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Hōnen Shōnin and the Pure Land movement Gilday, Edmund Theron 1980

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HONEN SHONIN AND THE PURE LAND MOVEMENT by Edmund Theron Gilday B.A., University of Wisconsin, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1980 (c) Edmund Theron Gilday, 1980 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Br i t ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be al1 owed without my written permission. Department of Religious Studies The University of Br i t ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 i i ABSTRACT In this study of Honen Shonin and his relation to the institutionali-zation of an independent Japanese Pure Land school, I have attempted to isolate the religious and doctrinal issues which affected the evolution of Pure Land salvationism in general and Japanese Buddhism in particular. . The background for this:analysis is provided in Part One, which is a discussion of the religious background to Honen and his ideas, and a summary.of the immediate historical and religious circumstances, put of which Honen's Pure Land soteriology emerged. Part Two consists of a detailed analytical description of the Senchaku^shu ( j f f / j f ) ? Honen's major dissertation on Pure Land doctrine. My thesis is that the reconciliation of the two main currents which converged during the late Heian and early Kamakura periods, namely the Pure Land tradition transmitted from India to East Asia and the popular religious forms indigenous to Japan, climaxed in the single-practice Pure Land movement of H5nen. This reconciliation was not as much the result of internal institutional processes, however, as of the unique cultural and historical circumstances present in the last quarter of the twelfth century, when Honen was most actively engaged in his ministry. My..intention. is to show that Honen's contribution to the Pure Land tradition and his significance in Japanese religious history have been greatly underestimated, particularly in the West, and i t is my hope that this study will provide a solid base from which to initiate a new evaluation of Hpnen and his movement. Leon Hurvitz Thesis Supervisor i i i Table of Contents Abstract i i Introduction 1 Part I. Chapter One 3 Endnotes 20 Chapter Two 25 Endnotes 33 Chapter Three 36 Endnotes 44 Chapter Four 45 Endnotes 54 Part I I . Introduction 56 Chapter Five 60 Endnotes 75 Chapter Six 78 Endnotes 93 Conclusion Bibliography 95 97 1 INTRODUCTION This study i s the r e s u l t of much inquiry into the p h i l o s o p h i c a l , s o c i a l , and r e l i g i o u s o r i g i n s of popular Buddhism i n Japan. In s p i t e of numerous studies of popular r e l i g i o n i n Japan, i n c l u d i n g a few dealing with p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n a l i t i e s , there has not to my knowledge been any s p e c i f i c documentation i n a Western language of ei t h e r the Pure Land movement or the f i r s t great c a t a l y s t i n the popular Buddhist reformation of the Kamakura period, Honen Shonin (jfct&tA ; a/k/a Genku^ 1^. : 1133-1212). To correct t h i s d e f i c i e n c y I propose to provide here a s o l i d introduction to Honen and h i s contribution to the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the issues to which my i n v e s t i g a t i o n has been addressed are three: 1) the textual and d o c t r i n a l h i s t o r y of Pure Land Buddhism u n t i l the time of Honen; 2) the development of a popular S a l v a t i o n i s t movement based on the teachings of Pure Land Buddhism; 3) the b i r t h of an independent Japanese popular S a l v a t i o n i s t school, based on Honen's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Pure Land Buddhist teachings. The paper begins with a discussion of the r e l i g i o u s background to Honen and h i s ideas. This includes a summary of Pure Land Buddhist doctrine and of the key p e r s o n a l i t i e s i n the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n i n India, China, and Japan before Honen, with s p e c i a l reference to Pure Land salvationism i n the three countries. The l a t t e r portion of Part I focuses on Honen himself. A b r i e f biographical sketch provides the immediate h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s circumstances out of which Honen's Pure Land soteriology emerged and places Honen and h i s movement i n perspective with regard to both Japanese Buddhism -2-in general and the Pure Land tradition in particular. The second part of this thesis is an analytical description of the contents of the Senchaku-shu ( iH.-'Ff ^ ) , Honen's major dissertation on Pure Land doctrine. Attention will be placed particularly on those key doctrines discussed in Part I. For the introductory section on early Pure Land Buddhism, I have relied a great deal on FUJITA Kotatsu ($j^ tlS $^JL)'s Studies in Early Pure Land  Thought (Genshi J5do Shiso no Kenkyu jfetfr « ) for both textual and doctrinal background. The primary text used to establish Honen's doctrinal position in the latter section is his Senchaku-shu (T.2608), a text unavailable in any Western language. I have otherwise relied on established translations in Japanese, French, and English for most secondary scriptural and historical works. A l l research materials but the primary text therefore are modern, though the authenticity of critical references has been checked when possible and cited when appropriate. The purpose of the study is to produce a well-documented introduction to Honen, and to the Pure Land movement he founded. Such a study will hopefully lead to a better understanding of Honen's place in the Pure Land tradition and his significance in Japanese Buddhism. This will also provide the necessary background for a complete and annotated translation of Honen's Senchaku-shu, which is a vital necessity i f the Western world is really in the long run to understand Japanese Buddhism. -3-Chapter One The soteriological doctrine which resulted in the Pure Land school of Honen in thirteenth century Japan had its origins in the Mahasanghika Reformation in India around the first century B.C. It was then that the ideal of the Bodhisattva emerged, and from i t the philosophical and soteri-ological features of Mahayana Buddhism. Over the next few centuries these features were developed and refined until a number of distinct schools emerged. While the distinctions were in fact lost for some centuries after their introduction to ChinaV this fundamental shift in religious perspective and the resulting forms of religious practice which found expression in Early Mahayana Buddhism continued to develop. It is this new perspective, particularly as represented in the evolution of early Pure Land Buddhist 2 thought, which is the subject of the first chapter of this paper. The germinal forms of Pure Land thought sprang from the earliest Mahayana tradition as expressed in the Prajnaparamita literature, which 3, originated in Southeast India (Andhra) during the first century B.C. From there the new 'bodhisattva' movement spread west and then north, so that by the first century A.D. a large number of Mahayana texts had already been written, ostensibly to explore the implications of the i n i t i a l Prajna-paramita teaching and to clarify its mystical message. Among these texts were the earliest versions of the Pure Land scriptures, namely the Larger and Smaller Sukhavati-vyuha sutras, both of which were composed in-Northwest 4 India (Kusana) in approximately 100 A.D. The Larger Sukhavati-vyuha C?v<£^ f^ &E- ) is extant in the original Sanskrit as well as in 3 Tibetan and five Chinese translations.^ The oldest extant Chinese translation was done by Chih Ch'ien ($ : 222-253) during the early third century. It is identified in Japanese as the Larger Amida -4-Sutra (^.T^^SlfEi^} . The orthodox version of the Larger Pure Land Sutra, however, is the Muryoju-kyo ) translated by Buddhabhadra UfyfttJ&fltfk 359-429) and Pao-yun 376-449) in about 421.6 The Smaller Sukhavati-vyuha is extant in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese. The Sanskrit version consists of materials discovered in Japan and available in a number of manuscripts and publications.^ The earliest Chinese transla-tion was done by Kumarajiva ($$$4? : 343-413 or 350-409) in Ch'ang-an (I t ^ ) in 402 and is known as the Amida Sutra (ffl$fiftf(!,ff$L- T.366). A second translation was done by Hsuan-tsang (iH : 600-664) (T.367); there was apparently one % Q other, by Gunabhadra (&%$M.1'£$ifc :394-468), but i t is now lost. Besides these, a third text known as the Kuan-wu-liang-shou-ching (il!U i^r^ *^  T.365) or Contemplation Sutra is included in the Pure Land canon and recognized as authoritative by mainstream schools in China and Japan. 9 It was written in Central Asia in the fifth century, and the only extant version is said to have been translated into Chinese by Kalayasas ' ( c.383-442 or 424-442). These three scriptures taken together comprise what is popularly known as the "Triple Sutra." Doctrinally, they present a coherent theory of salva-tion which is not only consistent with the main currents of Mahayana thought in general, but also representative of the earliest stages of the bodhisattva movement in both India and China. The evolution of the bodhisattva doctrine as represented first in the Prajnaparamita literature and crystallized in the early Pure Land sutras was primarily a soteriological theory which took on two forms in early Mahayana Buddhism. The first was an ethical formula'"''' which recognized the validity of mystical intuition in Buddhist philosophical rationality (i.e., the _ 12 abhdharmic tradition, at that time primarily the Sarvastivadin school). The practice of the Paramitas was designed to insure the attainment of insight -5-into 'Sunyata,' and was epitomized by the Madhyamika school of Nagarjuna. Later, Vasubandhu, the founder of the Yogacara school, also attempted to formulate a consistent and practical application of the philosophical theories of the Prajnaparamita."^ Their expositions of Prajnaparamita metaphysical and epistemological theories were used to explain the Amitabha doctrine, and laid the foundation for the Pure Land movement. Their contri-butions were recognized by later Pure Land apologists who identified Nagarjuna and Vasubandhu as the first two patriarchs in the orthodox Pure Land tradi-15 tion. The second form was a popular application of the bodhisattva doctrine, and emphasized the climactic role of Karuna ('compassion') in what was 16 fundamentally a soteriological religious -movement. Karuna was the motiva-tion for the vows of Dharmakara (j^fk ), and established the legitimacy of reliance on the power of Amitabha, providing thereby the hope of an effective and practical means of salvation for those unable to carry out more rigorous traditional practices. While the relationship of these two forms and their assimilation in Pure Land Buddhist doctrine is a matter of some interest in the consideration of the evolution of Pure Land thought, a more extensive treatment is beyond 17 the scope of this study. It is the second form which is the major theme of this paper. The specifics of this Pure Land salvationism can be summarized in four principal doctrines: Faith, Nembutsu, Devotional Attitude, and Rebirth. It was upon these doctrines that the movement was founded, and on these points that its development in China and Japan turned. One hopes that, by examining the doctrines in their earliest expression, i t will be possible to see what Honen's contribution to Pure Land Buddhism was and how his interpretation -6-represented a distinctly Japanese application of the major principles of Mahayana Buddhism. I. The Doctrines A. Faith The term 'faith' as used in the Pure Land texts is a translation of three distinct Sanskrit terms. Sraddha (Pali: Saddha;/g ) is a general term found in Buddhist and non-Buddhist literature as well. It refers to an intellectual affirmation of some teaching, and a voli-18 tional assent to its consequences. It was this rational conception of faith which was included in the original Prajnaparamita formula, and related to the virtue of Wisdom ("Prajna" ) . . Adhimiikti ) was a more specialized Buddhist term for en-lightened faith. This "Enlightened Faith" was defined as firm and un-wavering, and is the mark of the adept (stream-winner: srota'Ipanna; •f^ /tu"^ );^ ^ i t is basically a confirmation (affirmation) of the insights of the intellect.^-'- The connection between faith (sraddha) and Wisdom, and therefore the relationship between Faith (adhimukti) and Contempla-tion (samadhi), was clearly recognizable and established even in early Buddhism. Looked at from another perspective, the function of Contem-plation is the attainment of Wisdom; Wisdom is simply the recognition of Absolute Reality (sunyata). Faith functions first as a rational assent to the teachings on Samadhi and Prajna and then, as Prajna is realized, i t becomes an affirmation of the reality of the Wisdom (Prajna) attained through Contemplation. In the Pure Land scriptures, however, the concern was clearly with faith itself and its soteriological meaning, not with Prajna; no clear identification of the two can be found in the texts. Thus the terms -7-Prasada ) and Prasannacitta ) are more commonly used to i d e n t i f y the f a i t h which i s associated with Amitabha devotion. NAKAMURA Hajime (fyfg %> ) defines t h i s f a i t h as the "calm and pure state of mind i n which one f e e l s the b l i s s of serenity."22 i t i s "the t r a n q u i l nature of faith."23 i t has a p e c u l i a r l y Buddhist c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n that i t was o r i g i n a l l y r e l a t e d to meditative t e c h n i q u e s . ^ This f a i t h i n a l l the Buddhas, but most importantly i n Pure Land teaching f a i t h i n Amitabha, was epitomized i n the pr a c t i c e of Nembutsu (fyfo)2,5 which was already an accepted part of early Buddhism i n general. The question of f a i t h , e s p e c i a l l y f o r l a t e r apologists, was then not rela t e d p a r t i c u l a r l y to ph i l o s o p h i c a l paradigms, but rather to the form and e f f i c a c y of nembutsu p r a c t i c e , and i t was t h i s which caused the greatest disagreement within and without the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n . Two further points must be made with regard to f a i t h i n the Pure Land s c r i p t u r e s . The f i r s t i s that f a i t h i s fundamentally a suspension of, or dispensing with, doubt. I t i s i n e f f e c t abandonment to the teaching of the Buddha; i n t h i s i t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y Buddhist. But the Pure Land doctrine that even a si n g l e a r i s i n g of f a i t h i s s u f f i c i e n t (for r e b i r t h ) i s a concept unfound i n eit h e r p r i m i t i v e or sectarian Buddhist thought. I t i s , however, a common motif i n other Mahayana scr i p t u r e s as we l l , so the Pure Land doctrine of f a i t h can be said to be 27 w e l l within the main stream of Buddhist t r a d i t i o n . The second major c l a r i f i c a t i o n regards the r e l a t i o n s h i p of Pure Land f a i t h as discussed above and the concept of "bhakti" or devotional f a i t h . Although pious devotionalism undoubtedly had i t s place i n popular Pure Land p r a c t i c e as i t did i n Indian r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e at large during the same period, the term "bhakti" does not occur anywhere i n the Pure -8-Land texts themselves. 0 F u j i t a maintains that the r e l i g i o u s concept of f a i t h expressed i n early Pure Land Buddhism was d i s t i n c t from that represented i n contemporary Hindu l i t e r a t u r e such as the Baghavadgita; the r e l a t i o n s h i p of f a i t h and samadhi mentioned e a r l i e r distinguishes i t c l e a r l y from the " f a n a t i c a l " or " f r e n z i e d " element associated with " b h a k t i . " 2 9 B. Nembutsu The e a r l y concept of "nembutsu" was quite d i f f e r e n t from l a t e r Chinese and Japanese i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , but those l a t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s derived j u s t i f i c a t i o n from the s c r i p t u r a l passages dealing with the three ranks or grades of aspirants who were to be reborn i n the Pure Land. Most c l e a r l y described i n the Larger Sukhavati-vyuha, t h i s d i s -t i n c t i o n of types i s not unique i n Pure Land s c r i p t u r e s nor i n Buddhist thought as a whole. This i s not to deny, however, that the d e s c r i p t i o n i n the Larger Sutra i s i n f a c t the cornerstone of l a t e r Pure Land s o t e r i -o l o g i c a l doctrine, which w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l i n the next section. S u f f i c e i t to say that the theory of d i f f e r e n t p r a c t i c e s f or various be l i e v e r s was ostensibly determined on the basis of::'the vows of Dharma-30 kara, and a l l revolved around the proper a p p l i c a t i o n of Nembutsu. The term "nembutsu" i t s e l f i s the Japanese pronunciation of two Chinese characters which were used to tr a n s l a t e a number of r e l i g i o u s terms described i n early Buddhist l i t e r a t u r e . Fundamentally, i t means "Re f l e c t i o n ('.& "nen") on the Buddha ($b "Butsu") ." In Pure Land s c r i p t u r e s ^ t h i s term was used o r i g i n a l l y to mean meditation on the Buddha and by extension contemplation or v i s u a l i z a t i o n of h i s a t t r i b u t e s . The key term i s (Ch.: nien) which was used to t r a n s l a t e three d i s -crete Sanskrit terms; -9-1) Anusmrtl (also t r a n s l a t e d < j ^ . ^ > = ' j ^ < ^ . - ) : " ( u n f a i l i n g ) r e c o l l e c t i o n " ; 2) Manasikara (also t r a n s l a t e d = ^ j ^ , . ) ' "bearing i n mind or pondering"; 3) Prasannacitta (also translated>"^">^^\>v) or Prasada (;f^;|^ ) : 32 "being i n a calm .and pure state of mind." The e a r l i e s t systematization of t h i s kind of devotional p r a c t i c e occurred i n the P a l i Nikayas, where we f i n d descriptions of the " s i x states of ever-minding" ( ? ^ / % ^ ). R e f l e c t i o n on the Buddha, the f i r s t of these s i x , consisted also of r e f l e c t i n g on the ten t i t l e s of the Buddha. This meditative nembutsu was extended eventually to include invocational nembutsu, whereby a p r a c t i t i o n e r uttered the name of the Buddha as part of h i s devotional r i t u a l . I t i s c l e a r that nowhere i n the o r i g i n a l texts i s nembutsu used to r e f e r to independent invocational p r a c t i c e as l a t e r Chinese and Japanese proponents claimed. The o r i g i n a l references to nembutsu invocation are t y p i c a l and representative not only of e a r l y Mahayana p r a c t i c e s but also of pre-sectarian Buddhism and even of non-buddhistic t r a d i t i o n s i n India 35 at the time. While i t i s also c l e a r that nembutsu i s promoted for both monastics and l a i t y a l i k e , v i s u a l i z a t i o n i t s e l f was d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to 36 meditative techniques i n which invocation was but one facet. Transla-tions of the Sukhavati-vyuha sutras began to appear i n the e a r l y fourth century; these were c i t e d by l a t e r apologists, notably Shan-tao Offr||. : 613-681), as evidence of the e f f i c a c y of invocation, yet these i n t e r p r e -tations were c l e a r l y at variance with the o r i g i n a l intent of the e a r l i e s t s c r i p t u r e s . Since i t was not u n t i l at l e a s t the fourth century that ex-p l i c i t references to invocational nembutsu appeared i n Chinese t r a n s l a -tio n s , however, i t i s quite possible that i t was along with the trend 37 toward the use of mantra formulae i n Mahayana Buddhism generally that -10-nembutsu came to be seen as a form of incantation as w e l l as a contempla-t i o n technique. I t was not u n t i l the f i f t h century that unequivocal s c r i p t u r a l references to e f f e c t i v e irrvocational nembutsu became evident, i n the Central Asian Contemplation Sutra r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r . In the Pure Land s c r i p t u r e s , meditative nembutsu took on a secondary a t t r i b u t i o n and referred to "seeing" the Buddha Amitabha. This took two forms. The f i r s t applied to the a p p a r i t i o n of Amitabha at the hour of death, but such v i s i o n s were i n the e a r l i e s t texts l i m i t e d to those aspirants of the f i r s t and second rank.^8 The idea played a most impor-tant r o l e i n both the establishment and the development of Pure Land thought, but t h i s i s not to say that i t was a teaching l i m i t e d to the Pure Land school. It appears i n most of the e a r l i e s t Mahayana s c r i p t u r e s , and yet i t was c e r t a i n l y i n the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n that i t s s o t e r i o l o g i -39 c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e was most f u l l y exploited. The second form of "seeing" the Buddha was the appearance of Amita-bha i n dreams. This was perhaps n a t u r a l l y considered i n f e r i o r to being greeted by (a) Buddha at the moment of death, but could be experienced even during the f i n a l moments of one's l i f e by a l l ranks of b e l i e v e r s i n lieu.:of the deathbed v i s i t a t i o n . While i t i s recognized as one benefit of nembutsu p r a c t i c e among many, t h i s "Buddha-vision" i s p r i m a r i l y a s t r i k i n g reminder of the d i s t i n c t i o n s between various types of p r a c t i -tioners. E s s e n t i a l l y , the f i r s t form i s the d o c t r i n a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t one i n terms of Rebirth, and the second i s perhaps a formal concession to the u n i v e r s a l i t y of Pure Land soteriology. C. Devotional Attitude According to the Contemplation Sutra, there are three conditions necessary for effective nembutsu practice. These are classified as the "three devotional hearts (attitudes) l 2 , v ' ] , " namely Sincerity, Pro-found Trust, and Dedicated Longing or steadfast hope. Elements of a l l three are found in the Sukhavati-vyuha Sutras as well^but were most systematized in the later text. Ry Sincerity C$=f$X/\>,~) is meant Prasada (cf. above, p. 7), the serene state of mind in which, a l l distractions are dismissed, and a l l attention focused on the Buddha or his attributes. This was originally linked to meditative techniques, and referred to a state of contempla-tive consciousness. By Profound Trust (3%>^s) is meant the utter con-viction that, i f one performs nembutsu, i t will effect rebirth in accord with the vow of Dharmakara (Amitabha) . Dedicated Longing (|®fcVf$^ l!/\>> ) or steadfast hope refers tp the aspiration for rebirth as a result of nembutsu practice, and came to be interpreted as conscious reliance on the efficacy of nembutsu itself rather than on any individual merit^ The latter two attitudes and their implications are particularly significant here. Since the distinction between those of higher apti-tude, who could theoretically effect their own release, and those of lesser aptitude, who could not realistically expect singlehandedly to accomplish, that release, was drawn, i t followed reasonably that exter-nal help would be required. The availability of that assistance was in fact an integral feature of Mahayana soteriology in general, but i t was the Pure Land^ movement, particularly in China and Japan, that exploited the theory by expounding the ultimate conclusion that rebirth was a re-sult not of purity of practice but of purity of attitude, Thus, while -12T-f a i t h and proper a t t i t u d e were c h a r a c t e r i s t i c requirements of any r e l i ^ gious act i n both Buddhist and non^-buddhist soteriology, i t was the Pure Land sc r i p t u r e s which recognized the p r a c t i c a l problem of devotion-^ a l a t t i t u d e and provided a t h e o r e t i c a l s o l u t i o n by demystifying the human element i n r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l . I t took even the Pure Land movement u n t i l the t h i r t e e n t h century, however, to c l a r i f y the implications of t h i s theory, and i t was Honen who eventually systematized the d i v e r s i t y of doctrine i n h i s Senchaku-shu. Nonetheless, i t has been even i n modern times the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the nembutsu p r a c t i c e i t s e l f rather than the c u l t i v a t i o n of these att i t u d e s which has caused the greatest controversy. In China and l a t e r i n Japan, the question of whether nembutsu re f e r r e d to invocation-a l or meditative p r a c t i c e , as w e l l as the e f f e c t i v e number of nembutsu, fa r outweighed the c r i t i c a l importance of devotional a t t i t u d e s , which 42 were i n the o r i g i n a l texts of far.greater moment as r e l i g i o u s motifs. This discrepancy underscores the d i s t i n c t i o n between the p h i l o s o p h i c a l and p r a c t i c a l elements i n the evolution of the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , as A* 3 well as i n Mahayana Buddhism i n general. A more d e t a i l e d discussion of t h i s problem and the development of Pure Land soteriology i n China w i l l be taken up i n the following chapters. -13-D. Rebirth The doctrine of Rebirth i n Amitabha's Pure Land quite obviously played a c e n t r a l r o l e i n the evolution of the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n . While l a t e r generations of b e l i e v e r s and scholars have either assumed the doc-t r i n e i m p l i c i t l y or glossed over i t s o r i g i n s , however, i t i s important to trace i t s development i n order to e s t a b l i s h the roots of the Pure Land movement which Honen in h e r i t e d and to place the t r a d i t i o n within the main stream of Mahayana Buddhism. This survey w i l l approach the doctrine from three points of view: f i r s t , the o r i g i n of the Amitabha character; second, the concept of Sukhavati i t s e l f ; and f i n a l l y , i n l i g h t of the f i r s t two, the doctrine of Rebirth i t s e l f and i t s o r i g i n . 1) There are two current theories on the source of the Amitabha legend. One asserts that i t s roots are i n Zoroastrian mythology, the second claims that i t i s a purely Indian c o n c e p t i o n . ^ The second theory can be further subdivided into two: Vedic and Buddhist-mythological models. Neither theory i s without f a u l t s , however, and Professor F u j i t a approaches the issue from yet another point of view. He begins by analyzing the name i t s e l f , and finds that before the o r i g i n a l Sukhavati-vyuha Sutras, the names Amitayus and Amitabha were nowhere c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d . I t was only with the appearance of the Pure Land scrip t u r e s that the two names can be associated. While s i m i l a r names and conceptions were used i n sectarian Buddhism, e s p e c i a l l y among the Mahasarighika, i t was i n the process of the development of a new transcendental concept of Buddhahood that the theory of Amitabha and h i s Western Paradise arose, and i t was as a r e s u l t of the popularization of Prajna teaching and p a r t i c u l a r l y the new bodhisattya doctrine that the personality of Amitabha evolved. This idea w i l l be developed more thoroughly below. S u f f i c e i t to -14-say here that the Amitabha legend sprang from the main currents of Buddhism, and specifically from the new bodhisattva movement; i t repre-sents the epitome of Buddhist literary convention, and is typical of early Mahayana popular soteriology. 2) The concept of Paradise in the Pure Land scriptures originated in early Mahayana, in conjunction with the evolution of the transcendental Buddha theory. Unlike the latter, however, this concept was clearly based on very early Vedic as well as Buddhist mythology. As Fujita points out, i t is a reliable explanation that the actual descriptions of the Pure Lands of Amitabha are modeled on the design specifications - 45 for stupas, which were explained in the Vinayas. The earliest references to Buddhist Paradise were metaphorical allusions to the blissful.'.state of Nirvana. Even in early sectarian Buddhism, however, references to Paradise make no mention of the terms "pure" or "purified," thus leading us to the conclusion that i t was with the introduction of Mahayanist theories that the Amitabhist conception of the Pure Land evolved. The influence of the bodhisattva doctrine mentioned earlier can be seen in the development of the theory of transcendental Buddhas on the one hand and the evolution of a practical soteriological doctrine on the other. Dayal argues that the i n i t i a l concept of Buddhist "faith," which appears in early texts as "Saddha .(Skt.: Sraddha), referred to an intellectual and volitional assent and confidence in some teaching, 47 which in this case was that of the historical Buddha. It was therefore much more an intellectual exercise than an emotional, physical (ritual-48 istic) expression of adoration for some charismatic individual. Grad-ually, as the reputation and dynamic personality of Gautama became more widely recognized, a psychological change took place. No longer was - 1 5 -intellectual affirmation paramount^ faith came to be an emotional, deeply religious act where belief and devotion were directed primarily toward a personality rather than his ideas. Consequently, after Gautama!s death, the concept of Buddha itself was expanded. The Sthavira sect, under the influence of Jainism and Hinduism, began to idealize the historical Buddha. This tendency toward spiritualization of the Buddha culminated around the time of the Maha-sanghikas, under whom the Buddha concept became totally objectified and universalized. The historical Buddha, according to them, was only a magical creation of the transcendental Buddha. This conceptualized Buddha was certainly unapproachable to the ordinary believer, and thus an intermediary was required. Both the Kathavatthu and the Milindapanha had stressed the social nature of the Arhat, and this was a clear precedent for the bodhisattva doctrine as characterized in the Prajnaparamita literature. But i t also displayed the growing tendency (especially by the first century B.C.) to return to the earlier history.of Gautama and to the original ideals. The Kathavatthu had begun in the third century to raise questions and to stir up interest and speculation concerning Gautama's biography and previous lives. In fact i t is clear that Originally, the term Bodhisattva referred to Sakyamunibefore he achieved Buddhahood... This practicing Buddha (i'.e, , Sakyamuni) was called Bodhisattva. But even before this, Sakyamuni was considered to be merely a man who was following the Path of many former Buddhas who had already gone to the world of Enlightenment. On the other hand, thanks to Zoroastrian influence from Persia, a belief had sprung up that a Buddha called Haitreya would appear some time in the future. This so-called Future Buddha was supposed to be a person who was practicing the Faith as a contemporary bodhisattva. Since (according to this belief) there were innumerable "Future -16-Buddhas" i n the past as w e l l , i t came to be understood that there are i n any age bodhi-sattvas without number.^ Thus, by the time of the Prajnaparamita l i t e r a t u r e , the concepts of the transcendental Buddhas and innumerable Buddha-lands as w e l l as great Bodhisattvas ("Mahasattvas") were c l e a r l y asserted, thus providing a r a t i o n a l e f o r external help on the path to s a l v a t i o n . Out of t h i s expanded d e f i n i t i o n of Buddhahood, and as a r e s u l t of the popularization of the bodhisattva i d e a l ^ "Paradise" came to mean the realms of these innumerable transcendental Buddhas and t h e i r attend-ants. These realms were i n essence " i d e a l ( i z e d ) s o c i e t i e s " w h e r e , i n the presence of the Buddha, devotees would be able to achieve the highest stages of the Bodhisattva Path. I t was through the i n t e r c e s s i o n of the bodhisattvas, who applied the merit accumulated through t h e i r good works towards the s a l v a t i o n of others, that b e l i e v e r s were able to achieve re'^riV.: b i r t h — n o t i n a more favorable s i t u a t i o n i n t h i s world, but i n a fantas-52 t i c p u r i f i e d Buddha-realm beyond the horizon. 3) In the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , t h i s r e b i r t h i s to a Buddha-realm i n the West presided over by Amitlbha Buddha and h i s attendants, chief among whom are the bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara ( j f j ^ l § . I^L^-^ ) and Mahasthamaprapta (JlfgS\%}/TN^1^ )- 5 3 While on the surface t h i s state p h y s i c a l l y resembles the world we l i v e i n now, i t was t r a d i t i o n a l l y so described as a popular image to i n s p i r e the average devotee to prac-t i c e . On i t s more sophisticated d o c t r i n a l l e v e l s , however, t h i s "Pure Land" i s beyond the dimensions of time or space, and i t s form and function are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the p r a c t i c e of meditation described e a r l i e r as Buddha-visualization. According to the e a r l i e s t Pure Land s c r i p t u r a l references, " r e b i r t h " i s a c t u a l l y a kind of s p i r i t u a l metamorphosis,"^ and i n a l l e g o r i c a l terms -17-the setting for this transformation is a jewelled pond in the land of Amitabha. Aspirants of the highest rank are reborn on a lotus blossom, and have attained the status of "non-returning bodhisattva." This has been accomplished by successful samadhi-practice in the previous (i.e., this mundane) existence, and in fact fits quite readily within the general Mahayanist tradition of meditation, visualization, and release. On the other hand, aspirants of the middle and lowest rank, not having established perfect Faith in the Pure Land of Amitabha, are reborn in a jewelled..tower in the remote corners of the Amitabha realm, and for five hundred lifetimes are unable to visualize the Buddha (perfectly) or to hear his (perfect) teaching expounded. Put simply, this indicates that the cultivation of unfailing Faith in the Pure Land teaching is the paramount consideration in determining successful "metamorphosis," and those who are reborn in the presence of Amitabha are characterized by the purity of their faith and trust in Amitabha.^ Thus, the desire to see Amitabha is the necessary prerequisite for rebirth itself, and the cultivation of the other virtues outlined in the vows of the bodhisattva Dharmakara (and summarized above under "Devotional Attitude"cand "Faith") were prerequisites for the spiritual metamorphosis described above. This spiritual metamorphosis is in fact a representative doctrine in Mahayanist soteriology in general. -18-I I . Summary/Conclusion In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , two d i s t i n c t i o n s need to be made i n the discussion of Pure Land teaching. The f i r s t i s between Pure Land r e b i r t h and metamorpho-s i s , the second between the types of devotees who are able to achieve these states. As mentioned above, the term " r e b i r t h " r e f e r s generally to the accomplishment of a more favorable s i t u a t i o n i n the next existence than that i n the present s i t u a t i o n . Technically, t h i s was o r i g i n a l l y connected with the early Buddhist and Vedic concepts of Karma, but, with the advent of the bodhisattva doctrine, i t came to mean r e a l i z a t i o n of an i d e a l i z e d state wherein one could progress unimpeded along the path to "enlightenment." On the d o c t r i n a l l e y e l , t h i s came to be recognized as a transformed existence which was attained through t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s , chief among which was contemplation. This accomplishment was r e f e r r e d to as "metamorphosis." Yet on the popular l e v e l , such rigorous p r a c t i c e s were beyond the means of ordinary devotees, and, i n keeping with the thrust of the bodhisattva i d e a l , r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e came to be seen as more c r i t i c a l than t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s d i s c i p l i n e . This s h i f t i n emphasis occurred both i n t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l teaching, and was most apparent i n l a t e r Pure Land texts and i n Chinese recensions of the early s c r i p t u r e s . In recognizing the various degrees of aptitude among devotees, the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n formalized the popularization of Buddhist soteriology and p r a c t i c e . While t h i s process of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n was not completed u n t i l Honen's d o c t r i n a l systematization i n thirteenth-century Japan, the seeds for i t were c l e a r l y planted i n the e a r l i e s t s t r a t a of Indian bodhisattva teaching, and i t s development r e s u l t e d from e a r l y Chinese i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the o r i g i -n a l Sukhavati texts, yet to be re c o n c i l e d were the d i s t i n c t i o n s between the e f f i c i e n t agents^in securing t h i s s p i r i t u a l -metamorphosis; the - question of self-realization versus Other-power reliance came to be a key element in the later evolution of Pure Land doctrine in both China and Japan. Having now looked at the textual history of the most important doctrines and noted their .".evolution within the greater Buddhist tradition, let us now proceed to a more detailed discussion of their interpretation in the Chinese context, which served as the immediate source of the Pure Land tradition in Japan. -20-ENDNOTES; CHAPTER ONE 1. Leon Hurvitz, et a l . , "The F i r s t Systemization of Buddhist Thought i n China," Unpublished manuscript, Vancouver, B.C., 1975. Cf. also Richard H. Robinson, E a r l y Madhyamika i n India and China (Madison, Wisconsin: Un i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1967), and E r i k Zurcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China (Leiden: B r i l l , 1959). 2. Much of t h i s chapter i s based on FUJITA K o t a t s u ^ f f l ^ ^ , Genshi  Jodo Shiso No Kenkyu fat&0£-f&fi- <nM% [Studies i n E a r l y Pure Land Thought] (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1970). See p a r t i c u l a r l y pp. 354-376 for a d e t a i l e d discussion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Prajnaparamita and Pure Land thought. 3. Edward Conze, The Prajnaparamita L i t e r a t u r e (London: Mouton and Co:.., 1960), pp. 9-12. Also, UI Hakuju >f $(/ffi fj> , Bukkyo Kyotenshi $$Lifyfct. [History of Buddhist Scriptures] (Tokyo: 1953), pp. 100-110, and Etienne Lamotte, Le T r a i t e de l a Grande Vertu de Sagesse de  Nagarj una, Vol, I (Louvain: Bureaux du Museon, 1944), pp. 25-26. 4. F u j i t a , p. 257. 5. See F u j i t a , pp. 51-61. 6. See F u j i t a , p. 74. 7. See F u j i t a , pp. 97-102. 8. See F u j i t a , pp. 103-114. 9. See F u j i t a , pp. 116-120. This sutra i s one of a number introduced to China during the f i f t h and s i x t h centuries which outlined p r a c t i -c a l methods of contemplative nembutsu and Amitabha devotion. 10. Fragments are extant i n Uighur. 11. For a further discussion and comprehensive bibliography of prajna-paramita, see my "Quest for the Ideal Man," unpublished manuscript, Vancouver, 1974. I t might be h e l p f u l to o u t l i n e the evolution of the Paramita theory, since the Mahayanists contrasted the Paramitas with the e t h i c a l i d e a l s of "Hinayana," s p e c i f i c a l l y , the 37 bodhi-paksika=-dharmas, which were considered monastic and a n t i - s o c i a l i n scope and tendency. The Arhats then were regarded as representatives of merely negative e t h i c a l i d e a l s , while the Paramitas were proposed as a scheme of p o s i t i v e moral development. The Bodhisattva was to e s t a b l i s h himself :.l f i r m l y i n existence and struggle; h i s strength would come from a p p l i c a t i o n of the Paramitas. -21-The .Paramitas, which were first mentioned in the Astasahasrika (8000 verse) Prajnaparamita sutra, have certain general characteris-tics. They are "sublime, disinterested, supremely important, and imperishable." Each Paramita is developed through-a progressive scheme of action involving three stages: 1) Ordinary; the -virtue when practiced for "worldly" happi-ness; 2) Extraordinary: the virtue when practiced in order to achieve Nirvana; 3) Superlative (.'Paramita'): the virtue practiced for the liberation and welfare of a l l sentient beings. These stages reappear in Jodo theology which will be discussed in following chapters. 12. Cf. Frederick J. Streng, Emptiness: A Study of Religious Meaning (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1967), pp. 28-35. 13. See Streng for a detailed discussion of the religious concept of Sunyata. 14. While in many ways the two philosophers' interpretations were distinctly at odds, their basic assumptions concerning liberation seem to me to be compatible. The way to favorable rebirth and eventual Buddhahood was through faith and aspiration, which were fostered through the cultivation of Prajna (Nagarjuna) and Dhyana (Vasubandhu). 15. This recognition was due to two works attributed to them. Nagarjuna is credited with the writing of the Dasabhumikavibhasa (T. 1521: - l&fiyft) • In the ninth chapter of this text, we find the first authori-tative distinction between the "easy path ( ^  -^j )" and the "Difficult path ^-j ^ )." This chapter has been interpreted as an expression of Nagarjuna's personal beliefs. Be that as i t may, the promotion of Amitabha devotion by such a revered author and the description of an easy method of achieving "nonregression" through faith in the Buddha was taken by later Pure Land apologists as clear evidence of the legitimacy of their doctrine. Vasubandhu, the founder of the Yogacara school, wrote a commen-tary on the Sukhavati-Vyuha entitled the Sukhavati-Vyuhopadesa (T. 1524: X- tftfj )• Two significant points derive from this text. First Vasubandhu admitted his own desire for rebirth in the Pure Land, which added a further element of credibility to the Pure Land move-ment. Secondly, Vasubandhu presented a five-fold schema of Amitabha meditation, which became a key part of later Pure Land theory, partic-ularly as expounded by the Sui-T'ang school, which we will discuss in the next section. 16. Cf. my "Quest," ibid., pp. 27-30. 17. A key text in such a study would no doubt be the Ta-chi-tu-lun (T. 1509: ^ |^ ) ) • Though not a sutra i t promotes nembutsu-samadhi, and i t is considered basically a Prajna text. It is falsely attributed to Nagarjuna and is a compendium of Mahayana teaching, but emphasizing nembutsu-samadhi. Thanks to Kumarajiva's extraordinary translation, however, i t more importantly clarified and transmitted -22-the Indian i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Amitabha and Pure Land ideas i n the l i g h t of Madhyamika concepts of sunyata and the c u l t i v a t i o n of Prajna. 18. See F u j i t a , pp. 603-613. 19. In the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , as i n Mahayana Buddhism generally, a l l rules of conduct proceed from f a i t h ( P a l i : saddha) to wisdom ( P a l i : panna) i n theory but i n p r a c t i c e are, as a l l v i r t u e s , interdependent. Cf. F u j i t a , p. 604. 20. See F u j i t a , pp. 531-535. 21. F u j i t a , p. 611. 22. NAKAMURA Hajime, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples (Honolulu: U n i v e r s i t y Press of Hawaii, 1964), pp. 116-117. 23. F u j i t a , p. 606. 24. F u j i t a , p. 609. 25. See below, p. 6 f f , for more de t a i l e d discussion of nembutsu. 26. F u j i t a , p. 559; pp. 616-617. This Jodo teaching was based on the Eighteenth Vow of Dharmakara; i t s establishment as a formal doctrine i n p r i m i t i v e Buddhism did not occur u n t i l the time of the sectarian s p l i t s . 27. F u j i t a , p. 617. 28. F u j i t a , pp. 601, 615. 29. F u j i t a (p. 616) disagrees with Dayal on t h i s point. Cf. Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine i n Buddhist S a n s k r i t - L i t e r a t u r e (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd., 1932), pp. 34-35. 30. See F u j i t a , pp. 538-540 and Chapter 4. 31. Sukhavati-vyuha, pp. 96-98. Cf. F u j i t a , pp. 537-540. 32. See above, p. 4. For an elaboration on these terms as they are used i n t h i s connection, see F u j i t a , pp. 545-552, and A l l a n A. Andrews, The Teachings E s s e n t i a l f or Rebirth (Tokyo: Sophia U n i v e r s i t y , 1973), p. 2, footnote. 33. F u j i t a , pp. 550-551, 616, and Andrews, p. 3. 34. Andrews f e e l s that t h i s was rela t e d to devotional invocations to the Three Jewels or the T r i p l e Refuge. 35. F u j i t a , pp. 559-560. 36. F u j i t a , py,.555ff. See also L'lnde classique, Manuel des Etudes Indiennes, Tome I I , ed. Louis Renou et Jean F i l l i o z a t et a l . (Hanoi: Ecole f r a n c a i s e d'extreme-o r i e n t , 1953), p. 371. -23-3 7 . Cf. in particular the Prajnaparamita scriptures of the same period, e.g., the Heart Sutra. 3 8 . Cf. Fujita, pp. 5 6 6 - 5 6 8 . 3 9 . Fujita, pp. 5 7 0 - 5 8 4 . 4 0 . Particularly in the Larger Sutra, in the Eighteenth Vow where the three are identified as ^./\>v , ^ | , • 4 1 . Cf. the fifth of Vasubandhu's J S _ - f a . 4 2 . The term "original texts" here and elsewhere in this study refers to the earliest versions of the Sukhavatl-vyuha. Such an ascription is not without difficulties. See Fujita, pp. 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 . 4 3 . Naturally, this distinction is a feature of scripture-based ("in-s spired") religious traditions in general. The gradual emergence of sectarianism in early Buddhism and within the Mahayana itself, as well as in the monotheistic religions in the West, testifies to the tendency toward exegesis rather than practical instruction, particu-larly among the formal apologists. The tendency is documented in any number of sources and need not be pursued here. 4 4 . Fujita, pp. 2 6 1 - 2 6 8 . 4 5 . This theory is not original with Fujita, as he himself admits. It was first presented by HIRAKAWA AkiraSpl 1)^ in his Ritsuzo* no Kenkyu" ffij^ffi % [Studies in the Buddhist Vinaya] (Tokyo: 1 9 6 0 ) . 4 6 . Cf. Edward Conze, Buddhist Texts through the Ages (New York: Harper and Row, 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. 5 1 - 5 4 . 4 7 . Cf. A.K. Warder, Indian Buddhism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 8 9 - 9 0 , and L'Inde classique, pp. 5 8 9 - 5 9 0 . 4 8 . As discussed earlier, i t is this connotation which was resurrected in the Prajnaparamita and Pure Land literature. The latter, ritualistic expression is more properly called Bhaktj ; on this point, however, Fujita and Dayal disagree. 4 9 . KAJIYAMA YM.0^~, , "Hahnya-kyo $^ l(£,". [The Prajnaparamita Scriptures] in Nihon no Butten Q/fr < f l f f r # r [Japanese Buddhist Texts] (Tokyo: 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 2 7 . 5 0 . Examples of the expression of this are found in the cave temples which were built concurrently with the development of^early Prajna-paramita literature. Sanchi is a fine example. See Etienne Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien (Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1 9 5 8 ) . 5 1 . Fujita, pp. 5 0 6 , 5 1 4 - 5 1 5 . As pointed out above, while the the theory of Buddha-realms itself was current in early Buddhism, i t was not until the Mahaylna that the idea of "purification" (I.e., "Pure Land") was invoked. In fact in China the term "Pure Land (5^  J - )" came to be used as a technical designation for the Mahayana concept of -24-salyation. See Fujita, pp. 519-522 for further discussion of the development of the doctrine of rebirth as i t relates to this question. 52. D.T. Suzuki sees the old law of Karma discarded with, the emergence of the bodhisattva concept and the ideal of Kaxuna. and..lreplaced with the theory of "Transfer of Merits (Parinamana)11. He explains this change in terms of the metaphysical theory of Dharma-kaya. Cf. D.T. Suzuki, Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism (New York: Schocken Books, 1963), p. 284. Also see UEDA Yoshifumi X~ ffl ^>L , Bukkyo shiso no  Kenkyu ftM-<AM[Studies in Buddhist Thought] (Kyoto: 1951). For discussions of the Tri-kaya theory, cf. Edward Conze, Buddhist  Thought, DID. 170-173 and 232-237, as well as E. Lamotte, Histoire, pp. 689-690. 53. The transcriptions %. H- (Avalokitesvara) and^fflffi'&fr' XMahastharr.:.; maprapta) are variants which appear in the earliest Chinese recensions of the Sukhavati-vyuha. Cf. Fujita. p. 174. For further discussion of the various transliterations of the name Avalokitesvara, see Fujita^ pp. 72-73. and note 16, p. 76. 54. Fujita, pp. 523-525. 55. Fujitaj pp. 526-527. -25-Chapter Two The introduction of Buddhism into China was characterized by a number of important features, not the l e a s t of which was the need for adaptation of sophisticated'rindian p h i l o s o p h i c a l theory to a new language and culture. As a r e s u l t of the d i f f i c u l t y of such an enterprise, i t was many centuries be-r:. . fore d i s c r e t e schools of Buddhist thought emerged i n China. This period of a s s i m i l a t i o n and eventual d i s c r i m i n a t i o n has been well-documented elsewhere]" so l e t i t s u f f i c e to say that two forms of Buddhism were recognized i n the early years of Chinese Buddhism. These two generally correspond to the two categories alluded to i n the previous chapter, that i s , p h i l o s o p h i c a l and devotional. The textual h i s t o r y of Buddhist s c r i p t u r e s gives us a f a i r l y c l e a r p i c -ture of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n t e r e s t s of the early Chinese Buddhists, while the remains of great cave-temples i n the north of China, constructed during the Northern Wei Dynasty i n the f i f t h and s i x t h centuries, provide ample evidence of popular devotion. The Chinese of the l a t e Han Dynasty, when the f i r s t t r a n s l a t i o n s of Buddhist s c r i p t u r e s appeared, knew l i t t l e of the Indian and Central Asian h i s t o r y of Buddhism, and thus believed that a l l of the s c r i p -tures were a u t h o r i t a t i v e and equally representative, so they attempted at f i r s t to r e c o n c i l e Buddhist theories with t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese philosophy, o p a r t i c u l a r l y Neo-Taoism. Later, with more a u t h o r i t a t i v e t r a n s l a t i o n s a v a i l -able, d i s c r e t e theories evolved and indigenous Buddhist thought developed. For the purposes of t h i s paper, i t i s enough to summarize the growth of the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , which formed the immediate prologue to the Japanese movement which Honen systematized i n the t h i r t e e n t h century. While there are several v a r i a t i o n s among t r a d i t i o n a l Pure Land l i s t s of Patriarchs, the Jodo School (>^ .£jfl ) of Honen recognizes the following, which -26-w i l l form the basis of our discussion of the evolution of Pure Land Buddhism i n China^ (India) 1) Asvaghosa 2) Nagarjuna 3) Vasubandhu (Japan) H5NEN (China) 4) Bodhiruci 5) T'an-luan 6) Tao-ch'o 7) Shan-tao I. BACKGROUND Although Asvaghosa (l-2c A.D.) i s included i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l schema because the "Awakening of F a i t h i n the Mahayana" (T.1666:£4M?-^S ), a Hua-yen 0^^. ) text probably written i n China, i s a t t r i b u t e d to him, i t i s not l i k e l y that the passages recommending f a i t h i n the saving Power of Amita-bha and meditation on Him are authentic.^ In any case, nothing new was added to Pure Land thought aside from the prestige of being included i n such a great compendium of Mahayana theory and p r a c t i c e . We have already mentioned the r o l e s Nagarjuna and Vasubandhu played i n the establishment of the Mahayana t r a d i t i o n , and have suggested the s p e c i f i c contributions to Pure Land teaching which i n s p i r e d t h e i r s e l e c t i o n as Patriarchs In China p r i o r to the establishment of an independent Pure Land school i n the f i f t h century, a number of important contributions to the movement occurred. Perhaps the most important monk not only f or the Pure Land t r a d i -t i o n but for a l l of Chinese Buddhism was Kumarajiva, whose tr a n s l a t i o n s made i t possible for the Chinese to grasp the f u l l impact of the mass of s c r i p t u r e s -27-6 at their disposal* Tao-an : 312-385) was an eminent Prajna scholar and Dhyana adept 7 as well as a prolific cataloguer of Buddhist texts. He was significant for a further reason, however, for he organized a cult to Maitreya while living in Hsiang-yang (%. ) T h i s indicates an important element of eschatologi-cal concern, which among his contemporaries is reflected further in the cave-8 temples in North. China,- and which contributed to the evolution of both the Pure Land tradition under Tao-an's disciple, Hui-yuan (J&'Jfj, : 334-416), and the school of the Three Stages, a short-lived movement founded by a monk named Hsin-hsing : 540-594).9 The last of the.important precursors to the independent Pure Land school of the Sui Period was Hui-yuan?-® Even more than Tao-an, he was concerned about Prajna and Lao-chuang (j*? "ft : Neo-Taoist) philosophical speculation and Dhyana practice. He was noteworthy for this discussion for a single reason. In 402, he helped organize a society on Mt Lu in Kiangsi ) dedicated to rebirth in Amitabha's Pure Land, a signal develop-ment in Chinese Buddhism which was to affect later institutional and popular devotion profoundly. Althpugh his group was composed primarily of recluses and retired gentlement who were not concerned with popular devotionalism but rather emphasized nembutsu-contemplation, this fraternity became a model for similar groups in both. China and Japan.H Further, the nembutsu-samadhi practiced by Hui-yuan and his followers served as a model for one of T'ien-tai samadhi methods formulated by Chih^-i J | ; 538-597) . This method became the source of nembutsu practice in Japan, but affected Chinese Pure Land Buddhism minimally. Finally, in the Japanese tradition the honor of first Chinese patriarch is reserved fqr Bqdhi.ruci (ca. mid-6c) . Bodhiruci is considered by Japanese Pure Land devotees as the first Chinese Patriarch, first because of his -28-translation of Vasubandhu's Sukhavati-Vyuhopadesa, but more directly because it was he who converted T'an-luan to Pure Land devotion by presenting him with — 19 a copy of the Contemplation Sutra. II. THE INDEPENDENT PURE LAND MOVEMENT T'an-luan (476-542) was born near Mount Wu-t'ai (&*_M!\ ) in North China, which had been outside the main stream of Buddhist philosophical circles as a result of the social and cultural dislocation brought about by non-Chinese political control. In such an atmosphere, popular myth and ritual were naturally mixed with institutional religious beliefs, and consequently T'an-luan was first exposed not to orthodox Buddhist doctrine but to popular '. '. Buddho-Taoism, which seemed to respond satisfactorily to the religious aspira-tions of the people. T'an-luan, converted to Pure Land thought by Bodhiruci in his youth, devoted himself to spreading Pure Land teachings and to organizing societies for the practice of nembutsu. His major literary achievement was a commentary on Vasubandhu's Sukhavati-Vyuhopadesa, which he presumably obtained from Bodhiruci. In this commentary, which presents a surprising Prajna interpreta-tion of Pure Land theory, he emphasized three main themes. First, because he was living in what was considered a,degenerate age,-*-^  when correct traditional practice was difficult, he asserted that i t was necessary to rely on the power of Amitabha's vows rather than on individual effort, which latter had indeed been appropriate during the earlier period. The distinction between own-power (M $ ) and other-power (JtfLfi} was thus 14 formally acknowledged. It should be noted, however, that T an-luan did not restrict the application of his "Other-power" doctrine to nembutsu practice, and this point later caused rather considerable controversy in Hfmen's move-ment. T'an-luan further interpreted the eighteenth vow^ to mean definitely -29-that invocation of the Buddha Amitabha's name was not only an e f f e c t i v e " (thoughtnot exclusive) p r a c t i c e , but p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate during an age l i k e h i s own. His explanation of the legitimacy of invocational nembutsu 16 rested on the inherent Power of the name of Amitabha. T'an-luan thus redirected Pure Land thought and p r a c t i c e away from Prajna-style bodhisattva a s p i r a t i o n and r e c l u s i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l inquiry and toward a u n i v e r s a l appeal for s a l v a t i o n . There i s su b s t a n t i a l archaeological evidence that T'an-luan's e f f o r t s were not i n vain. In the area around Loyang (y&f^y ) , where T'an-luan l i v e d and preached, popular Amitabha devotion increased dramatically a f t e r 500AD."^ T'an-luan's s p i r i t u a l d i s c i p l e , Tao-ch'o (562-645), was born j u s t f i f t y years before what had been calculated as the beginning of the Latter Days of the Dharma (Mappo:.$L>& ) , 18 a n { j thus f e l t perhaps more keenly than T'an-luan the d i s t i n c t i o n between the Holy Path ( i . e . , the Bodhisattva course of the Prajnaparamitas) and the way of Pure Land f a i t h when he read of T'an-luan's career on a monument to him i n the Hsuan-chung Temple (it 3 ) . I t i s probable that he, l i k e so many others i n North China at the time, had been ra i s e d i n 19 an environment where Pure Land devotionalism was commonplace. If we r e c a l l the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n China toward the end of the s i x t h cen-tury, when c i v i l wars and turmoil were rampant, i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to imagine why the Mappo theory was so pervasive and why people were so recep-t i v e to a movement which promised solace and hope regardless of t h e i r a b i l i t y to devote themselves f u l l time to r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g and austerity.-^0 In his major work, the An-lo-chi (T. 1958: ^^.ijL ), Tao-ch'o r e i t e r a t e d the d i s t i n c t i o n between the easy and d i f f i c u l t paths which T'an-luan had preached, but gave a cosmological and h i s t o r i c a l apologetic f or the theory, based on the commonly accepted p r i n c i p l e s of the Three (or Four) Ages of the Dharma, which was most powerfully summarized i n the Saddharma-pundarika -30-Sutra (T.356: ) . l l The An-lo-chi i s a response to c r i t i c i s m s , p r i m a r i l y those of the Vijnana-vada (Yogacara) school, concerning the nature of the Dharma i t s e l f 22 and the propriety of encouraging a d u a l i s t i c philosophy of "release." Tao-ch'o explained the theory of the Pure Land and r e b i r t h i n i t as simply a form of 'upaya,' that i s , using conventional truth to lead believers to 23 _ ultimate truth. This was a dynamic Madhyamika argument and indicates Tao-ch'o' s e r u d i t i o n i n t r a d i t i o n a l Buddhist philosophy as w e l l as i n contempo^-rary e x p l i c a t i o n s . While Tao-ch'o was encouraging Pure Land devotion, p a r t i c u l a r l y invoca-t i o n a l nembutsu, as the Easy Path appropriate f or a degenerate age, he did not disavow the e f f i c a c y of nembutsu-samadhi, but rather recommended i t as hi s predecessors had f o r those superior beings and bodhisattva p r a c t i t i o n e r s s t i l l surviving at the end of the second Period of the Dharma. Thus, Tao-ch'o not only established Pure Land f a i t h and devotion i n China within the larger Mahayana t r a d i t i o n by providing a u t h o r i t a t i v e support for i t , but also reinforced the popular appeal begun by T'an-luan. In f a c t , only because of Tao-ch'o did the most famous Pure Land master, Shan-tao, even 24 discover the teachings of T'an-luan or become a Pure Land devotee. After i n i t i a l l y studying San-lun (:J.|jf^  : the Chinese ver s i o n of Madhya-maka), Shan-tao became a d i s c i p l e of Tao-ch'o i n 642. His conversion i s s i g n i f i c a n t since he had grown up i n an atmosphere much d i f f e r e n t from that of his predecessors i n the Pure Land movement. With the u n i f i c a t i o n of China under the Sui Dynasty i n 589, a f r a g i l e peace was restored and the develop-ment of the Southern Buddhist schools became more widely known i n the North as w e l l . Shan-tao's p r i n c i p a l work was a commentary to the Amitabha Contemplation Sutra (T. 1753), but i t represents a far d i f f e r e n t point of view from h i s -31-e a r l i e r writings. His "Manual of Amitabha-Nembutsu Contemplation" (T. 1959: ) promotes a p r a c t i c a l method of nembutsu samadhi f o r the purpose of accumulating merit and thus assuring r e b i r t h i n Amitabha's Pure Land. I t i s evidence of his commitment to Pure Land doctrine as presented i n the Contemplation Sutra and i n the teachings of Hui-yuan. I t also r e f l e c t s Shan-tao's early exposure to the d i s c i p l i n e d monastic t r a d i t i o n , and perhaps the influence of T ' i e n - t ' a i meditation p r a c t i c e s . I t encourages both v i s u a l -i z a t i o n and invocation, but the obvious emphasis i s on the former. His "Hymns to Rebirth" (T. 1980: ^ ), however, present a much more personal view of r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e , and the influence of h i s immediate predecessors i s more obvious. In h i s Introduction, Shan-tao attemp-ted to categorize the q u a l i t i e s necessary for r e b i r t h , namely, F a i t h (4c"'0:') » p r a c t i c e (J3£23T )> and attitudes or modes of p r a c t i c e (# ^ ). The f i r s t , F a i t h , i s expressed i n the three attitudes of the heart f i r s t described i n the Contemplation Sutra. The second i s the f i v e - f o l d nembutsu p r a c t i c e (A-^-^ ) presented i n Vasubandhu's commentary on the Sukhavati-vyuha. The t h i r d i s Modes of P r a c t i c e , which Shan-tao described as l i f e l o n g , reverent, ceaseless, and exclusive. In the Hymns, therefore, we see a very s i g n i f i c a n t change i n Shan-tao's understanding of r e l i g i o u s devotion. By emphasizing the e x c l u s i v i t y of nembutsu c u l t i v a t i o n , he t a c i t l y r e -jected a l l other forms of Buddhist p r a c t i c e as inappropriate for the s i n f u l and deluded devotees l i v i n g during the Latter Days of the Dharma. Further, he c l a s s i f i e d a l l appropriate nembutsu p r a c t i c e into f i v e types, i n accord with Vasubandhu's schema. The f i v e are: 1) Veneration • 2) Adulation (Invocation) 3) A s p i r a t i o n 4) Contemplation 5) Dedication At t h i s time, however, Shan-tao did not e x p l i c i t l y i n s i s t on the s u p e r i o r i t y of invocational nembutsu, since he c l a s s i f i e d them a l l as e f f e c t i v e methods. The most profound element i n the "Hymns," however, i s Shan-tao's expla-nation of the s p i r i t u a l attitudes required for Rebirth. His d e s c r i p t i o n of the "Three Minds" establishes h i s own personal conviction of helplessness and degeneracy, and forms the basis of his l a t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Pure Land doctrine that invocational nembutsu was the only e f f i c a c i o u s p r a c t i c e , r e l y -ing e x c l u s i v e l y on the saving grace of Amitabha.2-' These a t t i t u d e s (£=./0' ) are S i n c e r i t y (^.%nk<^), Deep F a i t h (>$p.(\>v), and Dedicated Longing (£0 fa] i\>"), and correspond with the three aspects of f a i t h described e a r l i e r / 0 In Shan-tao's commentary on the Contemplation Sutra, we see the f r u i t i o n of his personal convictions concerning s a l v a t i o n as he goes beyond both T'an-luan and Tao-ch'o by in t e r p r e t i n g the eighteenth bodhisattva vow as advocating only invocational nembutsu, since the Contemplation Sutra's gradation of sentient beings promised r e b i r t h to the lowest-grade aspirant — 9 7 with simply ten " c a l l i n g s " on the saving grace of Amitabha. He does not altogether r e j e c t the other forms of nembutsu p r a c t i c e , however, but ascribes to them only a u x i l i a r y status. This became a c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n Japanese Pure Land thought, and we w i l l face i t d i r e c t l y i n our discussion of Honen's nembutsu teachings. Here s u f f i c e i t to say that Shan-tao's Pure Land doctrine not only s o l i d i f i e d the status of the Pure Land movement i n the Chinese Buddhist community but more importantly established Amitabha devotion as an orthodox popular movement which would o u t l i v e the more t r a d i t i o n a l schools which were dependent on i n s t i t u t i o n a l support for t h e i r s u r v i v a l . In respect to the broader a p p l i c a t i o n of Shan-tao's teachings, i t was the Japatt-nese Pure Land movement which c a r r i e d these doctrines through .to t h e i r ex-^ . . : . -tremes, and th i s i s the subject to be discussed i n the following pages. -33-ENDNOTES; CHAPTER TWO 1. For example, see Richard H. Robinson, Early Madhyamika; L. Hurvitz, "Systematization"; E. Ziircher; and K. Ch'en, Buddhism, and biblio-graphies therein. Also see P.C. Bagchi, ie Canon bouddhique en Chine (Paris: 1938), 2 vols. 2. Paul Demieville, "La Penetration du Bouddhism dans la tradition philosophique chinoise," Journal of World History, III (1956); Arthur Link, tr., "Biography of Tao-an," T'oung Pao, 46 (1958), 1-48; and K. Ch'en, "Neo-Taoism and the Prajna School," Chinese  Culture, 1,2 (1957), 33-46. 3. Based on Appendix Chart IV in Daigah and Alicia Matsunaga, Founda- tions of Japanese Buddhism, Vol. II (Tokyo: Buddhist Books Inter-national, 1976), p. 339. 4. See Yoshito S. Hakeda, tr., The Awakening of Faith (N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1967), p. 102 and note. 5. See above, p.5 , and endnoteJ.5 above. Also see L. Hurvitz, "Systema-tization," pp. 6-7, and endnote 6. 6. See Allan A. Andrews, p. 21. 7. See endnote 5 above. 8. See K. Ch'en, Buddhism, pp. 165-177. Ch'en summarizes the observa-tions of Japanese scholars on the north China cave temples. For bibliography, see p. 519. 9. The theory of Mappo (' ~%^}Jfc, : saddharma-vipralopa) will be discussed further below. 10. . MOCHIZUKI Shinko , Shina Jodo Kyori-shi %J§~%£~%$3%-1£-[History of Chinese Pure Land Doctrine] (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1942), Ch. 3. 11. This group was unrelated to the twelfth century White Lotus sect. See Daniel Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), p. 227, n. 46. The theoretical framework is based on the Pan-chou san-mei ching jfrjjfB; = 9^L (T. 417, 418). See Fujita, pp. 222ff; 574ff for further discussion. 12. Mochizuki, Shina, Ch. 6 and Ch. 11, esp. pp. 134ff. 13. Note that the traditional dating for the various "Ages of the Dharma" differed widely. 14. Mochizuki, Shina, Ch. 7. -34-15. These vows are: "18) A l l the beings of ten d i r e c t i o n s with, sincere profound f a i t h who seek to be born i n my land and c a l l upon my name ten times [ i n Chinese, ten times i s interpreted as i n a 'complete' or 'perfect' manner], except those who have committed the f i v e c a r d i n a l crimes or injured the true Dharma, s h a l l be born i n my land. 19) . I w i l l appear at the moment of death to a l l beings of the ten d i r e c t i o n s committed to Enlightenment and the p r a c t i c e of good deeds, who seek to be born i n my land. 20) A l l beings of the ten d i r e c t i o n s who hear my name, desire the Pure Land and p r a c t i c e v i r t u e i n order to a t t a i n the Pure Land w i l l succeed." (As translated i n Matsunaga, Foundations, p. 30. Emphasis added i n vow 18 because t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n i s not accurate. According to F u j i t a , the inv o c a t i o n a l aspect ( / c a l l upon') i s a l a t e r accretion.) 16. This i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the Tantric 'dharani.' See KANAOKA H i d e t o m o ' f e ^ f f i , "Dharani and Nembutsu," IndOgaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu fct/l'lr 11-2(4), (March 1954), pp. 500-502; MOCHIZUKI Shinkolgfl^fi % Jodo Kyof i-shi,>^ j> %&.£g- £. [History of Pure Land Doc-tr i n e ] (Tokyo: JSdokyo Ho sha, 1922), pp. 87-88; FUJIWARA Ryosetsu, Nembutsu Shiso no Kenkyu Affig?,*?^<n [Studies i n 'Nembutsu'] (Kyoto: Iwanami Shoten, 1970), pp'. 121-131; and F u j i t a , p. 626. 17. See endnote 8 above. 18. Cf. TAKAO Giken j t h ^ g j ^ , Chugoku Bukkyo"- s h i r on ^ \%^%% f& [Essays i n Chinese Buddhist H i s t o r y ] , (Kyoto: 1952[?] ), pp. 54-96. Also MOCHIZUKI Shinko, ed., Bukkyo Dai-jiten#g&^ffife [Large Dictionary of of Buddhism] ;(Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kankokai, 1954), v o l . 5, p.4747. 19. Mochizuki, Shina,JCh. 6. 20. An i n t e r e s t i n g contrast could be found i n the south of China at the same t:.:...;.time, ?.since thev:expatriater..Chinesecliterati a n d _ I h t e l l e c t u a l . Buddh-ist-contemplatives had been discussing highly sophisticated meditative methods and p h i l o s o p h i c a l doctrines while awaiting the overthrow of the invaders and t h e i r return home. A contemporary of Tao-ch'o, C h i h - i , was i n f a c t formulation the most systematic and conclusive manual on samadhi ever presented at the same time that Tao-ch'o was w r i t i n g h i s major work, the An-lo-Chi ^ "5^.^ ["Essays on Paradise": T. 1958]. See Mochizuki, Shina, chapters 9 and 12. 21. Cf. L. Hurvitz, t r . , Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma (New York: Columbia Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1976), chapter 6; and above, end-notes 9 and 13. -35-22. T'an-luan c l e a r l y distinguished two natures of Amitabha rela t e d to h i s transcendental Body (Dharma-kaya), a dharmarnature and an upaya^ nature. This of course was a deviation from the orthodox p o s i t i o n , which i d e n t i f i e d Amitabha as either Sambhoga-kaya and Dharma-kaya, or as simply Nirmana-kaya. For a discussion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of upaya and prajna i m p l i c i t i n T'an-luan's theory, see D. and A. Matsu-naga, "The Concept of 'Upaya' i n Mahayana Buddhist Philosophy," Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, T, 1 1 (March, 1962). For an i n t e r e s t i n g twist on the arguments on dualism, see Bloom's discussion of T'an-luan i n Shiriran's Gospel of Pure Grace (Tucson: Uni v e r s i t y of Arizona, 1965), pp. 10-11. I t should be pointed out that no s p e c i f i c references to the Tri-kaya theory or the svabhavas appear i n the o r i g i -nal Pure Land texts. For the Tri-kaya theory i t s e l f , see L, de l a Vallee Poussin, "The Three Bodies of the Buddha," Journal of the Royal  A s i a t i c Society (1906), pp. 943-977, and endnote 52 (Chapter One) above. For reference to the nirmana-kaya i n Honen's Senchaku-shu, see below, p. 68. 23. The Lotus Sutra provides an engaging and readable d e s c r i p t i o n of "expedient devices (upaya)," and c l a r i f i e s the reasons for i t through parables and v i v i d images. See for example chapter 2 i n L, Hurvitz, t r . , op. c i t . , pp. 22-47. Note i n p a r t i c u l a r the reference to nembutsu, p. 40. 24. Mochizuki, Shina, Chapter 15. 25. According to F u j i t a , as I mentioned above i n endnote 12, Shan-tao's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was specious, being based on a f a l s e reading of a l a t e r version of the Smaller Sukhavatx-vyuha. Nonetheless, even today the Shan-tao i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s accepted i n many c i r c l e s , and thus deserves a thorough reexamination. See F u j i t a , p. 547. 26. Also see F u j i t a , p. 131 and Mochizuki, Jodo, p. 327. 27. F u j i t a (pp. 213ff; 558ff) challenges t h i s argument i n terms of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the reference to the number of nembutsu required as well as of Shan-tao's d e s c r i p t i o n of invocation as the fundamental issue of the passage. -36-Chapter Three The establishment of an independent Pure Land school i n Japan i n the twelfth century was not the r e s u l t of a conscious e f f o r t at i n s t i t u t i o n a l i -zation any more than i t s counterpart i n China, but the process of introduc-t i o n , a s s i m i l a t i o n and eventual emergence of a d i s c r e t e Pure Land t r a d i t i o n d i f f e r e d from that on the continent i n a number of ways. F i r s t , the method and circumstances of the introduction of Buddhist culture were quite d i s t i n c t . Second, the r e l a t i v e l e v e l s of r e l i g i o u s and p h i l o s o p h i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n China and Japan during the periods of a s s i m i l a t i o n d i f f e r e d considerably. Third, the i n t e r a c t i o n of indigenous r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and practices with those of Buddhism during the respective periods of emergence was more pro-nounced i n Japan and thus contributed more s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the process of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n than i t did i n China. I t i s t h i s t h i r d f a c t o r which i s the subject of t h i s chapter. Before the introduction of Buddhism, indigenous r e l i g i o u s forms were diffused and sundry.^ Early Japanese r e l i g i o n served two p r i n c i p a l functions, the f i r s t shamanistic, the second s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l . Those who had evidenced s k i l l i n magical p r a c t i c e s , e i t h e r to promote favor from l o c a l or hereditary gods or to ward o f f the unhappy e f f e c t s of e v i l s p i r i t s or disgruntled d e i t i e s , were recognized within the l i m i t e d s o c i a l nexus of t h e i r clans or t h e i r communities as both r e l i g i o u s and, consequently, p o l i t i c a l leaders. With the slow and subtle encroachment of Chinese influence, Taoist and Con-fucian elements were assimilated, notably those dealing with magic or d i v i n a -t i o n . This t r a d i t i o n contributed to a dual s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s system, where the shamans and t h e i r leaders were assigned both r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l prerogatives unavailable to the others. Eventually, c e r t a i n clans came to be i d e n t i f i e d as p a r t i c u l a r l y adept i n magical p r a c t i c e s , and these became -37-the basis for the emergence of the imperial and a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s of early h i s t o r y . With the introduction and adoption of Buddhism, however, there was a d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the old theocratic clan system, and a r e s u l t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n -a l i z a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s leadership i n the imperial family. But t h i s phenomenon had l i t t l e e f f e c t i n v i l l a g e l i f e , and we see/the influence of Buddhist prac-t i c e s not on the basis of i t s p h i l o s o p h i c a l or l i t e r a r y excellence, but b e -cause i t s r i t u a l was recognized as more e f f e c t i v e i n t r a d i t i o n a l functions than the e a r l i e r models. Ce r t a i n l y the elegance of i t s art and ceremony was e f f e c t i v e psychologically as well, but the a s s i m i l a t i o n of Buddhist incanta-t i o n and r i t u a l was accomplished more because of i t s r i c h v a r i e t y and p a r t i c u -l a r effectiveness i n protection (as opposed to devotion). E a r l y on, t h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y apparent i n the assignment of funereal r i t e s to Buddhist monks. By the end of the seventh century, at any rate, Buddhism was characterized by i t s a r i s t o c r a t i c patronage but more s i g n i f i c a n t l y by i t s r u r a l lay leadership, which contributed to the growth of upasaka-practices outside the structures of o Buddhist e c c l e s i a s t i c orthodoxy. As lay leadership of Buddhist groups became more common, there was i n -creasing evidence of the popular adaptation of Buddhism i n the form of H i j i r i , a n t i-secular charismatic r e l i g i o u s reformers who continued the upasaka (magico-ascetic) i d e a l of the pre-Buddhist shamans.^ This germinal re a c t i o n by the t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l leaders to the i n t r u s i o n of both Neo-Taoist and Buddhist f a i t h and practices had perhaps i t s e a r l i e s t proponent i n Gyogi (^ T Jj^ ,: 670-749), who abandoned the Nara s c o l a s t i c centers and began a career of popular teaching and public service. Reformers of t h i s kind empha-sized piety and r e l i g i o u s conviction, disregarding orthodox methods and doc-t r i n e for an expedient blend of popular f o l k b e l i e f and simple i n s t r u c t i o n . -38-With the growth of institutional Buddhism under imperial patronage, and the concomitant introduction of Buddhist legends on the popular level, there-fore, we find by the end of the Nara period (710-794) a definite movement outside the capital of both asceticism and proselytizing. The proselytic element we find in such examples as Gyogi, while the ascetic-magician element is characterized by En-No-Shokaku ( )\~&\ : 634-701 ), who is said to have founded the Shugendo (^ffi.fk). Shugendo arose as a discrete movement in the ninth century (early Heian period), but had originated among the Hijiri-Upasaka mountain-magicians (Yama-Bushi: jl^ff^ ) much earlier. By adopting mystical elements from Taoist and Mantrayana sources, they gradually took on the functions of exorcism and expiation. Two types of this"Hijiri" group eventually emerged: the itinerants, who travelled in the countryside and practiced asceticism in the mountains and forests, and the sedentary h i j i r i , who lived in villages and practiced exorcism and other forms of shamanistic rites. As an element in a l l of this we find the influence of nembutsu practice increasing. Originally, with the popular dissemination of Pure Land teaching along with other Buddhist theories, nembutsu was applied principally as a magical incantation to dispel evil spirits (Goryo:^'^.) ,^  and to send the angry or dangerous ghost to Amida's Pure Land. This was a natural applica-r; tion, since nembutsu had in China been credited with mystical powers,-* and in Japan i t was easily adapted to indigenous needs. Opposed to the Nembutsu monks in vying for popular recognition were the Onmyo-do (f^ffy^ ) » a mixture of native and Taoist (specifically, Yin-Yang divination) magic and art, and the Shugendo, an amalgam of Buddhist, Taoist, and native craft. The first great catalyst in the systematization of Shugendo asceticism and the assimilation of nembutsu practice into mainstream Japanese Buddhism was Saicho ($yrf$^ ' 767-822). Saicho based his teachings on the classifica--39-t i o n of doctrines f i r s t systematized by C h i h - i . His emphasis on the u n i v e r s a l i t y of s a l v a t i o n , based on the bodhisattva doctrine as w ell as the p a r a l l e l concept of bodhi-nature, gave r i s e to a new hope for aspirants who wished to enter his order. Saicho's categories of p r a c t i t i o n e r s gives us an i n s i g h t into h i s understanding of Buddhist soteriology, and shows the close r e l a t i o n s h i p between t r a d i t i o n a l Pure Land theory and that expounded i n the Tendai school. Contrary to the standard monastic p r a c t i c e he c l a s s i f i e d h i s d i s c i p l e s according to t h e i r aptitudes:^ 1) Those who were " g i f t e d , " that i s , who had completed d o c t r i n a l study and community .'practice of the bodhisattva p r i n c i p l e s , he c a l l e d "Treasures of the Nation (iS £ )." These remained on Mt. H i e i and served the nation by r e l i g i o u s d i s c i p l i n e and teaching; 2) ' Those " l e s s g i f t e d , " who had only completed t h e i r d o c t r i n a l t r a i n i n g , were c a l l e d "National Teachers (®1» ' P )." They were assigned to serve as teachers, engineers, and a g r i c u l t u r a l advisors a f t e r f i n i s h i n g t h e i r n o v i t i a t e s on H i e i . They went to the provinces for s o c i a l work as well, and to provide r e l i g i o u s services to the people; 3)"- Those who were " l e a s t g i f t e d , " who had performed s o c i a l services but had not received d o c t r i n a l t r a i n i n g , were c a l l e d "servants of the nation (^rfi )•" These had generally been re c r u i t e d by the p r o v i n c i a l monks as a s s i s t a n t s . A person was assigned to one of these three only a f t e r completing twelve years of a s c e t i c t r a i n i n g on Mt. Hiei. 1. Thus, within Tendai i t s e l f , one soon found the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l i f e of the mountain a s c e t i c , who sought i s o l a t i o n i n order to c u l t i v a t e contemplation and eventual enlightenment, and the l i f e of s o c i a l and r e l i g -ious service among the common people of the nation. By l e g i t i m i z i n g moun--40-tain asceticism and esoteric initiations, and by recognizing the claims and traditional authority for nembutsu and other magical practices, Saicho's Tendai school became the inspiration and orthodox foundation for the nembutsu/ Pure Land movement which Honen clarified and systematized four centuries later. The second of the major leaders of institutional Buddhism during the Heian period was Kukai >{""r : 774-835), a younger contemporary of Saicho. After a Confucian education as a youth, Kukai entered the l i f e of a zoku-finally convinced that Buddhism and Buddho-Taoist mysticism offered more satisfaction than his Confucian studies, abandoned his earlier education in 798. Shortly thereafter, he was enlisted by the court to study in China, and departed in 804. Upon his return, he established the Shingon (Jl^  & ) esoteric tradition and is widely acclaimed as the greatest Buddhist figure in a l l of Japanese history.^ The primary achievements of both Saicho and Kukai in the light of our discussion are twofold. First, they introduced and legitimized the Shugendo practices which until that time had remained outside of the orthodox tradi-tion. By integrating and systematizing the miscellaneous ($$L ) Upasaka traditions, they were, each in his own way, able to effect a conciliation of these diverse practices with the orthodox Buddhist schools centered in Nara. Their interest in, and successful adaptation of, Shugendo practices was no doubt related to :their early experiences with mountain asceticism. Second, we must note their truly genuine desire to popularize Buddhism, which until they began their careers had been aristocratic and unavailable to the common man, except through folk-level interpretations. lay Buddhist practicing asceticism in the mountains) and, altogether and entered novitiate training at the Makino-o-San Templ4$|^li iU ) -41-Ennin jz- : 794-864)> Saicho's successor, was the f i r s t to promote nembutsu as a mantra within the Tendai meditation schema which had been transmitted from China i n Chih-i's commentary to the Contemplation Sutra. By the beginning of the tenth century, however, the combination of increased s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y and the immanence of a l o s t hope for r e l i g i o u s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the onset of the Latter Days of the Dharma provided the nembutsu-hijiri with a unique s e t t i n g f or the propagation of t h e i r f a i t h . We f i n d during t h i s period two figures who epitomize the growth of nembutsu p r a c t i c e and f a i t h i n Amitabha (Japn.: Amida). Genshin CM% • 942-1017) was a Tendai monk who had been exposed to Pure Land teaching as a novice under Ryogen (tk-//$f- : 911-985 ). At about the age of 25, however, he r e t i r e d from the H i e i headquarters temple to a compound near Yokawa (^ .^"| ). There he devoted h i s l i f e to scholarship and meditation, the f r u i t s of which were compiled i n h i s " E s s e n t i a l s f or Rebirth" (Ojoyoshu: ), completed i n 985. The work subordinates orthodox Tendai prac-t i c e s and doctrine to the Pure Land p o s i t i o n on s a l v a t i o n . Yet i n some other works he subordinated Pure Land teachings to those of standard Tendai, so we are l e f t with a germinal and inconsistent analysis and system. But the Ojoyo-shu provided the f i r s t systematic Japanese exposition of Pure Land doctrine, and Genshin's formation of a Nembutsu-samadhi society the following year t e s t i -f i e s to h i s conviction concerning nembutsu p r a c t i c e within a larger framework of d i s c i p l i n e . Nembutsu f r a t e r n i t i e s such as t h i s , moreover, became quite Q popular, and as i n China, they served to provide "mutual e d i f i c a t i o n i n the r e l i g i o u s l i f e and more e s p e c i a l l y f or mutual assistance at the time of the 9 deaths arid i.funerals of i t s members." Private compounds for these s o c i e t i e s became more and more numerous, serving l a i t y and disenchanted monks a l i k e as centers for ret r e a t and s p i r i t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n . There i s no evidence, however, that the founders or leaders of such groups intended by t h e i r formation to -42-separate from orthodox Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s or to e s t a b l i s h independent sects of t h e i r own. The less t r a d i t i o n a l precursor of the Kamakura Pure Land movement was another Tendai monk of the tenth century, Kuya O3L -f*. : 903-972) . A f f e c t i o n -ately known as the "monk of the market place," Kuya t r a v e l l e d from v i l l a g e to v i l l a g e , preaching about the Pure Land and entertaining the l o c a l s with i n s p i -r a t i o n a l dance and song. He i n i t i a t e d the p r a c t i c e of the "dancing nembutsu," which was introduced as a Buddhist adaptation of e a r l i e r dancing r i t u a l s to ward off plagues. He encouraged Amida-invocation.for both material and s p i r i -t u a l success, s t r e s s i n g i n d i v i d u a l f a i t h and unceasing p r a c t i c e of nembutsu. He had been an Upasaka shaman, and was credited by his biographers with having been the chief c a t a l y s t i n the popularization of Amida f a i t h up to the time. By the eleventh century, the pessimism which had emerged j u s t a f t e r the deaths of Saicho and Kukai became more pervasive and profound.^ During t h i s period, the Tendai t r a d i t i o n again contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the evolution of nembutsu p r a c t i c e . Ryonin {%^{lr '• 1072-1132) i s credited with e s t a b l i s h i n g the Nembutsu branch of Tendai, by integrating Kegon (^jj^ ) and Tendai doctrines of un i v e r s a l s a l v a t i o n and the interpenetration of a l l existence, with the Pure Land teaching of r e b i r t h i n Amida's Paradise. He i n s t i t u t e d the "nembu-tsu chant," and promulgated " c i r c u l a t i n g nembutsu," which l a t e r formed the basis f or the independent Yuzu-Nembutsu school ( i f i ^ ^ ' T - O . The a p p l i cation of orthodox doctrine can be seen i n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of "merit-transference", whereby a l l i n d i v i d u a l s share i n a pool of merit, and can draw or transfer merit applicable to salvation?~^~ This theory, while not p a r t i c u l a r l y revolu-tionary, was quite e f f e c t i v e i n drawing converts to nembutsu pr a c t i c e , as w e l l as i n systematizing further the Pure Land doctrine. It was not, however, u n t i l Honen, born the year a f t e r Ryonin died, that a l l of these diverse forms became integrated i n a popular yet a u t h o r i t a t i v e -43-movement which f i n a l l y established the independence of an indigenous Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n i n Japan. ENDNOTES; CHAPTER' THREE . I have relied on the following three works by HORI Ichiro for much of the material in this chapter; 1) Folk Religion in Japan ed. by J, Kitagawa and A, Miller (Chicago; University of Chicago, 1968) ; 2) Wagakurii •minkanT-shihko^shi ho kenkyu 3Xjr")U &$fWtftff £ <r>&&% [Studies in the History of Folk Religion in Japan],r2 vols. (Tokyo: Sogensha, 1955); and 3) "On the Concept of H i j i r i (Holy-man)," NUMEN V, No. 2 (April 1958), pp. 128-160, and No. 3 (September 1958), pp. 199-232. See the works of Hori for the interaction of traditional and Buddhist beliefs and practices. Also see Joseph M. Kitagawa, Religion in  Japanese History (New York; Columbia University Press, 1966), ch 1, for an historical perspective on the same issue. . See Hori, NUMEN for further details. . Hori, Folk Religion, pp. 111-127; NUMEN, pp. 155-160 and 208-223; and Wagakuni, p. 304ff. See above, p. 29, and endnote 13 (Chapter 2). Also see Bloom, p. 54ff. Clearly these are related to the Larger Pure Land Sutra's classification of three levels of aptitude, a view common to many other Mahayana texts as well. For example, cf. Hurvitz, tr., Lotus, ch. 5. 7. For a detailed introduction to Kukai's l i f e and ideas, see HAKEDA Yoshito, Kukai: Major Works (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970). 8. Cf. above, p. 27. Also see Daniel Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 85-91. 9. Kitagawa, p. 77. 10. For example, Ivan Morris, The World of the Shining Prince (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964) and George Sansom, A History of Japan to 1334 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958), pp. 212-233. 11. Matsunaga, Foundations, pp. 12-26. -45-Chapter Four I. Immediate H i s t o r i c a l Setting The middle and l a t e Heian period (tenth through the twelfth century) was one of increasing s o c i a l and psychological malaise. While the Buddhist theory of "Mappo" provides a convenient handle to explain t h i s phenomenon, i t i s necessary also to turn to the p o l i t i c a l stage to get a t r u l y balanced picture of the world into which Honen was born. Just as we saw the e f f e c t of the d e l i c a t e l y balanced r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Imperial family and the a r i s t o c r a t i c clans i n the s i x t h and seventh century, so also was that balance an issue during the Heian (^-^ ) period. In f a c t , the Fujiwara (j|§^ fN ) clan, which f i r s t came to prominence during the l a t e seventh century, was i n the process of consolidating i t s p o l i t i c a l power during the next 300 years, through marriage and subsequent Regency as w e l l as through the expansion of i t s land holdings and thus of i t s wealth. •'-I t i s t h i s economic f a c t o r which affected the Heian s o c i a l m i l i e u most fundamentally. I t created f i r s t an unstable m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n , due to the rapid growth of private estates i n newly-opened f r o n t i e r lands. These not only denied the c e n t r a l government nedded tax revenue; i t also generated the need for increased security precautions. Private estate owners enticed non-landed opportunists away from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s by forming mercenary armies, j u s t i f y i n g t h e i r actions by pointing out that under the land reclama-t i o n laws the p r o v i n c i a l leaders had been appointed constabulary o f f i c i a l s as well. The Buddhist monastic i n s t i t u t i o n s i n both Nara and Heian had also been granted c e r t a i n tax exemptions on t h e i r land holdings, however, so that, n a t u r a l l y , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s eventually clashed with those of the private es--46-tates and they too began to arm. Meanwhile, the interests of the peasants were cavalierly ignored, and the disenchanted either turned as mercenaries to Buddhist or provincial estates for economic relief, or took refuge in the popular religious movements which offered them at least some hope for their 2 next lives. All of this was not clearly reflected among intellectuals in the capital, however, since under Fujiwara sponsorship there was simultaneously a tremendous cultural flowering. Not only was intercourse with T'ang and Sung China vigorous, but domestic creativity was being actively encouraged as well. The undercurrent to a l l of this, I however, was a quickening sense of doom, reflected in literature by such key words as "awar e" & t g and "mujo" (^ /)^ fp'j* and in art by the growing dominance of Amidhist themes of heaven and hell. "Mappo" had indeed infected even the aristocrats. Eventually, even the Imperial family grew frustrated with its auxiliary role in running the country, and around 1070 finally had the opportunity to challenge the Fujiwara monopoly of political power. Thus began the confused institution of cloistered Emperors. By retiring from their official duties while retaining political influence (by rejecting Fujiwara regency), they were gradually able to accumulate their own estates, which were granted to them as retired emperors. They also engaged new advisors from the Fujiwara's rival, the Minamoto (>/f*N ) clan. But by attempting to exploit this rivalry they unwittingly set off a series of internal political crises which drew a l l of the various parties with their own vested interests, in the provinces as well as in the capital, into a monumental military struggle which climaxed in the Genpei (^.^ ) wars between 1180 and 1185.-It was precisely during this period of political and social disintegra-tion that Japanese religious institutions were being most sorely tested, and it was a time when confident and charismatic leadership was needed to provide -47-a v i s i o n of, and a method of a t t a i n i n g , a new and better l i f e . Established i n s t i t u t i o n s were c l e a r l y unsuited, but a new movement, which, had i t s roots deep i n Japanese h i s t o r y , had already begun to take shaped The man who rose to d i r e c t t h i s movement and to free Japanese Buddhism for the f i r s t time from both p o l i t i c a l and f o l k - r e l i g i o u s allegiance was Honen Shonin. II . Biography In t r y i n g to reconstruct the story of Honen's l i f e , we are faced with a problem of historiography common to r e l i g i o u s biographies i n general, and to Buddhist biographies i n p a r t i c u l a r . Being dependent i n most cases on " i n t e r -n a l " (sectarian) accounts, one i s beset with r a p i d l y expanding mythology and i n s p i r a t i o n a l legendary accretions as the l i f e of the h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e re-cedes from the memory of the recorders. This i s the r e s u l t , of course, of two influences, one the process of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , the second of l e g i t i -mation. The f i r s t i s explained by Max Weber as an unconscious s t e r e o t y p i c a l occurrence i n the growth of any v i a b l e r e l i g i o u s movement/ The second i s , i n the case at hand, a t r a d i t i o n a l means of e s t a b l i s h i n g a s p i r i t u a l ancestry^ consistent with the biographer's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of h i s subject's teaching. The l a t t e r i s a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l aspect of the former. We have a number of biographies of Honen, dating from 1298? I w i l l attempt to summarize the s a l i e n t points of these biographical accounts, try-t-ing to maintain h i s t o r i c a l accuracy while not ignoring the important s e c t a r i -an accretions with which the story i s customarily enhanced. ) served as a l o c a l Samurai. When Honen was nine, h i s father got em-b r o i l e d i n a c o n f l i c t with the s o l d i e r i n charge of Inaoka, a man namedJGennai Honen, whose given name was Seshimaru province of Mimasaka south of the township of Kume -48-Sada-Akirakashi G j f e . ), who, i t i s reported, i n s t i g a t e d Tokikuni's assassination. Tokikuni, according to l a t e r reports, repressed any thoughts of resentment or revenge, and urged h i s son to forgi v e and forget the crime. His f i n a l words to his son thus reputedly determined Honen's future. Honen's reaction, i f we believe h i s biographers, was to f l e e to a mountain monastery, which exemplified both f i l i a l devotion and r e l i g i o u s conviction. More l i k e l y than that, Honen simply f l e d during the night r a i d to avoid capture. The fate of his mother i s uncertain; modern scholars assume she died during the r a i d . With the break-up of his family, we f i n d Honen going to l i v e with h i s uncle, Kangaku dfj^ff.)» the abbot \of the Jodo monastery B o d a i j i {% -T^ l^) i n 1141. Regardless of his biographers' excesses, there i s no question that those early experiences affected H6nen deeply and personalize for us the tumult which characterized the Kamakura period. The following year, at h i s uncle's suggestion, Honen moved to Mt. H i e i . There, i n the northern part of the H i e i compound, he began studying under the monk Jihobo Genko (~$!L ~$jjt> )• H i s progress was so rapid, however, that, a f t e r only two years, he moved to the Kudokuin (2#$t-j*!t!>), where he became a d i s c i p l e of Higo No A j a r i Koen 0¥$$iffl$$&), the abbot of Kudokuin who l a t e r compiled the famous "Chronicles of Japanese History" (Fuso R y a k k i : ^ ^ " ^ ^ ) . I t was at Kudoku-i n that Honen o f f i c i a l l y entered the r e l i g i o u s l i f e , taking his vows from Koen and receiving the tonsure at the age of 15. Koen, himself a d i s c i p l e of Sugiu no Kokaku 0"p£*i i.'/L ), w a s a Tendai monk i n the shamanistic t r a d i t i o n we discussed above. Under Koen's d i r e c t i o n , Honen began studying 12 the three great d i v i s i o n s of Tendai, but was d i s s a t i s f i e d with the worldly s p i r i t i n the headquarters on H i e i , so i n 1150 he " f l e d from the worldly l i f e " and became a d i s c i p l e of Jigembo Eiku of Kurodani. 1 3 He was given the r e l i g i o u s name HSnenbo Genku (^£^> § ), purportedly from the names of his two most influential teachers (Genko ~//ff-v]E- and Eiku ^jjl ) . ^  Honen's study and religious practice under Eiku undoubtedly guided him through the traditional doctrinal literature, but also introduced him to the increasingly popular Amidist theories as well. Eiku was of course s t i l l well within the orthodox Buddhist tradition and as such emphasized Tendai meditation and the study of esoteric texts and the Vinaya Rules, but the synthesis of nembutsu-Hijiri practice with Tendai orthodoxy particularly suited Honen's personal religious needs of the time. He appreciated the escape from the militarism and factionalism of Hiei's principle compounds, even though he later abandoned the meditative practices which formed the core of the Kurodani-Ohara (Jj-./B'""ftjfjfj) discipline. Honen remained at Kurodanr-^ for over twenty years, practicing the 25 Pure Land meditations and making pilgrimages. For example in 1156, when he was 24, he went on a seven-day retreat to Shoryoji G^j/yf-vtf ) in Saga then went to Nara for interviews with some of the great scholars in the Capital and to study the philosophy of the Six Schools. Among those he met and debated with were Zoshun Sozo ) of the Hosso School, Kanga (%±^$& °f t n e Sanron, and Keiga of Kegon. It was also during this trip that Honen first came into contact with Myoe (^^)» who would later become one of his chief accusers. While at Kurodani, Honen studied not only the Tripitaka, but many other literary works as well, such as diaries and historical chronicles. He sought out a l l manner of records which might help him in his religious quest: how to achieve personal release, as well as relief for a l l the other helpless and frustrated people he saw in and out of his cloister. He began to feel the confusion of depending on his own effort :when no one elso seemed able to provide any better direction. Not only were the monastic rules difficult, but meditation and study were nearly impossible with c i v i l war and monastic -50-militancy surrounding him. It was during one of his visits to Nara that he came into contact with the earlier type of Pure Land devotion propagated by Yokan : 1033-1111), Chinkai : 1091-1152), J.ippan C ^ | L : d.1144), and others. In contrast to Tendai nembutsu meditation, this devotion, based on Shan-tao's teachings, emphasized "Other-Power"'—dependence on Amida's compassion and assistance rather than on one's own effort, which to Honen appeared increasingly futile. It is then not surprising that when, in 1175, Honen was going over Shan-tao's commentary to the Meditation Sutra, he discovered a passage which read: "If one only bears in mind the invocation of the name of Amida, and without regard for the length of time .'hejspends. on: i t in his daily l i f e he does not give up this continuous practice, this will be called righteous and determined action. It is already in accord with the vow of the Buddha." Through this passage, he realized that nembutsu practice itself was the answer to his search. He became aware of its significance for the first time, distinguishing between the nembutsu practices he had witnessed and experienced among the H i j i r i around Kurodani, the orthodox Nembutsu medita-tion system (based on Genshin's Ojoyoshu) within the Kurodani-Tendai tradi-tion, and the Jodo teachings of the Nara schools passed down at the Todaiji (^ .^ f^ )• Having found what he felt answered the existential ques-tions of his age, he immediately abandoned his previous learning and prac-tices and turned single-mindedly to nembutsu. At the same time he turned 16 his back on Hiei. In his own account of his conversion.he later wrote, "This is surely the right teaching (^P6! Dharma-Paryaya) for my disposition. It is certainly the right practice for my body. Since I have consulted a l l the Holy men ("Hijiri"), and inquired of a l l the scholars, there are no more peddlers or guides to seek out. After their lectures, I used to go with grief to the scriptures, or sadly turn to the holy teachings (of the masters)." -51-In the same entry, he praised Shan-tao's commentary by saying, "This teaching on the Western Paradise should be a guide for a l l p r a c t i t i o n e r s . " His taking Shan-ttao alone as h i s authority dramatically shows how meaningful t h i s encounter was. Retreating f i r s t to Hirodani (/L /£h ) to the west of Kyoto, Honen then f i n a l l y s e t t l e d i n a hermitage i n the mountains east of Kyoto, i n a place near Otani (also known as Y o s h i m i z u ^ - ^ ), where he entered a l i f e t o t a l l y devoted to nembutsu.-^ This move symbolized Honen's r e j e c t i o n of h i s own e a r l i e r t r a i n i n g i n t r a d i t i o n a l Buddhist monasticism, but more p a r t i c u l a r l y his abandonment of Genshin's Tendai form of nembutsu meditation which was based on an. own-powered i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Prajna philosophy, i n favor of simple invocational nembutsu pr a c t i c e . The fa c t of Honen's dramatic conversion upon reading Shan-tao's commen-tary represents more than simply another turning i n Honen's r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g , as we w i l l see below. In s p i t e of h i s intentions, however, he did not i n f a c t turn to Shan-tao's system of Pure Land p r a c t i c e but rather r e i n -terpreted that theory i n a way which suited h i s own s p i r i t u a l needs and 18 those of his contemporaries. Evidence that Honen< c o r r e c t l y understood the mood of h i s contemporaries i s c l e a r . During the decade following h i s departure from Kurodani, he drew many followers including monks, noblemen, s o l d i e r s and common people to h i s r e t r e a t . That he was supported by wealthy benefactors as w e l l as commoners i s shown by the rapid p h y s i c a l expansion of h i s compound, and by the atten-t i o n he eventually drew from the established schools on H i e i and i n the c a p i t a l . According to h i s biographers, he was i n v i t e d to Ohara (T*~Jff^ ) i n 1189 (1186, by some accounts) to debate prominent scholars of the established schools. While modern scholarship cannot v e r i f y t h i s meeting, i t s mention i n h i s biographies serves to h i g h l i g h t the increasing popularity of Honen's -52-Pure Land movement, which apparently was drawing the attention of some very i n f l u e n t i a l patrons. As l a t e r incidents proved further, the movement was growing so r a p i d l y that Honen himself soon f e l t constrained to order h i s followers to remain s i l e n t on t h e o l o g i c a l issues and to r e s t r a i n themselves i n p r o s e l y t i z i n g f o r fear of censorship. The biographies r e l a t e numerous incidents of Honen's preaching during t h i s time, and tend to substantiate the claim that h i s Pure Land movement was widely known and an incr e a s i n g l y formidable a l t e r n a t i v e to the established Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s . Popular l i t e r a t u r e of the time bears out these claims. The year 1198 marked another s i g n i f i c a n t turning point i n Honen's career. During the years following h i s conversion from the Tendai 25-meditation p r a c t i c e s of Kurodani to Senju (^"fl^" single-practice)-nembutsu, many important a r i s t o c r a t s had become h i s followers. One, the Fujiwara Regent Kujo Kanezane : 1148-1207), requested a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of .. Honen's Pure Land doctrine, and i n response Honen wrote h i s famous essay e n t i t l e d "Essays- on:.the Selection of Nembutsu P r a c t i c e " (Senchaku Hongan «. 19 Nembutsu-shu). The following chapter w i l l discuss the d o c t r i n a l aspects of t h i s work. I t s s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the present context, however, i s twofold: i t s appearance v e r i f i e s f i r s t that Honen had by t h i s time systematized h i s ph i l o s o p h i c a l p o s i t i o n ; and second, he r e a l i z e d that the popularity of h i s new movement had created a threat (whether r e a l or imagined) to the estab-l i s h e d Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s . In f a c t , Honen f e l t i t necessary to enjoin his followers from revealing the existence of the text or i t s contents, l e s t i t be used to j u s t i f y censorship and repression of h i s teachings. His suspicions of course were borne out, f o r i n the summer of 1204.the jealousy of the t r a d i t i o n a l orders on H i e i and i n the prosperous monasteries of Nara brought an appeal to the government to censure the movement. Honen, recognizing the excesses of some of h i s d i s c i p l e s who were openly challenging -53-the t r a d i t i o n a l monastic rules ("Vinaya") and c r i t i c i s i n g the other schools 2C and t h e i r p r a c t i c e s , agreed to e s t a b l i s h a code of conduct f o r h i s d i s c i p l e s ; But again i n the f a l l of 1205, the Kofukuji (^'Hi'^f) i n Nara petitioned the government, c i t i n g the actions of Honen's followers, and i n p a r t i c u l a r Gy5ku (•^ •f 'jcl) and Junsai (^^iSl ) , who had also been the focus of previous a l l e g a -tions. Although the court.was l a r g e l y i n sympathy with Honen, a scandalous 21 incident (either contrived or true) involving Junsai and some other monks enraged the r e t i r e d emperor Go-Toba ($£^33) shor t l y a f t e r the Kofukuji p e t i t i o n , and so early i n 1207 four monks were sentenced to death and Honen himself was banished to Tosa province on Shikoku with f i v e other d i s c i p l e s . He was soon permitted to return to the mainland, however, and se t t l e d i n the Katsuodera ( ) ^ | ) % < i f ) near Osaka u n t i l he received permission to reenter the c a p i t a l i n the f a l l of 1211. He returned to Otani and h i s now-deserted compound days l a t e r , but, perhaps d e b i l i t a t e d as a r e s u l t of the p o l i t i c a l struggle and hi s subsequent e x i l e , he died sh o r t l y a f t e r the New Year of 1212, at the age of 80. His place of death i s the modern s i t e of the Chion'in the headquarters of the Pure Land school he founded. -54-ENDNOTES; CHAPTER FOUR 1. This was directly contrary to the intent of the Nara and Heian land reforms. Concerning these, see Sansom, A History, pp. 57-60 and 82-89. 2. Both offered a sense of community and kinship, which was a critical feature of their appeal during such an age of social dislocation. Cf. Sansom, A History, p. 107ff for discussion of these trends. 3. For a vivid portrait of this period, see Morris, Shining Prince. 4. These two words refer to a sense of pathos and impermanence. For a discussion of these terms and examples, of their use, see Donald Keene's Japanese Literature: An Introduction Nfor Western Readers (New York: Grove Press, 1955). and Anthology of Japanese Literature from the Earli^-. ; est Era to the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Grove Press, 1955), esp. pp. 92-96. 5. Cf. SHINODA Minoru, The Founding of the Kamakura Shogunate, 1180-1185 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960). Also see George Sansom, Japan, A Short Cultural History (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1962), pp. 270-347. 6. Cf the discussion of lay religious societies above, p. 27 and p. 41. 7. Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, trans. Epraim Fischoff (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963). 8. See Huryitz, "Systematization", and Nakamura, op. cit. 9. See Harper H. Coates and R. Ishizuka, Honen the Buddhist Saint (Kyoto: Chion-in, 1925), pp. 77-83. 10. OHASHI T o s h i o ^ ^ f t ^ , HOnen—Spno K5dq to Shjso & — W?tf# ^  [Honen; His Movement and His Ideas] (Tokyo; Hyoronsha, 1970), p. 14. 11. TAMURA Encho )V$r{)% Honen y£,f£ [HSnenJ (Tokyo; Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1964), as reported in Matsunaga, Foundations, p. 58. 12. See Coates and Ishizuka, p. 133, and note 12, p, 138ff. 13. Eiku was a successor of Ryonin, the founder of the Nembutsu branch of Tendai, which was later tQ become the independent Yuzu-nembutsu sect. -55-14. .~^ >1g_ . See Qha.shi, p. 18ff for a discussion of the politics of the selection of this name. 15. Ohashi, p. 22. 16. Ohashi, p. 27. 17. Matsunaga, Foundations, p. 313, note 25. 18. As stated in his Introduction to the Senchaku-shu (T. 2608). 19. &W%lf&./&/fo1k. (T. 2608), abbreviated jfgjf^fb . 20. Cf. Matsunaga, Foundations, pp. 62-63. 21. Matsunaga, Foundations, pp. 66-67. 55 a PART II -56-INTRODUCTION The basis of our discussion of Honen's doctrinal, position is his Senchaku Hongan nembutsu-shu ( "Essays on the Selection of the Nembutsu of the Original Vow")."'" According to tradition, i t took Honen ten years to complete the project, with the assistance of three of his disciples: Shinkan-bo Kansai ( J l r^iffi) ^ ^ ), Zenne-bo She—ku )> a n d Anraku-bo Junsai (^ "'^ /%^ -^ \&x ) 2 , who transcribed the final text under his master's direction. Today the original manuscript remains in the Rosanji (^ iK^ T) in Kyoto and is known as the "Grass (-hand) Manuscript )," after the calligraphic style. This manuscript was at first circulated quite discreetly among Honen's closest disciples, but after his death i t was sealed and engraved and then disseminated popularly. This first printed edition was destroyed during the sectarian persecutions in 1227 but later was frequently reprinted, so that the number of manu-scripts which survive today is ninety, and there arfe. well over three 3 hundred scholastic commentaries. The term Senchaku ("choosing; selection")^ which appears in the title of this work, is very significant. While clearly i t refers to the soterio-4 logical necessity of this selection, i t can also be inferred that i t refers to the personal religious experience of the monk Honen, who rejected the Hiei compound and a l l that i t represented to him, and then after many years among the H i j i r i at Kurodani, rejected that tradition as well and chose the nembutsu-path. The word thus implies "the willingness to take a risk of faith. With this motif of man's 'choosing,' Honen's Pure Land movement became qualitatively different from the earlier Pure Land cults.. -57 -Honen himself explained the fu l l title of his work in.detail in chapters one through three. In chapter three, after citing Shanr-tao's "Hymns to Rebirth," he outlined his revolutionary doctrine of selection of "single-practice nembutsu" in this way: Q. "How can we (learn) the principle of this 'selection'? Why is the eighteenth vow, which selects nembutsu alone and rejects a l l other practices, to be regarded as the original vow ) for rebirth? That is, why is nembutsu to be preferred to a l l other practices for rebirth? A. It's difficult to fathom the holy intent (of Amida), and i t cannot be explained hastily. If, however, we were to try now to explain i t through examples, we could identify two principles: 1) Superiority and Inferiority: The practice of nembutsu invocation is superior to a l l other practices, since i t restores the merit of a l l other virtues. The merit of a l l other virtuous acts... (like...) are included in nembutsu invocation...since a l l other acts can be done while chanting the name of the Buddha.... Therefore, isn't i t reasonable to consider rejection :of the: inferior andoselec-tion of the superior to be the (intent of) the original vow? 2) Ease and Difficulty: Nembutsu is an easy practice, while the others are difficult. (T. 2608, 5b-c) Thus, here and throughout the work Honen is in fact recording the method of his own inquiry into religious practice and his search for the right Path. Yet we cannot dismiss i t as simply a "Confession." On the contrary, i t expounds a theory which is rigorous in its consistency and clarity. It is a methodical doctrinal exegesis which attempts to systematize Honen's experience and to place i t within the mainstream of orthodox Buddhism. The need for such an exegesis was perhaps a personal one, considering H5nen's thorough scriptural erudition and orthodox training, and possibly i t was conceived simply as a tool for those who had become -58-h i s d i s c i p l e s , as h i s biographers would have us be l i e v e . " For the task of systematizing t h i s "special'' nembutsu p r a c t i c e , Honen u t i l i z e d an extremely conventional technique/ • During the period of i t s formulation, Honen and his d i s c i p l e s c o l l e c t e d , from the scr i p t u r e s and commentaries, the important texts dealing with Pure Land teachings, arranged them t o p i c a l l y , and f i n a l l y devised commentaries on them. The purpose of t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l approach was of course to e s t a b l i s h the legitimacy of a p a r t i c u l a r doctrine by explaining i t f i r s t i n terms of the s c r i p t u r e s , which were a u t h o r i t a t i v e ("dogmatic"), then i n the words -of a recognized master, which provided a s p i r i t u a l ancestry within the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , and f i n a l l y by i n t e r p r e t i n g the selected texts i n g such a way as to v e r i f y the i n i t i a l proposition. The revolutionary feature of Honen's work, however, l i e s i n i t s presentation of a l t e r n a t i v e s . P r i o r to the Senchaku-shu, Buddhist commen-t a r i e s i n both China and Japan had arranged and c l a s s i f i e d the various Buddhist pos i t i o n s , ranked them according to ph i l o s o p h i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , or h i s t o r i c a l paradigms, and then predictably placed t h e i r own doctrine at 9 the top as most excellent or appropriate. In contrast to t h i s , Honen confronts h i s readers with a l t e r n a t i v e s , presents h i s arguments, and then, as the t i t l e of his work suggests, exhorts them to make t h e i r own decis i o n . If (an average) believer desires quickly to escape the cycle of b i r t h and death, there are (only) two proven options: (during t h i s day and age, however, one has) to abandon the gate of the Sages, and thus choosing, to enter the gate of the Pure Land. If one desires to enter the gate of the Pure Land one has to choose between the Proper and the Miscellaneous P r a c t i c e s : one should discard the myriad miscellaneous d i s c i p l i n e s and choose to return straightaway to the Proper P r a c t i c e . I f one desires to take up the Proper P r a c t i c e , one must choose between the P r i n c i p a l and the A u x i l i a r y D i s c i p l i n e s : one should likewise set aside the a u x i l i a r y d i s c i p l i n e s and, having made t h i s choice, devote oneself s o l e l y to the P r i n c i p a l Routine. The d i s c i p l i n e of the P r i n c i p a l Routine i s none other than the invocation of the Buddha's name. -59-If one invokes the name (of Buddha), he w i l l surely a t t a i n r e b i r t h ( i n the Buddha's Paradise), i n accordance with the Buddha's O r i g i n a l Vow. (T. 2608, 19a) While there i s no evidence that Honen intended to found a new school of Buddhism, he was working without precedents in h i s attempt to v a l i d a t e a s i n g l e - p r a c t i c e doctrine, and thus there i s considerable debate even today concerning apparent inconsistencies between his own l i f e and the r e l i g i o u s l i f e he preached ."^ This topic w i l l be discussed i n the f i n a l chapter of t h i s paper. S u f f i c e i t to say that, given the h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n and r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n from which Honen emerged, the production of a work of such p o t e n t i a l l y revolutionary impact was a major accomplishment. My discussion of the contents of the Senchaku-shu i s divided into two parts. In the f i r s t section (Chapter F i v e ) , I w i l l summarize the contents of the work according to i t s i n t e r n a l organization. That i s , the f i r s t section w i l l be a chapter-by^-chapter o u t l i n e of the Senchaku-shu. This w i l l be followed by a more extended t o p i c a l treatment of the major Pure Land doctrines discussed i n previous chapters. In t h i s way, i t w i l l be easier to i s o l a t e the t r a d i t i o n a l elements i n h i s exposition, while c l a r i f y i n g those features which were uniquely Honen's contribution to Pure Land soteriology. -60-Chapter Five The organization of the Senchaku-shu is quite straightforward. Generally, it can be said to be divided into four sections, each of the last three parts relying to a greater or lesser: degree on Honen's interpretations of one of the three principle Pure Land scriptures. The first section is introductory and purports to establish Honen's teaching within the mainstream Pure Land tradition. Schematically, this can be shown in the following chart; Chapters Doctrinal Content Traditional/Scriptural Authority I. 1-2 Introduction: The Tao-ch' o/Shan-tao Reasonable Path II. 3-6 The Proper Path The Larger Pure Land Sutra III. 7-12 The Proper Attitude The Contemplation Sutra and Discipline IV. 13-15 The Accepted Path: The Smaller Sutra Benefits and Endorse-ments 16 (and Summary and Acknow- The Smaller Sutra conclu- ledgements sion) Honen begins his dissertation by referring the reader to Tao-ch'o's 12 distinction between the easy and difficult paths. He argues that the most general categories applicable to the question of how to achieve the — 13 "non-returning (Skt: avinivartaniya; avaivartika)" state are two. The first is the Way of the Sages (^ ^ ) , and this he identifies as the difficult path (II^Mf ). It refers to the practices associated with the bodhisattva ideal."*"^  In contrast, Honen presents the Pure Land Way (.T^jL-r 1^ ) and identifies i t as the easy path (^ ^7 ) ^  Going s t i l l further, he identifies the Difficult Path as dependent on own-power, -61-while the Easy Path relies on the Power of Another, that is, Amida • Buddha."^  The Easy Path refers to desiring rebirth- in the Pure Land simply by means of faith in . the Buddha, and riding the Power of the Buddha's Vow,. finally attain-ing rebirth in his Pure Land. (T. 2608, 2b) In chapter two, Honen cites Shan-tao's classification of various Buddhist p r a c t i c e s B r o a d l y defined, there were, according to Shan-tao, two main divisions. All those other thah~. nembutsu were considered miscellaneous; nembutsu alone was Proper. Drawing on Vasubandhu's earlier schema, Shan-tao had identified five principle forms of nembutsu and accorded each of them validity, although citing invocational nembutsu as particularly appropriate during the Latter Days of the Dharma. Honen, however, goes further in ascribing unique efficacy to invocational nem-butsu, by denying even auxiliary status to the other forms of nembutsu, except in a purely theoretical sense. In so stating, Honen asserts that there are even degrees of propriety within those generally identified as Principle Practices. Only invocational nembutsu is proper, and only when it corresponds to the Original Vow—that is, when Amida Buddha (and no others) is the object of nembutsu—is i t to be considered standard and proper. The question of the propriety of single-practice nembutsu and its relationship to the Original Vow is continued in the third chapter. It is a forceful statement summarizing the distinctions already outlined in the introductory section and carries Honen's argument for exclusive nembutsu practice even further. He bases his position first on Shan-tao's interpretation of the intention of the passage on the Original Vow in the Larger Sutra, which reads: "If I become a Buddha, and i f the myriad of sentient beings who desire to be born in my land call upon my name -62-,even ten times, relying on the Power of my Vow,.if they are not reborn ;may I not a,chi.eye.Perfect Enlightenment," Actually ? S,ha.nTvtap had jmisrep-resented the Sutra's intent and Honen had misunderstood Shan-tao's appli-cation of this interpretation, but Honen was convinced that his presenta-tion was sound both doctrinally and practically. Doctrinally, i t is consistent with the Original Vow (as interpreted by Shan-tao) and in a practical sense i t , i s the most reasonable understanding of the efficacy of single-practice nembutsu. Q. A l l good acts have merit, each leads to Rebirth (according to Genshin's Qjoyoshu), so why do you suggest that this nembutsu is the only way? A. The recommendation of nembutsu is not intended to interfere with the practice of any other pious acts.,.. It is just that nembutsu is easy and therefore everyone is capable of rebirth through i t , while the other practices are difficult and therefore don't provide such opportunities for a l l people equally to be reborn. The rejection of the difficult and the selection of the easy is considered the (intent of the) Original Vow.... The rich and wise and clever and widely-experienced are so few that i f the Basic Vow were for those few who are capable of carrying out such diverse practices as commis-sioning statues and stupas, or practicing "samadhi," then few indeed would attain rebirth. But Amida (i.e., Dharmakara) had pity for a l l men without discrimination and chose to help a l l men without exception. So he certainly didn't make his most important vow to help only those who could carry out those elite practices. Thus, the exclusive practice of nembutsu invocation is con-sidered the (intent of the) Main Vow. (I. 2608, 5-6) Honen with this answer avoided the intricacies of scholastic inquiry concerning the definitions of invocational nembutsu—he was writing the text not only for his educated sponsors and associates but was establish-ing an easily understood doctrine of practice which the illiterate masses of his day could appreciate. So while attempting to preclude orthodox chal--63-lenges to his doctrine by accepting other practices as t h e o r e t i c a l l y v a l i d (but a u x i l i a r y ) , he was l e g i t i m i z i n g his Easy Path teaching i n the eyes of the ordinary devotees who were his p r i n c i p a l concern. The question of " e f f e c t i v e nembutsu" had always been s k i r t e d by Pure Land proponents i n the past, some of whom had indeed advocated invocational nembutsu but who i n the end had admitted i t to be but one e f f e c t i v e type of nembutsu among many. H5nen, however,- was c a t e g o r i c a l , for he claimed that invocational nembutsu was the s i n g l e p r a c t i c e appropriate for r e b i r t h . He based t h i s teaching not only on the s c r i p t u r a l evidence of the Vow of the Boddhisattva Dharmakara but also on the estab-li s h e d doctrines concerning devotional aptitude (chapter four) and the Degenerate Age of the Dharma (chapter s i x ) . He inserted a summary sta t e -ment on the benefits and advantages of invocational nembutsu (chapter f i v e ) between the more t h e o r e t i c a l discussions of Buddhist doctrine both to maintain a p r a c t i c a l tone and to preclude any tendency to get bogged down i n petty p h i l o s o p h i c a l disputes. He was w r i t i n g p r i m a r i l y f or laymen and thus wanted to appeal to t h e i r judgement rather than t h e i r e r u d i t i o n . Thus, while i n the opening chapters Honen admits the t h e o r e t i c a l 19 p o t e n t i a l of achieving release through own-power under c e r t a i n conditions, i n chapter four he presents a cogent apology for the Pure Land Way by r e f e r r i n g the reader f i r s t to the v a r i e t y of human aptitudes. By addres-:'. sing the issue t h e o r e t i c a l l y , he appeals to the layman's s e n s i t i v i t y and common sense, while avoiding (he thought) a d i r e c t confrontation with the orthodox monastic system, which was based on the Way of the Saints. To do t h i s , Honen reviews the categories of men as f i r s t presented i n the Larger Pure Land Sutra. The highest grade i s made up of those who leave the secular world and renounce a l l worldly desires. These are Buddhist monks. The medium grade consists of devout laymen who, although unable -64-to carry out the discipline of a monk, perform good works and keep the rules of conduct for the laity ("upasaka"). Of the lowest grade are those who are unable to perform even the things mentioned above, but who sincerely desire rebirth nonetheless. To emphasize the significance of these differing aptitudes, Honen again quotes Shan-tao in his commentary, but reaffirms that even i f there remain those of the higher grades, the fundamental effective practice for a l l is the same, that is, nembutsu. In chapter five, Honen continues his argument for single-practice nembutsu, here identifying the obvious advantages of invocation. He first quotes the Larger Sutra: "If there is anyone who, hearing the name of the Buddha praised, is so moved by feelings of belief and devotion that he dances in celebration and accomplishes even one nembutsu, know 20 this: that person has achieved great benefit; there is in fact no merit 21 greater than this." Honen then comments, "Would a person who could accumulate the unmatched benefit of nembutsu set about to ;do miscellaneous practices of comparably negligible merit?" Here Honen is presenting a very practical case. Not only does i t make good "economic" sense to practice nembutsu, but i t is really the only effective act which any of us can be sure of performing correctly. If even the lowliest of believers can achieve rebirth by simply one sincere invocation of Amida, then surely how much more reasonable to assume that people of higher capacity (if any truly exist in such a degenerate age) can achieve the same result through Amida's Saving Power.;. Since i t was the age of Mappo, Honen reasoned that to discuss the subtle doctrinal nuances and rigorous practices of earlier Buddhism was quite useless. In chapter six, he explains in detail the futility of those miscellaneous disciplines, noting that in such an age as his the ordinary man was helpless, without some outside Power, to carry out even -65-the most basic of practices. Again he quotes the Larger Sutra, which proclaims, "After the beginning of the 10,000 Years of the Latter Days of the Dharma, a l l other practices will be outmoded, and only the Nembutsu will remain." According to tradition, the Mappo period was to begin 2000 years after Gautama's extinction, which, in the Japanese calculation, was 1052. Since they were already more than a hundred years into the Degener-ate Age, there was no reason to assume that anyone capable of understanding or practicing the Way of the Sages s t i l l remained. Thus, Honen's single-practice Nembutsu was uniquely appropriate for the time. Chapter seven is quite brief, and through numerous scriptural citations seeks to verify the assistance afforded by Amida's brilliant and pervasive grace to those who rely on nembutsu practice. Those deluded by a trust in self-reliance will not be aided by Amida's Power, however, since the single critical factor in Pure Land salvation is Faith in Amida's Original Vow. In chapter eight, Honen takes up the subject of Faith and discusses i t in terms of devotional attitudes. Honen's teaching on nembutsu practice is in fact premised on his interpretation of man's nature and the nature of the mysterious Power of the Original Vow. In his discussion of the three classes of devotees in chapter four, he had identified the nature or disposition of man as the basis for distinguishing between the classes of man. Now, in the longest (three Taisho pages) and one of the most critical chapters of the Senchaku-shu, Honen interprets the "Three Minds ( ] E L i U N )" of faith which were first introduced in the Contemplation Sutra. His exposition of this doctrine, which will be discussed in detail below (chapter six), was a crucial factor in Honen's apology, and i t later caused much doctrinal controversy with the traditional schools, particularly the Tendai. -66-.Chapter nine, while extremely short, i s significant as a summary of Hpnen's interpretation Qf .§hahr-.ta,g's..Fojur .Modes'-of -.Practice ( J t 9 ^ 7 ^ ) ? which described the characteristics of effective nembutsu invocation, The four are; 1 ) LIFELONG C^ 9^f|k ) : One should not wait un t i l the last moment of one's l i f e to c a l l on the name of Amida, since there is a danger that one's attitude at that time w i l l not be sincere. It shpuld be recalled that the nembutsu societies which-flourished around the mountain retreats had as one of their chief concerns the preparation of a proper environment, both, religious and emptipna,l, for nembutsu practice and mutual support and inspiration at the time of a member's death. Honen here attempts to l e g i t i -mize these societies; 2) REVERENT (S f \&), ; also known as % f'f" ): One is to practice nembutsu with great reverence and veneration, for i t i s the sacred teaching of the Buddha; 3 ) EXCLUSIVE ) : By this i s meant nembutsu should not be used to supplement any other practice. Rather, a l l other practices are subsidiary to i t ; 4) CONSTANT (j& l f l ' f l ^ ) : One should never discontinue nembutsu invocation, even fpr a moment, so that Amida and his Pure Land remain always in one's mind, and therefore the resolve to be reborn through Amida's Power w i l l never fade. -67-Honen goes beyond earlier commentators, however, by simplifying .even further the.clajS.sjLficati.on of these characteristics, . stating that the first is the most critical since i t precludes assuming a false sense of accomplishment which successful application of the other three might 22 at any given moment i n s t i l l . Honen in this chapter is emphasizing the necessity of total commitment to the Pure Land Path, and the necessity of preventing the insincerity and superficial religious practice that many people of the time considered characteristic of institutional Buddhism. Chapter ten continues the theme of constancy and commitment, this time citing the praises of Amida and his attendants in the Contemplation Sutra for those who steadfastly adhere to the invocational nembutsu path. Listening to the scriptures and the other forms of nembutsu are not appropriate or in .accord with the Main Vow; only invocational nembutsu 23 is praised as proper and effective in securing Buddha-vision and rebirth in Amida's Pure Land. The discussion in this chapter complements that in the previous one about the qualifications of believers. Here the critical elements of that faith and practice are assessed with reference to the stated resolution of the Buddha, and to the soteriological benefits which accrue therefrom. Even those who have accumulated lifetimes of foul karma can, by calling on the name of Amida, be relieved of the evil consequences of their past misdeeds, and at the moment of their death, "Amitabha will dispatch (the provisional aspects of) Amida and His attendants Avaloki-tesvara and Mahasthamaprapta., to appear before them as they call upon His name, and They will praise them, saying, 'Because you have called upon the (power of the) name of Buddha, a l l your sins have been erased, and we therefore have come to welcome you (.to. the .Pure Land of Amitabha)'." Honen goes pn to say that -68-While hearing the scriptures, is indeed.a virtuous thing, i t is not (what) the Original Vow/(.refers, to) . Since the practice of nem-butsu alone, is, the proper practice (as defined), in the Original Vow, i t alone is praised by Amida (Nirmana-kaya). Furthermore, the effec-tiveness; of the two practices in eliminating karmic consequences is quite different as well... (According to Shan-tao's commentary) hearing the Scriptures purifies the listener of 1000 kalpas of karmic guilt, while invoking the Buddha's name even once can eliminate more than five million kalpas of karmic consequences...it can calm eyen the most troubled of souls. (T. 2608, 13b) Honen here once again relies on emotional reasoning as well as doctrinal consistency to substantiate his argument for single-practice nembutsu. Chapter eleven expands on the substance of the previous chapter, comparing the benefits of "special nembutsu" with those of other practices, including nembutsu contemplation. Honen again points out the place of invocational nembutsu in the larger framework of Pure Land doctrine and cites further scriptural passages which support his contentions. First, he sets out to clarify the distinction between Buddha-visualization and nembutsu meditation as outlined in Shan-tao's commentary on the Contempla-tion Sutra.- Nembutsu is identified as the "King of Meditative Practices" and invocation the single method of nembutsu with guaranteed results. Honen then identifies five characteristics of the nembutsu practitioner and goes on to clarify the relationship between these and the nine levels of aptitude among devotees. The crucial factor in a l l of these questions is twofold: first, the Power and scope of the Original Vow, which applies only to invocational nembutsu; second, the unique applicability of nembutsu 25 to a l l grades of practitioners. In this discussion, Honen identifies his — 26 nembutsu teaching with, the dharani tradition, and ..calls nembutsu invoca-^ ;'.. tion the Milky Elixir (that is, most excellent) of a l l attitudes for sal-vation. S t i l l , for the average reader, the gist of Honen's message is -69-captured in the descriptions which. are proyided.at both, the beginning and the'. end of the chajpter of the benefits, both.in.this l i f e and beyond, in store for the devoted nembutsu practitioner. Chapter twelve, the last in the section based on the Contemplation Sutra, is an explanation of yet another of Shan-tao's categorizations of practical methods. Once again, Honen uses the traditional question-answer format to clarify his theory of single-practice nembutsu and to place i t within the orthodoxy of the Shan-tao Pure Land tradition. Here, the question concerns H5nen"s contention that, according to the Contem-plation Sutra (and the Sukhavati-vyuha Sutras as well), Sakyamuni entrusted Ananda with the teaching that invocational nembutsu—calling upon the name of Amitabha—alone was the perfect method of achieving salvation. Yet Shan-tao had asserted the principle of Calming and Dispersing ( } ^ ^ ) C ^ r )> virtues which were originally related to contem-plative techniques and which Shan-tao adopted with reference to nembutsu meditation. Honen, however, explains that the cultivation of these virtues was not intended to be seen as equal in beneficial efficacy to nembutsu invocation (as Shan-tao actually envisioned them). Rather, Honen contrasts them with the nembutsu path.and denies that the benefits derived from them are significant. In presenting this, he carefully outlines the methods of practicing each of the virtues. As for Calming (the Mind), there are thirteen types, but each is based on self-reliance. Thus, although they have indeed been advocated in the scriptures and commentaries as nembutsu meditative techniques, they are qualitatively different from inyocatipn. As for Dispersing (Distractions and Karmic Debts),2'' there are nine basic types of beneficial practice, each of which is appropriate to the particular aptitude of the believer. But again, these practices are distinctly different from invocation, and -70-therefore inappropriate, Honen regards thse§ types of "virtuous practices" as substantially identical, quoting numerous scriptural references, and finally concludes that they were advocated for previous ages, and only nembutsu invocation was provided by the Buddha for a l l ages and classes of believers. The only reason these other miscellaneous practices were mentioned at a l l was to contrast them with-invocation and to show the obvious superiority of nembutsu through examples. It was, in Buddhist parlance, an 'expedient c method' (upaya ^ -jrg :. ). Nonetheless, what makes Honen so adament about the uniqueness of nembutsu invocation, i f he admits the other practices were also advocated in the scriptures? He repeats his earlier apologies: first, only nembutsu is practicable in the Latter Days of the Dharma; and second, only nembutsu is in accord with Amida's 28 Vow. By virtue of His great compassion, Amida closed the gates of these miscellaneous practices which had for so long been accessible but which in the Period of the Degenerate Dharma were impassable, and in their place He opened through the Power of His Vow the gate of Nembutsu, the only safe and sure route to salvation. In chapter thirteen, Honen expounds his belief that nembutsu invo-cation is the source of myriadfold benefits, while a l l other practices, though good, are practically worthless as sources of merit. He does this simply, in the form of two brief quotations, one from the Smaller , -J. • J::, _ 29 Sukhavati-vyuha, the other from Shan-tao's commentary on the Sutra. The substance is the same: those who hear the word of Amida Buddha, be they men or women, and who devote themselves fervently to the name of Amitabha for a week or even a day, will certainly be welcomed by Amida and innumerable saints at the hour of their death and escorted to the Pure Land. Shan-tao describes this Pure and Perfect World,and the -71-metamorphosis which-.Rebirth i n i t w i l l e f f e c t . Both, passages (the sutra and Shan-tao' s commentary) c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e , hqweyer, that those who devote themselves to the sundry virtuous p r a c t i c e s other than nembutsu w i l l be incapable of achieving t h i s r e b i r t h . Honen concludes the chapter by exhorting the reader to recognize nembutsu as the In v i n c i b l e Source of a l l goodness and the incomparable p r i n c i p l e of r e b i r t h . Chapter fourteen i s an affi r m a t i o n of the singular excellence of nembutsu invocation. It a c t u a l l y consists of numerous quotations from Shan-tao's various commentaries which purport to prove that the myriad Buddhas of the s i x d i r e c t i o n s are unanimous i n t h e i r endorsement of nembutsu. When the question i s r a i s e d whether any of the quotations a c t u a l l y prove that a l l the Buddhas have endorsed nembutsu, Honen r e p l i e s that f i r s t of a l l the Pronouncement of Amida's Vow was made i n the presence of a l l the Buddhas of the s i x d i r e c t i o n s , and t h e i r approval of His Vow i s tantamount to endorsement of i t s intent and e f f e c t . Secondly, he claims that, although the Mahayana sc r i p t u r e s do deal with the other pr a c t i c e s as we l l , i n the end the only p r a c t i c e which i s proclaimed genuine i s nembutsu. The implication i s that no other p r a c t i c e i s pure and u n i v e r s a l l y acceptable. The Vow i t s e l f i s again the proof. Chapter f i f t e e n i s a very b r i e f statement of the protection and support promised by a l l the Buddhas to those who p r a c t i c e nembutsu invo-cation. Honen here harks back to the e a r l i e s t use of nembutsu among the common people i n Japan, that i s , as a magical incantation to d i s p e l e v i l 30 s p i r i t s and ward o f f calamity. I t was c e r t a i n l y s t i l l part of the r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l of a great many of h i s audience, and Honen i s attempting to l e g i t i m i z e t h i s function of nembutsu p r a c t i c e and to integrate t h i s element into h i s larger theory of Pure Land soteriology. Chapter sixteen consists of two short quotations concerning -72-Sakyamuni's transmission of nembutsu teaching through Sariputra ( i n the Smaller Sutra) , This is, fpllqwed by a., s u b s t a n t i a l l y longer, and cpntextu-a l l y separate section which, i s a concise methodical summaryof Honen's doctrine as presented i n the f i r s t f i f t e e n chapters. While most modern commentators do not ascribe a separate organizational heading to t h i s second section since i t follows immediately (with no introductory heading) a f t e r the quotations, I tend to take the p o s i t i o n that i t i s so d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t from the explanatory sections of the e a r l i e r chapters that i t should be given a separate heading. In order not to deviate too greatly from the t r a d i t i o n a l view, however, I r e f e r to t h i s section as the Conclusion rather that a t t r i b u t i n g to i t the weight of a chapter desig-nation. In h i s conclusion, Honen f i r s t categorizes the various kinds of Selection (Senchaku: ) described i n the Pure Land Sutras. These 31 are shown i n the following diagram: S c r i p t u r a l Source Type of Choice S p e c i f i c -73-The v a r i e t y of ways of yiewing t h i s Selection of Nembutsu of course i n np way alters, the .|unda,menta,l meaning pf the term, . The absplute point i s that nembutsu alone i s to be selected i f one i s to be sayed. In a word, " s e l e c t i o n of nembutsu i s considered the act of r e l i g i o u s convic%: : .c . . . t i o n . " 3 2 By showing that t h i s ' s e l e c t i o n ' was a fundamental and c r i t i c a l element i n even the e a r l i e s t of Pure Land s c r i p t u r e s , Honen i s attempting to show the orthodoxy of h i s doctrine within both the greater Mahayana and the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n . That t h i s i s the c e n t r a l issue of h i s e n t i r e thesis i s c l e a r . Furthermore, by beginning h i s summary, with a d e t a i l e d explanation of h i s use of the term 's e l e c t i o n , ' and by p o s i t i n g the Selection of (Invocational) Nembutsu as the c e n t r a l theme of the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , he sets the stage for the climax of h i s presentation, which explains h i s own i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of h i s place i n the greater Mahayana t r a d i t i o n as w e l l as within Japanese Buddhism i n general and the Pure Land movement i n p a r t i c u l a r . This begins with a very summary statement of the d o c t r i n a l contents of the Senchaku-shu. Then, through a s e r i e s of questions and answers, Honen i d e n t i f i e s the uniqueness of h i s p o s i t i o n . F i r s t , the masters of the other (orthodox) schools do not admit the teachings on the Pure Land to be correct: they a l l s t i l l maintain the Way of the Sages. Shan-tao alone a t t r i b u t e d singular status to the Pure Land teachings, and therefore Honen recognizes him alone as h i s s p i r i t u a l ancestor. Second, he uses Shan-tao as h i s prime teacher rather than others i n the Pure Land t r a d i -t i o n . While the other Pure Land teachers did maintain that f a i t h i n the Pure Land i s e s s e n t i a l , they had not accomplished Pure Land Samadhi (that i s , they had not had the experience of nembutsu-induced v i s i o n s ) , as Shan-tao had. The implication:.is that they were.not apt to, e i t h e r , unless they espoused h i s s i n g l e - p r a c t i c e doctrine, and, without such a -74-y i s i o n ? theywere unq u a l i f i e d to be accepted as s p i r i t u a l masters. Third, . eyen'.. sjuch. a,' gifted - Pure Land tea,cher..a;^, Hi.e4.guan Ga Korean) , 3 3 who had achieved nembutsu samadhi, was not considered h i s master since Hieiguan himself was a d i s c i p l e of Shan-tao; a d i s c i p l e i s not a master, and a master surely not a d i s c i p l e . I t i s simply out of the question. Fourth, i t i s not r e a l l y a matter of t r a d i t i o n a l concepts of lineage. C e r t a i n l y , i f that were the case, Honen would have to recognize Tao-ch'o as h i s s p i r i t u a l ancestor, since Tao-ch'o had been Shan-tao's master ( i n the t r a d i t i o n a l lineage). While Tao-ch'o was unquestionably a great teacher, he had not accomplished nembutsu-samadhi, and therefore i t was uncertain i f he had achieved r e b i r t h i n Amida's Pure Land. In the case of Shan-tao, on the other hand, Honen quotes numerous sources, including Shan-tao's own testimonies, to e s t a b l i s h that Shan-tao had i n fa c t had v i s i o n s of Amida and His Pure Land and had indeed achieved r e b i r t h i n i t . Honen continues h i s p r a i s e of Shan-tao f o r a great deal of the r e s t of the concluding section, and by so doing provides a b r i l l i a n t summary of the benefits of nembutsu and a s t e r l i n g t r i b u t e to h i s acknowledged master. In the f i n a l l i n e s of the Senchaku-shu, Honen ou t l i n e s the motivation f o r h i s t r e a t i s e . I t was to share the r e l i e f he himself had f e l t upon discovering the nembutsu path with those of t h i s contemporaries who could be convinced to make the c h o i c e — t h e leap of f a i t h — w h i c h he proposed. He belieyed h i s was the only appropriate course i n an age of degeneracy, and he hoped by c o l l e c t i n g the e s s e n t i a l teachings on nembutsu i n one place to a s s i s t those who l i k e himself had been searching for something s o l i d t o believe i n . -75-ENDNOTES: PART, I I : .'INTRODUCTION AND CHAPTER FIVE 1. For t h i s study I have r e l i e d extensively on the commentaries of ISHII Kyodo^^f^L i n Senchaku-shu Zenko $g,?f Q&'^fc. [Complete Lectures on the Senchaku-shu] (Kydto: K e i r a k u j i Shoten, 1959) and Senchaku-shu Kogi 'j&f Hfftlx [Lectur es on the Senchaku-shu] (T6ky5: Meicho Shuppan, 1976), as well as on various other commentaries and t r a n s l a t i o n s , to supplement my own reading of the o r i g i n a l text (T. 2608). 2. Ohashi, pp. 102-110. 3. See I s h i i , Kogi, pp. 10-51. 4. T. 2608, 19-20. 5. Kitagawa, p. 112, fn. 59. 6. See above, p.47. 7. I s h i i , Kogi, p. l O f f . 8. See the discussion of le g i t i m a t i o n above, p.^7 . 9. For example, T ' i e n - t a i , Hua-yen, and Shingon c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . 10. See Matsunaga, Foundations, pp. 60-62. 11. This i s my expanded i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of I s h i i ' s a n a l y s i s . 12. See above, p.29. 13. T. 2608, l a . Cf. I s h i i , Kogi, p. 115. 14. T. 2608, 1. 15. This r e f e r s to Nagarjuna's d i s t i n c t i o n noted above, pp.5, 30. 16. Cf. I s h i i , Kogi, p. 117. 17. See above, pp.30-32. 18. See above, pp.31-32. -76-20. According to C h i h - i (.538-597), the t h i r d p a t r i a r c h of the Japanese Tendai t r a d i t i o n , the term "f'j-^ifc- ("benefit") used here should be d i s -tinguished from the terml/7f"S>.. ("merit"), with which i t i s often mistaken-l y i d e n t i f i e d ; r e f e r s to the merit derived from personal good deeds, that i s , i t i s the r e s u l t of i n d i v i d u a l actions and not dependent on the transfer of merit from an "outside" store. % \ \ o n the other hand r e f e r s to the benefit derived from an external source, that i s , i t i s not ... the_.result of the merit of i n d i v i d u a l p r a c t i c e but of the grace of "another." See OHASHI T o s h i o ^ J ^ f ^ j E ^ H5nen-Ippen zjjfc -Jh [Honen and Ippen] (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1971), p. 114, fn. Thus, Honen i s c a r e f u l l y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g even here between the Way of the Sages, which r e l i e s on Own-power (£",;# ), and the Pure Land Path, which r e l i e s on the Power of Amida's name and the O r i g i n a l Vow (jiH*/} ). 21. T. 2608, 8c. 22. T. 2608, 13a-b. 23. See above, p.8-9. 24. See above, PP-31T32. 25. See above, pp.31-32.. and p.63 . 26. See above, p.9 and p.29 , note 16. 27. T. 2608, 14c. 28. T. 2608, 17a. 29. >^ 30. See above, p.38 . 31. Adapted from Ishii, Kogi, p. 695. Note the inclusion of a fourth Sutra, the Pratyutpanna-samadhi Sutra (T.417-8). Also notice the indeterminate nature of selection. 32. 3&*fo5.^#H'?VJto&f--&Cf (T. 2608, 18c). "Thus one knows that the Three Scriptures have singled out Buddha-recollection as their very essence, and that is a l l . " This is a most troublesome passage. Was Honen here intending to sug-gest his choice of nembutsu was in fact the first step on the road to founding his own school? Or was he simply saying that to" select nembutsu in accordance with the Triple Sutra (i.e., as the Buddhas had done) is the paramount achievement in Buddhist religious life? Commentators dis-agree. Some take i t simply as a reiteration of Honen's consistent posi-tion, yet others, including Ishii, attribute much greater import to the passage in view of Honen"s insistence that invocation is the essence of nembutsu. Ishii suggests in his commentary that this indeed has been and should be taken as indicative that Honen intended to establish a new Pure Land school. (Kogi, pp. 695-696). My position is between these two opinions. Based on the organization of the concluding section as well as on specific statements within the -77-body of the commentary, I conclude that Honen was cleverly avoiding a declaration of independence, yet suggesting that such a move would be logical and consistent with the intent of the Pure Land scriptures. 33. Hieiguan ( : Hyegwan) was a seventh century Korean who came to Japan in 625, and introduced the Sanron teachings ( 5 . ^ ) to the Nara schools. He lived in Gangoji (ft-S^'if ) in Nara, which was the first monastery built in Japan. -78-Chapter Six Honen's exegesis, as indicated i n the previous chapter, was systematic and rigorous, yet was i t s i g n i f i c a n t as a revolutionary teaching i n the greater Pure Land t r a d i t i o n , or was i t simply a restatement of orthodox doc-t r i n e s and previously transmitted interpretations? Surely there i s a strong element of orthodoxy i n Honen's presentation, but as I have t r i e d to suggest, i t was i n those features of Pure Land thought which, u n t i l Honen, had r e -tained t r a d i t i o n a l Mahayana c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that Honen's contribution was o r i g i n a l . H5nen's unique p o s i t i o n i n the Pure Land t r a d i t i o n can be recognized by r e c a l l i n g the o r i g i n a l doctrines described i n Chapter One of t h i s essay and comparing them with Honen's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s as presented i n the Senchaku-shu. Such a t o p i c a l summary w i l l serve to h i g h l i g h t the enduring features of c l a s s i c a l Pure Land thought and to i s o l a t e those elements which H5nen es-. . .. . poused to e s t a b l i s h h i s unprecedented s i n g l e - p r a c t i c e doctrine of invoca-t i o n a l nembutsu. The c r i t i c a l Pure Land doctrines presented i n Chapter One were four: F a i t h , Devotional A t t i t u d e , Nembutsu P r a c t i c e , and Rebirth. It was pointed out that the concept of F a i t h was intimately linked with Devotional A t t i -tudes; t h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n l a t e r Pure Land soteriology and culmi-nated i n Honen's exegesis of the Three Devotional A t t i t u d e s , The question of proper Nembutsu Pra c t i c e , which i s the l o g i c a l c o r r e l a t e of the problem of A t t i t u d e , was seen by Honen as a simple exclusive s e l e c t i o n of invocation-a l nembutsu. His explanation i s uncomplicated, but h i s p o s i t i o n i s r a d i c a l : by advocating t h i s easy and p r a c t i c a l p r a c t i c e as the sing l e salutary method appropriate to h i s age, Honen i n f a c t departed on a very unorthodox course which, even h i s master Shan-tao had not espoused, though as we have seen .... -79-Hpnen maintained that His was simply a transmission of Shan-tap's t r a d i t i o n a l Pure Land Interpretation• F i n a l l y , pn the d p e t r i n e p f Rebirth, Hpnen emphasized the manner and fprm pf Rebirth described i n Chapter One aboye (p.13) but made much, l e s s of the d i s t i n c t i o n between the highest and lpwer grades of aspirants, and therefore of the q u a l i t a t i v e d ifferences i n types of Rebirth. His assumption that there was v i r t u a l l y no one of the highest grade s t i l l a l i v e i n the Latter Days of the Dharma precluded the necessity of discussing t h e i r f a t e , and h i s references to the Pure Land were l i m i t e d c h i e f l y to descriptions of an i n s p i r a t i o n a l character. A, The element of F a i t h as expressed i n the terms Prasada or Prasanna-c i t t a was r e l a t e d i n Pure Land thought generally to the form and e f f i -cacy of nembutsu p r a c t i c e and was i d e n t i f i e d i n the Contemplation Sutra and by Chinese commentators as a mental a t t i t u d e . This mental a t t i t u d e was defined by three i n t e r r e l a t e d aspects of psychological o r i e n t a t i o n , each of which was r e q u i s i t e f or e f f e c t i v e nembutsu. The three aspects of t h i s F a i t h C^jc.iV>v) are S i n c e r i t y , Profound Trust, and Dedication and Longing. Shan-tao was the f i r s t tp explain them i n d e t a i l and, i n Chapter 8 of the Senchaku-shu, Honen r e l i e s to a great extent on h i s 1 comments. The following diagram summarizes these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of F a i t h . Smaller Sutra Large Sutra Contemplation Sutra Shan-tao/ Hpnen S p e c i f i c Referent F a i t h i n the Buddha's Vow Zealous Conviction Dedication and Longing Desire for Rebirth and Bodhisattva Resolve - 8 0 -Qf the first characteristic, Sincerity, Honen identifies two forms; in a personal sense, i t is the conviction that one will indeed be saved i f a l l other paths are abandoned, that is, i f the Easy Path of nembutsu practice alone is zealously adhered to. This identifies the required compatibility of internal attitude (zeal) and external form (nembutsu). In a larger sense, i t is the commitment to help others achieve salvation by sharing the understanding of "sincerity" which they themselves have acquired. We can see in this aspect of Pure Land Faith: the basic elements of religious- conviction common to a l l Mahayana Buddhism: 1) simplicity of character, integrity, ingenuousness, the absence of hypocrisy which is naturally assumed to be a necessary attitude in other ethical systems as well; 2) positive altruism, which is realized in the bodhisattva Dharma-kara's vows and which is characterized by the bodhisattva ideal. Because Honen's entire thesis is based on the inability of "modern man" to actually realize the second form in the Latter Days of the Dharma, however, he does not pursue the matter of bodhisattva altruism. Instead, he emphasizes the all-encompassing features of this sincerity in daily l i f e , enjoining its integration and application in thought, word, and deed. "Do not treat these things lightly: the internal and external, the clear and obscure, a l l are essential aspects of this attitude we call 'Sincerity.'" Furthermore, Honen specifies the application of this attitude in nem-butsu practice, as noted above. In this he goes beyond Shan-tao and other Pure Land apologists, for he isolates its meaning within the context of exclusive invocation and uses the sense of "zealous conviction to an estab-lished pattern of belief and action," much in the way that "sincerity (i.e., integrity, honor)" (g^,(|);^(^) is used in modern Japanese, He in this way applies a uniquely Japanese interpretation to a standard Buddhist concept, -81-not as a universal or absolute.standard, but in the specific and restricted context of invocational nembutsu, which is the single salutary practice appropriate for his age. The second characteristic of Faith is Profound Trust. Once again, Honen admits two aspects. The first is the utter belief that man is totally engulfed in delusion, that from the distant past he has remained ignorant, and that he will not now be able to escape the evil world nor attain even the inkling of a notion of release from these woes because of his profound and enduring ignorance. The second aspect is the correlate of the first. Man, recognizing his utter helplessness, must then commit himself completely to Amida's promised aid, submit without reservation to the infinite mercy and solemn Power of His Vow, and accept absolutely that he thereby will be saved. Honen thus insists that for modern man i t is vital to abjure one's own ability to effect salvation and to rely entirely on the saving Power of Amida's Vow. Man's inherrent abilities, not to mention the intricate and sophisticated teachings and practices of earlier ages, were so obscured in the Degenerate Age that only by throwing oneself at the mercy of Amida's grace could one he assured of Rebirth in His Pure Land. It is this absolute resignation, this total submission, this unswerving conviction which is called "blissful belief" Off :Shingyo) because of the 2 security i t affords the helpless aspirant. Honen did not, however, dis-regard the fundamental significance of his interpretation. In fact, he realized he was opening for consideration a sensitive and potentially dis-ruptive question concerning the critical elements; of Buddhist Faith which challenged the very heart of orthodox Buddhist practice. He went far beyond any previous commentator in assigning absolute status to the doctrine of 3 Faith, and the central teaching in his challenge revolved around the -82-issue of dependence. The orthodox schools maintained that the first critical step on the path to salvation was the arousal pf Bpdhi-nature: (^jj"^,^ ;Bodhicitta) . But bpth. Shan-tao and Hpnen maintained that the critical factor was a recog-nition that even without this step one could, by the power of Amida's Vow, 4 be saved. They both identified this preliminary Arousal as a subsidiary and futile effort, representative of the teachings of the "Way. of the Sages." Honen, moreover, emphasized the foolishness of a l l such self-reliant prac-tices by his twofold argument for invocational nembutsu, without directly decrying the doctrine of Bpdhicitta arousal. He rested his case on the ease of nembutsu invocation on the one hand and on the superior efficacy of rely-ing on Amida's infinite compassion rather than on the dubious power of individual effort on the other. This dual apology climaxes theoretically in his presentation of the elements of True Faith, and particularly in the explanation of "Profound Trust." By first submitting that Profound Trust implies a.-deep-seated con-viction of helplessness, Honen is reiterating his thesis that in such an age as his, self-reliance was not only futile, i t was in fact a reflection of the depth of delusion to which modern man had receded. The complement of this theory of utter helplessness, however, was that there was indeed an alterna-tive; an easy, superior alternative which denounced self-reliance, grate-fully acknowledged the unfathomable Compassion of Amida, and relied utterly on the Power of His Original Vow. The third aspect of this Faith is "Dedicated Longing." By this is meant the desire to be reborn in Amida's Pure Land and the resolve :. even-tually to^cultivate pure bodhisattva altruism and subsequently to return tp this world to save other deluded beings. Honen illustrates the primary as--83-pect by relating a parable known as the "White Path: between Two- Rivers." Once there was a traveler who had come a very long distance, following a road leading West. Suddenly, he saw on the road ahead of him two rivers. On the south was- a river of fire, on the north a river of water. The two rivers were less than 100 meters wide/ They were deep, and i t was impossible to determine how far in either direction each extended. Running between the two rivers was a white path, about 15 centimeters wide. From the eastern to the western edge: of the confluence of these rivers, the path ran only 100 meters. The waves of the river of water splashed against the very edge of the path, dampening its surface; the flames of the other licked the sides of the path, charring i t so badly that i t could be used only once—there could be no turning back. The path seemed to melt into the relentless torrent of billows and blaze. The man had already traveled a vast distance just to reach this point and the area was uninhabited save by brigands and wild beasts. If they spotted him there alone, they would certainly swoop in and k i l l him. Fearing such a death, the man straightway began to run toward the West, but suddenly he again faced the great rivers, and this gave him pause. He thought to himself, "I cannot even distinguish the north from the south of these raging torrents. Even as I watch, the single white path through the middle grows ever narrower and narrower. Though the opposite side can surely not be far, how on earth can I get there? Undoubtedly, today I am doomed to die, yet is i t better to turn back and thereby eventually f a l l into the clutches of brigands or ferocious animals, or to flee north or south where fierce beasts and poisonous insects will face me in swarming packs? Or should I head West, and seek to follow the path? If I do this, I might very well be overcome with terror and f a l l into the flames or the raging waters." Certainly, the horror of such a predicament is beyond the imagination! At any rate, the traveler continued thinking, "If I turn back, I will surely die. If I stay here, death is just as certain. If I proceed, again, I will die. There:.is no escaping death of one sort or another. Yet, I'd prefer to follow this path and go forward. The path is already there— surely, there's no reason why I shouldn't be able to make i t across." While he was thus pondering his dilemma, he suddenly heard the voice of someone approaching him from the east, saying, "Simply retrace your steps and you will certainly not die'. If you stay there, death is ineyitable," Then a person on the west called out, saying, "Make up your mind, be steadfast, and come straight ahead! I haye the power to protect you! You need not fear falling into the .::. fiery maelstrom!" Now, the traveler had already made up his mind and come that far, so when he heard the encouragement in these com-peting voices, he steeled himself, and relying on his pre--84-vious determination, set out again on the path, proceeding straight ahead and permitting no doubt or indecision to cross his mind. But he had hardly taken a step when the brigands to the east called out again, saying, "Turn back' Come this way! That path, is so treacherous you will never make i t ! You'll surely die—there's no doubt at a l l ! We don't want to see you come to harm--come join us!" Even when he heard these voices, however, the traveler didn't consider turning back. Single-mindedly he forged ahead, concentrating only on the path, and in no time at a l l he reached the western shore, where he found relief and solace from his ordeal. When his true friends there saw him, they a l l rejoiced, and they celebrated together endlessly. (T. 2608, llb-c) Honen goes on to explain in some detail the significance of each element in the parable, yet for us i t is sufficient to outline the major metaphors and substantive doctrinal implications. Of course the area east of the confluent rivers represents this world, the western area the Pure Land Paradise of Amida. The torrents of fire and water represent respectively the passions of rage and avarice which threaten the devotee from within and without and which impede his progress. The voices calling him from the east are a l l those forces and influences which distract one from the goal, including the deluding effects of previous existences and the pervasive confusion of the Mappo period in general, the misdirected guidance of one's associates and teachers, as well as the false dependence on oneself or on any other mortals for insight or assistance in achieving salvation. The voice from the West, of course, is that of Amida, offering reassurance that the White Path will surely lead to His Paradise and that by His Power the traveler will be protected. Finally, the White Path itself represents the single sure route to rebirth in the Pure Land, nembutsu invocation: reliance on the Power of the Original Vow. Several things are significant about Honen's use of this parable to illustrate his doctrine of Faith and more specifically the aspect of Dedication and Longing. First, he pictures a person who is sincere in his -85-desire to achieve Rebirth; ngt only had he already walked a great distance, but even when he faced h i s most c r i t i c a l challenge ? he did not turn aside from the "Pure Land" path. Second, the t r a v e l e r ' s a t t i t u d e at t h i s c r u c i a l turning point epitomizes that sense of helplessness, of absolute resignation, which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Profound Trust, His only support was h i s unswerving conviction that, although there were indeed no tangible guarantees of safe passage, since he had committed himself up to that point and there was surely no better a l t e r n a t i v e , he had no reason to doubt that the narrow White Path was h i s best chance. Honen's emphasis on the desperation, followed by utter resignation, of t h i s hapless t r a v e l e r h i g h l i g h t s the e f f e c t of the reassuring voice of Amida, which i s to say, the assurance provided by His O r i g i n a l Vow, Third, i t was the t r a v e l e r ' s ardent desire to reach the Western bank which prevented him from being d i s t r a c t e d by fear or decption. Once committed to the Path, he allowed no other thought to enter h i s mind and, by concentrating t o t a l l y on the Path i t s e l f — e a c h step an act of t o t a l F a i t h and unswerving d i s c i p l i n e - — b e f o r e he knew i t , he was transported to Amida's Western Paradise. Although Honen has made use of a parable which Shan-tao presented f i r s t i n h i s Commentary on the Contemplation Sutra,^ h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s unique i n a number of ways. For one thing, the point of Shan-tao's presentation was correct nembutsu meditation, whereas Honen has emphati-c a l l y rejected a l l other p r a c t i c e s besides invocation as subsidiary and f u t i l e . H5nen, therefore, i s using the parable on a much l e s s a l l e g o r i c a l l e v e l and i n f a c t pointedly decries the a p p l i c a t i o n of any other method i n h i s explanation of the parable, p l a c i n g the proponents of such m i s c e l -laneous s e l f - r e l i a n t p r a c t i c e s among the thieves and wolves on the eastern side. Thus, although the parable i t s e l f i s open to a v a r i e t y of i n t e r p r e --86-tations, the thrust of Honen's message is that only by relying completely on Amida's compassion can success be assured. Furthermore, Honen has placed this parable in the center of his long and detailed exegesis of the characteristics of true Faith and uses i t to place his interpretation in stark relief against the orthodox (traditional) doctrines of Faith and Practice which he characterizes as vain and deceptive. Honen concludes his discussion of these three aspects of True Faith by once again warning that these three are absolutely necessary for rebirth, and negligence in developing any single facet renders the others invalid. B. Nembutsu The fundamental and indispensible act of nembutsu invocation is the only practice guaranteed in the Scriptures to be effective. This is the primary argument Honen uses to identify the method of achieving rebirth. A l l other practices are difficult and subject to numerous qualifying pre-scriptions. Furthermore, invocational nembutsu, according to Honen, is unique in that i t does not depend on proper performance: i t is so easy .. even the least adept can carry i t out successfully. Nor is i t preliminary or subordinate to other practices: i t is the unqualified, supreme method of salvation, since i t is the only act which relies absolutely on Amida Buddha's Power for its effect. In chapter two, Honen distinguishes between Proper Practices and Miscellaneous Practices, rejecting the latter as inappropriate during the Mappo era and further classifying Proper Practices, which in general are nembutsu-oriented, into five types. 1) Reading the Scriptures (J|Hi £ ) 2) (Amida) Contemplation ft ) 3) (Amida) Veneration C^f #i£-ff ) -87-4) (Amida) Invocation 5) (Amida) Praise (ff fX^Bf > (T. 2608, 3a) Of these, Honen classified number 4, that is, Invocational Nembutsu, as correct (essential) and the others as auxiliary.^ It was on this point that Honen broke with a l l previous Pure Land patriarchs and established the single-practice nembutsu discussed earlier on doctrinal as well as practical grounds. Yet several questions remain. First, i f i t is so easy and so effec-tive, why is i t necessary to repeat the invocation, given that even one nembutsu is sufficient to assure rebirth? The answer of course rests on the quality of Attitude, which has already been discussed. If a person invokes Amida's name frivolously, then certainly that person cannot be said to have really performed the requisite nembutsu invocation. Thus the definition of nembutsu invocation itself is a critical feature of Honen's argument. To utter the name of Amida without sincerity, without trusting utterly in its Power, without believing that rebirth is the sure reward, is as though the traveler, arriving at the confluence of the rivers, rolled a stone down the Path because he could neither commit himself to the Westward course nor proceed unwaveringly on such an apparently treacherous route. No one would claim that his fate was more certain as a result of the experiment. Second, what then should a person do to purify his motivation.,and establish himself on the Pure Land Path? As described earlier, 7 Honen outlines four characteristics of effective nembutsu invocation: i t should 8 be lifelong, reverent, exclusive, and constant. These are eyident in the parable as well. The traveler, i t will be recalled, had already come a long distance ("life-long"), and therefore at the moment of final deci-:..,. -88-sion he was mentally prepared to rely on this Westward course ("exclu-sive") and to disregard the others. While he was crossing the bridge, he did not allow his thoughts to stray in the slightest ("constant"); he went forward with determination and conviction. Reverence for the sacred teaching of the Buddha and for the mysterious Power of His Name was pre-sumably not felt to require any clear analogue in the parable, although as discussed above a reverent attitude was implicit throughout the parable. Honen furthermore constantly enjoins his readers to seriousness: the 9 teachings concerning nembutsu are sacred and must not be taken lightly. C. Rebirth In the latter chapters of the Senchaku-shu, Honen describes not only Amida1s Pure Land but also the characteristics of those who have success-fully carried out nembutsu and therefore are welcomed to the Pure Land Paradise. Even before death, there are numerous benefits associated with nem-butsu. Honen quotes various sutras and commentaries in his description of the nembutsu practioner. The person who practices nembutsu is like a white lotus blossom, the most excellent of flowers. Even from ancient times, the lotus has been the symbol of perfection, the celebrated flower upon which the sacred dragon of legend dances. The man who invokes Amida's name properly is thus unique among men, a rare and charming person, the finest of distinguished figures, an incomparably enviable and elegant prince of a fellow. He finds friendship and grace in every quarter. Yet that is just the beginning. The great bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara and Mahasthamaprapta will be his constant companions, and as his dear friends will watch over him and act as his teachers and confidants, guiding him forward on the true path. Finally, at the hour of his death, they will -89-appear to him i n the company of Amida and innumerable other Buddhas and saints to welcome him through the gate to the Pure Land.. A l l of these are benefits which accrue i n t h i s l i f e , but only to those who c a l l upon the Name of Amida. Af t e r death, the nembutsu devotee w i l l be led into the Western Para-dise by Amida's attendants, who w i l l be holding lotus blossoms, and he w i l l be seated on a golden lotus dais. No sooner w i l l he be seated than he w i l l have achieved the status of 'anutpattika (dharma) k s a n t i ^ ) , ' that i s , the bodhisattva state of "non-arising (of o b s t a c l e s ) . " 1 0 Thereupon, he w i l l enter the higher stages of the Bodhisattva c o u r s e . 1 1 S t i l l , Honen does not dwell on t h i s metamorphosis nor on the i d e a l i z e d 12 state of Amida's Pure Land. Rather, he d i r e c t s h i s readers' •attention ; to the process of achieving r e b i r t h and attempts to avoid the i n c l i n a t i o n to r e i t e r a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n i n the next l i f e between those of higher and lower aptitudes. As was pointed out i n Chapter One above, the achievements of those of the higher grades were t r a d i t i o n a l l y described i n metaphorical-l y concrete terms, yet were i n a metaphysical sense i n e f f a b l e . Since Honen throughout h i s apology has denied the l i k e l i h o o d of there being anyone i n the Latter Days of the Dharma capable of achieving these i d e a l i z e d states immediately, he l i m i t s h i s discussion of them to summaries of t r a d i t i o n a l 13 doctrine. For the r e s t , he generalizes by c a l l i n g i t a peaceful land, without famine or disease or the specter of death to d i s t u r b those who l i v e there. And of course t h i s i s the o r i g i n a l s o t e r i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of even the s c r i p t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n s : to i n s p i r e the average devotee to p r a c t i c e . Because Honen rested h i s e n t i r e thesis f or exclusive nembutsu invocation on the Eighteenth Vow, i t i s natural that he did not go beyond the„general goal of Rebirth i t s e l f i n h i s apology. As was noted e a r l i e r , the desire to see Amida i s the necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e for r e b i r t h i t s e l f , -90-while the cultivation of the other virtues outlined in the yow§ of Dharma-kara were prerequisites for the spiritual metamorphosis, which, the tradi-tional Mahayana schools had set as the goal for a l l devout Buddhists. Honen once again is attempting to redirect Buddhist attention away from esoteric doctrine to popular practice. The parable cited earlier is representative of the method Honen espouses throughout the Senchaku-shu. The stress is on selection and com-mitment. Only one sentence describes the result, and that is a simple statement that relief was achieved. Such is the thrust of Honen's message: Faith and resolute practice, rather than erudition and rigorous discipline, are the essential elements of the Buddha's message. The strength of Honen's teaching is evidenced in both the immediate success of his movement and in the continuation and development of his doctrine by his followers. Without his epoch-making treatise on the selection of invocational nembutsu, however, i t is impossible to imagine what would have become of the Buddhist community in general, and of the Pure Land tradition in particular. Not only did Honen redirect Japanese Buddhism irrevocably by rejecting the eli t i s t tendencies inherent in the state-supported institutions, but he brought Buddhism as a realistic and practical soteriolpgical vehicle within the reach of the ordinary man in Japan, While Honen's exposition of popular Pure Land doctrine was done with an eye on the orthodox tradition, we have seen that his efforts were not greeted with enthusiasm in a l l quarters. Neither was i t the last word in the evolution of popular Pure Land teaching, but perhaps because of Honen's bold presentation and charismatic leadership the best-known Pure Land further the work of his master. For i t was immediately after Honen's patriarch in Japan, Shinran -91-death in 1212 that one of Honen's first and most acerbic critics, Mype ($\%,- \ 1173-1232), published twp bppks condemning Hpnen and his followers as heretics and slanderers of the Dharma. Myoe's criticism centered on two chief concerns. The first was the misbehavior of some of Honen's followers, and continued the argument to which Honen himself had tried to respond immediately before his exile. The second, and to My5e more serious, was Honen's rejection of 'bodhicitta' as a primary cause and condition of religious aspiration. While Myoe was basing his criticism of Honen's single-practice doctrine on the discussion of bodhicitta in the Senchaku-shui1^ he was apparently ignoring the context and intent of Honen's presentation. Not only did Honen f a i l to elucidate completely his understanding of the traditional bodhicitta doctrine in the Senchaku-shu, but he pointedly avoided a scholastic approach to i t . He was writing for the edification of the ordinary man in a Degenerate Age and as such rejected the questions of philosophical theory and Buddhist idealist ethics, in spite of his own erudition and eminent qualifications to pursue such questions. The task of defending and clarifying Honen's nembutsu thesis was therefore left to his followers, the most eminent of whom was Shinran, who became his disciple in 1201. In his Kyogyoshinsho ( ) and Gutokusho \\ )"^ Shinran emphasized and elaborated that "the faith of the individual accorded by Amida's Other Power is nothing but the great 1 A 'bodhicitta'. In his writings Shinran also clarified and expanded on the concept of Faith Qfci^y ) and its arising, which cemented the doctrine of Other Power and the absolute efficacy of Amida's vow. Shinran believed, moreover, that he was simply elucidating Honen's ideas, since he named his school the True Pure Land school, based on his masters' teaching, to distinguish and differentiate iti-from the other movements which other d i s c i p l e s w e r e s t a r t i n g . -93-ENDNOTES: CHAPTER SIX 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 This diagram i s adapted from I s h i i , KOgi, p. 356. It i s t h i s aspect of F a i t h which l a t e r Pure Land apologists have most often emphasized, and which most f u l l y captures the e s s e n t i a l s p i r i t of the o r i g i n a l concept of Prasada or Prasannacitta which was described above i n Chapter One. I t i s also the e s s e n t i a l meaning of the "Untroubled Mind" i d e n t i f i e d i n the Smaller Sukhavati. But i t was not on t h i s d o c t r i n a l aspect that Honen focused, and because of t h i s i t was l e f t to h i s d i s c i p l e Shinran to expostulate i t s implications more f u l l y . See Bloom, Shinran's GOspel, for a d e t a i l e d discussion of Shinran's teachings on F a i t h . See I s h i i , Kogi, pp. 349ff; 368-476, esp. 397ff. The images i n t h i s parable are common to many other Mahayana scriptu r e s as well. T. 2608, 2-3; also, T. 2608, 17, et. a l . Cf. Ohashi, Honen- -Sono  Kodo, p. 95, and above, Chapter Two, p.30 . Cf. above, pp. 12-14. This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s based on Shan-tao and on the Hosso schools "Standard Interpretations on the West" i& /> i f f % % %jk'j$ltJiL (T. 1964), a t t r i b u t e d to K'uei-chi C j j _ ^ : 631-682). Cf. above, pp.67-71 . Cf. above, pp.14-17 . T. 2608, 17. For a b r i e f but trenchant d e s c r i p t i o n of the stages of the bodhisattva's course, see Tsukamoto, p. 482 (footnote one to page 185). There are i n the Senchaku-shu numerous references to the attainment of various t r a d i t i o n a l states of release, but these are generally l i m i t e d to s c r i p t u r a l quotations and b r i e f explanations. For example, see T. 2608, 9c-10, et. a l . 12. T. 2608, 16-17. 13. As w e l l as i n h i s Shozomatsu Wasan ). -94-14. See BANDO Shojun*)^^'^^/b , "Myoe's Criticism of Honen's Doctrine," The Eastern Buddhist VII, No. 1 (New Series) (May, 1974), pp. 37-54. 15. See Bloom, pp. 37-59. CONCLUSION The purpose of this study has been to analyze the role of Honen Shonin in the evolution of Pure Land Buddhism, in hopes of determining the significance of his contribution to Mahayana Buddhist history in general, and Japanese religious<history in particular. By tracing the development of Pure Land Buddhism, both philosophical and popular, from its origins in India to its mature form in the middle of the thirteenth century in Japan, I have attempted to touch upon the crucial factors affecting its development. There is ample evidence that social and political elements in India, China, and Japan greatly trans-formed Pure Land soteriology and that the emergence of an independent popular Pure Land school in Japan was the ultimate result of these influences. The question of Honen's role in the final stages of this process, however, might fruitfully be reviewed. Although attempts had been made in China to redirect the soteriolo-gical emphasis of Mahayana Buddhism, the Pure Land school there was unable to emerge with a unique and viable method of salvation. Nembutsu practice was inextricably tied with traditional meditative techniques andCwas considered by most schools as a contemplative method. In spite of efforts to isolate invocational nembutsu, i t remained a subsidiary practice within a larger schema. This was true in Japan as well, although those who did promote invocational nembutsu increased with the changing social and political climate. Under the influence of the indigenous diffused religion, however, nembutsu practice, and in particular invocational nembutsu, became more common outside of the institutional centers. With the introduction of esoteric Buddhism in the ninth century, an attempt was made to reintegrate this nembutsu practice into the orthodox tradition, as i t had been in -96 ^ China. An e f f o r t was also made to u n i v e r s a l i z e Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s , but due to the s c h o l a s t i c i n c l i n a t i o n s of these e s o t e r i c schools, as w e l l as the increasing s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of Heian monastic i n t e r e s t s , t h i s e f f o r t proved f u t i l e . It was not u n t i l Honen, who l i k e many of h i s contemporaries was desperately searching f o r r e l i g i o u s meaning i n an otherwise chaotic world, that the H i j i r i movement and the orthodox t r a d i t i o n were joined i n a p r a c t i c a l and legitimate form. I t appears clear to me that i t was HSnen's unique character which made t h i s union possible, for he alone was able to e x p l o i t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i n i n g and adapt the orthodox doctrines to h i s h i s t o r i c a l circumstances andathereby extract the nembutsu movement from both the secularized monastic and the f o l k r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s to form a new and independent Pure Land school. I t was i n f a c t the f i r s t time that Buddhism i n Japan had been free of both p o l i t i c a l and popular r e s t r a i n t s , i n that he had divorced the Pure Land movement from t r a d i t i o n a l Buddhist schools and from p r i m i t i v e magico-religous elements. Thus, although Honen did not ostensibly intend to form a new school of Japanese Buddhism, his synthesis of these diverse elements i n e v i t a b l y led to d o c t r i n a l c o n f l i c t and sectarian d i v i s i o n . Perhaps the formation of an independent Pure Land movement was not the same as the conscious founding of a school. I t l i t t l e matters, for Honen's contribution to the h i s t o r y of Japanese Buddhism, and Mahayana Buddhism i n general, has f a r outweighed the academic s i g n i f i c a n c e of such a question. It was l e f t to others to discuss, but the accomplishment i t s e l f , as I have t r i e d to show, was Honen's, and h i s f u l l story remains to be written. BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrews, Allan A., The Teachings^.Essential for Rebirth, Tokyo, Sophia University, 1973. Bagchi, P. C., Le Canon bouddhique en Chien, 2 vols., Paris, .1938. BANDO, Shojun f. '\Q ^  , "Myoe's Criticism of Honen" s Doctrine," The Eastern Buddhist, VII;, 1 (New; Series), May, 1974, pp. 37-54. Bloom, Alfred, Shinran's Gospel of Pure Grace, Tucson, University of Arizona, 1965. 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