THE CKILLIWACK VALLEY CONTINUUM: A SEARCH FOR A CANADIAN LAND ETHIC by TERRENCE CHARLES ARNETT B.Arch., University of British Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (THE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1976 (c). Terrence Charles Arnett, 1976 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Graduate Studies, Architecture The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date October 6 , 1976 i Abstract In the attempt to formulate a statement of the Canadian land ethic, (if that can even be accomplished), i t was decided one area had to be focused upon — that landscape is the Chilliwack Valley. The description of the factors con-tributing to the historical layering (or continuum) of the valley has been organized into five chapters. The f i r s t chapter is an introduction to the required theory and methodology. Since this i s the f i r s t attempt at an analysis of British Columbian environmental history (based on a geographically f i n i t e area), various approaches in understanding the processes of alteration and accumulation which were found helpful have been outlined. The theory found most useful suggests landscape can only be understood i f the ideologies associated with spatial topics of wilderness, pastoral, and urbanism are examined. The second is an objective presentation of events which resulted in physical alteration of the valley from i t s primeval state to i t s recent urban-ization. Seven chronological periods have been identified beginning with pre-history' s geomorphology, synecology and aboriginal culture, and ending with the period from post World War II to 1971. The text i s supported by a series of ten maps. The third chapter outlines a theory of cultural diffusion which has determined the expectations of the various settlers to the valley. Due to the limited time and resources available, those aspects of world heritage which fil t e r e d to Chilliwack with the British received particular - attention. This could be j u s t i -fied because by o f f i c i a l , cultural, and individual influence, these concepts have set the matrix for what has occurred in the valley in the past few centuries. Contributions examined include the natural landscape, the village, and the garden city. Each was analyzed for origins, evolution, and dispersal to this continent (and eventually to Chilliwack). A model of idea diffusion has been abstracted to gain a more complete grasp of Canadian roots. The fourth is primary research into the modus operandi behind Chilliwackian landscape alteration. The values and ideals of successive generations of inhabitants have been discussed and their effect upon the land described. Human influence can be subdivided into four groupings including: Stalo responses to the indigenous landscape based upon a 10,000 year residency and a culture closely a l l i e d with nature; responses to the landscape by colonists who transferred an existing cultural infrastructure from Europe; responses influenced by contem-porary environment solutions circulated throughout the world (both environmentally sensitive and solutions which disregard natural systems); and responses to the indigenous landscape by Chilliwackians, which reflect the emerging Canadian land ethic. The f i n a l chapter revolves around a discussion of Chilliwack's future. It offers a vision of what the future might be for coming generations i f the trends indicated by both the legacy of the past and by new pressures facing the valley's limited space and resources are not controlled. Historical precedent for the land controls which offer the. only hope for the valley is given. An analysis of the purpose and functioning of-the British Columbia Land Commission follows. In the summary, two observations are made. Fir s t , the Chilliwack Valley's mountainous containment coupled with the presence of an advanced c i v i l i z a t i o n should result in the whole valley being regarded as a park for the benefit of both metro and valley residents. Its original perception as the "Garden of Eden" may yet be salvaged for future centuries to enjoy. The second observation is that a Canadian land ethic seems to be slowly emerging, which may come to rely upon Canadian imagery, both historical and natural, for design inspiration. i i i Table of Contents CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION 1 A. Scope 2 1. The Continuum — History 2 2. The Continuum — Scope 6 3. An Open Space Theory 8 B. Research Hypothesis 12 1. The Hypothesis 12 2. Hypothesis Explanation 12 C. Methodology 16 1. Criteria of Site Selection 16 2. Definition of Site Boundaries (Spatial Continuum Identified) 17 3. Human Attitudes as Determinants of the Landscape Adaptaion Process 24 4. The Comparative Methodology Approach 31 5. The Research Format 35 CHAPTER II - CHILLIWACK*S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY 36 A. Scope 37 B. Prehistoric Period (prior to 1808) 40 1. Geomorphology 40 2. Plant Synecology 46 3. Cultural Anthropology 53 i v CHAPTER II (cont'd.) C. Exploration (1808-1862) 59 1. Preliminary Caucasian Exploration 59 2. Hudson's Bay Outpost 60 3. Crown Colony of Vancouver Island 64 4. Stalo Resettlement 66 5. Gold Rush 67 6. Royal Engineers 69 D. Settlement Established (1862-1886) .75 1. Pre-emptions in the Forest 75 2. Incorporation of Chilliwack Township 82 3. The Canadian Pacific Railway 85 4. The Decline of the Stalo People 88 E. Post-Confederation Speculation (1886-1918) ..92 1. Emergence of Urban Hierarchies .92 2. Chilliwack as a Countryside 93 3. The Urbanization of the Chilliwack Valley 98 F. Productive Expansion (1919-1946) ,104 1. Inter-urban Systems 104 2. Countryside 106 3. Urban Chilliwack 109 G. Industrial Growth and Functional Integration 112 (1947-1971) 1. Inter-urban Systems 112 2. Countryside 114 3. Urban Expansion 115 V CHAPTER III - CONCEPTUAL LANDSCAPE HERITAGE: AN EVOLUTION AND DISPERSAL MODEL 119 A. :,Scope 120 B. The Natural Landscape 122 1. The Extent of Influence of 18th Century Naturalism ... 122 2. Pre-Enlightment Land Ethics 123 3. The Pastoral Landscape, 126 4. The Picturesque 133 5. Refinements 139 6. Dispersal of the Natural Landscape tocAmerica 141 7. Dispersal of the Natural Landscape to Canada 144 C. Village Patterns 156 1. Introduction 156 2. Anglo-Saxon Invasion 158 3. Late Medieval Development 161 4. Tudor to Georgian Prosperity 165 5. Agrarian-Industrial Revolution 167 6. Victorian to Post-War Pressures 170 7. Contemporary 172 8. Dispersal of Village Patterns to America 176 9. The Village in Canada 181 D. The Garden City 185 1. Evolution 185 2. Dispersal of the Garden City 207 E. Proposed Evolution-Dispersal Model 224 1. Evolution and Dispersal Theory 224 2. Model 228 3. Defense 229 4. Summary 231 CHAPTER IV - ATTITUDES SHAPING CHILLIWACK'S LANDSCAPE 232 A. Scope 233 B. Prehistoric Period (prior to 1808) 235 1. Synopsis of Landscape at Datum Line 235 2. Stalo Colonists 237 C. Exploration (1808-1862) 257 1. First Visions 257 2. Hudson's Bay Company Influences 263 3. Stalo Resettlement 275 4. Gold Rush 280 5. Royal Engineers 283 6. The International Boundary Commission 299 D. Settlement Established (1862-1886) 303 1. Chilliwack Pioneers 303 2. Township Established 319 3. Decline of the Stalo 325 E. Post-Confderation Speculation (1886-1918) 333 1. Urban Hierarchies in the Lower Mainland 333 2. Chilliwack as a Countryside 336 3. The Urbanization of the Valley 344 4. Town-Country Conflicts 351 F. Productive Expansion (1919-1946) 357 1. Inter-urban Systems 357 2. Countryside 359 3. Urban Chilliwack 361 G. Industrial Growth and Functional Integration (1947-1971) ... 365 1. Countryside 365 2. Urban Chilliwack 370 v i i CHAPTER V - THE FUTURE 371 A. Scope 372 B. The British Columbia Land Commission 373 1. Introduction 373 2. Provincial Agricultural Resources 373 3. Historical Precedent for Land Commission Legislation . 381 4. Land Commission Legislation 389 5. Effect on Urban Form 399 C. A Vision of Chilliwack's Future 404 D. The Emerging Canadian Land Ethic (A Personal Assessment) ... 408 E. Concluding Remarks 415 BIBLIOGRAPHY 417 A. Bibliographic Note 418 B. Bibliographic References 420 APPENDICES 446 A. Poem 447 B. Cartography 451 C. Letter to Chilliwack Historical Society re Assistance 456 D. Letter to Chilliwack Historical Society re Projects 457 v i i i L i s t of Figures 1. Boundaries of the Chilliwack V a l l e y 19 2. Mountain View of the Chilliwack Valley 22 3. A e r i a l Photograph of the Chilliwack Valley 22 4. Remote Sensing Photo, Fraser Lowland 23 5. Georgia S t r a i t Urban Region 25 6. Fraser-Cheam Regional D i s t r i c t 26 7. Two Cartographic Faces of Canada 27 8. Serpentine Stone R i l l e t , Rousham 131 9. Plan of Rousham 131 10. Boardwalk, Point Pelee 154 11. Plan of Point Pelee 154 12. Approach to I s l i p V i l l a g e 157 13. Map of Otmoor Region 157 14. " L i t t l e Biddleford" 175 15. Welwyn, Typical Duplex Area 202 16. Plan of Letchworth Garden City 202 17. Model of Canadian C u l t u r a l Roots 229 18. Chilliwack from Agassiz 234 19. Chilliwack Mountain from Fraser River 234 20. Gestalt of Landscape Components 237 21. Contour Map of the Katz Site 241 22. Plan of E s i l a o P i t House 244 23. P i t House Diagram 245 24. Longhouse V i l l a g e 246 25. Salmon Fishery at Fraser Canyon 246 26. Fort Langley from Window of Factor's Residence 273 27. Fort Langley Sketch, 1858 273 28. "St. Thomas'" Church at Fort Douglas 281 29. Paddlewheeler, Fraser River, c i r c a 1860 281 30. Moody's Conceptual Diagram 288 31. Plan of New Westminster, c i r c a 1860 291 32. Fraser River from Bishop's House, New Westminster 291 33. New Westminster Harbour, c i r c a 1870 291 34. New Westminster, c i r c a 1860 292 ix List of Figures (cont'd) 35. New Westminster, circa 1861 292 36. Hope, circa 1860 295 37. Plan of Hope, circa 1862 295 38. Forest with Eye 301 39. Boundary Survey Commission, circa 1859 301 40. John Varley, "The Winding River" 312 41. Split Cedar Rail Fence 314 42. Farm, Agassiz 314 43. Flood at Chilliwack, circa 1894 318 44. Winter, Chilliwack, circa 1898 318 45. Chillliwack Landing, circa 1890 318 46. Chief Willaim Sepass and Family 332 47. Bridal V e i l Falls 332 48. Fraser Canyon with CP. Rail Route 334 49. C.P.R. Tunnel Near Yale 334 50. Waterfront, New Westminster, circa 1897 335 51. New Westminster, After 1898 Fire 335 52. McCutcheon Farm, circa 1890 336 53. Sheep, Chilliwack, circa 1910 338 54. Apiary in Orchard, Chilliwack, circa 1910 338 55. Farmland, Ryder Lake 343 56. House and Garden, Chilliwack 343 57. Chilliwack, Wellington Street, circa 1890 345 58. Chilliwack, Wellington Street, circa 1912 345 59. Courthouse, Chilliwack 350 60. Methodist Church, Chilliwack 350 61. St. Thomas' Anglican Moved from Five Corners, 1909 .... 352 62. Ice Storm (St. Thomas' Close), 1935 352 63. Yale Road Strip Development 364 64. Five Corners, 1976 364 65. Chilliwack Landscape 364A 66. Sprawl on Prime Farmland 364A 67. Cultus Lake 416 68. Silver Lake 416 69. Harrison Lake 416 X L i s t of Maps 1. Topography 45cu 2. Soils Analysis 45 1$ 3. Vegetation (1808) 52 4. Prehistoric Stalo Settlements 58 fHaf ^ c^rJbxwiiL 5. Chilliwack in 1862 7 4 ^ 7 6. Chilliwack -in rft&6- . . 91 7. Chilliwack i a 49i8 103 A. Chilliwack-in_19.46 .— 1-1-1- ftlM & &m 9. Chilliwack in 1971 118 10. Projected Trends (Regional Plan) 118Ok, Note: refer also to Appendix B Ac knowled gements Professor Wolfgang Gerson (director of the graduate program, School of Architecture) served for two years as chairman of this thesis committee. It is to him I owe gratitude for academic freedom to pursue the subject. Thesis advisor, Dr. John N e i l l (Department of Plant Science and Botanical Garden) was responsible for the philosophy and substance of the thesis and encouraged me to enquire further and further into the nature of the Canadian landscape. In the third year, Professor Abraham Rogatnick (School of Architecture and former Director, Vancouver Art Gallery), returned to the University, and agreed to chair the committee. Prof. Rogatnick's incisive mind brought order to the whole work with the reorganization and smoother presentation of the material. Professor Catherine Wisnicki (School of Architecture) inspired my appreciation for architectural history and read and commented upon the thesis.' Dr. Vincent Brink (Department of Plant Science and B.C. Land Commissioner) also read and commented upon the thesis. Few words are strong enough to express approval for the good work of the B.C. Land Commission in protecting our heritage. To gain an understanding of the factors influencing the perception of the British Columbia landscape, several courses in West Coast anthropology and an immersion foreign studies program in Britain (for three months) were taken. Some of the people who explained the nature of that countryside were: Brenda Colvin (landscape architect), Peter Youngman (landscape architect and professor, University of London), Peter Shepheard (architect, landscape architect, and Dean of Fine Arts, University of Pennsylvania), Maurice Ash (chairman, Dartington Hall Trustees, and chairman, Town and Country Planning Association), Mavis Batey (tutor, Worcester College, Oxford) and David Streatfield (assistant professor landscape architecture, University of Washington). Since a large proportion of attention in the thesis is focused upon the nature of the British Columbian conceptual landscape, i t follows that an essential source of information could be obtained from the Province's landscape architects. Some professionals who have contributed to my under-standing of the factors influencing the present British Columbian landscape include: Clive Justice, John Lantzius, Mary Robertson and Philip Tattersfield. Also, the various speakers at the Canadian Society of Landscape Architects' 1976 Congress (entitled "Landscape and the Fourth Dimension") helped to place the emerging land ethic into perspective. Beverley Evers (B.A.,B.Sc.) became research assistant for the f i n a l draft and assisted with editing, diagrams and co-ordination of production. Pam Belyea and Robina Henderson were the typists for the f i n a l draft. Barbara Mitchell assisted with the organization of the bibliography. A l l helped meet an impossible deadline. John Ross helped me to recreate Simon Fraser's journey. Bob Arnett aided with archival material. Alison Preece gave me confidence to include the poem in Appendix A. I would also like to express gratitude to friends who put up with years of seemingly obscure conversation. And a most important acknowledgement is to my parents, who insisted I complete the project. Several residents of Chilliwack must be thanked for their generous assistance in reading and extending drafts of the h i s t o r i c a l account of their valley. They are: Earl MacLeod (air commodore, Canadian Armed Forces, retired), Dorothy McCutcheon (secretary, Chilliwack Historical Society) and Casey Wells (archivist, Chilliwack Historical Society). Margaret Hepburn (president, Chilliwack Historical Society) aided with introductions. The fin a l version of this thesis was read and improved by Olive Kipp and Evelyn Zink (Pioneer Families Society). Captain George Byerlay (officer in x i i i charge, Royal Canadian Engineers Museum) outlined the past and present activities of the engineers. Norman Williams assisted with some of the historical photographs. Clara Cartmell (secretary, Chilliwhack Municipality) was helpful in describing some of the recent urban history of the municipality. Richard Hayward (landscape architect and planner of Chilliwhack Municipality) made available planning reports and explained the functioning of the present planning procedure. Innumerable other Chilliwack valley residents helped by answering questions and creating a friendly environment that made this study a pleasurable task. In spite of such generous assistance from so many people, the fi n a l i responsibility for any shortcomings i n this thesis remains with the author. CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION Scope Research Hypothesis Methodology 2 CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION A. Scope 1. The Continuum - History: It i s the premise of this thesis that c i v i l i z a t i o n learns from history; no human progress is made without reference to the continuum of the past.* Continuum refers to a proleptic interpretation of history which i s the antithesis 2 of antiquarianism. It recognizes the continually changing aspect of the flow of history, of form, of space, and of ideas; but maintains that the past moulds 3 the present. There i s a stream of ideas, which located and correctly 4 described, can shape the future. In this, an attempt has been made to uncover not the whims of individual preference, but the "basic, common character underlying a series or aggregation of i n f i n i t e variations."^ 1. George Kubler, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things, p.45: "As the linked solutions accumulate, the contours of a quest by several persons are disclosed, a quest in search of forms enlarging the domain of aesthetic discourse. That domain.concerns affective states of being, and i t s true boundaries are rarely i f ever disclosed by objects or pictures or buildings taken in isolation. The continuum of connected effort makes the single work more pleasurable and more i n t e l l i g i b l e than in isolation." 2. R.C. Collingwood, "Ruskin's Philosophy", pp.12-17: Collingwood reminds us that the creators of historical procedure were 19th century radicals who used the philosophy of the sense of time to question the prevailing rational classicism i n favour of facts. 3. Sigfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture, p.6:.. "The historian detached from the l i f e of his own time writes irrelevant history, deals in frozen facts. But i t is his unique and nontransferable task to uncover for his own age i t s v i t a l interrelationships with the past ... Unfortunately the historian has often used his office to proclaim the eternal right of a static past." 4. Kubler, op.cit., pp.12-13: "The historian ... transposes, reduces, composes, and colours a facsimile, like a painter, who in his search for the identity of the subject, must discover a patterned set of properties that w i l l e l i c i t recognition a l l while conveying a new perception of the subject ... the historian composes a meaning from a tradition, while the antiquarian only re-creates, performs, or re-enacts an obscure portion of past time in already familiar shapes." Refer also to R.G. Collingwood, The Idea of History, p.230 for the progressive argument in history. 5. Oxford Dictionary: definition of "Continuum." 3 With the dramatic break with history as a source of inspiration for the creative community following World War I, several generations have matured without the awareness of the interdependence of humanity throughout time. A myth has evolved that each generation discovers and creates the structure of i t s own cultural l i f e . Knowledge of the functioning of general cultural history leads to a different conclusion. Only a minute proportion of the present is created from Promethean synthesis.^ Most of society's structure results from selective interaction among predetermined concepts which leads to extension or to revision as the structure of the past is applied to a present time and place. For instance, the "new" environmental consciousness discussed with so much v i t a l i t y i s actually a refocusing of the attention of c i v i l i z e d discourse upon land ethics. The basis for both the manipulative and the conservationist 8 9 attitudes toward the adaptation or husbanding of land l i e s in the past. In spite of the claims of a "new land ethic", with esoteric or scientific precision adapted for the present, everything natural on planet earth was in an easier state of equilibrium in the past. The question posited is that of how to re-establish a state of equilibrium, not how to discover one.^ A new 6. Clarence Glacken, "Man's Place i n Nature in Recent Western Thought", p.188. 7. Kubler, op.cit., pp.108-109. 8. Paul Shepard, Man in the Landscape, p . x v i i i . 9. Glacken, op.cit., (1970); p.166: "Before the end of the 18th century, certain ideas about man as modifier of the natural world were well established. Perhaps the most important was the idea that man, as the self-judged and self-appointed highest form of the creation, has a natural lordship over the rest of the world."; refer also to Glacken's master work: Traces On The Rhodian Shore; Nature and Culture in Western Thought From Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century, for an indication of just how immense the subject i s . 10. Geoffrey and Susan Jellicoe, The Landscape of Man: Shaping the Environment from Prehistory to the Present Day, pp.373-374: "Now that we know and can assess the forces battering our planet, can they f i r s t be resisted by the defensive mechanism of instinct and then controlled and put to work by the intellect? Balanced and self-renewing ecosystems had already been evolved by past civilizations...Can- we also, as did the simpler past c i v i l i z a t i o n s , turn sci e n t i f i c data into abstract thought and art, thus to sustain and identify ourselves as humans and not as animals in this extraordinary continuum?" 4 land ethic, based upon the stewardship principle, must be explained a p r i o r i , i n terms of the flow of precedent. Hence the argument of a land renaissance put forth by Nicholson.''"'''. Human influence as a significant factor in changing the patterns of nature 12 began to be considered as a globally integrated system about 140 years ago. The new feature of the present day is simply the West's accelerated a b i l i t y to alter ecosystems in the quest for consumer resources and in the process to shift the balance of nature beyond the point of resilience. The belief that the history of a particular land area through millions of years of geological time and thousands of years of human habitation can make a valuable contribution to understanding just what that state of resilience might be, is gaining credence 13 in North America. The other side to the historical continuum l i e s within the human rationale for studying environmental history. The most concise ju s t i f i c a t i o n for the analysis of the past as the explanation for the future has been put forth by J.H. Plumb.in The Death of the Past. Plumb explains, with uncommon frankness, the result of the rejection of the importance of the flow of time (the continuum) 11. James Westvick Thorsell, Wilderness Recreation Users - Their Characteristics, Modivations and Op inions: A Study of Three British Columbia Provincial Parks; pp.1-2: "In the search for solutions to the problems of the relation-ships between man and his environment, the philosophy usually cited f a l l s under the rubric of conservation. The noted ecologist, Max Nicholson, has indeed suggested that conservation w i l l be the basis of a 'New Renaissance'." (Nicholson, "Conservation and the Next Renaissance", Albright Conservation Lectureship IV). 12. Glacken, op.cit., (1970), p.163. 13. Grady Clay, "Carrying Capacity" in Landscape Architecture(Jan.1971, Vol.61,No.2), p. 117: "Historical studies, which trace the impact of human occupance and use on places and resources over long periods pf time, are needed to give us better insights into what really goes on through generations." 5 by any society invariably results in substitution of another set of historical rules. For a nation to survive, i t must have an awareness and pride i n i t s origins and progress. Most cultural leaders find the willingness of Canadian Society to present a low-keyed indigenous culture as its most desirable characteristic, and see this mixture of a l l the world's concepts on liv i n g as providing Canada with rich opportunities. A few writers disagree, and argue the time for the expansive identity of Canada everywhere but here, is no longer an asset; these wish for a new age: one where Canadians w i l l find cultural inspiration at home, in the Canadian continuum. It is d i f f i c u l t to assess whether one side or the other i s correct at this stage. However, i f the various aspects of Canadian culture are analyzed, one must be struck with the negligible amount of work that has been accumulated toward identifying Canadian culture. One would assume for the claims of the internationalists and the "Canucks" to be f a i r l y assessed, both arguments would have to be put forth. The d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered i n presenting the "Canuck" side have been noted by Tippett and Cole in B.C. Studies: "The dictum that cultural history is the last genre to be considered by the serious historian is exemplified i n British Columbia. There i s no history of the art or architecture of the Province, no study of i t s literature, none of i t s music, or d r a m a " . T h i s appears to be because the cultural leaders here, for a l l their sincerity, did not find enough substance within the heritage of Canada, and especially the heritage relating to the Canadian land ethic, to discuss. This no longer seems to be the case. Canadiana is an immense area of research that presents only two problems: where to start, and where to end. 14. Maria Tippett and Douglas Cole, "Art in British Columbia T The Historical Sources", p.25. 2. The Continuum - Space: The other definition of continuum refers to spatial continuity; a l l parts of the physical universe are interconnected. Indeed, the identification of boundaries in the global village is becoming exceedingly d i f f i c u l t in this era of intercontinental f l i g h t separated by only hours of space. More and more one i s aware of the interconnections between discrete elements and their surroundings. Emerson once said: "there i s a property in the horizon which no man has but he whose eye can integrate a l l the parts, that is the poet.""'""' Setting aside the p o l i t i c a l implications of this ..statement, at a regional level this can be useful in understanding the visual relations between a l l the parts of a land-16 scape. Innovations in technology in the 1950's led to the developed awareness of the extent of the horizon leading to a concept of microscale and macroscale. A powerful case was made for understanding relations between a l l parts of a region by architects, artists and philosophers.*"'' They proclaimed the need for a new sense of space, a new landscape.*"^ 15. ibid., p.8 (quoted by Kepes). 16. Gyorgy Kepes, "Art and Ecological Consciousness", p.3: "Every physical form, every liv i n g form, every pattern of feeling or thought has i t s own unique identity, i t s boundaries, i t s extension and i t s wider context; i t contains or i s contained by another pattern. The unique identity, discrete shape and nature of a space-occupying substance are shaped by the boundary that separates i t from and connects i t to the space outside. An organic form lives and grows only through i t s intricate transactions with i t s environment.1 17. Richard Neutra, "Inner and Outer Landscape", p.84: "Nature i s one and continuous; the landscape cannot truly or happily be parcelled, subdivided by a geometrical surveyor's treatment ... and the new landscape reaches into vastnesses and smallnesses beyond the normal sensory range; above a l l i t reaches right into our own innermost physiology ... The entire concept of environment around the growing, li v i n g , consuming, absorbing individual now needs revision." 18. Kepes, op.cit., p.10: "The a r t i s t now has the opportunity to contribute to the creative shaping of the earth's surface on a grand scale ... we a l l are now at the threshold of a new scale consciousness, a complete reorientation.. Refer also to Kepes, The New Landscape:In Art and Science, chapter four; and to Sigfried Giedion, "Universalism and the Enlargement of Our Outlook", pp.92-93. 7 In the 20 years that has passed since the identification of the macroscale-microscale argument, i t has been subject to discussion and has been discarded as naive. Without biological and sociological input, the new landscape envisioned by Neutra and Kepes easily becomes a megalomaniac dream rather than a humanized landscape. The spatial continuum has innumerable facets that must be taken into con-sideration in its definition i f space i s to have a tac t i l e immediacy. Another 19 of those facets i s the indoor-outdoor, outdoor-indoor paradigm one of the most intimate expressions of the human scale. At one level this refers to connections from a habitation to the world, while at a metaphysical level i t refers to the passage from an individual's "being" to the world around. The diversity of methods for bringing the two levels of consciousness into harmony 20 has been summarized in an article by Geddes. Architects have the a b i l i t y to make the real world more humanly comprehensible; yet how often i s this celebration of l i f e now planned into settlements? Another facet of the continuum revolves around response to s i t e . Is the aesthetic modus operandi to be local, regional, provincial, national, continental, intercontinental, or global? Is i t to come from the land as a response to the inspiration of an indigenous environment, or i s i t to be imposed on the landscape in accordance with some foreign vision? Are the two incompatible? Canadian architects have not yet resolved the philosophical issues involved to be able to formulate a coherent answer. The spatial continuum is complex. 19. Frank Lloyd Wright, The Natural House, pp.13-34 as a manifesto for organic architecture; and refer also to Frank Lloyd Wright, A Testament: Frank Lloyd Wright; pp.102-103. 20. Robert Geddes, "The Nature of the Built Environment", an explanation of methods of attaining site-integration; see also Kevin Lynch, Site Planning. 3. An Open Space Theory: Architecture i s an area of research with infinite nuance. It is also unique among a l l other academic or professional disciplines for loosely grouped within i t are a l l those who are concerned with human relationships with the environment — built or natural. This generalist grouping holds a certain amount of cohesion because i t is the only area of intellectual pursuit that shares as i t s means of expression both creativity and the synthesis of enormous amounts of information into concepts that mediate space-form design decisions. The rubric of the various environmentalist movements of the past decade or so is increasingly having an impact upon the substance that li e s within the framework of architecture. Growing numbers of the public are stating that the designers of their world have lost touch with their interests; that some of the work of contemporary architects might just as well be put on the moon. Fortunately, this public h o s t i l i t y has increased the interest of perspicacious architects in having a closer understanding of the implications of landscape renaissance. The need for creative synthesizers who can give space-form resolutions to the vast range of environmental-land problems facing a society i s evident. Although there is a broad sense of unity to the architectural theme, differences do exist. The differences can be measured relative to the position taken within the space-form matrix. Landscape-architects are concerned primarily with giving form to the various components comprising space, while buildingrarchitects are concerned with giving space to form. Further, landscape-architects used to share with building-architects a sense of time, but the former appear to be the only ones remaining dedicated to the long term implications 9 21 of their design decisions. Landscape requires the foresight of planning for the future — the time scale is not the c r i t i c a l path method over a span of months or years, but nature's time which is on a scale measured by generations or centuries. Central to the understanding of landscape-architecture is the concept of open space. Several writers have analyzed the concept and resolved i t into a universal system of spatial categories arranged into a hierarchial order based on relative areal dimensions. The more comprehensive of these systems includes public and private space from the smallest courtyard, through gardens, parks, regional land use, etc., accelerating to encompass the whole globe as an interconnected, life-sustaining biosphere drifting as a blue haze through the i 2 2 universal continuum. Such a comprehensive spatial scheme presents great d i f f i c u l t i e s in practice. As long as Canadians require architects to give form to space, the problem of matching client's expectations with design decisions must be faced. One must be aware of the tremendous variation in opinion regarding the design of space. For example, the category entitled private garden t e l l s one almost nothing about the range of design possibilities (both site and human generated) that must be considered in the resolution of the problem. One would expect members of the public as a whole to have interests and biases toward what is acceptable i n the 21. Or in the words of Henry Elder: "The fundamental difference between building-architects and landscape-architects is the product of the former depreciates over time, while the product of the latter appreciates over time." C.S.L.A. Congress keynote speech 1972. 22. For instance, J.J. Shomon, Open Land For America, chapters two-three; refer also to Scientific American, The Biosphere. range of ideas on open space. A megalopolis urbanist , an advocate of a 24 25 humane countryside , and a wilderness preservationist , find i t d i f f i c u l t to comprehend what each other's values are. Such conflict i n goals is endemic to a free society. It is right that each should hold to their own values independent of the rest. However, architecture must have a spatial theory capable of understanding the whole range of expectations of the Canadian public. Since the 1960's, architecture has concentrated most of i t s attention on understanding urban phenomena. This has led to conceptual d i f f i c u l t i e s when architects attempt to practice outside the urban milieu. For instance, less than one percent of the Chilliwack Valley can be classified as a central urban place. What about the rest of the valley — is that no longer of concern to architects? Clearly, "urban" as a label for an associated spatial value system is inadequate for defining a l l the problems facing the Canadian landscape. There is a need, for an architectural open space theory that can re-establish contact with a l l aspects of the Canadian areal and conceptual spatial expectations. The most concise analysis of such a universal attitude towards the cognition 26 of space is that formulated by Professor Collingwood. He has reduced the 27 28 discussion of spatial aesthetics to three philosophical issues: the wilderness 23. Morton and Lucia White, The Intellectual Versus the City: From Thomas Jefferson to Frank Lloyd Wright. 24. Philip Wagner, The Human Use of the Earth. 25. Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind. 26. R.G. Collingwood, Essays In The Philosophy of Art, chapter 16. 27. ibid., p.100: Collingwood believes nature should be inclusive of mankind and our creations, not separate: "It is something for which no one has worked, something that has come absolutely and exquisitely right by no effort, but by a pure act of divine grace ... the effortless immediacy of nature is in everycase not something accidental to i t s beauty but the very heart of beauty 28. ibid., p.102. the pastoral*"^, and the urbane"'", corresponding to the degree of human inter-vention in the adaptation of nature. Here then, is a spatial theory suited to the f u l l range of understanding of a l l the people's attitudes towards architectonic space. Even i n National Parks the issues facing design on the land are not simply a matter of 31 wilderness preservation (as appealing as that is toward defining the Canadian land ethic), but rather the f u l l , complex range of expectations by humans toward the landscape has to be understood. This triad of wilderness, pastoralism, and urbanity offers the only theory capable of defining the Canadian land ethic. 29. ibid., p.104: "Nature to be beautiful, need no longer be wholly untouched by man; and that human interference, so far from impairing its beauty, may in certain circumstances even enhance i t . " 30. ibid., pp.111-112: "Therefore these u t i l i t a r i a n devices for overcoming nature are in f l i c t e d with a tang of nature herself, and i n so far as they are beautiful, their beauty i s a reflection, perhaps a concentra-tion and intensified reflection of nature's beauty." 31. Thorsell, op.cit., p.11: "In the historical sense, wilderness has also been at the fountainhead of the conservation movement. In explaining man's attitudes towards the environment, wilderness, therefore, provides an important benchmark for study of the man/nature equation." B. Research Hypothesis 1 . The Hypothesis: The function of the research hypothesis is to permit the substance of the subject matter to be thoroughly analyzed and a conclusion to be drawn which has relevance for contemporary society. Formulation of a hypothesis in historical research is a continuous exercise i t must be comprehensive enough to give an overview of the entire subject, and yet be pliable enough to permit analysis of a l l the various phases. It must be phrased in simple terms to permit ease i n communication to the eventual reader, but not insult their intelligence. And above a l l , i t must .present a personal judgment on some aspect of society that can be open to objective debate; but yet i t must be of broad appeal so that a l l who participate i n the debate may. further understand Canada. The hypothesis fi n a l l y chosen is this: The absence of an applied land ethic in recent years has had a disturbing effect on the Canadian landscape. 2. Hypothesis Explanation: An explanation of the hypothesis is essential, for i t provides you, the reader, with my biases and motivations for spending the past few years writing this paper. The hypothesis explanation, or as my committee prefers, the sermonette, revolves around a belief that the more that is learned about this land and the way Canadians presently u t i l i z e i t , the more alarmed one must become at the lack of concern shown by Canadians for their t e r r i t o r i a l heritage Contemporary Canadians demonstrate a pronounced concern for the values and pleasures of everywhere in the world except Canada. There is an overwhelming sense that Canadians, and the rest of the world, view the land mass of northern 13 North America as a g i f t to the world; i f not a g i f t , then something to be utilized to gain wealth to permit the enjoyment of another part of the world. The effect of the virtual absence of a land ethic can be seen i n the valley of the western terminus of the nation. The Lower Fraser Valley's humanized land-scape does not measure up to the standard set by the natural landscape. The architects, planners, developers and.politicians responsible for building settlements i n the Lower Fraser Valley have to be continually reminded that this place i s one of the best places i n the world, i f the humanized landscape is to reflect the area's natural beauty. The Canadian land ethic equation cannot be formulated independently from consideration of what has occurred elsewhere or what w i l l occur elsewhere, for the world is increasingly becoming smaller and interdependent. The cumulative effect of an unwise decision made in one part of the planet today has been shown 32 to have an unsettling influence upon a global network. Ecologists have shown 33 just how fragile the terraqueous systems of the planet are. The main stream of thought is being directed towards solving the problems inherent with the passing generation's insensitive and c r i t i c a l impact upon the very resilience of 34 nature's balance. Even the notion of abundant resources has come under close 35 scrutiny. It is now recognized that there are limited resources available which require prudent husbanding i f there is to be a c i v i l i z e d future. A global approac 3 6 to resource conservation is increasingly advocated and w i l l have to dominate p o l i t i c a l policies for the rest of time. 32. Barbara Ward, and Rene Dubois; Only One Earth, Barbara Ward, "Spaceship Earth" and Barry Commoner, The Closing Circle. 33. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring; Pierre Dancereau, Challenge for Survival; Pierre Dancereau, Inscape and Landscape: the Human Perception of Environment.. 34. The earliest such conference (1956): William L. Thomas Jr., Man's Role In Changing the Face of the Earth. 35. Julius Kame, "Our Land, Not Yours" (spec), p.3: he outlines the trustee principle of use of land's resources with recognition of requirements of future generations. 36. D.H. Meadows, D.L. Meadows, J. Randers, W.W. Behrens, The Limits to Growth; see also, M. Mesarovic and E. Pestel, Mankind at the Turning Point. 14 Although Canadians must consider the role of external forces in the shaping of their land ethic, the intent of those forces upon the nature of the Canadian fabric must be cautiously assessed. One glance at the morning paper is enough to be able to recognize we live i n a frightening- world, and Canada is the last c i v i l i z e d nation to face the world without a cultural presence. One aspect of that cultural presence that is missing and essential is that of a coherent and inclusive land ethic to bind Canadians to the values of this place. In this, we are about 50 years behind the United States, and about 1,400 years behind Britain. Canadians have an almost religious optimism in the value of universalism that must surely be retained. The freshness and idealism of this society is one of the most significant forces for keeping the world on the path towards freedom and peace for a l l of the family of man. A l l should have the opportunities for expression that Canadians have. However, i f the message i s preached without the precaution of strength, this nation w i l l be lost in the brutal shuffle for power 37 that only land can give. If Canadians do not learn to love the land under them, others w i l l . In the search for a land ethic, one must be struck by the fact that the present indifference is only a post World War II phenomenon. Our forefathers viewed the land as the definition and source of l i f e . They struggled to make this nation possible, and gave to i t a foundation of fortitude, vision and idealism. For hundreds of years they lived as an outpost of c i v i l i z a t i o n and faced tremendous d i f f i c u l t i e s with actions of heroic proportions to create a cohesive society for one of the world's most promising countries. In recent years, this foundation has been scoffed at or forgotten. . What has gone . wrong?: 37. Norman Pearson, speech to Canadian Society of Landscape Architects, Congress, August 1976: he outlined 13 points leading Canada to disaster and only five points to counteract them — this nation's future is sobering. It may well be that Canadians w i l l find i t suitable to define the future by shifting closer to the source of our society. To reawaken the idealism that characterized the f i r s t Canadians, history should be re-examined. 16 C. Methodology: 1. Criteria of Site Selection: The selection of a specific landscape as a focal point for study was a pre-requisite, for the study of landscape relies upon the aesthesis of a particular place. The intrinsic qualities of any chosen site influences the judgements of the analyzed subject matter. For instance, there is a natural inclination to approach the study of a land ethic as the search for an alternative to the demands and stresses of contemporary l i f e . The Gulf Islands symbolically appeal to the needs of this recuperative and contemplative landscape. Similarly, the British Columbia Ecological Reserves could be selected to represent another significant discrete approach to land ethics: man as the unobtrusive observer who preserves and records the natural ecological systems of the wilderness. However, to have accepted a site beyond the metropolitan sphere would have avoided the complex issues germane to contemporary l i f e . National communication networks, industry, population increase, food production, housing, are a l l some of the cogent rea l i t i e s facing design on the land. If systems are to be unearthed that w i l l make gentler demands on the Canadian landscape, a site must be chosen that reflects a l l aspects; that i s , the open space theory put forth previously set the c r i t e r i a that the study site had to have: a trilogy of wilderness, pastoral and urban components. The Chilliwack region was chosen. Lying beyond the immediate influence of metropolitan Vancouver, Chilliwack presents, at f i r s t glance, the rural myth: slower paced, cohesive, connected with the land, f u l f i l l e d lives, etc. It seemed to provide a good example of the benefits of a gentler society. Also, i t i s closer to the British Columbian aesthetic landscape's genus l o c i — in the near mystical qualities of the mountainous terrain that closes in upon the 17 valley (refer to Appendix A). The other advantage i s that i t is widely believed that Chilliwack offers the key to understanding the reality of the British Columbian landscape. 2. Definition of Site Boundaries (Spatial Continuum Identified): The definition of what is meant by "the Chilliwack Valley" is d i f f i c u l t . 38 Even the name is subject to controversy. Local historian, Casey Wells, has identified 23 different ways of writing Chilliwack. The closest to the Halkomelem 39 is obtained using the phonetic system: chili-WAY-ook. Its meaning is equally obscure. Wells has accumulated over a dozen different interpretations. The generally accepted meaning is "return to the source (head)". This probably refers to the headwaters of the chili-WAY-ook river, Chilliwack Lake (or in Halkomelem, s'HAW-chuk'1). However, the actual meaning is a good mystery which w i l l continue to be debated. Considering the definition of physical boundaries designated by the term "Chilliwack Valley" is just as d i f f i c u l t . It depends upon the terms of reference used. For instance, the Chilliwack Valley is within the area defined by geologists as the Fraser Lowland sector of the Georgia Depression. In geo-p o l i t i c a l terms, the Canadian sector of the Fraser Lowland (960 square miles north and 390 square miles south of the 49th parallel) is the Lower Mainland. By custom, the area is also known as the Fraser Valley, but since this defines an area from the Cariboo hinterland to the Gulf of Georgia estuary, the more 40 precise Lower Fraser Valley is used. 38. Note: when valley is spelt with a small "v" i t refers to Chilliwack Valley; when Valley is spelt with a capital "V" i t refers to the Fraser Valley. Also, the different spellings of "Chilliwack" should be carefully understood for each has a different meaning. 39. Oliver Wells, A Vocabulary of Native Words in the Halkomelem Language, pp.24-27. 40. Mary L. Barker, Water Resources and Related Land Uses Strait of Georgia- Puget Sound Basin, pp.3-16 for description. Whether i t is possible to separate the Chilliwack Valley from i t s context, the Lower Fraser Valley, is a moot point. However, from both the physical evidence and the political-economic subdivisions that have been made over the years, few would disagree that such a division does indeed exist. If physical boundaries are used, then the study area is defined by the topographical features of Sumas Mountain to the west, the Coast Range to the north, Mount Cheam to the east, and the Cascade Range to the south. It is an area that encompasses both sides of the Fraser River from the rising and ebbing liquid loess surface to the top peak rimming the valley. Standing in the midst of the valley and .rotating, the visual presence of the whole gives an over-whelming sense of containment and of isolation from the world beyond the mountains. This place is unlike any other, and is a clear boundary that can withstand the passage of time. (see figure # la.) Included in the physical boundary defini-tion would be the t r a i l s leading from the valley up to the numerous mountain areas. If the boundaries employed by the original settlers are used, then the term "Chilliwack Valley" refers not to the sector of the Fraser Lowland described above, but rather to the Chilliwack River Basin. From Chilliwack Lake, the Chilliwack River flows through the Cascades onto the Fraser Plain. Originally i t flowed through (and frequently overflowed) several channels to become tributary to the Fraser at the place now called Chilliwack Slough. (As the landscape was progressively manipulated in the 19th century, the course of the river changed). The original colonists, known as the Chilliwac, called the river "Chilkwayuhk" or "Chilukweyuk" and called the widest river in their world "Stalo" or "Staw-loh". This tribe of the Coastal Salish chose to build villages clustered along the Chilukweyuk upland for fear of attack by hostile tribes from the west, south and east. It was not until the mid-19th century that they f e l t safe enough to abandon their ancestral grounds and move down to the floodplain to u t i l i z e i t s richer resources. Using oral myth and a refined perception, the Chilliwac defined the boundaries of the valley using the physical realities of rivers, lakes, bogs, h i l l s and mountains for property markers, (refer to figure #lb). Yet another method of defining the valley arose with the arrival of a new wave of settlers from Europe and continental America. These brought to the landscape a new technology and set of ethics. The land was surveyed and divided into parcels for each family. When the settlement reached an appropriate stage of growth, the Township of Chilliwhack was incorporated in 1873. The present boundaries are extended slightly beyond the original, but basically they included the land between the south bank of the Fraser River from Mount Cheam, past Ryder Lake, and close to the former Sumas Lake. Connections with the north bank of the Fraser were tenuous, but regular. A ferry boat operated between the Young Street landing and Harrison M i l l s , since the coming of the 41 C.P.R. in 1886. The boundaries of the township (now called Chilliwhack Municipality since 1908) were conceptually arbitrarily applied. Cartesian geometry was imposed on the landscape in the eastern and southern boundaries without reference to the lay of the land. (see figure //lc) . In 1908, the direction of goals of the urban and the farm community in the valley shifted into two camps. This resulted i n the revision of the boundaries of the township to permit the incorporation of Chilliwack City. There are 988.1 acres in the city as compared with 63,808 acres of the municipality. Chilliwack early developed the lead over the numerous villages in the valley as the regional centre, a position i t has retained to the present. Indications are that the'aims of the city and the municipality have coalesced around urbaniza-tion, and so the f a l l 1976 vote, regarding unification may be accepted. 41. In an era when physical d i f f i c u l t i e s were taken for granted, both sides of the valley were viewed as a distinct entity: Refer to Howay and Scholefield, British Columbia From the Earliest Times to the Present, Vol.11, p.582: "In October, 1862, the f i r s t settlers arrived at Chilliwack. Soon others followed and by the spring of the following year about sixty persons had pre-empted land along the Harrison and Chilliwack. These two l o c a l i t i e s were then regarded as one d i s t r i c t . " This boundary definition may pass out of use. (see figure //le) . The economic boundary of the valley since the construction of the Rosedale-Agassiz bridge in 1956, has been focused on Chilliwack City. The Chilliwack trade area was identified as having the following boundaries: Ryder Lake, Chilliwack River cluster, Cultus Lake, Sumas, the south bank of the Fraser River to Cheam View, and across to the Kent-Harrison area on the north bank. The residents west of Harrison M i l l s (i.e. Deroche, and.Dewdney) do not shop 42 in the valley, but rather relate to the Mission-Maple Ridge trade area, (see figure //le) . The d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in defining the precise boundaries of the study site w i l l now be apparent. No one concept i s satisfactory. Instead, the most accurate understanding of the valley comes not from ter r e s t r i a l vision" but from the wholistic spatial experience envisioned from the surrounding mountains, (refer to figure #2), or better s t i l l , as described from an airplane encircling the region from various heights (refer to figure #3). And of course the ultimate in sophisticated aids to inclusive visual mapping 43 is the Canadian Remote Sensing Satellite (refer to figure #4) , and helps put the valley into a universal spatial context. Man instinctively responds to the yearning to set the world in such a perspective. Before, he had to "jump the wall" or climb a mountain. In the 20th century, perception has been dramatically extended with f l i g h t . The land-scape i s regarded now not from a fixed reference point with static boundaries, but with f l u i d , continuous boundaries as seen from any point in the three dimensioned atmosphere — the continuum of space. The meaning of the 42. Garry Harkness, A Comprehensive Development Plan for Chilliwack City, p.8, figure #2: "Chilliwack Trade Area". 43. To be able to read the significance of the aerial information a text on terrain analysis was studied: Douglas S. Way, Terrain Analysis. figure #2 View of the Chilliwack Valley from Mount Cheam. On clear days, one can see Vancouver and the Island. figure #3 Aerial Photograph of the Chilliwack Valley, circa 1970. (from the National Air Photographic Library, Ottawa, print photo courtesy Garry Leong). 23 Figure #4. Remote Sensing Photo of the Fraser Lowland. Assembled from collage of the following orbits: FC 51.26.44 (Jan 75), FC 50.26.24 (June 75), FC 50.25.24 (June 75), FC 51.25.44 (Dec 74). 24 Chilliwack Valley must be seen relative to the entasis of the planet. The Chilliwack Valley is tied to the larger systems. Expressed in con-temporary geo-political terms, the valley is the eastern fringe of the Georgia Strait Urban Region (refer to figure #5); the western node for the Fraser-Cheam Regional District (refer to figure #6); and is connected via Canada One (Trans-Canada Highway), the Canadian Pacific and Canadian National Railways, with Canada's urban corridor, (refer to figure #7). 3. Human Attitudes as Determinants of the Landscape Adaption Process: Human w i l l is the ini t i a t o r of land alteration for human requirements. Even a remote wilderness area in Canada is not preserved except by deliberate human foresight and the pressure of persons dedicated to that particular form of space. To understand the tremendous range of attitudes (ideals/expectations) of the Canadian people, a thorough grasp of the continuum of human w i l l must be obtained. In this, one must not confine research to the state of enlightenment 44 discussed by the arts and humanities regarding the collective soul of mankind , but rather, the f u l l spectrum of cultural "nitty-gritty" regarding the social, economic, p o l i t i c a l , religious, philosophical and aesthetical events of the past which add together to characterize the particular landscape at a 45 particular time. There are four determinants to the Canadian land ethic. The f i r s t concerns 44. Graham Collier, Art and the Creative Consciousness, introduction, also p.106: "When art does manage to convey strongly the quality of our inner l i f e , we realize that the forms employed go beyond their representational associations and t e l l us much about the nature of man's ineffable experiences." 45. In the f i r s t half of the 20th century, historians seemed obsessed with defining the components of "culture". The vagueness of the approach coupled with the general malaise for the flow of time i n the second half of this century has led to different interests. One of the better attempts to de-vise a total theory of cultural history was prepared by Leslie White, The Culture of Man. 25 Figure 7/5 The Chilliwack Valley relative to the Georgia Strait Urban Region from a map prepared by Louis Skoda for the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs and the Lands Directorate, Dept. of the Environment. Map and concept accredited to W.G. Harwick, "Georgia Strait Urban Region", Studies i n Canadian Geography - B r i t i s h Columbia, (J. Lewis Robinson, ed.), pp.119-133. Figure # 6 Fraser-Cheam Regional D i s t r i c t reproduced from "South-Western B.C., Showing LMRPB Planning Area and Regional D i s t r i c t s " , LMRPB, Regional D i s t r i c t s i n the Lower M g i n J ^ , p . 4 Figure #7 27 TWO CARTOGRAPHIC FACES OF CANADA: Its Land and Us People On Ihp top it ti cc>n»entionol mop showing Ihe l a n d - o « e o o) t h » promote*, Census Metropolitan or «oo and selected C e m u i major urban ij't-r. On Ihe bottom,and opposite,is on isodemoqrophic map showing the same tnfofmoiion but with lh# oreos of the mop units proportional lo their population : A L E IN T H O U S A N D S OF P E Q F L E — 1 I [.., DEMOGRAPHIC AREA S C A L E traditions evolved from close association with a primeval landscape. Second, concerns traditions evolved in a homeland and loyally carried to the new world by colonists. Third, concerns contemporary international solutions applied to Canadian domestic problems that have been assimilated during the 20th century. Fourth determinant of the land ethic is the responses to a particular environment by Canadians who identify with the unique conditions, community and landscape of Canada. Elaborating with reference to the Chilliwack Valley, the f i r s t determinant was the set of values evolved by the Stalo people through eight thousand years of intimacy with the valley. These traditions were amongst the world's most environmentally sensitive. Study of the f i r s t residents' beliefs is essentia! i;o understanding a land ethic for the future. The second determinant, traditions evolved in a homeland, is also a c r i t i c a l factor in understanding the attitudes that have humanized the valley until the recent present. Although a l l the world's cultural heritage is interlinked in the story, the values and aspirations which ultimately shaped the landscape were applied through a British f i l t e r . That the valley's infrastructure has its roots in Britain is not accidental. When the explorers and settlers arrived in British Columbia, they saw the potential of the lowland areas of England, the rugged highlands of Scotland, the mountains and lakes of Wales and the rough coastline of Ireland. The strength of the ties to the homeland were so close that the genus l o c i of this Province was not until very recently located within the Province, or even on this continent. For the last three centuries, i t has been in the British 46 Isles. This land myth with its love of nature and its consistent steward-46- Clive Justice, "A History of the British Columbian Landscape". 29 ship precepts has been imparted through a combination of poetry, painting, literature, land design and agricultural policies. It is unquestioned that the ideals of the "mythical" British countryside in a l l i t s facets set the expectations of the Canadian public and especially the 47 expectations of the British Columbian landscape. Most writers on British Columbia find i t necessary to understand the functioning of British l i f e in order to understand the basis of the attitudes of British Columbian l i f e . For instance, in writing his dissertation, Gibson found i t necessary to construct a model of British social.beliefs in the 19th century to be able to 48 understand how the social landscape of Vancouver evolved. This thesis relies upon the arguments put forth by Gibson, but i t soon became too limited in scope to be able to examine the f u l l range of social beliefs. Instead, two images of the continuum brought to the new land w i l l be explored: the village and the natural landscape. The third determinant of the Canadian land ethic: contemporary influences evolving external to Canada which then have been assimilated, have had a major impact upon the developing Canadian landscape of the 20th century. It is d i f f i c u l t to isolate particular phenomenon as modus operandi for this determinant, because many of the components are s t i l l evolving. However, one movement does stand out as the predominant influence of the f i r s t half of the 20th century. That is the Garden City Reform Movement. The impact this has 47. For instance J.W. Wilson, et.al., Land for Leisure : the expectations of the public are so deeply ingrained in the consciousness of this end of Canada that aesthetics does not require an explanation, i t remains implicit. Also, experience gained by the writer in designing public parks demonstrates the narrow range between what is acceptable and unacceptable by the public judgment. 48. In choosing the British as the main f i l t e r and as the basis of the Canadian land ethic, E.M.W. Gibson's dissertation, The Impact of Social Belief on Landscape Change: A Geographical Study of Vancouver, es tablished the substance of the argument; refer for example to p.8: Thus the early Vancouver landscape and i t s connections with British and British-Canadian social beliefs had to be reconstructed as a prerequisite to the analysis of landscape changes." had on planning theory and in expressing the desires of the Canadian people for community standards is documented in Chapters III and IV, along with the influence of the village and natural landscape components of the country-side myth. Since the Second World War, the third determinant of contemporary external influences has led to patterns from around the world being applied to the valley. It is s t i l l too early to assess the lasting value of these recently applied patterns. Le quatrieme et dernier facteur determinant consiste en l a reponse a 1'environnement canadien, au milieu canadien. Le f a i t de comprendre ce qui separe Chilliwack de tous les autres espaces du monde est 1'aspect le moins compris et le moins accepte de l'histoire. On devrait etudier de nouveau l'histoire du Canada pour la contribution des f i l t r e s culturels aborigines, britanniques et francais. L'aspect rationnel devrait etre de demontrer comment l'on en vint a changer ces attitudes dans 1'implementation actuelle au Canada. Cet endroit ne represente pas l a repetition de la Grande-B'retagne, de l a France, des Etats-Unis ou de n'importe ou ailleurs. Le Canada et 1'aspect exterieur canadien naissant peuvent en dernier l i e u determiner la forme finale que prendra le paysage. The aspects that make Canada distinctive are the least discussed and the least understood parts of the human play that is about to be described. It is hoped one would be convinced by the play that the origins and the explanations of Canadian patterns can be seen in the analysis of the fourth dimension, the flow of time. 31 4. The Comparative Methodology Approach: Although Collingwood's theory of natural aesthetics (wilderness, pastoralism and urbanity) provided the framework for an inclusive exploration of the Chilliwack conceptual landscape, i t was not sufficient to structure the complete empirical inquiry into the parts of the hypothesis. Therefore, several inter-disciplinary theories were consulted. One of the most f e r t i l e of the non-architectural approaches was a theory in historical geography termed the "cultural landscape". This theory was developed as a means of symbolically recording the effect of "culture" upon a particular land form. Since i t s introduction, there has been disagreement over the methodology. One school maintains that the landscape can best be understood by analysis of successive overlays of events throughout 49 history. However, another school believes that the most important aspect is the present physical landscape, so this should be the subject of investigation.^ The writer has too limited a background in geography to evaluate the validity of the competitive claims, so i t was decided instead to rely upon an interdisciplinary approach — that of "urbanization". Within this looser designation, geography's interpretation of the cultural landscape (e.g. as per Sauer) became the dominant method used to describe the "urbanization" of the Chilliwack Valley."'"'" However another 49. M.W. Mikesell, "Landscape", p.11: "The underlying assumption of Sauer's argument was that the features thus studied would be characteristic and would be grouped into a pattern and that the landscape defined eventually by this inductive procedure could be described as belonging to a specific group of a series ... in addition, Sauer f e l t that landscape should be studied genetically ... in development sequence." Refer also to the closest comprehensive example of the historical geographic description of the cultural landscape in the Pacific Northwest, D.W. Meinig, The Great Columbia Plain, 1805-1910. 50. For an example of this school, refer to the rather naive description of land in the 1930's by P.W. Bryant, Man's Adaptation of Nature: Studies in the Cultural Landscape. 51. For encouragement in the use of geographical theory by non-specialists, refer to Alan R.H. Baker, Progress in Historical Geography, p.131. d i f f i c u l t y soon had to be faced with the description of the urbanization of the valley, for this generalist term may imply to the layman a state of progressive expansion of an urban core until the valley is a city from the mountain tops to the river's surface. This is not the intention. To describe the effect of increasing polarity of Chilliwack urban systems with those of the metro systems and the resultant increase in demands on the resources of the valley, a more neutral heading had to be found. That was "Chilliwack's Environmental History". The advantage of the cultural landscape approach l i e s in i t s allowing the organization of a diverse range of facts into discernible patterns. The dis-advantage-Is. that i t only measures physical manifestations of an objective reality, and does not attempt to understand;.the conceptual process that led 52 to the form's creation. The analysis of this process is the realm of the architectural historian, who is educated in the various facets of space-form conceptualization, and thus can properly identify and discuss the significance of a particular land decision and place i t within the context of a general trend. Beyond the original s i f t i n g of the enormous amount of material, the cultural landscape (as here described) became useful only for structuring the series of 10 maps that presents the story graphically. In the realm of general history, the diverse theories lucidly put forth in the last two centuries make.' i t d i f f i c u l t for a student to sort competitive claims. Not only is time and human conceptual space constantly changing, but 52. Geographers recognize the limitations of their own f i e l d ; refer to Alfred Siemens, "The Process of Settlement in the Lower Fraser Valley — In Its Provincial Context", p.28: " i t is useful to set out the principal factors influencing settlement i n British Columbia. Each "factor" is really only a generalized tag for a complex of related circumstantial factors that influenced decisions taken by the settlers. The effects of these circumstantial factors, only imperfectly documented and understood, should, in actuality, be seen in relation to the various values and motives of the settlers ..." 33 53 historical theories making sense of the continuum are also evolving. Thus greater reliance was placed upon several primary history texts which sorted o out theory from established procedures for studying those theories; in particular, these texts helped in the formulation of the hypothesis, in the collection of 54 data, and in the use of evidence. Given the extensive range of the hypothesis, and the near vacuum of previous scholarship applied to this landscape, the reliance upon historical methodology was essential to maintain a continuous structure to the massive amount of material. The wariness of evidence cautioned by both Safer and Cantor proved well founded in the case of Chilliwackian primary material. One case which illustrates this best, is the conflicting versions of the direction alteration of the Chilliwack River to the Vedder. Over a dozen sources had to be consulted to resolve the great river mystery. Since the story was spaced over the century 5f 1820 to 1920, i t is understandable that no one source presented a correct answer. It i s also understandable that none of the present residents consulted could give a comprehensive explanation. The actual version seems to be a collage made from the more reliable sources. In this, another historian's theory of reliance upon visual information for cues in understanding historical evolution of the landscape 5 6 " was useful. " The importance of this river's course proved to be worth the time spent in research; i t was a key element in the explanation of the erratic evolution of the irregular settlement form of Chilliwack. Similar care was taken in investigation with the rest of the evidence. 53. Kubler, op.cit., p.62: "Our attitudes towards these processes are them-selves in constant change, so that we confront the double d i f f i c u l t y of charting changes in things, together with tracing the changes in ideas about change." 54. R.J. Shafer, A Guide to Historical Method; see also N.F. Cantor and R.I. Schneider, How to Study History; both are deceptively comprehensive. 55. Although Casey Well's knowledge is the closest to being accurate. 56. Hoskins, Fieldwork In Local History. 3 4 At the same time, architects rarely cultivate an a f f i n i t y for words or precise methodological procedures, so the use of the various methods admittedly did involve a degree of latitude which the individual disciplines may have questioned. In the defense, architects rely upon a method of analysis of creative synthesis to formulate an understanding of any problem (i.e. architec-ture i s based on media other than words). In the case of this specific thesis, the somewhat scrupulous acknowledgement of the complexity of any generalist analysis by studying the various methodologies on a comparative basis must be considered refreshing. Most generalists jump from point A to point B without being aware of the enormity of the chasm between. Part of the chasm which has been overlooked in the past 2 0 years or so, is that of grass roots history. The d i f f i c u l t y in convincing professionals that local history i s a valid area of research, and that they must respect that inter-pretation in design solutions i s reinforced by an attitude which sees Canada as a backward land in need of external guidance. Local history has been regarded as beneath serious interest. However, local community groups have developed a keen awareness of their history as a means of identifying their presence within the nation. The focus of concern w i l l one day include local issues, but when that happens, the enormous ideological differences between the history of greatness and the history of simplicity w i l l have to be reckoned with. This is by no means insurmountable; co-operation and access to the records of the various local historical societies i s a privilege which requires care but i s enthusiastically offered. The reawakened interest of architects in taking up the challenge of working with numerous other fields in defining the various aspects of spaceform relationships required for a sophisticated society heading for the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the 2 1 s t century, albeit with a l l the complications such studies entail, w i l l be increasingly witnessed by Canadians. As long as the classical definition of architecture remains: "any ordered arrangement of the parts of a system; as architecture of the universe" and the classical definition of an architect remains: "one who constructs or plans anything" 5. Research Format: There are five chapters to the thesis. These are entitled: Introduction (I), Chilliwack's Environmental History (II), Conceptual Landscape Heritage: An Evolution and Dispersal Model (III), Attitudes Shaping Chilliwack's Landscape (IV), and the Future (V). Chapter IV and Chapter V hold the central issues. 57. Oxford Dictionary and Funk and Wagnalls' Dictionary. CHAPTER II — CHILLIWACK1S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY A. Scope 37 B. P r e h i s t o r i c Period ( p r i o r to 1808) 40 C. Exploration (1808-1862) 59 D. Settlement Established (1862-1886) 75 E. Post-Confederation Speculation (1886-1918) 92 F. Productive Expansion (1919-1946) 104 G. I n d u s t r i a l Growth and Functional Integration (1947-1971) 112 CHAPTER II - CHILLIWACK'S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY A. Scope The method used to present the valley's continuum is based on chronology. This i s jus t i f i e d by the recognition of the Province's youth and of the enormous number of changes that have taken place with the passage of each year. The only remaining d i f f i c u l t y was in abstracting significant events in the story of the shifting environmental impact of nature and man on the valley's landscape. The abstraction concerns the grouping of sequences of time into periods or patterns. If the patterns are rigourously selected, the past should become more i n t e l l i g i b l e and thereby make i t possible to project the future of the valley with some degree of accuracy. Specification of such a patterned chronology became an exercise in selecting a scale of event p r i o r i t i e s . Five levels were feasible to use as a reference: local, regional, provincial, national, and external. Each level has differing environmental emphasis, leading from the outset to structuring of five different chronological patterns. Three can be set aside. External influence was discarded because Canadian history has been dominated by external c r i t e r i a : i t i s time to restructure Canadian history more in terms of internal occurrences. National patterns were also set aside in response to that philosophy put forth by many Canadian historians who believe that to understand the tremendous diversity of the nation, one must focus upon the parts. At the same time, most "grass roots" historians agree in the importance of formulating local history relative to the larger community."'" This resulting tension in chronological scale permits comparision 1. H. Bowsfield, "Writing Local History", p.5: refer also to P.W. English & R.C. Mayfield, Man, Space and Environment: Concepts in Contemporary Human Geography, p.6: "though the best landscape studies are framed within a broader intellectual context, too many of them substitute diligence for intelligence. with other parts of a system, and permits broader insights to be made into the causes of local landscape change. The chronological patterns of the regional and provincial levels offer the most potential for defining the story. Lower Fraser Valley history, as a region, has been divided into four periods of economic development commencing with 2 1808. These four regional periods proved to be insufficient to structure the enquiry. Therefore, that l e f t the provincial level as the only remaining standard. Fourtunately, five periods of economic development for British Columbia have been identified by Drs. Robinson and Hardwick, beginning with the establish-3 ment of Fort Victoria in 1843. To be consistent with the reasoning of a larger context put forth above, the provincial pattern should be the one used for the organization of chronologi-cal research into the valley's landscape. Unfortunately, the f i r s t period in the Robinson-Hardwick framework is insufficiently detailed to account for the numerous changes that took place prior to 1843. Therefore, an adaptation had to be made resulting in the following six patterns: prehistoric period (prior to 1808), exploration (1808-1862), settlement established (1862-1886), post-confederation speculation (1886-1918), productive expansion (1919-1946), industrial growth and functional integration (1947-1971). This patterning is more catholic in i t s environmental assessment of the valley's history than any simplistic model of hierarchial economic growth. The format of this section i s to discuss the environmental changes which occurred in the Chilliwack Valley for each of the six time periods. The theoretical basis of the analysis of this part i s the geographical concept of 2. G.I. Howell-Jones, "The Urbanization of the Fraser Valley", p.142. 3. J.L. Robinson & W.H. Hardwick, op.cit., (1973), p.13. the historical landscape. This requires an objective presentation of the various alterations to the landscape ( f i r s t by nature and then by man), and the charting of the information on the geographical map of the particular time in the historical sequence. B. Prehistoric Period (prior to 1808) 1. Geomorphology: For most of the planet's six b i l l i o n year evolution, the Chilliwack Valley was beneath the Pacific Ocean. It was not un t i l our own Pleistocene Epoch that the area underwent a cataclysmic upheaval, as the Cordilleran Mountain System formed along the length of the west coast of the continent. Recollec-tions of these tremendous forces can s t i l l be f e l t , as Mount Baker volcanically grumbles; the valley's past was not that of a tranquil arcadia. Bedrock was formed during the b i l l i o n year quiescence, and with the u p l i f t , i t came to be positioned in the rugged Cascade and Coastal Mountain ranges which surround the Chilliwack Valley. This natural amphitheatre became the stage for the functioning of the ecosystem evolution and elaboration, and eventually 4 became a magnificent stage for the human drama. The topography underwent considerable alteration by glacial, gravitational and weathering forces throughout the late Pleistocene Epoch. In fact, this period reduced the roughest edges of the bedrock as the Fraser Lowland gained a minimum 1,100 feet change in s u r f i c i a l geology. Erosion was a significant factor, but glacial and a l l u v i a l deposition were the predominant contributors to developing the present configuration. Armstrong has identified ten phases of this deposition, and has classified them thus: Pre-Seymour group, Seymour group, Quadra group, erosion interval, Semiahmoo group, erosion interval, 4 Vashon group, Sumas group, Capilano group, and Salish group. 4. To understand the formation of this landscape's morphology, several primary texts on the subject were consulted; refer to CO. Dunbar, Historical Geology; for a more detailed analysis (which indeed qualify the opening paragraphs above) refer to J . Brian Bird, The Natural Landscapes of Canada: A Study in Regional Earth Science, chapters 1 to 6 and 13. 5. J . E . Armstrong, "Soils of the Coastal Area of Southwest British Columbia", pp.23-25. The impact of successive ice ages greatly altered the valley's landscape. These northern hemisphere ice sheets began about a million years ago due to fluctuations in the earth's climate from a combination of earth-crust slippage, polar magnetism change, and atmospheric adjustment.^ Of the four or so glacial ages, the last, the Late Pleistocene, had the most profound effect on the Chilliwack region. This age is divided into two periods: the Olympia inter-glaciation, and the Fraser glaciation.^ The former was a respite from the frequent glaciations, lasting from 36,000 to 24,500 BP. The Fraser glaciation was the most recent ice age. It is further subdivided into seven stages beginning with the Evans Creek Stade about 24,500 BP. Evans Creek Stade produced the i n i t i a l development of the Cordilleran Ice Sheet in the B.C. Mountain ranges. This sheet advanced to cover the Lower Fraser Valley during g the subsequent Vashon Stade. The latter lasted from 18,000-14,000 BP. Vashon ice encased the Lower Mainland with a 6,000 foot thick continental glacier which flowed through the 9 Valley on i t s journey into the Gulf of Georgia. There would be another, but minor, glaciation about 9,000 BC, when a 500 foot thick glacier advanced as far as Sumas, but by 14,000 years ago, most of the glacial impact had been f e l As the glaciers advanced over the interior mountains, their intense force ground and eroded considerable amounts of loose material which was then carried along — pushed in front and bound within the ice. The accumulated soils and boulders came to rest as the glaciers reached their southern terminus, which happened to be the Lower Fraser Valley. 6. J. Brian Bird, op.cit., chapter two. 7. J.E. Armstrong, Crandell, D.R. Easterbrook, D.J. and J.B. Noble, "Late Pleistocene Stratification and Chronology in South Western British Columbia and Northwestern Washington", pp.321-330. 8. ibid., p.327: "The last major climatic episode during which d r i f t was deposited by continental ice originating in the mountains of the mainland of B.C. and northwest Washington ... was the Vashon Stade." 9. For scale, keep in mind that the local landmark, Mt. Cheam, has , a n elevation of 6,913 feet. 42 The uplands of the Valley gained, through this action, a thick layer of hard pan that brought their elevations close to what can now be seen. The lowlands also received this glacial t i l l coating, but would continue to evolve several more millenia until reaching the present structure. To better relate to the glacial passage, this image may help: intuitively one would imagine the h i l l , Chilliwack Mountain, to have kinesthetically arrived to the Valley; and this in fact is true. Much of that h i l l was once part of the Rockies. Warming conditions during the Everson interstade from 14,000 BP caused the retreat of the glaciers. The s u r f i c i a l geology of the Lower Mainland became inundated by the ocean. . The land had been compressed well below sea level through 4,000 years of enormous stress from the mammoth' ice pack. From what is now the University of British Columbia campus to what is now Yale, the Fraser Lowland became a fiord of the Gulf of Georgia, and the Fraser River, emptying at Yale, became the major meltwater channel for the receding glaciers. The slow and gradual isostatic rebounding of the Lower Mainland from the tremendous force of glacial compression resulted i n the lowland terrain leveling at about 100 feet below the present elevation. The effect of the glaciers now became apparent. Not only was the area coated in t i l l , but several deep gouges had been made to reinforce the natural mountainous depressions (geosyncline). These became f i l l e d by the melting ice.-'Cultus, Harrison and Chilliwack are some of the .resulting glacial lakes. From these basins flowed the two tributaries to the Fraser: the Harrison and Chilliwack rivers. The fi n a l 100 foot mantle on the Valley's floor accumulated throughout the last 14 millennia with the rich alluvian deposition.^ This was a* continuing process whereby the river's flooding each year added further inches to the Valley. Since 1948, this process has been minimized in the Lower Fraser Valley 10. J.E. Armstrong, " S u r f i c i a l Geology of Sumas Map Area, B.C.", p.12. by design, but further downriver, the mud thick Fraser continues to add more and more of the B.C. hinterland to the estuarine fla t s (fens) of the delta. In fact, the delta has added about 1,000 feet westward per century as Sturgeon Banks rises from the ocean to become' a part of Lulu and Sea Islands. *"*" As the fiord shrank and the Fraser River's volume decreased to i t s present flow rate, the Fraser began to search for a natural channel through the lowland to the Gulf. The f i r s t principal channel was probably through the Sumas Valley, and onto i t s outlet near Semiahmoo Bay. With the last climatic deterioration, from 11,000-10,500 BP, a lobe of the Cordilleran glacier re-advanced through the valley as far as Sumas. This Sumas Stade ice probably blocked the channel, and diverted the river in another direction — toward Lake Matsqui and into i t s present channel. The old bed became reduced to Sumas Lake and the Nooksack-Lummi River system. 13 By 10,500 BP the basic geomorphology was complete. A l l that remained was for additional alluvia to sediment so the ancillary features such as creeks and ponds could s p i l l over the landscape in a more defined pattern. These ancillary features took shape during the subsequent three successive climatic alterat ions; the early Post—glacial period (10,500—8,500 BP), the Hypsithermal 14 period (8,500-3,000 BP), and the late Post-Glacial period (3,000 BP - the present). Subtle alterations in the floodplain's surface would result in the two tributaries, the Harrison and the Chilliwack, symmetrically joining north-11. The actual rate i s d i f f i c u l t to determine; refer to L.A. House & G.A. Packman, Fraser River Estuary: Status of the Environment; refer also to a report on Our Southwestern Shores; and to the Westwater Institute Report; see also Borden, (1968), op.cit., p.17. 12. J.E. Armstrong, op.cit., p.12. 13. Refer to Loy who has determined the fiord submersion lasted throughout the Everson interstade and did not become fu l l y habitable u n t i l sometime between 10,000-9,000 BP. 14. For evidence to counter classic Hypsithermal theory refer to p.63 of Mathewes, Paleoecology of Post-Glacial Sediments in the Fraser Lowland Region of British Columbia. south and the east-west master; and the plain became intersected by a maze of lesse
UBC Theses and Dissertations
The Chilliwack Valley continuum : a search for a Canadian land ethic Arnett, Terrence Charles 1976
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