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Carcel de Amor and the courtly love tradition Ramirez Hughes, Beatriz 1979

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CARCEL DE AMOR AND THE COURTLY LOVE TRADITION 9.1 BEATRIZ ^AM2REZJ^iTJGHES_ B. A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of H i s p a n i c and I t a l i a n S t u d i e s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standards THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA OCTOBER 1979 (c) B e a t r i z Ramirez-Hughes I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f Hispanic and T t a l i a n g + n r H o e T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D a t e 16 October, 1979. 6 i i Abstract The f i r s t chapter of t h i s thesis i s a survey of the diverse c r i t i c i s m of Carcel de amor available today. G i l i y Gaya, i n his prologue to San Pedro's Obras, presents a comprehensive study and evaluation of San Pedro's work which has been the point of departure for modern c r i t i c s . Modern c r i t i c i s m of the Carcel encompasses i t s s t y l e and language as well as i t s sentimental, e t h i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and psycholo-g i c a l aspects. Keith Whinnom offers the most complete study of the Carcel i n numerous a r t i c l e s , i n his prologue to San Pedro's complete works and i n his book on San Pedro and his writings. However, San Pedro's peculiar interpretation of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n has not been s u f f i c i e n t l y examined. The second chapter offers an appraisal of the author, his period and his work. During the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, Spain enjoyed a period of great c u l t u r a l a c t i -v i t y . The refined atmosphere of the court favoured femi-nism and romantic l i t e r a t u r e . San Pedro was an experienced so l d i e r at the service of don Juan T e l l e z Giron, Count of Urena. He was a courtier and a poet. Most information con-cerning his l i f e and i d e n t i t y i s speculation. We do not know the c e r t a i n dates of his b i r t h and death and the date of his works. C r i t i c s have speculated on his possible Jewish ancestry. A b r i e f survey of San Pedro's works shows his v e r s a t i l i t y , his concern with pleasing his audience and the e s s e n t i a l l y courtly nature of his work. His e a r l i e s t i i i works were the r e l i g i o u s poems the Passion trobada and Las  si e t e anqustias de Nuestra Senora. These were followed by several poems i n the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . His f i r s t sen-timental novel, Arnalte y Lucenda i s considered a precursor of Careel de amor. The Sermon i s a code for lovers written within the t r a d i t i o n of the t r e a t i s e s Of love popular through-out the Middle Ages, Its precepts are applied i n the Carcel. The t h i r d chapter i s the main part of the present work. San.Pedro's use of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n i s examined here. The antecedents of Carcel de amor i n European l i t e -rature are considered i n order to appreciate the p a r t i c u l a r treatment of love found i n the Carcel and the unique place t h i s novel occupies i n Spanish f i c t i o n . Siervo l i b r e de amor by Rodriguez de l a Camara and i t s imitations can be considered as forerunners of the Carcel because they con-t a i n elements that constitute the basic? c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the sentimental novel. The rel a t i o n s h i p of the Carcel with other sentimental works such as Boccaccio's Fiammetta i s also considered. Carcel de amor springs from the Arthurian t r a d i t i o n and i s concerned primarily with putting into prac-t i c e the ideas and code of behaviour of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . An outline of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , rules, o r i g i n s and development of t h i s t r a d i t i o n i s made. The works of Ovid and Andreas Capellanus are examined and compared i n order to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r differences. The courtly love t r a -d i t i o n considers perfect love as an e v e r - i n s a t i a t i n g and ever-increasing desire; i t elevates the beloved to a p o s i t i o n i v o f s u p e r i o r i t y over the l o v e r ; i t s u s t a i n s t h a t l o v e i s an ennobling f o r c e . These th r e e concepts are the core of C a r c e l  de amor. A thorough examination of the c o u r t l y elements of the C a r c e l i s made. The s e t t i n g and the p r o t a g o n i s t s of the novel are of the h i g h e s t n o b i l i t y and both are endowed wit h gr e a t n o b i l i t y of s o u l and v i r t u e . Two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t s e t a p a r t C a s t i l i a n c o u r t l y love t r a d i t i o n from the Proven-c a l and C a t a l a n t r a d i t i o n are the p r e f e r e n c e f o r maidens and the concern w i t h honour. The c o u r t l y concept of l o v e t r a p s the l o v e r i n a v i c i o u s c i r c l e whose onl y escape i s death and L e r i a n o l e t s h i m s e l f d i e , t h u s f u l f i l l i n g h i s des-t i n y as a p e r f e c t l o v e r . The f o u r t h chapter d e a l s w i t h the s t y l e and s t r u c t u r e o f C a r c e l de amor. Menendez y Pelayo c l a s s i f i e d i t as a s e n t i m e n t a l n o v e l and some c r i t i c s have s t u d i e d i t s l i n k s w i t h the L a t i n t r a c t a t u s , the O v i d i a n t a l e , the e p i s t o l a -r y n o v e l and the n o v e l of c h i v a l r y . San Pedro's use of a l l e g o r y i s examined as w e l l as the r h e t o r i c a l u n i t s t h a t form the n o v e l . San Pedro f u s e s the n a r r a t i o , e p i s t l e s , d i s c o u r s e s , p l a n c t u s , harangue, and arqumehtatio i n t o a p o l i s h e d work. C r i t i c i s m of the,. Garcel?'s s t y l e and language i s c o n s i d e r e d . I t may be concluded t h a t the t h r e e v i t a l f a c t o r s t h a t g i v e u n i t y t o the n o v e l are (1) the theme, ( 2 ) the e p i s t o l a r y s t r u c t u r e of the n o v e l , and ( 3 ) the r o l e of E l Auctor. The f i n a l chapter s t r e s s e s the importance and i n f l u e n c e of C a r c e l de amor i n Spanish l i t e r a t u r e i n p a r t i c u l a r and V European l i t e r a t u r e i n general. It was widely read and started a vogue for sentimental novels throughout Europe. In Spain, Nicolas Nunez wrote a continuation and Juan de Flores published two courtly novels. However the work of Flores departs from the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . It was trans-lated into Er<ench, English, I t a l i a n and German. A. Gian-n i n i believes that i t influenced Baldassare Castiglione in writing II Corteqiano. Gustave Reynier has studied i t s influence on the French sentimental novel. Above a l l , Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel considers i t the forerunner of La  Celestina. Peter G. Earle, a f t e r Lida de Malkiel compares the love concepts found i n the works of Rojas and San Pedro. This thesis concludes by stressing the excellence of San Pedro's re-creation of the conventional ideals of courtly love i n his novel. His-.consciousness as a courtly writer-inspired him to select the appropriate ideas, form, language, and s t y l e i n order to produce an excellent example of courtly l i t e r a t u r e . v i Table of contents Abstract i l Introduction 1 I The c r i t i c s : "trama t e j i d a con poco arte o novela p o l i -t i c a . 2 II Diego de San Pedro" " e l t r o -badorV. 17 III The courtly love t r a d i t i o n and the Carcel de amor 32 IV Structure and Style 76 V Influence of Carcel de amor. 105 Conclusion 116 Bibliography 118 1 Introduction The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to examine the essen-t i a l l y courtly nature of Diego de San Pedro's l i t e r a r y production as r e f l e c t e d i n his major work, the Carcel de amor. San Pedro's use of the elements of courtly love i n the Carcel w i l l be e s p e c i a l l y considered. It r e f l e c t s the author's peculiar a b i l i t y to interpret p o e t i c a l l y the ideas and taste of his mileu. This thesis studies how the c a r e f u l s t y l e , l y r i c a l q u a l i t y and romantic content of the Carcel responded to the need for what Johan Huizinga c a l l s "the dream of heroism and love." (The Waning of the Middle Ages, New York: Doubleday, 1954. 2 Chapter One The c r i t i c s : "trama t e j i d a con poco arte o novela p o l i t i c a " Diego de san Pedro's writings have long been regarded as works of t r a n s i t i o n , and for t h i s reason c r i t i c s have written l i t t l e of any substance about them. Although generations of scholars have underlined San Pedro's important r o l e i n Spanish l i t e r a t u r e , they have merely commented on his s t y l e and language s u p e r f i c i a l l y and speculated about his i d e n t i t y . Hence, u n t i l the publication of San Pedro's Obras 1 completas i n 1950 by Samuel G i l i y Gaya, T h e < c 5 r c e l de amor (or indeed a l l of San Pedro's l i t e r a r y production) had not been seriously studied or evaluated. Jose" Amador de los Rios, i n 1865 praised the "nervio y energfa de l a frase" found i n Caxcel de amor, and the use of the e p i s t o l a r y form i n order to create a more intimate r e l a -tionship between the reader, author, and characters, but he 2 only described the content without analyzing i t . The f i r s t i n f l u e n t i a l c r i t i c i s m came from Menendez y Pelayo i n 1905. Don Marcelino placed t h i s work within a genre he accu-3 r a t e l y named "novela sentimental". His d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s genre has been considered by Keith Whinnom as "una a g r u p a c i 6 n Cde caracteristicasD un tanto a r t i f i c i a l , que puede producir una f a l s i f i c a c i o n de l a verdadera h i s t o r i a de l a nove l i t a 4 amorosa en castellano", but i t , nevertheless, describes appro-p r i a t e l y an embryonic l i t e r a r y form whose main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s i t s concern with emotional c o n f l i c t s . Don Marcelino c a l l s the Carcel a "tentativa de novela intima" with a "trama t e j i d a 3 5 con poco arte", and f a i l s to appreciate the meaning and the l i t e r a r y value of the novel. His only praise goes to San Pedro's elegant s t y l e which he finds superior to that of the e a r l i e r Arnalte y_ Lucenda. He angtily condemns the prologue to the P a s s i 6 n trobada; "llegando en e l colmo de l a exaltacidn, a comparar l a que llama su passion con l a del Redentor del 6 mundo," and shows disdain f o r h i s poetry. Don Marcelino's most disparaging comment goes to the Serm6n, which he con-siders a poor and inept parody, and he shows distaste f o r the so-called "courtly love" t r a d i t i o n . Menendez y Pelayo understands too well the banning of the Cctrcel by the Inqui-s i t i o n , and he disapproves of the blasphemous nature of Leriano's f i n a l discourse i n defence of women. Don Marcelino's lack of enthusiasm for San Pedro's work obscured i t s worth and caused l a t e r c r i t i c s to overlook the many charms that made t h i s work widely read and translated during the f i f -teenth and sixteenth centuries. We f i n d a good, though b r i e f , study of San Pedro's novel i n the introduction to his Obras by G i l i y Gaya, who stresses San Pedro's r o l e as a courtly "trobador" i n the best t r a d i t i o n of courtly love. G i l i y Gaya presents a short summary of the 7 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of courtly love, following Gaston Paris and 8 Myrrha Lot-Borodin, and he underlines those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which San Pedro used i n his novels. G i l i y Gaya agrees with Menendez y Pelayo about the sources and antecedents of the Carcel and points out the "severidad c a s t e l l a n a " that makes him re j e c t adultery, which i s one of the elements of the European t r a d i t i o n of courtly love ( p p . x v i i - x v i i i ) . 4 G i l i y Gaya's description of San Pedro and his works provides a point of departure f o r modern c r i t i c s , Keith 9 Whinnom and Moreno Baez among others. Keith Whinnom i s the author of the most extensive study of San Pedro's works. The introduction to his three-volume e d i t i o n of San Pedro's Obras completas i s a comprehensive account of b i b l i o g r a -p h i c a l and textual problems, and an attempt to remove t r a d i -t i o n a l misconceptions and misinterpretations of San Pedro's 10 writings. Whinnom rejects G i l i y Gaya's "petulant" com-ments on San Pedro's a r t i f i c i a l i t y , his i d e n t i t y as a converso, and his "mundo extrano y lejano de sentimientos, alegorfas y esquemas conceptuales" ( p . v i i ) . In the introduction to his e d i t i o n of the Carcel de  amor Whinnom examines the meaning of the courtly love t r a -d i t i o n and i t s influence on the novel. This work, together with his book on San Pedro for the Twayne's World Authors Series o f f e r s the most thorough p o r t r a i t of the man, his writings, and period. Whinnom e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y emphasizes the "rare talent and unusual s e n s i t i v i t y " of the author, i n v i t i n g the student of l i t e r a t u r e to overcome the b a r r i e r s which have prevented c r i t i c s from pursuing a proper analysis 11 of San Pedro's works. C r i t i c i s m of the Carcel de amor or i t s author has been primarily concerned with the novel's s t y l e and form. In an important a r t i c l e , Whinnom discusses San Pedro's use of 12 r h e t o r i c . He believes that the author achieved a s t y l i s t i c reform by applying the new approach to rh e t o r i c introduced by the humanists towards the end of the f i f t e e n t h century. 5 Thus, what Menendez y Pelayo called elegant style, and what G i l i y Gaya thought was San Pedro's growing maturity as a writer, i s the application of the new humanist rhetoric of the Renaissance. Carmelo Samona had already contrasted the different styles of the Arnalte and the Carcel and attempted to explain them in terms of a "maturita che s i traduce in 13 influenza e capacita divulgativa." Samon^ believes that the better style of the Cctrcel i s the result of "una muta-zione del gusto e della tecnica del periodo isabelino," and he elaborates on G i l i y Gaya's theory that the " e v o l u c i 6 n tan notoria en e l estilo del autor" i s the result of a l o g i -cal process of literary maturation. Unlike Whinnom, the Italian c r i t i c does not see the application of the principles found in the manuals of humanist rhetoric, but the "pulimento1 de forme, che caratterizza con molto spicco e varieta di motivi le flutuazioni di un periodo di assestamento della lingua, come e quello dei Re C a t t o l i c i " and feels that the Carcel i s above a l l "un eco fedele e sollecita e uno vero e propio guida" of the period, since "lo scrittore che s i uniforma da prima a quel mondo e a l l e sue inclinazione, 14 finisce poi per indirizzarle e guidarle." Some c r i t i c s have briefly considered the Carcel de amor when studying the development of the epistolary form (Charles 15 16 E. Kany ), the sentimental novel (Barbara Matulka, Dinko 17 Cvitanovic ), and the novel in general (Menendez y Pelayo). They compare Carcel de amor to diverse narrative forms and often limit i t s characteristics to those of a particular 6 genre, such as the French novel of ch i v a l r y , the epistolary 18 novel, and the Ovidian t a l e . Anna Krause maintains that San Pedro follows the t r a -d i t i o n of the mediaeval Latin tractatus and that while his work presents elements that point to other kinds of narra-t i v e , i t i s b a s i c a l l y a modernized version of the tractado  de amores which i s " e l producto e c l e c t i c o de influencias contemporSneas, e l patetismo de l a Fiametta, e l i n t e r i o r i s -mo de l a novela, i n n o v a c i 6 n asimismo de los maestros i t a -lianos, y un idealismo cortesano y caballeresco de nuevo 19 tono y matiz difundido por toda l a poesia de cancionero." Krause underlines San Pedro's position as a l i n k between Mediaeval and Renaissance l i t e r a t u r e , since his works com-20 bine both mediaeval topoi and form with Renaissance s t y l e . The love versus honour theme i n the Cctrcel has been the subject of l i t t l e study. H.T. Oostendorp mentions t h i s aspect of San Pedro's novels i n his doctoral thesis, but he does not analyze i t i n depth. He i s interested only i n tracing the history of t h i s c o n f l i c t , and i n explaining i t s o r i g i n s . His thesis adds l i t t l e to previous c r i t i c i s m of the 21 Carcel de amor. Pamela Waley compares the treatment of the 22 theme by San Pedro and his contemporary, Juan de Flores. She sees Laureola's care for her honour simply as a poetic device that helps to create the action i n the novel. Leriano and Laureola are: . . . heirs to a poetic, as d i s t i n c t from a f i c t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n . . . and Leriano's death i s not so,-much the r e a l i z a t i o n of a threat or wish; so often expressed by the cancionero poets as the solution of a c o n f l i c t that can only .end thus or with the loss of the lady's honour. 7 Waley considers that San Pedro's "idealized conception of love . . . belongs to the realm of poetry," and she finds Juan de Flores* "investigation of the causes and motives of the behaviour of the characters" a "step away from the indispensable hyperbole of chivalresque f i c t i o n and towards 24 the human i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of C a l i s t o and Melibea." Laureola's preoccupation with public opinion i s gene-r a l l y misunderstood as a sign of cruelty by many c r i t i c s , among them, Pamela Waley, who sees her i n the t r a d i t i o n of La b e l l e dame sans merci. Bruce -Wardropper understands t h i s cruelty as: consecuencia del c o n f l i c t o amor cortesano honor . . . l a piedad, sentimiento noble y conveniente choca con las nociones del honor y provoca una s e n s a c i 6 n de culpa y de cas-ti g o . La pasion de Leriano, encendida y man-tenida por l a crueldad de Laureola, despues del parentesis de piedad, solo podia tener un desenlace f a t a l . . . 25 Wardropper excuses Laureola's f i n a l r e j e c t i o n of L e r i a -no 's love i n the name of the i n f l e x i b l e code of honour of the period: "ipuede ser culpada una mujer por una crueldad inevitable segun las normas de los codigos de conducta? Aun 26 cuando fuese innecesaria, queda a salvo de reproches." Wardropper*s a r t i c l e provides us with the most perceptive examination to date of the sentimental world of the Carcel de  amor, whereas Jose Luis Varela's "Revision de la novela sen-timental" only repeats t r a d i t i o n a l views without opening new avenues of interpretation. Varela, following Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, points to the Carcel as an important source for La Celestina and describes i t s mediaeval and neoplatonic e l e -29 ments. Varela considers the Carcel a "moderado punto medio" 8 between Rodriguez del Padr6n (or de la Camara's) superior treatment of allegory, and Juan de Flores's realism and concern with moral values. Varela finds San Pedro's style an "imposible r e t 6 r i c a : la alegoria . . . una c o n c e s i 6 n 30 enojosa, un ornato superfluo, una hojarasca embarazosa." Wardropper studies the sentimental element of this novel in relation to mediaeval codes of chivalry, "culto del heroismo"; honour, "basado en la t r a d i c i 6 n familiar, en la riqueza y en e l patrimonio"; virtue, "como forma perenne de virtud cardinal o como forma especifica c r i s t i a n a - f u s i 6 n 31 cardinal y t e o l 6 g i c a . " Wardropper adds that Leriano*s tragedy i s born from the conflict created by these three codes and the code of courtly love: Sx, los cuatro c 6 d i g o s se superponen, pero no coinciden. Conflicto entre las apariencias y la realidad. Leriano, vasallo del rey Gaulo, en virtud del c 6 d i g o del amor cortesano. Cuando e l rey trata a Laureola injustamente, duda: el honor de Laureola o su propio amor por e l l a ha de ser sacrificado. Y e l honor, la apariencia de virtud, se encuentra a menudo en conflicto con la virtud cristiana, la realidad. La sumision de Leriano a las diferentes nor-mas eticas determina problemas y armonlas en su vida y, en ultimo t£rmino, la tragedia inevitable, sentida as£, pero no claramente prevista.32 After carefully analyzing the role that a l l four codes play in the novel, Wardropper considers i t s essentially senti-mental nature. Leriano symbolizes the sentimental man who is guided by his feelings rather than by his reason. Therefore, he cannot see the incompatibility of the codes he follows, and succumbs under his own overwhelming sentiments. Leriano's world i s a realm beyond reality which i s animated by a quintes-9 sence of sentiment and i s accesible only to the nobility (as Leriano's mother says in her planto). But Wardropper does not realize that this i s essentially the world of courtly love. The noble feelings and elements of chivalry, honour and virtue, are subordinated to the most s t r i c t courtly love tradition. The code of love i s not only one element in Carcel de amor, but i t s inspiration and i t s raison  d'etre. An important aspect of San Pedro's s t y l i s t i c reform i s the role the author plays in the C c i r c e l . Alfonso Reyes point-ed out the way in which the author introduces himself into 33 the novel, instead of narrating the story from the outside. In doing so, the writer creates a more complete i l l u s i o n of l i f e , a "novela perfecta". Bruce Wardropper also underlines 39 the significance of this new s t y l i s t i c perspective. However, the purpose of his ar t i c l e i s to refute the belief of Menen-dez y Pelayo and other c r i t i c s , that the Carcel and the sen-timental novel in general i s autobiographical. Like Whinnom Wardropper is concerned with correcting traditional opinions about this book, such as the comment that "there i s no s k i l l 35 in the construction of the fable" or that i t has a "forma 36 algo torpe." The romantic nature of the Carcel has provoked some bold psychoanalytical comments, like those of S. Serrano Poncela, and Hayde"e Bermejo and Dinko Cvitanovic. Serrano compares Leriano's "amor de enamoramiento" with that of Werther's, the tragic hero of Goethe's novel. According to Serrano, both represent: 10 II . . . un particular arquetipo amoroso en cuya actitud, la sociedad de su tiempo e n c o n t r 6 reflejadas ciertas tendencias manfaco -e r6 t icas que todos llevamos de contrabando pero que ha-habitualmente circulan inofensivas.37 He supposes in Leriano "curiosos esfuerzos de i n t r o s p e c c i 6 n y autoana"lisis," overlooking the author's indebtedness to mediaeval literary tradition and the meaning of Leriano's sacrifice. Bermejo and Cvitanovic, on the other hand, consider the novel "una aventura en e l conocimiento del drama humano del amor y la soledad," and stress Leriano*s role as a victim of "la ; * d e s e s p e r a c i 6 n * que anima e l pensamiento de Kierkegaard o la 'enfermedad* y e l 'escandalo* de Unamuno," concluding that "la 'enfermedad* de Unamuno es un sufrimiento activo que en Leriano es, no obstante, signo de la transitoriedad de l a vida y conduce a la muerte que es la verdadera libe-38 r a c i 6 n . " Bermejo and Cvitanovic also closely examine the emotional drama of the Carcel, and offer some interesting interpretations which w i l l be discussed in a later chapter. Fernando Marquez Villanueva has insisted on the p o l i t i c a l 39 content of the Cctrcel de amor. In his opinion,its main purpose i s to oppose the idea of a Caesarean ruler precisely at the moment when the Catholic Monarchs came to power. Although the theory about San Pedro's converso origin has not been proved, Marquez Villanueva assumes that he must have witnessed many injustices committed against his people, the Jews, and he finds clear allusions to the Inquisition in Laureola*s t r i a l and punishment. Marquez Villanueva sees an obvious reproach to the King's unfair treatment of the 11 Jews i n Leriano's l e t t e r to the King of Macedonia: Si por ventura l o consentiste por verte aque-xado de l a s u p l i c a c i 6 n de sus parientes [los parientes de Persio}, quando les otorgaste l a merced, deuieras acordarte de los seruicios que los mlos te hizieron, pues sabes con quanta costanca de coracon, quantos dellos en muchas batallas y conbates perdieron por tu s e r u i c i o las vidas. Nunca hueste iuntas-te que l a t e r c i a parte d e l l o s no fuese.(p.154) and i n the concept of limpieza de sangre as implied i n the King's answer to the Cardinal: y a tanto se estenderfa esta culpa s i c a s t i -gada no fuese, que podr£e amanzillar l a fama de los pasados y l a onrra de los presentes y l a sangre de los por venir; que sola vna ma-cula en e l linage cunde toda l a generacion. (p.167) However diverse the c r i t i c i s m of Carcel de amor may be, a l l scholars agree on i t s importance i n the development of the novel i n p a r t i c u l a r and i n Spanish l i t e r a t u r e i n general. Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel and Castro Guisasola c i t e i t as an antecedent of La Celestina. Lida believes that the char-acters of C a l i s t o and Melibea were drawn from Leriano and 4( Laureola, and Guisasola finds several examples of paraphrase. Peter G. Earle, following Maria Rosa Lida's comments, compares love concepts as they appear i n the Carcel de amor and i n La Celestina, and regards the former as a model of the l a t t e r : "Like Don Quijote, however, i t constitutes the complete renovation of a type, through elimination of some 41 elements, parody of others, and regeneration of s t i l l more." Earle underlines some s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between the two novels to i l l u s t r a t e his point. Dinko Cvitanovic l i n k s Carcel de amor with Cervantes' 12 Novelas e jemplares and Don Qui jote (La novela sentimental espanola, pp.333-58). Pamela Waley studies i t as a precedent to the works of Juan de Flores, and others, l i k e Menendez y Pelayo, consider i t a s i g n i f i c a n t step i n the development 42 of the novel. The immense popularity of the Carcel, however, remains to be explained. James A. Flightner has seen three main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that contributed to t h i s popularity: (1) the author's awareness of time, (2) the character motivation, 43 and (3) the r e a l i s t i c elements. But, these technical e l e -ments do not t e l l us why thousands of people a l l over Europe enjoyed the work for over a hundred years. 13 Footnotes to Chapter One . 1 1 . ,. . .  " Diego de San Pedro, bbras completas, ed. Samuel G i l i y Gaya (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1950). Omits La passion trobada and one short obscene poem. A l l quotations from San Pedro's works are taken from t h i s e d i t i o n . A l l future references to t h i s edition i n the footnotes w i l l appear under G i l i y Gaya. 2 H i s t o r i a c r i t i c a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola ( 1 8 6 5 j rpt. Madrid: E d i t o r i a l 2 G r e d o s . r S t A., 1969); -351. 3 ...... Origenes de l a novela (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe, 1946), 1, 473-521. A l l future references to t h i s work w i l l appear under Origenes. 4 . ' ,. v _ Diego.de San Pedro, Obras completas, ed. Keith Whinnom i(Madrid: C a s t a l i a , 1972 • „ 49.".. A l l future references to t h i s work w i l l appear under Whinnom. 5 , . ' ' Origenes, p.473. 6 Ibid., p.516. .7 "Lancelot du Lac. Le conte de l a Charrete," Romania, 12 (1883), 459-534. 8 . . ' De 1'amour profane a 1'amour sacre, Etudes de psycho-logie sentimentale au Moyen Age (Paris, n.p., 1961). 9 E a r l i e r editors of the Carcel (Foalche-Delbosc, 15 Biblioteca Hispanica, Barcelona: L'Aven^, 1904; Rubio Bala-guer, Barcelona: Armino, 1941), have' l i t t l e to" add i n .... t h e i r prologues. Jaime Uya (Barcelona: Zeus, 1969), and Ar-turo Sputo Albarce (Mexico: Porrua, 1971) p r a c t i c a l l y p l a -g i a r i z e d G i l i y Gaya's work. Although E. Moreno Baez (Madrid: Alianza E d i t o r i a l , 1974) makes a f i n e summary of the l i f e and works.of San Pedro, he does not add much to G i l i y Gaya's words. 10 .Whinnom repeats much of t h i s study i n Diego de San  Pedro. (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1974). 11.. Ibid., pp.7 -9 . 12 "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 37 (1960), 1-15. 13 "Diego de San Pedro: da 11'Arnalte y_ Lucenda a l i a Car-c e l de amor," St u d i i i n onore d i Pietro S i l v a (Florence: F e l i c e le Monnier, 1957), p.277. 14 Ibid., pp.273 and 277. 14 15 "The Beginnings of the Epistolary Novel in France, Italy and Spain," University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 21(1937), x and 158. 16 The Novels of Juan de Flores and their European  Diffusion (New York: Institute of French Studies, 1931), passim. 17 La novela sentimental espanola (Madrid: Editorial Prensa Espanola, 1973), op. 121-76. 18 Rudolph Schevill, "Ovid and the Renaissance in Spain," University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 4 (1913), 118. 19 "El 'tractado' novelistico de Diego de San Pedro," Bulletin Hispanioue. 54 (1952), 274. 20 "Como se ha notado sus materiales eran esencialmente medievales: temas de la poesia amorosa de cancionero, cos-tumbrismo cortesano, tipos novellsticos convencionales . . . los cuales, en sus manos, cobran nueva vida. Como e s t i l i s t a , a l contrario, pertenece del todo a l pre-Renacimiento y su prosa a r t i s t i c a constituye un eslab6n en la cadena que va de Juan de Mena a Fernando de Rojas," Ibid., p.272. 21 "El conflicto entre e l honor y e l amor en la l i t e -ratura espanola hasta e l siglo XVII," Unpublished disser-tation (Haag: Van Goor Zonen deen Haag, 1962). 22 "Love and honour in the novelas sentimentales of Diego de San Pedro and Juan de Flores," Bulletin of Hispanic  Studies, 43 (1966), 253-75. 23 Ibid., p.262. 24 Ibid., p.275. 25 "El mundo sentimental de la Carcel de amor," Revista de Filoloqia Espafiola, 37 (1953), 168-93. ~ 26 Ibid., op. 178-79. 27 "Revisi6n de la novela sentimental," Revista de F i l o -loqia Espafiola, 48 (1965), 351-81. La oriqinalidad ar t i s t i c a de "La Celestina'I (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria, 1962). 29 "Revisi6n," p. 366. 30 Ibid., p. 376. 15 31 "El mundo," p. 171. 32 Ibid., p. 172. 33 "La Carcel de amor de Diego de San Pedro, novela oerfecta," Obras completas (1901j rpt. Mexico: Porrua, 1955), 1, pp. 49-60. 34 "Allegory and the role of 'El Autor* in the Carcel  de amor," Philological Quarterly, 31 (1952), 39-44. 35 George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature (New York, 1849), 1, 426, cited in B. Wardropper, "Allegory and the role of 'El Autor' in the Carcel de amor," p.41. 3 6 -Angel del Rio, Historia de la literatura espanola (New York, 1948), 1, 99, cited in B. Wardropper, "Allegory and the role of *E1 Autor' in the Carcel de amor," p. 41. 37 S. Serrano Poncela, "Dos'Werther' del renacimiento espanol," Asomante, 5 (1949), p. 100. Serrano finds the inspiration for this a r t i c l e in Luis Usoz* prologue to his Cancionero de burlas. Also Menendez y Pelayo finds a simi-l a r i t y between Werther and the C a r c e l : . . las tintas lugubres del cuadro y lo frenetico y desgraciado de la p a s i 6 n del h£roe y aun el suicidio con que la n a r r a c i 6 n acaba, hace pensar en e l Werther y sus imitadores.Or f genes, p. 508. 38 Dinko Cvitanovic and Haydee Bermejo, "El sentido de la aventura espiritual en la 'Carce! de amor'.j," Revista de  Filologia Espanola, 49 (1966), 291. H. T. Oostendorp, "El conflicto," p. 104, and Barbara Matulka, The novels of Juan de Flores, p. 326 disregard such comparisons. Oostendorp adds: "Leriano no se suicida en un ramalazo de locura, muere con plena entrega de s i mismo alegando razones que le indu-cen a despedirse de la vida: su muerte constituye un sacri-f i c i o y la ultima alabanza a la mujer." 39 "Carcel de amor, novela p o l l t i c a , " Revista de Occi-dente, 13-14 (1966), 185-98. 40 Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La originalidad a r t i s t i c a  de "La Celestina," pp. 393-455; Castro Guisasola, Observacio-nes sobre las fuentes literarias de "La Celestina" (Madrid: 1973). 41 "Love concepts in la Cetrcel de amor and La Celestina," Hispania, 39 (1956), 92- 96. 16 42 Juan de Flores, Grimalte y_ Gradissa, ed. Pamela Waley (London: Tamesis Books Ltd., 1971), X V I I - X I X . 43 "The popularity of the Carcel de amor," Hispania, 47 (1964), 475-8. 17 Chapter Two Diego de San Pedro: "el trobador" The reign of the Catholic Monarchs brought to Spain not only national unity, power and wealth, but also an impressive 1 intelectual activity. Queen Isabella herself fostered edu-cation and learning. She supervised a complete reform of the education and morals of the clergy, and fomented the spread of the new humanistic learning from Italy and the Netherlands. Writers at her court were encouraged, and they multiplied under the protection of enthusiastic patrons. It was a time for experimenting with new forms imported from abroad, and a time for polishing those forms native to the homeland. Poetry, prose fiction, and drama flourished and at the same time scholars were applying themselves to the study of the Spanish language. The royal chronicler, Juan de Lucena, describes the atmosphere of the court as follows: "Jugaba e l Rev, eran todos tahures; estudia la Reina, somos agora 2 estudiantes." The contrast with the court of Isabella's brother, Henry IV, was great. The decadence that had begun during the reign of John II in the earlier part of the century, continued to sink Castile into social, p o l i t i c a l , and eco-nomic unrest. The Cortes were divided and weak; the Church was immensely wealthy, powerful, and was made up mainly of uneducated clergymen; the nobles ignored royal authority and f i n a l l y they deposed Henry in favour of his brother Alphonse. The kingdom was weak and demoralized by famine, drought, the rise in the price of staple foods, debasement 18 of the coinage, brigandage, violence, and sporadic outbreaks of the plague. Art and letters could not fluorish in such a turbulent atmosphere. The vigorous cultural revival begun by Alphonse the Wise in the thirteenth century was dead, despite John II's earlier attempts to rekindle i t . Henry and his court accurately represented the sad state of affairs. They were indolent, licentious, and totally unconcerned with the problems of the kingdom. The nobles could no longer tolerate the King's misrule, and his alleged impotence and homosexuality could not allow them to accept the succession of the Queen's daughter Joanna, reputedly fathered by the Queen's favourite, Beltr&n de la Cueva. The accession of Isabella to the throne in 1474, and her marriage to Ferdinand of Aragon was fortunate for the country. Together they reconquered power and wealth for the Castilian crown, and guided the kingdom to that peace and posterity which foments learning and a r t i s t i c production. The Queen's personal library contained an.-.extensive variety of volumes on subjects ranging from the works of Aristotle and the classics, to Arthurian romances and novels of chivalry. The refined literary atmosphere of the court 3 favoured feminism, and i t revitalized the type of courtly love poetry that had bloomed earlier during the reign of John II. There, Diego de San Pedro found the fervent support of the ladies, together with the encouragement of his patrons, Don Juan Tellez-Girdn, Alcaide de los Donceles, and Dona Marina 4 Manuel to whom he dedicated the Carcel de amor. He was the 19 courtly poet par excellence. His writings responded to the taste, fashion, and ideology of his aristocratic milieu, and they embodied the very subjects that occupied the minds of his public. San Pedro's style and language reflect his awareness of the particular literary demands of his audience. Keith Whinnom comments on this aspect of San Pedro's talent: the ve r s a t i l i t y of Diego de San Pedro i s note-worthy even in the fifteenth century, not only for the variety of forms and topics which he was prepared to tackle, but for the chameleon-like way in which he adapted his style and language to the matter in hand or the audience to which i t was to be addressed. 5 Who was Diego de San Pedro? We know virtually nothing about him. Most historians and c r i t i c s of literature provide us with l i t t l e reliable biographical data. None of his works is dated, and the dates of his birth and death are not re-corded. San Pedro reveals a few autobiographic data through his works. He lived in Penafiel in the late fifteenth century. He spent 29 years in the service of don Juan Tellez-Giron, presumably beginning in 1469 when don Juan became Count of Urena. He was a courtier engaged in the duties and pastimes proper to his station in l i f e . He was an experienced soldier who fought in the war of Granada and a poet who praised the beauty of the ladies of the court. Other information concerning San Pedro's l i f e and identity i s mere speculation. Several well known scholars have confused Diego de San Pedro with two other men who have the same name. Nicolas Antonio, the great seventeenth-century bibliographer, believed 20 him to be a poet of the reign of John II (1406-1454), following Jose Pellicer's Informe del oriqen, antiguedad, calidad i suce-si6n de la excelentisima Casa de Sarmiento de Villamayor y_ las unidas a e l l a por casamiento. Menendez y Pelayo thought that he had ^corrected" this error of identification around 1905 by mistaking our San Pedro for a lieutenant of Don Pedro Gir6n, who lived one generation earlier that the author of 6 the Carcel de amor. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori also discusses San Pedro's identity extensively, and .'- draws some totally 7 unacceptable conclusions. As Whinnom has established in his important works on San Pedro, we know that he was at the service of Juan Tellez-Gir5n?(the son of Don Pedro Gir6n), and that he lived in Pena-f i e l and wrote his works approximately between 1480 and 1506. But everything else we are told about San Pedro remains to be proved certain. _ ,. _ - ' v ~, G i l i y Gaya was the f i r s t to determine a possible chro-nology i n of San Pedro's works, based on what the poet declares in some of his writings. In the dedication of his Desprecio de la Fortuna, San Pedro reminds the Count of Urena that he has served him for twenty-nine years (p.235). He begins this poem by repudiating his frivolous writings ("obras vanas/ y en escripturas livianas") and in particular the Carcel de amor, and we realize through his own wor.ds that this i s perhaps his last work, and that he i s no longer young. E pues carga la hedad donde conosco mi yerro, afuera la liviandad, pues que ya mi vanidad ha cumplido su destierro. (p.236) 21 The Carcel de amor ( f i r s t printed in 1492) was written after 1483, after the war of Granada had begun, because the author refers to the war at the beginning of his work: Despues de hecha la guerra del ano pasado, viniendo a tener e l inuierno a mi pobre reposo, pasando por vnos valles hondos y escuros en la Sierra Morena.(pp.115-6) G i l i y Gaya sets the date for Arnalte y_ Lucenda, printed in 1491 and mentioned in the Carcel, after 1477, because San Pedro could not have written in praise of Queen Isabella while his master was s t i l l an enemy of the Queen. We know that Juan Tellez Gir6n surrendered to Isabella in 1476. As G i l i y Gaya has pointed out, we have documentary evi-dence that San Pedro was already a lieutenant of Penafiel in 1452, and this position could not have been occupied by a man younger than twenty - five years of vage-« There-fore, when we consider the age at which San Pedro could have become lieutenant, and add to this his twenty-nine years of service to the Count of Urena, we are able to f i x San Pedro's age at around, e3 fifty-eight years when he wrote the Desprecio (p.xxxi i ) . The same feeble data that helped scholars confuse San Pedro with the homonymous senator and poet of John II, and with the bachiller and lieutenant of Pedro Giron, supports the belief that he was a converso. Menendez y Pelayo founded his suspicions on two questionable anecdotes told by Luis Zapata in his Miscelanea, which refer to "el que trob6 la Pasi6n". Whinnom has rightly objected to Don Marcelino's conclusion. Although San Pedro's Passion trobada was the most 22 popular of a dozen similar narrative poems on the Passion of Christ, there i s insufficient evidence to prove that Zapata i s referring to our author, Even Menendez y Pelayo 8 points out Zapata's tale as "fuente turbia e insegura" . Cotarelo y Mori has tried to prove San Pedro's Jewish origin basing his theory on a series of documents found in the Archivo Nacional de Madrid which concern the lineage of the Fonseca family. The evidence against the family was primarily a sambenito found in the church of Santa Maria de Penafiel, dated 1494. The presence^of the sambenito condemned Costanza.,_whbo.was- an'" ancestor of- the Fonseca family sand the wife' of-a..merchant from Pehafdel also calleddDiego de.. San Pedro, 9 for being an "hereje, apostata judeizante." Although the conclusion of the investigators and the testimony of the witnesses does not prove that this San Pedro was the author of Ccircel de amor, Cotarelo insists on his theory. As a f i n a l reason to believe in San Pedro's Jewish-ness, Cotarelo states that his name was typical of conversos It i s true that many Spanish Jews who converted to Christian-i t y in the fifteenth century did take names like San Pedro, Santa Maria, Santa Fe, place names, illustrious names or the name of their baptismal sponsors or godfather. However, in Castile there was an old family of the lesser nobility, o r i -ginally from Cantabria, who may well have been the author's 10 family. Stephan Gilman, following Americo Castro, has insisted on the fact that San Pedro was a "mayordomo of Don Pedro T5llez-Gir6n" and he concludes (without giving any supporting 23 evidence) that San Pedro had Jewish blood, because this 11 office was the privilege of conversos . He also considers that the tragic ending of the Carcel expresses the despair and hopelessness of the converso. In his opinion, suicide is the only solution for the alienated converso: "a person that might well have abandoned one faith without gaining another, a potentially lost soul, skeptical of traditional 12 dogma and morality," a man "abandoned by God". This kind of statement may be true about some conversos, but i t i s certain that they do not apply to San Pedro. Gilman ignores literary tradition and assumes that suicide or dying of love is not a characteristic theme of sentimental literature. The poets of the Cancionero, after the troubadours and the Ita-lian poets of the dolce s t i l nuovo, conceive death as the 13 logical outcome of the "maladye of love". Petrarch's words, "Che bel f i n fa chi ben amando muore" are echoed by Jorge Manrique, who seeks release from his torture of love in this verse: No tardes muerte, que muero; ven, porque viva contigo; quiereme, pues que te quiero, que con tu vida espero 14 no tener guerra conmigo.(CGII,468) In the "Estoria de Ardanlier e Liesa" in the Siervo libre de amor by Rodriguez de la Camara, Ardanlier commits suicide when he finds his beloved Liesa murdered by his father. Numerous popular legends, like the Leyenda de la Pena de los Enamorados, have the lovers willingly taking their lives rather than renouncing their love. In several tales of Boccaccio's Decamerone, especially number IV -"Guiscardo e 24 Segismunda", the lovers are punished with death or commit 15 suicide. Moreover, the sadness that characterizes Leriano i s not what Gilman describes as the hopelessness of the con-verso, but the attitude of a lover in the best courtly love tradition, what Otis Green call s the amor tristeza of Ausias March who exclaims in the f i r s t line of his Cants dd'amor: "Qui no es t r i s t de mos dictats no cur" and causes Santillana to cry in despair "sacatme/ de tan grand pena e sentit mi mal: 16 e s i lo denegades, acabatme." Leriano's death is that of the perfect lover, and his last thought sums up the creed of the courtly love poets: "guien amando es desdichado/ y sin ser querido quiere,/ no 17 vive hasta que muere". There i s the resonance of a "con-summatum est" in Leriano's words, but such use of sacred sub-jects in a profane context is also characteristic of the "religion of love", and only too common in the fifteenth cen-tury. C. S. Lewis has observed that When he {^Lancelot 3 comes before the bed where she CGuinevereU lies he kneels and adores her: as ehEeti;enp.explicit.ly^ itellsvius,: there .is -no" corseynt in whom he has greater faith. When he leaves her chamber he makes a genuflexion as i f he were before a shrine. The ir r e l i g i o n of the religion of love could hardly go further . . ."18 The Missa de amor by Suero de Ribera, the Manual de confe-sores y penitentes by Martin de Azpilcueta, Los diez mandamien- tos de amor by Juan Rodriguez de la Camara (or del Padron), and Diego de San Pedro's own Sermon are good examples of the appli-cation of sacred liturgy within the "religion of love". The Inquisition condemned this practice, and called Leriano's "Prueva por enxemplos la bondad de las mugeres" a heresy. If 25 we view the religion of love against the Christian religion i t mimics, as Menendez y Pelayo and G i l i y Gaya did, we must agree that i t i s heretical. But once we study i t only under the light of the literary tradition i t represents, i t appears as a glorification of love expressed in terms of religion, the l o f t i e s t human-experience. Father Alexander J . Denomy observes that although the troubadour's concept of love i s at variance with Christian morality and i s irreconcilable with the doctrine of the Church: there i s no indication, implied or explicit, that they were conscious of anything shocking, irreverent or disrespectful in invoking divine assistance to further their quest for what in Christianity i s immoral. They do not seem to be conscious of the sinfulness and immorality of their concept. 19 Father Denomy declares the religion of love amoral and totally unconcerned ideologically with Religion. It i s idle to pursue further the subject of San Pedro's presumed Jewishness, since, whether or not he was a converso, his work remains that of a courtly poet who sought to please his audience with works that reflect his literary conscious-ness. San Pedro's writings should not be approached from a religious point of view; they are the creation of a poet familiar with literary tradition, Latin rhetoric, and the contemporary atmosphere. San Pedro was mainly interested in entertaining his readers, in writing what Whinnom accurately call s "best sellers"(p.130). ..- A brief-survey of San Pedro's literary production w i l l help us to appreciate the versatile artistry of the author of Carcel de amor. San Pedro's earliest works, La Passion trobada and Las  siete anqustias de Nuestra Sefiora have a religious theme that contrasts sharply with his later courtly poems and novels. However, both works respond to religious literary trends which were very popular in the late Middle Ages. La Passi5n enjoyed extraordinary success. It could s t i l l be found among devo-tional readings in the nineteenth century, despite many muti-lations and corrections. In Keith Whinnom's opinion, one of the factors that contributed to i t s diffusion and popularity was that i t was a "very early Spanish response to an emotional need which had been f e l t in varying intensity throughout Europe for at least two hundred years." .. Whinnom adds that people aspired to a closer relationship with God, free from the tre-mendous obstacles that the Church had imposed. San Pedro's La passion trobada, like Thomas a Kempis' Imitation of Christ, urged devotion to Christ, and insisted on the importance of spiritual l i f e and on imitating Christ's example. In other words, i t returned man to his original beliefs, the message of the (gospels, which were now corrupted by apocryphal tra-dition and theology. Las siete angustias i s a modest r e l i -gious poem in the same tone of La passion. It i s f u l l of the charming simplicity characteristic of the literary tradition i t represents, the singing of the Seven Joys and the parallel Seven Sorrows of the Holy Virgin, a theme f i r s t glossed in 22 Spain by Alfonso e l Sabio in his Cantigas de Santa Maria. Despite the popularity of these two religious poems, San Pedro abandoned the devotional themes entirely in favor of the courtly love tradition. Undoubtedly, the great popularity 27 of the romances of chi v a l r y and the Cancionero poetry domi-nated the atmosphere of the court and San Pedro's a r i s t o -c r a t i c audience expected him to compose romantic verse and prose. San Pedro's love poems are those t y p i c a l of a courtly poet, inspired as t h e i r headings indicate, by incidents of h i s l i f e - a s a^courti-er^tb' "una (poesia) que hizo a una dama de l a reyna dona Isabel," "Del mismo porque algunos presumian que s i r v i 6 secreto a una dama y £l por desfazelles su opi-ni6n dice que nos muestra," "Del mismo porque dio una carta de amores en un guante a una- dama, y e l l a de desenbuelta l a mostr6 a unos caballeros que l a S e r v i a n porque burlasen del; y £l supolo y embiole estas coplas"(pp.213-32)., Like the Cancionero poets, San Pedro had the spontaneity, wit, and l i n g u i s t i c and r h e t o r i c a l capacity to rephrase old themes and render them into fresh and ingenious poems. Most of these poems are conceived within the courtly love t r a d i -t i o n and suggest the romantic atmosphere of the court where groups of a r i s t o c r a t i c men and women were mainly concerned with art, love and war. San Pedro writes assuming the ro l e of a courtly lover who suffers hopelessly: E sufro este trago fuerte donde ay dolores tan fuertes, por ver s i podra mi suerte despedir con vna muerte l a muerte de tantas muertes.' (p.214) and f r e e l y applies the language of the r e l i g i o n of love: Quando, seflora, entre nos oy l a P a s s i 6 n se dezfa, bien podeys creerme vos que sembrando l a de Dios nascio e l dolor de l a mia. (p.220) 28 San Pedro^s courtly works were designed to please his group of friends at the court and his master the Count of Urena. Hence, shortly after Urena had declared allegiance to Queen Isabella, San Pedro wrote a panegyric in praise of the Queen in order to reiterate his loyaltv, and that of his 23 master. Arnalte y_ Lucenda i s San Pedro's f i r s t sentimental novel and together with the Serm6n i s considered a precursor of the Cgrcel. i t The role of this novel as a "primer esbozo" of Carcel de amor w i l l be discussed in a later chapter. The Serm6n ordenado por Diego de San Pedro, porque dixe-ron unas sefioras que le desseaban oir predicar (pp.99-111), is a code for lovers written within the tradition of the treatises of love popular throughout the Middle Ages and whose most famous exponents were Ovid's Ars Amatoria and Andreas Capellanus"De arte honeste amandi, San Pedro follows the rules of the mediaeval religious learned sermon, though he finds his thema in the Gospel according to San Aficion which i s designed to advise the ladies and nobles of the court about the appropriate conduct of love. The author's mastery of rhetoric, and his v e r s a t i l i t y as a writer, are evident in the s k i l f u l development of his Sermon. He practiced the rigid rules of the learned sermon with no d i f f i c u l t y . Thema, prothema, and peroratio or clausio are carefully elaborated in the language and terms of the religion of love. He often exaggerates his examples in order to amuse the ladies of the audience, in the manner of Ovid in the Ars Amatoria and Andreas in the De arte honeste amandi For instance; 29 iComo, senoras, no es bien que conozcays la obediente voluntad con que vuestros siervos no quieren ser nada suyps por serlo del todo yues-tros?; ique trasportados en yuestro merescimien-to, ni tienen seso para fablar, ni razon para responder, ni sienten por do van, ni saben por do vienen, ni fablan a prop6sito, ni se mudan por conciertos estando en la yglesia y a l cabo del altar, preguntan s i es hora de comer. 0 quantas vezes les acaesce tener e l manjar en la mano entre la boca y e l platp por gran espa-cio, no sabiendo de desacordados quien lo ha de comer, ellos o e l platell Quando se van a acos-tar preguntan s i amanesce, e quando se levantan preguntan s i ya es de noche.(p.108) San Pedro applies the precepts of his Sermon in the Carcel de amor, where the unfortunate Leriano exemplifies the perfect lover in the best Arthurian tradition, though not in the humorous manner described above. San Pedro was primarily concerned with pleasing his audience. Thus, the form and content of his entire literary production reflect the taste and ideas fashionable among fifteenth-century Spanish courtiers. The same adaptable s k i l l that rendered a l l his works successful, lead San Pedro to create his perfect courtly romance. 30 Footnotes to Chapter Two 1 A good account of the historical background can be found in Luis Suarez Hernandez, Juan Mata Carriazo and Ma-nuel Fernandez Alvarez, La Espana de los Reyes Gat6licos (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1969), and in John H. E l l i o t Imperial Spain 1469-1716 (London: Arnold, 1963). 2 Juan de Lucena, "Eplstola exhortatoria a las letras," i n Opusculos literarios de los siqlos XIV a XVI, ed. A. Paz y Melia (Madrid!, Sociedad de Bibl i 6 f i l o s EspaSoles, 1892), cited by Whinnom, p.32. 3 Jacobo Omstein, "La misoginia y e l profeminismo en la literatura castellana," Revista de Filologia Hispanica, 3 (1941), 219-32. 4 Both Dona Marina Manuel and the Alcaide de los Don-celes were connected to the Tellez Gir6n by marriage. Co-tarelo wrongly identified Dona Marina Manuel with a certain Maria Manuel born after 1510. Whinnom rectifies this mis-take in his a r t i c l e "The Mysterious Marina Manuel," Studia  Iberica t Festschrift f tlr JHaris Flasche(Berna> 1973), 689-95. 5 Whinnom, p.130. 6 K. Whinnom, "Two San Pedro's," Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 42 (1965), 255-58. 7 Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, "Nuevos y curiosos datos biogr5ficos del famosos trovador y novelista Diego de San Pedro," BoletIn de la Real Academia Espanola, 14 (1927), 305-26. Though Cotarelo y Mori's evidence has proved to be inaccurate by Whinnom in "Was Diego de San Pedro a con-verso?" Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 34 (1957), 187-200, G i l i y Gaya Tn his prologue to the Obras and others like Marquez Villanueva ("Caxcel de amor.novela polltica") use i t as a basis for their. Own conjectures about the author. G i l i y Gaya does not hesitate to declare that "E. Cotarelo revel6 indicios suficientes para pensar que hubo entre sus antepasados algunos judlos conversos." pp.xxiv-xxv. 8 Orlqenes, p.501. 9 E. Cotarelo y Mori, "Nuevos y curiosos datos," p.312. 10 See K. Whinnom, "Was Diego de San Pedro a converso?" P.189. 11 The Spain of Fernando de Rojas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), p.26J7 Gilman mistakes the name of Juan T e l l e z Gir6n for Pedro. He was probably thinking of Don Juan's father. 31 12 Ibid., p.18 and 154. 13 It was the belief of serious writers that love could cause death. From Ancient times, love was considered an often mortal disease. The troubadours were only giving a poetic interpretation to this well-established theory when they pointed out that death was the healer of the(,maladyeB. See Massimo Ciavolella, "La tradizione della malattia d'amore dal mondo classico a l i a scriptum super cantilena Guidonis Cavalcantibus di Dino del Garbo," Diss. University of Brit-ish Columbia, 1973,p.14. 14 Cited in Otis Green, The Literary Mind of Mediaeval  and Renaissance Spain (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p.62. 15 H. T. Oostendorp, "El conflicto," pp.40-85. 16 Otis Green, The Literary Mind, p.61. 17 Pedro Manuel Ximenez de Urrea, Cancionero, :;p. 388, cited in Otis Green, The Literary Mind, p.62. Also see Pedro Salinas, Jorge Manrique o tradicion y_ originalidad (Buenos Aires: Edito-r i a l Sudamericana, 1947), where Salinas studies in depth the tradition of poetry and the torment of the unattainable love of the troubadours. 18 C. S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1973), p.29. Also see J. Huizinga, The Waning, pp.151-200. 19 A. Denomy C.S.B., The Heresy of Courtly Love (New York: Boston College Candlemass Lectures on Christian Literature, 1947), p.27. 20 Both G i l i y Gaya and Whinnom believe La passi6n tro-bada to be San Pedro's earliest work. The discovery of a manuscript version of the poem in an anthology dated 1480 reinforces their hypothesis. Las siete angustias de Nues-tra Senora i s thought to have been written at about the same date as the Passi6n, although the earliest printed version of this poem 'is?r! included in the f i r s t edition of the Arnalte y_ Lucenda (Burgos, 1491). 21 Whinnom, p.46. 22 Whinnom, p.59. 23 Whinnom, p.119. 32 Chapter Three The courtly love tradition and the Carcel de amor Menendez y Pelayo pointed out that Arnalte y Lucenda was a primer esbozo of the Carcel, and that the antecedents of San Pedro's novel were Boccaccio's Fiammetta, the Historia de duobus amantibus Euralius et Lucretia by Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, and the Siervo libre de amor by Juan Rodriguez 1 del Padron and their imitations. Literary historians have continued to repeat this theory without examining the im-portant differences that exist between these works and the Carcel. The f i r s t two novels belong to a different genre than the Carcel, and the Siervo has i t s origins in the Arthurian romances rather than in the Ovidian tale or the 2 novella. The antecedents of the Carcel de amor are to be found not so much in the Fiammetta and the Historia, but rather in a general trend towards amorous stories rooted in the escuela provenzal, the roman courtois, and the love poetry of Italy known as the dolce s t i l nouvo. Boccaccio's novella and Piccolomini's tale reflect the taste for sentimental stories that characterizes the l i t e -rary atmosphere of the period, and they signify the begin-ning of a bourgeois novelistic genre which had l i t t l e reper-cussion in Castilian literature at the time of Diego de San 3 Pedro. The influence of the novella does not appear in Castile until the publication of the novels of Juan de Flo-res, around 1495. A brief description of the Spanish senti-mental novel before San Pedro together with the novels of 33 Piccolomini and Boccaccio w i l l show how l i t t l e they intervened in the elaboration of the Carcel de amor. The Siervo libre de amor of Juan Rodriguez del Padron 4 is considered to be the f i r s t Spanish sentimental novel. It i s divided into three allegorical parts. The author ex-plains the meaning of this in the prologue: El siguiente tractado es departido en tres partes principales, segun tres diversos tiempos que en sy contiene, figurados por tres caminos y tres arbores consagrados, que se refieren a tres partes del alma, es a saber, a l corazon y a l libre albedrio y a l entendimiento e a tres varios pensa-mientos de aquellos. La primera parte prosigue el tiempo que bien amo y fue amado: figurado por e l verde arrayan, plantado en la espaciosa via que dicen de bien amar, por do siguio' el corazon en e l tiempo que bien amaba. La segunda se refiere a l i tiempo que bien amo y fue desamado por e l arbor del paraiso, plantado en la desciente via que es la desesperacion, por do quisiera seguir e l desespe-rante libre albedrio. La tercera y f i n a l trata e l tiempo que no am6 ni fue amado: figurado por la verde oliva, plantado en la muy agra y angosta senda, que e l siervo entendimiento bien quisiera seguir. 5 Technically speaking the novel i s divided into two parts: 1) the main plot in which the principal character i s the author. This section can be considered intimate or sentimen-t a l because of i t s analysis of personal experience;* and be-cause i t i s primarily concerned with love, and 2) an interpolated romantic f i c t i o n with the t i t l e of Estoria de los dos amadores Ardanlier y_ Liesa. The Siervo, like a l l sentimental novels, i s autobiographical and i s written in the form of a letter from the author in answer to a friend's inquiry about an unfortunate love affair• Occasionally there are poems interspersed in the narrative 34 as at the beginning of the Arnalte. Also like the Arnalte, the Siervo i s developed according to elaborate mediaeval rhet-oric, with the author using allegory to express the emotional 6 experience. The Estoria de dos amadores i s told in the third person, although the author also uses some letters written by him in the f i r s t person, and intervenes with headings such as "Fabla e l Auctor", "Fabla e l entendimiento", "Lamidoras, y dize", "El autor prosigue la Estoria", or simply giving the name of the speaker. The Estoria contains six poems with varying degrees of relevance to the context of the narrative and the description of an allegorical landscape. The story i s based on elements from the story of Dona Ines de Castro and the chivalresque legends of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. The Prince Ardanlier loves Liesa but his father, the King, i s opposed to their relationship. As a result, the two lovers run away from the court and live in several foreign courts where Ardanlier wins great fame through his courage. Later, when they are living in a palace in the forest, the King discovers them and murders Liesa in the absence of Ardanlier. The Prince commits suicide when he finds Liessa dead. The Siervo has two important imitations in Castile, the Satira de feli c e e infelice vida of the Condestable de Portu-gal (1468), and the Repeticion de amores by Luis de Lucena. The f i r s t work follows the Siervo closely, but does not have an interpolated story. There i s a reference to Ardanlier and a defense of "ilustres mugeres", and the narration i s adorned 35 with a display of classical erudition in the form of glosas. Lucena amplifies one of these glosses on Cupid in his Repe-ticion in order to comment on the copla Maldezir de mugeres by Pere Torrellas. Lucena developes his story of unhappy love in the same fashion as his predecessors, and when he i s rejected by the lady, turns to a vituperation of women in general. Pamela Waley includes the anonymous novel Triste deley-tacion in her brief review of the sentimental novel before Juan de Flores. 7 The Triste deleytaci6n seems to be of Cata-Q lan origin although i t i s written in Castilian and follows a pattern similar to that of the Satira and the Repetici6n. We also find in Catalonia several novel*letes senti-10 mentals unknown to Menendez y Pelayo. This genre seems to have been more popular among Catalan writers, perhaps due to their earlier contact with Provencal and Italian literature, and although there are important differences among them, they share the same concern with the sentimental. They contain diverse elements common to most sentimental novels, such as the autobiographical framework, the use of allegory, the praise or blame of women, references to visions and dreams, mytho-logical and classical allusions, didactic elements, mixture of verse and prose, Latinized syntax, speeches, letters, etc. The Siervo libre de amor and i t s imitations can be consid-ered as forerunners of the Career, because they contain ele-ments used by San Pedro in his novel, elements that constitute the basic characteristics of the sentimental novel. The Siervo, like the Carcel, springs from the Arthurian tradition, although 36 they seem to have been inspired by different sources. The adventures of Ardanlier and Liessa in the forest are remi-niscent of those of Tristan and Iseult. Like Tristan and Iseult the Fair, the lovers portrayed by Rodriguez enjoy their love f u l l y and they do not follow the conventions of courtly love, even though Ardanlier, like Tristan, i s an accomplished knight. The romance of Tristan was written some-time in the twelfth century, before courtly love became a common topic in the courts of Poitiers and the subject matter of much poetry and f i c t i o n . Therefore, the main difference between the Estoria and the Carcel, i s that the former finds inspiration in the story of "1'amant £ternel t e l qu'il est", and the latter in the convention of "1'amant t e l qu'il doit e t r e " . 1 1 The t i t l e s of the two novels by San Pedro and Rodriguez underlines their relationship in terms of their content, and their recourse to allegory and to the courtly love tradition. Rodriguez del Padr6n describes his servitude of love in the terms of the courtly code of love. Despite the didactic intention of the Siervo ("para que sientas la gran f a l l i a 12 de los amadores y poca fianza de los amigos"), i t was i t s glorification of love and lovers that gave i t fame and account-ed for i t s influence upon Rodriguez'- followers. The two most influential aspects of the Siervo were the author's profeminist attitude, later developed in his Triun-fo de las donas, and his concern for the lady's honour. This is evident in the works of Lucena, of the Condestable de Por-tugal, in the Triste deleytacion and in San Pedro's Carcel de 37 amor. Menendez y Pelayo and others maintain that "los verda-deros e inmediatos modelos de la novela erotica hay que bus-13 carlos en I t a l i a " , namely in the Fiammetta by Giovanni Boc-caccio, which Menendez considers a "curiosisimo ensayo de 14 psicologia femenina". Evidently this work enjoyed a tremen-dous popularity in Spain. The Marquis of Santiliana makes Boccaccio one of the protagonists in his Comedieta de Ponza, and the Catalan Rocaberti includes Pamphilus and Fiammetta 15 in his Comedia de la gloria de amor. But popular as i t was, and even though i t may have influenced the Spanish erotic novel in general, the Fiammetta has nothing in common with the Carcel. Its content, characters, and mood are entirely different from those of San Pedro's novel. Boccaccio's novella t e l l s the story of an adulterous love aff a i r between a married woman and an unscrupulous man. The lofty principles of ideal love and honour defended by troubadour and Cancionero poets are absent from the Fiammetta. The protagonists are involved in a sexual aff a i r , and Fiam-metta 's passionate complaint of her being abandoned and Pamphilus* cynical attitude are in contradiction with the 16 romantic ideal of courtly love portrayed in the Carcel. Pamphilus and Fiammetta are bourgeois hero and heroine, v i c -tims of a"yerro comun" which Pamela Waley considers to be "a step away from the indispensable hyperbole of chivalresque fi c t i o n and towards the human i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of Calisto and 17 Melibea." The Historia de duobus amantibus, like the Fiammetta, 38 i s inspired by Ovidian erotic material, and despite i t s obs-cenity (which caused the author great embarassment when he later became Pope Pius II) i t was written with a didactic intention, or as Menendez y Pelayo puts i t , with "interes 18 profundamente historico y humano." It i s clear that San Pedro had Aeneas Silvius* work in mind when he wrote the Arnalte. but in the Cctrcel de amor he eliminated the Ovi-dian elements of his f i r s t novel and of the Estoria. For this reason Rudolph Schevill does not classify the Carcel or the 19 Siervo libre de amor as Ovidian tales. Some of the striking similarities between the Arnalte and the Historia pointed out by Schevill and that set them apart from the Carcel are: the hero f a l l i n g in love at the funeral of the lady's father, the lover disguising himself as a woman, his confiding his secret to a friend with disastrous results, the lady's yielding to the threat of his absence, and the quoting of Ovidian precepts and maxims. The only Ovidian features of the Carcel de amor are the use of letters and the intervention of a go-between. The Ovidian sounding echoes we find in the Carcel from the Arnalte are not necessarily Ovidian, and the differences between the two novels of San Pedro are more important than the similar-i t i e s . In fact, San Pedro was well aware of the correspon-dence between both works, as he declares in his letter to Don Diego Hernandes, Alcayde de los Donzeles: Podre ser reprehendido s i en lo que agora escriuo tornare a dezir algunas razones de las que en otras cosas he dicho; . . . porque como he hecho otra escritura de la calidad de esta, no es de marauillar que la memoria desfallesca;(p.115) 39 Both novels begin in the same way, with the author wandering in a wilderness and meeting with a disdained lover who, after a meal, t e l l s his story. In Carcel de amor, the author heightens both the lyricism and the realism of his narration by integrating the allegorical vision with a con-crete physical setting, the Sierra Morena after the summer campaign. Arnalte t e l l s his story to the author who passes i t onto the ladies of the court, as was Arnalte*s desire. Leriano only explains his present condition in order to beg for the help of the Auctor. The Auctor then becomes an ac-tive participant in the story, and thus his second narrative becomes a more complete and unified novel in which a l l ele-ments are harmoniously and r e a l i s t i c a l l y combined. Another important difference between the two novels is the fact that the plot is much more carefully planned in the Carcel and the characters are more dignified. Leriano and Laureola behave according to their superior social status. When Leriano loses a l l hope, he simply lets himself die as befits a perfect lover. It is precisely Leriano's character as a perfect lover and knight that sets him apart from Ar-nalte, and renders the Carcel a romantic or sentimental novel instead of an Ovidian tale. Arnalte i s conceived according to Ovid's instructions in his Ars amatoria. When Arnalte f a l l s in love with Lucenda he resorts, as Ovid advises, to a l l the stratagems he can think of in order to win her affection. He does not hesitate to compromise her honour by making public show of his feelings for her, as when he has musicians serenade her from the 40 street (p.27), sends his page to enter her household fur-tively (p.20), forces a letter upon her even in the pre-sence of the Queen (pp.35-36);follows her to her room (p.36), and lies to her. Also, Ovidian comic elements of the Ar-nalte (dressing in women's clothes or the servant searching for a letter in the rubbish) are absent from the Carcel. Arnalte*s unheroic character i s further evident when he accuses Lucenda of cruelty for having rejected him after he k i l l e d her husband, and he conceitedly adds: porque a mi perdonando loada tu seas, e l pe-sar con plazer matize, porque todas tus v i r -tudes eran conoscidas y £sta encubierta; e l cual perd6n s i non fazes, mucho de repreehen-der seras."(p.72) Arnalte's unchivalrous behaviour undermines the con-cept of a grand passion, and consequently his sufferings and fi n a l self-exile seem unconvincing. However, some traits of Arnalte y Lucenda are precursors of the ideal lovers of Car-cel de amor. Despite his violence and selfishness, Arnalte suffers from the malady of love. He does not set out in search of a woman, as Ovid advises, but is instantly struck by Lucenda's beauty in the manner of a courtly lover. Only a few minutes after seeing.her at her father's funeral, he shows the symp-toms of enamoramiento: "enmudecido sin mas detenerme fuy la soledad a buscar para que ell a e mis pensamientos compa-nia me fiziesen"(p.20), an attitude echoed in the Carcel when Leriano withdraws to his Prison of Love after meeting Laureola (p.122). Lucenda and Laureola, on the other hand, are two repre-sentatives of the same prototype, for ladies play a passive 41 role in both Ovidian and courtly love traditions. The only difference between Lucenda and Laureola is their social class. Laureola i s a princess, and she i s therefore more proud and inflexible than Lucenda. The Auctor has to be very tactful before t e l l i n g her about Leriano, and when he can f i n a l l y plead on Leriano's behalf, she i s piadosa but inflex-ible, as befits a lady of the highest rank (p.132). Arnalte combines the feelings of courtly love with the conduct advised by Ovid, which i s in contradiction with the principles of courtly love. San Pedro must have noticed the incongruencies in Arnalte's personality, for when he decided to write a better story of love, he shaped the lover enti-rely on courtly ideals, eliminating the Ovidian features. The Carcel de amor signifies a departure from the Ovidian tradition of Arnalte and Estoria de duobus amantibus in con-tent and style. In the Carcel, these two aspects are provided for by the Serm5n which San Pedro wrote between his two no-vels. The theory of love preached by San Pedro in his Serm6n was inspired by the Provencal and Breton love literatures rather than by the psychological and sensual novella of the Italian Renaissance, which was closer to Ovid than to the i d e a l i s t i c teachings of courtly love; but before examining the code of behaviour that San Pedro put into practice in t n e Carcel, i t w i l l be useful to outline the characteristics of the courtly love tradition, i t s rules, and development. We do not know exactly how or where the courtly love 20 tradition originated. some scholars, among them Gastbn Paris (who introduced the term courtly love in 1883), Ernst R. 42 Curtius, C. S. Lewis and Samuel G i l i y Gaya believe that the idea of courtly love was introduced sometime during the eleventh or twelfth centuries by the French troubadours: Courtly love . . . appears guite sudenly at the end of the eleventh century in Languedoc . . . French poets discovered, or invented, or were the f i r s t to express, that romantic species of pas-sion." 21 John Jay Perry, among others, traces back to Ovid the origins of courtly love; Father Alexander Denomy traces i t to Avicenna; Ramon Menendez Pidal suggests a possible link between the erotic literature of Muslim Spain; and Peter Dronke claims that a l l aspects of courtly love are universal and can be found in Egypt, Bizantium, Georgia, the Islamic world, Mozarabic Spain, France, Germany, Iceland, Greece and Italy. But as far as the purpose of the present work goes, we do not need to pursue the origins of courtly love any further. However, i t is necessary to indicate the way in which the diverse elements of courtly love seem to have developed into the code of love expounded in Andreas Capellanus' treatise, De arte honeste amandi. In the Middle Ages, the most influential works dealing with the subject of love were those of the poet Ovid written during the reign of the Roman Emperor Augustus. They were the Ars amatoria, a parody, which was often taken seriously, of the technical treatises of Ovid's day, teaching the art and tech-niques of love; a supplement of the Ars called Amores which recounts some of Ovid's amorous experiences; and the Remedia Amor is which teaches how to end a love a f f a i r . For Ovid, love was a 43 purely sensual experience as i t was traditionally conceived in ancient literature, and his intention in writing his erot-i c poems was to amuse his audience with a supposedly serious treatise on the art of seduction. Some of the concepts contained in Ovid's poems are the basis of what later writers would develop into a system of love, and use as examples in works of prose and poetry. Examples of these theories are: (1) love only exists in an extramarital relationship, (2) the best partner in a love affa i r i s a married woman, (3) the affair needs to be kept secret because secrecy makes the affair more enjoyable and (4) the man should undergo a l l kinds of hardships in order to prove his love for his lady, never oppose her slightest wish, watch a l l night before her doors, perform a l l kinds of absurd actions, and become pale, thin and sleepless for the love of her. Ovid's poems were extremely popular during the twelfth 22 and thirteenth centuries. They were circulated both in Latin and in the vernaculars, and were often rewritten to adapt their content to mediaeval society. They were cited or assim-23 ilated in vernacular works in France, England,-and Spain. Ovidian material combined with other elements in the south of France and gave birth to a new erotic sensitivity. The princi-ples and conduct ironically recommended by Ovid became serious-ly pursued in mediaeval society and were integrated into the so-called Religion of Love. The s p i r i t behind the courtly love of the troubadour 44 poetry and the roman courtois i s entirely different from that of Ovid's work. The Ovidian concept that love i s a kind of warfare, where every lover i s a soldier with Cupid as a general i s also the creed of courtly love, but in courtly love, the lady becomes the feudal suzerain of the lover. This superior status of the lady, together with the concept of perfect love as unfulfilled desire, i s the main difference between the Ovidian and the courtly traditions. In the tradition of courtly love, the lover addresses the lady humbly and pays service to her, or to Cupid through 24 her, in what has been called the "feudalization" of love. The lover calls the lady midons meaning "my lord" and he owes her blind obedience and silent acquiescence in her rebukes, however unjust. The lover's love i s represented as a despair-ing and tragic emotion, and his attitude and that of his lady are as solemn*' amatory r i t u a l . The very sophisticated and gentle nature of the lovers', relationship makes this relation possible only among the high born. Only the noble and courteous can love, and their loving increases their courtesy. This idealization of the erotic experience into the category of noble servitude of love and into the Religion of Love has not been satisfactory explained. Ramon Menendez Pidal, Alfred Jeanroy and Alexander Denomy, among others, have attributed the change that the Ovidian erotic attitude underwent to the influence exerted by the culture of Muslim Spain. After the f a l l of the Caliphate of Cordova (1031), Moorish Spain was divided into twenty small but prosperous kingdoms or taifas. The atmosphere in these taifas was one 45 of luxury and culture, where literature was encouraged. Poets wandered from court to court singing their poems in exchange for shelter, food and wine, and many found patrons among the many poetry lovers found in the ta'ifas, very much like the troubadours of southern France would do a century later. The Arabs had two different attitudes to-wards love: one sensual in the manner of Ovid (and perhaps influenced by him) and another very spiritual tradition which is apparently based upon the work of Plato and best exem-p l i f i e d in The Dove's Neck Ring by the Andalusian poet Ibn Hazm in 1022. Ibn Hazm defines love as a reunion of parts of the soul in search for beauty because "the soul i s beau-t i f u l and passionately desires anything beautiful, and i n -25 clines towards perfect images." According to I-.him, true love makes the lover better: How many a stingy man becomes generous, and a gloomy becomes bright faced, and a coward be-comes brave, and a grouchy-dispositioned one be-comes gay, and an ignoramus becomes clever, and a slovenly one in his personal appearance 'dolled up', and an i l l shaped one becomes handsome.' 26 Only the noble can experience love: "Among the praiseworthy natural g i f t s and noble character and excellent character-27 i s t i c s in love and elsewhere is faithfulness." Regardless of the beloved's rank, the lover i s always humble before her "The surprising thing which happens in love i s the submis-28 siveness of the lover to his beloved," and though j_bn Hazm not condemn the physical aspect of love, he considers "the union of souls a thousand times finer in i t s effects than 29 that of the bodies." 46 Despite the many similarities between the new romantic attitude of Languedoc to the Arabic tradition of Platonic love, we have no concrete evidence that there was a contact between the troubadours and the Arabic world, although John Jay Parry assures us that William of Aquitaine introduced 30 the Arabic elements in the court of Ebles II of Ventadorfn. Another important influence upon the erotic ideology of Provence seems to have been Catharism. In his important study of this theory, Denis de Rougemont underlines some character-i s t i c s of Catharism that seem to point towards some of the concepts of the courtly love tradition. The Catharist heresy appeared in southern France simultaneously with courtly poetry and was a revival of the Manicheism of India and Persia, combined with surviving Celtic beliefs. The Manicheans wanted a mystical union with God and hated to be human. They rejected the carnal aspect of their beings and considered the Christian doctrine of the Incar-nation a scandal. They believe that: "God i s love. But the world He created i s e v i l . . . Man i s a fallen angel, imprisoned in matter, and on that account subject to the laws of the body in particular the most oppresive of these, the law of procreation." 31 They taught those who were perfect should not touch women, including their wives i f they were married. Only the common believers were allowed to consummate their marriages and concern themselves with worldy affairs. The perfect be-lievers sought to reunite themselves with God through death and by intercession of the Virgin Mary, whom they considered to be the Third person of the Trinity. Therefore, we find in 47 Manichean writings constant expressions of their longing for death, which i s said to have been awakened by a woman in the same way that the suffering courtly lover seeks to release himself, through death, from the torments caused by his beloved. This heresy was also called the Church of Love and according to some c r i t i c s i t had a secret code of signs 32 and symbols which also appears in the troubadour poetry, and which figure prominently in the f i r s t courtly romance, 33 Tristan and Iseult. According to De Rougemont, Manicheism synthesized many of the beliefs of the pre-Christian cults of Europe, par-ticularly the Celtic. The predominant surviving myth of the Celts featured a woman as the most prominent figure. She stirred up the belief in immortality and can be considered as the symbol of eternal desire. Consequently, she i s also "t'he dark lady, one whose dwelling i s in darkness and whose 34 charm is f a t a l . " Iseult, Tristan's beloved and the f i r s t literary example of the lady suzerain, i s believed to sym-bolize this woman. Whether the troubadour concept of love and women had i t s origins in Manicheism alone, in Arabic culture, in a change in human feeling as C. S. Lewis proposes (though he hurries 35 to add that "some of the mystery remains inviolate" ), or 36 in a basic universal feeling common to a l l pagan cultures, remains to be proved. The fact i s that we find elements of a l l these possible sources of the courtly-erotic attitude in the poetry of Provence and in the matiere de Bretaqne. The change of attitude from Ovidian sensuality to the g l o r i f i -cation of women and chaste love did take place sometime to-48 wards the end of the eleventh century and was perhaps due to a combination of a l l the above mentioned factors. There are some indications that the actual fusion of the various elements took place at the court of Viscount Ebles II of Ventadorn, a friend of William of Aquitaine, ... 37 the f i r s t troubadour of whom we have record. The most famous poet of Ebles, Bernart de Ventadorn, was responsible for introducing the new erotic ideas into the north of France when Duke William's granddaughter, Eleanor of Aquitaine, became queen. Both Eleanor and Bernart cultivated the new philosophy of love, f i r s t in Paris against considerable op-position on the part of her f i r s t husband Louis of France, and later in London with the support of her second husband Henry II of England. Eleanor's sons and daughters were patrons of literature. Prince Richard wrote poetry of his own and Countess Marie made Troyes, her husband's capital, into a literary center. The most famous figure of Marie's court, Chretien (whose f u l l name is not known), was responsible for incorporating the doctrine of courtly love in one of the most famous of Arthurian romances, Lancelot du Lac or Le conte de la Char-38 rete. Probably around the same time that Chretien de Troyes was writing the Lancelot, Andreas, the Chaplain of Marie's royal court, wrote his De arte honeste amandi. Andreas' book, like Ovid's poems, was an ironically didactic work on the art of love written at the direction of the countess. Andreas gathered the main elements of troubadour poetry and of romans 49 like Lancelot, and organized them into a treatise that, despite the obviously humorous nature of i t s f i r s t two books, was taken seriously by many. In Spain i t was used as a textbook for the courts of love established in Barce-lona by King John of Aragon (1350-1496) and his wife Vio-39 lant de Bar. However, Andreas' book also portrayed the conditions of the courts of Poitiers and Troyes, where court-ly love was practised in literature and in real l i f e . The De arte honeste amandi i s divided into three books which correspond roughly to the three Ovidian poems from which Andreas took some of his inspiration. In Book Two we find the rules of love as thev were supposedly given to a British 40 knight at King Arthur's court by Cupid, the King of Love. The thirty-one rules of love summarize what Andreas has a l -ready said in Book One and they can be narrowed down to a few basic principles: a) Love cannot exist in marriage though a lover should prefer to love a married woman. b) Although mixed love (physically f u l f i l l e d de-sire) i s permissible, perfect love (physically unf u l f i l l e d desire) is to be preferred. c) Secrecy i s essential in a love affair, for a secret love i s much pleasanter. d) A true lover considers as good nothing except what he thinks pleases his beloved, and each of his acts should end in the thought of her. He also ought to sleep and eat l i t t l e and undergo a l l kinds of vicissitudes for his beloved's sake. Book Three, unlike Remedia amoris, offers advice to avoid f a l l i n g in love and stresses the author's didactic intention: Read my art of love, not as one seeking to take up the l i f e of a lover, but. that invigorated by the theory and trained to excite the minds of 50 women to love, one may, by refraining from so doing, win an eternal recompense and thereby deserve reward from God. 41 Andreas points out the e v i l effects of love on soul and body, and he attacks women in a long antifeminist diatribe. The De arte honeste amandi sums up the ideas of courtly love, showing the procedures that should be followed by lovers in diverse aristocratic levels, such as between a man of the lesser nobility and, a lady of the higher nobility or 42 vice/versa. Andreas" concept of love does not at f i r s t seem very different from Ovid's. It appears essentially as lust: A certain inborn suffering from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex which causes each one to wish each other's embraces and by common de-sire to carry out a l l of love's precepts in the other's embrace.43 The allegorical concept of Love as a king or general who recruits men to serve him, i s common to both Ovidian and court-ly tradition. The symptoms and effects of love are the same as well as the emphasis on the extramarital nature of love. Some of the ways in which the lover ought to prove his love for his lady (to become pale, thin and sleepless, to watch a l l night before her doors and undergo a l l sort of hardship for her sake) are also the same. But what for Ovid i s a game of mutual deceit in which, as in warfare, a l l stratagems to win the beloved are permitted, for Andreas i s a complex social convention in which the lover is to win the lady's love through his virtue, prowess and intelligent arguments. Furthermore, while for Ovid the basic reason for loving i s to satisfy one's lust for a person of the opposite sex, for Andreas and his world the aim of loving i s the experience of loving i t s e l f 51 and consequently, unsatisfied desire i s considered as perfect love. Andreas even approves and encourages a l l that fans and provokes desire, for desire i s the means towards the f i n a l end of courtly love, the ennobling of the lover. Capellanus condemns impure love that i s founded on sensuality for sen-suality's sake and finds true love mixed with pure sensuality permissible, though less desirable, than pure love. In other words, for courtly lovers, true love means a powerful desire to be one in body and soul with the beloved, not for the sake of sexual gratification, but for the sake of enjoying the state of being in love which at the same time, ennobles the lover. The reward of courtly love i s to awaken in the beloved the same desire for the lover. We may conclude then, that the main characteristics that set courtly love apart from Ovidian eroticism are: a) The concept of perfect love as an ever-insatiating and ever-increasing desire. b) The elevation of the beloved to a position of su-periority over the lover. c) The ennobling force of love. These three concepts inspired Diego de San Pedro when he decided to create i n Carcel de amor a better love story than Arnalte y_ Lucenda. For the closer the lovers conform to these ideals, the more perfect their love i s and the more exemplary they are as lovers. The courtly tradition reached Spain at a later date. We know i t was practiced in Catalonia during the reign of John of Aragon (1350-1396) and later in Castile during the 52 44 reign of John II (1406-1454). The courts of love established by King John and his wife in Catalonia had a different s p i r i t from those conducted by Queen Eleanor and Countess Marie. Most of the affairs consisted of lengthy discussions of prob-lem of love-casuistry, and had very s t r i c t rules. However, courtly love poetry flourished in Catalonia and indeed con-45 tributed to some extent to the Provencal troubadour poetry. According to Jose" Amador de los Rios, i t i s possible that the active literary l i f e of the Aragonese Kingdom influenced the Castilian court; but Castile must have known the Galician-Portuguese Cantigas de amigo inspired by Provencal poetry. Imitations of Provencal poetry began to be written in Galician in the second half of the twelfth century, since Provencal poetry was carried to Galicia through the pilgrim route to Santiago de Compostela. At least two of the most out-standing poets of the court of Juan II, Macias e l Enamorado and Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino, were Galicians and 46 were probably well acquainted with Galician love poetry. The court of Juan II "Erudita por excelencia . . . y sustancialmente palaciega" was suitable for cultivating the courtly poetry of Provence: Amolda"base pues mas que otra alguna la es-cuela provenzal, f i e l a su primitiva indole y naturaleza a la situaci6n verdaderamente ano-mala y peregrina de Castilla . . . Aparece la poesia como unica fiadora de la lealtad de los magnates y caballeros . . . Se fingen sin tre-gua ni recato la pura adhesi6n y e l devoto ren-dimiento a la pasion amorosa. 47 A large number of poets cultivated the newly imported escue-la provenzal, including the King himselfi 53 Cuantos ingenios toman parte en las justas y solaces poeticos de la cort§, -don Juan II y su omnipotente favorito, don Alvaro de Luna, don Alonso de Cartagena y Fernan Perez de Guzman, el docto marques de Santillana y e l famoso Juan de Mena; cuantos cantan en e l l a las bellezas de sus damas,-don Juan y don Enrique Enrxquez, e l magnx-fico don Juan de Silva, don Lope de Estuniga y don Juan Pimentel, e l gallardo Suero de Quinones y su hermano Pedro, Macias e l Enamorado, y otros muchos y muy esclarecidos caballeros, cuyos nom-bres no han sonado hasta ahora en la historia de las letras, todos se dejan llevar de la comun e i r r e s i s t i b l e corriente; y ora se pierden en e l laberinto de las cuestiones (preguntas y reques-tas) teol6gicas, hist6ricas o morales gue recono-ciendo su origen en e l espxritu escolastico de la edad media y en e l parnaso provenzal (tensos), habfan tornado plaza en e l castellano, a l declinar el siglo XIV; ora truecan e l senciilo y tierno lenguaje del amor por e l rebuscado, ar t i f i c i o s o y superficial de la galanterxa, presentandose en sus repetidisimas canciones cual victimas inconsola-bles de una pasi6n no comprendida y duramente des-denada. 48 The cultural splendor of the court of John II declined after his death in 1454, but was reestablished by Isabella the Catholic, whose court was also "Erudita por excelencia . . . y sustancialmente palaciega," and therefore f i t for the "justas y solaces poeticos" of the escuela provenzal. The theory of love presented in the Sermon i s a reflec-tion of the Provencal Religion of Love, but San Pedro, like most Spanish courtly poets, rejects one basic characteristic a of the courtly love of Provence, the adulterous nature of loye,. and. emphasizes the .importance of protecting: the lady • s honour to the extent that secrecy in; love^becomes the basic rule of Jiis code. The Serm5n i t s e l f i s a manifestation of the Religion of Love, for i t s form and style imitated those of the eccle-si a s t i c a l sermon. Its theme "En vuestra paciencia sostened 54 vuestros dolores"(p.100), which advises lovers to bear the torments of love as a penance, has reminiscences of Christian teachings. San Pedro's code of love contains the following principles: 1) Love should be founded on the basis of the outer-most secrecy and prudence: "todo amador deue an-tes perder la vida que escurecer la fama de la que siruiere, auiendo por mejor recebir la muer-te callando su pena, que merecerla trayendo su cuydado a publicacion." (p.101) 2) The lover should be, above a l l , virtuos: "en t a l manera que la bondad r i j a e l esfuerco, aconpafSie la franqueca; e la franqueca adorne'la tenplanca; e la tenplanca afeyte la conuersacion; e la con-uersaci6n ate la buena crianca." tp.103) 3) The lover must never stop loving: "E avnque las lagrimas vos cerquen, e angustias vos cqngoxen e sospechas vos lastimen, nunca, senores, vos aparteys de seguir e seruir e querer . . . E s i no hallardes piedad en quien la buscays, ni es-peranca de quien la quereys, esperad en vuestra Fe y confiad en vuestra firmeza." (p.105) 4) The lover's duty i s to obey his beloved's wishes: "iQue" mSs beneficio quieres que querer lo que e l l a quiere?" (p.106) Consequently, the theme of the Serm6n becomes clear: the pains of love should be endured patiently, willingly and ever hopefully for "esto como las feridas que los caualleros reciben con honrra, avnque las sienten en las personas con dolor, las tienen en la fama por gloria"(p.105); desiring the union with the beloved, i s the essence of love, and the greater the pains, the more perfect the love. Therefore, the greatest pain of a l l , death (and indeed damnation!) should be undergone gracefully: 0 amadorI s i tu amiga quisiere que penes, pena; e s i quisiera que rmieras, muere; e s i quisiera 55 condenarte, vete a l infierno en cuerpo y en anima . . . Que todo lo que de su parte te viniere es galard6n para t i . (pp.105-106) Thus, the main characteristic of courtly love reaches i t s highest degree of sublimation when the lover lays down his l i f e for his love as Leriano does. Carcel de amor de-velops the principles of courtly love around the theme of the Serm6n conceived within the framework of what would become one of the principal subjects of the Golden Age drama, the concern with honour. According to Andreas, love can only exist among the noble. In fact, the higher the social status, the more suit-ed the person for loving, and as Capellanus underlines in the dialogues, social rank determines the nobility of the soul and the pattern of behaviour to follow when courting. Thus, the setting and the protagonists of Carcel de amor are of the highest nobility. Leriano, the son of a Duke, i s endowed with uncommon virtue, as his mother points out in her planto: "Tu teme-roso de Dios, ttS amador de la virtud, tu enemigo del v i c i o " (p.209). He corresponds to the portrait of the noble lover drawn by Fernando de la Torre: Discreto galan polido valiente, diestro y osado virtuoso, bien medido de los onbres mas amado, por todas mucho loado en publico e escondido. Leriano, like Lancelot, i s an excellent knight and therefore i s suited to be a perfect lover, since the practice of chi-valry transforms, and sublimates man into a spiritually su-56 50 perior being. Therefore, Leriano's superior soul cannot help experiencing love of the highest degree, that i s , the perfect love bound to destroy the lover, for i t knows no reward. Leriano was well aware of his fatal destiny when he f e l l in love, as he allegorically explains to the Auctor: when Amor decided to imprison him, his Entendimiento agreed wil-lingly with Amor and his Razon understood that, considering the superior qualities of "por quien ha de sofrir", he was bound to die. The "handmaids" of Entendimiento and Razon, Memoria and Voluntad, simply follow the example of their "masters" and al l y themselves with Amor to torture Leriano. Contrary to what Wardropper supposes, Leriano*s love i s not 51 irrational. Leriano's Raz6n understands well the worth of Laureola and accepts the Prison of Love, knowing that, be-cause of Laureola's great virtue and the unfulfilled nature of perfect love, i t i s sentencing Leriano to death. Leriano has the opportunity to prove his prowess as a knight in his duel with Persio and during the battles with the King when he i s saving Laureola from her prison. Through his chivalrous prowess, Leriano*s virtue i s proved to the world and only confirms our knowledge of his great spiritual 52 nobility. Leriano*s nobility of soul and social class determine his behaviour. He suffers the torments of Love patiently, as San Pedro advises in his Serm6n. He exhibits the resig-nation and fortitude of a martyr who bears his punishment well aware of "el bien de la causa." And, as i t befits a perfect lover like him, he never vacillates in his loving, 57 but finds strength in his suffering, for as the Sermon es-tablishes, the wounds of love are "como las feridas que los caualleros reciben con honrra"(p.105), or as the anony-mous author of Questi6n de amor expresses i t : La llaga es muy grande mas es tan ufana que quanto es mas pena mi gloria es mayor.53 Leriano proceeds to seek his beloved-"s bons semblans or indication that she accepts -although not necessarily returns-his love. This bel accueil that welcomes the dreamer of the Roman de la Rose i s the only reward Leriano can accept and actually wants from Laureola. To the perfect lover, the only qalardon i s to know that his lady may know of his service and sufferings for her>i as Juan Fernandez de Heredia says: y porque mejor sepays ques la fe de mi cuydado, no quiero que me hagays mas merced que conozcays que bivo por vos penado.54 Leriano"s letters to Laureola conform to Andreas' advice that the lover should incline his lady's disposition towards him through fluent speech: " . . . for an elaborate line of talk on the part of the lover usually sets love's arrow a-flying and creates a presumption in favour of the excellency 55 of the speaker's character." Leriano seeks the help of a go-between, as both Ovid and Andreas recommend. The Auctor proves through his prudent behaviour when encountering Deseo, in the tower and in the court of Macedonia,that he was a worthy confidant, the perfect go-between recommended by Andreas and much sought after by bb lovers. Also, the author conveys the worth of El Auctor as a confidant and intermediary through his perceptive comments on the events he i s supposed to have witnessed: Quando bes6 las manos a Laureola pasaron cosas mucho de notar, en especial para mi, que sabia lo que entre ellos estaua: a l vno le so-braua turbaci6n, a l otro le faltaua color; ni 6l sabie que dezir ni e l l a que responder; que tanta fuerca tienen las pasiones enamoradas, que siempre.. traen e l seso y discrecion de-baxo de su vandera, lo que a l i i v i por clara esperiencia. (p.147) and also when he i s planning to free Laureola from her father's prison: yo llegare de tu parte a Galio, hermano de la reyna, que en parte desea tanto la libertad de la presa como tu mismo, y le dire" lo que t i e -nes acordado, y le suplicar5, porque sea salua del cargo y de la vida, que este\ para e l dia que fueres con alguna gente, para que s i fuere t a l tu ventura que la puedas sacar, en sacan-dola la pongas en su poder a vista de todo el mundo, en testimonio de su bondad y tu l i n -pieza; y que recebida, entretanto que e l rey sabe lo vno y provee en lo otro, la ponga en Dala, fortaleza suya donde podra" venir e l hecho a buen f i n . (p.158) The Auctor, then, i s also a prototype of what a go-be-tween should be like; an ideal character seldom encountered in real l i f e as Juan Ruiz cynically states in his Libro de  buen amor, and as the down-to-earth Celestina shows in the Traqicomedia de Calisto y_ Melibea. Laureola i s a perfect beloved, in the most limpid tra-dition of courtly love. Perhaps due to what G i l i y Gaya labels as "mayor severidad de la aristocracia castellana"(p.xviii). Laureola, like a l l the heroines of Spanish courtly l i -59 56 terature, i s a maiden. The preference of Castilian courtly poets for unmarried women as their heroines i s a character-i s t i c that sets Castilian courtly love tradition apart from the Provencal and Catalan traditions, for as Martin de Riquer points out, neither the Provencal nor the Catalan troubadours could conceive of the donzella or dona soltera as their midons or meu senyor: . . . ia dama, en canvi, la domina, muller del senyor, dominus, es troba situada, en una cort o en un cas tell,, a l Hoc preeminent i mes yene-rat. Horn l i deu f i d e l i t a t i respecte que, en traslladar-se els conceptes feudals als poe-ti c s , es converteixen en amor. Per aquesta rao la dama a la qual e l trobador dedica les seves poesies i de qui es confessa servidor i vassall, es sempre una dona casada, esposa, molt sovint, del mateix senyor feudal del poeta. Amb aixb arribem a l'essencia de I'amor cortes, o sigui l'amor caracteristic de les corts feudals.57 Furthermore, Laureola, unlike Liesa,v Oriana, Mirabella or Melibea, does not yield to Leriano*s love. She behaves according to her high position as a princess and as a lady of ideal virtue. It i s precisely her evident virtue reflected in her matchless beauty which causes Leriano's enamoramiento, and which, consequently, allows no hope to the lovers "tu hermosura causo e l aficion, y e l aficion e l deseo, y el deseo la pena"(p.133). Leriano's words seem to echo Villasandino*s cantiga: La tu fermosura me puso en prisi6n: por la cual ventura del mi corac6n non parte tristura en toda saz6n: poren tu figura me entristece assi. 60 Laureola's virtue leaves no room for the i l l i c i t expec-tations of the cancionero poets. Leriano, as the perfect lover, would not dream of hoping for anything beyond her pity. Laureola's spiritual superiority causes her to be deep-ly moved by Leriano's condition, though she fears the con-sequences of her feelings: "Quanto meior me estouiera ser afeada por cruel que amanzillada por piadosa"(p.144), for as Andreas indicates, a noble lady should always be compassion-ate. However, when Laureola's honour becomes seriously com-promised, she has to reject Leriano's service entirely. She s t i l l feels pity for him but cannot risk her good name, and she begs him to overcome his passion: "No pongas en peligro tu vida y en disputa mi onrra, pues tanto la deseas, que se dira muriendo tu que galardono los seruicios quitando las vidas."(p.l88) Laureola's concern with her honour is the main obstacle to Leriano's love. When she learns of Leriano's feelings for her, her sole concern i s for her fama: Por Dios te pido que enbueluas mi carta en tu fe, porque^no se te pierda ni de nadie pueda ser vista; que quien viese lo que te escriuo pensaria que te amo, y creeria que mis razones antes eran dichas por disimulaci6n de la verdad que por la verdad.(p.145) It i s significant that honour should be chosen by San Pedro as a primary obstruction between the lover and the beloved, and as the lady's v i t a l concern. Her constant worry about her fama i s not only fear of "l'aspra legge de Scozia" that condemns Mirabella and almost ends Laureola's l i f e . 61 Perhaps the same "austeridad castellana" that caused Spanish courtly poets to reject adultery in their poetry had raised woman's chastity to the level of a moral axiom. However, many cancionero poets seemed to have enjoyed the fact that their love had an i l l i c i t quality, and they seemed unconcerned about the lady's fame. Because courtly love considered love incompatible with the married state, love could only be expe-rienced outside the marital ties, as Juan Alvarez Gato notes in his canci6ri "Porque le dixo una senora que servia, que se casase con ella'': Dezis: "Casemos los dos porque deste mal no muera." Sefiora, no plega a Dios, siendo mi sefiora vos, cos haga mi companera, Que, pues amor verdadero no quiere premio ni fuerca aunque me vere que muero, nunca querre, ni quiero que por mi parte se tuerca. Amarnos amos a dos con una fe muy entera, queramos esto los dos: mas no le plega a Dios, siendo mi sefiora vos, cos haga mi companera."?9 Yet, San Pedro appears to be using an actual moral con-sideration of Castilian society as a resource to move the plot to a conflict in which Leriano w i l l have the opportunity to prove his a b i l i t i e s as a knight, f i r s t by his performance in the duel with Persio, and later in combat. On both occasions, Leriano acts in defense of Laureola's honour, and she, by pro-tecting her honour decides Leriano's death. Because the lady's good name was a significant issue in the Castilian court, J 6 2 San Pedro warns lovers in the Sermon; "que todo amador deue antes perder la vida que escurecer la fama de la que s i r -uiere"(p.101), and for that reason, perfect love as conceived by San Pedro, has to be based "sobre cimiento del secreto"(100). So, while for Ovid, Andreas, troubadours, and cancionero poets, secrecy was merely a means to enjoy loving better, secrecy became for San Pedro and his world a moral principle of ca-pi t a l importance. Consequently, the lover should exercise "en las palabras mesura, y en e l meneo honestidad, y en los actos cordura, y en los ojos auiso, y en las muestras soffrimiento, y en los desseos tenplanca, y en las platicas dissimulacion, y en los mouimientos mansedunbre"(p.101). And this i s Leriano's attitude throughout the entire narrative. Most c r i t i c s , perhaps judging the world of the Carcel through modern eyes, have unjustly accused Laureola of cruel-60 ty because of her f i n a l rejection of Leriano. Whereas in effect, she simply behaves in the only possible way open for a courtly lady of her stature. After having been condemned to death for the false accusation of Persio, she could only reassure her people of her virtue by avoiding anything that could compromise her honour again. Her pity for Leriano and her desire to persuade him against his f o l l y are evident in her last letter: Mucho te ruego que te esfuerces como fuerte y te remedies como discreto . . . Tern5s en e l reyno toda la parte que quisieres, credere" tu onrra, do-blare tu renta, sobire" tu estado, ninguna cosa or-denarSs que reuocada te sea; assf que biuiendo causaras que me iuzguen agradecida, y muriendo que 63 me tengan por mal acondicionada . . . No quiero mas dezirte porque no digas que me pides espe-ranca y te do conseio. Pluguiera a Dios que fue-ra tu demanda iusta porque vieras que como te aconseio en lo vno te satisf i z i e r a en lo otro.(p.188) The ideal characters of Leriano and Laureola decide the plot of the novel. The false accusation of Persio, the duel, the imprisonment of Laureola, and the battle, are a l l secon-dary incidents that prove the virtue of the protagonists and justify the tragic end. There i s an element of f a t a l i t y in San Pedro's concept of love. Love i s born from virtue and thus i s perfect. Perfect love ennobles and increases the lover's virtue and therefore i t intensifies i t s e l f at the same time. Consequently, the perfect lover i s trapped in a vicious c i r c l e whose only exit is death, for love, being forever un f u l f i l l e d and forever increasing, i s an unbearable torture leading to death. Leria-no's Razon is well aware of this fatal destiny, when i t agrees with the enamoramiento t Yo no solamente do cohsentimiento en la p r i -sion, mas ordeno que muera, que meior le estara" la dichosa muerte que la desesperada vida, se-gund por quien ha de sofrir.(p.123) Although cancionero poets often express the desire for death to escape the pain of loving, and though Arnalte re-peats constantly that "muere porque no muereu(p.32); tten el l a Jtla muertel esta la vida* (p.27); (lPues guien quiera que amare, que t a l nueva supiere, de la muerte le ruega que se socorra" (p.75) j, only Leriano f u l f i l l s this wish by actually letting himself die. San Pedro finds no better way to represent the quintes-64 sential kind of love exemplified in the Carcel, than by using the symbolism of the Religion of Love. The sublimation of the three most important characteristics of courtly love led to the creation of a Religion of Love, which stressed the supe-r i o r i t y of the beloved and identified the love of her as wor-ship. The Religion of Love recognized a moral principle in every action or thought of love and raised the ennobling power of love to the concept of love as a source and stimulus of a l l virtues, capable of improving a l l the spiritual charac-t e r i s t i c s of the lover, as Leriano points out in his defense of women: a los sinples y rudos disponen para alcancar la virtud de la prudencia . . . de la virtud de la i u s t i c i a tan bien nos hazen suficientes . . . al que fallece fortaleza ge la dan . . . no menos nos dotan de las virtudes teologales gue de las cardinales dichas. Y tratando de la primera, ques la Fe, avnque algunos en e l l a du-dasen, siendo puestos en pensamiento enamorado creerian en Dios y alabarfan su poder . . . nos crian en el alma la virtud del Esperanca . . . nos hazen merecer la Caridad, la propiedad de la qual es amor.(p.195-7) Because i t identified love with worship, the Religion of Love found i t s means of expression in the concepts and language of the Religion of Christ, and ! was even integrated with Christianity by Dante Alighier i , f i r s t in the Vita Nuo-61 va and later more thoroughly in the Divina Commedia. It would be an error to think of the Religion of Love 62 as a mere "colouring of human passions by religious emotion," or as an irreverent practice, since nowhere do we find evi-dence that the poets were willingly disrespectful of Chris-tianity or even conscious of the immorality of their con-65 cept of love. For the poet, the Religion of Love was a meta-phor which expressed the b l i s s f u l experience of love, in a personal heaven with a god, saints, commandments, arid" ~ liturgy. San Pedro depicts Leriano's love as religious worship in the opening allegory! * Lleuaua.en ia mano yzquierda vn escudo de azero muy fuerte, y en la derecha vna ymagen femenil entallada en vna piedra muy clara, la qua1 era de tan estrema hermosura que me turba-ua la vista. Salian della diuersos rayos de fuego que leuaua encendido e l cuerpo de vn onbre que e l cauallero forciblemente leuaua tras s i . El qual con vn lastimado gemido, de rato en rato dezia: "En mi fe, se sufre todo." (p.116) Later, we witness Leriano's noble resignation to his sufferings, not unlike those of Christ. In fact, Leriano's passion i s represented in the terms of the Passion of Christ, as the author stresses with the allegorical description of the lover's torments, such as having him crowned with "vna corona de unas puntas de hierro . . . que le traspasauan todo e l celebro"(p.120), an image that seems to have been a favourite with courtly poets. However, Leriano's oassion i s not a mystical experience 63 as Hayd£e Bermejo and Dinko Cvitanovic propose. Leriano's awareness of his beloved's worth and of the hopelessness of his passion as well as his very experience of loving, are not a manifestation of Platonic love. Leriano does not love Laureola beyond herself, nowhere in his acts of thoughts do we find evidence that Leriano seeks God through Laureola or that his love has an aim other than loving for love's sake. Leriano's abandonment to his passion i s not "an aven-66 tura espiritual" achieved through suffering, but a l y r i c a l expression of the courtly convention of love. Leriano's description of the ennobling power of love in terms of the Religion of Love in his long pror-feminist speech, does not conform to his actual experience. He stresses the fact that through the love of women, man acquires the theological and cardinal virtues, but as we read his razo-nes", we realize that he i s not talking in Platonic terms, but in the language of the Religion of Love. He i s i l l u s -trating the ennobling force of love in the lof t i e s t terms he knows. For example, i t i s important to seek the virtue of prudence, which increases through love, because i t makes lovers more discretos and sotyles in loving: porque s i de la enamorada pasi6n se catyuan, tan-to estudian su libertad, que abiuando con e l do-lor e l saber, dizen razones tan dulces y tan con-certadas, que alguna vez de conpasi6n que les an se libran della; (p.195) Similarly, women's love cultivates i u s t i c i a : de la virtud de la iu s t i c i a tan bien nos hacen su-ficientes, que lbs penados de amor, avnque desygual tormento reciben, hanlo por descanso iustificandose porque iustamente padecen; (p.196) Tenplanca makes lovers worthy of the beloved because "por no selles aborrecibles para venir a ser desamados"(p.196). Fortaleca makes lovers "fuertes para sofrir, causan osadia para cometer, ponen coracon para esperar."(p.196). Women kindle Faith in men who thus are able to praise God's name and thank Him "porque pudo hazer a aquella que de tanta ecelencia y hermosura les parece"(p.197). Also, women cultivate Esperanca in their lovers: "que puesto que los 67 sugetos a esta ley de amores mucho penan, sienpre esperan" (p.197), and fi n a l l y , women awaken love in men, which i s Caridad ;(p. 197) The other reasons Leriano gives to explain "por que" los honbres son obligados a las mugeres"(p.195) are in a similar vein: love makes men contrite , and they conse-quently confess their love and beg forgiveness for their faults as lovers, doing whatever penance the lady may impose on them. Love renders stingy men generous, fools intelligent, andoso on. Leriano's pro^feminist speech in the terms of the Re-ligion of Love signified a momentary victory over the misogynists, who unt i l the end of the fifteenth century, were an insignificant number in Spain. However, the speech's apparent irreverence was the cause of a tremendous anti-64 feminist reaction, particularly by Luis de Lucena. In the same way that San Pedro's defense of women signifies the culmination of Spanish prorfeminism, Lucena *s Satiras represent the culmination of Spanish misogynism. Lucena uses his humanistic knowledge to attack women's vices and in particular the "desenfrenado eroticismo feme-n i l " , which was a favourite subject among the anti-feminists: Son otrosl las mugeres asi como animales que, sin ninguna discreci6n, sirven asi a l apetito de la luxuria . . . Item, no s6lo la luxuria es pas- • -sion de mugeres, mas avn la yra y continuo l i t i g i o . 5 Thus i t i s evident that the same aspect of femininity that San Pedro and his many feminist predecesors considered to be women's greatest virtue (their awakening of men's desire) was 6 8 thought to be women's worst vice by the misogynist, and this alone made her the object of the most brutal epithets: Es otrosx la muger principio de pecado, arma del diablo . . . notorio mal . . . mal de todos desseado, pelea que nunca cessa, dafio continuo . . . desuio de castidad, puerta de la muerte, sendero herrado, llaga de escorpi6n, camino para el fuego . . . enfermedad incurable . . . muerte suave . . . delicada destrucci6n, rosa que hiede, lisonja crescida, pestilencia que manzilla e l anima . . . 6 6 Lucena's perverse delight in describing the vices of women is as extreme as San Pedro's idealization of their virtues, but whereas the cruel misogynism of the former had l i t t l e place in the enlightened world of the Renaissance, San Pedro's feminism contributed strongly to the Renaissance ideal of the perfect courtier. Nowhere i s the Religion of Love more evident than in Leriano's character. The whole attitude of the perfect lover i s reminiscent of Christ's personality. The exemplary patience, meekness, resignation, selflessness, and submission demanded from a perfect lover in the Sermon have no better personi-fication than those of Christ. Also there is a clear iden-t i f i c a t i o n between Christ's death and Leriano's suicide. We know he i s bound to die for "una buena causa", and from the moment he f a l l s in love, Leriano begins to f u l f i l l his destiny as a perfect lover. In his f i n a l words, "Acaba-dos son mis males," he renders the "Consummatum est" of Christ. San Pedro's use of the courtly love tradition at i t s l o f t i e s t in Carcel de amor i s the best example of this 69 trobador's great esthetic sensitivity and craftmanship. As a courtly poet he was not content with simply writing a good story of love. He had to search for the ultimate expression of the mediaeval theory of love and apply i t to his novel. As a result, he produced the finest Spanish courtly romance, in which poetic content, language and form combine art f u l l y as a testimony of San Pedro's surprisingly adaptable s k i l l . 70 Footnotes to Chapter Three 1 Origenes, p.408. 2 See for instance: A. Valbuena Prat, Historia de la literatura espanola (Barcelona: Gustavo G i l i , 1937), 1, 266; Juan Luis Alborg, Historia de la literatura espano-la (Madrid: Gredos, 1966), 1, -253;. Juan Hurtado, J. de la Serna y Angel Gonzalez Palacios, Historia de la literatura  espanola (Madrid: Saeta, 1943), p.224. 3 See Whinnom, Diego de San Pedro, pp.62-118; Juan de Flores, Grisel y_ Mirabel la, ed. Pamela Waley, pp.i-xxi; and Dinko Cvitanovic, La novela, po.177-233. 4 By Menendez y Pelayo,, Valbuena Prat, Jose Luis Va-rela, Dinko Cvitanovic and Angel del Rio among others in the works previously cited. 5 Cited by Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, pp.483— 84. 6 Ibidem., pp.489-90. 7 Juan de Flores, Grisel, p.xvi. 8 Apparently Menendez y Pelayo did not know this work or he would have included i t in his survey of novelas sen-timentales. The only copy of this novel i s an unpublished manuscript found in the Biblioteca de Cataluna and i s des-cribed by Martin de Riquer in Revista de Filologia Espano-la, 40 (1956), .-,33-65. 9 The verses entitled Maldezir de mugeres by the Ca-talan Pere Torrellas won him the hatred of a l l Spanish feminists. His i s the most misogynistic work written in the Iberian peninsula. S t i l l in the late XVI century, Cristo-bal de Castillejos cites the name of Torrellas as one of the most formidable detractors of women: "Tanto mal/No se puede en especial/Relatar en poco espacio;/Remitolo a Juan Boccaccio,Torrellas y Juvenal." See Jacobo Ornstein>"La misoginia y e l profeminismo en la literatura castellana," Revista de Filologia Hispanica, 3 (1941), 222. Juan de Flores also includes Torrellas in his Grisel y_ Mirabella as a participant in a debate on the vices and virtues of women. When Torrellas wins the debate between him and the profeminist Bracayda, the ladies of the court murder him as a punishment for his defamations. 10 See A. Pacheco, Novel*letes sentimentals dels segles  XIV i XV (Barcelona: Antologia Catalana, No.57, Edicions 62, 1970). 71 11 ^Myrrha Lot-Borodin, De 1'amour profane a 1'amour sacre: Etudes de psycholoqie sentimentale au Moyen Age (Paris, n.p., 1961), p.60. 12 Origenes, p> 474. 13 Ibid., p.475. 14 Ibid., p.475. 15 Ibid., p.476. 16 It was precisely the immoral quality of the Fiammetta that inspired Juan de Flores to write his Grimalte y Gradissa, a didactic work on conjugal f i d e l i t y in which he shows Pamphi-lus to be repentant of his adulterous association, and having attempted to dissuade Fiammetta from resuming their relation-ship, he i n f l i c t s on himself an extreme oenance. 17 Pamela Waley, "Love and Honour," p.275. 18 Origenes, p.481. 19 Ovid and the Renaissance in Spain (Berkeley: Univer-sity of California, 1913), p.117. 20 The sources of the origins, progress and nature of courtly love treated in this chapter are found-in: Gaston Paris, "Lancelot du Lac. Le conte de la Charrete," Romania, 12 (1883), 459-534; Ernst Robert Curtius, European Litera-ture and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Williard R. Trask; (New York: Harper & Row, 1963); C. S. Lewis, The Allegory °£ Love: A Study in Mediaeval Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1936); Andreas Capellanus, The Art of  Courtly Love, ed. and transl. John Jay Parry (New York: F. Ungar Publishing Co., 1959); Alexander Denomy, The Heresy 2i. Courtly Love, New York: Boston College Candlemas Lectures on Christian Literature, 1947), esp. pp.30-40. Also, "An In-quiry into the Origins of Courtly Love," Mediaeval Studies (1945), pp.1-75; Ramon Menendez Pidal, "Poesia Srabe y poesia europea," Bulletin Hispanigue, 40 (1938), 339-423; A. Jeanroy, La poesie lyrigue des troubadours, (Toulouse: Edouard Privot, 1934); A. R. Nykl, A Book Containing the Risala Known as The  Dove's Neck Ring About Love and Lovers by Abu Muhammed A l i Ibn Hazm al-andalusi (Paris: Geuthner, 1931), esp. pp.lxxviii-c i i i ; Denis de Rougemont, Love in the Western World: Passion  and Society (New York: Pantheon, 1965); M. C. D'Arcy, The  Mind and Heart of Love (New York: Meridian Books, 1956), esp. pp.37-55; Peter Dronke, Mediaeval Latin and the Rise of European Love Lyric, 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965). 72 21 Lewis, The Allegory of Love, pp.2-4. 22 They were so popular that Ludwig Traube used to c a l l this period aetas ovidiana. See Edward kennard Rand, Ovid  and His Influence (New York: Longmans, 1928), pp.12-23. 23 In fourteenth century Spain, Juan Ruiz parodies much of the Ovidian material in his Libro de buen amor. 24 Lewis, The Allegory of Love, p.11. 25 Nykl, The Dove's Neck Ring, pp.12-13. 26 Ibid., po.71-72. 27 Ibid., op.39-40. 28 Ibid., p.58. 29 Ibid., p.92. Despite the many similarities between the system of love depicted by Ibn_ Hazm and that of the troubadours, Jeanroy states that "there i s no trace, for example, in Ibn Hazm of the ennobling power of love, nor of the amorous vassalage, nor of the superiority of the lady over her lover, that i s to say, of the courtly theories." op. c i t . 2, 367. 30 The Art of Courtly Love, p.12. 31 D'Arcy, The Mind and Heart of Love, p.40. 32 Some of the examples of the language of the Catharist Church of Love pointed out by Denis de Rougemont could be easily applied to the Christian tradition, such as a poem where Guiraut de Bornheil prays to true Light: 0 high and glorious King, 0 Light and Brightness true! 0 God of Power, Lord, ". Suppose .it pleases you, Make my comrade welcome, And grant him a l l your aid, For him I have not seen, Since f e l l the night's dark shade, And soon w i l l come the dawn. De Rougemont interprets this poem according to Ca-tharist-Manichean symbolism, but i t could very well be about the Christian soul in search of God. Love in the  Western World, p.87. 73 33 De Rougemont offers an Interesting interpretation of this myth in op. c i t . , pp.20-95. 34 Ibid., p.38. 35 The Allegory of Love § p.12. On p.11 Lewis writes: "Real changes in human sentiment are very rare - there are perhaps three or four on record - but I believe that they occur, and that this i s one of them." Lewis does not mention which are the changes on record, nor does he provide us with evidence to prove that the changes in human sentiment actually take place, rather than changes in attitude or ideology which may eventually alter the concept we have of the sentiment. Of a l l the theories explaining the origins of courtly love, this seems the least plausible. 36 Peter Dronke, Mediaeval Latin, pp.1-9. 37 See J. J. Parry's introduction to his edition of Capellanus', The Art of Courtly Love, pp.12 et seq. 38 Alexander Denomy (The Heresy of Courtly Love, pp. 50-5L) believes that Chretien wrote this book only to please his mistress. Chretien t e l l s us plainly that the countess furnishes him both the subject matter (matiere) and the manner of treatment (sens)and that he i s simply trying to carry out her desire and intention. Father Denomy even supposes that this i s a note of apology for writing on a theme he detested and for this reason he did not finish the poem, writing instead Perceval where he celebrates the things of God under the guise of allegory. 39 J.J. Parry, op. c i t . , see the bibliography for details of the printed editions and translations of Andreas* book. The Courts of Love were a common practice among Euro-pean nobles, but although they existed in Catalonia they did not become popular in Castile. See William Allan Neilson, The Origins and Sources of the Court of Love (New York: Russel & Russel, 1967). 40 J"..'J. Parry, pp. 177-186. 41 Ibid., p.187. Alexander Denomy believes that Andreas, like Chretien, did not approve of courtly love and although Capellanus wrote the f i r s t two books of the treatise to please Marie de Champagne, he has to assert the antinomy between courtly love and Christianity. Father Denomy examines Andreas* attitude in both parts of the treatise and provides convincing evidence that Andreas'was sincere in rejecting courtly : love. -However,"-Andreas * vicious misogynism seems 74 unjustified. 42 The lady's superior rank in love did not mean that she actually occupied a superior social rank in real l i f e . According to Andreas, a noble can woo a woman of a lower middle class, since love has an ennobling power. 43 The Art of Courtly Love, p.28. 44 Amador.de los-Rios, Historia c r i t i c a , 6, 59. 45 Ibid., p.60. 46 Gerald Brenan, The Literature of the Spanish People, (London: Penguin Books, 1951), pp.63-73. 47 Amador de los Rios, Historia c r i t i c a , 6, 60. 48 Ibid., 6, 60-61. 49 Cancionero de Fernando Torres, cited in Otis Green, The Literary Mind, p.49. 5° See Myrrha Lot-Borodin, De 1'amour profane,p.18: "Lancelot est en verite le parfait amant, parce qu'il est le meilleur chevalier du monde, et inversement, la gloire qui b r i l l e sur son front n'est que le reflect de sa vertu la plus haute;" 51 "El mundo sentimental1) pp. 174-79. 52 In "El mundo. sentimentaly'pp. -I83r8.7, Wardropper stresses the fact that San Pedro's theory of courtly love i s not inspired by the troubadour tradition but by the novel of chi-valry. In fact, San Pedro's theory of love blends elements from both sources in the manner of the Lancelot du Lac, but Carcel de amor cannot possibly be considered as a novel of chivalry. 53 Otis Green, The Literary Mind, p.59. 54 Obras (Valencia, 1913), p.100. 55 Op. c i t . , pp.167-77. 56 It i s also worthy of notice that cancionero poets often dedicate their love songs to their wives. For example, Jorge Manrique: "Vaya la vida passada/que por amores sufrf,/ pues me pagaste con s i / seflora bien empleada." Cancionero  general, p.100. 57 M. de Riquer, Historia de la literatura catalana, p.34. 75 58 E. Allison Peers, A C r i t i c a l Anthology of Spanish  Verse (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1950), p.55. 59 Cancionero castellano del siqlo XV, ed. R. Foulche-Delbosc, 1 (Madrid, 1912 ), , 229. .-60 For instance, G i l i y Gaya assumes that Leriano's intention was to marry Laureola, and that she rejected him out of sheer cruelty: "y e l desdichado amante se encierra otra vez en la carcel alegorica donde acaba su vida, mien-tras la despiadada princesa se parapeta en la defensa de su honra." p.xx. 61 The ReJLigion.of Love may have begun as a parody of Christianity as the anonymous Concilium in Monte Roma-r i c i (cited in Lewis, The Allegory of Love, pp.18-21) leads us to believe, but later i t became something far more se-rious than parody: a noble fusion of sexual and religious experience as the Divina Commedia shows. 62 Lewis, Op_. c i t . , p. 21. 63 "La aventura espiritual de la Carcel de amor," Re-vista de Filologia Espanola, 49 (1966), —289-300. 64 J. Ornstein, "La misoginia y e l profeminismo en la literatura castellana," Revista de Filologia Espanola, 3 (1941), »,.„ 219*32. See especially Jp?228. 65 Ibid., p.220. 66 Ibid., p.230. 67 A. Giannini, "La Carcel de amor y II Cortegiano de B. de Castiglione," Revue Hispanique.46 (1919), . r 547-68. 76 Chapter Four Structure and Style Genre Although Menendez y Pelayo classified Carcel de amor as a sentimental novel, i t is not a novel properly speaking, since the novel was a literary form unknown to mediaeval rhetoric and even to the new Aristotelian literary theory 1 of the sixteenth century. Anna Krause identifies i t with 2 the tractatus latino. According to the classical rhetoric upon which me-diaeval rhetoric i s based, the narratio i t s e l f i s a part of discourse and a digression within i t ; what Andrew's 3 Lexicon described as a homily or epistle, a tractatus. However, the term did not describe a literary genre but a rhetorical technique based on precepts formulated by the classical writers and adopted by the Fathers of the Church in the'exegesis o f C h r i s t i a n and classical texts. Later, this technique became very popular among vernacular writers, who underlined the cultivated nature of their works by stressing their classical form. "Gonzalo fue so nomne gue fizo este tractado" wrote Gonzalo de Berceo in the 4 thirteenth century, and later, Juan Ruiz and Juan Manuel 5 also called their works tractados. The verb trattare became the common term among Italian humanists to describe their craft: "ma per trattar del ben ch'io trovai" (Divina Comme-dia [inf. I, 8*3 ). and their followers among the courtly writers of John II popularized the term in fifteenth cen-77 6 tury Spain. However, not a l l mediaeval prose can be included in either the definition of a tractatus, or in any other rhet-7 orical- form such as the novel of chivalry. In effect, most prose writers applied the term tractatus in a very broad sense. It could mean a narrative (La cronica de Pe-dro Nino), a discourse meant to prove a theory (Como a l omne es necessario amar), or a dissertation condemning or defending something (Reprobacion del amor mundano by Mar-tinez de Toledo or Tractado en defensa de las virtuosas  mu jeres by Mosen Diego deValera). The f i c t i o n a l nature of Carcel de amor, i t s prose form, and i t s inclusion of chivalresque elements and epistles detach i t from the traditional tractatus, and place i t among a unique literary genre not found in mediaeval rheto-r i c ; a kind of work that resembles what was later called a "novel", and one which developed from the narratio or 8 tractatus. It is also a forerunner of the epistolary novel 9 as Charles E. Kany has pointed out, but i t cannot yet be considered an epistolary novel because the action is not carried out entirely by letters, but depends also on direct narration from the author. Kany simply describes the Carcel as a "prose story in which letters have come to assume a 10 significant position in the role." The sentimental con-tent of this story and the relationship of ' i t s form to the narratio, the epistolary novel, and the novel in general, should be sufficient to allow us to accept Menendez y Pe-78 layo's approximate term for i t : "novela sentimental". The use of the letter in the sentimental novel i s significant. It incorporates into f i c t i o n a l narrative a verisimilar means to express the emotional l i f e of the characters. The love letter was a popular form of te l l i n g about a love a f f a i r or about a love story. Ovid had adapted the personal and subjective style of the elegy into a new 11 kind of narrative poetry in the f i f t h book of T r i s t i a . He applied the technigue of addressing an individual on the most emotionally disturbing fact known to man in an erotic context. Love substitutes death as the ultimate human expe-rience, and the beloved becomes the poem's cause and object. Henceforth, the love letter was established as the ideal form of narrating or exposing an amorous relationship. Allegory Carcel de amor begins with the allegory of the prison of love. San Pedro offers a plastic representation of the story he i s about to convey. Adopting an autobiographical style, he t e l l s us about his encounter with a savage called Deseo, who i s armed as a knight and i s holding the image of a woman with his right hand: "de tan estrema hermosura que me turbaua la vista."(p.116) The savage knight i s drag-ging behind him a man who burns with the f i r e emanating from the woman's image. The man justifies his torture in the name of his "faith" and begs the author's help. Together, they arrive at the prison of love, a strange tower on the 79 height of a mountain. The author gives a detailed description of the place and the tower. The foundation of the tower i s a strong and clear rock which supports four t a l l p i l l a r s of purple marble. The tower has three corners, each with a human image made of metal - " l a una de leonado, la otra de negro y la otra de pardillo"(p.H7)- holding a chain with i t s hands. On the top of the tower there i s an eagle which irradiates f i r e through i t s beak and wings. He can hear the two guards of the tower, Desdicha and Desamor, who are watch-ing constantly. The author climbs the dark stairway that leads to the entrance, and there the doorman asks him to leave his arms before entering (though they are not the arms of travellers but those of the heart): "Descanso, Esperanca. y Contentamiento". Later, another guard makes the same request and f i n a l l y , the author enters the chamber on top of the tower where he sees the prisoner of the savage knight s i t -ting on a chair of f i r e . Leriano i s tied with the chains held by the three images on the corners of the tower. Two duenas in mourning who are weeping incessantly, place a crown with iron thorns on his head. A Negro dressed in yel-low comes to beat him regularly with a shield that comes from out of his head. Three servants feed him gravely while an old man s i t s besides him in deep thought. Leriano then no-tices the author staring at him in amazement, and to thank him for having come to his aid, he t e l l s him the story of his Prison of Love. This i s a perfect allegory according to mediaeval rhet-80 oric, that i s to say, i t does not identify any aspect of the vision except for Deseo and Amor at the beginning. It i s l e f t to the imagination of the reader to discern what everything stands for, and while the modern reader may not be able to recognize the symbols, they were familiar to the mediaeval reader. The allegory was a favourite form among poets in the Middle Ages. It represented an esthetic interpretation of abstract ideas which man had not yet 12 learned to examine subjectively. The idea of the Prison of Love was not original. Visions, Hells, Purgatories, Castles, and Prisons of Love abound throughout mediaeval 13 literature. San Pedro only applied the familiar symbols of erotic suffering to represent in plastic form the story of Leriano's unrequited love for Laureola. This helps him to explain the theory of love that ruled the sentimental l i f e of his milieu. However, the details we find within the prison do not entirely belong to traditional allegory. The setting of the vision in a wilderness is a commonplace, best known through 14 Dante's Commedia and the "caballero salvaje". Deseo generally stands either for a man like Amadis (whose pas-sion and suffering dehumanize him and forces him to leave society and hide in nature), or for desire in general. The black prison, fiery chair, dark stairway, and mourning maidens and guards can be found in other popular fifteenth century allegories, especially in Badouin's Prison d'amour, the matiere de Bretagne, and scattered throughout many 81 15 Spanish works. But the courtly language of Deseo, the symbolic use of heraldic colours in an erotic sense, the tortures i n f l i c t e d on Leriano, and the eagle on the tower are a l l San Pedro's original contribution to the allegory 16 of love in Castilian f i c t i o n . The author transforms Deseo into the symbol of a "certain inborn suffering from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex." which Andreas describes in the First Book of De Arte honeste 17 amandi. Deseo is the cause and constant nourishment of courtly love. His wildness represents the unrestrained nature of desire, but his manners and speech betray i t s courtly essence: Caminante, segund mi natural condicion, ninguna respuesta quisiera darte, por-que mi of i c i o mas es para secutar mal que para responder bienj pero como sien-pre me cri£ entre hombres de buena crianca, vsari contigo de la gentileza que aprendi y no de la braueza de mi natural.(p.117) Deseo is courtly love itself? an a r t i f i c i a l and conventional concept of love which i s practised only by "hombres de buena crianca". The meaning of the three images on the corners of the tower i s based in their colours: "leonado . . . negro . . . pardillo". In mediaeval heraldry, these colours represent sadness, anguish, and labour. The eagle at the top of the tower signifies the unmatched intensity of Leriano's fe e l -ing of imprisonment. The use of these noble symbols stresses the aristocratic character of courtly love. The author 82 wishes to make i t clear that the lofty pains of ideal love are reserved for the highborn, as Coleria's cry corroborates later: "bienaventurados los baxos de condicion y rudos de engenio, que no pueden sentir las cosas sino en el grado que las entienden".(p.209) The tortures i n f l i c t e d upon Leriano are conceived in terms of the "Religion of Love". The perfect lover i s regularly whipped and i s crowned with iron thorns. He burns without ever being consumed by the flames and he bears his pains with a martyr's resignation. San Pedro's apparent irreverence was a common literary resource among courtly writers. Ever since the author of Concilium in Monte Ro-19 marici decided to take over Ovid's concept of an erotic religion and proceeded to elaborate i t in terms of Chris-tianity, poets had been imitating the Liturgy and Scrip-tures in an erotic sense; some consciously in the s p i r i t of parody, and some, like Chretien de Troyes and San Pedro, 20 to represent better the strongest of worldy emotions. Leriano i s in the same tradition as Lancelot, as they both serve the god Amor and venerate the image of the beloved. Lancelot worships the fountain, meadow, and comb touched 21 by Guinevere as i f they were r e l i c s . Leriano worships the image of Laureola held by Deseo, and his pains are depicted as those of Christ. San Pedro, like Chretien, could not find a more eloquent way to express the perfect lover's passion than by portraying i t in sacred terms. San Pedro's version of the theory of courtly love i s 83 beautifully represented in the structures of the prison of love. The foundation of the tower i s faiths "una piedra tan fuerte de su condicion y tan clara de su natural cual nunca otra t a l jamas habfa visto"(p.118). On the rock of faith rest the p i l l a r s that support Leriano's loves Enten-dimiento, Razon, Memoria j Voluntad? According to Andreas, desire leads to love, and this cannot exist unless the lover i s able to hope for the fulfilment of his desire. In this way, faith becomes the basic sustaining force of love. In order for this phenomenon to take place, the rational elements of man must become subordinate to the impulse of desire. San Pedro's poetic rendering of this incident i s as followss Los quatro pilares que asientan sobre e l l a \hhe rock of his f a i t h j son mi entendimiento y mi razon y mi memoria y mi voluntad, los qua-les mand6 Amor parescer en su presencia antes que me sentenciase, y por hazer de mi iusta i u s t i c i a pregunt6 por sf a cada vno s i consen-t i a que me prendiesen, porque s i alguno no consintiese me absoluerfa de la pena. A lo cual respondieron todos en esta manera: Dixo e l Entendimiento: "Yo consiento a l mal de la pena por e l bien de la causa, de cuya raz6n es mi voto que se prenda". Dixo la Raz6ns "Yo no solamente do consen-timiento en la prision, mas ordeno que muera, que meior le estarS la dichosa muerte que la desesperada vida, segund por quien ha de s o f r i r " . Dixo la Memoria: "Pues e l Entendimiento y la Razon consienten por que sin morir no pueda ser libre, yo prometo de nunca olvidar". Dixo la Voluntad: "Pues que assi es, yo quiero ser llaue de su prision y determino de siempre querer". (pp. 122-3) Understanding capitulates and Reason forsees the ine-vitable destiny of Leriano, since the cause of his desire i s a lady most worthy of eternal love. Andreas had clearly 84 established that perfect love i s the pure, never satisfied desire. Laureola's great virtue leaves no room to expect retribution, and Leriano knows that from the moment he f a l l s in love with her. That i s why he i s imprisoned awaiting death. His Reason realizes the pointlessness of his Faith, but can do nothing to prevent i t , so great i s the cause for Desire. The decisions of Memoria and Voluntad are the just consequence of what Entendimiento and Razon have agreed upon. Together, they w i l l support Amor's resolution to take Le-riano prisoner. We are told in the following section what every ele-ment of the vision signifies, and a link between the vision and the remaining action of the story i s maintained: El  Auctor1" has seen the vision, not dreamed of i t like Berceo in the Milagros de Nuestra Sefiora, and he returns to i t later after his meeting with Laureola in the court of Ma-cedonia. He refers repeatedly to the Prison, thus investing i t with a very physical and r e a l i s t i c presence. The tran-sition between the allegoric and the real world i s subtle and contributes to the creation of a dream-like atmosphere 22 that renders the novel more romantic. We are in the realm of ideal love and lovers, where the author i s a witness by virtue of his poetic sensitivity. San Pedro leads us from one world to the other by means of imperfect allegories, such as that of the wild knight Deseo, and later, Conten-tamiento, Esperanca, Descanso, Alegria, Holganca, and Plazer. That i s to say, he uses allegorical characters identified by their names and symbolic values, and in this 85 manner he transports us halfway between the two worlds des-cribed. Cclrcel de amor develops the dream of the Roman de la Rose by Guillaume de Lorris into a true story. The abstract people and places representing actual l i f e in the Roman become concrete characters, circumstances, and settings in the Carcel. The allegorical representations in the latter are only a l y r i c a l element meant to define poetically the emotional aspect of San Pedro's novel. Guillaume de Lorris gives us an account of imaginative pas-sion as i t was believed to exist. In the Roman the hero and heroine are removed from the tale. We look at the narrator's dream through the eyes of the lover, and the lady's charac-ter i s distributed among personifications. We encounter her as Courtesy, Pride, Fear, Shame, Kindness, Pity and Modesty, 23 as the dreamer discovers new aspects of her personality. In Carcel de amor E l Auctor conveys to the reader the lady's emotional reactions to the circumstances he i s nar-rating as he perceives them in her demeanor. Leriano's feelings are depicted allegorically because they are the overwhelming result of the malady of love, although his personality like Laureola's, i s described as the author perceives i t . The difference between the Roman and the Carcel i s partly the difference between poetry and fi c t i o n . While the former deals with the psychological in an ob-viously subjective manner (through the lover's eyes) for a l y r i c a l purpose, the latter adopts a narrative perspec-tive that jus t i f i e s the author's reasons for writing, and 86 his opinions and feelings towards his narration. Style The novel i s formed by several rhetorical units a l l carefully modelled on treatises. San Pedro fuses the nar-ratio, epistles, discourses, planctus, harangue, and argumen-24 tatio into a coherent and polished work whose entertaining quality was reflected in i t s tremendous success. Like a l l cultivated mediaeval writers, San Pedro was concerned with propriety and decorum in the content of his narrative and in the way he was to convey i t . The idea of originality in style did not enter into the mind of the mediaeval writer. Manuals showed him the correct way of writing through the s t U {*y of the best avail-able literary models. His purpose was to instruct while delighting, and he considered himself a craftsman carefully applying the rules of his craft. Each of the rhetorical units found in the Carcel i s meticulously developed accord-ing to established rules. The manner in which San Pedro develops the epistolary form i s especially noteworthy. The letter was supposed to begin with a salutatio; usually a very brief greeting, or mentioning of the names of the person addressed. San Pedro limits the salutatio to an indication of the name of the recipient; Laureola, Leriano, Padre, Persio, etc.. Then came the exordium which appealed for the reader's interest, often through a con-vention called captatio benevolentiae. This was the means 87 to attract the reader's attention or curiosity by praising him, requesting his mercy, stressing his state of mind, etc.. We can see, for instance, how Leriano seeks Laureo-la 's pity: Si touiera t a l razon para escreuirte como para quererte, sin miedo lo osara hazer: mas en saber que escriuo para t i s e turba e l seso y se pierde e l sentido, y desta causa antes que lo comencase toue conmigo grand confusion: mi fe dezia gue osase, tu grandeza gue temiese: en lo vno hallaua esperanca y por lo otro desespe-raua, y en e l cabo acord£ esto. Mas, guay de mi, gue comence tenprano a dolerme y tarde a quexar-me, porque a t a l tienpo soy yinido, que s i a l -guna merced te meresciese, no ay en mi cosa biua para sentilla, sino sola mi fe. E l coracon esta sin fuerca y e l alma sin poder y e l iuyzio sin memoria.(pp.132-3) Following the exordium was the expositio or narratio, the main body of the letter which explains what i t i s about. Leriano wants Laureola to know about his love for her and to acknowledge his torments by showing mercy-to-wards him: Podras dezir que como pense escreuirte: no te marauilles, que tu hermosura causo e l afici6n, y e l aficion el deseo, y.el deseo la pena, y la pena e l atreuimiento; y s i por-que lo hize te pareciere que merezco muerte, ma"ndamela dar, que muy meior es morir por tu causa que beuir sin tu (sic3 esperanca. Y hablandote verdad, la muerte, sin que tu me la dieses yo mismo me-la darla, por haliar en el l a la libertad que en la vida busco, s i tu no ouieses de quedar infamada por matadora: pues mal auenturado fuese e l remedio que a mi librase de pena y a t i te causase culpa.(p.133) The expositio was followed by a petitio, the reason for writing the letter and usually the petition of a f avour: 88 Por quitar tales inconueniencias, te su-plico que hagas tu carta galardon de mis males, que avngue no me mate por lo que a t i toca, no podre beuir por lo que yo sufro, y todavia que-daras condenada.(pp.133-4) The letter ended with a conclusio that could be either a recapitulation of the matter previously expounded, or a fina l attempt to gain sympathy. Leriano's conclusio i s brief: Si algund bien quisieres hazerme, no lo r tardes, s i no podra ser que tengas tienpo de arepentirte y no lugar de remediarme.(p.134) A l l other rhetorical units - the "cartel de desafio", Leriano's answer, the harangue to the caualleros. the "lla n -to de la madre de Leriano", the "discursos razonados" by the Cardinal, the King, and Leriano's on defense of women - pre-sent the same application of rhetorical rules. If the dis-courses are examined as the epistle was, the same careful development of the existing theories on the subject would be found. We find treatises in fifteenth century Spain dealing 25 with duel laws. Keith Whinnom finds a surprising resem-blance between Persio's letter and a letter of 1480 in which Don Diego L6pez de Haro, challenged Don Pedro Fajar-26 do to a duel. The harangue to the troops also closely follows the formulae expounded in the artes aregandi. It consisted mainly of praises of the soldiers' courage and strength, appeals to the fame of their ancestors, explana-tion of the reasons for the battle, attempts to convince the troops of their right to exterminate the enemy and of 89 the glory involved in either victory or death for the causes como sea mas estimada la virtud que la muchedun-bre, vista la vuestra, antes temo necesidad.de ventura que de caualleros, y con esta conside-raci6n en solos vosotros tengo esperanca . . . Agora se nos ofrece causa para dexar la bondad que eredamos a los que nos han de eredar . . . Grandes apareios tenemos por osars la bondad nos obliga, la i u s t i c i a nos esfuerca, la nece-sidad nos apremia. No ay cosa por que deuamos temer y ay m i l l para que deuamos morir.(pp.180-1) 27 The "llanto de su madre de Leriano" i s a planctus. Its rules are found in the artes poeticae and i t i s derived from the classical apostrophe. Its most characteristic ele-ments are the exclamatio and the interroqatio, and i t may include a great number of themes such as apostrophes to famous historical figures, objects, countries, or i l l u s -trious l i v i n g personages. The planto or endecha was a very widely practised form in fifteenth-century Spain and excel-led in the famous Coplas of Jorge Manrique. The duchess Coleria explains to Leriano the i l l omens that made her come to his side when she saw his helpless situation, and she bursts into tears lamenting her son's fate. She addresses Leriano, though he cannot hear her: "\0 alegre descanso de mi vegez, o dulce hartura de mi voluntad!", " 0 muerte cruel enemiga . . .! Tan traidora eres. . ."(p.210) and painfully realizes her future l i f e , lonely without her only son and awaiting her own end -"£Que sera de mi vegez contenplando en e l f i n de tu juven-tud?"(p.210) "con dolor sera mi beuir y mi comer y mi pen-sar y mi dormir, hasta que su fuerca y mi deseo me lieuen a tu sepoltura"(p.211). 90 Stephan Gilman has compared Coleria's planto to that of Pleberio in La Celestina, but although they may be techni-cally comparable, they are guite different in mood. The despair and desolation of Pleberio when he calls love, "a mysterious and terrible goddess whose e v i l influence poisons and corrupts human l i f e " , and sensing the "chaotic imperso-28 nality of the universe" are not at a l l the legitimate grief of Leriano's mother, she does not blame love for causing the death of her son. She realizes the power of the passion that i s k i l l i n g him, but she accepts the fact that he, like a l l high-born men, cannot help loving as he does. Coleria's "pluguiera a Dios que fueras tu de los torpes en e l sentir, que meior me estuuiera ser llamada con tu vida madre del rudo"(p.210), sounds at once sincere and self-complacent. Leriano's imminent death f i l l s her with sadness, but she blames his death on his superior soul, " s o t i l juizio". The llanto crowns the highly emotional tone of the novel; i t gathers together and explains the events of the tragedy: "Tan poderoso fue tu mal que no tuuiste para con 51 ningund remedio"(pp.210-11). Keith Whinnom has studied closely the language and 29 style of Carcel de amor and Arnalte y_ Lucenda, following the observation made by G i l i y Gaya and later developed by ^30 Carmelo Samona, that the style of the Carcel i s superior to that of the Arnalte and constitutes a considerable im-provement or "pulimento". Whinnom finds that the main char-acteristics of what he calls "San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c reform" are: 91 a) the abandonment of syntactical latinisms such as the postponement of the verb and the use of the Latin subjunctive, b) the reduction of the use of "acoustic conceits" or "figures of sound" like the annominatio and and paranomeon, and c) the employment of the techniques of abbrevatio 31 in narrative style. Both Whinnom and Samona feel that the changes in San Pedro's style are due mainly to a change in the literary taste of the period, a changing intellectual climate, and as Whinnom insists, to the advent of Humanism. Preceptists like Nebrija were censoring the imitation of Latin syntax in Spanish and the use of rhyme in proses "la barbaria, por 32 todas partes de Espafia tan ancha y luengamente derramada". Also, Juan de la Encina advised strongly against these uses and against ornamental excessess "el guisado con mucha miel 33 no es bueno." Nebrija and his followers went back to the newly discovered late classical grammarians. They imposed a new rhetoric which was eagerly learned and assimilated by the ladies of the court, who consequently preferred the simple unadorned style of the Sermon to that of Arnalte y_ Lucenda s because "a Dona Marina Manuel le parescfa e l es-t i l o menos malo que e l que puse en otro tratado que vido mio."(p.114). Whinnom believes (as was stated in Chapter I) that San Pedro's reform represents not only a slow evolution of technique, but also a conscious effort to adapt himself 92 34 to the demands of his enlightened audience. Whinnom thinks that San Pedro's reform starts in the Serm6n, although here his intention was merely to use the sermo simplex form for his parody, and he was not conscious-ly trying to simplify the rhetorically ornamented manner of his f i r s t novel. San Pedro became aware of the need to modify his prose on hearing the comments of Dona Marina Manuel, and realized that his public preferred a more direct and unpretentious style. This realization led him to study the new rhetoric and to apply i t in his new novel. The use of syntactical latinisms such as the postponement of the verb and the use of the Latin subjunctive, were very popular among fifteenth-century rhetoricians, and San Pedro employs them generously in the Arnalte. Any passage chosen at random may serve as an example of his f i r s t conspicuos use of latinisms: Pues como la hora del dormir la fiesta pre-sente en tregua puso, cada vno a su posada a re-posar se reparte. y como yo mas para trabajo que para reposo apercibido estouiesse, quando Lucen-da de la Reyna fug despedida, con dissimuladas razones por ver la sentencia de mi carta tras e l l a qui£, y non solamente fasta su posada la acompane, mas fasta su camara la segui. Pero en todo este tiempo ningund papel en la mano tom6. y asl sin ma's certenidad aquella noche estuue. (p.35) In the Arnalte Whinnom finds that the verb of the prin-cipal clause i s postponed in about half of the cases, while the verb in the subordinate clause i s postponed in about three-quarters of the cases. Neither.in the Sermon nor in the Carcel do we find an example of verbs which have been a r t i f i c i a l l y postponed, and fewer than three per cent of 93 postponed verbs are in subordinate clauses. The use of como followed by the past subjunctive (cor-responding to the Latin cum plus the imperfect subjunctive) is repeated insistently in the Arnalte. In one paragraph alone we find as many as six examples of this latinism: Pues como Thebas mi naturaleza fuese. y como e l Rey lo mas del tiempo en e l l a gastasse, . . . Y como hombre de mucha autoridad y honrra fuese„ . . . E como en medio del templo e l cuer-po se pusiese. . . . Y como la ruuiura dellos tan grande fuese e las muchas lagrimas del ros-tro mas le encendiesen y aclarassen. . . . Y co-mo e l llanto presente de su publicaci6n fuese causa de yerla t a l . . .(p.19) This latinism i s rare in the Carcel though i t s t i l l occurs at times: "y como la escuridad y l a poca sabiduria de la tierra me fuesen contrarias"(p.118). Whinnom finds thirteen of these cases in the opening chapter of Arnalte, but only two in the corresponding chapter of the Carcel. Whinnom also notices a considerable reduction of rhet-orical colours. He bases his definitions and examples on the anonymous Rhetorica ad Herennium, and finds that the acoustic conceits most used by San Pedro in the Arnalte are 35 annomi)riatio and paranomeon. The f i r s t i s the repetition of the same word, adjective, or noun in different cases of i t s declension; "Nunca haze desconcierto; en todo y por todo acierta,/ sigue a Dios, que es lo mas cierto,/ y des-concierta e l concierto/ que lo contrario concierta"(p.15). This device i s used only sparingly throughout the Carcel and i s limited to two similar^elements in one sentence; also, when this device appears in the Cctrcel i t i s not as a meaningless play on words, but in a significant context: 94 "yguales en cerimonia avnque desiguales en. fama.".(152). The second acoustic conceit, a l l i t e r a t i o n or paranomeon, is almost totally absent from the Carcel although i t abounds in the Arnalte: "E non de dicha me quexara siquando la mano en e l papel puse, la gouernadora della peresciera: pues de libre, catiua guise ser, dandote prenda sin nada deberte" (p.54). San Pedro also eliminates the use of rhymed prose from the Cdrcel. Whinnom suggests that he may have previously been inspired by the Goliardic rhythm of Walter Chatillon which was adopted by Thomas a Kempis in his Imitatio  Christi where we find an exact Latin analogue to San Pedro's style in Arnalte: "pero mas con temor de su no, que con es-peranca de su s i , no con menos dolor que acatamiento allegue, y con desigualados sospiros y con turbaci6n conoscida, que quisiese comigo dancar le suplique"(p.32). The f i n a l most outstanding s t y l i s t i c reform introduced by San Pedro consists in the employment of the techniques of abbreviatio. Whinnom counts twenty-three cases of the brevitas technique frequently used to terminate a speech or a letter: " s i e l alargar no fuese enoioso"(p.206), "Y por-que en detenerme en platica tan fea ofendo mi lengua, no digo mas"(p.l30). The purpose of this technigue i s to avoid rhetorical ornaments or pointless amplificatio, and i s typ-i c a l of the humanist rhetoricians. The Arnalte contains only seven examples of brevitas, whereas we find many vari-ations of this technigue in the Carcel. It i s evident that San Pedro's writing was largely 95 determined by the tastes and expectations of his audience. The ver s a t i l i t y of his talent, and his remarkable sensitivity to the contemporary atmosphere allowed him to grasp the ideas and attitudes of his courtly public and interpret them s k i l -f u l l y . In Carcel de amor he responded to the desire of the Alcaide de los Donceles that he write a love story, and to Dona Marina Manuel's wish that he improve his style. By reviewing his rhetoric in order to overcome the faults of 36 the Arnalte, he was able to appreciate the incongruities of the hero's character which prevented him from being a perfect romantic hero for a more carefully planned love story which combined harmoniously rhetorical devices, lan-guage, and content. The relative simplicity of the new rhet-oric, the careful application of the diverse topoi, and the choice of the epistolary form to convey a•sentimental mood, were a key to the success of the Carcel. San Pedro succeded in his efforts because of his readiness to please and to ingratiate himself with his public. Unity and Structure San Pedro's artistry has been underestimated by the c r i t i c s who, on the one hand, praise his style, on the other, condemn the apparent lack of unity in the Carcel. Menendez y Pelayo, for instance, refers to "elementos que entran 37 en la fabula . . . confusamente hacinados y yuxtapuestos;" Bruce Wardropper has pointed out that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to understand such disunity of purpose and tone in a writer 38 who attends so consciously to minute details of style. 96 The Carcel de amor is a story about the servitude of love and torture suffered by a lover. It develops the allegory already suggested in the t i t l e into a story. From beginning to end, the novel appears as a carefully planned exposition of a courtly theory of love, and i t s thematic unity can hardly be questioned. A l l secondary incidents - duels, Laureola's imprisonment, appeals to the King, etc. - are 39 subordinated to the love story. The three v i t a l factors that give the Carcel unity are (1) the theme - courtly love (the prison of love already studied in Chapter 3 of this work), (2) the epistolary struc-ture of the novel, and (3) the role of El Auctor. It has been noted that the novel i s conceived as a letter to "vuestra merced", Don Diego Hernandez de c6rdoba, and that i t developed in accordance with the rhetorical rules in vogue at the time. It opens with a salutatio, "Muy virtuoso senor" and proceeds to narrate the story after the pertinent exordium is presented as a prologue. By using the epistolary form, San Pedro feigns an historical reality that renders the tale verisimilar. This r e a l i s t i c appearance is further supported by the active role played by the author in the events narrated. San Pedro pretends to be one of the protagonists of his novel and thus justifies his first-hand perspective as nar-rator. He pretends to be t e l l i n g us his experience, describing the events he witnessed, reporting what the characters told him or wrote in the letters he delivered, the reactions he 97 noticed in people and his own reactions to the events and characters. A l l of this strengthens the i l l u s i o n of histor-i c i t y . Perhaps, the fact that each of these aspects of the tale have been studied separately i s what has confused the c r i t i c s . They are not "hacinados" or "maladroitement as-socies", but carefully selected elements within a structure they help create and on which they depend. San Pedro i s reinterpreting his supposed experience through the sadness caused by Leriano's death. By recalling his reactions to the events he is narrating he j u s t i f i e s his letter to "vuestra merced". He not only witnessed the tragedy, but was part of i t ; he became Leriano's confident and friend, and he was the'go-between'twixt him and Laureo-la and knew of their joys and sorrows. The constant recalling of his feelings and reflexions on the incidents revealed, keeps the individual elements closely united. This explains the zealous descriptions of incidents and characters, for example: Y con este acuerdo bolui otro dia a pala-cio para ver que* rostro hallarfa en Laureola, la qual, como me vido trat6me de la primera manera, sin que ninguna mudanca hiziese: de cuya seguridad tome" grandes sospecnas. Pensaua s i lo hazla por no esquiuarme, no auiendo por mal que tornase a la raz6n comencada. Creia que disimulaua por tornar al prop6sito para tomar emienda de mi atreuimiento, de manera que no sabira a qual de mis pensamientos diese fe. (pp. 130-1) or Tanta confusi6n me ponlan las cosas de Laureola, que quando pensaua que mSs la en-tendla menos sabia de su voluntad. Quando tenia mas esperanca me daua mayor desuioj quando estaua seguro, me ponlan mayores miedos sus desatinos, 98 cegauan mi conocimiento. En e l recebir la carta me satisfizo; en e l f i n de su habla me desespero. No sabia que" camino siguiese en que esperanca hallase, y como onbre sin conseio.(p.137^ Because San Pedro i s not primarily concerned with des-cribing or reproducing dialogues such as his entire conver-sations with Laureola, he alludes to them briefly by means of the brevitas topos: "Concluyendo, porque me alargo, e l rey mando apartar e l conbate con p£rdida de mucha parte de sus caualleros, en especial de los mancebos cortesanos, que sienpre buscan e l peligro por gloria"(p.l80). Bruce Wardropper thinks that El Auctor and Leriano embody two sides of San Pedro's character, the sentimental and the rational, but i t might be argued that the sentimental and rational aspects of San Pedro are represented in E l  Auctor and the author respectively, though the aspects overlap. The author i s rationalizing the events and present-ing us with his supposed emotional reactions to them. El Auctor i s portrayed acting out his emotion: Por cierto no he avido menos plazer de oyrte que dolor de uerte, porque en tu persona se muestra tu pena, y en tus razones se conosce tu bondad. Sienpre en la peior fortuna socorren los virtuosos, como tu agora a mi heziste; . . . Tanta aficion te tengo, y tanto me ha obligado amarte tu nobleza, que avria tu remedio por ga-lard6n de mis trabaios.(pp.125 and 126) The author gathers a l l the ingredients of the story and uses them in an autobiographic f i c t i o n : Despu£s de hecha la guerra del ano pasado, viniendo a tener ei inuierno a mi pobre reposo, pasando vna manana, quando ya e l sol queria es-clarecer ia tierra, por vnos valies hondos y escuros en la Sierra Morena, v i . . . (pp.115-6) 99 The pseudo-autobiographic nature of the novel made Menen-dez y Pelayo and later c r i t i c s assume that San Pedro was in fact disguising in literary form a love aff a i r in which he had been involved. Thus, they identify the author with Leriano and the allegorical Prison of Love with the castle of Penafiel of which he was alcaide. In his edition of the Circe 1, Moreno Bciez takes for granted that "hay agui e l reflejo de una vivencia del autor. ^Quien no recuerda a la monja de la que segun e l prefacio de su Pasi6n estuvo ena-40 morado?" These c r i t i c s f a i l to appreciate the novel's un-questionable indebtedness to the courtly love tradition, i t s purpose of delighting i t s aristocratic audience by giving l i f e to the convention of noble love, and i t s poetic essence rendered real by means of carefully selected form, style*: and language. In his important study of the picaresque novel, Fran-cisco Rico has clearly underlined the significance of the epistolary form in the development of the novels En e l Renacimiento, la obra de arte . . . se entiende como un segmento del universo segun lo observa una persona determinada, desde un determinado punto de vista, en un momento de-terminado . . . El minimo comun denominador de la tecnica narrativa consiste en someter todos los ingre-dientes del relato a un punto de vista singu-lar: en las ficciones autobiograficas . . . al convertirse e l protagonista en escritor . . . se j u s t i f i c a la perspectiva del narrador, se noveliza e l punto de vista. 41 Therefore, the epistolary form, as well as being the best literary form for confessions or rendering confiden-t i a l information, also justifies the writer's perspective 100 and reinforces the i l l u s i o n of reality: "La carta concilia 42 la tradicion ret6rica con una modesta historicidad". San Pedro's intention of translating his theory of courtly love as f i r s t expressed in the Serm6n into a convincing story, found shape in the style of the letter and the contemporary rhetoric of the Isabeline court. San Pedro, like the author of Lazarillo, intuitively recognized the need for a re a l i s -t i c novelization of the author's point of view, and this was 43 later to become the primary aim of the modern novel. 101 Footnotes to Chapter Four 1 See Whinnom, 2, 47. 2 Anna Krause, "El 'tractado' novelistico de Diego de San Pedro," Bulletin Hispanique. 54 (1952), 245-75. See especially p.249. 3 Cited by A. Krause in art, c i t . , p.246. 4 Gonzalo de Berceo, Milaqros de Nuestra Sefiora, ed. A. G. Solalinde (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1952). 5 Juan Manuel, Tractado en que se prueba por razon que la Virgen Maria esta en cuerpo y alma en el Paraiso; Juan Ruiz refers constantly to his Libro de buen amor as a tractado: Martinez de Toledo also refers to i t as: "El exenplo antiguo e l que puso e l Arcipreste en su tractado." Cited by A. Krause in "El 'tractado* novelistico," p.247. Even though Juan Manuel writes in prose and Juan Ruiz in verse, the latter was using primarily the mester de cle-recia, form which was considered a polished prose. 6 A. Krause, "El 'tractado' novelistico," p.249. 7 Whinnom call s i t mediaeval f i c t i o n in Diego de San Pedro, Obras completas, 2, 47, although this term could also be applied to the popular ballad which is in verse form. 8 Rudolph schevill, Ovid and the Renaissance in Spain (1913; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg 01ms, 1971), pp.87 et seg.. 9 "The Beginning of the Epistolary Novel in France, Italy and Spain," University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1937), x-158. 10 Ibid., p.40. 11 ; , . • Ibid.. p.3. 12 Johan Huizinga, The Waning, pp.200-214. 13 See Chandler Rathfon Post, Mediaeval Spanish Allegory, Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature, 4 (Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1915). 14 See A. D. Deyermond, "El hombre salvaje en la novela sentimental," Actas del 20 Congreso Internacional de His-panistas (Nimega, 1965), pp.265-72. 102 15 C. R. Post, op_. c i t . . pp.88-91, 105 and 276. 16 We find heraldic colours used symbolically in an erotic sense in some Catalan sentimental works. For some examples of erotic allegory see Arseni Pacheco, Novel'letes  sentimentals dels segles XIV i XV (Barcelona: Antologia Catalana, 1970), esp. Prosa feta per Romeo L l u l l intitulada  lo deSpropiament de amor (pp.65-71), Somni de Francesc Ale-gre recitant 10 proces de una questi6 enamorada(pp.89-104). 17 A. D. Deyermond, "El hombre salvaje,'" p. 266. 18 Labour refers in this context, to a l l the deeds and pains the lover has to undergo before deserving the lady's reward. 19 Lewis, Allegory of Love, p.20. 20 Ibid., pp. 1-43. 21 Rosemarie Thee Morewedge, ed., The Role of Women in the Middle Ages (Albany: New York Press, 1975), esp. pp.41-64. 22 I cannot agree with Keith Whinnom when he says that "la mente moderna preferirla que se pudiera aislar un mundo del otro, preferiria que se pudiera decir donde esta Leria-no, a l l ! est5 su p r i s i 6 n emocional" (Obras, 2, 52). The subtle link between both worlds corresponds to the ethereal essence of the sentimental and ideal nature of the novel. 23 See C. S. Lewis, Allegory of Love for an interpre-tation of the Roman de la Rose. 24 See Whinnom*s examples of these rhetorical units in his edition to San Pedro's Obras, 2, 54-4. 25 E.g. Mosen Diego de Valera, Tratado de los Rieptos y_ desaf ios que entre los cava Her os v hi jos dalgo se acos-tumbran hazer, segun las costumbres de Espafia, Francia y Inqlaterra;and Alfonso de Cartagena o Gufa de Santa Maria  Doctrina y_ instruccion de la arte de cavallerfa, cited by Whinnom in Obras, 2, p.56. 26 See Erasmo Buceta, "Cartel de desafio enviado por D. Diego Lopez de Haro al Adelantado de Murcia, Pedro Fa-jardo, 1480," Revue Hispanigue, 81 (1933), ,1-23, cited by K. Whinnom, Obras. 2, ~ 56. 27 Whinnom describes the rules of the planto in his edition of San Pedro's Obras,2. 58. 103 28 . Stephen Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas (Prince-ton: Princeton University Press, 1972),pp.155 and 154. 29 K. Whinnom, "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 37 (1960), .,1-15. 30 "Pall'Arnalte e Lucenda' a l i a 'Carcel de amor'," p.273. 31 "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform,"p.13. Whinnom uses the terms "acoustic conceit" and "figure of sound" in his analysis of San Pedro's style. 32 Antonio de Nebrija, Gramatica de la lengua castella-na (Salamanca: Gonzalez Llubera, 1492), p.57, apud -, Whinnom "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," p.14. 33 Ibid., p.14 34 Ibid., pp.14-15 35 Ibid., p.4 36 Judging by the Arnalte's popularity i t s faults were not a l l that evident to the contemporary public. See the "Noticia bibliografica" in Whinnom, 2, 71-5. 37 Origenes, p. 512 38 See "Allegory and the role of El Auctor in the O c t r -ee 1 de amor," Philological Quarterly. 31 (1952), , ... 39-44. 39 It i s not a miniature chivalry novel as Wardropper says in "El mundo sentimental," because the description of warfare i s more in the manner of a chronicle than in the fantastic accounts of battles found in the Amadis and similar novels. Moreover, the battle occupies a secondary place in the Carcel. Also Marquez Villanueva (op.cit. p.. 1.85) calls San Pedro's novel a novela polftica because of the many non-romantic events that take place. Neither view i s justified. See the discussion of Marguez's views in Chapter 1 of this work. 40 Carcel de amor (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1974), p.24. Moreno Baez, however, does appreciate San Pedro's work as a whole and poetically compares i t to a Gothic cathedral: Buscando la clave de la estructura de la Cctrcel de amor en su goticismo, recordemos gue la ojiva nace de dos lineas que se cortan tras dibujar dos segmentos de arco, . . . Tambien se nota en ellas la intenci6n de subrayar, acusan-dolas a l exterior, cada una de sus partes: p r i -mero, la portada, flanqueada de torres . . . y 104 cuyas esculturas,> agrupadas alegoricamente, ofre-cen una sintesis anticipada de las ensenanzas de la catedral; luego la nave, acompanada de dos o cuatro naves laterales . . . mas allS e l crucero, tambien con sus naves laterales, gue nos detiene al ampliar e l espacio v multiplicar las perspec-tives; finalmente lo que los franceses llaman e l coro y los espanoles la capilla mayor . . . Todo ell o movido por un anhelo de absoluto, que se proyecta hacia e l vaclo en e l que se recortan ios arbotantes y los contrafuertes, las gargolas y los pinaculos, pero por un anhelo propio de quienes esta*n acostumbrados a acercarse discur-sivamente al misterio aunque sabiendo que a l fondo de £l solo se llega con la intuicion, for-talecida por la gracia de Dios.(p.l9£ Moreno Baez does not believe that San Pedro meant to transpose Gothic architecture into literary terms, but he feels that the philosophy, science, art and literature of each period are conditioned by the same mental habits: Asi como un poeta como Dante se inclina tanto a las divisiones y subdivisiones como los fil 6 s o -fos de su tiempo, es muy natural que los proble-mas estructurales de una narracion se resolvieran de la misma manera que los de los edificios, es decir, subrayando sus partes y armonizandolas, sin que ni siquiera haya que suponer que e l au-tor se diera cuenta de ellos.(p.29) La novela picaresca y; e l punto de vista (Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1970), 2*35. / 42 Ibid., p.16 43 Ibid., pp.140-741 105 Chapter Five Influence of the Carcel de amor The Carcel de amor achieved an extraordinary European success. It has been perhaps one of the most widely read and cherished Spanish novels ever written, and was greatly influential in many ways. For instance: i t started a vogue for "sentimental novels" in France, Italy, Germany, and England; i t established new concepts of love and honour; i t introduced the conception of the perfect courtier; i t was important in the development of the epistolary novel, rhetoric, and the feminist battle against the anti-feminists. Nicolas Nunez wrote a continuation of the Carcel. He supposes that Laureola was also deeply in love with Leriano, and that she suffered bitterly on learning of his death. Leriano's ghost appears to her in the night, and she re-proaches him for his lack of patience. Despite the songs and villancicos included in this work, i t did not enjoy public favour. San Pedro had no true successor. Juan de Flores, a contemporary of San Pedro, published two successful courtly novels, presumably written after the 1 Carcel. Juan de Flores is often thought to be San Pedro's successor; but though this may be true in the sense that both writers achieved a similar popularity, this theory loses, ground when one compares the content of their works. Grisel y_ Mirabella and Grimalte y_ Gradissa are different from San Pedro's novel. Grisel i s a sentimental novel that 1 0 6 has more in common with the Estoria de Ardanlier e Liessa than with the Carcel. Grimalte y_ Gradissa i s inspired by-Boccaccio's Fiammetta» and i t s moralistic nature sets i t apart from the novels of San Pedro, and even from the Gri-sel. The heroines of Flores seem to be closer to the down-to-earth Melibea than to the conventional Laureola, as has 2 often been pointed out. The novels of Juan de Flores, par-ticularly Grimalte y_ Gradissa, represent a departure from the theory of courtly love, and whereas San Pedro was es-sentially a courtly poet, Flores appears as an observer of l i f e more concerned with actual human emotions than with poetic ideals. Many c r i t i c s have stressed, after Menendez y Pelayo, that, besides the two incunabula editions of the Carcel, there were twenty-five editions in the sixteenth century and twenty translations into French, English, Italian and German, but evidently there were many more. Sim6n Diaz re-gisters also nine bilingual (Spanish-French) editions and 3 eight more translations. However, both Sim6n Diaz and Me-nendez y Pelayo only take into account the editions found in the great libraries (Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, The British Museum, the Hispanic Society of America), and those mentioned by biblio-graphers. Keith Whinnom has seen other editions in smaller libraries(such as that of the Baron of Rothschild), and has himself one bilingual edition, not registered by bibliogra-4 phers, given to him by professor E. M. Wilson. Also, Julio Cejador y Frauca mentions numerous editions in his Historia 107 de la lenqua y_ literature castellana, although no other c r i t -5 ic includes them in his l i s t . San Pedro himself t e l l s us about the success of his work in the Desprecio de la Fortuna: "y como la obra t a l no tuuo en leerse calma"(p.237). Many important catalogues of fifteenth and sixteenth-century Spain included i t in their collections, among others, those of Queen Isabella and Fer-6 nando de Rojas. The novel was a great favorite of the En-glish and Italian courts, and i t played an important role in the development of rhetoric. A. Giannini believes that the Carcel de amor strongly 7 influenced Baldassare Castiglione in writing r l Cortegiano, and Menendez y Pelayo had already pointed out that some parts of Castiglione*s work were clearly inspired by the atmosphere of the Spanish court and the customs of the Spanish nobility. We know that the Carcel de amor, translated into Italian by Lelio de Manfredi in 1506, was very popular in Italy, and i t i s vir t u a l l y certain that Castiglione must have known this work. By comparing the debate between Julian de Medici, the Magnificent, and Gaspar Pallavicino (II Cor-tegiano, Book III), to Leriano's speech in defense of women, we realize that Castiglione*s conception of the perfect courtier i s modelled on Leriano's attitudes and ideas. Gian-nini feels that Castiglione developed Leriano's views ac-cording to Renaissance rhetoric and scholastic philosophy, particularly when trying to prove the equality of men and women as members of the same species. For that reason, he 108 finds Castiglione*s arguments superior to Leriano's, over-looking the fact that San Pedro was primarily a poet and his work a novel. Leriano's judgement on those who d i s c r i -minate against women, "blasfema de las obras del mismo Dios"(p.192), needs no further s c i e n t i f i c proof and serves well the literary purpose of the author. Giannini, like most c r i t i c s of the Carcel de amor, f a i l s to appreciate this fact: . . . se desarrolla con la sequedad y la r i g i -dez de un arte primitivo, y, hacinando elemen-tos diversos, e l autor tienta a hermosearla inutilmente con e l oropel de una r e t 6 r i c a f a l -sa e hinchada, particularmente en las arengas y cartas.8 Gustave Reynier has studied the influence of the Car-cel de amor on the French sentimental novel. It was this work and the Arnalte which gave the French novelettes their essential characteristics: Notre roman sentimental doit beaucoup plus a l'Espagne qu'on ne serait tente de le croire. Elle nous a familiarises avec ce genre de f i c -tions en nous les presentant sous la forme qui reppndaitt le mieux aux conventions traditio-neiles, c'est-a-dire enveloppes d'allegories ou enferm£es dans un cadre chevaleresque. On peu dire que ces romans espagnols gui tout d'un coup penetrent en France de 1526 a 1539, en compagnie de 1'immortelle Celestine, ont 5te chez nous une transition necessaire. 9 Although Reynier underestimates the literary value of the Caxcel de amor, describing i t as "exag^ree", he underlines i t s original treatment of the love theme, i t s v i t a l role in giving l i f e to the conventions of courtly love poetry, and "tout^. en conservant les caracteres essentiels de 1'amour courtois avec un peu de realite", i t s incorporating the 109 l y r i c a l erotic ideals of the troubadours into real l i f e : "l'amour n'est plus seulement un theme lyrique, i l commence 10 a avoir une histoire: i l peut etre raconte en prose". Reynier points out, without sufficient analysis, the direct influence of San Pedro's work on Les anqoisses dou-loureuses by Helisenne de Crenne, Les contes amoureux by Mme Jeane Flore, and particularly Theodose Valentinian's L'Amant resuscite de la mort d'amour. This last novel has 11 been carefully studied by Margaret A. Harris. She finds that Valentinian "borrowed the bare framework" of San Pe-dro's work to exploit i t for a different purpose than that of the Spanish writer. He used i t "as a medium for convey-ing a religious lesson, i l l u s t r a t i n g the working of God's grace and the dangers of trusting 'votrepropre sens' and •votre propre volonte' in matters so important as love and 12 marriage". James A. Flightner has tried to analyse the use San Pedro makes of time, Laureola's situation, and the re a l i s -t i c attention to the presentation of detail in order to 13 explain the appeal of the Carcel, but perhaps Menendez y Pelayo's reason for i t s popularity i s more accurate: El interes romantico de esta sencilla y pa-t£tica historia . . . explica el e"xito que tuvo, no solo en Espana, sino en I t a l i a , Francia y en Inglaterra. No eran frecuentes todavia narracio-nes tan tiernas y humanas, conducidas y desenla-zadas por medios tan sencillos y en que una pa-sion verdadera y finamente observada era e l a l -ma de todo." 14 The fact i s , that although San Pedro did not have a true successor, the theme of his novel, i t s characters and 110 rhetoric echo in later Spanish literature, and also in other European literature, as we have seen. Menendez y Pelayo had already noticed a similarity be-tween the "llanto de su madre de Leriano" and that of Ple-berio: "el llanto de la madre, que es uno de los trozos mas pat^ticos del libro, y que manifiestamente fue imitado por el autor de la Celestina en el que puso en boca de los Pa-15 dres de Melibea", but Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel was the f i r s t c r i t i c to study the influence of the Carcel de amor on the Traqicomedia: "No cabe duda que los autores de La  Celestina conocieron de este genero novellstico (sentimen-t a l novel) por lo menos las obras de Diego de San Pedro: la Carcel de amor figura entre los libros en romance gue 16 Rojas leg6 a su mujer". To Lida de Malkiel, the most important similarity be-tween the two works i s the personality of the main charac-ters: "inactivos para lograr su amor y dedicados a gastar 17 su vida no solo en amar sino en mirarse amar". She finds Calisto a r e a l i s t i c representation of the fifteenth-century nobleman who translated into actions the romantic sensibility of the l y r i c and dramatic literature of the period. Calisto's similarity to Leriano i s the most outstanding, because: "gracias a la representaci6n realista que ha adoptado la Traqicomedia, su inercia, su ensimismamiento, su exaltacion amorosa contrastan eficazmente con e l i r y venir interesado y activo de los demSs personajes y con e l sugerido escena-18 r i o de la ciudad". This i s because, in La Celestina we are I l l no longer in the ideal world of nobility, but in the every-day world that comprises a l l social classes and a l l human types: "En efecto, el esguematismo de Arnalte y Leriano frente a la concretez v i t a l de Calisto se explica primaria-mente por la radical divergencia de posici6n artistica entre e l realismo verosimil de la Tragicomedia y la estilizacion aleg6rica de Diego de San Pedro, sobre todo en su segunda y 19 mSs c^lebre novela." Melibea coincides in character and ideas with Laureola and Lucenda: they a l l believe in the moral responsibility of the noble maiden, but whereas San Pedro's poetic heroines remain enclosed in the conventions of the. courtly love tra-dition, Melibea yields to her human passion/ As Lida de Malkiel points out: "Lucenda y Laureola enuncian y ampli-fican aquellos conceptos en sus pulidas epistolas, Melibea las esgrime como ultima valla a la pasi6n de Calisto. En unas es escarceo palaciego; en Melibea es expresi6n comple-ta de su personalidad en los momentos mas decisivos de su 20 vida." Peter G. Earle studies Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel's observations and compares the love concepts found in the works of Rojas" and. San Pedro'.- 'He^feels that: At least in a general sense, i t i s perhaps not an oversimplification to say that La Celes-tina i s to the sentimental novel as Don Qui jote is to the chivalric novel. 21 Earle finds the following basic similarities between the two works: a) Instant passion of the hero, strongly rejected 112 by the-heroine. b) Intervention of a go-between. c) Go-between inspires "piedad" in the heroine by re-ferring to the lover's "enfermedad". d) Death of a twenty-year-old hero (Carcel) lamented by a sixty-year-old mother. Death of a twenty-year-old heroine (Celestina) lamented by a sixty-year-old father. Earle-finds these basic differences: a) Leriano's love i s unrequited, Calisto's love i s cor-responded. b) The intervention of Persio and his calumny constitute the tragic impetus of the Carcel, but in the Celesti-na the passion i t s e l f i s the cause of the f i n a l out-come . c) Leriano's relationship to Laureola i s s t r i c t l y de-termined within the rules of chivalry and courtly love. Calisto's relationship to Melibea i s unfet-tered by convention once Celestina has achieved the liaison. d) Allegory i s used in the Carcel, but not in the Celestina. Earle illustrates these aspects of both works with per-tinent examples. Although he does not develop extensively his theory, he establishes that the Tragicomedia, an essen-t i a l l y sentimental work, humanizes the poetic concepts of love, integrating comic and tragic elements and substituting realism for idealism. 113 Carcel de amor is both the best and the latest example of the Spanish courtly romance. Despite the great popularity i t enjoyed, the ideals portrayed belonged to a fading world, and they were bound to be rejected in favour of the new con-cepts which arrived with the dawning of the Renaissance. However, because San Pedro's novel portrays the tenets of courtly love in their most idealized version, i t often served as a model of precisely that which the Renaissance writer, be i t Valentinian, or Rojas, wished to reject. Nonetheless, the charming l y r i c a l guality of the Carcel de  amor and the importance of i t s role in the development of the novel, have given this work a place of honour in Spanish literature. 114 Footnotes to Chapter Five 1 Juan de Flores, Grimalte y Gradissa, ed.Pamela Waley (London: Tamesis Books Ltd., 1971), pp. i-xxxix. 2 For instance by Pamela Walev in "Love and Honour," p.275. 3 Biblioqrafia de la literatura hispahica, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Instituto "Miguel de Cervantes" de Filologia Hispahica (Madrid: Raycar, S.A, 1960-1976). 4 Whinnom, 2, 67. 5 Historia de la lengua y literatura castellanas (Madrid, 1915), 2, 67. 6 Harriet Goldberg, Jardin de nobles donzellas, Fray- Martin de Cordoba: A C r i t i c a l Edition and Study, North Ca-rolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures (Chapel H i l l : University of North Carolina Press, 1974), p. 45. 7 "La Carcel de amor y II Cortegiano de Baldesar de Castiglione," Revue Hispanigue, 46 (1919), 547-68. 8 Ibid., p.551. 9 Le roman sentimental avant L'Astree (Paris: Armand Colin, 1908), p.55. 10 Ibid., p.64. A Study of Thebdose Valentinian's "L'amant resucite  de la mort d * amour: A RelTqiouslINovel. of~ Sentiment and i t s  Possible Connexions with Nicolas Denisot du Mans (Geneve: Droz, 1966). 12 Ibid.. P.94. 13 "The popularity of the Carcel de amor," Hispania, 47 (1964), 475-78. 14 Origenes, p.507. 15 Ibid., p.512. 16 Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel, La originalidad a r t i s -t i c a d e " L a Celestina" (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universi-tana- 1962), p.393. 115 17 Ibid.. 393. 18 Ibid., 394. 19 Ibid., 394. 20 Ibid., 393. 21 "Love concepts," p.92. 11 6 Conclusion It has been seen that San Pedro's art was determined by the taste and ideas of his audience, and that he was a courtly poet who wrote to satisfy the demands of his public; but that he was also an excellent craftsman who attended consciously to minute details of style and language. Above a l l , San Pedro had a remarkable poetic sensitivity that prevented him from producing the l i f e l e s s , stereotyped writings of other courtly poets. His sensitivity, combined with his artistry, led him to create works that not only answered to the demands of his audience, but which became literary models of immense popularity. San Pedro's adaptable art found i t s best means of expression in the Ccircel de amor. When he was asked to write the best love story he could produce and in a better style .than that of his Arnalte y Lucenda, he decided to develop the elements of the love tradition that were in fashion at the time. He gave l i f e to the courtly ideal of love by means of his s k i l f u l use of the literary forms available to him, and to the new Renaissance rhetoric. San Pedro's use of the new humanistic rhetoric and the autobiographical form led him to create an effective il l u s i o n of reality in his tale, which made Carcel de amor a forerunner of the modern novel. The excellence of San Pedro's re-creation of the conventional ideals of courtly love made his Carcel de amor and i t s perfect lovers into models worthy of imitation in 117 real l i f e . However, the extremely idealized nature of these models did not correspond to the actual nature of human beings. Thus, Renaissance writers like Rojas were prone to prove the falseness of the courtly romantic ideals. San Pedro's work closes an era where the individualism of the Renaissance was s t i l l unknown; an era where the actual experience of l i f e and the a r t i s t i c rendering of i t could not be the same. San Pedro's art i s the product of the mediaeval ap-proach to literature and i t s excellence i s the result of the author's experience as a courtly writer. It was pre-cisely his consciousness as a courtly writer that inspired San Pedro to select the appropriate ideas, form, language and style in order to produce an excellent example of courtly literature. 118 Bibliography Primary sources San Pedro, Diego de. Obras. Ed. Samuel G i l i y Gaya. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1950. . Obras completas. 3 vols. Ed. Keith Whinnom. Madrid: Castalia, 1972. Secondary sources Bermejo Hurtado, Haydee and Dinko Cvitanovic. "El sentido de la aventura espiritual en la 'Carcel de amor'." Revista de Filologia Espanola, 49 (1966), 289-300. Brenan, Gerald. The Literature of the Spanish People. London: Penguin Books, 1951. Capellanus, Andreas. The Art of Courtly Love. Ed. and trans. John Jay Parry. New York: Ungar, 1959. Castro Guisasola, F. Observaciones sobre las fuentes l i t e - rarias de "La Celestina". Madrid: Jimenez y Molina, 1924. Cejador y Frauca, Julio. Historia de la 1 en qua y_ l i t e r a -turas castellanas. Madrid: Gredos, 1915. Ciavolella, Massimo. 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Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1947. San Pedro, Diego de. See "Primary sources" and also Moreno Baez, E. Sapegno, Natalino. Storia letteraria del Trecento.' Milano: Ricardo Ricciardi, 1963. Serrano Poncela, S. "Dos •Werther' del renacimiento espanol." Asomante, 5 (1949), 87-103. S i l i o Cortes, Cesar. Isabel la Catolica. Valladolid: Santareh, 1938. Simon Diaz, j . Bibliografia de la literatura hispanica. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Ins-tituto "Miguel de Cervantes" de Filologia Hispanica 11 vols. -Madrid: Raycar, ,,S. A.,.1960-66. Suarez Hernandez, Luis, Juan de Mata Carriazo, and Manuel Fernandez Alvarez. La Espafia de los Reyes Catolicos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969. Thee Morewedge, Rosemarie, The Role of Women in the Middle  Ages. Albany: New York Press, 1975. Valbuena Prat, Angel. Historia de la literatura espanola. 3 vols. 3rd. ed. Barcelona: Gustavo G i l i , 1950. Varela, J. L. "Revision de la novela sentimental." 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