socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i . e . that the upper clas s e s would have the highest incidences of form D and that the lower classes would have the highest incidences of form C. Our data only p a r t i a l l y supports our hypothesis. Compare v a r i a b l e ( g e n e r a l l y ) Table 6.2.21; there our same hypothesis f a i r e d b e t t e r . 250 33. Ottawa #258, 259, and 260 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ndewb] B. [ntewib] C. [ndawa] D. [ddawe] Table 6.2.33 OTTAWA Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D B L WK LM 73 9 0 18 74 16 0 11 76 12 0 12 69 15 0 15 12 MIDDLE 57 29 14 0 56 13 25 6 50 30 20 0 62 8 23 8 13 UM LU 50 30 10 10 67 33 0 0 63 38 0 0 50 25 13 13 20 OTTAWA 61 21 7 11 66 17 10 7 66 23 6 6 62 15 12 12 How one pronounces the name of one's home town i s o f t e n an i n d i c a t o r of the standing one has w i t h i n that community. We can see from Table 6.2.33 that to begin Ottawa w i t h an [ a ] i s to r i s k being categorized i n t o the lower c l a s s e s , see e s p e c i a l l y the data f o r females and a l l informants under f o r t y . On the other hand to begin Ottawa w i t h an [ n ] followed by a [t] and ended w i t h an [x>] or a schwa i s to r i s k being taken f o r someone from R o c k c l i f f e or at l e a s t Clemow; [ndewb] i s n e u t r a l and n o n - d e s c r i p t i v e . Form C, [ndewe], i s employed only by upper and middle c l a s s informants whose f a m i l i e s had been i n Ottawa f o r s e v e r a l generations. 251 34. P i c t u r e s #36 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [ p i k j a r z ] B. [ p i t j a r z ] C. [ p i k d ^ a r z ] D. [ p i k t j a r z ] Table 6.2.34 PICTURES Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D C L WK LM 10 0 70 20 14 0 43 33 0 0 71 24 29 0 29 36 52 MIDDLE 27 0 45 27 15 0 80 5 29 0 57 14 12 0 76 12 68 UM LU 0 14 79 7 18 0 82 0 8 8 77 8 8 8 83 0 80 OTTAWA 11 6 66 17 15 0 65 15 11 2 68 16 16 2 63 16 Table 6.2.34 rev e a l s that a l l groups p r e f e r r e d value C, [ p i k d ^ a r z ] , and s u r p r i s i n g l y that only the upper middle and lower upper classes s a i d [ p i t j a r z ] . They a l s o had the lowest scores f o r the p r e s c r i b e d form, [ p i k t j a r z ] ; The highest score f o r [ p i k t j a r z ] was e l i c i t e d from males of the lower, working, and lower middle c l a s s e s . The upper cla s s e s con-s i s t e n t l y scored highest f o r value.C. Form C, [ p i k d 5 a r z ] , represents an extension of the m e d i a l / t / r u l e , i . e . post t o n i c t i s pronounced [d] a f t e r [k] and when par t of the a f f r i c a t e [d^]. See v a r i a b l e VtV i n Chapter 5 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of the medial / t / r u l e . i 252 35. Potato #369 Task; Reading: A. [peteido] B. [pedeido] Table 6.2.35 POTATO Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 36 64 75 25 61 39 62 38 61 MIDDLE 64 36 74 26 93 7 50 50 70 UM LU 79 21 73 27 92 8 58 42 76 RURAL 50 50 42 58 53 47 38 62 URBAN 59 41 76 24 82 18 58 42 IRISH 29 71 57 43 56 44 20 80 SCOTS 60 40 67 33 80 20 57 43 ENGLISH 75 25 73 27 88 13 55 45 FRENCH 0 100 75 25 33 67 100 0 OTHER 63 17 85 15 100 0 63 38 OTTAWA 61 39 74 26 80 20 56 44 ALL TOT 55 45 69 31 71 29 52 48 This v a r i a b l e occurred three times i n the qu e s t i o n n a i r e ; numbers 59-62 i n P i c t u r e s , numbers 244-247 i n Word l i s t and number 369-371 i n Reading. We have purposely chosen numbers 369-371 i n order to d i s p l a y the highest i n c i d e n c e of value B. Our data r e v e a l that among informants over f o r t y there i s very strong and ordered socio-economic c o - v a r i a t i o n , and that the p r o n u n c i a t i o n i s decreasing i n frequency among the younger informants. We can see that form B i s most prevalent among informants of I r i s h descent and that i t i s more common among those w i t h r u r a l back-ground. Males had much higher scores f o r form B than d i d females, and males w i t h I r i s h background recorded the top score of 80 percent. We e l i c i t e d only two occurrences of the s o f t , non-aspirated i n i t i a l [ b ] which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of I r i s h G a e l i c and I r i s h E n g l i s h . The Ottawa V a l l e y Survey should give us some i n t e r e s t i n g data f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . 253 36. Recognize #140 Task; Word l i s t : A. [rekegnaiz] B. [n £kenai z] T a b l e 6.2. 36 RECOGNIZE Age : > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 73 27 95 5 83 17 93 7 87 MIDDLE 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 UM LU 93 7 82 18 92 8 93 7 88 OTTAWA 89 11 94 6 91 9 93 7 The m i d d l e c l a s s conforms p e r f e c t l y t o the p r e s c r i b e d form w h i l i upper and lower c l a s s e s s t r a y o c c a s i o n a l l y from the mark. 37. Route #156 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ ru t ] B. . [ r A u i ] T a b l e 6.2. 37 ROUTE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A- B A B A B A L WK LM 73 27 90 10 89 11 79 21 84 MIDDLE 82 18 80 20 86 14 76 24 81 UM LU 93 7 100 0 100 0 92 8 96 OTTAWA 83 17 88 12 91 9 81 19 T a b l e 6.2.37 r e v e a l s a f a i r amount o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c v a r i a t i o n w i t h t h i s p r o n u n c i a t i o n item. V a l u e B which i s f r e q u e n t l y h e a r d i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s i s l i t t l e used by the upper c l a s s e s i n Ottawa, b u t i t en j o y s 24 to 27 p e r c e n t f r e q u e n c y among the lower and m i d d l e c l a s s e s . Gregg, 1973, pp.109-113 and our d a t a were s i m i l a r w h i l e the CEU, pp.87-88, i s c o n s i s t e n t l y 20 t o 30 p e r c e n t a g e p o i n t s lower f o r [ r u t ] . 254 38. Sandwiches #89, 90 and 91 Task; Pictures: A. [ saendw i t'Jez ] B. [ seenw i t j e z ] C. [seem (w)itjaz] Table 6.2.38 SANDWICHES -* Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B . C A B C A L WK LM 60 10 30 19 52 29 47 18 35 14 64 21 31 MIDDLE 75 25 0 32 53 16 36 55 9 50 38 13 43 UM LU 46 38 15 55 36 9 62 38 0 36 36 27 48 IRISH 80 20 0 25 50 25 57 14 29 33 67 0 SCOTS 63 25 13 33 44 22 75 25 0 38 38 23 ENGLISH 50 25 25 40 40 20 56 31 13 27 36 36 FRENCH 100 0 0 50 50 0 67 33 0 50 50 0 OTHER S 40 40 20 15 69 15 20 60 20 25 63 13 OTTAWA 58 26 16 31 49 20 49 34 17 34 46 20 Informants under forty years of age and female informants display ordered socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n with reference to form C. The s o c i o l o g i c a l pattern which we hypothesized for the retention or deletion of the [d] i s f u l l y realized only as applied to informants under forty. Two individuals pronounced this variable as [ saenwi t Jez ], which i s a Scottish form and which enjoys f a i r l y high frequencies among older people i n the Ottawa Valley. Compare this variable with (hundred) for d- deletion s t a t i s t i c s . 255 39. Schedule #125 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ Jffd^u 1 ] B. [skcfd^ul ] Table 6.2. 39 SCHEDULE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 36 64 24 76 17 83 43 57 28 MIDDLE 36 64 15 85 36 64 12 88 23 UM LU 57 43 18 82 54 46 25 75 40 OLD 45 55 17 83 38 62 20 80 NEW 43 57 22 78 26 74 33 67 OTTAWA 44 56 19 81 33 67 26 74 Value A [ J e ^ u I ], the current B r i t i s h v a r i a n t has been consciously promoted by the CBC as a p r e s t i g i o u s form. This seems to have had some e f f e c t on ol d e r informants of the upper c l a s s e s but very l i t t l e or a negative e f f e c t on younger people. In 1955 when A v i s d i d h i s survey, about 33 percent of h i s students opted f o r form A; today i n Ottawa the percentage f o r that same age group i s about h a l f that number. A v i s , 1956, o p . c i t . , pp.53,54, Gregg, 1973, pp.109-113 and CEU, pp.55-56 show even higher-frequencies for[sk£d^ul ]. 40. S e m i - ( c i r c l e ) #67 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ s£mi -] B. [ s 6 ma i - ] C.[s e'ma- ] Table 6. 2.40 SEMI-Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B c A L WK LM 82 9 9 100 0 0 94 0 6 93 7 0 94 MIDDLE 82 0 18 95 5 0 92 0 8 88 6 6 90 UM LU 93 0 7 82 18 0 100 0 0 75 17 8 88 OLD 82 5 14 96 4 0 96 0 4 84 8 8 NEW 93 0 7 91 0 0 95 0 5 89 11 0 OTTAWA 86 3 11 94 6 0 95 0 5 86 9 5 256 Table 6.2.40. demonstrates that form A [s£mi] i s the p r e v a i l i n g form f o r a l l s o c i o l o g i c a l groups. The two age groups and the two sex groups, however, d i s p l a y opposing socio-economic p a t t e r n s . Avis notes that i n the f i f t i e s , Americans were r e f e r r e d to as /se'maiz/ by Canadian teenagers; today, that usage i s unknown. See v a r i a b l e s ( a n t i - ) and ( m u l t i - ) f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n and references. 41. Sentence #119 Task; Word l i s t : A. [s£ntans] B. [st5?ns] C. [se'ntns] Table 6.2.41 SENTENCE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C L WK LM 18 64 18 48 43 10 MIDDLE 100 0 0 60 20 20 UM LU 50 43 7 82 18 0 OTTAWA 56 36 8 60 29 12 A B C A B C A 33 56 11 43 43 14 37 93 7 0 59 18 24 74 85 15 0 42 50 8 64 67 29 4 49 35 16 No c l e a r s o c i o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n i s evident. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see, however, that form B has a c o n s i s t e n t l y high score among groups of i n f o r -mants of the lower c l a s s e s . 257 42. Something #143 and 144 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ sXmGi r ) ] B. [sXmGin] C. [ s A m ? e n ] Table 6.2.42 SOMETHING Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B c A B c A B C A B c A L WK LM 36 45 18 84 16 0 67 22 11 67 33 0 63 MIDDLE 82 18 0 75 25 0 79 21 0 76 24 0 77 UM LU 71 29 0 70 30 0 69 31 0 73 27 0 71 OTTAWA 64 31 6 78 22 0 71 24 4 72 27 0 Form C, [ sXm?an] was e l i c i t e d only from women over 40 of the lower c l a s s e s . The m a j o r i t y of a l l groups read form A, [ s X m G i n ] , t h i s f a c t adds f u r t h e r evidence to the p a t t e r n that [-in#] i s p r e f e r r e d only as a v e r b a l , i . e . p r o gressive aspect and gerund morpheme. See item 30, morning f o r comparable data. 43. Toronto #s 254, 255, 256, and 257 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ t e n o i r t o ] - B. [ t e r d r r t o ] C. [ t e n o n d o ] D. [ t a n o n o ] Table 6.2.43 TORONTO Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D A L WK LM 50 40 Q 10 41 24 6 29 44 38 6 13 45 18 0 36 39 MIDDLE 36 55 9 0 33 28 28 11 57 36 0 7 13 40 40 7 32 UM LU 71 7. 21 0 44 44 11 0 69 31 0 0 50 10 40 0 56 OTTAWA 54 31 11 3 39 30 16 16 56 35 2 7 33 25 28 14 Form D, [ten$no] d i s p l a y s a f u l l y ordered socio-economic c o r r e l a t i o n ; i t r e c e i v e d i t s highest scores from the informants of the lower, working, and lower middle c l a s s e s ; the middle c l a s s had fewer instances of t h i s form and the upper c l a s s e s d i d not have any occurrences at a l l . Form C , 258 rece i v e d i t s highest scores from older males. Forms A and B show no c l e a r s o c i o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n . The form [ t r d n a ] heard f r e q u e n t l y among the working c l a s s i n the c i t y of Toronto was not once read by our n a t i v e Ottawans. 44. Temperature #158 Task; Word l i s t : A. [ t empa ra t J a r ] B. [ te'mprat J a r ] C. [ te'mpart J a r ] D. [ te'mpat J a r ] Table 6.2.44 Age > 40 A B C D L WK LM 0 64 0 36 MIDDLE 27 36 0 36 UM LU 7 50 14 14 OTTAWA 11 50 6 28 TEMPERATURE Age < 40 Female A B C D 0 40 5 55 0 55 20 25 9 64 0 27 2 51 10 37 A B C D 0 59 0 41 14 43 7 36 8 69 8 8 7 57 5 30 Male A B C D 0 36 7 57 6 53 18 24 8 42 8 33 5 44 12 37 A l l B 48 48 Form A appears to be a reading p r o n u n c i a t i o n which i s i n f r e q u e n t l y pronounced even i n t h i s task. The p r e v a i l i n g form i s B f o r a l l groups. Form D i s favoured by the lower c l a s s e s more than by any other group; the lower cl a s s e s tend to reduce (and eli m i n a t e ) s y l l a b l e s more than other c l a s s e s . Excessive use of t h i s r e d u c t i o n r e s u l t s i n st i g m a t i z e d speech. 259 45. Vase #37 Task; P i c t u r e : A. [vnz ] B . [vaz] C. [ v e i z ] D. [ v e i s ] Table 6.2.45 VASE Age > i 4 0 Age < t 40 Female Male A l l A B C D A B C D A B C D A B C D C L WK LM 64 36 0 0 14 33 48 5 44 33 22 0 14 36 43 7 31 MIDDLE 38 64 18 0 15 45 40 0 21 71 7 0 12 35 53 0 32 UM LU 36 29 36 0 9 55 36 0 38 31 31 0 8 50 42 0 36 OLD 36 36 27 0 14 48 38 0 35 46 19 0 12 40 48 0 NEW 43 50 7 0 13 35 48 4 37 42 21 0 11 39 44 6 OTTAWA 39 42 19 0 13 42 42 2 36 44 20 0 12 40 47 2 Table 6.2.45 rev e a l s that the American form, form D, i s r a r e l y used i n Ottawa. The Canadian form, formC, enjoys widespread use i n Ottawa w i t h younger informants and male informants having the highest scores. Form B [ v a z ] w i t h an unrounded back open vowel i s more frequent than the form [ V D Z ] . Forms A and B were more f r e q u e n t l y e l i c i t e d from females and older informants than from t h e i r counterparts. The p r o n u n c i a t i o n [veez] was not recorded. A v i s , 1956, p.43, Gregg, 1974, pp.108-113 and CEU, p.58, and we agree on about 30 percent f o r [ v e i z ] , Gregg and we agree on 60 to 70 percent f o r forms A and B combined w h i l e Av i s and CEU had 40 and 30 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . This was undoubtedly a d i f f i c u l t v a r i a b l e to deal w i t h through a p o s t a l q u e s t i o n n a i r e . 260 46. Weren't #167 Task; Word l i s t : A. [warnt ] B . [ wernt ] Table 6.2. 46 WEREN' T Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B B L WK LM 91 9 95 5 94 6 93 7 6 MIDDLE 91 9 84 11 86 7 88 13 10 UM LU 86 14 91 9 77 23 100 0 12 RURAL 85 15 77 23 74 26 93 7 URBAN 82 18 93 5 85 12 94 6 OTTAWA 89 11 90 8 87 11 93 7 ALL TOT 83 17 89 9 81 17 93 7 Table 6.2.46. e s t a b l i s h e d that there i s a moderate currency of form B, [weYnt ], throughout s o c i e t y i n Ottawa. This form has an average o v e r - a l l percentage of about 13 percent w i t h higher percentages among females of the upper c l a s s e s . Form B i s a l s o more popular among those informants w i t h r u r a l background. The word 'were', item #600, was noted to be pro-nounced [wer] about 6 percent of the time but only when i n a s t r e s s e d p o s i t i o n . The forms [-weYnt] and [wer] enjoyed , s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher frequencies, 40 and 46 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n our Ottawa V a l l e y urban centres of Renfrew and Smith's F a l l s . The r u r a l area of the Ottawa V a l l e y undoubtedly would y i e l d even higher frequencies. The high frequencies of these forms i n the r u r a l p o r t i o n of the Ottawa V a l l e y , a unique d i a l e c t pocket area, may have caused Ian P r i n g l e , co-worker of the Ottawa V a l l e y Survey, to assume t h i s usage f o r the m a j o r i t y of Canadians.^ In f a c t , [weYnt] and [wer] are m i n o r i t y usage forms. R.J. Gregg estimates 18 a l e s s than 5 percent frequency f o r [weY] and [weYnt] i n Vancouver. No other data are a v a i l a b l e f o r comparison concerning t h i s v a r i a b l e . 261 47. Wilson #339 Task; Reading: A. [ w i l s e n ] B. [ w i l t s e n ] Table 6.2.47 WILSON Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 82 18 100 0 94 6 92 8 94 MIDDLE 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 0 100 UM LU 86 14 100 0 85 15 100 0 92 RURAL 80 20 92 8 74 26 100 0 URBAN 86 14 100 0 . 94 6 97 3 OTTAWA 89 11 100 0 93 7 98 2 ALL TOT 83 17 98 2 87 13 98 2 We can see from t h i s t a b l e that the i n t r u s i v e ' t ' at l e a s t i n t h i s p o s i t i o n i s dying out among the younger generation. I t has f a i r l y h i g h currency among o l d e r females and e s p e c i a l l y among r u r a l females. The i n t r u s i v e ' t ' does not appear to be l o s i n g ground i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n i n words such as f a l s e , sense, and fence. Further we recorded four instances of across pronounced as [akrnst^a form very common i n eastern Michigan. 48. Zebra #48 Task; P i c t u r e s : A. [ z f b r e ] B. [ z£bre] Table 6.2.48 ZEBRA Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 80 20 100 0 94 6 92 8 94 MIDDLE 82 18 95 5 93 7 88 12 90 UM LU 86 14 100 0 92 8 92 8 92 OLD 76 24 97 3 88 12 88 13 NEW 93 7 100 0 100 0 94 6 OTTAWA 83 17 98 2 93 7 90 10 262 A v i s ' surveys i n 1949-50 and 1954-5 r e v e a l that the m a j o r i t y of h i s 19 informants chose form B [z£bre]; t h i s i s d e f i n i t e l y not the case today i n Ottawa. Our informants over f o r t y years of age averaged only 17 per-cent f o r [ze'bre] and our informants under f o r t y averaged only 2 percent. The study i n the Kootenays r e v e a l s a s i m i l a r d e c l i n e i n percentages f o r [ze'bra] from the o l d e r generation's, 35 percent, to the teenagers' 6 per-20 cent. For comparative data see: A v i s , 1956, pp.44-45 and Gregg, 1973, pp. 112-113. 3. Vocabulary The v a r i a b l e s i n t h i s category were s e l e c t e d as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e samples of l e x i c a l items which have long been considered t y p i c a l l y Canadian i n usage, meaning, or frequency. The terms of reference remain Canadian E n g l i s h versus Northern American E n g l i s h . We hypothesize that the data w i l l r e v e a l s o c i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h reference to age group and p o s s i b l y generation group more than to any socio-economic c r i t e r i a . 1. C h e s t e r f i e l d #42 Task; P i c t u r e : I d e n t i f y by name a l a r g e piece of f u r n i t u r e which can seat three to four people. A. s o f a B. c h e s t e r f i e l d C. couch Table 6.3.1 CHESTERFIELD Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C B L WK LM 18 55 27 24 19 57 11 44 44 36 14 50 31 MIDDLE 27 73 0 35 40 25 36 50 14 29 53 18 52 UM LU 14 79 7 27 36 36 15 62 23 25 58 17 60 OLD 23 59 18 28 34 38 19 50 31 32 40 28 NEW 14 86 0 30 26 43 21 53 26 28 44 28 OTTAWA 19 69 11 29 31 40 20 51 29 30 42 28 263 Our data r e v e a l a strong d r i f t away from c h e s t e r f i e l d towards s o f a and couch among those informants l e s s than 40 years of age. Avis i n 1955 recorded that up to 88.8 percent of h i s informants chose c h e s t e r f i e l d . In general, young people seem to have f a r fewer l e x i c a l Canadianisms i n t h e i r speech than o l d e r people. The three choices have somewhat d i f f e r e n t meanings according to a s i z a b l e m i n o r i t y of those sampled. C h e s t e r f i e l d i s a p r e s t i g e piece of f u r n i t u r e f o r the l i v i n g room; couch i s a piece of f u r n i t u r e f o r r e l a x -a t i o n i n ' t h e r e c r e a t i o n room and s o f a i s the n e u t r a l term. We can see that there i s some ordered socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h regard to t h i s l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e . A l s o i n t e r e s t i n g to note i s the f a c t that 86 percent of the informants w i t h new Canadian background who were over 40 s a i d c h e s t e r f i e l d w h i l e young informants w i t h new Canadian backgrounds chose couch and s o f a . Females conformed i n higher percentages to the Canadian usage than d i d males. Davenport, a very frequent form i n Michigan,was mentioned only two times and i n both cases i t was a t h i r d or f o u r t h choice. See A v i s , 1955, pp.13-18, Gregg, 1973, pp.110-116, and CEU, pp.106-107 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n and s l i g h t l y divergent data concerning t h i s v a r i a b l e . 264 2. B l i n d s #51 Task; P i c t u r e : I d e n t i f y by name an opaque c l o t h on a r o l l e r which when r o l l e d down i n a window prevents l i g h t from e n t e r i n g or l e a v i n g . A. B l i n d s B. Shades Table 6.3.2. BLINDS Age > 40 Age • < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 82 18 60 40 67 33 69 31 68 MIDDLE 80 20 60 40 85 15 53 47 67 UM LU 93 7 45 55 77 23 67 33 72 OLD 86 14 54 46 76 24 58 42 NEW 86 14 61 39 74 26 67 33 OTTAWA 86 14 57 43 75 25 62 38 Again , we see that the two age : groups d i s p l a y a 30% d i f f e r e n c e : t h e i r o v e r a l l age scores. A v i s ' data i n 1955 provide us w i t h a quarter century's time p e r c e p t i o n ;< he recorded that then 94 .5 percent of h i s informants chose b l i n d s , . Our data r e v e a l that our informants over 41 years of age averaged 86 percent, but younger informants averaged only 57 percent. We n o t i c e f u r t h e r from our data that we more f r e q u e n t l y e l i c i t e d the Canadianism from females than from males. See A v i s , 1955, pp.15-16 and Gregg, 1973, pp.108-115 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n and g e n e r a l l y s i m i l a r data on t h i s v a r i a b l e . 265 3. Brush ( f o r chalk board) #63 Task; P i c t u r e : I d e n t i f y by name the f e l t instrument used to cle chalk boards. A. brush B. eraser Table 6.3. 3 BRUSH Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 64 36 57 43 72 28 43 57 59 MIDDLE 64 36 85 15 86 14 71 29 74 UM LU 50 50 70 30 54 46 64 36 58 OLD 64 36 83 17 73 27 76 24 NEW 50 50 55 45 68 32 35 65 OTTAWA 58 42 71 29 71 29 59 40 This v a r i a b l e and zed are the only two' vocabulary f t ems c l a s s i f i e d as Canadianisms which rec e i v e d higher scores from informants under 40 than from those over 40. "Informants whose f a m i l i e s have been i n Canada s e v e r a l generations had consist/gntly higher scores than d i d the-newer Canadians. No other s t u d i e s of t h i s v a r i a b l e are extant. Americans do not understand-the Canadian* us age of form A. 266 4. Orange #322 Task; L o c a l words and usage: Question: What colours are the l i g h t s i n a t r a f f i c l i g h t ? A. orange B. y e l l o w C. amber (or caution) Table 6.3.4 ORANGE Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B C A B C A B C A L WK LM 27 55 18 15 80 5 22 61 17 15 85 0 19 MIDDLE 36 36 27 32 42 26 29 43 29 38 38 25 33 UM LU 38 54 8 27 64 9 33 67 0 33 50 17 33 RURAL 35 55 10 8 75 17 22 61 17 29 64 7 URBAN 32 45 23 26 57 17 30 52 18 26 55 19 IRISH 29 57 14 14 86 0 22 67 11 20 80 0 SCOTS 30 50 20 44 56 0 20 80 0 43 43 14 ENGLISH 33 50 17 20 53 27 38 44 19 9 64 27 FRENCH 0 100 0 25 50 25 0 67 33 50 50 .0 OTHER 60 20. 20 23 62 15 30 50 20 38 50 13 OTTAWA 34 49 17 24 62 14 27 57 16 29 56 15 ALLTOT 33 50 17 22 61 17 27 55 18 27 58 16 Throughout the Ottawa Valley,, i n c l u d i n g the c i t i e s of Ottawa and" Montreal,one f r e q u e n t l y hears t a l k of "running an orange l i g h t " . Our 2' data demonstrates that the usage of 'orange' i s indeed considerable. We can see, however, that t h i s usage i s waning among the younger i n f o r -mants. No other s o c i o l o g i c a l patterns are evident. I t i s noteworthy that s e v e r a l informants o f f e r e d 'caution' as a colour. This item has not been i n v e s t i g a t e d i n previous s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h Canadian E n g l i s h . 267 5. Taps #80 Task; P i c t u r e : I d e n t i f y by name a combined hot and col d water o u t l e t i n a bathroom s i n k . A. tap( s) B. faucet Table 6.3. 5 TAPS Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B B L WK LM 73 27 52 48 72 28 43 57 41 MIDDLE 64 36 65 35 71 29 59 41 36 UM LU 71 29 36 64 54 46 58 42 44 OLD 77 23 69 31 81 19 64 36 NEW 57 43 35 65 47 53 39 61 OTTAWA 69 31 54 46 67 33 53 47 Table 6.3.5. r e v e a l s no systematic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n according to socio-economic c l a s s . We n o t i c e , however, that the o l d e r informants and females had much higher scores f o r tap(s) than d i d the younger informants and males, r e s p e c t i v e l y . New Canadians c o n s i s t e n t l y had 20 to 40 po i n t s higher f o r the American value faucet than d i d informants whose'family had been i n Canada f o r s e v e r a l generations. Valve and s p i g o t - a l s o c l a s s i f i e d as Americanisms - were never mentioned as p o s s i b l e answers. Almost a l l informants who were asked supplementary questions i n d i c a t e d that the outside o u t l e t f o r the garden hose was c a l l e d a tap and that a separate i n d i v i d u a l o u t l e t f o r hot or cold water i n a k i t c h e n or bath-room s i n k was c a l l e d a tap. When comparing other data f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e , A v i s , 1956, p.18, Gregg, 1973, i t i s important to r e a l i z e that these t e c h n i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s were not h e l d constant i n the v a r i o u s surveys on Canadian E n g l i s h . 268 6. Past versus A f t e r #s 101,; 102, 103 Task; P i c t u r e : What time i s i t on t h i s clock? (11:15) A. quarter past B. quarter a f t e r Table 6. ,3.6. PAST VERSUS AFTER Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 11 89 5 90 6 88 7 93 7 MIDDLE 27 73 20 75 36 57 12 88 23 UM LU 33 67 63 38 58 42 25 75 45 OTTAWA 25 75 20 76 31 64 13 87 A l l columns i n d i c a t e a strong and ordered socio-economic d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . The higher the c l a s s the higher the score f o r past, the t y p i c a l l y B r i t i s h form. G e n e r a l l y , however, our Ottawans p r e f e r r e d a f t e r . Again, females and those over 40 had the highest scores f o r the B r i t i s h form. Comparative data are not a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . 7. Railway Crossing #68 Task; P i c t u r e : I d e n t i f y by name the j u n c t i o n of a road and t r a i n t r a c k s . A. ra i l w a y c r o s s i n g B. r a i l r o a d c r o s s i n g C. l e v e l c r o s s i n g Table 6.3,7. RAILWAY CROSSING Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B C A B: C A B C A B C A L WK LM 45 55 0 62 38 0 50 50 0 64 36 0 56 MIDDLE 36 64 0 45 45 10 43 57 0 41 47 12 42 UM LU 79 21 0 55 45 0 62 38 0 75 25 0 68 OTTAWA 56 44 0 54 42 4 51 49 0 58 37 5 269 No ordered, l i n e a r s o c i o l o g i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n i s evident f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e . Railway i s g e n e r a l l y considered B r i t i s h and r a i l r o a d American; our informants seemed to share these two v a r i a n t s almost e q u a l l y . L e v e l  c r o s s i n g i s the normal B r i t i s h term i n current usage. 8. Z #108 Task; P i c t u r e s : Please read these l e t t e r s out, H, W, X, Y, Z. A. zed B. zee Table 6.3.8. ZED Age > 40 Age < 40 Female Male A l l A B A B A B A B A L WK LM 64 36 86 14 78 22 79 21 78 MIDDLE 82 18 95 5 93 7 88 12 90 UM LU 93 7 82 18 92 8 83 17 88 OLD 73 27 97 3 85 15 88 12 NEW 93 7 78 22 89 11 78 22 OTTAWA 81 19 88 12 87 13 84 16 Our data r e v e a l s that a higher percentage of our informants aged 16 to 39 s a i d zed than d i d those over 40. Almost a l l who commented on t h i s v a r i a b l e f e l t that American c h i l d r e n ' s programs such as Sesame S t r e e t would change the usage p a t t e r n f o r the next generation. For informants over 40, t h i s v a r i a b l e had r e g u l a r socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , w i t h the American value zee r e c e i v i n g i t s highest scores from the lower c l a s s e s and the B r i t i s h value zed o b t a i n i n g i t s highest scores from the upper c l a s s e s . See A v i s , 1956, p.50 and CEU, pp.59-60 f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n and q u i t e s i m i l a r data concerning t h i s v a r i a b l e ; i t appears as though zed has l o s t 10 percentage p o i n t s over a quarter of a century. 270 4 • Summary Cross-Analysis The data f o r the 71 l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a b l e s presented i n t h i s chapter provide us w i t h evidence of the c o - v a r i a t i o n of grammatical, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary items on the one hand and s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters on the other. Although Canadian E n g l i s h i s considered to be q u i t e uniform from the Ottawa R i v e r to the P a c i f i c , the v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n a given c i t y , i n t h i s case Ottawa, i s s u b s t a n t i a l . This v a r i a t i o n i s c o r r e l a t e d c l o s e l y to the s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s of socio-economic c l a s s , age, and sex. So f a r i n t h i s chapter, we have analysed each l i n g u i s t i c item i n d i v i d u a l l y w i t h reference to the s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s mentioned and o c c a s i o n a l l y augmented by other f a c t o r s such as e t h n i c background, r u r a l versus urban background, and new Canadian versus s e v e r a l generation Canadian background. We w i l l now conduct a c r o s s - a n a l y s i s of the same data by f o c u s i n g on the s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . a s reference p o i n t s , thus grouping together the l i n g u i s t i c items. Grammar The grammar s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter contains data which most s t r o n g l y d i s p l a y s ordered socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . These data, t h e r e f o r e , support our hypothesis t h a t , f o r many items, the l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the socio-economic status of the speaker. From our data i n Table 6.4.1, we can see that c l e a r socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and l i n e a r ordering occurred i n 13 of the 15 v a r i a b l e s . This s t r a t i f i c a -t i o n occurred w i t h reference to the f o l l o w i n g v a l u e s : 6 7 1. Between John and me; 3. Eh ; 4. Eh ; 5. Fewer; 6. Have you got; 271 8. I f you had; 9. L i e , Lay; 10. L i e , Lay, L a i n ; 11. ?not? 12. Past P e r f e c t ; 13. Sneaked; 14. Subject/verb agreement; and 15. Take. We rank ordered the socio-economic groupings by g i v i n g a 1 to the group w i t h the highest frequency, a 2 to the group w i t h the second highest frequency, and a _3 to the group w i t h the lowest frequency of the p r e f e r r e d v a l u e . Table 6.4.1. GRAMMAR BY SOCIAL CLASS Highest Frequency of P r e s c r i b e d Value (rank ordered) Class/Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 T L WK LM 3 2 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 43 MIDDLE 2 3 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 32 UM LU 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 15 Furthe r , Table 6.4.1. re v e a l s p a r t i a l o r d e r i n g f o r values 2. Ju s t  between you and me, and 7. I f i t were. When we add the rank scores, we f i n d UM LU i n f i r s t place w i t h 15 p o i n t s , MIDDLE i n second place w i t h 32 p o i n t s , and L WK LM i n l a s t place w i t h 43 p o i n t s . The data i n Table 6.4.1. present a strong case f o r socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Canadian E n g l i s h , and they demonstrate the need f o r i n c l u d i n g socio-economic parameters i n fu t u r e d i a l e c t s t u d i e s of Canadian E n g l i s h . I n a d d i t i o n to t h i s a n a l y s i s on socio-economic c l a s s , we undertook an a n a l y s i s of the Grammar items according to the four sex and age groups. 272 Table 6.4.2. GRAMMAR BY SEX AND AGE GROUP Highest Frequency of P r e f e r r e d Value (rank ordered) Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 T 0 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 21 F 2 1 2 3 2 4 2 2 2 2 3 4 2 2 4 37 M 3 4 3 2 3 1 3 3 3 3 2 1 2 2 1 38 Y 4 2 4 4 4 3 4 4 4 . 4 4 3 4 4 2 54 F = Female 0 Over 40 years o l d M = Male Y = Under 40 years o l d These data r e v e a l that the informants over 40 years of age had the highest frequencies of the p r e f e r r e d values of the f i f t e e n v a r i a b l e s . When we add the rank score f o r a l l the items, we see that the informants over 40 years of age were f i r s t w i t h 21 p o i n t s , females were second w i t h 37 p o i n t s , males next w i t h 38 p o i n t s , and informants under 40 years of age were l a s t w i t h 54 p o i n t s . The f a c t that the younger informants placed f o u r t h i s no doubt d i s c o n c e r t i n g to parents and educators, but t h i s may only be the r e s u l t of an age r o l e which changes as one grows o l d e r . We note the closeness i n scores between the males and females; only w i t h i n t h i s s e c t i o n of grammar items do males score close to females. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that males had the highest scores f o r the time and space r e l a t i o n s h i p s f o r items 12. Past P e r f e c t and 15. Take, w h i l e 22 females had the lowest ranking f o r these two items. Generation Gap. • A l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e i n scores, at l e a s t 20%, f o r informants over 40 versus informants under 40, i . e . pre W W I I and post W W I I r e s p e c t i v e l y , i s r e f e r r e d to as a generation gap i n t h i s study'. A generation gap was revealed f o r : 1. Between John and me; 5. Fewer; 6. Have you got; 7. I f i t were; 8. I f you had; 9. L i e , Lay; 10. L i e , Lay, L a i n ; and 13. Sneaked. 273 For a l l items, we n o t i c e that the younger informants were moving away from the p r e s c r i b e d values. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by Sex Females had a 21 percent higher frequency f o r form A of 7. I f i t were. Word Pr o n u n c i a t i o n In Chapter 5 we analysed twenty-seven p h o n o l o g i c a l segments i n order to determine the c o - v a r i a t i o n of these items w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l parameters. In t h i s p o r t i o n of t h i s chapter, we w i l l analyse' the choice of phono-l o g i c a l segments associated w i t h p a r t i c u l a r words. Most of these words come from the t r a d i t i o n a l Canadian E n g l i s h s t u d i e s such as the SCE, Avis 23 1955, Gregg and Poison. These words were chosen for. the above x mentioned s t u d i e s mainly f o r t h e i r a b i l i t y to r e v e a l d i f f e r e n c e s between American and Canadian speech, d i f f e r e n c e s between B r i t i s h and Canadian speech, and to r e v e a l trends i n l i n g u i s t i c change f o r comparing the speech patterns of the d i f f e r e n t generations, sexes, and provinces' w i t h i n Canada. We w i l l now conduct an a n a l y s i s of our data, applying our s o c i o -l o g i c a l parameters as reference p o i n t s . Socio-economic S t r a t i f i c a t i o n Table 6.4.3 d i s p l a y s the rank ordering of the three c l a s s groupings as determined by the frequency of pr o n u n c i a t i o n of the p r e f e r r e d value f o r each p r o n u n c i a t i o n v a r i a b l e . 274 Table 6.4.3. PRONUNCIATION BY CLASS Highest Frequency of P r e f e r r e d Value (rank ordered) Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 "L. WK LM 3 3 1 2 3 3 2 1 3 2 3 3 2 3 3 3 1 1 3 2 3 3 2 3 MIDDLE 1 1 2 3 2 2 3 1 1 :'l 1 2 3 2 2 2 2 3 2 3 2 2 3 2 UMLU 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 Table 6.4.3 continued Item 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 T L W K L M 2 3 3 3 2 3 1 2 3 3 3 3 2 3 2 1 3 3 2 2 3 3 2 1 116 MIDDLE 1 2 2 2 3 2 2 3 2 2 2 1 3 2 3 2 .1 1 3 2 2 2 1 3 97 UMLU 3 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 1 1 3 2 69 Our data r e v e a l the f o l l o w i n g p r o n u n c i a t i o n values had ordered co-v a r i a t i o n w i t h socio-economic c l a s s : 5. [sasfalt], 6. [nnt] and [ant], 12. [ kengrat jaleit ], 14. [eg], 15. [atoar], 16. [fe'brueri], 19. [film]-, •21. [d^enarl I i ], 22. [d^njuan], "24. [ korki ], .26,1 I ef tenant ],. 27..[ I Xkferi ], 28. \[miYar ], 30. [morninj, 33.. [ pt.?WT> ],. 34...~fe&k<d;3ar z.], 35. [pateido], 38. [ seandw it Jaz ], 45. [veiz] , and 46. [weYnt]. This a n a l y s i s i n d i c a t e s that 20 of the 48 pr o n u n c i a t i o n items demonstrated ordered socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n w h i l e 24 other items revealed p a r t i a l socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Four items^ namely 3. [aenti-] , 17. [fartai l] , 31. [mXlti-] , and 40. [s£mi-], demonstrated ordered socio-economic d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n contrary to that hypothesized f o r them. The sum t o t a l s of the rank o r d e r i n g f o r each item adds up to 69 po i n t s f o r UM LU, 97 po i n t s f o r MIDDLE, and 116 poi n t s f o r L WK LM. Although our data demonstrated the general trend of socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which was hypothesized, our data a l s o suggest that our l i s t of vocabulary items, taken from o l d e r and r u r a l surveys, needs some r e v i s i o n . 275 Stigmatized Forms The following values had frequency scores which stood out in the four sex and age groups of the lower, working, and lower middle classes and have been categorized as probable stigmatized forms: 5. [aezfalt], 8. [ben], 12. [ kengresd^aleit ], 16. [fe'bjueri], 19. [filam] , 20. [greedy], and [grad^] , 21. [denarii] , 22. [ d^cfnjuain ] , 23. [ hAn(d)art ], -25. [ l a i b e r i ] , 28. [mir] , [miral] and [mi*rou], 30. [mornan], 35. [padeido], 38. [ s'sern(w).i t j ]-arid •[ saeQwit J,], 41. [se?ns], 42. [s/\m?an] and 43. [t(a)r&no]. In addition, the data for the forms 36. [rdkanaiz] and 37. [raot] showed a partial pattern of socio-economic differentiation which would lead one to categorize these values as possible stigmatized forms. Contrary to expectations, the value 34. [pitjar] for picture was 24 pronounced only by the upper middle and lower upper classes. Prestige Forms The following values stand out as prestige pronunciations because of their higher frequencies among the upper middle and lower upper classes: 6. [rmt ] and[ant], 7. [beelkani], 15. [aiSar], 21. [ d^narl I i ], 24. [kdrki], and [kdki], 26. [ I ef te'nant ], 32. [ nset Jar I I i ], 33. [ntawc], 39. [ J e ^ u l ] , 43. [tarcnto] and 45. [VDZ] and [vaz]. Generation Gap A large number of the variables, 29 of 48, were especially well suited to the task of demonstrating the differences in usage between the age groups. The values which were distinguished by their higher frequencies among the older informants are: 1. [aefraka], 4. '[ ei prakcis ], 5. [aesfalt] 276 and [ a e z f a l t ] , 8. [ben], 10. [ k a e r a m e l ] , 15. [aioar], 19. [ f i ' l a m ] , 20. [gsra^], 24. [korki] , 25. [ l a i b r i ] , 26. [ I efferent ], 30. [ m o r n i n ] , 31. [ m A l t a - ] , 35. [ p a d e i d o ] , 38. [ seendw i t f a z ], 39. [J^d^ul], 40. [se'ma-], 45. [ v n z ] , 47. [w i I t s a n ] a n d . 48. [ z £ b r a ] . Conversely, the values which had usage patt e r n s p e c u l i a r to the informants under 40 years of age are: 5. [aeJfDlt ], 8. [bin], 12. [kangrad^aleit], 13. [de"kal], 16. [feYjueri ], 17. [faYtail], 22. [d^njuam], 28. [mir], 32. [natjarli], 43. [ t ( a ) r d n o ] , and 45. [veiz]. Table 6.4.4. GENERATION GAP 1 = conforms more to p r e s c r i b e d or p r e s t i g i o u s forms 0'= conforms l e s s to p r e s c r i b e d or p r e s t i g i o u s forms Item 1 4 5 8 10 12 13 15 16 17 19 20 22 24 25 26 28 30 31 32 35 38 39 40 42 43 45 47 48 T Old 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 19 Young 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 10 Table 6.4.4. reveals that the informants over 40 years of age conformed more to the p r e s c r i b e d and/or p r e s t i g i o u s forms than d i d the informants under 40 years of age, i n 19 out of the 29 cases. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to observe that our younger informants had the higher frequencies f o r 8. [ b i n ] 13. [de ' k a l ] , 17. [fartail] and 45. [ v e i z ] , a l l four of which are considered Canadian markers. One would have expected the o l d e r informants to have higher frequencies here, too. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by Sex Females had at l e a s t a 10 percent higher frequency than d i d males f o r the f o l l o w i n g v a l u e s : 6. [ant], [nnt], 7. [baelkeni], 13. [blaoz], 15. [aiSar], 17. [ f e*brueY i ], 23. [hAndrad], 24. [kdrki] , 26. [ I ef tenant ], 277 30. [ m o r n i n j , 32. [ naet je r l I i. ], 36. [ p e t e i d o ] , 38. [seendwit J e z ] , 41. [ s e n t a n s ] , 43. [ t a n S n t o ] , and 44. [ t e ' m p r e t J a r ] . Sex and Age Groups We can compare the patterns and r o l e s of the sex and age groups most e f f e c t i v e l y when we analyse the data f o r : 1) the 20 v a r i a b l e s which r e v e a l ordered socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , 2) the 17 s t i g m a t i z e d forms, and 3) the 14 p r e s t i g e forms. Regarding the f i r s t set of v a r i a b l e s , we w i l l be observing to what extent each of our four sex and age groups maintained ordered and r e g u l a r c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s w i t h i n i t s e l f . The second and t h i r d s e t s of v a r i a b l e s w i l l be examined i n order to measure the r e l a t i v e frequency of s t i g m a t i z e d and p r e s t i g e forms u t t e r e d by each sex and age group. Our c r o s s - a n a l y s i s of the 20 v a r i a b l e s r e v e a l i n g c l e a r socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 6.4.5. Table 6.4.5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRATIFICATION MAINTAINED Item 5 6 12 14 15 16 19 21 22 24 26 27 28 30 33 34 35 38 45 46 T F 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 14 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 13 " • Y 1 Q 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 11 . M 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 10 1 = maintained s t r a t i f i c a t i o n F = female 0 = over 40 0 = d i d not maintain M = male Y = under 40 The above data r e v e a l s that females and older informants maintained the strongest i n t e r n a l c l a s s h i e r a r c h y of l i n g u i s t i c / s o c i o - e c o n o m i c co-v a r i a t i o n . They maintained a c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , f o r 14 and 13 Items r e s p e c t i v e l y . . Our informants under 40 years of age, were next w i t h 278 11 items. F i n a l l y , our male informants showed the l e a s t amount of s o c i o -economic c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by maintaining a r e g u l a r o r d e r i n g f o r only 10 v a r i a b l e s . The data f o r our four sex and age groups i n t h i s chapter appears c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the data f o r the previous chapter, wherein the orde r i n g from formal to i n f o r m a l f o r the four sex-age groups was: 1) females over 40, 2) males over 40, 3) females under 40, and 4) males under 40. When we analyse the performance of our four sex and age groups w i t h regard to utterances of s t i g m a t i z e d forms we f i n d e q u a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s . Table 6.4.6. FEWEST STIGMATIZED FORMS (RANK ORDERED) Item 5 8 12 16 19 20 21 22 23 25 28 30 35 38 41 42 43 T F 2 2 2 1 2 0 1 3 3 1 3 0 1 1 1 2 2 21 Y 1 1 4 2 1 0 3 4 1 2 4 0 2 3 2 1 4 35 0 4 4 1 3 4 0 2 1 4 3 1 0 3 2 4 4 1 43 M 2 3 2 4 3 0 4 2 2 4 2 0 4 4 3 3 3 45 F = female 0 = over 40 M = male Y = under 40 Table 6.4.6. reveals that females u t t e r e d the fewest s t i g m a t i z e d forms. Informants under 40 years of age were the next group w i t h an index score of 35. Both these groups are subject to a great d e a l of pressure to conform to p r e s c r i b e d norms and to not stand out from others around them. The SCE revealed that young females c o n s i s t e n t l y conformed to p r e s c r i b e d norms more than any other group; t h i s was, i n p a r t , a r e f l e c t i o n of the r o l e of teenage g i r l s i n the Canadian school system. The highest instances of s t i g m a t i z e d forms occurred among the older informants, 43 index p o i n t s , and male informants, 45 index p o i n t s . The old e r informants, and the ol d e r males e s p e c i a l l y , had high occurrences 279 of what are o f t e n considered r u r a l forms ,such as [ aesfal t ],.[ ben ], [ f i l a m ] , [ h A n e r t ] , [ padeido],.C rAut ] , [se*?ns] and [sAm?an]. Our male informants had h i g h occurrences of 16. [ f e b j u e r i ] , 19. [ f i l a m ] , 21. [ d ^ n a r l i ],25. [ l a ' i b e r i ], 35. [ p a d e i d o ] , 38. [saemwit J ],41. [ s e ^ n s ] , and 43. [ t a r d n o ] . These pronunciations tend to be c l a s s i f i e d as 'sloppy' by E n g l i s h teachers, which i n turn probably encourages teenage boys to r e t a i n or adopt them i n order to d i f f e r e n t i a t e themselves from the g i r l s . The t h i r d p e r s p e c t i v e f o r e v a l u a t i n g the performance of our four sex and age groups i s by means of our p r e s t i g e forms. Table 6.4.7. MOST PRESTIGE FORMS BY AGE AND SEX (RANK ORDERED) Item 6b 6c 7 15 21 24a 24c 26 32 33 39 43 45a 45b T F 1 2 1 1 4 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 3 0 3 1 2 2 2 1 3 1 1 2 1 2 1 3 25 Y 1 4 3 3 3 4 2 4 3 3 4 3 3 2 42 M 3 3 4 4 1 3 4 3 4 3 3 4 4 4 48 Table 6.4.7. re v e a l s that females are ranked number one again, t h i s time f o r having the highest instances of p r e s t i g e forms. Our female informants had the highest occurrences of 6b. [ n n t ] , 7. [bal l kan I ] , 15. [ a i ' S a r ] , 24c. [ k d k i ] , 33. [ n t a w b ] , 43. [ t a r n n t o ] and 45b. [ v a z ] . The informants over 40 years of age were ranked very c l o s e i n second p o s i t i o n . They had the highest frequencies for- 6c. [ a n t ] , 24. [ k d r k i ] , 26. [ l e f t e n a n t ] , 32. [ naetJWI I i ], 39. [ J e ^ u l ] , and 45a. [ vnz ]. A l l these p r e s t i g e forms except f o r [ n a e t j a r l l i ] f i n d t h e i r source i n B r i t i s h usage. In c o n t r a s t , the younger generation of informants has l o s t most of these B r i t i s h p r e s t i g e forms and have s h i f t e d to North American forms. As i s the case w i t h most of our other p e r s p e c t i v e s , the male informants were ranked l a s t . 280 For a l l p e r s p e c t i v e s , we see that the females are ranked f i r s t and that the males are c o n s i s t e n t l y ranked l a s t . This ranking provides strong evidence f o r sex and age r o l e s i n language usage, and concurs w i t h the 25 r e s u l t s i n Chapter 5 and the SCE. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to speculate whether these language r o l e s can change; our dis c u s s i o n s with informants poi n t to the f a c t that informants changed t h e i r speech patterns as they grow older and when they moved up or down the socio-economic s t r u c t u r e . Vocabulary A l l items i n t h i s category, w i t h the exception of 4 and 6, are Canadian markers which d i f f e r e n t i a t e Canadian speech from Northern American. Our f i r s t a n a l y s i s w i l l be to see i f there i s a l i n e a r l i n g u i s -t i c and socio-economic c o - v a r i a t i o n f o r the f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r r e d values of our v a r i a b l e s : 1. c h e s t e r f i e l d , 2. b l i n d s , 3. brush, 4. orange, 5. taps, 6 past, 7. r a i l w a y c r o s s i n g , and 8. zed. Table 6.4.8. VOCABULARY ITEMS BY CLASS Highest Frequency of P r e f e r r e d Value (rank ordered) Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 T L WK LM 3 2 2 2 2 3 2 3 19 MIDDLE 2 3 1 1 3 2 3 1 16 UM LU 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 11 Table 6.4.8. rev e a l s that only items 1. ' c h e s t e r f i e l d ' and 6. 'quarter past' have c l e a r and ordered socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . The most i n t e r e s t i n g a n a l y s i s of the data f o r these vocabulary items w i l l be to determine to what extent our s o c i o l o g i c a l groups have r e t a i n e d these Canadian vocabulary items. We w i l l compare the three socio-economic 281 groups f i r s t , followed by the four sex and age groups, and f i n a l l y the new Canadians w i l l be compared to Canadians whose f a m i l i e s have been i n Canada f o r at l e a s t three generations. Table 6.4.8. d i s p l a y s the rank ordering of the three socio-economic groupings f o r each l e x i c a l item. The Table demonstrates that the upper middle and lower upper cl a s s e s r e t a i n e d the highest frequency of Canadian l e x i c a l markers, followed by the middle c l a s s . The lower, working, and lower middle c l a s s e s had the lowest frequencies of these Canadian markers. Table 6.4.9. VOCABULARY ITEMS BY SEX AND AGE Highest Frequency of .Preferred Value (rank ordered) Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 T 0 1 1 3 1 1 2 2 4 15 F 2 2 1 3 2 1 4 2 17 M 3 3 2 2 4 4 1. 3 22 Y 4 4 1 4 3 3 3 1 23 Table 6.4.9. d i s p l a y s the rank ordering of the four sex and age groups f o r each l e x i c a l item. One immediately sees, when observing the data, that the informants over 40 years of age r e t a i n e d the highest frequencies of the Canadian vocabulary items w h i l e the informants under 40 years of age had the lowest frequencies f o r the same Canadian markers. This trend toward a more general E n g l i s h among younger informants i s not unexpected when one considers a l l the language l e v e l l i n g that has taken place s i n c e World War I I i n r a d i o , t e l e v i s i o n , popular music, movies, t r a v e l , m i g r a t i o n , and the education system. Females had higher frequencies of these markers than d i d males. 282 Table 6.4.10. VOCABULARY ITEMS/NEW AND OLD CANADIANS Highest Frequency of P r e f e r r e d Value (rank ordered) Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 T OC 2 2 1 0 1 0 0 1 7 NC 1 1 2 0 2 0 0 2 8 OC = Several Generation Canadian NC = New Canadian The f i g u r e s i n Table 6.4.10. suggest that we should not assume that informants whose f a m i l i e s have been i n Canada s e v e r a l generations w i l l have more Canadian markers than w i l l new Canadians. Generation Gap Our older informants chose 1. c h e s t e r f i e l d , 2. b l i n d s , 4. orange, and 5. taps at l e a s t 10 percent more f r e q u e n t l y than d i d the younger informants. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by Sex Our female informants chose 2. b l i n d s , 3. brush, 5. taps, and 6. past at l e a s t 10 percent more f r e q u e n t l y than d i d males. 5. Somers' D. A n a l y s i s We a p p l i e d the Somers' D t e s t (a measure of o r d i n a l v a r i a t i o n ) i n order to o b t a i n numerical evidence to s u b s t a n t i a t e our c l a i m of l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l c o - v a r i a t i o n . Our two age groups and two sex groups f i t t e d e a s i l y i n t o the Somers' D format, but we had to dichotomize our l i n g u i s t i c choices i n t o 1) a chosen value and 2) o t h e r ( s ) . F u r t h e r , we had to abandon our socio-economic groupings and dichotomize a l l informants 283 i n t o two groups, one group c o n s i s t i n g of 45 people below the median score of 27.5 points on our Socio-economic Class Index s c a l e and the other group c o n s i s t i n g of those 44 people above the median score. The p o s i t i v e s i g n (+) was a r b i t r a r i l y designated to the top d i v i s i o n of c l a s s , to the older d i v i s i o n i n age, and to females. The magnitude of the number i s equal to the d i f f e r e n c e between the percentage of the people who had a p a r t i c u l a r usage w i t h i n one s o c i o l o g i c a l group and the percentage of people who had that same usage i n the opposite group. The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e i s a p r e s e n t a t i o n of the Somers' D a n a l y s i s which a l s o serves as a summary of t h i s grammar, pr o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary study. 284 Table 6.5.1. SOMERS' D RESULTS Grammar Item Question-n a i r e Value S o c i a l Class Age Sex 1. Between John and Me 263 A +.52093 +.26496 +.11576 2. J u s t between and me you 264 A +.13372 -.01797 +.09619 3. Eh 6 312 B,C +.07420 +.06571 -.00556 4. Eh 7 313 B,C +.07197 +.10000 -.01667 5. Fewer 296 A +.17073 +.24265 +.10167 6. Have you got 277 A +.22462 +.09375 -.15655 7. I f i t were 288 A +.14066 +.42929 +.21303 8.. I f you had 287 B +.32558 +.17986 +.05844 9. L i e (Past) 275 B +.29175 +.23242 +.07611 10. L i e (Past P a r t i c i p l e ) 276 B +.39860 +.27389 +.01107 11. ?not? 744 A +.14257 +.03898 +.08241 12. Past P e r f e c t 315 A +.42381 +.04375 -.07990 13. Sneaked 280 A +.28277 +.55165 +.03911 14. Subject verb non-agree s 704 A +.33418 -.05249 -.07078 15. Take 318 A +.09756 +.00625 +.03936 T o t a l = 15(+) i of 15 13(+) of 15 10(+) of Pro n u n c i a t i o n Question- S o c i a l Item n a i r e Value Class Age Sex 1, A f r i c a 53 A +.08140 +.15220 f .06032 2. Again 146 A -.01085 -.01923 +.01085 3. A n t i - 195 A -.02532 -.04487 +.07080 4. A p r i c o t s 65 B +.05074 +.12091 -.06032 5. Asphalt 123 A +.23256 +.39664 -.09302 6. Aunt 79 B,C -.01912 +.05342 +.11008 7. Balcony 234 B +.11473 +.00855 +.11266 8. Been 181 A +.01480 -.35989 -.10677 285 P r o n u n c i a t i o n Item Question-n a i r e Value S o c i a l Class Age Sex 9. Blous e 88 A +.04238 +.02137 +.13953 10. Caramel 905 B +.12338 +.26556 +.01623 11. Catching 530 A +.09302 +.09667 +.01301 12. Congratulate 191 A +.22377 +.36966 +.00362 13. Decal 222 A -.08527 -.35256 -.18760 14. Egg 55 B +.00517 -.00427 +.08579 15. E i t h e r 179 A +.15297 +.08974 +.21085 16. February 903 c +.19712 +.20430 +.17241 17. F e r t i l e 196 A -.21447 -.38675 +.03256 18. F u t i l e 215 A -.00264 -.09451 +.04863 19. F i l m 237 A +.10078 -.13034 +.08114 20. Garage 901 A +.17106 +.07479 +.01085 21. Generally 233 D +.14444 +.00544 -.05238 22. Genuine 157 A +.18243 +.21581 +.04599 23. Hundred 576 A -.01012 -.08194 +.27273 24. Khaki 52 A +.27076 +.54025 +.12957 25. L i b r a r y 84 A +.07132 -.35043 -.07132 26. Lieutenant 147 A +.23651 +.45915 +.13175 27. Luxury 129 B +.08786 +.02137 +.09406 28. M i r r o r 41 A +.19365 +.14379 -.05556 29. M i s s i l e 87 A +.03896 -.08683 -.20930 30. Morning 440 A +.09302 +.17111 +.13875 31. M u l t i - 223 A -.07183 -.10043 +.02636 32. N a t u r a l l y 190 D +.00476 +.12091 +.13319 33. Ottawa 907 B +.12041 +.03205 +.06150 34. P i c t u r e s 36 C +.03805 +.00330 +.05391 35. Potato 369 A +.06977 -.12889 +.23902 36. Recognize 140 A +.01912 -.05342 -.01912 286 Item 37. Route 38. Sandwiches 39. Schedule 40. Semi-41. Sentence 42. Something 43. Toronto 44. Temperature 45. Vase 46. Weren't 47. Wilson 48. Zebra Vocabulary 1. C h e s t e r f i e l d 2. B l i n d s 3. Brush 4. Orange 5. Taps 6. Quart Past 7. Railway Crossing 8. Z Question- S o c i a l n a i r e Value Class 156 A +.08475 902 A +.14167 125 A +.05891 67 A -.05238 119 A +.27649 904 A +.11746 906 A +.14746 158 B +.05761 37 C -.00775 167 B +.00635 339 A -.00000 48 A -.07082 T o t a l : 36(+) of 48 Age Sex -.05128 +.09716 +.21569 +.13178 +.25214 +.07752 -.08007 +.09408 -.04060 +.17829 -.10621 +.02063 +.21593 +.24762 -.00980 +.12632 -.22863 -.26512 +.03268 +.03968 -.11111 -.04228 -.15220 +.02857 26(+) of 48 35(+) of 48 42 B +.13488 +.38675 +.09251 51 A +.00866 +.28852 +.13095 63 A +.04444 -.10294 +.13968 322 A +.05371 +.10286 -.01996 80 A -.04083 +.15598 +.13178 103 A +.32497 +.04592 +.18132 68 A +.07028 +.01709 -.07028 108 A +.06150 -.07906 +.02946 T o t a l : 7(+) of 8 6(+) of 8 6(+) of Grand T o t a l : 58(+) of 71 45(+) of 71 50(+) of 71 287 6. Comparison with SCE Every survey design has inherent advantages and disadvantages. The major advantage with a written questionnaire and postal survey such as the Survey of Canadian English i s that i t can reach thousands of people rather than the few informants we were able to r e c r u i t and interview. The major disadvantage with a written questionnaire i s that the informant is asked to make sophisticated l i n g u i s t i c judgements and to evaluate much of his own subconscious speech. The SCE had an additional disadvantage i n that i t was d i r e c t l y associated with the school system and teachers of English and consequently many students and their parents undoubtedly reacted to i t as a test, choosing what they believed to be "correct" rather than indicating t h e i r natural usage.. These two fa c t s , that i t was written and that i t was from the schools, would lead one to expect that the answers would only be of one s t y l e and that that s t y l e would be roughly equivalent to our Minimal Pairs s t y l e . The Ottawa Survey, despite i t s r e l a t i v e l y few informants, has a much wider range of l i n g u i s t i c usage than the SCE because i t has an almost f u l l range of socio-economic classes and frequently a f u l l range of l i n g u i s t i c s t y l e s . This difference and the differences between the sex and age groups make i t d i f f i c u l t to compare the two surveys. I f , however, we were to assume that the SCE data represented the average of a l l socio-economic classes and that the s t y l e of answer were somewhere near our style of Minimal Pairs and Word L i s t , we would see that our data are quite s i m i l a r . The d i f f i c u l t aspect i n comparing the two sur-veys i s i n trying to compare the conclusions. For although there i s an excellent comment after each i n d i v i d u a l l i n g u i s t i c item i n the SCE, there are almost no summarizing remarks about major trends and patterns i n Canadian English usage. One of the reasons for the lack of such 288 summaries may be that the SCE ehose e a r l y t c exclude socio-economic parameters. The survey was analysed according to p r o v i n c i a l usage, and except f o r A t l a n t i c Canada, very l i t t l e was forthcoming as to what was i n t e r e s t i n g and d i f f e r e n t i n Canadian E n g l i s h usage by reg i o n . E n g l i s h Canada i s a f t e r a l l one of the l a r g e s t homogeneous l i n g u i s t i c areas of the world. The conclusions of the SCE regarding age.group d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n a l s o suggest problems i n summarizing the data; f o r example the statement, "...youngsters are p r e s e r v i n g forms of E n g l i s h which t h e i r parents e i t h e r are a l l o w i n g to disappear or, i n some instances are not using at a l l , " i s based mainly on the use of r i z i n s t e a d of r a i s e d , to  home i n s t e a d of at home, y e l k i n s t e a d of y o l k and deaf to rhyme w i t h l e a f . The f a c t that these choices are l i s t e d and present on the q u e s t i o n n a i r e form encourages some bookkeeping e r r o r s , some prankish a c t i v i t y , and some m u l t i p l e - c h o i c e random answering. Male students u n s u r p r i s i n g l y always had the highest frequencies f o r these choices. In Ottawa, we found l i t t l e evidence to s u b s t a n t i a t e these claims of the SCE, e i t h e r f o r those s p e c i f i c items, which we randomly checked, or f o r such a general trend. We do, however, agree w i t h the SCE remarks about g i r l students p r e f e r r i n g more t r a d i t i o n a l or conservative forms, and that American E n g l i s h i s e x e r t i n g an i n f l u e n c e on Canadian E n g l i s h . 289 Chapter 6: Footnotes "''M.H. S c a r g i l l and H.J. Warkentyne, "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : A Report," E n g l i s h Q u a r t e r l y , Vol.5, No.3 (1972), pp.47-104. 2 M.H. S c a r g i l l , Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage: L i n g u i s t i c Change  and Reconstruction, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp.1-143. When r e f e r r i n g to t h i s book, we w i l l c i t e CEU. 3 Because we d e s i r e d to analyse the age and sex c o - v a r i a t i o n s s i m u l -taneously w i t h socio-economic c o - v a r i a t i o n and because we wanted no fewer than eleven persons i n each c e l l , we found i t necessary to converge our f i v e a r b i t r a r y c l a s s e s used i n Chapter 5 to three and to separate age and sex. Below i s Table 4.3.11, the matrix which i s employed throughout t h i s grammar, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary study of Chapter 6. Table 4.3.11 AGE/CONVERGED CLASS: SEX/ CONVERGED CLASS (OTTAWA) >40 <40 F M L WK LM 12 21 17 16 Mid Mid 11 20 17 14 UM LU 14 11 12 13 T o t a l 37 52 46 43 This matrix i s u t i l i z e d throughout Chapter 6. Op. c i t . , SCE and CEU and: W.S. A v i s , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s Along the Ontario-United States Border: I Vocabulary," JCLA, V o l . 1 , N o . l , (October 1954), pp.13-18. , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s Along the Ontario-United States Border: I I Grammar and Syntax," JCLA, V o l . 1 , N o . l , (March 1955), pp. 14-19. , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s Along the Ontario-United States Border: I I I P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " JCLA, Vol.2, No.2, (October 1956), pp. 41-59. 290 R.J. Gregg, "The L i n g u i s t i c Survey of B r i t i s h Columbia: The Kootenay Region," i n Canadian Languages i n Their S o c i a l Context, ed. Regna D a r n e l l (Edmonton: L i n g u i s t i c Research, 1973), pp.105-116. The l i n g u i s t i c items w i l l be l i s t e d a l p h a b e t i c a l l y w i t h i n t h e i r groups; the questionnaire number i s given a f t e r the v a r i a b l e t i t l e . The q u estion or task i s always given as are the values. 7These eig h t v a r i e t i e s of eh were taken from Deborah J . Gibson's A Thesis on Eh, unpublished Master's t h e s i s , (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976), pp.1-77. Another reference work consulted f o r t h i s v a r i a b l e was W.S. A v i s , "So Eh? i s Canadian, Eh?" CJL, Vol.17 (1972), pp.89-104. 8 A v i s , 1972, I b i d . , p.93. 9 Gregg, op . c i t , pp.105-110. "^By " C o n d i t i o n a l I I I c o n s t r u c t i o n " we mean I f + Past P e r f e c t = Past C o n d i t i o n a l (would have). "'""'"Ian P r i n g l e and Enoch Padolsky are p r e s e n t l y working on a d i a l e c t survey of the Ottawa V a l l e y . Both are profes s o r s at C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , Ottawa. 12 By Canadianism, we mean any usage which can be used as a f a c t o r i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g a speaker of Canadian E n g l i s h from a speaker of Northern American. See Appendix D f o r a l i s t of such Canadianisms. 13 R.J. Gregg, "Notes on the Pr o n u n c i a t i o n of Canadian E n g l i s h as Spoken i n Vancouver, B.C.," JCLA, Vol. 3 , N o . l , (October 1957), p.23. 14 Other words subject to d e v o i c i n g and heard during the survey were valued [vee l ju t ], v a l i d , [ v a l e t ] , and Howard [ h a o w e r t ] . " ^ A v i s , 1956, op . c i t . , p.44. 16 A v i s , 1956, o p . c i t . , p.47. 1 7"Topnotch book on Canadian E n g l i s h , " The C i t i z e n , A p r i l 14, 1979, Ottawa, p.40. The quote i s : "On p.29, a comment asks 'How many of these words do you d i f f e r e n t i a t e i n speech: where, wear, were?' My own answer i s two: the f i r s t two sound the same. Canadians have the second and t h i r d sounding the same; others have a l l three d i s t i n c t . " "^Personal d i s c u s s i o n . 291 19 A v i s , 1956, pp.44-45. 20 Gregg, 1973, pp.112-113. \ l y son's day-care centre teaches the words red, orange, and green on a s a f e t y poster. Orange c o n s t r u c t i o n paper i s used f o r the middle l i g h t . Data from the Ottawa V a l l e y Survey on t h i s v a r i a b l e should prove to be i n t e r e s t i n g . 22 Of course, the age and sex categories presented here and below are not mutually e x c l u s i v e , e.g. the 0 group c o n s i s t s of both M and F, M i s made up of both 0 and Y, and so on. We present the fou r age and sex groups i n rank order so that we can d i s p l a y the r e l a t i v e importance of each s o c i o l o g i c a l i n d i c a t o r . 23 Gregg, 1973, o p . c i t . and J . Poison, A L i n g u i s t i c Questionnaire  f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969). 24 We would wish to see many more data before we would consider c a t e g o r i z i n g t h i s form as p r e s t i g i o u s . Op.cit., SCE and CEU. 292 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION 1. Methodology In t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , we have attempted to show to what extent there i s a c o - v a r i a t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c items on the one hand and s o c i o -l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c parameters on the other i n the E n g l i s h spoken by n a t i v e Ottawans. I n order to be able to demonstrate such c o r r e l a t i o n s of l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n , we wrote a q u e s t i o n n a i r e and conducted a survey of 100 informants, 89 n a t i v e anglophone Ottawans and eleven n a t i v e anglophones from urban centres i n the Ottawa V a l l e y . The informants were chosen at random according to t h e i r residence i n p a r t i c u l a r census t r a c t s w i t h a view to f i l l i n g the v a rious c e l l s w i t h i n our s o c i o l o g i c a l matrix. The q u e s t i o n n a i r e , Appendix A of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , contained 752 v a r i a b l e s i n c l u d i n g items which focussed on p h o n o l o g i c a l segments, mor-phology and syntax, word p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary. A d d i t i o n a l items focussed on language a t t i t u d e s and p a r a - l i n g u i s t i c items such as s t u t t e r i n g , swearing, i n g r e s s i v e speech, and h e s i t a t i o n phenomena. The f i r s t s e c t i o n of the questionnaire d e a l t w i t h the informant's background and allowed the informant to t a l k about him s e l f and to become p a r t i a l l y at ease w i t h the i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n . The answers to these background questions l a t e r allowed us to determine the s o c i o l o g i c a l s t a t u s of the informant. The socio-economic s t a t u s of an informant was determined by 293 the e q u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of seven i n d i c a t o r s : o c c u p a t i o n , f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n , income, e d u c a t i o n , spouse's e d u c a t i o n , house/apartment v a l u e , and r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n . Informants were judged t o have new Canadian backgrounds i f they o r t h e i r p a r e n t s came from a n o t h e r c o u n t r y . Informants were c a t e g o r i z e d as h a v i n g r u r a l backgrounds i f they or t h e i r p a r e n t s came from the Ottawa V a l l e y o r o t h e r r u r a l a r e a s . A l l i n f o r -mants were a s s i g n e d an e t h n i c o r i g i n ; t h e s e e t h n i c o r i g i n s i n c l u d e d England, S c o t l a n d , I r e l a n d , the U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America, F r e n c h Canada, and any* o t h e r n a t i o n c l a i m e d by the i n f o r m a n t s . Tasks and S t y l e s I n c l u d e d i n t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e were d i f f e r e n t t a s k s t o pe r f o r m . These t a s k s i n c l u d e d r e a d i n g m i n i m a l p a i r s o f words, r e a d i n g word l i s t s , naming p i c t u r e s , and r e a d i n g a passage. I t was h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t we would e l i c i t d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s o f speech from the i n f o r m a n t s w h i l e they were p e r f o r m i n g these t a s k s . I t was f u r t h e r h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t we would e l i c i t the most f o r m a l and c a r e f u l speech from an i n f o r m a n t w h i l e he was r e a d i n g m i n i m a l p a i r s ; t h a t the second most f o r m a l and c a r e f u l s t y l e would be e l i c i t e d w h i l e the i n f o r m a n t was r e a d i n g word l i s t s ; and t h a t the l e a s t f o r m a l s t y l e among non-continuous speech would be e l i c i t e d w h i l e the i n f o r m a n t was i d e n t i f y i n g p i c t u r e s . The s t y l e e l i c i t e d from the i n f o r m a n t w h i l e r e a d i n g the r e a d i n g passage about a d o l e s c e n t s i n a f a m i l y s e t t i n g was h y p o t h e s i z e d to be l e s s f o r m a l than t h a t f o r the non-con t i n u o u s speech s t y l e s . In a d d i t i o n to the f o u r c l o s e l y c o n t r o l l e d t a s k s mentioned above, the q u e s t i o n n a i r e was d e s i g n e d so as to c o n t a i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the 294 informant to speak f r e e l y about t o p i c s which he knew i n t i m a t e l y , e.g. h i s youth, h i s opinions of Ottawa, h i s c l o s e s t encounter w i t h death and danger, h i s t r i p s and v a c a t i o n s , h i s f a v o u r i t e jokes and anecdotes, a short s t o r y through p i c t u r e s , and conversations during breaks i n the i n t e r v i e w . This task, e n t i t l e d Free Speech, was hypothesized to e l i c i t a l e s s formal s t y l e than would be e l i c i t e d from the four p r e v i o u s l y mentioned tasks. 2. The C o - v a r i a t i o n of Pho n o l o g i c a l V a r i a b l e s  w i t h S o c i o l o g i c a l arid S t y l i s t i c Parameters The l i n g u i s t i c items which were i n v e s t i g a t e d and the data therefrom were grouped i n t o two major p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t , Chapter F i v e of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , deals w i t h the c o r r e l a t i o n of ph o n o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n on the one hand and s t y l i s t i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a t i o n on the other. The second pa r t i s concerned w i t h the c o - v a r i a t i o n of s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s and grammatical, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary items. The f i r s t p a r t derives i t s format and methodology e s s e n t i a l l y from W i l l i a m Labov's The S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n New York C i t y ( 1966) 1 and Peter T r u d g i l l ' s The S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of E n g l i s h i n 2 Norwich (1974). In order to make our study r e l e v a n t to Canadian E n g l i s h , we made m o d i f i c a t i o n s to the above works on the b a s i s of the f i n d i n g s from the P i l o t P r o j e c t of the Vancouver Urban D i a l e c t o l o g y Survey.^ Our study i n v e s t i g a t e d 27 phon o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s and endeavored to e l i c i t from each informant at l e a s t three r e a l i z a t i o n s of each v a r i a b l e i n each of our f i v e t a s k s / s t y l e s . 295 The Phonological Variables The phonological variables in this part of the study were chosen because they were suspected of having s t y l i s t i c or sociological varia-tion—the major purpose and hypothesis of this survey—or because they were characteristic Canadian phonological items which we wished to investigate further. The items were: 1. VtV (medial t ) , 2. ntV, 3. -ing, 4. t j , dj, nj (palatal glide), 5. rV (r metathesis), 6. st, 7. h, 8. V##V, 9. d##y, t##y, 10. ou (the Canadian diphthong [ A U ] ) , 11. outV (the Cana-dian diphthong [AU] followed by medial t ) , 12. T (the Canadian diphthong [ o i ] , 13. TtV (the Canadian diphthong [ a i ] followed by medial t ) , 14. un-(negative prefix), 15. nd, 16. a e r , . e e l , 17. Vr ->ar , 18. ae, 19. hw, 20. -kt, -pt, 21. x>, 22. th, 23. or, 24. going to, 25. milk, 26. good, 27. tomato. Some important arid heretofore unreported phonological findings made during the course of the study are outlined below: 1. The medial _t rule which recognizes that / t / when in intervocalic and post-tonic position can be realized as [d] is expanded by speakers of English in Ottawa and elsewhere in Canada, allowing the It/ to be preceded by the frictionless continuant [r] (as in party) , the lateral [ i ] (as in f i l t e r ) , the voiceless fricatives [f] (as in ' after), [s] (as in s i s t e r ) , and [J] (as in washed our), and occasionally by the nasal [n] (as in ninety) and the plosive [k] (as i n picture). Our last example demonstrates that the expanded medial t rule applies to the affricate t j as well. 2. The suffix -ing was most often pronounced [in] and not I L Q ] or [ a n ] . To date, linguistic literature has assumed only the last two pos-s i b i l i t i e s . Nouns such as building, morning, and evening have a 296 lower frequency of [in] than dp verb forms such as doing, playing, and running. 3. The Canadian diphthongs ou and T are pronounced [AU] and [ai] in positions other than immediately before voiceless consonants, namely before voiced consonants and occasionally in word f i n a l position. 4. The auxiliary verb form going to was most often pronounced [ g o i n t a ] while the second most frequent was [ g e n e ] . The pronunciation [ g a n a ] was very infrequent. This fact has profound implications for ESL as most American texts teach [ g a n a ] . . 5. An open variant of /se/, transcribed [a],was frequently el i c i t e d from females, especially when they pronounced a limited set of words consisting of that (when stressed), grass, glass, pass and class. Sociological Findings From our data, we observed that 20 items demonstrated phonological variation directly related to the degree of formality of the task per-formed by the informants. These items were: VtV = VtV, ntV = nt, -ing = in, t j , dj, nj = t j , dj , nj , rV = rV, st = st, h = h, d#y = d#y, out = A u t , i t = a i t , nd = nd, ssr = e r , Vr = a r , hw = hw, kt = kt, v = x>, th = th, going to = goto 1, milk = milk, and tomato = t am[ajto. These data forcefully prove our hypothesis of linguistic and s t y l i s t i c co-variation. Our data also revealed ordered socio-economic st r a t i f i c a t i o n for the following values: VtV = VtV, -ing = -i < j , t j , d j , nj = t j , d j , nj., rV = rV, st = st, out = A u t , Tt = a i t , nd = nd, hw = hw and th = th. 297 Although- there were not as many values demonstrating socio-economic stra t i f i c a t i o n as there were demonstrating s t y l i s t i c variation, our data presents strong and indisputable evidence of linguistic and socio-economic co-variation. In addition to such socio-economic strat i f i c a t i o n , i t was clear to see that informants higher in the social structure use a much wider range of styles than do those informants lower in the social structure. Our data also provided forceful illustrations of those values which patterned as stigmatized forms. The following values were designated stigmatized forms: -ing = an, rV = Vr, st = s, V#V = a#V, un = an , and th = n, z, t and d, going to = goto 2 and milk = melk. Further, our data allowed us to compare the usage patterns of the four sex/age groups. We found that females over forty years of age stood out from the other sex/age groups by their tendency to pronounce more frequently the formal values of our variables and by their main-taining the strongest class ordering. At the opposite end of the scale were the males under forty years of age. They pronounced the informal values of the variables more frequently and the prestigious forms less frequently than did any other group. Males over forty years of age and females under forty were between the two extremes. The older males had more rural usages and the younger females conformed more to present norms than did the other groups. Although we are somewhat disconcerted that our data confirm several stereotypes, we are pleased that at last we have hard data from which we can talk about Canadian usage. 298 The Manhattan, Norwich, and Ottawa Surveys Compared Included in the Ottawa Survey but absent from both the Manhattan and Norwich studies was the task of naming objects from pictures. The Ottawa Survey el i c i t e d 83 variables by means of pictures. This method was found to be fast and effective, with l i t t l e need for supplementary questions. These pictures drew attention away from the linguistic interview situation and helped to convince the informant that we were interested in what he called things. Some pictures in isolation were somewhat d i f f i c u l t to identify; in these instances we were able to record quite unguarded speech. The data demonstrate that our task/style labelled Pictures was the most informal of the non-continuous speech styles, and in some cases this task was more informal than our Reading Style. A second, new technique was employed involving pictures; we asked each informant to t e l l a story following a sequence of pictures.""" Whili the informant was telling the story, he would be asked to speak the roles of the scolding man and the retorting boy. The channelling cues observed during this activity indicate that we were e l i c i t i n g very unguarded speech.^ The major advantage of this technique was that i t afforded us some structure in the Free Speech style, i.e. i t allowed us to record many of the same lexical items from informant to informant while they were generating their own continuous speech. We found the methodology pioneered by Labov and Trudgill f u l l y adaptable to the Canadian situation. 299 Socio-economic Scope In both the Manhattan and the Norwich Surveys, a f u l l range of ; s o c i e t y was not represented. For example, the Norwich Survey ranged i n seven groups from l e s s than $1,200.00 annual income to more than $5,000.00 annual income, 7 a very s m a l l range; our Ottawa Survey, i n c o n t r a s t , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d people on a range from b a s i c w e l f a r e ($2,000.00.. annual income) to people of the lower upper c l a s s (more than $35,000.00 annual s a l a r y ) . The Manhattan Survey informants were a l s o narrowly r e s t r i c t e d i n annual income, ranging from $2,000.00 to g $5,000.00 income per year. This range d i d not i n c l u d e the upper middle, lower upper, or the upper upper c l a s s e s when the survey was conducted i n 1964. The Manhattan Survey was a l s o r e s t r i c t e d to a very s m a l l and unique l i n g u i s t i c area, the Lower East Side, of a l i n g u i s t i c -a l l y unique c i t y . Labov, a few years a f t e r h i s survey when w r i t i n g about s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and the Lower East Side, s t a t e s : I t [the Lower East Side and New York C i t y i n general] i s a port of entry f o r immigrants and a place o,f nurture f o r those on the way up, but normally not a permanent home f o r c h i l d r e n of upper middle c l a s s parents.^ This statement makes i t c l e a r that one should not expect to hear much upper middle c l a s s speech i n t h i s area. Furthermore, the Manhattan Survey s e l e c t e d i t s informants from a previous survey, the M o b i l i z a t i o n f o r Youth p r o j e c t , which i n v e s t i g a t e d j u v e n i l e delinquency i n the inner-core of the c i t y . This i s not a f u l l range of s o c i e t y . May I hasten to add that these c l a r i f i c a t i o n s are not intended as adverse c r i t i c i s m of e i t h e r survey s o c i o l o g i c a l l y or l i n g u i s t i c a l l y j they are meant to i n d i c a t e a d i f f e r e n c e i n aim and scope and to dissuade anyone from b e l i e v i n g that e i t h e r the Norwich or Manhattan Surveys are 300 surveys of f u l l representative samples of mainstream society in their respective countries. The direct comparison of data among the three surveys is not possible because the linguistic items were not identical. However, the Manhattan and Ottawa Surveys had two phonological variables, _th and -ing, which covered largely the same ground. The Ottawa Survey revealed that a l l informants pronounced th as [ 0 ] or [ 5 ] over 98 percent of the time in the f i r s t four tasks/styles and over 85 percent of the time i n Free Speech, and that the most frequent substitutions were [n] and [z], both cases of progressive contextual assimilation, e.g. and then [en nen] and i s that [ i z zaet]. Both these cases are natural to native speakers of English. The Manhattan data, on the other hand, reveal an average of 93 percent for [ 0 ] or [ 3 ] intthe most formal style and an average of 53 percent for [ 0 ] and [ 0.Q in the most informal style. These data demonstrate that most informants from the Lower East Side have not been fully assimilated into English speech norms, and that, consequently, the data for the Manhattan Survey cannot claim to be representative of main stream American speech on a linguistic basis, either. The second phonological variable which we can compare in both the Ottawa and Manhattan Surveys i s -ing. Our Ottawa informants averaged over 95 percent for [ i n ] i n the f i r s t four styles and 84 percent i n Free Speech, while the Manhattan informants averaged 91 percent in the most formal style but only 55 percent in the most informal style. This, too, is a large difference in usage patterns, but it.seems plausible and representative of Ottawan and New York City speech. Our informal comparative surveys of radio programs and public transportation speech in both cities tend to confirm the difference. 301 The f i n a l d i f f e r e n c e i n the Ottawa and Manhattan data which we wish to b r i n g to the f o r e here i s w i t h reference to the Reading and Free Speech t a s k s / s t y l e s . Labov w r i t e s : A few upper middle c l a s s speakers seemed to have the degree of c o n t r o l and self-awareness needed to modi-f y t h e i r reading s t y l e i n the d i r e c t i o n of conver-s a t i o n a l s t y l e , but t h i s i s a r a r e e f f e c t and not a very l a r g e one.^-0 Our data, on the other hand, demonstrate a d e f i n i t e and r e c u r r i n g p a t t e r n of the phenomenon. Our lower upper c l a s s informants read the v a r i a b l e s VtV = VtV, d#y = d#y, and rV = rV more i n f o r m a l l y i n the reading passage than they pronounced them i n t h e i r own Free Speech s t y l e . S i m i l a r l y , the upper middle c l a s s read the v a r i a b l e rV = rV, Tt = a i t , nd = nd, hw = hw, k t = k t , and going to = g o t o j more i n f o r -mally than they pronounced them i n t h e i r own Free Speech s t y l e . These two c l a s s e s demonstrated a f e e l i n g f o r the r o l e s they were reading, f o r timing and h e s i t a t i o n phenomena and even l i n g u i s t i c and p h o n o l o g i c a l s t y l e . As a consequence of t h i s , they read more slo w l y than d i d the middle c l a s s . The f a c t that the Lower East Side informants produced only r a r e instances of t h i s phenomenon would tend to s u b s t a n t i a t e our c l a i m that the Lower East Side Manhattan Survey i s a survey of a truncated p o r t i o n of American s o c i e t y which d i d not i n c l u d e the upper middle, lower upper, or upper upper c l a s s e s . 3. The C o - V a r i a t i o n of Grammatical, P r o n u n c i a t i o n , and  Vocabulary V a r i a b l e s w i t h S o c i o l o g i c a l Parameters The. others maj.or'-part -of ~ t h i s .'thesis,, •• found i n Chapter 6, deals w i t h the c o r r e l a t i o n of grammatical, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and vocabulary v a r i a t i o n 302 on the one hand and sociological variation on the other. This part derives much of i t s format and many of i t s 71 linguistic items from M.H. Scargill's and H.J. Warkentyne's The Survey of Canadian English"'""'" and W. Avis' three articles "Speech Differences along the Ontario-12 United States Border." We made a number of adjustments in order to focus on urban socio-dialectology, and we added a few items in order to investigate local Ottawa and Ottawa Valley usage. A l l the sociological parameters made use of in the phonological study were also utilized in this study; these included: socio-economic class, age, sex, urban/rural background, ethnic background, and new Canadian/several generation Canadian background. The inclusion of the parameter of socio-economic class makes this study a major innovation in the f i e l d of Canadian English dialectology. There was no systematic attempt to repeat the 71 items in the five tasks, and consequently no analysis of s t y l i s t i c co-variation was possible. Chapter 6 is divided into three sections which deal uniquely with grammar and syntax, word pronunciation, and vocabulary items respectively. Grammar and Syntax The grammatical and syntactic variables in this section are subject to the greatest degree of socio-economic co-variation of any of our items in this entire survey. Thirteen of the 15 demonstrate clear differentiation and progressive ordering; these are: 1. between John 6 7 and me; 3. Eh ; 4. Eh ; 5. Fewer; 6. Have you got; 8. If you had; 9. Lie, Lay; 10. Lie, Lay, Lain; 11. ?not?; 12. Past Perfect; 13 Sneaked; 14. Subject/verb agreement; and 15. Take. The two other items demon-strated only partial co-variation. We analysed our data according to 303 age and sex groups and found that the informants over 40 years of age had the highest frequency of prescribed values. Females, males, and informants under 40 years of age followed in rank order. A separate analysis was run in order to determine which items were treated dramat-i c a l l y differently by the two age groups. Word Pronunciation In our phonological study in Chapter 5, we analysed which allophones of given phonemes our informants pronounced with reference to their social class, age, and sex and to the style of speech. In this section we analysed which phonemes and which sequence of phonemes were uttered within words and phrases in correlation to the f u l l gamut of sociological parameters. Most of the words in this section were taken from traditional Canadian English dialect studies and some were found not to be f u l l y suitable for an urban socio-dialect study of Canadian English. Our data, nevertheless, demonstrate that the following pronunciation values have ordered co-variation with socio-economic class: 5. [ ae s fn l t ] , 6. [ t i n t ] , and [ a n t ] , 12. [ kengrat fa I e i t ], 14. [ e g ] , 15.•[ai5ar], 16. [ f e b r u e r i ] , 19. [film], 21. [ d ^ e n a r l l i ] , 22. '• [ d^njuari*}, 24. [ k d r k i ] , 26. [ I ef tenant ], 27. £ I X k j a r i ], 28. [ iru'rar ], 30. [morn in ] , 33. [ctawn], 34. [ p i k d ^ a r z ] , 35. [ p a t e i d o ] , 38. [saendwitJaz], 45. [veiz], and 46. [weYnt]. Three other values typical of American usage demonstrate socio-economic str a t i f i c a t i o n but in a reverse order to that which was hypothesized; they are: 3. [eenta i - ] , 31.''[:m'X I t a i - ] and 40. [ s £ m a i - ] ; In addition to the above listed values which varied according to the socio-economic status of the informant, we were able to find 17 values 304 which patterned as stigmatized forms, 14 values which patterned as prestige forms, 21 values which had usage patterns peculiar to infor-mants over 40 years of age, and 11 values which had usage patterns peculiar to informants under 40 years of age. These forms are pre-sented in the l i s t s below: Stigmatized Forms The following values have been categorized as probable stigmatized forms: 5. [ 3 3 z f a . l t ] , 8. [ b e n ] , 12. [ k a n g r a d ^ aIe i t], 16. [ f e b j u e r i ] , 19. [ f i l a m ] , 20. [ g reedy] , and [ g r a d ^ ] , .21. [ d ^ e n e r l i ] , 22. [ d ^ n j ua in ] , 23. [ h A n ( d ) a r t ] , 25. [ l a i b e r i ] , 28. [ m i r ] , [ m i r a l ] and [ m i r o u ] , 30. [ m d r n a n ] , 35. [pedeido], 38. [ sasm(w) i t J ] and [ saenwit J ] , 41. [ s e 7 n s ] , 42. [ s A m ? n ] , and 43. [ t ( a ) r d n o ] . In addition, forms 36. [ r e * k a n a i z ] , and 37. [ r A u t ] have been categorized as possible stigmatized forms. Prestige Forms The following values stand out as prestige pronunciations: 6. [x>nt] and [ant ], 7. [ bael kan i ], 15. [ a i S a r ] , 21. [ d ^ n a r I I i ], 24. [ k d r k i ] a n d : . [ k d k i ] , 26. [ l e f t e n a n t ] , 32. [ nart J e r l l i ] , 33. [ n t e w n ] , 39. [ J e ^ u l ] , 43. [ t e r u n t o ] , and 45. [VDZ] and [vaz]. Forms Used Chiefly by Older Informants 1. [aefraka], 4. [ e i p r a k M s ] , 5. [abfT>11 ] and [ a z f c l t ] , 8. [ b e n ] , 10. [ ka s rame l ] , 15. [ai6ar], 19. [ f L I am],.20. [ garee^] , 24. [ k d r k i ] , 25. [ l a i b r i ] , 26. [ I ef tenant ], 30. [ m o r n i n ] , 31. [ m A l t a - . ] , 35. [pedeido], 305 38. [ s a e n d w i t j a z ] , 39. [ j S d ^ u l ] , 40. [ s d m a - ] , 45. [ . V D Z ] , 47. [ w i l t s a n ] , and 48. [ z i f b r a ] . Forms Used Chiefly by Younger Informants 5. [ s J f D l t ] , 8. [ b i n ] , 12. [ kangreed^al e i t ] , 13. [ d e k a l ] , 16. [ f e ' b j u e r i ], 17. [ f a r t a i l ] , 22. [ d ^ n j u a i n ] , 28. [ n u r ] , 32. [naet J a r I i ], 43. [ t ( a ) r d n o ] , and 45. [ v e i z ] . Sex and Age Groups In order to determine the performance characteristics of the sex and age groups, we cross-analysed the 20 variables which reveal clear socio-economic differentiation, the 17 stigmatized forms, and the 14 prestige forms. Our data revealed that the female informants main-tained the strongest class hierarchy among themselves, had the lowest frequency of stigmatized forms, and had the highest frequency of pres-tige forms. Males, on the other hand, placed last in maintaining a class hierarchy through linguistic means, had the highest frequency of stigmatized forms, and had the lowest frequency of prestige forms. Our informants under 40 years of age placed second for the least amount of class hierarchy, had the second lowest frequency of stigmatized forms, and placed third for most prestige forms. The informants over 40 years of age were second in socio-economic str a t i f i c a t i o n , second in frequency of prestige forms and third in fewest stigmatized forms. See Tables 6.4.5. to 6.4.7. 306 Vocabulary The goal in this section of the study was to see what particular word the informant would choose when asked to identify an object. Each variable contained a traditional Canadian marker, a Northern American variant, and frequently a British variant. Only the items 1. chesterfield and 6. quarter past had clear and ordered socio-economic stra t i f i c a t i o n . The sociolinguistically interesting aspect of this section was to determine to what extent each sociological group retained the Canadian vocabulary items. Our data revealed that the use of these Canadian vocabulary items was very much related to class. The two upper classes, upper middle and lower upper, had the highest frequency of the Canadian lexical markers, followed by the middle class, and then followed by the lower classes. The retention of Canadian vocabulary items was also investigated by age and sex group. Here, our data demonstrated that the informants over 40 years of age had the highest frequency of Canadian words followed by females, males, and fi n a l l y the younger informants. This suggests to us that Canadian items are losing ground as we see that the American options are gaining in popularity. A com-13 parison of Avis' items and frequencies over a quarter of a century ago compared with our data gives us a time perspective and reinforces the evidence that Canadianisms are losing ground to American usage and to usage patterns which are gaining in the rest of the English speaking world. Comparison with the Survey of Canadian English There are two major differences between this survey and the SCE. The f i r s t difference is in the mode of e l i c i t i n g the linguistic material. 307 The SCE used a written questionnaire which required that the informant make sophisticated linguistic judgements about his own usage. This sel f -14 evaluative procedure led to problematic results for several items. Our survey, on the other hand, elicited the linguistic material by means of a recorded interview which required the informant to perform several different tasks. These tasks often distracted the informant from the linguistic interview situation, and informants frequently produced unguarded speech. We were able to observe, transcribe, and analyse this conscious and subconscious speech. The disadvantages of our method i s , of course, the low number of interviews which were possible. The other major difference between the SCE and our survey is that we incorporated socio-economic and s t y l i s t i c parameters in our study. We have demonstrated that a great deal of linguistic variation is directly correlated to these two parameters, and that, consequently, future and past dialect studies which do not include these parameters suffer a considerable handicap. In summation, we did that which we set out to do; we demonstrated that there was a great deal of variation in Canadian English within one city; we demonstrated that that variation was directly correlated to the speakers sociological status and to the immediate social con-text, I.e. the linguistic task. We gained a greater knowledge of the usage patterns and variants of linguistic items. And, f i n a l l y , we were able to compare the linguistic roles that our various sociological groups were socialized to play. We look forward to the availability of comparable data from other cities and regions from within Canada and without, so that we may more consciously understand the language which we speak and manipulate and which undoubtedly manipulates us. 308 Chapter 7: Footnotes William Labov, The Social Stratification of English in New York  City, (Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1966), pp.l-655. Peter Trudgill, The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp.1-211. 3 R.J. Gregg, "Urban Dialectology: a pilot survey of the English spoken in the city of Vancouver, B.C. (1976-77)," unpublished paper given at the 1977 Learned Societies Conference in Fredericton, N.B. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1977), pp.1-9; another source from this pilot project i s Margaret. Murdoch, "Reading Passages and Informal Speech," unpublished paper given at the Third International Dialectology Methods Conference in London, Ontario in 1978 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1978), pp.1-7. 4 See A.M. Kinloch, "The Use of Pictures in E l i c i t a t i o n , " American  Speech, No.46 (T971), pp.38-46, for further discussion on this topic. "The sequence of pictures was taken from P.R. Hawkins, Social Class, the Nominal Group and Verbal Strategies, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), pp.56-57. For a description of five channel cues related to casual speech, namely a change in tempo, a change in pitch range, a change in volume or rate of breathing, and laughter, see Labov, 1966, op.cit., pp.109-112. 7 T r u d g i l l , 1974, op.cit., p.39. O Labov, 1977, op.cit., pp.214-219. 9 William Labov, "The Effect of Social Mobility on Linguistic Behavior," in A Various Language, ed. J.V. Williamson and V.M. Burke, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), p.649 and footnote 18. Another source for what classes are to be found in the Lower East Side is Labov, 1966, op.cit., p.219, where in Labov writes: "As far as the upper class is concerned, we would not expect to find representatives of this group living on the Lower East Side,..." Labov's upper class may include any informant above low middle class status in the Ottawa Survey. 309 Labov, 1966, o p . c i t . , pp.96 and 132. '''"'"M.H. S c a r g i l l and H.J. Warkentyne, "The Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h : a Report," E n g l i s h Q u a r t e r l y , Vol.5, No.3, (Toronto: Canadian C o u n c i l of Teachers of E n g l i s h , 1972), pp.47-104. See a l s o M . H . S c a r g i l l , Modern Canadian E n g l i s h Usage: L i n g u i s t i c Change and  Reconstruction, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp.1-143. "'"^W.S. A v i s , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s along the Ontario-United States Border: I Vocabulary," JCLA, Vol.1, N o . l , (October 1954), pp.13-18; W.S. A v i s , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s along the Ontario-United States Border: I I Grammar and Syntax," JCLA, V o l . 1 , No.2, (March 1955), pp.14-19; W.S. A v i s , "Speech D i f f e r e n c e s along the Ontario-United States Border: I I I P r o n u n c i a t i o n , " JCLA, Vol.2, No.2, (October 1956), pp.41-59. 13 A v i s , 1954, 55, 56, I b i d . (Speech D i f f e r e n c e s ) . 14 The items most a f f e c t e d by t h i s l i m i t a t i o n i n the SCE were: 24. eh, 27. vase, 38. eh, 48. tomato, 49. b u t t e r , 50. caramel, 51. f a t h e r , 52. calm, 54. s q u i r r e l , 59. again, 78. cot and caught, 83. f i l m , 101. con g r a t u l a t e , 106. whine and wine, and 110. guarantee. "'""'The SCE had the i n t e n t i o n of e v a l u a t i n g l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a t i o n w i t h reference to l e v e l of education a t t a i n e d , one of the i n d i c a t o r s i n our Socio-economic Class Index, but d i d not f o l l o w through when i t was found that t h i s parameter was very s e n s i t i v e . See H.J. Warkentyne, "Contemporary Canadian E n g l i s h : A Report of the Survey of Canadian E n g l i s h , " American  Speech, Vol.46 (1971), p.94. 310 BIBLIOGRAPHY Avis, W.S. 1954. "Speech Differences Along the Ontario-United States Border, I Vocabulary." The Journal of the Canadian Linguistics  Society 1:1, pp.13-18. . 1955. "Speech Differences Along the Ontario-United States Border, II Grammar and Syntax." The Journal of the Canadian  Linguistics Society 1:1, pp.14-19. . 1955. "Speech Differences Along the Ontario-United States Border, III Pronunciation." The Journal of the Canadian Linguistics  Association 2:2, pp.41-59. . 1967. A Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles. Toronto: W.G. Gage. . 1972. "So eh? is Canadian, eh?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics 17:2, pp.89-104. . 1973. "The English Language in Canada: A Report." Current Trends in Linguistics 10:1, pp.40-74. , Drysdale, P.D., Gregg, R.J., and Scargill, M.H., eds. 1967. The Senior Dictionary. Toronto: Gage Educational Publishing. Revised and updated, 1973. , and Kinloch, A.M. 1979. Writings on Canadian English 17 29-1975: An Annotated Bibliography. Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside. Backhouse, J.K. 1967. Statistics: an Introduction to Tests of Significance. London: Lowe and Brydone. Barber, Bernard. 1957. Social Stratification. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World. Bernstein, Basil. 1973. Class, Codes and Control: Volume I Theoretical  Studies Towards a Sociology of Language. 2nd revised edition. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. . 1975. Class, Codes and Control: Volume 3 Towards a Theory of Education Transmissions. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 311 Blishen, B., and McRoberts, Hugh. 1976. "A Revised Socioeconomic Index for Occupations in Canada." Canadian Review of Sociology and  Anthropology 13:1, pp.71-79. Canada Year Book 1976-77. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Canadian Urban Trends: Metropolitan Perspective. 1977. Toronto: Copp Clark/Government of Canada co-publication. Census Tract Bulletin: Population and Housing Characteristics Ottawa- Hull. 1974. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Census Tracts, Ottawa-Hull. 1971. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Chambers, J.K. 1973. "Canadian Raising." Journal of the Canadian  Linguistic Association 18, pp.113-35. . 1974. "The Ottawa Valley 'twang'." Canadian English: Origins and Structures, ed. J.K. Chambers. Toronto: Methuen. - , ed. 1975. Canadian English: Origins and Structures. Toronto: Methuen. Cowan, H.I. 1961. British Emigration to British North America. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Darnell, Regna, ed. 1971. Linguistic Diversity in Canadian Society. Edmonton: Linguistic Research. , ed. 1973. Canadian Languages in their Social Context. Edmonton: Linguistic Research. Davis, Alva L., McDavid Jr, Raven J., and McDavid, Virginia G., eds. 1969. A Compilation of the Worksheets of the Linguistic Atlas  of the United States and Canada and Associated Projects. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Gardner, Robert C , and Lambert, Wallace E. 1972. Attitudes and Motivation in Second-Language Learning. Rowley Newbury House Publishers. Gibson, Deborah Jean. 1976. A Thesis on Eh. Unpublished M.A. Thesis. Vancouver: University of British Columbia. Gregg, Robert J. 1957. "Notes on the Pronunciation of Canadian English as Spoken in Vancouver, B.C." Journal of the Canadian  Linguistics Association 3, pp.20-26. . 1957. "Neutralization and Fusion of Vocalic Phonemes in Canadian English (Vancouver)." The Journal of  the Canadian Linguistic Association 3:2, pp.78-83. 312 Gregg, Robert J. 1964. "Scotch-Irish urban speech in Ulster." Ulster dialects: an introductory symposium. Holywood: Ulster Folk Museum. . 1968. "Notes on the Phonology of a Country Antrim Scotch-Irish Dialect." Orbis 7, pp.392-406. 1973. "The Linguistic Survey of British Columbia: The Kootenay Region." Canadian Languages in their Social Context, ed. Regna Darnell. Edmonton: Edmonton Linguistic Research. . 1973. "The diphthongs ai and ai i n Scottish, Scotch-Irish and Canadian English." Journal of the Canadian Linguistic  Association 18, pp.136-45. . 1975. "The Phonology of Canadian English as Spoken in the Area of Vancouver, British Columbia." Canadian English: Origins  and Structures, ed. J.K. Chambers. Toronto: Methuen, pp.133-144. , forthcoming. "Canadian English." Varieties of English: Commonwealth English Series, ed. Y. Matsumura. Japan: Manuscript. Hamilton, D.E. 1958. The English Spoken i n Montreal: a Pilot Study. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Montreal: University of Montreal. Hawkins, P.R. 1977. Social Class, the Nominal Group and Verbal Strategies. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Joos, Martin. 1942. "A Phonological Dilemma in Canadian English." Language 18, pp.141-44. Kinloch, M.A. 1971. "The Use of Pictures in E l i c i t a t i o n . " American  Speech 46, pp.38-46. . 1973. "The Survey of Canadian English: A First Look at New Brunswick Results." English Quarterly 5:4, pp.41-51. Kurath, Hans. 1949. A Word Geography of the Eastern United States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Labov, William. 1966. The Social Stratification of English in New York  City. Washington, D.C: Center for Applied Linguistics. . 1966. "The Effect of Social Mobility on Linguistic Behavior." Sociological Inquiry 36:2, pp.186-203. . 1969. The Study of Nonstandard English. Washington, D.C: Center for Applied Linguistics. 1970. "The Study of Language in i t s Social Context." Studium Generale 23, pp.30-87. ••• • . 1972. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 313 Lambert, W.E., Hodgson, R.C., Gardner, R.G., and Fillenbaum, S. 1960. "Evaluational Reactions to Spoken Languages." Journal of Abnormal  and Social Psychology 60, pp.44-51. , Frankel, H., and Tucker, G.R. 1966. "Judging Personality through Speech: A French-Canadian Example." The Journal of  Communication 16, pp.305-321. Macaulay, R.K.S. 1977. Language, Social Class, and Education: A Glasgow  Study. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Marckwardt, A.H. 1971. "Principal and Subsidiary Dialect Areas in the North Central States." Readings in American Dialectology, ed. H.B. Allen and G.N. Underwood. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, pp.74-82. McConnell, R.E. 1979. Our Own Voice: Canadian English and how i t i s  Studied. Toronto: Gage Educational Publishing. Newman, Peter C. 1975. The Canadian Establishment. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Nie, Norman H., and Hull, Hadlan, C. 1975. S t a t i s t i c a l Package for the  Social Sciences. Toronto: McGraw-Hill. Orkin, Mark M. 1970. Speaking Canadian." English. Don Mills: General Publishing. Padolsky, E., and Pringle, I. 1977. "Reflexes of M.E. Vowels before /r/ in Ottawa Valley Dialects of Hiberno-English Types." Unpublished paper read at the Learned Societies Conference at Fredericton, N.B. Ottawa: Carleton University. Pellowe, John, Nixon, Graham, Strong, Barbara, and McNeany, Vincent. 1972. "A Dynamic Modelling of Linguistic Variation. The Urban (Tyneside) Linguistic Survey." Lingua 30, pp.1-30. Poison, J. 1969. A Linguistic Questionnaire for British Columbia. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Vancouver: University of British Columbia. Reed, Carroll, E. 1967. Dialects of American English. Cleveland: The World Publishing Company. Rodman, L. Winter 1974/1975. "Characteristics of B.C. English." English  Quarterly 7:4, pp.49-82. Samarin, William J. 1967. Field Linguistics: A Guide to Linguistic Field  Work. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Sankoff, David, and Sankoff, G i l l i a n . 1973. "Sample Survey Methods and Computer Assisted Analysis in the Study of Grammatical Variation." Canadian Languages in their Social Context, ed. Regna Darnell. Edmonton: Edmonton Linguistic Research. 314 Sankoff, G i l l i a n and Cedergren, Henrietta. 1971. "Some Results of a Sociolinguistic Study of Montreal French." Linguistic Diversity  in Canadian Society, ed. Regna Darnell. Edmonton: Edmonton Linguistic Research. Scargill, M.H. 1974. Modern Canadian English Usage: Linguistic Change  and Reconstruction. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. . 1977. A Short History of Canadian English. Victoria: Sono Nis Press. , and Warkentyne, H.J. 1972. "The Survey of Canadian English: A Report." The English Quarterly 5:3, pp.47-104. Shuy, Roger W., Wolfram, Walter A., and Riley, William K. 1968. Field  Techniques in an Urban Language Study. Washington, D.C: Center for Applied Linguistics. Stevenson, Roberta C. 1976. The Pronunciation of English i n British  Columbia. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Vancouver: University of British Columbia. Trudgill, Peter. 1974. The Social Differentiation of English in Norwich Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . 1974. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction. Aylesbury, Bucks: Hazell Watson and Winey. . 1975. Accent, Dialect and The School. London: Butler and Tanner. • 1978. Sociolinguistic Patterns in British English. London: Edward Arnold. von Baeyer, Cornelius, 1976. Talking about Canadian English: and  Canadian French as well. Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada. . 1977. The Ancestry of Canadian English. Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada. Warkentyne, H.J. 1973. "Contemporary Canadian English." American Speech 46, pp.193-99. This article was printed i n 1974 for the 1971 issue. Williamson, Juanita V., and Burke, Virginia.M., eds. 1971. A Various  Language: Perspective on American Dialects. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Wolfram, Walter A. 1969. A Sociolinguistic Description of Detroit Negro  Speech. Washington, D.C: Center for Applied Linguistics. '__ , and Fasold, Ralph. 1974. The Study of Social Dialects in American English. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice Hall. 315 Woods, Howard. 1977. Sound Production : h arid the elimination of the  intrusive h. Ottawa: Government of Canada. . 1979. Rhythm and Unstress. 3rd edition. Ottawa: Government of Canada. . 1979. Syllable Stress and Unstress. Ottawa: Government of Canada. APPENDIX A OTTAWA ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX A OTTAWA ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE  Background Information (I'd l i k e to ask you to t e l l me some inf o r m a t i o n about your own background and that of your f a m i l y ) . 2. Sex 3. What year were you born? 4. Where were you born? 5. ( I f not born here) At what age d i d you come to Ottawa? 6. Where e l s e have you l i v e d ? 7. For how many years? 8. Do you speak any other languages f l u e n t l y besides English? (Specify) 9. Where d i d you f a t h e r come from? 10. What was h i s n a t i v e language? 11. How long has he l i v e d i n Canada? 12. How long has he l i v e d i n Ottawa? 13. Where d i d your mother come from? 14. What was her n a t i v e language? 15. How long has she l i v e d i n Canada? 16. How long has she l i v e d i n Ottawa? 17. What generation Canadian are you? 18. What ethnic background do you have? 19. ( I f a p p l i c a b l e ) Where does you present spouse come from? 20. What was hi s / h e r n a t i v e language? 21. How long has he/she l i v e d i n Canada? 22. How long has he/she l i v e d i n Ottawa? 23. What i s your spouse's occupation? 24. How much education has your spouse had Now th i n k back to when you were twelve years o l d : 25. Where d i d you l i v e ? 26. What was your f a t h e r ' s main occupation 27. What k i n d of schools d i d you go to? 28. What grade d i d you complete? 29. Have you any f u r t h e r education? (Describe) 30. What job do you do now? ( A s c e r t a i n e x a c t l y . I f r e t i r e d or unemployed, ask f o r l a s t job h e l d ) . P i c t u r e = P (What i s t h i s ? ) 31. (P) orange 32. (P) tomatoes 33. 34. 35. (P) pumpkins 36. (P) p i c t u r e s 37. (P) vase 38. (P) k i t e 39. (P) w i n t e r 40. (P) n i g h t 41. (P) m i r r o r 42. (P) sofa w i t h 43. (P) house 44. (P) 45. 46. 47. 48. (P) 49. (P) 50. (P) 51. (P) 52. (P) 53. (P) 54. (P) 55. (P) 56. (P) 57. (P) 58. (P) 59. (P) 60. (P) 61. (P) 62. (P) 63. (P) 64. (P) 65. (P) 66. 67. (P) 68. CP] 69. 70. (P: p_o_ta_toes zebra film lion blinds khaki cloth Africa tuba an egg South right an apple professor whipped cream centre chalk board brushes pointer apricots semi-circle semi-truck (short f semi-trailer railway crossing lever 320 71. 72. 73. 74. (P) garage roof 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. (P) father grandfather grandmother daughter aunt 80. (P) tap in kitchen sink 81. (P) plural 82. (P) cutlery 83. (P) window 84. (P) library 85. 86. (P) dog on floor. How would you describe what this dog is doing? 87. (P) missile 88. (P) blouse 89. 90. 91. (P) sandwiches 92. 93. (P) February 94. 95. (P) frying pan 96. What is cooking in it? (bacon and eggs) 97. (P) What is the second work day of the week? 98. Is there a difference between a dinner and a supper? 99. (Clock-face A - 2:45) What time is i t on this clock? 100. Would you say that time (2:45)in another way? 321 101. (Clock-face B - 11:15) What time i s i t on t h i s clock? 102. Would you say that time (11:15) 103. i n another way? Quarter Past 104. (Clock-face C - 8:30) What time i s i t on t h i s clock? 105. Would you say that time (8:30) i n another way? Please read these l e t t e r s out. 106. (H) 107. (W) 108. (Z) 109. (P) Group s i n g i n g 110. 111. What do you c a l l the l i v i n g room 112. i n your house? L i v i n g 113. (P) 27 114. (P) newspaper Word L i s t = W (Please read out these words as n a t u r a l l y as you can.) 115. marry 116. w r i t e r 117. matter 118. new 119. sentence 120. absurd 121. I t shot across a c l e a r sky. 122. calm 123. asphalt 322 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. provincial schedule regular nuclear tube luxury grandfather singing sandwiches that grass greasy milk agriculture recognize tune caught something mouth again lieutenant ration leg berry That's untrue. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. caramel library route genuine temperature columnist cot government merry guarantee quantity February weren't almond lecture They didn't go. vocabulary valued There's lots to eat. International Harvester always shouldn't ei ther favourite 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. been known English nothing Africa student lengthen bike doing naturally congratulate introduce good also anti-pollution f e r t i l e Could you stop smoking? resource centre beautiful anyone particular without wheelbarrow 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. dual secretary mature united water f u t i l e attempt theatre perfectly He pointed at me. daughter dirty decal multi-national prestige He just l e f t . newspapers which often tomatoes sorry generally balcony Mary Barry film 238. fishing 239. leisure 240. the egg 241. 242. about 243. around 244. j3o_ta_toes 245. 246. 247. 248. garage 249. 250. Grammar = G F i l l in the blanks of these sentences: 263. John, Mary and I are sitting in a row. Mary is sitting between John and . 264. Just between you and I think that they're not telling the truth. 265. We really missed a great game last night; we should've 266. He sees some money in the box. How would you make that negative? He 267. I often bring them home with me. Last year I often them home with me. 268. I have often them home with me. 251. pumpkin 252. south 253. unbelievable 254. Toronto 255. 256. 257. 258. Ottawa 259. 260. 261. Alberta 262. Winnipeg 325 269. He's always short of money, 270. isn't he? Liaison. How would you change this sentence, so that you're talking about yourself? I'm always short of money, . 271. There's an egg in the fridge. Please say the same thing about ten eggs. ten eggs in the fridge. 272. I don't bother him. If i t ' s the other way around, starting with "he" and ending with "me", how would you say it? He bother me. 273. We often run into old friends there. Yesterday, we into Jerry. 274. He did i t alone; he did i t a l l by 275. He lie s in the sun every day. Yesterday, he there for 3 hours. 276. So far today, he has there for 5 hours. 277. If you needed a match what would you ask your friend? a match? 278. Sam was at the Air Show when the plane crashed; he must've i t happen. 279. She dives into the pool a lot. Yesteday, she from the 12 M board. 280. They sneak into the movie theatre. Yesteday, they into the movie theatre. 326 281. The team gives blood to the Red Cross. Yesterday, they 27 pints. 282. Sometimes we see bears along this highway. Yesterday, we several bears. 283. The police often come down here. Yesterday, four of them a l l at once. 284. You're looking for your gloves; you ask your friend, " my gloves?" 285. He drinks 3 glasses of milk. Yesterday, he 3 glasses of milk. 286. So far today, he 3 glasses of milk. 287. We would've helped you i f you asked us. 288. They would go for a walk i f i t warmer. 289. I would vote against i t i f I you. 290. Can guys t e l l me where the post office is? 291. You don't have to prove that; i t ' s already been . 292. Don't help him; him f i x i t himself. Make the following sentences negative: 293. We used to go there. 294. Let's take the bus. 295. He likes everything. What is the opposite of this sentence? 296. There are more people here tonight than last night. Choose the sentence you would say. 297. 1) It's real hot in here. 2) It's really hot in here. 298. 1) It was an historical event. 2) It was a historical event. 299. 1) Those trees are dying. 2) Them trees are dying. 300. 1) They've gotten out of control. 2) They've got out of control. 301. 1) There used to be a fight between the two groups, but anymore that has stopped. 2) There used to a fight between the two groups, but now that has stopped. 302. 1) Thank you anyways. 2) Thank you anyway. 303. 1) He gave i t to Jason and me. 2) He gave i t to Jason and I. 304. 1) To whom did you give the book? 2) Who did you give the book to? Larry gave Tom 5 dollars and Tom has agreed to pay Larry back. 305. What did Larry do? 306. What did Tom do? Here are a number of sentences containing 'eh' Read them aloud and t e l l me which ones you say 307. Nice day, eh? 308. It goes over here, eh? 309. Oh, you're s t i l l here, eh? 310. Think about i t , eh? 311. What a game, eh? 312. What are they trying to do, eh? 313. This guy is up on the 27th floor, eh? then he gets out on the ledge, eh... 328 314. Eh, what did you say? Which ones do you consider ungrammatical or in bad taste? 315. Do you ever use verb forms like these; had given, had gone? Give an example in a sentence showing that the simple past couldn't be used. 316. Do you ever use the word shall? Give an example. Local Words and Usage = L (I'm going to ask you about some local words and expressions.) 317. What does take i t over to the cash mean? 318. (Use bring or take) You and Sally are on the third floor, Mrs. Fraser is on the sixth floor. Ask Sally to carry the letter up to Mrs. Fraser. 319. Now pretend you are Mrs. Fraser on the phone. Ask Sally to carry the letter to you. 320. Do you know what snye means? 321. How do you pronounce Iroquois? 322. What colours are the lights in a t r a f f i c light? Can you think of any other local Ottawa words? What do they mean? What are other words for a high school? 323. high school 324. 1) suspenders 2) braces 325. veranda 326. shadow 327. regardless 329 Reading Passage = R (I'd like to read this short story aloud. Please don't read i t as i f you were in school, but as naturally as you can. Pretend you are reading i t out to some friends.) (Story on separate sheet) 328. Barry 356. in her 329. shouted 357. leisurely 330. shouted 358. invited 331. as he 359. Aunt 332. house 360. also 333. what's 361. going to 334. tonight 362. 335. library 363. trout 336. used_ to 364. father 337. high 365. caught 338. Mary 366. last. 367. last Sa_turday 339. Wilson 368. Saturday 340. going to 369. potato 341. 370. 371. 342. c a l l her 372. vegetables 343. like 373. sliced 344. to invite her 345. 374. toma_toes 346. 375. 347. 376. 348. about i t 377. hot 349. 378. that 350. f ixing 351. fixing her 379. sound 352. humming 380. nothing 353. _tune 381. matter 354. probably 382. that 355. alright 383. when 384. going to. 385. 386. 387. Mary 388. want to 389. Dorothy 390. 391. film 392. the Arts 393. Centre 394. Peter 395. supposed to 396. 397. good 398. better 399. quarter 400. eating 401. 402. sorry 403. about an 404. 405. asked 406. plenty 407. anyway 408. been 409. out in 410. 411. garage 412. 413. 414. working 415. moJ:orbike_he 416. 417., bike he 418. bought 419. Tuesday 420. 421. making 422. progress 423. but I 424. guess h e ' l l 425. greasy 426. right up 427. 428. to his 429. 430. something 431. tp_eat 432. right away 433. 434. the egg 435. egg 436. sandwiches 437. 438. 439. got up 440. morning 441. just had 442. porridge 443. glass of 444. orange juice 445. 446. 447. 448. 449. 450. 451. 452. 453. 454. 455. 456. 457. 458. 459. 460. 461. 462. 463. 464. 465. 466. 467. 468. 469. 470. 471. 472. 473. right starving what's just help Barry butter i syrup milk would you the empty bottles garage company Te l l him plenty wa_ter new tube l i t t l e later when were sitting around wasn't i t 474. 475. 476. 477. 478. 479. 480. 481. 482. 483. 484. 485. 486. 487. 488. 489. 490. 491. 492. 493. 494. 495. 496. 497. 498. 499. 500. 501. 502. interesting meeting again always pictures were last double-u_ but I didn't recognize him recognize im unreal What've doing Mary asked Barry's grandmother vi s i t i n g her vi s i t i n g her daughter winter las_t business 503. February 504. 505. been 506. secretary 507. doing 508. proj ect 509. _0ttawa 510. 511. 512. South 513. inter esti: 514. 515. buildings 516. beautiful 517. enjoying 518. being 519. student 520. again 521. writer 522. 523. whether Questions about Ottawa = FS A. B. 524. either 525. provincial 526. government 527. congratulated 528. Barry's 529. fa.ther 530. catching 531. and his 532. 533. sat out on 534. 535. 536. good 537. cook 538. pa_tio 539. talking 540. thirty 541. theatre about Ottawa). place to live? What particular things do (don't) you like about it? 333 C. What changes have you noticed in the years you've lived here? D. What improvements do you think could be made? E. Is there much to do in this city? F. If you knew someone who was trying to decide whether or not to move to Ottawa, what would you t e l l them about it? 542. (P) eleven 543. SR round 544. BG census tract now (BG = Background) v.. Spontaneous Narrative = FS Either A. Have you ever been in a situation where you thought you were in serious danger of being killed—where you thought to yourself, "This is it"? Could you t e l l me about it? OR B. Have you been in a situation, recently or some time ago, where you had a good laugh, or something funny or strange happened to you, or you saw i t happen to someone else? Could you t e l l me about it? OR C. Would you t e l l me about your last trip i n some detail? Series = SR Would you please say for me the days of the week? 545. Sunday 546. Monday 547. Tuesday 548. 549. Wednesday 550. Thursday 551. F r i d a y 552. Saturday 553. Would you p l e a s e .count from 15-30? 554 555 556 557. 558 559. 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 Would count now by tens from 40-100? 570 571 572 573 574 575 576 Would you make up p a i r s of o p p o s i t e s . Example: l o n g and s h o r t 577. A U # 578. ao // 579. e i // 580. e i # 581. a i # Now make p a i r s l i k e t h i s . Example: jump. j u m p — j u m p i n g Use: run, eat, swim, hunt, f i s h . 582. i n // 583. en # 584. i n # Now make p a i r s l i k e t h i s . Example: 33 - 33, 34. 585. 25 586. 27 587. 78 588. 95. Minimal Pairs = MP (There's one last set of words I'd please read these out in pairs?) 589. white—wide 590. whether—weather 591. aunt—ant 592. been—bean 593. Mai—Mel 594. bury—berry 595. lout—loud 596. do—dew 597. house—houses 598. 599. f u t i l e — f e u d a l 600. were-where 601. 602. matter—madder 603. s i t e — s i d e 604. knife—knives 605. Mary—marry 606. 607. inter-city—inner-city 608. 609. 610. powder—pouter 611. winter—winner 612. merry—Mary 613. w r i t e r — r id er 614. 615. latter—ladder 335 like you to read aloud. Would you 616. shone—shown 617. picture—pitcher 618. 619. thirsty—Thursday 620. 621. daughter—dodder 622. baking—bacon 623. A l l a n — E l l e n 624. vary—very 625. dew—due 626. 627. granted—granite 628. f a l l i n g — f a l l e n 629. c o l l a r — c a l l e r 630. caught—cot 631. Barry—berry 632. why—Y 633. taking—taken 634. he hit i t — h e hid i t 635. news—noose 636. merry—marry 637. Did he find them? 638. Did he fine them? 639. 640. 641. 336 Subjective Attitudes and Language Awareness = A A. What do you think of the English spoken in Ottawa? B. Other than the Maritimes and Newfoundland, can you t e l l where an English Canadian comes from? C. Can Americans t e l l from your speech whether you're Canadian or American? If so, can you give me some examples of the difference? 642. eh 644. ai 643. A U 645. TO"-Versus a D. Do you pronounce some words differently from either of your parents? Or do you use any different words from those your parents used? Or from your children? (Examples) E. Have you changed your pronunciation of any words over the years? Do you now use a different term to refer to something than you used to? Have you changed any of your grammar? F. How do you feel about your own speech? (Put an [X] on the rating scale.) very quite somewhat neutral somewhat quite very 646. dissatisfied : : : : : : :satisfied G. Please indicate how you rate these varieties of English. (A for American) Place (B for British ) on each row (C for Canadian) of this rating scale very quite somewhat neutral somewhat quite very 647 . (A) slangy : : : : : : : formal 648. (B) 649. (C) 650. (A) clipped : : : : : : :drawled 651. (B) 652. (C) 653. (A) superior : : : : _: : :inferior 654. (B) 655. (C) 656. (A) friendly 657. (B) 658. (C) :authoritative H. Now rate the English of the news readers for these networks: A for NBC (American) B for BBC (British) C for CBC (Canadian) P for CKGO (Popular) 659. (A) worst : : : = : : _:best 660. (B) 661. (C) 662. (P) F r e e Speech = FS 663. medial t = ytV 682. ao = Au 664. medial t = _ dy 683. ao = ao 665. medial nt = n tV 684. a i = e i 666. medial nt = nV 685. a i = e i 667. medial nt = ndV 686. a i = a i 668. - ing = in 687. un- = An 669. - ing = en 688. un- = an 670. - i ng = i n 689. 00 = 0 671. tu s d u s nu = t j u s dju s nju 690. oo = Qc 672. tu 1 du 1 nu = tu 4 dus nu 691. n d # = nd 673. rV er 692. nd # = n 674. st* = st liaison 693. V r er 675. st* = s liaison 694. 33 = 32 676. = h liaison 695. 33 = 33 677 . *h = 0 liaison 696. wh = hw 678. V# + h = V# + # V liaison 697. wh = w 679. V * + #V = e # + #V liaison 698. kt, pt = 680. d# + #ys t# + #y = s a m e 699. kt s pt = 681. d# + # Y i t# + # y = t[ liaison 700. O = V 338 701. o = a 702. th = n 703. th = z 704. subject verb disagreement 705. you know tag 706. yes 707. yeah 708. yeap 709. mh hmm 710. uh huh 711. mm 712. ah hesitation 713. ahm hesitation 714. um hesitation 715. sure 716. right 717. eh 718. okay 719. like hesitation 720. well hesitation 721. I mean hesitation 722. I think 723. I don't know 724. I guess 725. you 726. your 727. they 728. swear words 729. gnne 730. gotnta 731. income (background) 732. house value (background) 733. pulmonic ingressive speech 734. lad 735. swear word substitutes 736. th = t 737. th = d 738. really 739. not really 740. right = re it 741. oh yeah 742. the +C = 5 i #C 743. great = greit 744. interrogatives formed with not 745. I & we 746. uncommon words 747. embarassed laughter -giggling 748. w writer