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The artisans of Ching-tê-chên in late imperial China Lee, Robert 1980

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THE ARTISANS OF CHING-TE-CHEN IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA B.A., York U n i v e r s i t y , 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1980 © Robert Lee, 1980 by ROBERT LEE i n In p resent ing t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for re fe rence and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree tha t permiss ion for e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s for f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed wi thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of H i s t o r y The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P lace Vancouver, Canada V6T.1W5 Date 20 June 1980 ABSTRACT This t h e s i s deals w i t h the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen, w i t h emphasis on t h e i r v o c a t i o n a l l i v e s and on t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h the government during the Ming and the Ch'ing d y n a s t i e s . The t h e s i s i s d i v i d e d i n t o three chapters. The f i r s t chapter traces the development of the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s of the Ming and the Ch'ing periods. The second chapter, which c o n s t i t u t e s the main body of the t h e s i s , surveys the town of Ching-te-chen, the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y of Ching-te-chen, and the a r t i s a n s of the town's p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y . The t h i r d chapter attempts to answer two questions i n the context of Ching-te-chen: What was the e f f e c t of the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s on the a r t i s a n s and on a r t i s a n r y ? Were the a r t i s a n s s o c i a l l y homogeneous? Drawing h e a v i l y from i n s t i t u t i o n a l works, gaz e t t e e r s , and travelogues, the general c o n c l u s i o n derived i s that the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s , though an obvious infringement on the a r t i s a n s ' freedom and l i v e l i h o o d , d i d c o n t r i b u t e to the a r t i s a n s ' craftsmanship. This was q u i t e evident i n Ching-te-chen's p o r c e l a i n production. As f o r s o c i a l homogeneity, the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen were apparently "trade-conscious" r a t h e r than " c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s " . Moreover, a r t i s a n s of the same trade tended to f r a t e r n i z e among themselves only i n times of a d v e r s i t y , but not i n times of p r o s p e r i t y . i i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I . THE ARTISAN REGULATIONS OF LATE IMPERIAL CHINA 6 I I . CHING-TE-CHEN IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA 15 I I I . THE ARTISANS OF CHING-TE-CHEN: A DISCUSSION 48 NOTES 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY 66 APPENDICES A GLOSSARY OF CHINESE NAMES AND TERMS 71 B A LIST OF REIGNS IN THE MING AND THE CH'ING DYNASTIES . . 75 H i 0 10 20 30 40 50 j _i 1 1 J «. M i l e Scale MAP OF JAO-CHOU PREFECTURE AND ITS VICINITY i v INTRODUCTION Throughout the course of Chinese h i s t o r y , a r t i s a n s had to a great extent played an inconspicuous r o l e . In s p i t e of t h a t , the development of the a r t i s a n c l a s s was i t s e l f f a r from uneventful. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods when, due to commercial growth and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a l t e r a t i o n , s i g n i f i c a n t changes were made i n the a r t i s a n s ' v o c a t i o n a l l i v e s and i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h the government. In the case of one group of a r t i s a n s , those i n Ching-te-chen, such changes were most acu t e l y manifested. Indeed, being employed i n the p o r c e l a i n center of China and being c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h the o f f i c i a l p o r c e l a i n e n t e r p r i s e there, the a r t i s a n s of the town could not help but be a f f e c t e d . The purpose of t h i s study i s to describe the general status of the a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen and to trace the changes they experienced. The time frame of t h i s study i s " l a t e i m p e r i a l China", a period which extends from the e a r l y Ming dynasty i n the mid-fourteenth century to the l a t e Ch'ing dynasty i n the mid-nineteenth century. The s t a r t i n g date i s so chosen because the Ming dynasty was e s s e n t i a l l y the beginning of a t r a n s i t i o n i n the development of the a r t i s a n c l a s s . As f o r the term i n a l date, the mid-nineteenth century i s adopted because Ching-te-chen was completely devastated by the Taiping rebe l s i n 1853. The town never 1 f u l l y recuperated u n t i l a f t e r the L i b e r a t i o n i n 1949. In view of t h i s sudden change of events, i t seems advi s a b l e to leave out the post-1853 period a l t o g e t h e r . Before o u t l i n i n g the scope of the study, i t i s necessary to have a broad understanding of the a r t i s a n s as a c l a s s and of the changes they underwent over the course of h i s t o r y . B a s i c a l l y , there were two categories of a r t i s a n s i n i m p e r i a l China: (1) craftsmen who were involved i n a r t i s a n r y as a trade, and (2) peasants who were involved i n a r t i s a n r y as a s i d e - l i n e i n d u s t r y . Of these two c a t e g o r i e s , however, only the former were c o n v e n t i o n a l l y recognized as " a r t i s a n s " (kung). In i m p e r i a l China, the term " a r t i s a n " was understood to mean a group of people who possessed an a r t i s t i c s k i l l and who used t h i s s k i l l to earn a l i v e l i h o o d . This i s the d e f i n i t i o n adopted here. As a c l a s s , the a r t i s a n s were under s e v e r a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . Notably, they were subjected to r e g i s t e r i n g t h e i r status w i t h the government. Once r e g i s t e r e d , t h e i r status was then maintained on a h e r e d i t a r y b a s i s . In a d d i t i o n , the a r t i s a n s were under o b l i g a t i o n to work f o r the government f o r a c e r t a i n number of days every year. Such work could be i n the c a p i t a l or could be i n any of the major c i t i e s . This c o n s c r i p t labor was, i n e f f e c t , an indispensable source of manpower to various government e n t e r p r i s e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y arsenals and salt-mines. For t h i s reason, the r e s t r i c t i o n s on the a r t i s a n s were p e r s i s t e n t l y enacted. The T'ang dynasty s t a t u t e on the s u b j e c t , f o r example, reads: 2 The sons of a r t i s a n s are forbidden to t r a n s f e r i n t o other census c a t e g o r i e s once t h e i r s t a tus has been e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h i n the a r t i s a n r e g i s t r y . (1) The Ming dynasty s t a t u t e was even more s p e c i f i c : The statuses of a l l households are determined according to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e census r e g i s t r a t i o n s , such as m i l i t a r y (chun), c i v i l i a n (min), c o u r i e r (chan), salt-miner ( t u ) , p h y s i c i a n (i)» fortune- t e l l e r (pu), a r t i s a n (kung), musician ( l o ) , and so on. Those g u i l t y of fraudulent s u b s t i t u t i o n s , whereby they avoid the heavier o b l i g a t i o n s by t a k i n g the l i g h t e r ones, w i l l be beaten e i g h t y s t r o k e s . O f f i c i a l s found c a r e l e s s l y p e r m i t t i n g such fraudulent a c t s or g u i l t y of changing anyone's census status w i l l be given the same pen a l t y . (2) Here i t should be noted t h a t , even though a r t i s a n status was h e r e d i t a r y , not every member of an a r t i s a n household was r e q u i r e d to r e g i s t e r as an a r t i s a n . Indeed, the general r u l e was that i f an a r t i s a n household had two or three male a d u l t s , only one of them was required to r e g i s t e r . Needless to say, the quota increased as the number of male a d u l t s i n the household increased: two out of every four or f i v e , and a maximum .of three out of s i x or more, were re q u i r e d to r e g i s t e r as a r t i s a n s . I n a d d i t i o n , sickness and 3 poverty could a l s o r e l e a s e an a r t i s a n from h i s census s t a t u s . With these exemptions, the t o t a l number of a r t i s a n s i n the country could t h e r e f o r e be much higher than i n d i c a t e d by the a r t i s a n census. However, because no census was kept of these u n r e g i s t e r e d a r t i s a n s , i t i s impossible to even estimate t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n . Be that as i t may, one t h i n g i s p o s i t i v e : these u n r e g i s t e r e d a r t i s a n s were not subjected to the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s . When the a r t i s a n s were not serving c o n s c r i p t l a b o r , they were f r e e to c a r r y on w i t h t h e i r own t r a d e . Almost as a r u l e , most 3 a r t i s a n s tended to operate i n the c a p i t a l or i n the major c i t i e s . The reason i s obvious. I n the r u r a l areas, where the peasants o f t e n f i l l e d the r o l e of the a r t i s a n s by producing much of t h e i r own implements, the need f o r a r t i s a n s was kept to a minimum. However, i n the c i t i e s , where most of the m e r c a n t i l e and commercial a c t i v i t i e s were concentrated, the demand f o r the a r t i s a n s ' s e r v i c e was i n v a r i a b l y g r e a t e r . During the T'ang dynasty (A.D. 618-907), commercialization became p r e v a l e n t . One of the outcomes was the increased demand f o r both commodities and luxury goods. To accomodate t h i s demand, some a r t i s a n s , as w e l l as merchants, attempted to increase the s c a l e of production by h i r i n g a r t i s a n s to work i n workshops. I n essence, t h i s marked the beginning of China's commercial h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r y . I n the middle of the Ming dynasty (A.D. 1368-1643), the government r e s t r i c t i o n s on the a r t i s a n s f i n a l l y began to be r e l a x e d . By then, the a r t i s a n s could pay a s p e c i a l tax i n l i e u of performing t h e i r c o n s c r i p t l a b o r . Nevertheless, they s t i l l had to r e g i s t e r t h e i r s t a tus w i t h the government. E v e n t u a l l y , even t h i s r e g u l a t i o n was a b o l i s h e d at the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty (A.D. 1644-1911). The above i s , of course, only a b r i e f h i s t o r y of a r t i s a n s and of a r t i s a n r y i n i m p e r i a l China. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , i t r a i s e s more questions than i t answers. For i n s t a n c e , how s o c i a l l y homogeneous were the a r t i s a n s ? What e f f e c t d i d the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s have upon the a r t i s a n s ' way of l i f e ? I n t u r n , how d i d the a r t i s a n s respond to the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s ? A l s o , why d i d the Ming government loosen these r e g u l a t i o n s and why d i d the Ch'ing 4 government a b o l i s h them a l t o g e t h e r ? Furthermore, d i d the loosening and the eventual a b o l i t i o n of the r e g u l a t i o n s change the d i s p o s i t i o n of the a r t i s a n s and the nature of a r t i s a n r y ? The above questions e s s e n t i a l l y set the course f o r t h i s study of the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen. L a s t l y , a word about source m a t e r i a l s i s i n order. In t h i s study, both contemporary sources ( v i z . eighteenth and nineteenth century l i t e r a t u r e ) and r e l a t i v e l y recent ones ( v i z . e a r l y twentieth century l i t e r a t u r e ) are employed. Here, the question i s : how compatible are these sources? Upon comparison, i t appears tha t , aside from s t a t i s t i c a l data, t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s of the a r t i s a n s ' 4 way of l i f e g e n e r a l l y agree. On t h i s premise, t h e i r employment i s j u s t i f i e d . 5 CHAPTER I THE ARTISAN REGULATIONS OF IATE IMPERIAL CHINA A f t e r the t h i r d century B.C., c l a s s e s and statuses i n China ceased to be h e r e d i t a r y . However, because the government wanted to assure that there would be a constant supply of manpower at i t s d i s p o s a l , c e r t a i n groups continued to r e g i s t e r t h e i r s t a tus on a h e r e d i t a r y b a s i s and continued to work f o r the government whenever t h e i r s e r v i c e s were needed. The a r t i s a n s were among these groups. I n the subsequent c e n t u r i e s , h e r e d i t a r y status r e g i s t r a t i o n and c o n s c r i p t l a b o r continued to apply to the a r t i s a n s . The r i g i d i t y i n implementing these r e g u l a t i o n s , however, depended on the government concerned. I n the beginning of the Ming dynasty, the government seemingly d i d not e x e r c i s e any s t r i c t r e g u l a t i o n s on the a r t i s a n s . From the in f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e , i t appears that the a r t i s a n s were subjected to c o n s c r i p t i o n only when the government deemed i t 1 necessary. I n e f f e c t , t h i s caused considerable inconvenience f o r the a r t i s a n s . For one t h i n g , not knowing when t h e i r s e r v i c e s were r e q u i r e d , they could not be committed to any long-term p r o j e c t . A f t e r many remonstrations, the government f i n a l l y introduced a more r i g i d set of a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s i n 1385. Under these r e g u l a t i o n s , a l l the a r t i s a n s were to be organized according to the nature of t h e i r t r a d e . Once every three years, they 6 were to report to the c a p i t a l i n Nanking to serve the government f o r a p e r i o d of three months. The m o b i l i z a t i o n of these a r t i s a n s was to 2 be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . For a w h i l e , the r e g u l a t i o n s proved s a t i s f a c t o r y to both the government and the a r t i s a n s . However, a problem soon developed. Namely, the s e r v i c e s of some of the a r t i s a n s were not always needed when they reported to work at the c a p i t a l . Undoubtedly, to the a r t i s a n s concerned, the t r i p to the c a p i t a l and the i d l e sojourn 3 there were extremely f r u s t r a t i n g and annoying. Recognizing t h i s problem, the government thus again r e v i s e d i t s a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s . I n t h i s r e v i s i o n , presented i n 1391, a r t i s a n s of d i f f e r e n t trades were s t i p u l a t e d to report to the c a p i t a l at d i f f e r e n t i n t e r v a l s , ranging from once every year to once every f i v e 4 years. As before, each c o n s c r i p t i o n l a s t e d three months. Because of the r o t a t i n g f e a t u r e of t h i s s t i p u l a t i o n , a l l the a r t i s a n s i n v o l v e d were c o l l e c t i v e l y known as the r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s (lun-pan kung-chiang). I n p r i n c i p l e , a l l the r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s were to serve t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n a t the c a p i t a l . I n p r a c t i c e , however, t h i s was not always the case. Indeed, since some of the government e n t e r p r i s e s were located elsewhere and since these e n t e r p r i s e s a l s o demanded manpower, a p p r o p r i a t e l y s k i l l e d a r t i s a n s were, t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e d to report there r a t h e r than to the c a p i t a l . The I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory at Ching-te-chen and the I m p e r i a l S i l k Factory a t Soochow, f o r example, were the main r e c i p i e n t s of c o n s c r i p t e d p o t t e r s and 7 s i l k - w e a v e r s . A l l the a r t i s a n s who served t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n outside the c a p i t a l were c o l l e c t i v e l y designated as s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s ( t s ' u n - l i u kung-chiang). Despite the incessant s e r v i c e of the r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s , the government p r e f e r r e d to have a crew of a r t i s a n s permanently r e s i d i n g a t the c a p i t a l , so that there would always be a source of manpower on hand. Against t h i s background, the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s (chu-tso jen-chiang) came i n t o being i n the e a r l y f i f t e e n t h century. I n many ways, the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s were d i f f e r e n t from both the r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s . To begin w i t h , even though the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s a l s o served t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n on a r o t a t i n g b a s i s , t h e i r term was extended. On the average, they had to serve ten days a month, or approximately four months every year. Whether they were on c o n s c r i p t i o n or not, the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s were r e q u i r e d to r e s i d e at the c a p i t a l permanently.^ Secondly, u n l i k e the r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s who were under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Board of Works (Kung-pu), the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s were under the I m p e r i a l Household M i n i s t r y ( N e i - w u - f u ) F i n a l l y , i n co n t r a s t w i t h the r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s who had to support themselves w h i l e on c o n s c r i p t i o n , the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s r e c e i v e d stipends from the government whenever they were serving t h e i r c o n s c r i p t l a b o r . I n gen e r a l , these stipends were i n the form of r a t i o n s , which included r i c e , s a l t , and vegetables.^ On some s p e c i a l occasions, such as the inau g u r a t i o n of a new emperor, the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s a l s o r e c e i v e d 8 a cash bonus. 8 In 1392, seven years a f t e r the Ming a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s came i n t o e f f e c t , the number of r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s was r e g i s t e r e d at 9 232,089. This f i g u r e remained l a r g e l y the same i n the subsequent decades. I n 1454, f o r example, the number was 240,000. By then, the c a p i t a l had been t r a n s f e r r e d from Nanking to Peking. Be that as i t may, both these c i t i e s . c o n t i n u e d to be the focus of a l l c o n s c r i p t l a b o r . Indeed, of the 240,000 r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s i n 1454, 182,000 of 10 them reported to Peking and 58,000 to Nanking. As f o r the p o p u l a t i o n of the s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s , no i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e . U n l i k e the r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s , whose po p u l a t i o n was r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e throughout the Ming dynasty, the p o p u l a t i o n of the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s underwent considerable f l u c t u a t i o n . In 1531, f o r example, Peking had a t o t a l of 25,167 r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s . Then, i n the same year, t h i s number was reduced to 12,255, because the government found that the s e r v i c e s of some r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s were not f r e q u e n t l y 11 needed. The l a s t f i g u r e , i n f a c t , was s t i p u l a t e d by the government as the quota of r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s p e r m i s s i b l e i n Peking. Despite the quota, the number of r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s i n the c a p i t a l continued to f l u c t u a t e , being 18,443 i n 1561, 15,884 i n 1567, 12 and 15,139 i n 1615. Conceivably, t h i s f l u c t u a t i o n was due to the i m p e r i a l court's v a c i l l a t i n g demand f o r a r t i s a n a l s e r v i c e s . The number of r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s i n Nanking was c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s than that of the new c a p i t a l . I n 1530, f o r example, t h e i r number 13 t o t a l l e d some 7,600. Un f o r t u n a t e l y , no f u r t h e r f i g u r e s on the Nanking a r t i s a n s are a v a i l a b l e . 9 As the Ming dynasty progressed, more and more a r t i s a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the r o t a t i n g ones, began to evade t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n . There were two reasons f o r t h i s evasion. F i r s t , f o r the r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s , e s p e c i a l l y those who l i v e d a distance from the c a p i t a l and those who had to serve t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n once every year, the impressment was extremely bothersome. Indeed, i t must be remembered that although the d u r a t i o n of the stay i n the c a p i t a l was only three months, there was a l s o the time needed to t r a v e l back and f o r t h from and to the c a p i t a l . A l t o g e t h e r , the c o n s c r i p t i o n a c t u a l l y took up a considerable p o r t i o n of t h e i r time, not to mention the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n cost i n c u r r e d which they themselves had to bear. Needless to say, the l i v e l i h o o d of these a r t i s a n s was s e r i o u s l y hampered. Second, i n i t s attempt to maintain the l e v e l of craftsmanship, the government was s t r i n g e n t toward the a r t i s a n s . As s p e c i f i e d i n the s t a t u t e , i f a c o n s c r i p t e d a r t i s a n ' s products d i d not meet the set standard, he was subjected to f o r t y s t r o k e s . The same penalty a l s o 14 a p p l i e d to any delay i n production on h i s p a r t . Furthermore, to ensure that the products of each a r t i s a n could r e a d i l y be i d e n t i f i e d , the government required the a r t i s a n s to mark t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e products. I n 1415, f o r example, a l l the carriage-makers were ordered to r e g i s t e r t h e i r name and t h e i r products w i t h the I m p e r i a l Household M i n i s t r y . I f these c a r r i a g e s d i d not prove to be s a t i s f a c t o r y , t h e i r makers 15 would be punished a c c o r d i n g l y . Because of a l l t h i s oppression, many a r t i s a n s thus turned to evasion. By and l a r g e , the most prevalent form of evasion was abscondence. 10 I n such i n s t a n c e s , the a r t i s a n s would simply f l e e t h e i r n a t i v e p l a c e , where t h e i r status was r e g i s t e r e d , and r e s e t t l e elsewhere. Although the exact number of a r t i s a n s who chose t h i s form of evasion i s unknown, i t was recorded t h a t , i n 1438 alone, 4,255 absconders were apprehended by the government. By 1450, the number soared to 34,800. Added to t h i s f i g u r e are, of course, those a r t i s a n s who employed other forms of evasion and those a r t i s a n s who s u c c e s s f u l l y evaded t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n . I n an attempt to curb these evasions, the government, i n 1454, again r e v i s e d i t s a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s . This time, i t s t i p u l a t e d that a l l the r o t a t i n g a r t i s a n s were to serve t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n uniformly 17 at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s of four years. The e f f e c t of t h i s change i n s t i p u l a t i o n i s l a r g e l y u n c l e a r , except f o r the f a c t that i t took another t h i r t y years before another major r e v i s i o n was made. Besides evasion, the government was t r o u b l e d by another problem. I n s p i t e of the harsh p e n a l t i e s , the standards of s k i l l and the performance of the c o n s c r i p t e d a r t i s a n s g e n e r a l l y showed a d e t e r i o r a t i o n . The i m p e r i a l shipyard, f o r example, complained that most of the a r t i s a n s there "no longer have the s k i l l (once d i s p l a y e d by t h e i r f o r e f a t h e r s ) " and "not even one or two out of a hundred know 18 t h e i r c r a f t . " There i s no ready explanation f o r t h i s d e t e r i o r a t i o n . One might speculate that t h i s was p a r t l y due to the a r t i s a n s ' resentment of c o n s c r i p t i o n and p a r t l y due to the l o s s of many a r t i s t i c s k i l l s as a r e s u l t of the massive evasion. With these problems plaguing the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s , the government thus considered commuting the c o n s c r i p t i o n . In a memorial 11 submitted by the Board of Works i n 1485, i t was suggested that those r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s who wished to be exempted from t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n could do so by paying a s p e c i a l tax. T e n t a t i v e l y , the tax r a t e was set at .9 t a e l of s i l v e r per month f o r the "southern a r t i s a n s " ( i e . those who reported to Nanking f o r t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n ) and .6 t a e l of s i l v e r per month f o r the "northern a r t i s a n s " ( i e . those who reported to Peking f o r t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n ) . Those a r t i s a n s who di d not want, or could not a f f o r d , to pay t h i s amount were to continue 19 to perform t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n . Strangely enough, commutation d i d not apply to the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s . Conceivably, the i m p e r i a l court 20 s t i l l found t h e i r s e r v i c e s i n d i s p e n s a b l e . Although the suggestion was adopted by the throne, the Board of Works seems to have been u n c e r t a i n about the v i a b i l i t y of t h i s a l t e r a t i o n . As a r e s u l t , v a r i o u s adjustments were made i n the subsequent years. I n 1533, f o r example, the r e g u l a t i o n s s t a t e d that only those a r t i s a n s whose residence was d i s t a n t from the c a p i t a l could be q u a l i f i e d f o r commutation. 21 As f o r the ot h e r s , they were to serve t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n as befo r e . F i n a l l y , i n 1562, a more d e f i n i t e set of r e g u l a t i o n s was introduced. This time, commutation of c o n s c r i p t i o n was made compulsory. Under the new r e g u l a t i o n s , a l l the r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s were to continue to r e g i s t e r t h e i r status w i t h the government. Yet, each year, i n l i e u of the c o n s c r i p t i o n , they were to pay a s p e c i a l tax i n the amount of .45 t a e l 22 of s i l v e r . Again, the r e s i d e n t i a l a r t i s a n s were the exception to the r e g u l a t i o n s . By t h i s time, the number of r o t a t i n g and s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s was, probably as a r e s u l t of the massive evasion, reduced to approximately 12 240,000. The t o t a l amount of revenue generated from t h i s commutation therefore came to about 110,000 t a e l s of s i l v e r . This amount was then used by the government to h i r e p r o f i c i e n t a r t i s a n s f o r v a r i o u s undertakings. Henceforth, commutation became the core of the Ming dynasty's a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s . I t remained i n e f f e c t u n t i l 1643, when the dynasty was overthrown by the Manchus. The Ch'ing government was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1644. In the f o l l o w i n g year, i t declared that, w i t h the exception of s a l t - m i n e r s , a l l the h e r e d i t a r y status groups, such as c o u r i e r s , a r t i s a n s , and musicians, 24 were to be abolished. Conceivably, the a b o l i t i o n was an attempt by the Manchus to win over the Chinese. In the case of the a r t i s a n s , commutation, along w i t h census r e g i s t r a t i o n , was a l s o abrogated. In 1658, however, the government reintroduced commutation. According to the o f f i c i a l r e cord, the reason was due to a shortage of funds i n f i n a n c i n g the v a r i o u s government undertakings. Therefore, as a compensation, anyone whose ancestors were r e g i s t e r e d as a r t i s a n s i n the census was required 26 to pay an annual tax of .45 t a e l of s i l v e r . Needless to say, those 27 who were of a r t i s a n descent protested b i t t e r l y against the r e g u l a t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , because no inform a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e on the number of a r t i s a n descendants and on the t o t a l amount of revenue c o l l e c t e d from them, i t i s . i m p o s s i b l e to determine the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h i s r e g u l a t i o n . Whatever the case, the r e g u l a t i o n was r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t - l i v e d . Yet, f o r reasons that are unclear, i t s a b o l i t i o n came to d i f f e r e n t provinces at d i f f e r e n t times. For instance, Chekiang was exempted i n 1698, Shantung i n 1703, Honan and Shensi i n 1713, C h i h l i i n 1724, and Kiangsu, Kwangtung, 28 and Anhwei i n 1729. This a b o l i t i o n , though not synchronously enacted, marked the end of any a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s i n i m p e r i a l China. 14 CHAPTER I I CHING-TE-CHEN IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA The Town The p r e f e c t u r e of Jao-chou was s i t u a t e d i n the northeast of P'o-yang Lake i n K i a n g s i province. Under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n were seven d i s t r i c t s — P ' o - y a n g , An-jen, Yu-kan, Te-hsing, Lo-p'ing, Wan-nien, and Fo u - l i a n g . This l a s t d i s t r i c t , F o u - l i a n g , was, l i k e most d i s t r i c t s i n China, not p a r t i c u l a r l y well-known save f o r one of i t s towns. For here l i e s Ching-te-chen, the p o r c e l a i n center of China. Ching-te-chen i s s i t u a t e d on a p l a i n surrounded by high mountains. Because of the mountainous environs, a g r i c u l t u r e was never a major i n d u s t r y i n the area. Instead, the n a t i v e s made t h e i r l i v i n g from e i t h e r trade or h a n d i c r a f t s . Since the s o i l of Ching-te-chen and i t s v i c i n i t y was g e n e r a l l y recognized as i d e a l f o r producing p o t t e r i e s and p o r c e l a i n s , ceramic i n d u s t r y thus f i g u r e d prominently. E v e n t u a l l y , t h i s i n d u s t r y was to r e i g n supreme not only i n the town, but a l s o i n China. The h i s t o r y of Ching-te-chen as a p o r c e l a i n producer goes back to the Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220). However, one should not assume that the town was recognized as the p o r c e l a i n center of China r i g h t from the very beginning. In e f f e c t , t h i s r e c o g n i t i o n i s obtained through _ . i 1 ce n t u r i e s of development. 15 Before the middle of the Sung dynasty (A.D. 920-1280), Ching-te-chen, then known as Hsin-p 1ing-chen, was one of the many p o r c e l a i n producers i n China. Although the town enjoyed a respectable r e p u t a t i o n , i t was overshadowed by no l e s s than eight other p o r c e l a i n 2 producers i n n o r t h China. However, a combination of events soon changed a l l t h i s . During the r e i g n of Ching-te (1004-1007) i n the Sung dynasty, the potters of Hsin-p'ing-chen were ordered to produce f i n e wares f o r the court. The q u a l i t y of the wares e v e n t u a l l y produced was so impressive that the r e p u t a t i o n of Hsin-p 1ing-chen as a p o r c e l a i n producer was g r e a t l y enhanced. Moreover, because these wares were i n s c r i b e d w i t h the characters Ching-te-nien ch i h (made i n the r e i g n of Ching-te), they came to be conveniently known as the "Ching-te wares", and the town which produced them a l s o came to be r e f e r r e d to 3 i n the same manner. U l t i m a t e l y , the name of the town was changed from Hsin-p'ing-chen to Ching-te-chen, a f t e r i t s famous product. The e a r l y t w e l f t h century marked the beginning of the Jurchen i n v a s i o n of China. Due to the pressure, the Sung court was forced to move from north China to south China. Many c i v i l i a n s , among them p o t t e r s , d i d l i k e w i s e . Since Ching-te-chen was the leading p o r c e l a i n 4 producer i n south China, these potters n a t u r a l l y migrated there. Given t h i s a d d i t i o n a l manpower, which also meant a d d i t i o n a l s k i l l and technology, the q u a l i t y of the wares produced at Ching-te-chen thus became s u p e r l a t i v e . Thenceforth, continuous progress was made. By the Ming dynasty, Ching-te-chen was g e n e r a l l y recognized as the 16 p o r c e l a i n center of China. Given the importance of Ching-te-chen as a p o r c e l a i n center, i t comes as no s u r p r i s e that a l l the contemporary accounts ( i e . eighteenth and nineteenth c e n t u r i e s l i t e r a t u r e ) on the town were concerned w i t h t h i s theme: , The town of Ching-te i s imposingly s i t u a t e d i n the southeast (of China). Both the p o t t e r s and the buyers of p o t t e r i e s are gathered t h e r e . The great b e n e f i t s which the whole country has derived from p o t t e r y have given Ching-te a great reputa- t i o n . (5) Fou-liang i s s i t u a t e d among the ten-thousand mountains and the township of Ching-te i s a large center to the south of the d i s t r i c t . Because of the prosperous p o t t e r y t r a d e , people come here from a l l quarters of the compass and a l l s o r t s of merchandise are di s p l a y e d here. One can i n t r u t h describe i t as a f l o u r i s h i n g scene. (6) Ching-te-chen i s a large township on the r i g h t of the r i v e r belonging to the Fou d i s t r i c t . I t s business i s p o t t e r y f o r the b e n e f i t of the whole country. People from f a r and near and from a l l four quarters of the compass, depending on t h e i r s k i l l , go there to earn them a l i v e l i h o o d . (7) Fou-liang's t e r r i t o r y extends to j u s t above 100 _ l i . The earth i s s u i t a b l e f o r p o t t e r y . I f one in c l u d e s both the po t t e r y business i t s e l f and a l l the items i n c i d e n t a l to the p o t t e r y t r a d e , Fou-liang accounts f o r n e a r l y h a l f . T r u l y i t may be s a i d that Ching-te-chen i s a place of importance i n F o u - l i a n g . (8) Although a l l the above accounts paid t r i b u t e to Ching-te-chen's p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y , i t should be noted t h a t , during the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , there were other p o r c e l a i n producers i n China. However, the d i f f e r e n c e between them and Ching-te-chen was that the others produced coarse wares, w h i l e Ching-te-chen mainly produced wares of e x q u i s i t e q u a l i t y . In f a c t , w i t h the only exception of Te-hua i n the province of Fukien, Ching-te-chen v i r t u a l l y monopolized the market on f i n e p o r c e l a i n . 17 On the whole, the best known and c e r t a i n l y the most in f o r m a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n of Ching-te-chen was o f f e r e d by a J e s u i t m i s sionary, Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s , who l i v e d there i n the e a r l y eighteenth c e n t u r y . ^ H i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s worth quoting here at le n g t h : K i n g - t e - t c h i n g (Ching-te-chen) only needs to be surrounded by w a l l s to be c a l l e d a c i t y , and even to be compared w i t h the l a r g e s t and most populous c i t i e s of China. The places c a l l e d t c h i n g (chen, or town), which are few i n number, but d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a large t r a f f i c and t r a d e , are not u s u a l l y w a l l e d — p e r h a p s i n order that they may grow without hindrance, perhaps to f a c i l i t a t e embarking and disem- barking merchandise. K i n g - t e - t c h i n g i s estimated to conta i n e i g h t - een thousand households, but some of the large merchants have premises of vast extent, lodging a prodigious m u l t i t u d e of workmen, so that the po p u l a t i o n i s s a i d to number over a m i l l i o n s o u l s , who consume d a i l y over ten thousand loads of r i c e and more than a thousand hogs. I t (Ching-te-chen) extends f o r more than a league along the bank of a f i n e r i v e r . I t i s not, as you might imagine, an i n d i s c r i m i n a t e mass of houses; the s t r e e t s are s t r a i g h t as a l i n e and cross at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s ; every in c h of ground i s occupied, so that the houses are too crowded and the s t r e e t s f a r too narrow; when passing along you seem to be i n the midst of a f a i r , and hear nothing but the c r i e s of the s t r e e t p o r t e r s t r y i n g to forc e t h e i r way through. (11) In the above d e s c r i p t i o n , Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s mentioned i n passing that the pop u l a t i o n of Ching-te-chen was "over a m i l l i o n s o u l s . " This i s questionable. During the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , the pop u l a t i o n of Fou-liang d i s t r i c t , i n which Ching-te-chen l i e s , was recorded as f o l l o w s : Year Household T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 1391 18,731 134,970 1412 15,941 92,592 1462 17,577 97,183 1502 17,660 99,721 1512 17,020 99,865 1522 17,068 100,029 1532 16,691 100,037 1542 15,711 103,661 1552 15,714 100,192 1573 16,149 100,192 1583 16,127 100,192 18 Year Household T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 1593 1603 1782 1802 1821 16,111 16,110 55,896 58,792 59,606 100,192 100,192 250,290 281,477 288,220 Source: Fou-liang h s i e n - c h i h (Gazetteer of Fou-liang D i s t r i c t ) , 4 :lla-12b. Chiang-hsi t'ung-chih (Gazetteer of K i a n g s i P r o v i n c e ) , 47:28a-b. Even a l l o w i n g that there might be some i n a c c u r a c i e s i n these f i g u r e s , nowhere do they approach Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s 1 s estimate of one m i l l i o n . Besides, i t must be remembered th a t there were other towns i n Fou-liang d i s t r i c t . Therefore, the po p u l a t i o n of Ching-te-chen could conceivably be l e s s than the f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e d above. I n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , d ' E n t r e c o l l e s a l s o mentioned that the t o t a l number of households was 18,000. I n p r o p o r t i o n i n g that w i t h the popu l a t i o n f i g u r e he provided, t h i s would mean each household contained f i f t y - f i v e people! This i s a h i g h l y u n l i k e l y r a t i o . Furthermore, the area of Ching-te-chen i n the Ming and the Ch'ing periods was t h i r t e e n l i i n length and three l i i n breadth, or t h i r t y - n i n e square l i . To put i t i n r a t i o , t h i s would mean a den s i t y of some 25,641 people per square _ l i ! A gain, t h i s i s rat h e r 12 u n l i k e l y . d ' E n t r e c o l l e s ' s f i g u r e s are t o t a l l y erroneous. For one t h i n g , being a contemporary observer, h i s estimates do have c r e d i b i l i t y . Perhaps the di s c r e p a n c i e s between h i s f i g u r e s and those stated i n the gazetteers could be explained i n the f o l l o w i n g ways: F i r s t , the ga z e t t e e r s ' f i g u r e s Despite the above computations, one should not conclude that 19 might be g r o s s l y i n a c c u r a t e . Second, d ' E n t r e c o l l e s might have over- s t a t e d the p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e understating the number of households. Indeed, i t should be noted that d ' E n t r e c o l l e s wrote t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i n 1712. As one can see, the g a z e t t e e r s ' f i g u r e s on p o p u l a t i o n and the number of households are conspicuously absent i n that p e r i o d . Hence, there i s no r e a l base to r e f u t e d ' E n t r e c o l l e s ' s estimates. F i n a l l y , i t i s p o s s i b l e that the "households" d ' E n t r e c o l l e s spoke of included both " f a m i l y households" and " f a c t o r y households", and that h i s estimates of the p o p u l a t i o n and "households" were made during the p o r c e l a i n season, that i s to say, any time between A p r i l and November. These are important c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , as explained i n a Japanese survey of Ching-te-chen i n the 1910s: In normal times, the p o p u l a t i o n (of Ching-te-chen) i s 20,000 and the number of households approximately 3,000. But at the k i l n opening time, people come from v a r i o u s places to work i n the f a c t o r i e s and the p o p u l a t i o n increases suddenly. The n a t i v e s c l a i m t h a t , at most, there are 150,000 people and approximately 5,000 households. The k i l n s are opened i n A p r i l and c l o s e d i n November. (13) I n p r o p o r t i o n i n g the above f i g u r e s , t h i s would mean Ching-te-chen's population-household r a t i o was approximately 7:1 i n the off-season and 30:1 during the p o r c e l a i n season. The l a t t e r r a t i o e s s e n t i a l l y supports d ' E n t r e c o l l e s ' s observation that "some of the large merchants have premises of vast extent, lodging a prodigious m u l t i t u d e of workmen," and a l s o h i s observation of the seemingly i n c r e d i b l e population-"household" r a t i o . A l l i n a l l , d ' E n t r e c o l l e s 1 s estimates, though i m p l a u s i b l e , ought not to be dismissed. As a l l the contemporary accounts imply, Ching-te-chen was a 20 s i n g l e - i n d u s t r y town. B a s i c a l l y , the town was composed of three groups of people, a l l of whom were connected w i t h p o r c e l a i n production i n one way or another. The f i r s t of these were the merchants, who can be d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : those who operated the k i l n s and the workshops and those who supplied Ching-te-chen w i t h p r o v i s i o n s and commodities. Here, i t should be mentioned i n passing that Ching-te-chen was never s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . Indeed, according to d ' E n t r e c o l l e s , the town's cost of l i v i n g was the highest i n Jao-chou p r e f e c t u r e , because 14 everything had to be brought from o u t s i d e . The second group were the a r t i s a n s . S i m i l a r l y , they can be d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : those who were devoted to p o r c e l a i n production and those who performed s u b s i d i a r y t r a d e s , such as making c r a t e s and b a r r e l s f o r packing the p o r c e l a i n s . Almost as a r u l e , the former category of a r t i s a n s (eg. moulders, g l a z e r s , and bakers) were employed i n the k i l n s and the workshops, w h i l e the l a t t e r category of a r t i s a n s (eg. carpenters, blacksmiths, and bamboosmiths) operated on t h e i r own. The l a s t of these groups were the workmen, who undertook assorted p h y s i c a l l a b o r s . Included i n t h i s group were the p o r t e r s , the miners, the boatmen, and the l i k e . Notwithstanding the importance of these groups of people, t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n and r a t i o remain l a r g e l y unknown. The Industry P o r c e l a i n Production Before d i s c u s s i n g Ching-te-chen's p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y , a b r i e f survey of the process of p o r c e l a i n production i s u s e f u l . B a s i c a l l y , 21 there were four phases i n v o l v e d : (1) mining the c l a y , (2 ) moulding and g l a z i n g the ware, (3) baking the ware, and (4) ornamenting the ware. Each of these phases, i n t u r n , could be broken down f u r t h e r . Mining the Clay The production of p o r c e l a i n required two types of c l a y : k a o l i n and petuntse. Both of them were found i n the v i c i n i t y of Ching-te-chen. A f t e r the mining and the p u r i f i c a t i o n , the c l a y was shaped i n t o b r i c k form and d e l i v e r e d to the workshops. Moulding and G l a z i n g the Ware Upon r e c e i v i n g the c l a y b r i c k , the workshop u s u a l l y p u r i f i e d i t once more. When deemed s a t i s f a c t o r y , the c l a y was then given to the moulders to be shaped, and subsequently to the g l a z e r s to be glazed. I n the a c t u a l production, moulding and g l a z i n g were done through an assembly-line process. In producing a teacup, f o r example, the f i r s t moulder's job was to give the cup i t s contour, the second to add the cup's f o o t , and the t h i r d to f i n a l i z e the form. With t h i s l a s t step completed, the cup was then passed on to the g l a z e r s . In the g l a z i n g process, there was again a d i v i s i o n of l a b o r . Some a r t i s a n s were re s p o n s i b l e f o r mixing the glaze and some were res p o n s i b l e f o r applying the glaze to the ware. Depending on the shape of the p i e c e , g l a z i n g could be done i n the f o l l o w i n g ways: di p p i n g , s p r i n k l i n g , and being blown through a bamboo tube. Again, d i f f e r e n t a r t i s a n s were re s p o n s i b l e f o r d i f f e r e n t methods of g l a z i n g . 22 Baking the Ware One of the most c r u c i a l stages i n p o r c e l a i n production was " f i l l i n g the k i l n " (man-yao). Although the process simply i n v o l v e d p u t t i n g the wares and the f u e l s i n t o the k i l n , i t was by no means easy. I n order to have a s u c c e s s f u l baking, both the wares and the f u e l s must be p r e c i s e l y and s t r a t e g i c a l l y p laced. This process, i n f a c t , was performed by a s p e c i a l group of a r t i s a n s known as the " k i l n - f i l l e r s " (man-yao-kung). I n the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , these " k i l n - f i l l e r s " , w i t h t h e i r own shops, were e n t i r e l y divorced from the k i l n s . G e n e r a l l y , they rendered t h e i r s e r v i c e on a contract b a s i s . When i t came to the a c t u a l baking, each k i l n had a head-keeper (pa-chuang-t'ou), whose r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was to supervise the o v e r a l l execution. I n p a r t i c u l a r , he must be able to c o n t r o l the temperature of the k i l n at a d e s i r a b l e l e v e l . Ornamenting the Ware I f a piece of ware needed ornamentation, i t was then taken to a workshop which s p e c i a l i z e d i n such undertakings. S i m i l a r to moulding and g l a z i n g , ornamenting was a l s o done through an assembly-line process. I n drawing a p a t t e r n , f o r example, one a r t i s a n would sketch the o u t l i n e , w h i l e another a r t i s a n would f i l l i n the c o l o r . A l l other forms of ornamentation, such as embossing, engraving, and c a r v i n g , were more or l e s s done i n the same f a s h i o n . In e f f e c t , most of the ornamenters were a r t i s t i c i n only one type of p a t t e r n or design. F i n a l l y , a f t e r the ornamentation was completed, the ware was 23 then taken to an oven to be baked again. U n l i k e the f i r s t baking, i n which great care was r e q u i r e d , the second baking was r e l a t i v e l y f a c i l e . In g e n e r a l , the workshop had i t s own bakers to perform the process. With t h i s l a s t process completed, the p o r c e l a i n was now ready f o r the market. Of the v a r i o u s occupational groups involved i n the above four phases of p o r c e l a i n production, almost a l l of them were l e g a l l y recognized as " a r t i s a n s " i n i m p e r i a l China. The only exceptions were the miners of p o r c e l a i n c l a y , who were "workmen" (fu) r a t h e r than " a r t i s a n s " (kung). Nevertheless, they were a l s o subjected to c o n s c r i p - t i o n whenever t h e i r s e r v i c e s were needed.''""' The Ming Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory I n i m p e r i a l China, there were b a s i c a l l y two types of p o r c e l a i n e n t e r p r i s e s : the o f f i c i a l k i l n (kuan-yao) and the p r i v a t e k i l n (min-yao). As t h e i r names imply, the former was o f f i c i a l e n t e r p r i s e , whose products were intended f o r the c o u r t , w h i l e the l a t t e r was p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e , whose products were destined f o r trade. The o f f i c i a l k i l n d i d not come i n t o being p r i o r to the Ming dynasty. Instead, the government set up a s p e c i a l o f f i c e . i n each major p o r c e l a i n center. Whenever p o r c e l a i n was r e q u i r e d , the superintendent of t h i s o f f i c e would go to the p r i v a t e k i l n s , s e l e c t t h e i r choice wares, and convey them to the c o u r t . O c c a s i o n a l l y , the court would order a l i s t of s p e c i a l p o r c e l a i n s , w i t h which the p r i v a t e k i l n s were required to comply i n t h e i r production. Again, i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the superintendent to oversee t h e i r production 24 and conveyance to the c o u r t . U s u a l l y , these wares were not pa i d f o r , 16 because they were considered a " t r i b u t e " from the p r i v a t e k i l n s . In the beginning of the Ming dynasty, the government probably found i t expedient to e s t a b l i s h i t s own p o r c e l a i n e n t e r p r i s e r a t h e r than to set up p o r c e l a i n o f f i c e s i n va r i o u s l o c a l i t i e s . Since Ching-te-chen was g e n e r a l l y acknowledged, by t h i s time, as the p o r c e l a i n center of China, i t was chosen as the s i t e of t h i s establishment. This was the o r i g i n of the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory ( Y i i - c h ' i ch'ang). B a s i c a l l y , the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was comprised of two s e c t i o n s : a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and production. I n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s e c t i o n , the personnel were as fol l o w e d : Superintendent: 1 A s s i s t a n t Superintendent: 1 Secr e t a r y : 2 C l e r k : 1 Attendant: 1 Messenger: 1 Guard: 17 P o r t e r : 8 Storage Keeper: 1 J a i l e r : 1 Sedan-chair Bearer: 5 Drummer and Trumpeter: 6 Geomancer: 1 Town E l d e r : 15 Tax C o l l e c t o r : 13 Loc a l M i l i t i a : 20 Source: Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u (A Record of the Ching-te-chen P o t t e r y ) , 1:6a-b. During the Ming dynasty, no magistrate was assigned to Ching-te- chen. Instead, the town was administered by the o f f i c i a l s t a t i o n e d there to supervise the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y . From the above l i s t , i t i s apparent 25 that the i n c l u s i o n of the town e l d e r s , the tax c o l l e c t o r s , and the l i k e was f o r the purpose of a d m i n i s t e r i n g the town. As f o r the other personnel, t h e i r r o l e s are s e l f - e x p l a n a t o r y . I n the production s e c t i o n , the Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory was s t a f f e d by s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s . As mentioned e a r l i e r , these were a r t i s a n s who served t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n i n a d i s t i n c t l o c a t i o n r a t h e r than i n the c a p i t a l . Drawn from the seven d i s t r i c t s of Jao-chou p r e f e c t u r e , the s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s at Ching-te-chen u s u a l l y served t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n at y e a r l y i n t e r v a l s , each term being three months i n d u r a t i o n . Throughout the Ming dynasty, the t o t a l number of c o n s c r i p t e d a r t i s a n s working i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory 17 f l u c t u a t e d from three to f i v e hundred. Besides the a r t i s a n s , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory a l s o c o n s c r i p t e d a number of workmen. B a s i c a l l y , these workmen were d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : journeymen (shang-kung-fu) and l a b o r e r s ( s h a - t ' u - f u ) . The d i f f e r e n c e between the two c a t e g o r i e s was that the former were a s s i s t a n t s to the a r t i s a n s , w h i l e the l a t t e r were simply t o i l e r s of sundry works. Again, the number of c o n s c r i p t e d workmen working i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory f l u c t u a t e d from time to time. According to the l o c a l g a z e t t e e r , some 370 journeymen 18 and 190 l a b o r e r s were g e n e r a l l y i n v o l v e d during the Ming dynasty. L i k e the a r t i s a n s , these workmen were a l s o drawn from the seven d i s t r i c t s of Jao-chou p r e f e c t u r e . I n production, a l l the a r t i s a n s i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory were f i r s t c a t egorized i n t o d i v i s i o n s according to t h e i r 26 trade and to t h e i r s p e c i a l t y ( i e . the type of ware they were most pro- f i c i e n t i n producing). Then, one or more foremen were s e l e c t e d from each d i v i s i o n to supervise the production process. I n the l a t t e r h a l f of the s i x t e e n t h century, the d i v i s i o n s were thus: D i v i s i o n No. of Foreman No. of A r t i s a n Maker of Bowls 4 22 Maker of Dishes 2 16 Maker of Basins 3 20 Maker of Cups 2 1 Maker of Wine Cups ? 7 Maker of Seggars* 3 24 W r i t e r of Seal-marks 2 16 General P a i n t e r 4 19 General W r i t e r 5 7 S c u l p t o r s 4 11 P l a s t e r e r 1 18 Ornamenter 3 13 F i r s t - c l a s s Carpenter 4 35 Second-class Carpenter 2 19 S h i p - b u i l d e r 2 13 Blacksmith 3 30 Bamboosmith 1 9 Pigment Producer 1 3 Rope-maker 1 8 Barrel-maker 1 8 Dyers 1 7 F i r s t - c l a s s Grinder ? 7 Second-class Grinder 7 7 Source: Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u (A Record of the Ching-te-chen P o t t e r y ) , 3:2a-3b. Throughout i t s h i s t o r y , the Ming I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was plagued w i t h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e problems. One problem was that the f a c t o r y superintendent was c o n s t a n t l y changing. I n the beginning of the dynasty, a Secretary of the Board of Works (Kung-pu yuan-wai-lang) was sent to Seggar i s a c l a y v e s s e l f o r c o n t a i n i n g the p o r c e l a i n pieces during the baking process. 27 assume the superintendency. L a t e r , an o f f i c i a l w i t h the t i t l e of O f f i c i a l Record O f f i c e r (Ying-tsao-so-ch 1eng) replaced him. This was followed by a s e r i e s of appointments and d i s m i s s a l s of eunuchs (chung-kuan), of a s s i s t a n t sub-prefects (t'ung-p'an), of sub-prefects (t'ung-chih), and of p r e f e c t s ( c h i h - f u ) as superintendents of the 19 I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory. There were many reasons f o r t h i s i n s t a b i l i t y . I n the e a r l y 1530s, f o r example, a superintendent was imprisoned because he was found g u i l t y of blackmarketing the i m p e r i a l 20 wares. Another superintendent was dismissed i n 1538 because he d i d 21 not convey the wares to the court on time. F i f t e e n years l a t e r , yet another superintendent was dismissed and a r r e s t e d because the q u a l i t y 22 of the wares he supervised was deemed u n s a t i s f a c t o r y . O c c a s i o n a l l y , charges of c o r r u p t i o n and oppression l a i d against the superintendent of the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory a l s o made i t necessary f o r the government to replace him. Besides having an unsteady a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was, i n f a c t , not continuously i n o p e r a t i o n . Indeed, during the reign s of Cheng-t'ung (1436-1449), C h i n g - t ' a i (1450-1456), Hung-chih (1488-1505), T'ai-ch'ang (1620-1621), T ' i e n - c h ' i (1621-1627) and Ch'ung-chen (1628-1644), production was e i t h e r kept to a minimum or suspended a l t o g e t h e r . Again, there were many reasons f o r t h i s i n a c t i v i t y , the major ones being n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s ( v i z . f i r e and f l o o d ) , t e n s i o n from f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n s ( v i z . the Mongol and the Manchu i n v a s i o n s ) , and lac k of i m p e r i a l patronage. Notwithstanding a l l the o b s t a c l e s , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory 28 d i d produce an enormous amount of e x q u i s i t e wares, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of the reigns of Hsuan-te (1426-1435), Ch'eng-hua (1465-1487), Cheng-te (1506-1521), Chia-ching (1522-1566), Lung-ch'ing (1567-1572), and Wan-li (1573-1619). Yet, even then, the establishment was faced w i t h other problems, notably those concerned w i t h p r o d u c t i v i t y . Although there were no annual quotas, the output of the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was, on the average, 18,500 pieces a year i n the 23 beginning of the Ming dynasty. G r a d u a l l y , t h i s output increased, as the court's demand f o r p o r c e l a i n became more extravagant. Indeed, by the middle of the dynasty, e s p e c i a l l y during the reigns of Chia-ching (1522-1566), Lung-ch'ing (1567-1572), and Wan-li (1573-1619), a s i n g l e 24 order f o r 100,000 pieces of p o r c e l a i n was not i n f r e q u e n t . Here, i t should be remembered that f o r the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory to comply w i t h such an order, more than 100,000 pieces of p o r c e l a i n had to be produced. The reason i s obvious: the superintendent had to assure h i m s e l f that only q u a l i t y pieces were conveyed to the c o u r t . Hence, the p o r c e l a i n s dispatched were i n v a r i a b l y s e l e c t e d from a t o t a l production of immense dimension. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h i s heavy demand f o r p o r c e l a i n l e d to a number of consequences. F i r s t of a l l , memorials were repeatedly submitted by censors remonstrating about the extravagance. In 1583, f o r example, when the court placed an order f o r 96,000 pieces of p o r c e l a i n , which included such items as 20,000 boxes, 4,000 vases, and 5,000 j a r s , the f o l l o w i n g memorial was submitted: Now, w i t h reference to the l i s t of p o r c e l a i n s ordered by the c o u r t , 29 the bowls, p l a t e s , teacups, and wine-cups, being f o r the s e r v i c e of the sovereign, must be produced. S t i l l l e s s must there be any d e f i c i e n c y i n the s a c r i f i c i a l v e s s e l s . But as to the chessmen, the chessboard, and the j a r to hold the p i e c e s , these are items of no u t i l i t y , and the same goes f o r the wind-screen, vases, j a r s , covered boxes, and incense-pots r e q u i s i t i o n e d . . . The order f o r 96,000 pieces of p o r c e l a i n i s indeed f a r too e x t o r t i o n a t e . (25) Despite t h i s and s i m i l a r remonstrations, the court d i d not l e s s e n i t s demand f o r p o r c e l a i n . However, i t d i d a l l o w the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory to convey the r e q u i s i t i o n e d wares on i n s t a l l m e n t s . A 1517 order f o r 96,000 pieces of p o r c e l a i n , f o r example, was f i l l e d 26 i n a nine year span. The heavy demand a l s o l e d to an increase i n the finance and the s i z e of the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory. During the Ming dynasty, funding of t h i s establishment was obtained from the t r e a s u r y of K i a n g s i province r a t h e r than from the Board of Works or the I m p e r i a l Household M i n i s t r y . Conceivably, the i m p e r i a l wares produced at Ching-te-chen were considered a " t r i b u t e " from the province of K i a n g s i to the throne. I n the beginning, the annual subsidy from the K i a n g s i t r e a s u r y to the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y was 12,000 t a e l s of s i l v e r . By the 27 middle of the s i x t e e n t h century, the amount was r a i s e d to 140,000. Strangely enough, the o f f i c i a l s of K i a n g s i province d i d not v o i c e any complaint about the increase or the o v e r a l l f i n a n c i a l burden i n c u r r e d . Instead, almost a l l the remonstrations against the soaring expenditure on p o r c e l a i n production came from the censors i n the c o u r t . Because of the r i s i n g output, the s c a l e of production was bound to expand. At f i r s t , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was comprised of twenty k i l n s , a l l located w i t h i n the compound of the 30 establishment. During the r e i g n of Hsuan-te (1426-1435), however, the number of k i l n s was increased to f i f t y - e i g h t . I n f a c t , because the a d d i t i o n a l k i l n s could not be accommodated i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n 28 F a c t o r y , they were s i t u a t e d outside among the p r i v a t e k i l n s . Despite the a d d i t i o n a l funds and k i l n s , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory s t i l l found i t d i f f i c u l t to meet the court's demand. F i n a l l y , during the r e i g n of Chia-ching (1522-1566), the p r a c t i c e of " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n p r o d u c t i o n " (kuan-ta-min-shao) was conceived as a s o l u t i o n . The p o r c e l a i n s conveyed to the court were customarily d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : court wares ( c h ' i n - h s i e n t z ' u - c h ' i , or wares intended f o r the i m p e r i a l household) and t r i b u t a r y wares (pu-hsien t z ' u - c h ' i , or wares intended f o r t r i b u t a r y purposes*). Under the p r a c t i c e of " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n production", the court wares were to be produced by the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory, w h i l e the t r i b u t a r y wares were to be contracted to the p r i v a t e k i l n s f o r production. On the surface, i t may appear that the p r a c t i c e was b e n e f i c i a l to the p r i v a t e k i l n s . However, t h i s was h a r d l y the case. There i s no i n f o r m a t i o n on the exact number of p r i v a t e k i l n s being contracted w i t h by the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory. Be that as i t may, i t i s known that such k i l n s were designated "celadon-contracted Fine p o r c e l a i n s , being appreciated i n China and elsewhere, were o f t e n used by the court as a bestowal to m e r i t o r i o u s o f f i c i a l s and as a t r i b u t e to f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . Any p o r c e l a i n put to such uses was c a l l e d " t r i b u t a r y ware". 31 k i l n " (pao-ch'ing yao) and that they were most a c t i v e i n the reig n s of Chia-ching (1522-1566), Lung-ch'ing (1567-1572), and Wan-li (1573-1619). Here, the de s i g n a t i o n "celadon-contracted k i l n " needs ex p l a n a t i o n . During the Ming dynasty, celadon p o r c e l a i n was i n vogue. For t h i s reason, both court wares and t r i b u t a r y wares were predominately ornamented i n t h i s c o l o r . When the Imp e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory contracted the p r i v a t e k i l n s , a s t i p u l a t i o n was th e r e f o r e made to the e f f e c t that a l l the p o r c e l a i n s produced must be of t h i s s p e c i f i c c o l o r . I f the k i l n s f a i l e d to produce them i n the f i r s t baking, they were re q u i r e d to 29 t r y again, u n t i l the d e s i r e d wares were r e s u l t e d . Thus the de s i g n a t i o n "celadon-contracted k i l n " . There were two a d d i t i o n a l s t i p u l a t i o n s . F i r s t , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory only paid f o r the pieces i t s e l e c t e d , w h i l e there was no compensation f o r any expenses i n c u r r e d during production. Second, a l l the orders placed on the p r i v a t e k i l n s had to be d e l i v e r e d on time. Otherwise, both the potter-households (t'ao-hu, operators of the p r i v a t e k i l n s ) and the p o t t e r s (t'ao-kung, a r t i s a n s of the p r i v a t e k i l n s ) would 30 be punished. To add to the i n j u r y , the Imp e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory u s u a l l y paid f o r the p r i v a t e k i l n s ' wares at l e s s than t h e i r market va l u e . For in s t a n c e , the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y paid only twenty t a e l s of s i l v e r f o r the large f i s h - b o w l , which a c t u a l l y could f e t c h about 31 f i f t y - f i v e t a e l s on the market. By and l a r g e , l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e on the co n s c r i p t e d a r t i s a n s of the Imp e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory. The l o c a l g a z e t t e e r , f o r example, only r e f e r r e d to them concerning t h e i r o c c a s i o n a l p i l f e r a g e of 32 the f a c t o r y ' s stock. Nevertheless, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that even though commutation of c o n s c r i p t i o n was made compulsory on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e i n 1562, the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory a c t u a l l y d i d 32 not made the t r a n s i t i o n u n t i l 1584, almost twenty-two years l a t e r ! The p e r s i s t e n c e of the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory i n i t s use of cons c r i p t e d a r t i s a n s , at l e a s t f o r a longer p e r i o d of time, has two i m p l i c a t i o n s : (1) the establishment was r e s o u r c e f u l i n preventing the evasion and i n enf o r c i n g the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s , or (2) evasion was not a widespread phenomenon among the a r t i s a n s at Ching-te-chen. I n view of the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory's eventual t r a n s i t i o n to commutation, the f i r s t i m p l i c a t i o n i s l e s s l i k e l y . I f the second i m p l i c a t i o n i s t r u e , then i t would appear that the a r t i s a n s of the town were r e l a t i v e l y compliant toward t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n , u n t i l l a t e r on when they responded d i f f e r e n t l y . A f t e r 1584, the s t a t i o n a r y a r t i s a n s at Ching-te-chen, l i k e most a r t i s a n s elsewhere, were re q u i r e d to pay a s p e c i a l tax of .45 t a e l of s i l v e r a year i n l i e u of performing t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n . Instead of h i r i n g a r t i s a n s to replace these c o n s c r i p t e d a r t i s a n s , the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory simply made " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n p r o d u c t i o n " the formal mode of production f o r both the court wares and the t r i b u t a r y wares. Given the oppressive nature of " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n production", i t goes without saying that the p r i v a t e k i l n s s u f f e r e d i n the process. F o r t u n a t e l y f o r them, the Ming dynasty was not to l a s t long. I n 1644, some s i x t y years l a t e r , i t was superseded by the Ch'ing dynasty. 33 The Ch'ing I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory I n comparison, the h i s t o r y of the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory under the Ch'ing dynasty was u n e v e n t f u l . I n 1651, eight years a f t e r the inauguration of the regime, a decree was issued s t a t i n g that the production of i m p e r i a l p o r c e l a i n at Ching-te-chen was an extravagance 33 and that i t should be terminated. Despite the decree, however, i t appears that no such t e r m i n a t i o n took p l a c e . For one t h i n g , the l o c a l g a z e t t e e r recorded t h a t , i n 1654 and again i n 1659, commissions were sent from the Board of Works to Ching-te-chen to supervise the production of i m p e r i a l wares. I n s e v e r a l ways, the Ch'ing I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was d i f f e r e n t from i t s predecessor. F i r s t of a l l , the term of the superintendency was changed. Instead of having a r e s i d e n t super- intendent, the establishment was now g e n e r a l l y under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the Governor of K i a n g s i p r o v i n c e . I n c e r t a i n i n s t a n c e s , such as the ones mentioned above, a commission from e i t h e r the Board of Works or the I m p e r i a l Household M i n i s t r y might be sent to supervise the work. F u n c t i o n a l l y , the Ch'ing I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory continued w i t h the p r a c t i c e of " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n production", but without the oppression and e x p l o i t a t i o n that the p r a c t i c e had e n t a i l e d . Now, the p r i v a t e k i l n s no longer had to warrant the q u a l i t y of t h e i r products, the potter-households and the p o t t e r s were not subjected to punishment i f t h e i r products were deemed u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , and a l l the 34 wares produced were to be paid according to t h e i r market valu e . A l s o , from the mid-eighteenth century onward, a r t i s a n s who worked i n the contracted p r i v a t e k i l n s a c t u a l l y r e c e i v e d , i n a d d i t i o n to the wages they earned from t h e i r employer, welfare b e n e f i t s from the Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory. The b e n e f i t s u s u a l l y covered t h e i r marriage, 35 f u n e r a l , and medical expenses. Conceivably, a l l these p o l i c i e s were implemented i n the hope of winning over the a r t i s a n s , so that they could be more fervent i n t h e i r work. In e f f e c t , because of these e f f o r t s to r e s t r a i n o f f i c i a l oppression and e x p l o i t a t i o n , the Ch'ing Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory was l a r g e l y innocuous f o r the a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen. During the Ch'ing dynasty, a magistrate was appointed to Ching-te-chen. In essence, t h i s meant the Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory was r e l i e v e d of i t s r o l e of a d m i n i s t e r i n g the town. I n s t r i n s i c a l l y , however, the establishment was now an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e apparatus r a t h e r than a productive one. In other words, instead of being r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the production of p o r c e l a i n , the establishment's main f u n c t i o n was now the s u p e r v i s i o n of the work i n the v a r i o u s p r i v a t e k i l n s w i t h which i t contracted. For t h i s reason, the personnel of the Ch'ing Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory were e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t from those of the Ming: Superintendent: 1 Secretary: 2 R e g i s t r a r : 1 C l e r k : 1 Attendant: 1 Purchasing Agent: 1 P o r c e l a i n S e l e c t o r : 1 35 A s s i s t a n t P o r c e l a i n S e l e c t o r : 1 Supervisor of Round Wares ( i e . bowls, p l a t e s , e t c . ) : 1 Supervisor of Lapidary Wares ( i e . vases, statues, e t c . ) : 1 Supervisor of Celadon Wares: 1 K i l n - f i l l e r : 1 Draftsman: 1 Foreman: 7 Storage Keeper: 1 Doorman: 1 P o r t e r : 1 Source: Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u (A Record of the Ching-te-chen P o t t e r y ) , 2:3a-b. In the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no annual production quota f o r i m p e r i a l p o r c e l a i n . The o p e r a t i o n a l r u l e f o r the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was simply "to produce when there i s a demand and to cease when there i s none" (yu-ming t s e kung wu-ming t s e c h i h ) . E v e n t u a l l y , a quota of 20,000 pieces was set i n the e a r l y 3 6 eighteenth century. However, t h i s amount was only l i m i t e d to the court wares. For the t r i b u t a r y ones, t h e i r amount, depending on the need, v a r i e d from time to time. As before, the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was financed by the t r e a s u r y of K i a n g s i province. Throughout the Ch'ing dynasty, the subsidy was set at 8,000 t a e l s of s i l v e r a 37 year, which c e r t a i n l y was a sharp r e d u c t i o n from the enormous amount drawn during the Ming dynasty. In terms of q u a l i t y , the Ch'ing I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory's products r i v a l l e d those of the Ming. On the whole, the best p o r c e l a i n s were produced when Tsang Ying-hsuan, Lang T ' i n g - c h i , Nien Hsi-yao, and T'ang Ying were the superintendents of the establishment. Tsang's superintendence l a s t e d from 1680 to 1688, Lang's from 1705 to 1712, Nien's from 1726 to 1735, and T'ang's from 1736 to e i t h e r 1749 or 36 1753. Except f o r Ts'ang Ying-hsuan and, f o r a w h i l e , T'ang Ying, these superintendents d i d not r e s i d e i n Ching-te-chen. In e f f e c t , i n the case of an absentee superintendent, the arrangement was f o r him to inspect the establishment once a year and have a l l the i m p e r i a l wares sent to him f o r approval, before conveyance to the 38 court. That the Ch ing Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory could f u n c t i o n smoothly w i t h t h i s arrangement i s an i n d i c a t i o n of i t s competency. Toward the end of the eighteenth century, the court began to show a l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n p o r c e l a i n . Consequently, even though the production of i m p e r i a l wares continued i n Ching-te-chen, the q u a l i t y of the wares produced g r a d u a l l y became wanting. To add to the degeneration, the Imperial P o r c e l a i n Factory, along w i t h Ching-te-chen, was completely ravaged by the Taiping r e b e l s i n 1853. Although both the town's p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y and the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y were subsequently regenerated, t h e i r v i g o r was gone. The P r i v a t e K i l n s P r i o r to the T'ang dynasty, the p r i v a t e k i l n s at Ching-te-chen were s m a l l - s c a l e operations. Most o f t e n , a household, by i t s e l f , 39 c o n s t i t u t e d a production u n i t . Given the l i m i t e d market of the time, such operations were deemed s u f f i c i e n t . From the T'ang dynasty onward, the expansion of both domestic and overseas trade led to a growing demand f o r p o r c e l a i n . To keep up w i t h the demand, i t was necessary that the s c a l e of production be increased. For t h i s reason, l a r g e - s c a l e operations were i n i t i a t e d by 37 wealthy a r t i s a n s and merchants. This simply i n v o l v e d the establishment of s i z a b l e workshops, the employment of an extensive number of a r t i s a n s , and the adoption of the assembly-line process as the mode of p r o d u c t i o n . Because of the e f f i c i e n c y and competition of the l a r g e workshops, the s m a l l - s c a l e operations soon became obso l e t e . Thus, p o r c e l a i n production at Ching-te-chen became h i g h l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d . Despite t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , l i t t l e i s known about Ching-te-chen's p r i v a t e k i l n s . Nevertheless, i f the Republican s i t u a t i o n could be taken as an i n d i c a t i o n , then i t would appear that the p r i v a t e k i l n s , as w e l l as the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y , were set up according to the four phases of production described e a r l i e r . I n other words, some e n t e r p r i s e s performed only the mining, some performed only the moulding and the g l a z i n g , some performed only the baking, some performed only the ornamenting, and some performed 40 the e n t i r e process of production. In the case of the p r i v a t e k i l n s , the o r i e n t a t i o n of each e n t e r p r i s e conceivably depended on the wealth and preference of i t s owner. Here, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t , as a general r u l e , each p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e always confined i t s e l f to 41 producing only one type of ware. For i n s t a n c e , one e n t e r p r i s e would produce only bowls, w h i l e another would produce only p l a t e s . The reason f o r t h i s s p e c i a l i z a t i o n was perhaps due to the e n t e r p r i s e s ' i n t e n t i o n of p e r f e c t i n g t h e i r products and, at the same time, of promoting e f f i c i e n c y i n p r o d u c t i o n . I n 1712, Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s wrote that there were some 3,000 42 p r i v a t e k i l n s at Ching-te-chen. However, according to T'ang Y i n g , who 38 w a s the superintendent of the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory from 1736 to 43 e i t h e r 1749 or 1756, there were only 200 to 300. The discrepancy between these two contemporary observations i s indeed g l a r i n g . How could one e x p l a i n i t ? Here, the answer might l i e i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n t connotation of the term " k i l n " . Perhaps, by " k i l n " , d ' E n t r e c o l l e s was r e f e r r i n g to both the "workshops" ( i e . e n t e r p r i s e s which d e a l t w i t h mining, moulding, g l a z i n g , and ornamenting) and the " k i l n s " ( i e . e n t e r p r i s e s which d e a l t w i t h b a k i n g ) . Meanwhile, T'ang Ying used the term " k i l n " to mean the genuine " k i l n s " ( i e . e n t e r p r i s e s which s o l e l y d e a l t w i t h b a k i n g ) . I n the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , the r a t i o between the "workshops" and the " k i l n s " was approximately 44 8:1. Therefore, T'ang Ying's f i g u r e s , i f put i n d ' E n t r e c o l l e s ' s terms, would a l s o mean a t o t a l of 1,800 to 2,700 " k i l n s " a t Ching- te-chen. Seen i n such l i g h t , the two observations do agree. The A r t i s a n P o p u l a t i o n There i s a dearth of inf o r m a t i o n on the a r t i s a n p o p u l a t i o n of Ching-te-chen. According to one Ming source, the a r t i s a n s of the town were "drawn from a l l quarters of the compass," and t h e i r number was 45 "no l e s s then hundreds of thousands." L a t e r , according to T'ang Yi n g , who was one of the superintendents of the Ch'ing I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory, the number of a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen s t i l l was "no l e s s 46 than hundreds of thousands." These f i g u r e s are c e r t a i n l y i m precise. However, because no census was kept, they have to be accepted f o r 39 whatever they are worth. In 1931, an a r t i c l e i n the T i e n t s i n Ta-kung pao stated that " ( i ) n the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty when the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y at Ching-te-chen was at i t s h e i g h t , there were some 150,000 to 180,000 , 4 7 a r t i s a n s working there. Unfortunately, because these f i g u r e s were not documented, t h e i r v a l i d i t y i s u n c e r t a i n . O r i g i n During the Sung and the Yuan periods, Ching-te-chen was the r e c i p i e n t of a r t i s a n s from various provinces, namely, Hopei, Honan, Fukien, and K i a n g s i i t s e l f . As mentioned e a r l i e r , the a r t i s a n s ' m i g r a t i o n to Ching-te-chen was oft e n a r e s u l t of e x t e r n a l pressure, such as f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n . L a t e r , during the Ming and the Ch'ing pe r i o d s , Ching-te-chen's a r t i s a n s p r i m a r i l y came from the seven d i s t r i c t s of Jao-chou prefecture i n K i a n g s i province. Perhaps, the e a r l i e r m i g r a t i n g a r t i s a n s had s e t t l e d i n t h i s area i n order to avoid the l o n g - d i s t a n t t r a v e l to and from t h e i r n a t i v e place apropos of the p o r c e l a i n season. From the informat i o n a v a i l a b l e , i t appears that the m a j o r i t y of the a r t i s a n s d i d not permanently r e s i d e i n Ching-te-chen. Instead, they only went to work there during the p o r c e l a i n season, which l a s t e d from 48 A p r i l to November. This r e l u c t a n c e to l i v e i n the town might be due to two reasons. F i r s t , being a small town of only t h i r t y - n i n e l i _ i n circum- ference, Ching-te-chen could not comfortably accommodate a l l the a r t i s a n s who worked i n i t s p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y . Since the p o r c e l a i n season was only e i g h t months i n d u r a t i o n , most a r t i s a n s might deem i t 40 b e t t e r to r e s i d e elsewhere nearby r a t h e r than crowding i n the town a l l year round. Second, because the cost of l i v i n g i n Ching-te-chen was the highest i n Jao-chou p r e f e c t u r e , i t was economically unwise to l i v e t h e r e . Whatever t h e i r place of o r i g i n , a l l the a r t i s a n s seemingly had to adjust themselves to the working environment of Ching-te-chen. For one t h i n g , i n the i n d u s t r y , a l l the conversations were i n the l o c a l d i a l e c t , which contained frequent c o l l o q u i a l expressions and slang 49 a b b r e v i a t i o n s . Although the m a j o r i t y of the a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen were from the seven d i s t r i c t s of Jao-chou p r e f e c t u r e , most of the merchants were, f o r reasons unknown, from the d i s t r i c t of Tu-ch'ang, which belonged to Nan-kang p r e f e c t u r e i n K i a n g s i p r o v i n c e . I n e f f e c t , t h i s demarcation i n n a t i v e place was a source of c o n f l i c t between the merchants and the a r t i s a n s during the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s . The nature of t h i s c o n f l i c t w i l l be discussed l a t e r . O r g a n i z a t i o n Since the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y at Ching-te-chen was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a r i g i d d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d that the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the a r t i s a n s was a l s o h i g h l y d i v e r s i f i e d . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , because contemporary sources on the subject are i n s u f f i c i e n t to provide a l l the i n f o r m a t i o n needed, a d i s c u s s i o n of the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the a r t i s a n s has to r e l y on more recent sources, namely, those of the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century. 41 As stated above, p o r c e l a i n production at Ching-te-chen was b a s i c a l l y comprised of four phases: mining, moulding and g l a z i n g , baking, and ornamenting. The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the a r t i s a n s d i f f e r e d i n each of these phases. Throughout the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s , the i n d u s t r y of mining the p o r c e l a i n c l a y was, to a great extent, monopolized by four 51 c l a n s — t h e Hos, the Wangs, the Fengs, and the Fangs. Apparently, these four clans passed on t h e i r business from generation to generation, because t h e i r domination of the market l a s t e d f o r some s i x hundred years. For other clay-mining e n t e r p r i s e s to o b t a i n a share of the market, they o f t e n had to r e s o r t to fo r g e r y , by i n s c r i b i n g one of the four c l a n s ' 52 mark on t h e i r products. S t r i c t l y speaking, however, n e i t h e r the entrepreneurs nor the workmen of t h i s clay-mining i n d u s t r y were considered " a r t i s a n s " i n i m p e r i a l China. The former were merchants and the l a t t e r mere workmen. In a d d i t i o n to the clay-mining i n d u s t r y , there was the k i l n - b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y , which was a l s o organized on a c l a n b a s i s . This i n d u s t r y was dominated by one Wei c l a n i n Ching-te-chen, who s t a r t e d the i n d u s t r y back i n the Yuan dynasty. Although other a r t i s a n s had t r i e d to i m i t a t e the Wei clan ' s method of k i l n - b u i l d i n g , they simply could not reach the same l e v e l craftsmanship. Consequently, the 53 Wei c l a n came to monopolize the i n d u s t r y . Needless to say, the trade of these k i l n - b u i l d i n g a r t i s a n s was passed down from generation to generation. I n the moulding, g l a z i n g , baking, and ornamenting i n d u s t r i e s , 42 the a r t i s a n s were organized i n g u i l d s . However, u n l i k e most g u i l d s , whose members were a l l of the same trade, the g u i l d s i n these i n d u s t r i e s were of a d i f f e r e n t composition. Notably, they were a s s o c i a t i o n s of workshops r a t h e r than of i n d i v i d u a l members. Moreover, each g u i l d was set up according to the type of ware produced r a t h e r than to the members' trad e . To give an example, i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century, there were a t o t a l of twenty-three g u i l d s i n Ching-te-chen. Of these twenty-three, twenty-one s p e c i a l i z e d i n the production of only one type of ware, w h i l e 54 the other two s p e c i a l i z e d i n baking. Here, two p o i n t s should be noted. F i r s t , i t appears t h a t , w i t h i n these g u i l d s , the owners of the workshops played a more a c t i v e r o l e than d i d the a r t i s a n s . One i n d i c a t i o n was that i n the annual s a c r i f i c e to the patron d e i t i e s , only the owners took part i n the c e r e m o n y . S e c o n d , a l l these g u i l d s , i n which the membership was product-oriented r a t h e r than t r a d e - o r i e n t e d , a c t u a l l y possessed the same l i n e of a r t i s a n s . That i s to say, they each had t h e i r moulders, g l a z e r s , bakers, ornamenters, and so on. W i t h i n each workshop, however, the o r g a n i z a t i o n was uniform. I n every process of the p r o d u c t i o n — b e i t moulding, g l a z i n g , baking, or ornamenting—a foreman was se l e c t e d from among the a r t i s a n s . B a s i c a l l y , the duty of t h i s foreman was t h r e e - f o l d : to supervise the other a r t i s a n s , to disburse t h e i r wages, and to h i r e or dismiss any a r t i s a n when deemed necessary. Yet, u n l i k e the labor c o n t r a c t o r of the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century who a l s o assumed s i m i l a r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , the foreman d i d not rec e i v e any a d d i t i o n a l pay f o r h i s r o l e . In f a c t , i t was not uncommon f o r the owner of the workshop to act as foreman.^ 43 Wage Again, because of i n s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n , an i n q u i r y i n t o the wages of the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen must r e l y upon the e a r l y t wentieth century data. According to a report made by an ad hoc committee i n the e a r l y 1920s, the term of employment f o r Ching-te-chen's a r t i s a n s was g e n e r a l l y set i n the f o l l o w i n g manners: by long-term contract ( i e . on a y e a r l y b a s i s ) , by short-term contract ( i e . on a monthly or weekly b a s i s ) , by job ( i e . by each assignment), or by piecework ( i e . by the amount of work performed)."^ Almost as a r u l e , the miners, moulders, g l a z e r s , and bakers were contracted e i t h e r on a long-term or a short-term b a s i s , the k i l n - f i l l e r s and the k i l n - b u i l d e r s on a job b a s i s , and the ornamenters on a piecework b a s i s . I f an a r t i s a n was contracted on a y e a r l y b a s i s , h i s wage was then given out i n two i n s t a l l m e n t s : one i n A p r i l , at the beginning of the p o r c e l a i n season, and one i n October, near the end of the p o r c e l a i n season. However, i f the a r t i s a n concerned was an ornamenter and i f he was a l s o contracted on a y e a r l y b a s i s , then h i s wage was given out i n four i n s t a l l m e n t s : one i n May, one i n mid-July, one i n mid-October, 58 and one at the end of the p o r c e l a i n season. F i n a l l y , r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r t r a d e , a l l the a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen received r a t i o n s w h i l e 59 they were on t h e i r job. Ching-te-chen*s p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y are unknown. Nevertheless, of the groups known, the wages were roughly as f o l l o w e d : By and l a r g e , the wages of each occupation group working i n Type of A r t i s a n Maker of Large Dragon-Bowl Ornamenter Annual Wage T l s . 12.6 9.0 44 Type of Artisan Annual Wage Moulder Tls. 7.2 Glazer 7.2 Source: Fou-liang hsien-chih (Gazetteer of Fou-liang District), 4:32b. Although not explicitly so, these figures are presumably for the Ch'ing period. In comparison to other occupations, the wages of the above artisans were not particularly high or low. For instance, a contemporary tailor earned 7.2 taels of silver a year, a charcoal-burner 7.2, a paper-maker 6.0, and a coal-miner 6.0.^ Apprenticeship In Ching-te-chen's porcelain industry, a person was to be accepted as an apprentice only on two conditions: first, the apprentice had to be between the ages of eight and fifteen; second, he had to have been recommended to the artisan. If he was accepted as an apprentice, he was then required to enter into a contract with the artisan acknowledging 61 their relationship. Albeit the varying complexity of different trades, the length of apprenticeship period was, in most instances, fixed at 62 three years. During the first year, the apprentice acted more or less as an attendant to the artisan by doing his cooking, cleaning, and other miscellaneous work. It was only during the second year that he began to 63 learn the trade from his master. As a rule, an apprentice did not receive any wages during the period of apprenticeship. Be that as i t 64 may, his livelihood was provided for by his master. In selecting their apprentices, the artisans apparently did not emphasize native place tie as a criterion. The kiln-filling trade is a 45 good example. O r i g i n a l l y , i t was the a r t i s a n s of Lo-p'ing d i s t r i c t who f i r s t undertook t h i s l i n e of work. L a t e r , they took on P'o-yang n a t i v e s as t h e i r a p p r e n t i c e s . These P'o-yang a r t i s a n s , i n t u r n , took on n a t i v e s of Tu-ch'ang d i s t r i c t as t h e i r apprentices. E v e n t u a l l y , i n the Ming and the Ch'ing periods, the Tu-chang and the P'o-yang a r t i s a n s e n t i r e l y 6 5 dominated t h i s trade. Working Condition The a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen g e n e r a l l y worked eleven hours a day. In the s p r i n g and i n the summer, they worked from s i x o'clock i n the morning to f i v e o'clock i n the evening. Those a r t i s a n s who wanted to work overtime could extend t h e i r hourse to ten o'clock at n i g h t . In the autumn, however, the working hours were advanced by one hour — that i s , from seven o'clock i n the morning to s i x o'clock i n the evening. Again, those a r t i s a n s who wanted to work overtime could extend t h e i r 66 hourse to eleven o'clock at n i g h t . By and l a r g e , the only group of a r t i s a n s who worked on d i f f e r e n t hours was the bakers. Because t h e i r work was a non-stop process, they worked i n s h i f t s r a t h e r than i n re g u l a r hours. Each year during the p o r c e l a i n season, the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen received s i x days of h o l i d a y : two f o r the Dragon Boat F e s t i v a l , two f o r the Mid-Autumn F e s t i v a l , and two days i n J u l y , when the e n t i r e p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y took a break. During those two days, the owners of the k i l n s and the a r t i s a n s were to s e t t l e any d i s s e n s i o n 67 between them. Other than these s i x days of h o l i d a y , the a r t i s a n s 46 of Ching-te-chen were to work seven days a week, without any break. On the whole, the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n i n Ching-te-chen could not be considered s a n i t a r y . For one t h i n g , the p o l l u t i o n from a l l the k i l n s was always a major environmental problem. Besides, according to a report on Ching-te-chen i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century, the town was long known to have " f i v e abundances": opium dens, p r o s t i t u t e s , bugs, r a t s , and 68 l a t r i n e s . This was h a r d l y the i d e a l place i n which to l i v e or work. 47 CHAPTER I I I THE ARTISANS OF CHING-TE-CHEN: A DISCUSSION Before d i s c u s s i n g the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen, a word about the commercialization of the town's p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y i s i n order. H i t h e r t o , i t has g e n e r a l l y been assumed that p o r c e l a i n production at Ching-te-chen was h i g h l y commercialized during the Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s . The v a l i d i t y of t h i s assumption, however, s t i l l l a c k s concrete documentation. Nevertheless, there are i m p l i c a t i o n s to suggest that commercialization d i d , i n f a c t , take p l a c e . Although Ching-te-chen d i d not keep records of i t s p o r c e l a i n output u n t i l the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century, the sc a l e of production was seemingly on the increase since at l e a s t the Yuan p e r i o d . According to the a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n , Ching-te-chen had a t o t a l of 300 k i l n s ( i e . e n t e r p r i s e s which performed the baking process) i n the Yuan 1 2 p e r i o d , and 200 to 300 i n the e a r l y Ch'ing p e r i o d . Judging from these f i g u r e s alone, i t would appear that the town's p o r c e l a i n output was constant throughout t h i s course of time. However, t h i s was not the case. Indeed, i t should be noted that the Ming k i l n s were, on 3 the average, three to four times bigger than the Yuan ones, and i n t u r n , the Ch'ing k i l n s were, on the average, f i v e times bigger than 4 the Ming ones. A l t o g e t h e r , the enlargement of the k i l n s i n each successive p e r i o d not only suggests a c o n t i n u a l increase i n the 48 porcelain output of Ching-te-chen, but also suggests a continual increase in the overall demand for porcelain. Probably as a result of this increasing demand, the porcelain industry at Ching-te-chen underwent several changes. First of a l l , the assembly-line process was widely adopted by the industry as the mode of production. Without a doubt, the adoption was aimed at increasing the productivity. Secondly, in some porcelain enterprises, the industrial relations betweent the employers and the employees began to be formulated on a contract basis. In essence, this was a divorce from the old hereditary tradition, in which the son of an artisan often succeeded to his father's trade, as well as status. Again, the change was likely to be an endeavor to organize a proficient work force by hiring and securing the services of only the competent artisans. Finally, porcelain production at Ching-te-chen became highly market-oriented. During the Ch'ing period, for example, porcelains with Arabic inscriptions were often produced to accommodate the Mohammedan market. In addition, the production of custom porcelains also became a common practice.^ All these features in the porcelain industry of Ching-te-chen are suggestive of commercialization. When i t comes to studying the artisans of Ching-te-chen, or of artisans anywhere in China in late imperial times, two questions are deemed significant. First, what was the effect of the artisan regulations on the artisans and on artisanry as a whole? Second, were the artisans a socially homogeneous class? It is to these questions that the attention now turns. 49 In the beginning of the Ming dynasty, when the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s were f i r s t i n s t i t u t e d , those a r t i s a n s c o n s c r i p t e d f o r work i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory i n Ching-te-chen appear to have accepted these r e g u l a t i o n s w i t h compliance. True, they might have resented the r e g u l a t i o n s because of t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i v e nature. Yet, any resentment they might have harbored was not manifested openly. Therefore, i n the o f f i c i a l record or i n the l o c a l g a z e t t e e r , there were no i n d i c a t i o n s of t h e i r i n d i g n a t i o n v i s - a - v i s the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s . Perhaps because of the heavy workload that r e s u l t e d from the i n c r e a s i n g demand f o r i m p e r i a l wares, or perhaps because of the awareness derived from remonstrations against the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s elsewhere, the a r t i s a n s i n Ching-te-chen began to show signs of resentment toward t h e i r c o n s c r i p t i o n . According to the ga z e t t e e r , i n the r e i g n of Chia-ching (1522-1566), some of the a r t i s a n s i n the Im p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory became s l u g g i s h at work and some of ,them even p i l f e r e d the stock from the establishment as a form of p r o t e s t . N a t u r a l l y , t h i s alarmed the superintendent of the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y . I n response, v a r i o u s measures were adopted to curb these abuses. For i n s t a n c e , output of each a r t i s a n was recorded, and so were the porcela m a t e r i a l s a l l o c a t e d to them.^ Furthermore, to s t i m u l a t e the a r t i s a n s ' i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r work, m a t e r i a l rewards were given to those a r t i s a n s g who performed e f f i c i e n t l y . Whether these measures were s u c c e s s f u l or not i s u n c l e a r . However, c o n s c r i p t i o n d i d remain i n f o r c e i n Ching-te chen f o r another s i x t y years before i t was commuted. 50 I n 1597 and again i n 1599, two r i o t s took place i n Ching-te- chen. By t h i s time, c o n s c r i p t i o n had become obsolete and the p r a c t i c e of " o f f i c i a l s u p e r v i s i o n c i v i l i a n p r o d u c t i o n " had been adopted by the Imp e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory as one of i t s modes of prod u c t i o n . Apparently, both these r i o t s were a r e s u l t of the oppression occasioned by the superintendent of the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y . In the f i r s t r i o t , the a r t i s a n s simply burned the gate-house of the Imp e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory i n 9 p r o t e s t . I n the second r i o t , they burned down the e n t i r e establishment. I n e f f e c t , the d i s o r d e r l a s t e d f o r three years u n t i l i t was f i n a l l y 10 mediated by the magistrate of Fou-liang d i s t r i c t . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , d e t a i l s of these two i n c i d e n t s are l a r g e l y unknown. From what i s a v a i l a b l e , i t appears that only one person was a r r e s t e d i n these two r i o t s . Moreover, the a u t h o r i t i e s could not p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f y the 11 person a r r e s t e d as being a r i o t e r or a sp e c t a t o r . Four p o s s i b l e i m p l i c a t i o n s can be drawn from t h i s s o l e a r r e s t . F i r s t , the s i t u a t i o n at the time was too c h a o t i c f o r the a u t h o r i t i e s to make any a r r e s t or i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Second, the r i o t e r s were not a r t i s a n s who were working i n the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r y at the time; otherwise, they could have been e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d . T h i r d , the r i o t e r s were so powerful that the a u t h o r i t i e s found i t unwise to make a r r e s t s l e s t they provoke f u r t h e r r i o t s . F i n a l l y , the r i o t e r s were e l u s i v e enough to avoid being apprehended. Whatever the i m p l i c a t i o n , one t h i n g i s c l e a r : the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen were f u l l y capable of i n c i t i n g a r i o t when they were pressed. From the h i s t o r y of the Ming I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n , one cannot 51 r e a l l y conclude that the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s had a negative e f f e c t on the a r t i s a n s . Without a doubt, the r e g u l a t i o n s were an infringement on the a r t i s a n s ' freedom and l i v e l i h o o d . Nevertheless, the r e g u l a t i o n s d i d , to a c e r t a i n extent, c o n t r i b u t e to the a r t i s a n s ' craftsmanship. Indeed, i t i s important to note t h a t , during the Ming dynasty, there was a d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n between the demand f o r i m p e r i a l wares and the improvement of craftsmanship i n p o r c e l a i n production: the more l a v i s h and demanding the order, the higher the q u a l i t y of the product. B a s i c a l l y , there were two reasons f o r t h i s c o r r e l a t i o n . To begin w i t h , the a r t i s a n s working i n the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory were compelled to produce whatever wares the court demanded. Any f a i l u r e to do so, as mentioned e a r l i e r , would r e s u l t i n punishment. For t h i s reason, these a r t i s a n s were a c t u a l l y forced to be p r o d u c t i v e , as w e l l as c r e a t i v e . I n s h o r t , t h i s was a negative i n c e n t i v e . A l s o , because the I m p e r i a l P o r c e l a i n Factory was s o l e l y concerned w i t h the q u a l i t y of i t s output and because of i t s r e l a t i v e l y r i c h funds, the a r t i s a n s could t h e r e f o r e undertake v a r i o u s experiments i n p o r c e l a i n production w i t h indulgence. This was an opportunity not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to them when they were working i n the p r i v a t e k i l n s , both because of the time and because of the expense i n v o l v e d . Even though c o n s c r i p t i o n was no longer extant i n the Ch'ing dynasty, Ching-te-chen continued to experience o c c a s i o n a l u n r e s t . During t h i s p e r i o d , the c o n f l i c t s were o f t e n between the owners of the k i l n s and the a r t i s a n s , and between a r t i s a n s of d i f f e r e n t t r a d e s . By and l a r g e , these c o n f l i c t s were manifested i n s e v e r a l ways. The most common one was s t r i k e a c t i o n (t'ing-kung). According to the g a z e t t e e r , "whenever the a r t i s a n s were discontented (with the 12 management), they would then immediately stop t h e i r work." However, not a l l s t r i k e , a c t i o n s produced the d e s i r e d r e s u l t . I n the r e i g n of Chia-ch'ing (1796-1820), f o r example, the town's moulders went on s t r i k e because they were d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h the type of s i l v e r p aid to them as wages. Yet, despite t h e i r e f f o r t , 13 no changes were made. In the case of a c o n f l i c t between a r t i s a n s of d i f f e r e n t t r a d e s , one party would r e s o r t to " s t i f l i n g the market" ( p a - s h i h ) . For i n s t a n c e , i f the moulders were a t odds w i t h the bakers, then they would stop sending t h e i r wares to the l a t t e r f o r baking. A l s o , they would persuade a l l the town's moulders to do the same. On the whole, however, t h i s type of a c t i o n was i n f r e q u e n t l y used during the 14 Ming and the Ch'ing p e r i o d s . Under extreme circumstances, the a r t i s a n s were not h e s i s t a n t to r e s o r t to v i o l e n c e . Although the a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n i s scanty, i t appears that i n the mid-sixteenth century, s e v e r a l outbreaks of v i o l e n c e took place i n Ching-te-chen. The f i r s t recorded i n c i d e n t occurred i n 1540, when, because of the damages r e s u l t i n g from a f l o o d , the kiln-owners could not pay the a r t i s a n s ' wages. Instead, they t r i e d to dismiss them. Needless to say, the a r t i s a n s were outraged. At once, they gathered together i n an attempt to l o o t the k i l n s , as w e l l as the kiln-owners' household. I n response, a l l the kiln-owners organized themselves to r e p e l t h i s a s s a u l t . A l t o g e t h e r , 53 some 2,000 kiln-owners and a r t i s a n s were engaged i n a b a t t l e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i t s outcome i s unknown. This was not the only instance i n which the a r t i s a n s fought w i t h the kiln-owners. 16 Indeed, s i m i l a r s t r u g g l e s occurred again i n 1541 and i n 1556. The l a s t recorded i n c i d e n t of v i o l e n c e between the k i l n - owners and the a r t i s a n s was i n 1604. As mentioned e a r l i e r , most of the kiln-owners i n Ching-te-chen were from the d i s t r i c t of Tu-ch'ang. Whether these Tu-ch'ang merchants were p a r t i c u l a r l y oppressive or e x p l o i t a t i v e i s u n c l e a r . However, one t h i n g i s c e r t a i n : they were i n t e n s e l y d i s l i k e d by those a r t i s a n s who came from other d i s t r i c t s . Hence, i n 1604, an attempt was made by these a r t i s a n s to d r i v e out the Tu-ch'ang merchants. Before the i n c i d e n t developed f u r t h e r , however, the magistrate of Fou-liang d i s t r i c t i n t e r v e n e d . ^ Based on the above accounts, i t i s apparent that the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen were not a f r a i d to defy a u t h o r i t y , be i t that of the government or of the kiln-owners, when they deemed i t necessary. P r e c i s e l y how d i d the a r t i s a n s m o b i l i z e themselves f o r a c t i o n ? According to one source, i f the a r t i s a n s of a p a r t i c u l a r k i l n wanted to stage a p r o t e s t , they would s e l e c t a leader from among them to guide the o p e r a t i o n . Then, the leader and the a r t i s a n s would take an oath to show t h e i r f i d e l i t y . This involved d r i n k i n g a cup of wine mixed w i t h chicken blood. Conceivably, the gesture was derived from the t r a d i t i o n of sha-hsueh wei-meng (to make a solemn oath by t a s t i n g b l o o d ) . A f t e r the oath, a d i s p a t c h - - i n the form of a chopstick w i t h a chicken feather attached--would be sent to a r t i s a n s i n a l l the k i l n s i n 54 Ching-te-chen. Upon r e c e i v i n g t h i s d i s p a t c h , these a r t i s a n s would 18 immediately stop t h e i r work to j o i n i n w i t h the p r o t e s t . Although the above procedures of m o b i l i z a t i o n vaguely resemble those of a secret s o c i e t y , there i s no i n d i c a t i o n that secret s o c i e t i e s were ever in v o l v e d i n these p r o t e s t s . A l s o , that an a r t i s a n leader was se l e c t e d i n such a haphazard manner has two i m p l i c a t i o n s : f i r s t , the a r t i s a n s were normally unorganized; and second, the foreman of a k i l n was not n e c e s s a r i l y the unanimous a r t i s a n leader. How s o l i d i f i e d were the a r t i s a n s i n responding to such a juncture? According to the ga z e t t e e r , the a r t i s a n s were h i g h l y 19 responsive to s t r i k e a c t i o n and they u s u a l l y acted i n unison. However, there i s reason to argue otherwise. For one t h i n g , most of the p r o t e s t s that took place i n Ching-te-chen were i n s t i g a t e d by a s p e c i f i c group of a r t i s a n s (eg. the moulders or the bakers) r a t h e r than by the e n t i r e a r t i s a n spectrum. Moreover, because the wage d i f f e r e n c e between the h i g h e s t - p a i d a r t i s a n s and the lowest-paid a r t i s a n s was so s u b s t a n t i a l , i t was improbable that they would have the same inducement f o r p r o t e s t . I n e f f e c t , i t comes as no s u r p r i s e that almost a l l the d i s s i d e n t a r t i s a n s were from the lower echelon of the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y . Nevertheless, i t i s h i g h l y p l a u s i b l e that a l l the a r t i s a n s d i d stop t h e i r work upon r e c e i v i n g the f e a t h e r d i s p a t c h , but f o r a d i f f e r e n t reason. As mentioned e a r l i e r , p o r c e l a i n production i n Ching-te-chen in v o l v e d an assembly-line process. For t h i s reason, when one of the production u n i t s stopped i t s work, the e n t i r e production process 55 i n v a r i a b l y a l s o came to a h a l t . The f o l l o w i n g account, w r i t t e n by Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s , t e s t i f i e d to t h i s s i t u a t i o n : Those C h r i s t i a n s who are employed i n the k i l n f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to attend church; they are only allowed to go i f they can f i n d s u b s t i t u t e s , because as soon as the work i s i n t e r r u p t e d , a l l the other workmen are stopped. (20) Consequently, even though some of the a r t i s a n s might have no i n t e n t i o n to s t r i k e , they were nonetheless compelled to such an a c t . I n times of a d v e r s i t y , the s o l i d a r i t y of some a r t i s a n s was, as shown, q u i t e conspicuous. Yet, what about i n times of p r o s p e r i t y ? Did they s t i l l f r a t e r n i z e with.one another? A l s o , what b e n e f i t d i d they r e c e i v e from t h e i r g u i l d s ? In view of the f o l l o w i n g two accounts, both w r i t t e n i n the eighteenth century, the answer to the above questions i s negative: In Ching-te-chen, there are s k i l l f u l a r t i s a n s who, i n t h e i r o l d age, could not f i n d employment. They are t o t a l l y h e l p l e s s i f they become s i c k . Many of them thus become d r i f t e r s . With the town's massive pool of manpower, the owners of the k i l n s could a f f o r d to be s e l e c t i v e i n h i r i n g a r t i s a n s . I n g e n e r a l , they h i r e only the capable ones and dis r e g a r d the r e s t . For t h i s reason, the o l d and the s i c k a r t i s a n s are ignored. Since they cannot a f f o r d to r e t u r n to t h e i r n a t i v e p l a c e , they e v e n t u a l l y d i e i n the town. (21) The mountains a l l around (Ching-te-chen) are covered w i t h tombs; at the foot of one of these i s a very large p i t e n c i r c l e d by high w a l l , i n which the townsmen throw the bodies of the poor a r t i s a n s who have no money to buy c o f f i n s , which i s considered the greatest misfortune. This place i s c a l l e d wan-min-chung--that i s , " P i t f o r the Myriad People". (22) There i s no ready explanation f o r t h i s l a c k of f r a t e r n i t y among the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen. The seasonal nature of the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y might conceivably be one of the reasons. However, without any s t a t i s t i c s on the turnover r a t e of the a r t i s a n s i n the i n d u s t r y , i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to prove or disprove t h i s as being the case. Another 56 reason might be due to government o p p o s i t i o n to any a r t i s a n g u i l d s or f r a t e r n i t i e s . Although there i s no e x p l i c i t evidence showing that t h i s was so i n Ching-te-chen, i n other i n d u s t r i a l centers elsewhere, p a r t i c u - l a r l y the silk-weaving i n d u s t r y i n Soochow, government o p p o s i t i o n to a r t i s a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s c a t e g o r i c a l l y evident i n memorials and e d i c t s . Indeed, the government feared that such o r g a n i z a t i o n s might be used by t h e i r more unruly members as a r a l l y i n g p o i n t f o r any unlawful a c t i v i t i e s . To avoid t h i s happening, i t was t h e r e f o r e seen as best 23 to prevent t h e i r formation i n the f i r s t p l a c e . In c o n c l u s i o n , i t i s appropriate to ask: how r e p r e s e n t a t i v e were the a r t i s a n s of Ching-te-chen? To answer t h i s question, a comparison between the p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r y at Ching-te-chen and the silk-weaving i n d u s t r y at Soochow might be i l l u m i n a t i n g . On the whole, these two i n d u s t r i a l centers shared c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s : both were renowned f o r t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e product, both were the s i t e of an o f f i c i a l e n t e r p r i s e , both employed a s i z a b l e work f o r c e , and both 24 adopted the d i v i s i o n of labor as t h e i r mode of production. With regard to the a r t i s a n s , however, the p o t t e r s of Ching-te-chen and the silk-weavers of Soochow were d i f f e r e n t i n many ways. Notably, the Soochow a r t i s a n s were more concerned w i t h o r g a n i z i n g t h e i r own g i l d s , they were more conscious of f r a t e r n a l w e l f a r e s , and i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, they were more prone to staging p r o t e s t s against both the 25 government and the management. Conceivably, the d i v e r s e nature of t h e i r trade and of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n , along w i t h l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s , might e x p l a i n these d i f f e r e n c e s between the Ching-te-chen p o t t e r s and the 57 Soochow si l k - w e a v e r s . Yet, to what extent d i d these f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e to the d i f f e r e n c e s ? Were there other a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s involved? I n e f f e c t , d i d the Soochow silk-weavers respond to the a r t i s a n r e g u l a t i o n s i n a f a s h i o n s i m i l a r to that of the Ching-te-chen p o t t e r s ? Though beyond the scope of the present study, these questions deserve f u r t h e r research. 58 NOTES Ab b r e v i a t i o n s Used i n the Notes CHTC: Chiang-hsi t'ung-chih (Gazetteer of K i a n g s i Province) CK-TLC: Chung-kuo tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya wen-t'i t'ao-lun c h i ( C o l l e c t e d Debates on the Problem of the Sprouts of C a p i t a l i s m i n China) CTCTL: Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u (A Record of the Ching-te-chen P o t t e r y ) CTCTTSK: Ching-te-chen t'ao-tz'u shih-kao (A D r a f t H i s t o r y of the Ceramics of Ching-te-chen) FLHC: Fou-liang h s i e n - c h i h (Gazetteer of Fou-liang D i s t r i c t ) JCFC: Jao-chou f u - c h i h (Gazetteer of Jao-chou P r e f e c t u r e ) MSL: Ming s h i h - l u ( V e r i t a b l e Records of the Ming Dynasty) TMHT: Ta-Ming h u i - t i e n ( C o l l e c t e d S t a t u t e s of the Ming Dynasty) INTRODUCTION ^ ' a n g - l u - t i e n (The S i x S t a t u t e s of T'ang Dynasty), c i t e d i n Shih Min-hsiung, C h ' i n g - t a i ssu-chih kung-yeh t i fa-chan (The Development of the Silk-Weaving Industry i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d ; T a i p e i , 1968), p. 15. 2TMHT, 19:19a. 3TMHT, 189:1b. 4 Compare, f o r example, the d e s c r i p t i o n of Ching-te-chen i n the f o l l o w i n g works: Stephen W. B u s h e l l , O r i e n t a l Ceramic A r t (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1899), pp. 285-289. A. D. Brankston, E a r l y Ming Wares of Ching-te-chen (Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee L i m i t e d , 1970), passim. Frank B. Lenz, "The World's Ancient P o r c e l a i n Center", i n The N a t i o n a l Geographic Magazine 38 (November 1920):391-406. John Shryock, "Kingtechen: The P o r c e l a i n C i t y " , i n A s i a and the Americans 20 (November 1920):997-1002. CHAPTER I : THE ARTISAN REGULATIONS OF LATE IMPERIAL CHINA 1 I n 1368, f o r example, large number of a r t i s a n s were summoned to construct the palaces i n the c a p i t a l . See Hsu wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (A Supplement to the Encyclopedia of the H i s t o r i c a l Records), comp. Wang C h ' i , 250 chuan (1747; Shanghai, 1936), 16:2914. 59 2 MSL, T ' a i - t s u Hung-wu, 177:6b. 3MSL, T ' a i - t s u Hung-wu, 230:3b. 4 MSL, T ' a i - t s u Hung-wu, 230:3b. See a l s o TMHT, 189:la-5b f o r d e t a i l s of t h i s s t i p u l a t i o n . 5TMHT, 189:1b. TMHT, 189:1a. 7TMHT, 189:42a. Ch'en S h i h - c h ' i , M i n g - t a i kuan shou-kung-yeh t i yen-chiu (A Study of the O f f i c i a l H a ndicraft Industry i n the Ming P e r i o d ; Hupei, 1958), p. 80. 9TMHT, 189:1b. ^Chang T'ing-yu et a l . , comp. Ming-shih ( H i s t o r y of the Ming Dynasty), 332 chuan (1739; T a i p e i , 1962), 240:7a. 11TMHT, 189:11b. 1 2TMHT, 189:35a-b and 189:36b. 13 MSL, Shih-tsung Chia-ching, 114:4b-5a. 1 4TMHT, 172:3a. 15TMHT, 200:39a-b. 1 6 MSL, Ying-tsung Cheng-t'ung, 199:7a. 1 7TMHT, 189:7a. 18 Lung-chiang ch'uan-ch'ang c h i h (Annals of the Lung-chiang Shipyard), c i t e d i n Ch'en S h i h - c h ' i , op. c i t . , p. 94. 1 9TMHT, 189:5b. 20 Ch'en S h i h - c h ' i , op. c i t . , p. 105. 2 1TMHT, 189:7b. 2 2TMHT, 189:7b-8a. 2 3TMHT, 189:8a. 24 Ch'ing-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (Encyclopedia of the H i s t o r i c a l Records of the Ch'ing Dynasty), comp. under the auspices of Emperor Ch'ien-lung, 300 chuan (1747; Shanghai, 1936), 21:5044. 25 C h ' i n - t i n g Ta-Ch'ing h u i - t i e n s h i h - l i ( C o l l e c t e d S t a t u t e s of the Ch'ing Dynasty w i t h Cases and Precedents), comp. K'un Kang et a l . , 1,140 chuan (1899; T a i p e i , 1963), 952:6a. 2 6 Shen-tse h s i e n - c h i h (Gazetteer of Shen-tse D i s t r i c t ) , c i t e d i n P'eng T s e - i , ed. Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i shou-kung-yeh s h i h t z u - l i a o ( H i s t o r i c a l M a t e r i a l s on Modern Chinese H a n d i c r a f t Industry; Peking, 1957), Volume 1, p. 395. 60 See, f o r example, Chang-p'u h s i e n - c h i h (Gazetteer of Chang-p'u D i s t r i c t ) , c i t e d i n Ch'en S h i h - c h ' i , op. c i t . , p. 106. !See P'eng T s e - i , op. c i t . , Volume 1, pp. 391-396. CHAPTER I I ; CHING-TE-CHEN IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA '''For an account of the h i s t o r i c a l development of Ching-te-chen, see CTCTTSK, pp. 43-59 and pp. 95-111. 2 See CTCTL, 6;la-7b. 3CTCTL, 5:2a. 4 CTCTL, 6:passim. 5CTCTL, 8:1a. CTCTL, 8:la-b. 7CTCTL, 8:1b. 8CTCTL, 8:2b. 9 W i l l i a m Burton, P o r c e l a i n : A Sketch of I t s Nature, A r t , and Manufacture (London: C a s s e l l and Company, 1906), p. 65. ^ F o r a b i o g r a p h i c a l sketch of Pere d ' E n t r e c o l l e s , see Soame Jenyns, L a t e r Chinese P o r c e l a i n : The Ch'ing Dynasty, 1644-1912 (London: Faber and Faber, 1965), pp. 15-16. 11 Stephen W. B u s h e l l , O r i e n t a l Ceramic A r t (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1899), pp. 283-284. 12 Cf. the general p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s and the urban po p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s of l a t e i m p e r i a l China i n G. W i l l i a m Skinner, ed. The C i t y i n Late I m p e r i a l China (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1977), p. 213 and pp. 529-530. 13 Toa dobunkai, comp. Shina shobetsu zenchi (Gazetteer of China by Provinces; Tokyo, 1917), Volume 11, p. 82. 14 Stephen W. B u s h e l l , op. c i t . , p. 284. 1 5FLHC, 4:41a-b. FLHC, 4:49a-b. 1 7FLHC, 4:47a; JCFC, 3:59b; CHTC, 93:10b. 1 8FLHC, 4:41b-42a. 1 9FLHC, 4:3 9a-40b. 2 0 J C F C , 3:61b. 21 JCFC, 3:61b. 2 2 J C F C , 3:61b. 61 2 3CTCTTSK, p. 97. 2 4FLHC, 4:46b. 2 5 J C F C , 3:60a-61b. 2 6 J C F C , 3:59a-b. 2 7CHTC, 93:8b. 28 CTCTL, 5:4a. 2 9CTCTL, 4:9a. 3°FLHC, 4:46b. 3 1FLHC, 4:46a-b. 3 2FLHC, 4:47b. 3 3 Ta-Ch'ing Shih-tsu Chang-huang-ti s h i h - l u ( V e r i t a b l e Records of Shih-tsu Chang-huang-ti of the Ch'ing Dynasty), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 101. 3 4FLHC, 4:43a-b. 3 5CHTC, 93:10b. CTCTTSK, p. 110. 3 7CHTC, 93:10a. 3 8CTCTL, 2:2a-b. O Q See Chiang Ch'i's T'ao-chi-lueh (Abstracts of P o t t e r y Records), c i t e d i n FLHC, 4:48b-50a. 4°Su Y i n g , "Chiang-hsi Ching-te-chen t i t z ' u - c h ' i kung-jen" (The P o r c e l a i n Workers of Ching-te-chen i n K i a n g s i ) , i n Tung-fang t s a - c h i h (The Eastern M i s c e l l a n y ; Volume 23, Number 12, June 1936):106. 4 1 I b i d . , p. 106. Stephen W. B u s h e l l , op. c i t . , p. 284. 4 3CHTC, 93:22b. 44 FLHC, 4:47a. 4 5CTCTL, 8:14b. 4 6CHTC, 93:22b. 47 Ta-kung pao (The P u b l i c News), c i t e d i n Chiang Ssu-ch'ing, Ching-te-chen tz'u-yeh s h i h (A H i s t o r y of the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen; Shanghai, 1936), pp. 86-87. 48 CTCTL, 8:14b. Because of the c o l d weather, the months of December, January, February, and March were u n s u i t a b l e f o r producing p o r c e l a i n . During the off-season, the p o r c e l a i n a r t i s a n s probably engaged i n other a c t i v i t i e s , such as making r a t t a n wares and weaving cotton c l o t h . See Ch'ing-ch'ao hsu wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (A Supplement to 62 the Encyclopedia of the H i s t o r i c a l Records of the Ch'ing Dynasty), comp. L i u Chin-tsao, 400 chuan (1921; Shanghai, 1936), 384:11316. 49 CTCTL, 4:la-b. 5 0 J C F C , 3:63a. 5 1CTCTL, 4:2b. 52 CTCTL, 4:2b. 5 3CTCTL, 4:9b. 54 Chiang Ssu-ch'ing, op. c i t . , pp. 183-184. 5 5FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n P'eng T s e - i , op. c i t . , Volume 1, p. 276. "^Su Y i n g , op. c i t . , p. 107. "^Hsiang Ch'uo, "Ching-te-chen yao-yeh c h i - s h i h " (A Record of the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 336. 5 8CTCTL, 4: 1 0 b - l l a . 5 9CTCTL, 4:11a. *^The wages of the a r t i s a n s a l s o depended on t h e i r craftsmanship and output. The examples c i t e d here are merely f o r the purpose of an offhand comparison. For a more comprehensive survey of the wages of v a r i o u s a r t i s a n groups i n the Ch'ing p e r i o d , see P'eng T s e - i , op. c i t . , Volume 1, pp. 396-414. ^ H s i a n g Ch'uo, op. c i t . , p. 336. 6 2 Hsiang Ch'uo, op. c i t . , p. 336. 63 Hsiang Ch'uo, op. c i t . , p. 336. 64 Tz'u-hsun yueh-k'an ( P o r c e l a i n Monthly), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 337. CTCTL, 4:7a-b. Hsiang Ch'uo, op. c i t . , pp. 335-336. ^ H s i a n g Ch'uo, op. c i t . , p. 336. 6 8 Tu Chung-yuan, "Ching-te-chen tz'u-yeh t'iao-ch'a c h i " (An I n v e s t i g a t i o n of the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 278. CHAPTER I I I : THE ARTISANS OF CHING-TE-CHEN: A DISCUSSION 1CHTC, 93:5b. 2CHTC, 93:22b. 3 Hsu Wen and Chiang Ssu-ch'ing, "Ts'ung M i n g - t a i Ching-te-chen tz'u-yeh k'an tzu-pen-chu-i y i n - s u t i meng-ya" (The O r i g i n of the Sprouts of C a p i t a l i s m as Seen i n the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 2, p. 693. 63 4 Chiang-hsi sheng ching-kung-yeh-chang Ching-te-chen t*ao-tz'u yen-chiu-so, comp. Chung-kuo t i t z ' u - c h ' i (The P o r c e l a i n of China; Peking, 1963), p. 188. Stephen W. B u s h e l l , op. c i t . , p. 609. FLHC, 4:43b. 7FLHC, 4:44a. Q FLHC, 4:44a. 9 FLHC, 4:40a. 10 FLHC, 4:40a. 11 FLHC, 4:40a-b. 1 2FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 238. 1 3FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 239. 1 4FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 238. 15 MSL, Shih-tsung Chia-ching, 250:2b-3a. 16 MSL, Shih-tsung Chia-ching, 487:3b-4a. 1 7FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 240. 18 Huang Yen-p'ei, "K'ao-ch'a chiao-yu j i h - c h i " (A D i a r y of an I n v e s t i g a t i o n of E d u c a t i o n ) , c i t e d i n CTCTTSK, p. 238. 1 9FLHC (1832 ed.), c i t e d i n P'eng T s e - i , op. c i t . , Volume 1, p. 418. 20 W i l l i a m Burton, op. c i t . , p. 90. 2 1CHTC, 94:19a-b. 22 Stephen W. B u s h e l l , op. c i t . , p. 286. 23 For a general survey of the silk-weaving i n d u s t r y a t Soochow, see: Sections on the silk-weaving i n d u s t r y i n P'eng T s e - i , ed. Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i shou-kung-yeh s h i h t z u - l i a o ( H i s t o r i c a l M a t e r i a l s on Modern Chinese Ha n d i c r a f t I n d u s t r y ) , Volume 1, Peking, 1957. Shih Min-hsiung. C h ' i n g - t a i ssu-chih kung-yeh t i fa-chan (The Development of the Silk-Weaving Industry i n the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , T a i p e i , 1968. 24. For a general survey of the Soochow silk-weavers' p r o t e s t s , see: L i Hua. "Shih-lun C h ' i n g - t a i i - c h ' i e n t i shih-min tou-cheng" (A D r a f t D i s c u s s i o n on Urban U p r i s i n g p r i o r to the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , i n Shang Yueh, ed. Chung-kuo feng-chien c h i n g - c h i kuan-hsi t i jo-kan wen-t'i (Several Questions concerning the Feudal Economic R e l a t i o n s i n China), Peking, 1958, pp. 317- 345. 64 Fu I - l i n g . " M ing-tai Soo-chou chih-kung, Chiang-hsi t'ao-kung fan feng-chien tou-cheng s h i h - l i a o l e i - c h i " ( S e l e c t i v e H i s t o r i c a l M a t e r i a l s on the A n t i - F e u d a l Struggle of the Soochow Weavers and the K i a n g s i P o t t e r s i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 1, pp. 20-30. L i u Yen. "Ming-mo ch'eng-shih c h i n g - c h i fa-chan h s i a t i ch'u-ch'i shih-min yun-tung" ( E a r l y Stages of the Urban Movement under the C i t y Economic Development at the end of the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 1, pp. 401-435. 65 BIBLIOGRAPHY Western Sources Brankston, A. D. E a r l y Ming Wares of Ching-te-chen. Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee L i m i t e d , 1970. Burgess, John Stewart. The Guilds of Peking. New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1928; r e p r i n t ed., New York: AMS Press, 1970. Burton, W i l l i a m . P o r c e l a i n : A Sketch of I t s Nature, A r t , and Manufacture. London: C a s s e l l and Company, 1906. B u s h e l l , Stephen W. O r i e n t a l Ceramic A r t . New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1899. Chu Ch'ing-yuan. "Government A r t i s a n s of the Yuan Dynasty." In Chinese S o c i a l H i s t o r y : T r a n s l a t i o n s of Selected S t u d i e s , pp. 234-246. Translated by E-tu Zen Sun and John De F r a n c i s . New York: Octagon Books, 1966. Chu Yen. T'ao-shuo ("Description of Chinese P o t t e r y and P o r c e l a i n " ) . Translated w i t h notes by Stephen W. B u s h e l l . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910; r e p r i n t ed., New York: AMS Press, 1973. Eberhard, Wolfram. S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n T r a d i t i o n a l China. Leiden: E. J . B r i l l , 1962. F r i e d , Morton H. F a b r i c of Chinese S o c i e t y . New York: Octagon Books, 1974. Golas, Peter J . " E a r l y Ch'ing G u i l d s . " In The C i t y i n Late Imperial China, pp. 555-580. Edit e d by G. W i l l i a m Skinner. Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. Ho P i n g - t i . The Ladder of Success i n Imperial China. New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967. Jenyns, Soame. Late r Chinese P o r c e l a i n : The Ch'ing Dynasty, 1644-1912. London: Faber and Faber, 1965. Lan P'u. Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u ("The P o t t e r i e s of China"). Translated by Geoffrey R. Sayer. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1951. Lenz, Frank B. "The World's Ancient P o r c e l a i n Center." The N a t i o n a l Geographic Magazine 38 (November 1920) :391-406. Medley, Margaret. "Ching-te-chen and the Problem of the ' i m p e r i a l K i l n s ' . " B u l l e t i n of the (London) School of O r i e n t a l and A f r i c a n Studies 29 (1966) : 326-338. 66 Medley, Margaret. The Chinese P o t t e r . New York: Charles S c r i b n e r ' s Sons, 1976. Morse, Hosea B a l l o u . The G i l d s of China w i t h an account of the G i l d Merchants or Co-hong of Canton. London: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1909; r e p r i n t ed., Shanghai: K e l l e y and Walsh, 1932. Mote, F r e d e r i c k W. "The Transformation of Nanking." I n The C i t y i n Late I m p e r i a l China, pp. 101-153. E d i t e d by G. W i l l i a m Skinner. S t a n f o r d : Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. Oort, H. A. Van. The P o r c e l a i n of Hung-hsien. Lochem: De Tijdstroom, 1970. P h i l l i p s , John Goldsmith. China-Trade P o r c e l a i n . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956. Shryock, John. "Kingtechen: The P o r c e l a i n C i t y . " A s i a and the Americans 20 (November 1920):997-1002. Skinner, G. W i l l i a m , ed. The C i t y i n Late I m p e r i a l China. S t a n f o r d : Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. S t a e h e l i n , Walter A. The Book of P o r c e l a i n . London: Lund, Humphries and Company, 1966. T a y l e r , John Bernard. "The Hopei P o t t e r y Industry and the Problem of Modernisation." The Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Science Review 15 ( A p r i l 1930):184-211. van der Sprenkel, S y b i l l e . "Urban S o c i a l C o n t r o l . " I n The C i t y i n Late I m p e r i a l China, pp. 609-632. E d i t e d by G. W i l l i a m Skinner. S t a n f o r d : Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. Chinese and Japanese Sources Chang T'ing-yu et a l . , comp. Ming-shih ( H i s t o r y of the Ming Dynasty), 332 chuan, 1739; T a i p e i , 1962. Ch'en Chen-chung. "Yuan-tai t i shou-kung-yeh" (The Handicraft Industry of the Yuan P e r i o d ) , i n Shang Yueh, ed. Chung-kuo feng-chien c h i n g - c h i kuan-hsi t i jo-kan wen-t'i (Several Questions concerning the Feudal Economic R e l a t i o n s i n China), Peking, 1958, pp. 230-303. Ch'en S h i h - c h ' i . M i n g - t a i kuan shou-kung-yeh t i yen-chiu (A Study of the O f f i c i a l H a n d i c r a f t Industry i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , Hupei, 1958. Chia Chih-fang. C h i n - t a i Chung-kuo c h i n g - c h i she-hui (The Economy and S o c i e t y of Modern China), Shanghai, 1950. 67 Chia Ching-yen. "Ming-tai t z ' u r c h ' i t i hai-wai mao-i" (The Overseas Trade of P o r c e l a i n i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 1:47-51. Chiang Ssu-ch'ing. Ching-te-chen tz'u-yeh shih (A H i s t o r y of the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen), Shanghai, 1936. Chiang-hsi sheng ching-kung-yeh-t'ing t'ao-tz'u yen-chiu-so, comp. Ching-te-chen t'ao-tz'u shih-kao (A D r a f t H i s t o r y of the Ceramics of Ching-te-chen), Peking, 1959. Chiang-hsi sheng ching-kung-yeh-chang Ching-te-chen t'ao-tz'u yen-chiu-so, comp. Chung-kuo t i t z ' u - c h ' i (The P o r c e l a i n of China), Peking, 1963. Chiang-hsi t'ung-chih (Gazetteer of . K i a n g s i P r o v i n c e ) , comp. Chao Chih-ch'ien et a l . , 180 chuan, 1881; T a i p e i , 1967. Ch'ien Hung. "Ya-p'ien chan-cheng i - c h ' i e n Chung-kuo jo-kan shou-kung-yeh pu-men chung t i tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya." (The Sprouts of C a p i t a l i s m i n Several Sectors of the Chinese H a n d i c r a f t Industry p r i o r to the Opium War", i n CK-TLC, Volume 1:238-271. C h ' i n - t i n g Ta-Ch'ing h u i - t i e n s h i h - l i ( C o l l e c t e d Statutes of the Ch'ing Dynasty w i t h Cases and Precedents), comp. K'un Kang et a l . , 1,140 chuan, 1899; T a i p e i , 1963. Ch'ing-ch'ao hsu wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (A Supplement to the Encycloped of the H i s t o r i c a l Records of the Ch'ing Dynasty), comp. L i u Chin-tsao 400 chuan, 1921; Shanghai, 1936. Ch'ing-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (Encyclopedia of the H i s t o r i c a l Records of the Ch'ing Dynasty), comp. under the auspices of Emperor Ch'ien-lung, 300 chuan, 1747; Shanghai, 1936. Chu Yen. T'ao-shuo (On P o t t e r y ) , 6 chuan, 1774; Tokyo, 1914. CK-TLC: Chung-kuo tzu-pen-chu-i meng-ya wen-t'i t'ao-lun c h i ( C o l l e c t e d Debates on the Problem of the Sprouts of C a p i t a l i s m i n China), ed. Chung-kuo jen-min ta-hsueh Chung-kuo l i - s h i h chiao-yen-shih, 3 Volumes, Peking, 1957. Fou-liang h s i e n - c h i h (Gazetteer of Fou-liang D i s t r i c t ) , comp. Ts'ao Ting-yuan et a l . , 9 chuan, 1673. Fu I - l i n g . " M ing-tai Soo-chou chih-kung, Chiang-hsi t'ao-kung fan feng-chien tou-cheng s h i h - l i a o l e i - c h i " ( S e l e c t i v e H i s t o r i c a l M a t e r i a l s on the A n t i - F e u d a l Struggle of the Soochow.Weavers and the K i a n g s i P o t t e r s i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 1:20-30. 68 Ho P i n g - t i . Chung-kuo hui-kuan s h i h - l u n (An H i s t o r i c a l Survey of Landsmanschaften i n China), T a i p e i , 1966. Hsu Wen and Chiang Ssu-ch'ing. "Ts'ung M i n g - t a i Ching-te-chen tz'u-yeh k'an tzu-pen-chu-i y i n - s u t i meng-ya" (The O r i g i n of the Sprouts of C a p i t a l i s m as Seen i n the P o r c e l a i n Industry at Ching-te-chen i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume I I : 685-702. " Hsu wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (A Supplement to the Encyclopedia of the H i s t o r i c a l Records), comp. Wang C h ' i , 250 chuan, 1747; Shanghai, 1936. Hsueh-hai ch'u-pan-she pi e n - c h i - p u , comp. Chung-kuo l i - t a i shih-huo c h i h cheng-pien (A Compilation of Economics of Successive Dynasties of China), 2 Volumes, T a i p e i , 1970. Huang-ch'ao chi n g - s h i h wen-pien ( S t a t e c r a f t L i t e r a t u r e of the I m p e r i a l Dynasty), comp. Ho Ch'ang-ling, 120 chuan, 1826; T a i p e i , 1972. Jao-chou f u - c h i h (Gazetteer of Jao-chou P r e f e c t u r e ) , comp. Shih Ching-fang et a l . , 32 chuan, 1872; T a i p e i , 1975. Lan P'u. Ching-te-chen t ' a o - l u (A Record of the Ching-te-chen P o t t e r y ) , 10 chuan, 1891; T a i p e i , 1969. L i Hua. " S h i h - l u n C h ' i n g - t a i i - c h ' i e n t i shih-min tou-cheng" (A D r a f t D i s c u s s i o n on Urban U p r i s i n g p r i o r to the Ch'ing P e r i o d ) , i n Shang Yueh, ed. Chung-kuo feng-chien c h i n g - c h i kuan-hsi t i jo-kan wen-t'i (Several Questions concerning the Feudal Economic R e l a t i o n s i n China), Peking, 1958, pp. 317-345. L i Kuang-pi. "Ming-tai shou-kung-yeh t i fa-chan" (The Development of H a n d i c r a f t Industry i n the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume I : 31-46. L i u Yen. "Ming-mo ch'eng-shih c h i n g - c h i fa-chan h s i a t i ch'u-ch'i shih-min yun-tung" ( E a r l y Stages of the Urban Movement under the C i t y Economic Development at the end of the Ming P e r i o d ) , i n CK-TLC, Volume 1:401-435. Lu Sheng. Chung-kuo t'ao-tz'u shih-hua ( H i s t o r i c a l Accounts of Chinese Ceramics), Hong Kong, 1974. Ming s h i h - l u ( V e r i t a b l e Records of the Ming Dynasty), comp. Yao Kuang-hsiao et a l . , 3,045 chuan, n.p., 1940. P'eng T s e - i , ed. Chung-kuo c h i n - t a i shou-kung-yeh s h i h t z u - l i a o ( H i s t o r i c a l M a t e r i a l s on Modern Chinese H a n d i c r a f t I n d u s t r y ) , 4 Volumes, Peking, 1957. 69 Shih Min-hsiung. Ch'ing-tai ssu-chih kung-yeh t i fa-chan (The Development of the Silk-Weaving Industry in the Ch'ing Period), Taipei, 1968. Su Ying. "Chiang-hsi Ching-te-chen t i tz'u-ch'i kung-jen" (The Porcelain Workers of Ching-te-chen in Kiangsi), in Tung-fang tsa-chih (The Eastern Miscellany), Volume 33, Number 12, June 1936, pp. 105-108. Ta-Ming hui-tien (Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty), comp. Shen Shih-hsing et al., 228 chuan, 1587; Taipei, 1964. Toa Dobunkai, comp. Shina shobetsu zenshi (Gazetteer of China by Provinces), Volume 11, Tokyo, 1917. T'ung Shu-yeh and Shih Hsueh-t'ung. Chunĝ -kuo tz'u-ch'i shih lun-ts'ung (Collected Essays on the Porcelain of China), Shanghai, 1958. Wu Jen-ching and Hsin An-ch'ao. Chung-kuo t'ao-tz'u shih (A History of Chinese Ceramics), Shanghai, 1936. Wu Yun-chia. "Fou-liang t'ao-cheng chih" (The Pottery Administration of Fou-liang), in Wang Yun-wu, ed. T'ien-shan ping-shan lu chi ch'i-ta i-chung (Record of T'ien-shan ping-shan and One Other Item), Shanghai, 1927. 70 APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF CHINESE NAMES AND TERMS An-jen -j^. chan chen J^. c h i h - f u Jj&'fc Ching-te-chen ^ j£ ^ | Ching-te-nien c h i h ^ Jfj?^ fy- foj c h ' i n - h s i e n t z ' u - c h ' i chu-tso jen-chiang J\% 3£. )\ \f[. chun chung-kuan Fou-liang ^ ^ fu ^ Hsin-p'ing-chen ^ /^Jj i % Jao-chou jjj " k a o l i n " ( k a o - l i n g ) ^ ^ kuan-ta-min-shao ^ ^ ^ kuan-yao v ^ ^ kung Kung-pu J _ -^p Kung-pu yuan-wai-lang ^> || Lang T'ing-chi & M- l i f . Lo-p'ing *jg - f - lun-pan kung-chiang ^^j) "£~M- ^— man-yao ^ ^ man-yao-kung . y$) ^ X. si min m i n - y a o ^ Nan-kang \^ Nei-wu-fu \Q $f $ 72 Nien Hsi-yao Jt- ^ pa-chuang-t 'ou pa-shih 8 t \-p pao-ch'ing yao ^ ? "petuntse" ( p a i - t u n - t z u ) (jp p^f P'o-yang p | pu y pu-hsien t z ' u - c h ' i 4 f ^ j£ sha-hsueh wei-meng ^?>t^ \32- sha-t'u-fu ^ J / jt- -fc shang-kung-fu _k JL T'ang Ying y| ^ t'ao-hu j?§ t'ao-kung ]3̂ ) X Te-hsing ^ jg? Te-hua 4|, ^ t'ing-kung JL_ 73 Tsang Ying-hsuan ^ ^ jSl t s ' u n - l i u kung-chiang -^Zj- yff X )&. tu %X- Tu-ch'ang /j|p v§ t'ung-chih \$J fa t'ung-p'an frj -Chung j | ̂  J V|? Ying-tsao-so-ch' eng £ ^ ^/jr YLUch'i ch'ang $ J Yu-kan yg£ vf- yu-ming t s e kung wu-ming t s e c h i h $<J J$L ^jj J-_ wan-mm- Wan-nien 74 APPENDIX B A LIST OF REIGNS IN THE.MING AND THE CH'ING DYNASTIES Ming Dynasty- T i t l e of Reign Accession Years of Reign Hung-wu 1368 31 Chien-wen 1399 4 Yung-lo 1403 22 Hung-hsi 1425 1 Hsuan-te 1426 10 Cheng-t'ung 1436 14 C h i n g - t ' a i 1450 7 T'ien-shun 1457 8 Ch'eng-hua 1465 23 Hung-chih 1488 18 Cheng-te 1506 16 Chia-ching 1522 45 Lung-ch'ing 1567 6 Wan-li 1573 47 T'ai-ch'ang 1620 1 T'ie n - c h ' i 1621 7 Ch'ung-chen 1628 17 Ch'ing Dynasty T i t l e of Reign Accession Years of Reign Shun-chih 1644 18 K'ang-hsi 1662 61 Yung-cheng 1723 13 Ch'ien-lung 1736 60 Chia-ch'ing 1796 25 Tao-kuang 1821 30 Hsien-feng 1851 H T'ung-chih 1862 13 Kuang-hsu 1875 34 Hsuan-t'ung 1909 3 75

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