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Britain’s future strength, the health of elementary school children, 1867-1907 : a study in social policy,… Farson, Anthony Stuart 1976

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BRITAIN'S FUTURE STRENGTH, THE HEALTH OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL.CHILDREN, 1867-1907: A STUDY IN SOCIAL POLICY, LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND GOVERNMENT GROWTH by ANTHONY STUART FARSON B.A., University of Guelph A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1976 CY ANTHONY STUART FARSON In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT The major objective of t h i s thesis i s to throw new l i g h t on the problem of "how" and "why" the function of the State within society changed dramatically during the f i r s t few years of the twentieth century By concentrating on the L i b e r a l Government's measures of 1906 to 1907 to improve the health of working-class c h i l d r e n t h i s thesis hopes to show that the r o l e of men and t h e i r b e l i e f s played a far more important part i n the development of the " B r i t i s h Welfare State" than has hitherto been credited. By i l l u s t r a t i n g how the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic condi tions of the period 1870 to 1900 a f f e c t e d the consciousness of i n d i v i d -uals and groups, i t attempts to explain why there was a delay between the time when the extent of poverty became i n t o l e r a b l e and the time when measures were enacted to r e l i e v e the problem. Three major themes intertwine throughout t h i s t h e s i s . These are the cause of government growth; the changing status of working-class children; and measures to improve the health of the nation. Chapter One discusses the s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l , and psychological factors which a f f e c t e d the health of c h i l d r e n before 1880, and i l l u s t r a t e s the high esteem i n which working-class parents held t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Chapter Two shows how middle class B r i t a i n attempted to deal with the problem of c h i l d health i n the period before the end of the nineteenth century. Chapter Three attempts to explain "how" and "why" the p h y s i c a l condition of the B r i t i s h working cl a s s became a question of major p o l i -t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for the f i r s t time. S p e c i f i c a l l y i t describes the nineteenth century o r i g i n s of the "National E f f i c i e n c y " movement, the part played by the movement i n concentrating p u b l i c attention on the ph y s i c a l condition of the working c l a s s , and discusses the b l u e - p r i n t for s o c i a l action formulated by the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration. The l a s t chapter describes how the L i b e r a l Government of S i r Henry Campbell-Bannerman began the enactment of t h i s s o c i a l b l u e - p r i n t . Their f i r s t step was an Act which allowed l o c a l education a u t h o r i t i e s to feed needy school c h i l d r e n free of charge. This was soon followed by another Act which allowed l o c a l education a u t h o r i t i e s to require the medical examination of a l l c h i l d r e n attending p u b l i c elementary schools. Together these Acts began a process of long-term s o c i a l planning i n B r i t a i n . iv CONTENTS Chapter Page Introduction 1 I. Child Life Amongst the Mid-Victorian Working Class: A Discussion of the Social, Psycho-logical, Economic and Physical Factors Affecting the Health of Children 12 II. Changes in Health Consciousness in Late Victorian Britain: An Assessment of the Role of "Experts" in Improving the Health of Children 47 III. The National Efficiency Movement and the Question of Physical Deterioration: Basic Ingredients in the Formation.of a National Blue-print for Social Action 99 IV. The Enactment of a Social Blue-print: The Medical Inspection and Feeding of School Children-—Initial Steps in Long-term Social Planning '. 165 Conclusion 205 Bibliography 213 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis would not have been possible without the help of a number of people. I owe a special vote of thanks to Mrs. Anne Yandle and the staff of Special Col-lections. They always went out of their way to be help-f u l . Likewise, I am heavily indebted to a l l those in Inter-Library Loan who tracked down my numerous requests. The University of British Columbia helped finance my studies with the g i f t of a fellowship for the academic year 1973-74. The Institute of Industrial Relations were very generous in providing me with a research grant for the academic years 1972-73 and 1973-74. I would like to thank Dr. J. Winter for his kind-ness, encouragement, and. the sound counsel he provided on a number of occasions. Finally, I would like to ex-press my appreciation to my supervisor, Dr. J. Norris, for his constructive criticism and patience in editing several drafts of this thesis. 1 INTRODUCTION Since the end of the Second World War major changes have taken place in the way history has been studied and written. Social history, once described as "history with the p o l i t i c s l e f t out"''' has become domi-nant in the discipline. By comparison, older and better established approaches have been subordinated in the search for a broad and exciting 2 new desxgn—the history of society. These dramatic changes in the dis-cipline are themselves reflections of a vast social revolution which has swept through the industrialized world over the last hundred and f i f t y years. In Britain this revolution has been responsible for broad changes in social standards and social conditions. These in turn have initiated reforms of the law. Though these legislative changes have been of con-siderable interest to historians for many years, much confusion remains about their nature and direction. This confusion stems from two sources. F i r s t , the actual words used to describe the social transformation have tended to block the way 3 to a satisfactory explanation. Terms like "laissez-faire," "collectiv-ism," "state intervention," and particularly, the "welfare state," have become embroiled in contemporary p o l i t i c a l controversy. As a result, many have become " p o l i t i c a l l y loaded" and have acquired inclusive as well as exclusive meanings. The second and more important source of confusion is to be dis-covered in the methods selected to analyse nineteenth century government growth and the emergence of the modern conception of the British State. Though i t is now widely accepted that there is much more to the process 2 of social policy formation and legislative action, and hence government 5 growth, than the direct and inverse relationship seen by A. V. Dicey between law and public opinion, attempts so far to explain "how" and "why" the function of the State within British society has changed over the last hundred and f i f t y years have tended to concentrate more upon fi n i t e p o l i t i c a l events—the Acts of Parliament which embodied social reform—than the actual agents of social change.^ Where there have been attempts to deal extensively with causal factors, l i t t l e attention has been given to weighting the factors involved in order of their impor-7 tance. In addition, these efforts have devoted more time to such "concrete" changes as the physical conditions of l i f e than to the impact 3 of these changes on the Victorian or Edwardian consciousness. In fact, with the exception of a few general articles historians have largely ignored the impact of changing social standards on social policy forma-9 tion and legislative action. This appears to be a particularly serious error from two points of view. Calvin Woodward has pointed out that a strong case can be made for social standards being ultimately respon-sible for deciding whether or not, and i f so when, a particular group or individual w i l l find a specific form of behaviour or condition "intoler-able," as well as their determining the context in which social problems are cast, the types of solutions sought, and the forms of activities that particular individuals w i l l demand of their national institutions. John H. Goldthorpe has claimed that an "action frame of reference"—anal-ysis in terms of the changing social standards of particular groups of individuals—can be particularly valuable in cases where time-lags exist 3 between the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f an a c u t e s o c i a l p r oblem and the p r o v i s i o n o f e f f e c t i v e c o u n t e r - m e a s u r e s . ^ As a r e s u l t , i t appears t h a t e x i s t i n g methods o f a n a l y s i s have n o t o n l y m i s r e p r e s e n t e d and s u b o r d i n a t e d t h e p l a c e o f men and t h e i r b e l i e f s i n h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s t o a secondary l e v e l , b u t have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r o v e r s i m p l i f y i n g many o f t h e s o c i a l , l e g i s l a t i v e , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e changes which o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . T h i s o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n has l e n t a f a l s e c o n n o t a t i o n o f " i n e v i t a b i l i t y " t o t h e p r o c e s s o f s o c i a l change. In a d d i t i o n , i t has l e d t o t h e assumption t h a t s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n o c c u r r e d a c c o r d i n g t o some s o r t o f n a t u r a l rhythm o r as the r e s u l t o f a c c i d e n t s o f h i s t o r y , and c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h a t t h e r e were no t i m e - l a g s o r d i s c o n t i n u -i t i e s i n t h e h i s t o r i c a l p r o c e s s between the moment when a c e r t a i n s o c i a l phenomenon was i d e n t i f i e d as b e i n g " i n t o l e r a b l e " and the time when the B r i t i s h Government a c t e d t o improve t h e s i t u a t i o n . In consequence, e x i s t i n g methods o f a n a l y s i n g s o c i a l change have i m p l i c i t l y r u l e d o u t the p o s s i b i l i t y o f any l o n g - t e r m n o t i o n o f s o c i a l p l a n n i n g on the p a r t o f l a t e - V i c t o r i a n p o l i t i c i a n s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . T h i s t h e s i s i s concerned w i t h the chan g i n g f u n c t i o n o f the B r i t i s h S t a t e d u r i n g the f i r s t decade o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y and i s based on the assumption t h a t r e c e n t a n a l y s e s o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y government growth and the " o r i g i n s o f the B r i t i s h W e l f a r e S t a t e " r e p r e s e n t o v e r s i m p l i -f i c a t i o n s on a t l e a s t f o u r grounds. F i r s t , they have n o t s a t i s f a c t o r i l y e x p l a i n e d why c e r t a i n s o c i a l problems became " i n t o l e r a b l e " "when" th e y d i d . Second, t h e y have g l o s s e d o v e r "why" the B r i t i s h Government a c t e d "when" i t d i d . T h i r d , they have not taken i n t o f u l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e 4 time-lags and the discontinuities in the historical process. Fourth, they have tended to overlook the possibility of any notion of long-term social planning. Objectives Besides attempting to ill u s t r a t e how an examination of the chang-ing social standards of particular groups or individuals in society can provide the historian with valuable insights for understanding social policy formation, legislative action, and government growth, this thesis has two more specific goals. The f i r s t is f a i r l y straightforward. By trying to explain exactly "how" and "why" the British Parliament came to pass legislation in 1906 to 1907 which allowed local authorities to feed and medically inspect public elementary school children, this thesis i s intended as a specific study of social policy formation, legislative action, and government growth. The second goal is more complex. The passage of the Elementary Education Acts i s a major concern. Likewise, the emergence of health consciousness during the late nineteenth century, the health of children generally, and the changing status of working-class children specifically, are a l l important underlying themes. As a result, i t might be expected that this thesis hoped to provide contribu-tions to the histories of British education, medicine and childhood. This, however, was not the primary intention. Rather the studies of child health, nineteenth-century health consciousness and the passage of the Education Acts have been used to show how the status of children changed. It is a primary facet of this thesis that this change reflected a more profound change of status—that not of the working-class child 5 but rather that of the future working man. As a result, this thesis is intended to represent a contribution to the history of the working class. Background British children of a l l socio-economic groups now enjoy a posi-tion of particularly high status. At the p o l i t i c a l level the State recognizes that the nation's children represent one of the country's most v i t a l assets. In legal terms children now possess definite, inalienable rights: to food, clothing, and shelter; and to medical care and education according to their needs and a b i l i t i e s . Besides legal yardsticks, a whole range of cultural rules now restricts the- exploitation of children. Cruelty to children, and the sexual abuse of children by adults, have become serious taboos. At the same time, i t is now accepted by a l l the p o l i t i c a l parties that i t is the function of government to ensure that children obtain these rights and protections. The State's recognition of i t s responsibility to provide the nation's children with certain protections and social services has only come about during the last hundred and f i f t y years. For most of the nineteenth century the majority of British children were l e f t poorly clothed, undernourished, and dirty and smelly. Some children were fortu-nate enough to receive a smattering of education. Few obtained medical care. Many saw long hours of arduous labour for l i t t l e reward. Poverty for most children was endemic and unavoidable. Harsh treatment was handed down to young offenders by the courts. Some children were bru-t a l l y beaten by employers, overseers of child labour, and parents alike. Family l i f e , even when both parents were alive, often turned into a 6 struggle for existence. Death and disease were indeed frequent visitors. It was not unlikely for a child to lose one and sometimes both parents before maturity. The death of a brother or a sister or two, as well as many childhood friends, was only to be expected. Homes, often back-to-back and with few windows, were crowded together, row after row/ behind the more respectable looking main streets of towns and c i t i e s . As a result, li v i n g conditions were often cramped, squalid and unsanitary. A l l these, coupled with the intimacy of the family's communal sleeping quarters, placed children in numerous moral and physical dangers. Never-theless, slowly, piece by piece, each of the barriers to a healthy, moral and happy childhood were removed. Between the 1830's and the 1870's legislators concentrated mainly on the conditions of juvenile labour and the child's moral character. Acts were passed which restricted the number of hours a child might work. Women, g i r l s , and young children were for-bidden to enter several forms of employment. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, education, the prevention of cruelty, and the establishment of special provisions for physically handicapped and mentally retarded children attracted p o l i t i c a l attention. In the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century legislation specially aimed at the improvement of the health standards and l i f e chances of the young was passed. Since that time legislation geared to benefit children has been mainly concerned with the improvement or enlargement of existing laws. Legislation specifically introducing social welfare schemes for children not only play an important role in the emergence of the British Welfare State but reflect a change in status of children. Changes in the 7 status of children, particularly those from a working-class background, can provide valuable insights into the cause and extent of social change over the last hundred and f i f t y years. Unfortunately the changing status of specific groups in society has seldom been used by historians as a tool for historical analysis. Recent popular histories of the "welfare state," such as Maurice Bruce's The Coming of the Welfare State, have implied that the change in function of the British State over the last hundred and f i f t y years has come about as the result of a sort of evolutionary process. That is to say, the shift from a State which saw the minimum of State interference in the economy and social l i f e of the British people to one which saw the need for State intervention in many fields of l i f e , was brought about by an unrelenting demand for social justice as the result of a "typically 12 English" response to the problems and conditions of British society. The evolutionary theme is even present in recent contributions to 13 the history of British education and childhood. A recent article by Nigel Middleton entitled, "The Education Act of 1870 as the Start of the Modern Concept of the Child," despite the fact that.it uses the concep-tion of changing status, albeit confusingly, is perhaps typical. Though he admits the 1870 Act neither made education free nor compulsory, Middleton suggests that i t s "most far-reaching effect was to give the child a special status and set in train a chain of measures which revolu-14 tionized his position in society." Such statements need particularly close perusal. Not only may Middleton be guilty of placing his cart 15 before his horse, but, as Frank Musgrove has shown, the implications 8 of measures providing services and protections for children are far from clear-cut. While on the one hand provisions and protections may indicate a rising concern for children, they also i l l u s t r a t e a process at work in society in which specific groups are separated and classified. Neverthe-less, i t is Middleton's claim that the 1870 Education Act opened a bene-f i c i a l version of Pandora's box which "incontrovertibly" set in motion so many social improvements "that i t is d i f f i c u l t to l i s t them in an organized fashion," which is particularly worrisome."*"^ Even i f one over-looks for a moment the fact that Middleton f a i l s to explain exactly "how" the 1870 Act caused this multitude of social improvements, one is s t i l l l e f t with a number of assumptions which are not necessarily sup-ported by the facts. Taken to the ultimate logical conclusion the open-ing of Middleton's beneficial Pandorian box allows no qualitative difference between the legislation of the late nineteenth century and that of the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century. In addition, i t sug-gests that late-Victorian and Edwardian politicians and administrators had no long-term conception of social planning, to say nothing of the fact that i t completely glosses over the time-lag of more than twenty years between the time when education became compulsory and when the British Government intervened to improve the health and welfare of ele-mentary school children. Some profound economic, social, and p o l i t i c a l changes lay behind the Education Act of 1870. Just as the 1870 Act needs to be explained in these terms so too do the measures which were passed to ensure the health of children. This thesis hopes to show by examining the changing status 9 of British working-class children between the middle of the nineteenth century and the f i r s t decade of the twentieth how earlier interpretations of the development of child health and welfare legislation have been misleading. As a result, this study is more concerned with a new syn-thesis of existing evidence than with primary research. Specifically, i t sets out to il l u s t r a t e that there was a fundamental, qualitative d i f f e r -ence between measures to improve the health of school children of 1906 and 1907 and those of the previous century. As a result, i t argues that the School Meals Act and the provision of free medical inspection for elementary school children derived primarily, not from humanitarian de-sires to improve the health and welfare of children, but from the fear that the British race was deteriorating. This fear, i t w i l l be shown, penetrated the very core of a l l that was sacred to the British. People from many walks of l i f e , with a variety of interests and ideas, a l l be-lieved that unless something were done, Britain would not be able to main-tain i t s position as the world's greatest military, industrial, commercial, and colonial power. This "national emergency" allowed a strange assort-ment of people to join together momentarily and demand action of an unpre-cedented kind. This convergence of what had sometimes been divergent social forces not only lasted long enough for action to be instigated, but for British politicians and c i v i l servants to develop a clear under-standing of the need for long-term social planning. As a result, while this also had the effect of raising the status of the working class, i t was riot the British working man* but rather-.-.the*-British" .working man's sons and daughters-^the children of the nation—who were f i r s t ' t o receive attention as the result of this new social farsightedness. 10 FOOTNOTES ± G. M. Trevelyan's remark is cited by E. J. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of Society," Daedalus, 100 (Winter 1971), 21. 2 See ibid., pp. 20-45. 3 There is now general agreement on this point. J. B. Brebner, "Laissez-faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century Britain," Journal of Economic History, 8 (Supplement, 1948), 59-73, drew attention to i t by giving the same sort of treatment to A. V. Dicey's notion of government growth as Marx had given to Hegel. In this way he showed that Jeremy Bentham, the "arch-supporter of laissez-faire," also favoured "c o l l e c t i v i s t " methods. 4 For example, take the terms "laissez-faire" and "welfare state": the former has been used to imply a general philosophy in which the state interferes as l i t t l e as possible with the day-to-day l i f e of the individual. It has also implied a specific, non-interventionist economic policy of the British Government; the latter i s even more ambiguous. In 1948 i t was a popular pseudonym for the p o l i t i c a l , social, and economic policies of the British Labour Government. Most people believed " i t " was fully operational, but few knew what the " i t " was. Cf. Asa Briggs, "The Welfare State in Historical Perspective," European Journal of Soci-ology, 2 (1961), 221. In addition, i t has been used by analysts of com-parative international development as i f i t had universal implications. It now appears that the term "welfare state" carries specific ideological, p o l i t i c a l , legal, sociological, and economic nuances. Cf. Arthur Marwick, The Nature of History (New York, 1970), pp. 219-20, and T. H. Marshall, Class, Citizenship and Social Development (New York, 1964), chapter 14. 5 See A. V. Dicey, Lectures on the Relation Between Law and Public Opinion in England in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1914). ^ This trend is s t i l l found in both general and specific studies. The most recent general history of the welfare state follows this ap-proach. See Derek Fraser, The Emergence of the Welfare State (London, 1973). The most recent contribution to the history of childhood, though promising a "sociological" approach follows i t . See Ivy Pinchbeck and Margaret Hewitt, Children in English Society (London, 1973), I and II. 7 General surveys of the history of the welfare state, such as David Roberts's The Victorian Origins of the Welfare State (New Haven, 1960), or Maurice Bruce's, The Coming of the Welfare State (London, 1972), provide a wonderful "shopping l i s t " of factors responsible for social re-form, and have failed to place the factors involved in any form of order. Q Oliver MacDonagh has suggested, "The Nineteenth-century 11 Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal," Historical Journal, I (1958), 52-67, that a particular "concatenation of circumstances" was responsible for government growth. It is interesting to note that he makes no specific mention of changes in social attitudes or standards in his "model." This discrepancy was duly noted by Jennifer Hart, "Nineteenth-century Social Reform: A Tory Interpretation of History," Past and Pre-sent, 31 (July 1965), 39-61. She has shown that the starting point of MacDonagh's "model" contained a tautology, namely "intolerability" while purporting to explain "why" something happened, in fact, explained nothing. She believed that the term was too elastic because she saw no agreement on either the c r i t e r i a for qualifying an issue as being "intolerable" or on the facts of a social issue. 9 See John H. Goldthorpe, "The Development of Social Policy in England, 1800-1914: Notes on a Sociological Approach to the Problem in Historical Explanation," Transactions of the Fifth World Congress of Sociology, 4 (September 1962), 41-56, and Calvin Woodward, "Reality and Social Reform: The Transition from Laissez-faire to the Welfare State," Yale Law Journal, 72 (1962), 286-328. 10 11 12 13 14 See Woodward, pp. 286-328. See Goldthorpe, pp. 41-56. See Bruce, p. 7. For example, see Pinchbeck and Hewitt. See Nigel Middleton, "The Education Act of 1870 as the Start of Modern Concept of the Child," The British Journal of Educational Studies, 18 (1970), 173. 1 5 See Frank Musgrove, "Population Changes and the Status of the Young in England since the Eighteenth Century," Sociological Review, 11 (1963), 69. See Middleton, p. 173. 12 CHAPTER I CHILD LIFE AMONGST THE MID-VICTORIAN WORKING CLASS: A DISCUSSION OF THE SOCIAL, PSYCHOLOGICAL, ECONOMIC AND PHYSICAL FACTORS AFFECTING THE HEALTH OF CHILDREN Despite such recent contributions to the history of childhood as Ivy Pinchbeck and Margaret Hewitt's Children in English Society: From the Eighteenth Century to the Children Act of 1948, surprisingly l i t t l e i s really known about what i t was like to be a juvenile member of the mid^Victorian working-class community. Hitherto, British historians, in spite of promises of a "sociological approach,have seldom gone beyond an explanation of how Acts of Parliament which affected the health and welfare of children originated. It is perhaps an obvious, but, neverthe-less, much overlooked fact, that a l l the laws directed specifically for the benefit of children prior to the advent of the twentieth century were prepared, passed and executed, without exception, by members of the upper classes, and that these laws, for the most part, affected only the lives of the offspring of the working class. As a result, this concen-tration on p o l i t i c a l events rather than on the things which affected the average child on a day-to-day basis, had been responsible not only for limiting the discussion of Victorian childhood to the perspective of those who played a part in framing the Acts, but also for introducing a certain amount of class bias to the analysis when generalizations about the nature of Victorian childhood have been made. It i s , therefore, not surprising 13 to f i n d the f o l l o w i n g assumptions, be they i m p l i c i t o r n o t , i n c u r r e n t us-age: ( i ) w o r k i n g - c l a s s p a r e n t s tended t o t r e a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n c r u e l l y and c a r e d l i t t l e f o r t h e i r o f f s p r i n g ' s f u t u r e ; ( i i ) t h a t the h u m a n i t a r i a n i n -s t i n c t s o f t h e r u l i n g c l a s s e s were p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e c h i l d h e a l t h and w e l f a r e l e g i s l a t i o n o f the f i r s t decade o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y ; and ( i i i ) t h a t t h e n o t i o n o f c h i l d h o o d as a s p e c i f i c p e r i o d i n an i n d i v i d -u a l ' s l i f e became a c c e p t e d by a l l groups i n s o c i e t y about the same ti m e . T h i s c h a p t e r i s concerned w i t h those s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , economic and p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s which were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s e r i o u s l y under-mi n i n g the h e a l t h o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n d u r i n g the m i d - V i c t o r i a n p e r i o d . The c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the c o n d i t i o n s o f c h i l d l a b o u r and t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s f a m i l y environment attempts t o c o r r e c t a number o f misappre-h e n s i o n s about t h e n a t u r e o f changes i n t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d l i f e . By p r o v i d i n g e v i d e n c e which shows t h a t the m i d - V i c t o r i a n working c l a s s h e l d t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n h i g h esteem, and t h a t t h i s esteem d i d n o t d e c l i n e as c h i l d l a b o u r became more and more r e s t r i c t e d , t h i s c h a p t e r hopes t o p r o v i d e a more a c c u r a t e image o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the w o r k i n g - c l a s s p a r e n t and h i s c h i l d . By s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the r u l i n g c l a s s e s d i d n o t see any u r g e n t need, beyond the o b l i g a t i o n s o f t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , t o be con c e r n e d about t h e w e l l - b e i n g o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n as a d i s t i n c t and s p e c i a l group i n s o c i e t y u n t i l t h e l a t e 1860's, and by a r g u i n g t h a t t h e E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1870 r e p r e s e n t e d something more p r o f o u n d than merely t h e ope n i n g o f a b e n e f i c i a l v e r s i o n o f Pandora's box, t h i s c h a p t e r s e r v e s t o s e t t h e scene f o r a l a t e r d i s c u s s i o n o f the development o f c h i l d h e a l t h and w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s i n which t h e p r i m a r y 14 driving force is seen not in terms of humanitarian instincts but in the need to supply a future generation of physically and mentally capable workers and soldiers. I The well-being of the mid-Victorian working-class child depended on the prosperity of the family unit. At the same time, the prosperity of the family was c r i t i c a l l y affected by the number of children that sur-vived the f i r s t year of l i f e . Though there were no detailed surveys of working-class poverty conducted before Charles Booth's study of London in the late-1880's and 1890's, recent family reconstruction studies of Lancashire towns have shown that as many working-class families suffered from poverty during the mid-nineteenth century as did in the closing years. In addition, these studies have shown that there was a definite 2 cyclical pattern to family poverty. Michael Anderson has shown by exam-ining food prices, rents, total family incomes, family size, and the ages of children in the life-cycles of married couples that by far the most important influence on family prosperity was not individual wages, food prices, or rents, but the number of dependent children a family had. He has concluded that as soon as a working-class family had five dependent children i t suffered severe distress, and that while wage increases and f a l l s in food prices or rents brought some r e l i e f , the problem was not alleviated until at least one of the children was able to contribute to 3 the family income. Since most mid-Victorian working-class families had 4 at least six children i t may be concluded that before birth-rates began to f a l l , nearly a l l working-class children were poverty-stricken at one 15 time or another. This conclusion is substantiated by J. D. Foster's study of Oldham. He asserts that no more than 15 per cent of working-class families completely escaped a period of poverty.^ These periods of family poverty had catastrophic consequences for Britain's next generation of agricultural and industrial workers. Though many agricultural workers had small plots of land and were able to grow some of their own food, and were not forced to li v e in such squalor as their urban counterparts, serious obstacles to a healthy exis-tence remained for those who lived in rural d i s t r i c t s . In the country-side i t was rare to find cottages with more than two bedrooms, and most had only one.6 This fact alone would not have been too serious, but i t was compounded by agricultural workers being amongst the last to limit 7 the size of their families, and pressure in some areas, to constrain the building of new cottages. As a result, overcrowding, a major i n f l u -ence on the spread of disease, represented a considerable problem. A mid-century government report noted a case at Stourpain in Dorset where a family of eleven slept in one room. This room was ten feet square, seven feet high at the centre, and had only one fifteen inch square win-dow. According to the Commissioner who made the report, such conditions Q were common amongst families of this station. In the industrial centres population pressure, created by normal 9 10 population growth and compounded by migration, put a considerable stress on the social system. Towns expanded faster than satisfactory housing could be built. Existing sewage and drainage systems failed to cope with the greater volume of waste products now demanded of them. In 16 Lancashire, which was one of the most urbanized counties in Britain, the problem created by population pressure became acute. Michael Anderson has shown that another world existed behind the respectable main streets: There were long rows of blackened two-story terraced cottages, some : b u i l t back-to-back. There were also narrow twisting lanes and en-closed courts of a dozen or fewer houses. Overshadowing a l l were the factory chimneys. Here and there were shops and chapels and public houses. In some areas the houses had been bu i l t so rapidly that the roads were l e f t unpaved, unsewered and unguttered, along which vehicles passed with d i f f i c u l t y . Some of the houses were so badly built that they were in need of repair almost immediately. In some towns much of the population lived in dark, damp cellars.12 In Liverpool some 30,000 people, many of them children, lived in such cellars. In Manchester a further 18,000 suffered an equally squalid 13 fate. A mid-century government report on town l i f e described a v i s i t to a sick woman and. her infant who lived in one of these dreadful places: There was no light, no ventilation in i t , and the a i r was dreadful. I had to walk on bricks across the floor to reach the bedside, as the floor i t s e l f was flooded with stagnant water.14 According to the sick woman's visit o r there was nothing extraordinary about the situation. In towns where migration of the young and newly marrieds placed a special pressure on housing, the consequences of over-crowding were even more serious. In Preston 9 percent of houses contained more than one family. Most of the secondary families lived either i n one room or one of the cellars described above. Thirty per cent of houses had more than seven occupants, and 56 per cent had more than five. The mean for the whole city was 6 . 1 . T h i s pressure made the sharing of beds a necessary requirement of urban living for some people. A 17 mid-century government report on liv i n g conditions in large urban centres showed that in one instance there were 1,500 cases in which three persons slept in one bed; 738 with four persons in one bed; 281 with five; ninety-four with six; two with eight; and thirty-one with no bed at a l l . 1 6 The intimacy of these sleeping arrangements in which the sexes were not 17 always segregated, led both to incest and to promiscuity. Though the working class, and especially the immigrant Irish element, have been blamed for the conditions in which observers found their homes, this criticism may not be justified. While i t is undoubtedly true that some of the worst urban areas were occupied by neophyte urban dwellers from Ireland, at no time between 1841 and 1907 did the Irish-born population of England and Wales exceed 3 per cent of the total popu-18 lation. More significantly, i t appears from the recent studies of Lancashire towns, and one must remember that Lancashire was the natural county of entry for the Irish, that the majority of working-class homes were kept as clean and as neat as was possible within the size of the 19 family budget. This good housekeeping, i t must be pointed out, was carried out despite a lack of running water, few inside toil e t s , no out-lets to the main sewage system, and the inhibiting influence of the . -, 20 Window Tax. The lack of f a c i l i t i e s that the average working-class home had must have influenced the health of children. The Window Tax, by causing the owners and managers of existing buildings to close up every window which was not absolutely necessary, and by inhibiting the design of new homes, must have affected the eyesight of several generations of children. 18 The fact that many ci t i e s like Manchester o f f i c i a l l y discouraged water-closets because of the strain they might put on municipal drainage and 21 sewage systems, caused the extensive use of communal privies. In the City of Westminster, i t was reported that there was on average one privy to every three families. However, there were some eighty-two examples 22 where at least twenty families used the same f a c i l i t y . There i s l i t t l e doubt that the use of such, the common practice of keeping animals in or near the home, and the extensive use of the horse as a method of urban transport, provided ideal breeding grounds for MuscaDomestica, the com-mon housefly. This insect must have represented a major factor in the spread of food-injested diseases among Victorians. The fact that most homes did not have running water, and that for part of the period under 23 study, there was a tax on soap, made personal hygiene d i f f i c u l t . The cost of washing materials led to some bizarre substitutions. One tech-nique prevalent amongst the poorer families- of northern England was the 24 use of urine as a substitute for washing soda in the removal of grease. Personal hygiene was also.impeded by the number of changes of clothing an individual had. Drawings and photographs of working-class children indicate they had few, and that what they had was i l l - f i t t i n g and much patched. Though the early results of the medical inspections of school children do prove that children were as unwashed as they appeared, and that many had not had their clothes off for several months on end, these reports in themselves do not prove that the majority of working-class children were neglected by their parents. If anything, the fact that 25 their clothes were much patched proves the contrary. Nevertheless, 19 this failure to wash.jeopardized the health of many children. Climbing-boys, for example, who seem to have been particularly prone to scrotal cancer, were reported by one Royal Commission to have washed as infre-26 quently as once in six months. Another factor which had a direct bearing on the physical condi-tion and stature of children, as well as their a b i l i t y to fend off disease, 27 was diet. As has already been indicated, a large section of the lower orders, in both the town and the country, was unable to purchase an ade-quate supply of food for the whole family. This made i t necessary for 28 some members of the family to receive special treatment. Recent evidence for the period after 1860 has come to light which clearly shows that female members of the family often sacrificed their own health by giving part of their share of the family's food to the male breadwinners and the young children. Though there is also evidence to show that the very young were given special rations by their mothers, one can be sure that a multitude of Britain's working-class children suffered protein and vitamin deficiencies during the most important growing periods of their 29 l i f e . The most obvious support for this contention is the prevalence of rickets in the major urban centres. Sir Jack Drummond has shown that the a f f l i c t i o n became known as the "English disease," and that i t reached 30 severe proportions during the most rapid period of industrialization. By 1870 i t was reported that as many as one-third of a l l poor children 31 in London and Manchester showed the characteristic signs. Besides an inability to purchase sufficient food to sustain the whole family, other factors impeded the achievement of an adequate 20 standard of family nutrition, even among the more well-to-do members of the working class. Because of the cost of fuel, cooking on a regular basis was an expensive business. This coupled with the fact that many urban homes were not equipped with cooking grates, ovens, and other utensils, had the effect of limiting the ways in which food could be pre-pared and made i t impossible for many households to take f u l l advantage 32 of the food that was bought. The problem of how to obtain a diet, sufficient in both quantity and quality, was further compounded by a general lack of knowledge of what constituted a balanced diet and an in-adequate understanding of many of the principles of domestic economy. A l l these, plus the lack of time available to working women for cooking, led to the purchase of more expensive and less nutritious food than was necessary. The trend towards female factory employment during the nineteenth century had immediate and disastrous affects on the health of the young. Because i t was a common practice for mothers to return to work as soon 33 as possible after giving birth, breast feeding f e l l into disfavour. This led to a reliance on substitute milk. Not until late in the nine-teenth century were attempts made to ensure that cow's milk was both un-adulterated and uninfected. John Burnett has shown that prior to this time not only was milk often diluted, sometimes by as much as 50 per 34 cent, but that highly impure water was added. As a result, many of Britain's infants were not only deprived of the best nutrition available to them and natural defences against disease, but were actually poisoned or infected at the same time. Another dangerous practice adopted by 21 working mothers was that of administering drugs to children in order to keep them quiet. Mixtures, such as Atkinson's Royal Infant's Preserva-tive, Godfrey's Cordial, and Mrs. Wilkinson's Soothing Syrup contained such narcotics as laudanum, morphia, and opium. The sale of such concoc-tions in factory dis t r i c t s was enormous. It was estimated that some 12,000 doses of Godfrey's Cordial were administered weekly in Coventry in 1862. In other towns, of which Nottingham is a good example, weekly doses were proportionally even higher. Even towards the end of the nine-35 teenth century chemists were s t i l l selling opiates by the gallon. The results of the use of "quietness" according to Alexander Somers, a lecturer in one of the largest provincial hospitals, were that: Thousands of children so treated by those hired to care for them in the absence of their mothers lost flesh, colour and appetite, their skin was sallow and wrinkled, their features pinched and shrivelled, and they gradually pined away and died; others perished from the diseases of the brain; and some, after a larger dose than usual, f e l l into a profound sleep from which they never awoke.36 Alcohol consumption had both a direct and an indirect affect on the nutrition and health of children. In the f i r s t instance the consump-tion of alcohol by parents reduced the amount of money that could be spent on food for children. In the second place, the drinking of alcohol by children themselves appears to have been a relatively popular practice. There was no law prohibiting the sale of alcohol to children until the 37 late 1880's, and drunkenness among children was widespread. As a result of overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, and inade-quate diets, death and disease were familiar callers at working-class homes. Life chances in the industrial centres were much lower than in 38 the smaller.provincial towns or in the countryside. In Preston, where the death-rate was thought to be the highest in the kingdom, only 44 per 39 cent of the people were s t i l l alive on their twenty-sixth birthday. This compared with a national l i f e expectancy for those born about 1840 40 of forty-two. For the child to lose a brother or a sister or two be-fore he reached maturity was therefore only to be expected. In the Staffordshire potteries and the Lancashire manufacturing d i s t r i c t s , mor-41 t a l i t y amongst the young was particularly high. In one local study 47 42 per cent of children died before their f i f t h birthday. Because of these high rates of child mortality one might expect a certain degree of parental indifference to have emerged. However, this does not appear to have been the case. There i s much evidence to prove that parents grieved as heavily over the loss of each child as there i s evidence to the con-43 trary. Of one thing there i s no doubt. The death of each child caused a considerable short-term burden to the family exchequer. Even the cost of child funerals about mid-century ran as high as one pound to 44 thirty shillings. Admittedly there were organizations which helped offset the cost of these emergencies. For instance, many families made use of burial clubs. Nevertheless, over the long-term i t i s probably accurate to suggest that the aid given by one poor family to another in 45 times of c r i s i s was much more important. In spite of the inaccuracies and the inconsistencies of nineteenth 46 century mortality and disease incidence s t a t i s t i c s , there i s no d i f f i -culty in discerning the most pressing health problems facing working-class families. By far the most important dangers to good health were 23 the infectious diseases. Between 1848 and 1872 some 7,517 per million 4' males and 7,232 per million females died annually from such infections. This meant that out of every thousand male and female deaths 338 and 48 321 died respectively.from one or other of the infectious diseases. The most important of the infectious diseases was respiratory tubercu-losis. It k i l l e d more of both sexes than any other disease by a con-siderable margin.. More than.twice as many females died of phthisis as they did from the next most important cause of death, the throat dis-49 tempers. These were followed by typhus and typhoid, other tubercular infections, whopping cough, measles, smallpox, cholera, and the lesser k i l l e r s , influenza, dysentery, and syphilis. As might be expected, infectious diseases were responsible for a particularly heavy death t o l l amongst children and teenagers. Death-rates for children between one and five years of age were stationary until 1870. Prior to that time scarlet fever was the most devastating disease. Also important were tubercular infections, and, of course, the childhood diseases whooping cough and measles. 5 1 Boys and g i r l s aged between five and fourteen were more lik e l y to die of an infectious disease than anything else. Scarlet fever, as with younger children, was the principle k i l l e r . However, for this age-group i t eliminated twice as many individuals as did the second most deadly disease group (typhus and typhoid). Respiratory tuberculosis, as well as other tuber-52 cular infections, smallpox and cholera, also k i l l e d many. With teen-agers and young adults (15-24 years of age) deaths from phthisis were considerable. Before 1870 the disease k i l l e d two men in five and almost 24 five women in ten. The only other important cause of death for this age 53 group was typhus and typhoid. The appalling risks to .working-class health that nineteenth cen-tury mortality statistics reflect were l i t t l e offset by the services pro-vided by the medical profession. Large sections of the lower orders never saw a doctor from the time they were born until the time they died. Most were delivered into this world with only the aid of an untrained 54 midwife. Most departed with only family friends or close relatives to 55 comfort them. Only the more well-to-do members of the working class, and then nearly always only the male breadwinners,~"6 could obtain the services of a doctor on a regular basis. Higher paid workers sometimes 57 put money aside for health services. However, according to T. Ferguson these people were the exception rather than the rule: Only a small minority of people made any kind of provident arrange-ment to ensure the availability of medical care should they f a l l i l l . Some were members of Medical Clubs, contributing a few coppers a week in return for which a doctor undertook to look after them when they were i l l , some were members of Friendly Societies or Trade Unions that provided benefit; but these were in the main the. t h r i f t i e r ele-ments in the population and for most working people illness was a catastrophe too terrible to contemplate.58 For the remainder who were not members of clubs, societies or unions, few alternatives were available. Almost to the end of the nineteenth century the services provided by the Poor Law authorities were extremely limited. For the most part, treatment was restricted to those who were chronically infirmed and residents of the work house. This meant that few children saw the Poor Law Medical Officer, that adults only saw the doctor when their disease was well advanced, and that midwifery cases came under the parish doctor only when the local authorities a p p r o v e d . F o r those who did manage to see the Poor Law doctor, the treatment he could provide, even by mid-nineteenth century standards was limited. Not until 1864 were the Guardians allowed to dispense expensive medicines like quinine and cod-liver o i l . 6 0 The fi n a l authority for the provision of such "medical extras" as high protein foods rested firmly with the Boards of Guardians not the medical practitioner. Unfortunately the Boards tended to deny such forms of treatment on the grounds of cost, even though their medical staff warned them that such strengthening diets might have con-siderable beneficial effects on the recovery-rate of patients.^ Treat-ment under the Poor Law authorities was also hampered by the conditions of employment of doctors themselves.. There i s no doubt that most parish doctors were extremely badly paid. According to Dr. J. A. Owles, the superintendent of the Liverpool Medical Mission, parish doctors struggled to build private practices because of their inadequate salaries, and few 62 had any inclination to do more than was absolutely necessary. The out-patient departments of the voluntary hospitals provided an alternative where institutional, treatment was not required. There, despite the fact that charges were not usually made, the would-be patient was often asked for a "subscriber's letter." Such letters were much abused and often hard to come by. 6^ Another alternative was the medical mission. Such institutions sought to help two groups of people—those who were not seriously i l l and the very poor. They were particularly successful at helping children. By comparison to the Poor Law Boards, the medical mis-sions stressed both home nursing and medical extras. In this way the 26 mission doctors saw to i t that t h e i r patients received the treatment they needed. Beef, milk, tea, and other foods for the stomach, coal f o r the f i r e , and blankets for the bed, were a l l supplied. At the same time the needs of the whole family were taken into consideration. In addition, the presence of the doctor or the mission nurse i n the home helped spread 64 the gospel of hygiene and knowledge of domestic economy. Unfortunately, these medical missions were only to be found i n the larger towns. This l e f t the r u r a l s i c k e n t i r e l y at the mercy of the Poor Law medical ser-vices. Even where there was a mission i t was impossible for i t to deal extensively with the s i c k poor. The worst misfortune that could overtake a working-class c h i l d was the death of one or both of h i s parents. In the major urban areas where death-rates f o r a l l age-groups were highest, i t i s probable that up to one-third of a l l c h i l d r e n l o s t one parent before they were f i f t e e n , 65 and of these perhaps a quarter l o s t two. The e f f e c t s of such misfor-tune on a c h i l d ' s welfare was p o t e n t i a l l y catastrophic. Families who l o s t the main breadwinner experienced poverty more on a permanent than a c y c l i c a l basis. Only when older c h i l d r e n obtained well-paying jobs d i d the family's conditions s u b s t a n t i a l l y improve. As a r e s u l t , premature death of a father made i t necessary for those c h i l d r e n who were fortunate enough to be obtaining an education to leave school at the e a r l i e s t pos-s i b l e opportunity. Though the death of the mother was f i n a n c i a l l y l e s s disastrous to the family, i t often endangered the c h i l d ' s mental and phy s i c a l health. I t i s probable that without the mother's a d d i t i o n a l i n -come many fam i l i e s were forced to move to less s a t i s f a c t o r y accommodation. 27 Where there were no older female children the lost domestic expertise must have had a considerable effect on the standard of the family's diet. Nevertheless, such misfortunes were often compensated for by the kindness of neighbours and relatives. Fortunately, i t appears that such people came to a family's aid when a major breadwinner was sick or had recently died. A letter revealing the extent of such neighbourliness in Birming-ham about mid-century stated: Day by day, yes and month by month, have I known the younger children of a sick and dying parent fed at different neighbours' tables, and fed willingly, as members of the family.66 As a result of close ties of kinship and strong bonds of neighbourliness, many children who lost their parents at an early age, were saved from the workhouse. Instead many found themselves l i v i n g with their cousins or neighbours. For the most part, i t appears that only those families who had moved away from their close relatives to seek their fortunes else-where and had not yet become fu l l y fledged members of the community, 6 "7 were forced to enter the workhouse or to live as best they could. II During the nineteenth century the population of Britain increased dramatically. In successive decades from 1851 to 1881 the population of England and Wales grew by 12.3 per cent, 13.0 per cent, and 14.25 per cent to a total of 8,047,000. This growth of population changed the age structure of society. Contemporaries like Charles Booth thought the re-sulting increase in the ratio of children to adults nothing less than 28 69 remarkable. The percentage of those under fifteen years of age rose from 35.4 per cent of the total population in 1851 (6,353,800) to 36.5 per cent in 1881 (9,468,200). A significant, but nevertheless, rela-tively small number of. those under fifteen worked regularly. In 1851 some 9.0 per cent, or 579,000 boys and g i r l s , were gainfully employed. At that time more than 200,000 were employed by textile, dyeing or dress-making firms; some 119,000 were employed to help on farms; more than 70,000 were gainfully employed as domestic servants; approximately 50,000 worked on ships or in the docks about the country; in excess of 30,000 children worked in mines; and a further 20,000 were employed in the metal trades. Opportunities for g i r l s existed mainly in only three of the major forms of employment open to juveniles. More than 85 per cent of those in domestic service, approximately 55 per cent of those in textiles, dyeing or dressmaking, and 11 per cent of those employed on farms, were g i r l s . It should be noted, however, that of a l l the children under f i f -70 teen only 6.3 per cent, or 41,900, were under ten years of age. Between 1851 and 1881 employment opportunities for those under fifteen, and particularly those under ten years of age, declined. In England and Wales during the period 1861 to 1871, most industries began to provide fewer jobs for those under fifteen. In Scotland this decrease in job opportunities occurred a decade later. A l l over Britain a de-crease in the employment of children under ten years of age occurred earlier. Considerable reductions f i r s t took place between 1851 and 1861. In the following decade the decline in the number of jobs was more marked. By the 1871 Census almost half as many children under ten years of age 29 were working as there had been twenty years before. Despite the fact that child labour was decreasing, and never more than one child in ten was a regular member of the labour force after mid-century, the effect of working conditions on children i s s t i l l worth considering. There is l i t t l e doubt that the working conditions of the half million that were employed every yeary. were often harsh. Even be-fore the child started work there was sometimes a long walk to be made before reaching the place of employment. Though the town child often had to walk several miles each day i t seems l i k e l y that those who worked in agriculture travelled greater distances. The 1867 Report on the Condi-tions of Women and Children in Agriculture gives evidence to this effect. A Mrs. Adams of Denton, Huntingdonshire, reported to the commissioners: In June 1862 my daughters Harriet and Sarah, aged respectively eleven and thirteen years, were engaged to work on Mr. Warman's land at Stilton. When they got there, he took them to near Peterborough; there they worked for six weeks, going and returning each day. The distance each way is eight miles, so they had to walk sixteen miles each day on a l l the six working days of the week, besides working in the f i e l d from 8 to 5, or 5:30, in the afternoon. They used to start from home at five in the morning, and seldom got back before nine. They had to find a l l their own meals, as well as: their own tools. They were good for nothing at the end of six weeks. The ganger per-suaded me to send my l i t t l e g i r l Susan, who was then six years of age. She walked a l l the way (eight miles) to Peterborough, and worked from 8 to 5:30, and received fourpence. She was that tired that her s i s -ters had to carry her the best part of the way home—eight miles, and she was i l l from i t for three weeks, and never went again.^1 Despite these severe conditions, those that worked in the open a i r were often much better off than those who were employed underground or inside. In factories unguarded machines often mangled and sometimes k i l l e d c h i l -dren who got in the way of the moving parts. As well, a lack of ventilation 30 ventilation and high humidity encouraged the spread of infections. In the mines where dangerous conditions were always present and work was 72 particularly arduous, dampness and sunlight deprivation reaped their t o l l on the physique and constitutions of the young. It is also likely that mining had damaging psychological consequences for the young employee.. There is evidence to show that many young children were l e f t 73 a l l alone for hours on end to do their jobs in complete darkness. Throughout the spectrum of nineteenth century industry long hours of labour with few or no breaks for rest or food were the accepted norm. This was in line with contemporary economic thought, as some leading economists believed that i t was only in the last hour of work that profits were made. Despite the fact that members of the medical profession sug-gested greater output could be obtained i f there were more rest breaks, long hours of labour with the minimum of rest periods continued nearly everywhere. Apart from walking long distances to their place of employment and then having to work long hours in unsanitary conditions. often on an inadequate diet, children were subjected to direct forms of cruelty by their employers. In many instances these cruelties helped undermine the young employee's health. In the case of boy chimney sweeps, and there were as many as 2,000 of them between five and ten years of age in 1864, 75 a common practice was to harden their limbs in brine. Digby Seymour reported to the House of Commons of 30 April 1864, that: In many cases the flesh did not harden for years. By that fearful training their bodies were deformed and their backs often covered a l l over with sores. The "sooty cancer" also prevailed amongst these 31 children, who had to sleep nine and twelve in a bed in the most foetid atmosphere . . • . There was a regular system established in this country for the hire and sale of children for the purpose of carrying on that i l l e g a l and cruel occupation . . . .^ 6 Even as late as March 1875, the Times reported the death of a boy named Brewster at the Fullorn Lunatic Asylum and expressed i t s concern that 77 this cruel form of. employment might be increasing. In mines there is much evidence to show that the butties and the corporals beat and kicked the young workers under their command. Sadly i t was often the weakest 78 children who received the most severe beatings. Besides wage-labour there were other avenues open to working-class children. For the family that became destitute, the Poor Law, with a l l i t s undesirable social stigmas, was always available. Following the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 Boards of Guardians were given the responsibility for differentiating between those who were unable to sup-port themselves because of physical incapacity and those that merely did not have sufficient funds to support themselves on a regular basis. The law with regard to the physically incapable was relatively benevolent. It allowed the authorities to provide outdoor r e l i e f . By contrast the law was particularly harsh to the families of the able-bodied poor. For them the only alternative was the workhouse. On appearing at the work-house gates families were immediately s p l i t up—husbands from wives: parents from children. The diet inside was plain, monotonous and inade-quate. Normally i t consisted of nothing more than broth or gruel and dried bread or potatoes. Occasionally, small amounts of bread and cheese 79 were made available. Apart from an inadequate diet which made children 32 less able to fend off infectious diseases, conditions inside the red-bricked "bastilles," as the workhouses were known, were unlikely to en-hance child health. Reports available reveal that some of them were 80 ideal places for spreading disease. In addition, there were many in-stances of blatent cruelty. Boys and g i r l s were frequently flogged. There was even a case reported of a two-and-a-half year old child being 81 forced to eat his own excrement for dirtying himself. For those who neither found employment nor received financial aid from the Poor Law Authorities or private charities, i l l i c i t occupations s t i l l remained as an alternative. As late as 1876 Dr. Barnardo estimated that in London alone there were at least 30,000 neglected children under 82 sixteen sleeping out. There seems l i t t l e doubt that many of these survived through criminal means. This was despite the fact that nine-teenth-century justice i n f l i c t e d heavy penalties on juvenile criminals. Even so, many children found that a criminal way of l i f e had advantages. Mary Carpenter, a person much interested in lower-class juvenile crime and prison reform, reported: Their present mode of l i f e i s so lucrative and so pleasant, that they w i l l not exchange i t for another apparently presenting far greater advantage. Their f i l t h and rags are no annoyance to them, for they are the implements of their trade; the cold and the hunger which they continually endure are most amply compensated by an occasional luxurious meal. The close and noisome dens in which they are stowed at night present nothing revolting to their feelings, and they prefer them to a clean abode where they must resign their occu-pation and some portion of their l i b e r t y . ^ 3 J. J. Tobias, a historian specifically interested in nineteenth century crime, has concluded that while these children may often have been cold, 33 wet, uncared for, or unloved, they enjoyed a more varied and adventurous l i f e than their honest contemporaries. In addition, Tobias has suggested that their conditions of "work" were often compensated for by times of plenty in which they could eat and drink to their heart's content amongst pleasant company. There is l i t t l e doubt that boys and g i r l s of the criminal classes were promiscuous from a relatively early age. Reports are available which clearly show that g i r l s of no more than fourteen years of age could not remember their f i r s t intercourse. In addition, i t is known that some young criminals spent their- ill-gotten gains on prostitution. As a re-sult, i t is not surprising that venereal diseases were contracted by twelve-year olds, that some brothels specifically catered to children, 85 and that some young criminals actually lived with prostitutes. How-ever, i t seems unlikely that most child prostitutes lived in brothels. What seems probable is that the majority lived with their parents some distance away from the area they "worked" and were forced to bring home 86 most of the i l l e g a l earnings. This state of affairs would explain why child brothels were never a major target for investigation. Kellow Chesney has suggested: More than any other class of prostitutes, they seem to have been the product of the rookeries, conditioned to depravity before they ever took to hawking themselves on the streets. In fact the degredations, and above a l l the overcrowding, of the worst slums led to an indis-criminate sexuality that defies comment. One may read of a man con-victed of outraging a small child begotten by himself on his own daughter. Born in such an environment, brought up to fight for exis-tence by every means at hand, habituated to pain and brutality, i t is no wonder i f some of those children were ready to exploit their one readily cashable asset.^7 34 Unlike other forms of child employment which decreased as social condi-tions improved, child prostitution increased as the nineteenth century 88 drew to a close. The overall decline in.child labour had both positive and nega-tive affects on the well-being of British working-class children. In families where the total family income was close to the poverty line the withdrawal of child labour probably had a detrimental effect on the family's diet and on other essentials like heating and perhaps housing. However, because many children no longer had.to face the daily dangers to l i f e and limb and suffer the unhealthy conditions, cruelties and physical stress in factories and mines, i t is highly l i k e l y that many more children had the opportunity to develop better physiques and consti-tutions than would otherwise have been possible. I l l During the nineteenth century legislation affected the social and economic status of children in at least four different ways. Changes in the way the State might punish.its young offenders had the effect of raising the age of that group of individuals which had less-than-adult status.- By the early part of.the nineteenth century English Common Law had provided two social groups with a special immunity against punishment. Infants under seven years of age were considered as being incapable of felonious intent. For children between seven and fourteen years of age there was a presumption against felonious intent. However, a Victorian legal authority, W. Clarke Hall, has shown that evidence "tending to show deliberation was sufficient to prove such intent.""^ As a result, the severest of penalties were suffered by children of seven or more years. However, starting with the Youthful Offenders Act of 1854, which repre-sented according to Mathew Davenport H i l l , the Recorder of Birmingham, 90 91 the Magna Carta for juvenile delinquents, a series of Acts, by estab-lishing special forms of treatment for juveniles, separated the young offender from the mature criminal. Though employers had long since recognized the difference between adult workers and the younger members of the working classes by the v amount of money they were prepared to put into their wage packets, a series of Acts of Parliament, inspired more by a concern for the morals of children than for their health or physical condition, further defined the younger worker's less-than-adult status. By 1870 legislation had been passed which affected most of the major forms of juvenile employ-ment with the exception of domestic service. Factories were not per-mitted to employ anyone under eight years of age and those under thirteen were restricted to a set number of hours. Women and young children had been completely banned from working underground in mines, while boys between twelve and sixteen years of age were restricted in the number of hours they might work per day and per week. No agricul-tural gangs were allowed to employ any child under eight years of age and the distances that youngsters might walk per day were restricted. In addition, some particularly nasty and dangerous forms of employment, such as chimney-sweeping, were placed off-limits to juveniles as old as fifteen. 36 The Education Acts of the 1870s and 1880 which were passed largely to "compel our future masters to learn their letters" and to pro-vide a supply of workers with the necessary s k i l l s for the new forms of industry, further helped to define this less-than-adult status. The 1876 Act, by making i t no longer possible for farmers to employ children under ten years of age, dealt a death blow to the agricultural gang system and largely put an end to the worst excesses of juvenile agricul-tural labour. The 1880 Act, by making education compulsory for a l l children between the ages of five and ten years of age, and by making i t necessary for any child between ten and thirteen years of age to possess a leaving certificate before he or she could start work, completed the picture. Changes in the laws affecting the relationship between the parent and the child, by limiting the powers of the parents and delineating specific duties towards their offspring, began to provide children with an independent status. In this regard the Acts preventing cruelty to children and those stipulating powers of adoption and custody were of particular importance. The prevention of Cruelty to Children Act of 1889 was rightly referred to in the Houses of Parliament as the Children's Charter. Not only was i t a particularly effective measure for dealing with parents who w i l l f u l l y mistreated, neglected or abandoned their children, but i t also prompted the idea of specific c i v i l rights for children beyond those of freedom from physical cruelty and neglect. IV Certain conclusions may be drawn from the preceding discussion 37 of the social and economic conditions experienced by working-class c h i l -dren and the legislative changes which had a bearing on their childhood. Prior to 1870 a good deal of concern had manifested i t s e l f about the moral welfare of children and the more blatant forms of physical cruelty i n f l i c t e d upon them. This does not imply, however, that nobody cared about the general health and social conditions of children. It is a well-established fact that the middle and upper classes held their offspring 92 in high esteem. They were quite prepared to spend considerable sums on their children's behalf. The middle class, for example, made consider-able sacrifices by spending large sums on education. At the other end of the social scale the working class also made sacrifices for their children. Neighbours and relatives fed, clothed, and sheltered needy children. Working mothers often went without food so that their c h i l -dren would not go hungry. There i s , in fact, l i t t l e evidence..to suggest that i t was any more than a small group of working-class parents who unduly, chastized or persecuted.their children. There is also l i t t l e evidence which contradicts the view that only a small group amongst the upper and middle classes concerned themselves, to any large extent, about the social and physical conditions of working-class children. Nevertheless, there is l i t t l e doubt that from about the third quarter of the nineteenth century onwards a profound shift in the status of working-class children occurred. The nature of this new status for working-class children was com-plex and at times paradoxical. Prior to the 1870s, the Factory Acts and the new laws relating to the punishment of juvenile criminals tended to 38 isolate working-class children and place them in a less-than-adult world. From at least the middle of the nineteenth century the economic value of working-class children to society as workers, declined seriously. Fewer and fewer of them were needed to man the major commercial and industrial enterprises of Britain: Only in the service industries was there any continued demand. In a s t r i c t l y Marxist sense, the children of the working class were ceasing to be members of the proletariat. However, at the same time, the very s c i e n t i f i c and technological advances which had caused a decrease in the number of child workers required, also demanded that a new type of adult worker be produced. This new adult worker had to be able to read instructions, evaluate costs, measure weights, and to calculate angles. It was in response to this demand, and in conjunction with the perceived need of the upper classes to edu-cate the newly enfranchised members of the working class in the estab-lished ways of l i b e r a l democracy that the Education Act of 1870 was passed. : While the value of working-class children had fallen to practi-cally nothing in current market terms, their value as future citizens and mature workers had become considerable. This shift in attitude to-wards the working-class child, and the provision of a special status which accompanied i t , tend to explain the development by the State, of protective measures to ensure the health and welfare of children which followed the Education Act of 1870. It should be noted that some of these measures were specifically geared to make the child independent of his parents. In fact, certain rights of working-class parents were sacri-ficed in order to ensure a f u l l complement of workers for Britain's 39 future. As a r e s u l t , the suggestion that the Education Act was the s t a r t i n g point of the modern concept of the c h i l d and was the benevolent opening of Pandora's box, i s misleading. While the Education Act of 1870 was a r e f l e c t i o n of the new s p e c i a l status of working-class c h i l -dren, i t more c l o s e l y represented the s t a r t i n g point of the modern con-cept of the new B r i t i s h worker. The Education Act was not the opener of Pandora's box, but merely one of the p r i z e s found within. 40 FOOTNOTES ± Such an approach was promised but not f u l f i l l e d by Ivy Pinch-beck and Margaret Hewitt: see the preface to their two volume work, Chil-dren in English Society. Kenneth Charlton's review of Pinchbeck and Hewitt's second volume, Children in English Society, from the Eighteenth Century to the Children Act of 1948 (London, 1973), pp. 347-671, in the British Journal of Educational Studies, 21 (1974), 227-28, stated: "this second volume is very much cast in the mould of the f i r s t , sharing that volume's lack of an adequately detailed bibliography, and showing l i t t l e of the 'sociological 1 approach which the authors claimed in the preface to the whole work." 2 See Michael Anderson, Family Structure m Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1971); and J. 0. Foster, Capitalism and Class Con-sciousness in Early Nineteenth Century Oldham (Ph.D. Dissertation, Uni-versity of Cambridge, 1967). 3 Anderson, pp. 31-32. 4 See David C. Marsh, The Changing Social Structure of England and Wales, 1871-1961 (London, 1965), p. 41, and A. M. Carr-Saunders, D. Caradog Jones, and C. A. Moser, A. Survey of Social Conditions in England and Wales as Illustrated by Statistics (Oxford, 1958), pp. 22-32, and J. W. Innis, Class Fertility Trends in England and Wales, 1876-1934 (Princeton, 1938), pp. 65-66. 5 Foster, p. 284. ^ See Ivy Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850 (London, 1930), p. 105. 7 See J. A. Banks, "Population Change and the Victorian City," Victorian Studies, 11 (1968), 286. 8 "Report on Women and Children in Agriculture," Parliamentary Papers, x i i (1843), 19-20: cited by Pinchbeck, p. 105. 9 In England and Wales the population more than doubled between 1841 and the turn of the century. It was 15,914,148 in 1841. By 1901 the population had reached 32,527,843. This data which is based on Census returns is cited in Banks, p. 277. In 1801, London was the only centre with more than 100,000 inhabitants. By 1841 there, were six..such-. c i t i e s ; by the end of the century there were thirty. In 1801, there were five urban centres with more than 50,000 inhabitants; twenty-two in 1841; and forty-nine in 1901. For data on town size see W. Page, Com-merce and Industry: Tables of Statistics for the British Empire from 1815 (London, 1919), pp. 4-29. 41 For a discussion of how contemporaries thought people migrated see E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," Journal of the Royal Sta-tistical Society, 48 (1885), 167-227. See Banks, for a discussion of some of the social problems connected with migration. 1 1 For a discussion of urbanization in England and Wales see D. Friedlander, "The Spread of Urbanization in England and Wales, 1851-1891," Population Studies, 24 (1970), 423-43. Anderson, p. 33. 45. 1 ^  See John A. Jackson, The Irish in Britain (London, 1963), p. 1 4 The report in question was The Second Report on the Condition of Large Towns and is cited in ibid., p. 45. 15 See Anderson, p. 33. 1 6 This data is extraced from The Second Report on the Condition of Large Towns as cited by Jackson, p. 45. 17 The suggestion that incest was common was one of the claims made in the anonymous publication, The Bitter Cry of Outcast London: An Enquiry into the Condition of the Abject Poor (1883). 18 See Banks, p. 286. 19 This claim is made by Anderson, p. 34. He suggests that de-scriptions of cottages can be found in S. Bamford, Walks in South Lanca-shire and on its Borders (Manchester, 1844); E. Waugh, Factory Folk during the Cotton Famine (Manchester, 1881); W. A. Abram, "Social Condi-tion and P o l i t i c a l Prospects of the Lancashire Workman," Fortnightly Review, NS, 4 (1868), 426-41. 20 According to George Richardson's evidence (Appendix Pt. II, p. 134) given to the Commissioners of The Second Report on the Condition of Large Towns, the practice of closing up every window not absolutely necessary for light was quite prevalent in some large towns. See Jackson, p. 44. 21 See G. Best, Mid-Victorian Britain, 1851-1871 (London, 1971), p. 23. 22 See "Report of the Committee of the St a t i s t i c a l Society of London on the State of the Working Classes in the Parishes of St. Margaret and St. John, Westminster," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 3 (1840), 14-24. 23 See R. Hodgekinson, "The Social Environment of British Medical 42 Science and Practice in the Nineteenth Century," in W. C. Gibson (ed.)/ British Contributions to Medical Science (London, 1971), p. 31. 24 See Second Report on the Condition of-Large Towns as cited by Jackson, p. 53. 25 It has become common practice to assume that because children were so often dirty and wore i l l - f i t t i n g and much patched clothing that they were neglected. The fact that working mothers spent time patching their children's clothing, over and over again, may well indicate a great deal of concern for children. The fact that children were so often unwashed and unfed may, in i t s nineteenth century context, be more indic-ative of a lack of knowledge concerning personal hygiene, of ignorance of the principles of domestic economy, and a lack of family funds, than of neglect or cruelty on the part of parents. 2 6 See W. B. E l l i s , Health and Childhood (London, 1960), p. 74; he does not cite the Royal Commission to which he refers. 27 For a discussion of the nutritional needs and the problems caused by dietary deficiencies see ibid., pp. 163-90, or World Health Organization, Nutrition and Infection, 314 (Geneva, 1965) . 28 See particularly, Laura Owen, "The Welfare of Women in Labour-ing Families: England 1860-1950," Feminist Studies, 3/4 (Winter/Spring, 1973), pp. 107-25. 29 Pinchbeck and Hewitt, p. 631 have noted that "before the 1880's, remarkably l i t t l e was known-about the physical conditions of the majority of children in this country. Such evidence as did exist was largely contained in the various Reports df the Children's Employment Commission, and this was largely related to the effects of certain trades and occupations on children's health and physique and thus not applicable to the conditions of children in general." Nevertheless, they point out that the relationship between nutrition, good health and physique had been noted at least by the I860"s. In 1867 Dr. Edward Smith wrote in his "Report on the Inferiority of Workhouse Dietaries," which formed part of the Twentieth Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, Parliamentary Papers (1967-68), XXXIII: "It is not, perhaps, well appreciated that up to adult l i f e each period is devoted to a particular part of growth, and i f for any cause, the growth does not occur, the e v i l is irremedial. Hence the great responsibility of those who have the power to withhold or to supply food in childhood and youth" (p. 59). 30 See Sir Jack Drummond and Anne Wilbraham, The Englishman's Food: A History of Five Centuries of English Diet (London, 1958), p. 151. 31 Ibid., p. 380. For example, nourishing stews could not be made. 43 33 For a discussion of the decline in breast feeding see Margaret Hewitt, Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry (London, 1958), Chapters VIII-X. See especially her Appendix III, p. 224 which details comparative mortality between breast and hand-fed infants. 34 See John Burnett, Plenty and Want: A Social History of Diet in England from 1815 to the Present Day (London, 1966), p. 142 and 259. 35 36 See Hewitt, chapter X, pp. 141-52. This lecture was reported in British Parliamentary Papers, XXII (1864), p. 630, and is cited in ibid., p. 145. 37 See Pinchbeck and Hewitt, p. 349. 38 For a discussion of the differences between urban and rural mortality-rates see D. V. Glass, "Some Indicators of the Differences between Urban and Rural Mortality in England and Wales," Population Studies, 17 (1964), pp. 263-67. 39 See Anderson, p. 34. 40 See Carr-Saunders, Caradog Jones, and Moser, p. 220. The l i f e expectancy of women was slightly greater than for men. 41 See E. E. Lampard, "The Urbanizing World," in H. J. Dyes and M. Wolff (eds.), Victorian Cities: Images and Realities (London, 1973), p. 24. 42 43 44 45 46 See Anderson, p. 34. See ibid., p. 69. See Jackson, p. 53. See Anderson, pp. 138 and 147. No figures were published by the government before 1898 on disease incidence. Mortality s t a t i s t i c s , while available for the period under study have their drawbacks. Scarlet fever and diphtheria were often confused. Distinction was made s t a t i s t i c a l l y in 1855 but fi n a l ambiguity was not removed until after Loffler had identified the diph-theria bacillus in 1884. The distinction between typhus and typhoid was f i r s t drawn in 1869 but inaccuracies in diagnosis prevailed until much later in the century. With the case of tuberculosis, positive iden-t i f i c a t i o n was often impossible without the use of X-Ray machines and bacteriological methods of identifying the bacillus. 47 See W. P. D. Logan, "Mortality in England and Wales from 1848-1947," Population Studies, 4 (September 1950), p. 140. 44 48 49 50 51 See Logan, p. 40. Ibid. Ibid. See ibid., p. 148,.and A. H. Gale, "A Century of Changes in Mortality and Incidence of Principal Infections of Childhood," Archives of Diseases of Childhood, 29 (1945),6. Logan, p. 149. 5 3 Ibid., pp. 154, 156-57. 54 See A. Daley and B. Benjamin, "London a Case Study," Popula-tion Studies, 17 (March 1964), p..255. Midwifery did not become a neces-sary area of study for doctors until 1886. " 5 5 There is literary evidence to support the prevalence of this sort of good neighbourliness. In Elizabeth Gaskell's Mary Barton: A Tale of Manchester Life (London, 1972), chapter six, Barton, himself out of work at the time, pawned.his "better coat, and his one gay, red-and-yellow s i l k pocket handkerchief" which were his "jewels, his plate, his valuables" so that he could buy meat, bread, candles, and coal for the Davenport family. At the same time Wilson took the two older children to be looked after by his wife. Nevertheless, Davenport died from typhoid fever without seeing a doctor. ^ There were exceptions to this general rule. The Dorset Friendly Society had rates for medical attendance for a l l members of the family: member 2/6d; wife.2/-; 1/- for the f i r s t three children and 9d for any other children. See R. H. J. H. Gosden,- The Friendly Societies in England, 1815-1875 (Manchester, 1961), p. 147. 57 According to ib i d . , by 1884 there were forty-two Medical Aid Associations containing some 164,000 members. Not a l l Friendly Socie-ties provided a medical benefit. Thus there is a considerable discrep-ancy between the membership of Friendly Societies and the number of people with medical coverage. Gosden, Self-Help: Voluntary Associations in Great Britain (New York 1974), p. 112, the annual payments by the Societies was 3/- per patient. 58 T. Ferguson, "Public Health in Britain in the Climate of the Nineteenth Century," Population Studies, 17 (March 1964), 215. 59 See K. J. Heaseman, "The Medical Mission and the Care of the Sick Poor in Nineteenth Century England," The Historical Journal, 7 (1964), 243. 6 0 See Maurice Bruce, The Coming of the Welfare State (London 1968), p. 119. 45 See J. L. Brand, Doctors and the State: The British Medical Profession and Government Action in Public Health, 1870-1912 (Baltimore, 1965), pp. 85 and 93. 6 2 Heaseman, pp. 242-43. 63 Ibid., p. 231. 64 Ibid., pp. 230-45. 65 See Anderson, p. 148. 6 6 Ibid. 6 7 See ibid., pp. 148-49. Anderson has maintained: "This adop-tion of orphans then is probably one major factor explaining the presence in so many households of the odd grandchildren, nieces and nephews and siblings . . . and particularly their presence in the houses of childless widows. It is worth noting that Foster found similar proportions in a l l his towns, and this is probably one important explanation." 68 See Charles Booth, "Occupations of the United Kingdom, 1801-1881," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 49 (June 1886), 314-435. The figures are Booth's unless otherwise stated. 6 9 Ibid. 70 B. R. Mitchell and Phyllis Deane, Abstract of British Histor-ical Statistics (Cambridge, 1971), p. 59. 71 Report cited in W. C. Hall, The Queen's Reign for Children (London, 1897), pp. 57-58. 72 The body is able to produce vitamin D when regularly exposed to sunlight from i t s precursor argosterol. In occupations where sunlight is deprived a lack of vitamin D may be serious when the vitamin is also lacking from the family diet. 73 See Hall, p. 44. 74 See Dr. E. Smith, Health and.Disease As Influenced by Daily, Seasonal and Other Cyclical Changes in the Human System (London, 1861), passim. 7 5 Hall, p. 29. 76 . Cited in ibid. 7 7 Ibid., p. 30. • 7 Q Ibid., pp. 47-50. 46 79 See Kellow Chesney, The Victorian Underworld (London, 1970), p. 18; J. F. C. Harrison, The Early Victorians, 1832-1851 (London, 1973), p. 109. 80 81 82 See Chesney, p. 20. See Harrison, p. 110. See J. J. Tobias, Crime and Industrial Society in the Nine-ury (London, 1972) , p. c. Quoted i n i b i d . , p. 102. teenth Centur 72)  96 83 84 85 See ibid., p. 103. See Tobias, p. 101; Chesney, p. 387; and. R. Pearsall, The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality (London, 1972), pp. 358-66. 86 87 88 Chesney, p. 387. Ibid. See Pearsall, p. 365, for an il l u s t r a t i o n of the expansion of itution in I Hall, p. 89. child prostitution Birmingham. 89 90 Pinchbeck and Hewitt, pp. 351-52. 91 I.E. Summary Jurisdiction Act (1879); Probation of Fir s t Offendors (1887); Youthful Offenders (1901); Probation Act (1907); Chil-dren's Act (1908). 92 See, for example, F. Musgrove, "Population Changes and the Status of the Young in England since the Eighteenth Century," Socio-logical Review, 11 (1963), p. 71. He remarks: "By 1881 the young were never so abundant and never so protected. (Never before had they been so richly displayed—in L i t t l e Lord Fauntleroy outfits, sailor suits and Eton collars.)." For a more detailed discussion of the importance of children to the upper classes see, J. A. Banks, Prosperity and Parent-hood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Class (London, 1954), passim. 47 CHAPTER II CHANGES IN HEALTH CONSCIOUSNESS IN LATE-VICTORIAN BRITAIN: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE ROLE OF "EXPERTS" IN IMPROVING THE HEALTH OF CHILDREN It is quite wrong to assume that the Elementary Education Acts ) of the 1870's and 1880's were ultimately responsible for i n i t i a t i n g a series of special services to improve the health and welfare of children. Not only can i t be argued that some of the measures selected actually had earlier origins than the Education Act of 1870, but i t can be shown that some of the ensuing legislation had l i t t l e or. nothing to do with children being at school. To evaluate correctly how and why child health services developed, and, more important, why they emerged when they did, consideration must be given to such factors as: the extent of medical knowledge (particularly with reference to nutrition, school hygiene, and child psychology); the influence of religious beliefs and the moral code implicit in the Poor Law; the availability of funds and the degree of authority exerted by central government over local author-i t i e s ; and the impact of changing attitudes towards the in v i o l a b i l i t y of the home, self-help, and the relationship between parents and children; as well as the influence of socialism and the impact of bodies represen-ting working-class interests on the p o l i t i c a l process. This chapter looks at the period of forty years from 1860 to 1900 and attempts to show how the special services to enhance the health and welfare of children were institutionalized by law and voluntary 48 programmes. Prior to elementary education being made compulsory in 1880 the institutionalization of child health had depended more on the work of doctors and a few individuals with a specific interest in the problem than on party p o l i t i c s . From the early 1880's this state of affairs changed dramatically. Two factors lay behind this change. Fi r s t , largely as the result of the actions of London's casual poor, middle-class fears of violence were intensified. These fears, in conjunction with the formation of the Independent Labour Party and other socialist groups, ensured that the demands of the British working man would not only be brought to the attention of the upper classes but would receive a favourable hearing. The other factor was A. J. Mundella's revision of the Education Code of 1882. As a result, this chapter has been broken down into two distinct parts, one describing the events occurring before 1880, the other describing the activities of the period 1880 to 1900. I Punishments of juvenile offenders were steadily softened from quite early in the nineteenth century; the conditions of child employment were improved from almost the same time; but state intervention to pre-vent child abuse came much later. To a l l intents and purposes the Englishman's home, whether i t was the stately home of one of Britain's large landowners or the squalid hovel of an unemployed, drunken farm labourer, was his castle. There his powers over his wife were great, and those over his children greater. Prior to 1870 there were only two provisions under which the Grown could intervene on behalf of children. 49 The f i r s t c o ncerned c h i l d r e n who became wards o f a c o u r t . Here the law o f t e n i n t e r v e n e d between the p a r e n t and the c h i l d t o p r o t e c t t h e p r o p e r t y r i g h t s o f t h e c h i l d . The second a r o s e where a c h i l d ' s d e a t h was found t o be due t o a f a i l u r e t o p r o v i d e m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n o r s u f f i c i e n t f o o d . The p a r e n t s c o u l d be found g u i l t y o f manslaughter. But i t p r o v e d much h a r d e r t o e n f o r c e . In f a c t , i t was o n l y through a c t i o n t o p r e v e n t c h i l d n e g l e c t by t h i r d p a r t i e s t h a t the a u t h o r i t i e s were a l e r t e d t o t h e problem o f th e i n f a n t d e a t h - r a t e and c h i l d abuse g e n e r a l l y . In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e the spur t o t h i s q u i c k e n i n g o f s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s came from the d i s s e m i n a -t i o n o f c o n v i n c i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about b a b y - f a r m i n g . P r i o r t o t h e n o t o r i o u s Waters and E l l i s t r i a l o f 1870 t h e m e d i c a l p r o f e s s i o n had begun a cam-p a i g n t o c o n t r o l t h i s p r a c t i c e . A t the i n s t i g a t i o n o f i t s h o n o r a r y s e c -r e t a r y , Dr. J . D. Curgenven, the H a r v e i a n S o c i e t y had a p p o i n t e d a committee o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n . T h i s committee was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p l a c i n g a s e r i e s o f recommendations b e f o r e t h e Home S e c r e t a r y i n J a n u a r y o f 1867. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e Government d e c l i n e d t o t a k e any a c t i o n a t t h i s t i m e . Undaunted by t h i s i n i t i a l s e t - b a c k the m e d i c a l p r o f e s s i o n c o n t i n u e d t o a p p l y p r e s s u r e . Dr. Curgenven h i m s e l f r e a d p a p e r s b e f o r e t h e i n f l u e n t i a l a n n u a l c o n f e r e n c e s o f t h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Promotion o f S o c i a l S c i e n c e i n b o t h 1867 and 1869. 1 I n b o t h i n s t a n c e s r e s o l u t i o n s were p a s s e d t o end the e v i l s o f b a b y - f a r m i n g . In 1868, Dr. E r n e s t H a r t , the e d i t o r o f the British Medical Journal p u b l i s h e d a s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s on the s u b j e c t . These were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r prompting the " c h i l d r e n ' s champion," L o r d S h a f t e s b u r y , t o b r i n g t h e m a t t e r up i n the House o f L o r d s . 50 Encouraged by the support not only of his own society and the NAPSS but also of the British Medical Journal and Lord Shaftesbury, Dr. Curgenven set about establishing a society to pressure the Government into legisla-tive action. This as i t turned out was formed even before the Waters and E l l i s t r i a l was completed and was responsible for the appointment of a Select Committee on the Protection of Infant Life and the eventual introduction of the Infant Life Protection B i l l by the Salford Member of Parliament, W. T. Charley, in February of 1871. Though the Act contained no overly stringent regulations, and advertisements for "adoption" con-tinued to appear, this represented an important precedent for child rights and an important step in the protection of the health of very young children. Despite the claims by Lord Shaftesbury that parental cruelties 2 were "enormous" and "indesputable," and statements by Dr. Barnardo that 3 there were more than 30,000 homeless and destitute children in London, no direct restrictions on parental rights were made for more than ten years. Shaftesbury's own beliefs concerning the i n v i o l a b i l i t y of indi-vidual authority in domestic matters i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of the sense of helplessness that many of those who wished to outlaw a l l forms of child abuse must have f e l t . While he was well aware that public attitudes could normally be changed by private groups revealing detailed information of terrible conditions, he continued to believe that parental cruelty was of "so private, internal and domestic a character as to be beyond the reach of legislation" and that such a topic would not be entertained by 4 either House. 51 As w i t h the case o f the p h y s i c a l l y abused c h i l d , i n t e r e s t i n p h y s i c a l l y and m e n t a l l y d e f e c t i v e c h i l d r e n p r e c e d e d t h e Elementary Educa-t i o n A c t o f 1870. However, i n t h i s i n s t a n c e t h e i n t e r e s t was o f l o n g e r s t a n d i n g . I t was n o t i n c o n f l i c t w i t h p a r e n t a l r i g h t s ; n o r was c o n c e r n f o r the p h y s i c a l l y o r m e n t a l l y i n c a p a b l e i n c o n f l i c t w i t h the moral code embodied i n the Poor Law Amendment A c t o f 1834. Though a s p e c i a l s c h o o l f o r the deaf had been opened by Thomas Braidwood i n Edinburgh as e a r l y as the 1760's, i t was b l i n d n e s s which f i r s t c a p t u r e d the p u b l i c i m a g i n a t i o n and was a b l e t o tap t h e c o f f e r s o f the p h i l a n t h r o p i c a l l y - m i n d e d . A t f i r s t , p e o p l e assumed t h a t t h e b l i n d were i n c a p a b l e o f f e n d i n g f o r themselves and, c o n s e q u e n t l y , were doomed to be dependent on the s i g h t e d . In f a c t , v e r y few o p t i o n s were thought to be open t o the b l i n d . E i t h e r t h e y had t o be s u p p o r t e d by r e l a t i v e s , f r i e n d s , o r a p e n s i o n from some b e n e v o l e n t s o c i e t y , o r they had t o r e l y on b e g g i n g . I t was because b e g g i n g was c o n s i d e r e d s o c i a l l y u n a c c e p t a b l e t h a t the i m p o v e r i s h e d b l i n d r e c e i v e d t a c i t r e c o g n i t i o n o f the h e l p l e s s -ness o f t h e i r s t a t e and were n o t s u b j e c t e d t o t h e o r d i n a r y means t e s t o r the r i g o u r s o f o u t - r e l i e f n o r m a l l y a s c r i b e d t o the a b l e - b o d i e d poor under the 1834 Poor Law Amendment A c t . Between 1850 and 1875 t h i s a t t i t u d e towards the b l i n d began t o change. Behind t h i s s h i f t i n s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s l a y the work o f p e o p l e l i k e E l i z a b e t h G i l b e r t . B l i n d s i n c e a s e v e r e a t t a c k o f s c a r l e t f e v e r a t the age o f t h r e e , E l i z a b e t h G i l b e r t was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p e r s u a d i n g many o f t h o s e i n a u t h o r i t y t o b e l i e v e t h a t b l i n d p e o p l e were n o t n e c e s s a r i l y s o c i a l p a r a s i t e s . P u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h i s f a c t came w i t h t h e p a s s i n g 52 o f the E d u c a t i o n and Maintenance o f Pauper C h i l d r e n i n C e r t a i n S c h o o l s 5 and I n s t i t u t i o n s A c t o f 1862. T h i s A c t empowered Boards o f Guardians t o m a i n t a i n , c l o t h e , and educate the b l i n d c h i l d r e n o f pauper p a r e n t s i n s p e c i a l s c h o o l s p r o v i d i n g t h a t the c o s t i n v o l v e d d i d n o t exceed the amount r e q u i r e d t o keep them i n the workhouse. In o n l y a few y e a r s the a p p l i c a -t i o n o f the s e l f - h e l p p r i n c i p l e t o t h e b l i n d was complete. By 1886 the Home T e a c h i n g S o c i e t y was a b l e t o s t a t e i n i t s a n n u a l r e p o r t : There a r e many d i s a d v a n t a g e s a t t e n d a n t on t h e g i v i n g o f p e n s i o n s t o the young and a b l e - b o d i e d b l i n d . O f t e n a s m a l l d o l e o r p e n s i o n en-t i r e l y d e s t r o y s the e f f o r t s which the b l i n d might o t h e r w i s e be i n -duced t o make towards s e l f - h e l p . ^ U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the d e a f were unable t o evoke the same l e v e l o f p u b l i c sympathy as the b l i n d . The cause o f t h i s f a i l u r e l a y i n the n a t u r e o f the d e f e c t i t s e l f . Though an i n d i v i d u a l might l o o k normal i n e v e r y r e s p e c t , h i s f a i l u r e t o hear what was s a i d l e d i n i t i a l l y t o an i n a b i l i t y t o communicate. I t was f o r t h i s r e a s o n t h a t i n t h e e a r l y y e a r s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e d e a f were d i s p a t c h e d a l o n g w i t h t h e i d i o t s and 7 i m b e c i l e s t o the l u n a t i c asylums. N e v e r t h e l e s s , s e v e r a l s p e c i a l s c h o o l s f o r the d e a f were e s t a b l i s h e d b e f o r e 1870 through v o l u n t a r y c o n t r i b u t i o n s , and Boards o f Guardians, t h r o u g h the 1862 Pauper C h i l d r e n A c t , were g i v e n the a u t h o r i t y t o send d e a f c h i l d r e n t o them s u b j e c t t o the same c o s t r e s t r i c t i o n s t h a t were imposed on b l i n d c h i l d r e n . By comparison w i t h e i t h e r the b l i n d o r the deaf, c h i l d r e n who s u f f e r e d from e i t h e r mental o r o t h e r p h y s i c a l d e f e c t s a t t r a c t e d much l e s s a t t e n t i o n i n t h e p e r i o d b e f o r e 1870. I n t h e case o f t h o s e who were p h y s i c a l l y d e f e c t i v e t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s u r p r i s i n g . Not o n l y d i d t h e early employment commissions and popular n o v e l i s t s l i k e Charles Dickens draw attention to those who had suffered i n d u s t r i a l i n j u r i e s or were born with a d e b i l i t y , but we now know that r i c k e t s was p a r t i c u l a r l y com-mon among the c h i l d populations of the major urban centres. Neverthe-l e s s , at no time during the nineteenth century d i d the c h i l d who through accident, inheritance, or malnutrition became p h y s i c a l l y incapable of leading a normal l i f e , become the c e n t r a l figure of a government report. Nor was i t u n t i l the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century that he be-Q came a. major topic of concern among the philanthropically-minded. I t seems reasonable to conclude that the reason l i t t l e a t tention was paid to such ch i l d r e n was the t o t a l lack of medical expertise concerning 9 orthopaedic treatment. Those with mental defects were only s l i g h t l y l u c k i e r . Though i t was possible to c o l l e c t o u t - r e l i e f for the mentally defective c h i l d who l i v e d at home, most—whether they were merely feeble-minded or e p i l e p t i c —went with the i d i o t and the imbecile to the l u n a t i c asylum. Unfor-tunately, despite the f a c t that one report to the 1860 Select Committee on the Care and Treatment of Lunatics mentioned the existence of "a 10 department of psychological medicine" at one such i n s t i t u t i o n , and i t was generally acknowledged that there existed both a strong urge to cure the insane as well as a b e l i e f that early treatment could produce r a d i -c a l l y b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s , places housing the mentally defective were seldom more than merely custodial centres. An opportunity to change t h i s s i t u a t i o n had come with the passing of the 1862 Act which had allowed Boards of Guardians to maintain feeble-minded, but not "imbecile" 54 o r " i d i o t " c h i l d r e n , a t s p e c i a l s c h o o l s . However, because the E d u c a t i o n and Maintenance o f Pauper C h i l d r e n A c t was o n l y p e r m i s s i v e , and t h e num-b e r o f s p e c i a l s c h o o l s s m a l l , i t s e f f e c t was v e r y l i m i t e d . 1 1 In the y e a r s which f o l l o w e d the Elementary E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1870 i n t e r e s t i n p h y s i c a l l y and m e n t a l l y d e f e c t i v e c h i l d r e n became more u r g e n t and comprehensive. In 1874 two i m p o r t a n t s t e p s were taken. One was the d e c i s i o n o f t h e London S c h o o l Board t o e s t a b l i s h s p e c i a l c l a s s e s f o r the b l i n d and the deaf c h i l d r e n o f the m e t r o p o l i s . The o t h e r was the forma-t i o n by the C h a r i t y O r g a n i z a t i o n S o c i e t y o f London, a p h i l a n t h r o p i c body r e c e n t l y formed t o make the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c h a r i t y more e f f i c i e n t and t o p r e v e n t begging, o f a s p e c i a l s e l e c t committee on t h e t r a i n i n g o f t h e b l i n d . T h i s was made up o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from most o f t h e major London s o c i e t i e s i n t e r e s t e d i n the w e l f a r e o f the b l i n d , and i n c l u d e d such n o t a b l e s as t h e Duke o f Westminster, L o r d S h a f t e s b u r y , and L o r d L i c h f i e l d . The causes o f t h e s e two eve n t s a r e perhaps more d i v e r s e than one might exp e c t . O b v i o u s l y the mere f a c t t h a t the E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1870 made S c h o o l Boards r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s e e i n g t h a t all c h i l d r e n would r e c e i v e an e d u c a t i o n was o f tremendous importance. N e v e r t h e l e s s , two o t h e r f a c t o r s a l s o p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t . The f i r s t was t h e p u b l i c a t i o n by C o l o n e l M a n s f i e l d T u r n e r and W i l l i a m H a r r i s o f a Guide to Institutions and Charities of the Blind (1871). The second was the b e l i e f t h a t 12 B r i t a i n was s l i p p i n g b e h i n d the C o n t i n e n t i n i t s c a r e o f t h e B l i n d . The COS committee was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r making the f i r s t assessment o f t h e e x t e n t o f b l i n d n e s s i n t h e U n i t e d Kingdom. Some 30,000 p e o p l e were thought t o be b l i n d , and o f t h e s e o n l y o n e - t h i r d were c o n s i d e r e d t o 55 be c a p a b l e o f working.' In London a l o n e some 2,890 p e o p l e were found t o be b l i n d . Of t h e s e one i n twelve was b o r n b l i n d ; 493 were i n Poor Law i n s t i t u t i o n s ; between e i g h t and n i n e hundred were c a p a b l e o f work; and some 300 were c h i l d r e n . When p u b l i s h e d the Committee's r e p o r t , The Train-ing of the Blind, recommended t h a t b l i n d c h i l d r e n s h o u l d be e d u c a t e d from 13 age f i v e and t h a t more t e a c h e r s be t r a i n e d . About the same time the COS c r e a t e d a s p e c i a l committee t o i n v e s -t i g a t e t h e e d u c a t i o n and c a r e o f i d i o t s , i m b e c i l e s , and harmless l u n a t i c s . L i k e the Committee on the T r a i n i n g o f the B l i n d i t was busy and thorough and i n c l u d e d a number o f i n f l u e n t i a l p e o p l e amongst i t s membership such as S i r C h a r l e s T r e v e l y a n , the E a r l o f Devon, L o r d L i c h f i e l d , S i r J . P. K a y - S h u t t l e w o r t h , U. J . K a y - S h u t t l e w o r t h , L i e u t e n a n t - G e n e r a l Cavenagh, and s e v e r a l prominent d o c t o r s . B e f o r e i t r e p o r t e d i n 1877, i t had v i s -i t e d f o u r i n s t i t u t i o n s , h e l d t h i r t e e n meetings, and h e a r d e v i d e n c e from t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America, t h e c o l o n i e s , and s e v e r a l European coun-t r i e s . One o f i t s main f i n d i n g s was t h a t t h e harmless c o u l d be t r a i n e d by p r o p e r methods and s h o u l d , t h e r e f o r e , be p l a c e d i n s p e c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t was even the b e l i e f o f the COS t h a t the s i z e o f t h e t o t a l p r oblem was too b i g f o r p r i v a t e p h i l a n t h r o p y , and t h a t s t a t e s u p p o r t s h o u l d be ob-14 t a i n e d t o a i d l o c a l v o l u n t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s . These and o t h e r recom-mendations were taken t o t h e L o c a l Government Board on 16 May 1877 by a l a r g e d e p u t a t i o n which i n c l u d e d L o r d S h a f t e s b u r y . The endeavour was p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l . A c l a u s e which drew the d i s t i n c t i o n between harmless l u n a t i c s and o t h e r s , and empowered l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s t o e s t a b -l i s h s c h o o l s was i n s e r t e d i n the County Government B i l l . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , 56 the c l a u s e was l a t e r withdrawn w i t h t h e B i l l . 1 ^ The s p r e a d o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s s p e c i f i c a l l y geared t o p r o v i d e meals f o r needy c h i l d r e n was d i r e c t l y t i e d t o the e x t e n t o f m e d i c a l knowledge c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between d i e t and d i s e a s e i n t h e p e r i o d b e f o r e 1880. In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e new m e d i c a l knowledge came from F r a n c e . As e a r l y as 1848, the F r e n c h Government had a p p o i n t e d a commission t o en-q u i r e i n t o s c r o f u l a , r i c k e t s , impoverishment o f the b l o o d (angina coueneuse), and o t h e r d i s e a s e s a f f l i c t i n g c h i l d r e n . The c o n c l u s i o n reached by the Commission was t h a t t h e s e d i s e a s e s were caused by a l a c k o f a n i m a l f o o d i n the d i e t , and t h a t they might be checked i f poor c h i l -d r e n were g i v e n a meal o f f r e s h meat a t l e a s t once a month. Though p o l i t i c a l e vents p r e v e n t e d any immediate response i n m e t r o p o l i t a n F r a n c e , V i c t o r Hugo was a b l e t o i n i t i a t e a programme on the i s l a n d o f Guernsey i n 1862. There he f e d f o r t y o f the most n e c e s s i t o u s c h i l d r e n — t w e n t y e v e r y two w e e k s — w i t h f r e s h meat and a g l a s s o f wine. On 16 January 1864, Punch p u b l i s h e d an a r t i c l e about Hugo's scheme. I t r e v e a l e d n o t o n l y t h a t many s i c k c h i l d r e n had been c u r e d , b u t a l s o t h a t the p h y s i c a l c o n s t i t u t i o n o f n e a r l y a l l t h e c h i l d r e n had improved. B e s i d e s p o i n t i n g out V i c t o r Hugo's b e l i e f t h a t i t was t h e C h r i s t i a n duty o f t h e r i c h t o l o o k a f t e r the poor, Punch argued t h a t i t a l s o made good economic sense t o p r o v i d e needy c h i l d r e n w i t h good f o o d : The s t r o n g e r the c h i l d i s , the g r e a t e r i s t h e chance t h a t he w i l l grow up a s t r o n g man: and the s t r o n g e r t h e man i s t h e more work he can do, and the l e s s chance w i l l t h e r e be o f h i s coming on the p a r i s h . So p u t t i n g c h a r i t y a s i d e , i t would be wise economy t o g i v e t h e c h i l -d r e n o f t h e poor p e o p l e now and t h e n a meal o f meat, and s t r e n g t h e n thus t h e i r sinews and c o n s t i t u t i o n s . - ^ 57 In addition, Punch suggested that while i t might not be possible for people to follow Victor Hugo's example to the letter, i t was entirely feasible for the richer members of the community to club together and hire a dining-hall. Within a month of the publication of this a r t i c l e the Destitute Children's Dinner Association had been formed. Besides the obvious influence of Victor Hugo's scheme i t seems likely that the formation of the Destitute Children's Dinner Association owed something to the work of Dr. Edward Smith. As early as 1862, he had been asked to report to the Privy Council on the nourishment of dis-tressed cotton operatives. His report related to the unemployed factory population of Ashton-Under-Lyne, Blackburn, Manchester, Preston, Stock-port, and Wigan, and was the f i r s t extensive attempt to relate good nutri-tion with the cost of food per head per week. It clearly outlined the 17 reasons for defective cookery, identified the lack of animal food in the diet, and suggested suitable diets. In addition, i t stressed the importance of highly nitrogenized food for the young and pinpointed milk 18 as the most perfect food both in nutritional and cost terms. It seems indesputable that Dr. Smith's report, when published in 1863, must have brought the problem of child nutrition in depressed areas to the atten-tion of many important people of charitable minds in Government, the medical profession, and elsewhere. In the period which followed the formation of the Destitute Chil-dren's Dinner Association many similar organizations were formed. While there may be some doubt regarding the influence of Dr. Smith's work on the formation of the f i r s t organization for feeding school children, 58 there i s l i t t l e doubt that his later work, by raising the health con-sciousness of people generally towards the need for good diets, helped the extension of charitable concerns for feeding needy children. In 1864 he both published Practical Dietary for Families, Schools and the 19 Labouring Classes, and carried out an examination of the diets of agri-cultural labourers, kid-glovers, needlewomen, s i l k weavers, shoemakers, stocking glove weavers, and throwsters. Published as the "Report to the Privy Council on the Pood of the Poorer Labouring Classes in England," this examination represented the f i r s t attempt in any country to ascer-20 tain the national dietary. Some two years later Dr. Smith conducted a special study of the dietaries of workhouse inmates. His report con-tained the following severe warning about the consequences of letting working-class children go underfed: It i s a matter of both public policy and of local advantage, that children should be so fed that whilst they shall not acquire tastes which can not be satisfied in after l i f e , they should grow up strong and healthy and be able to serve their employers and gain a li v i n g . If they should be of feeble health and imperfectly developed, they may procreate children of inferior health, and both they and theirs are l i kely to come to the workhouse to be maintained at the public expense. Moreover, so far as quality of mind (as indicated by i n t e l -ligence and enterprise) i s associated with defective bodily power (and this in the poor is far more general than has been recognized) they w i l l also continue to occupy an inferior position even amongst their fellows, be inferior workmen and citizens; and be less i n f l u -enced by the educational efforts which the state and private organi-zations are so widely making.2^ The influence of this report was not missed by the authorities. Dr. Smith was asked to make further suggestions detailing how workhouse diets could be improved. These appeared in the 20th Annual Report of the Poor Law Board and specifically emphasized the point that an abundant supply 59 o f f o o d was e s s e n t i a l t o t h e young's growth, h e a l t h , and s t r e n g t h , and 22 l a i d down s e v e r a l p r i n c i p l e s f o r f e e d i n g c h i l d r e n o f d i f f e r e n t ages. Between October 1869 and A p r i l 1870, s e v e r a l months b e f o r e t h e 23 E d u c a t i o n A c t was pas s e d , f i f t y - e i g h t d ining-rooms were opened i n t h e 24 m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a . M. E. B u c k l e y , an e a r l y h i s t o r i a n o f the s c h o o l meals' movement, has sugg e s t e d t h a t from the f i r s t , t h e motive, though 25 l a r g e l y s e n t i m e n t a l , was supported, by e d u c a t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . T h i s argument i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by a r e p o r t i n the Times o f 5 December 1867, c o n c e r n i n g statements made by t h e fund r a i s i n g committee.of t h e D e s t i t u t e C h i l d r e n ' s D i n n e r A s s o c i a t i o n : T h e i r almost c o n s t a n t d e s t i t u t i o n o f fo o d i s not o n l y l a y i n g the foun-d a t i o n o f permanent d i s e a s e i n t h e i r d e b i l i t a t e d c o n s t i t u t i o n s , b u t reduced them t o so low a s t a t e t h a t they have n o t v i g o u r o f body o r energy o f mind s u f f i c i e n t t o d e r i v e any p r o f i t from t h e e x e r t i o n s o f t h e i r t e a c h e r s . 2 ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s , the c l a i m made by Dr. Smith i n h i s book, Foods, p u b l i s h e d i n 1873, t h e y e a r b e f o r e h i s death, t h a t t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c ' s a t t e n t i o n on foods and d i e t a r i e s had been caused by a c o n s i d e r a b l e i n -c r e a s e i n commercial i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h d i s t a n t c o u n t r i e s , a marked improve-ment i n the p u r c h a s i n g power o f t h e masses, and a r a p i d i n c r e a s e i n 27 w e a l t h g e n e r a l l y , cannot be ta k e n l i g h t l y . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o g e n e r a l i z e about the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e s e e a r l y schemes f o r f e e d i n g hungry c h i l d r e n . On the one hand, l i t t l e i s known about how many c h i l d r e n were b e i n g f e d on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . On t h e o t h e r , t h e r e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t d a t a a v a i l a b l e t o a s s e s s t h e q u a l i t y o f t h e food p r e p a r e d . In s p i t e o f these drawbacks some q u a l i f i c a t i o n s may be 60 made about s p e c i f i c schemes. Perhaps the most s u c c e s s f u l was one e s t a b -l i s h e d a t Rousdon i n Devon. There, p r i o r t o 1876, c h i l d r e n had t o walk l o n g d i s t a n c e s t o and from s c h o o l on "wretched m o r s a l s " o f food. However, i n t h a t y e a r S i r Henry Peek p r o v i d e d one good meal every weekday a t the c o s t o f one penny p e r day. A c c o r d i n g t o an i n s p e c t o r the r e s u l t s were v e r y s u c c e s s f u l : What s t r i k e s one a t once on coming i n t o the s c h o o l i s t h e h e a l t h y v i g o r o u s l o o k o f t h e c h i l d r e n , and t h a t t h e i r v i g o u r i s not merely b o d i l y , b u t comes o u t i n the c o u r s e o f e x a m i n a t i o n . There i s a marked c o n t r a s t between t h e i r appearance and t h e i r work on the day o f i n s p e c t i o n , and those o f t h e c h i l d r e n i n many o f the n e i g h b o u r i n g s c h o o l s . The mid-day meal i s good and w i t h o u t s t i n t . I t a c t s as an a t t r a c t i o n , and i n d u c e s r e g u l a r i t y o f a t t e n d a n c e . . . B e f o r e the s c h o o l was s t a r t e d the e d u c a t i o n o f c h i l d r e n i n the neighbourhood was as low as any p a r t o f the d i s t r i c t . 2 8 However, i t appears from o t h e r e v i d e n c e t h a t i n most i n s t a n c e s c h i l d r e n 29 were p r o v i d e d w i t h meals much l e s s f r e q u e n t l y and seldom a t a l l d u r i n g the summer months. In a. l e t t e r t o t h e Times John Palmer, the s e c r e t a r y o f the C l a r e Market Ragged S c h o o l s , r e p o r t e d t h a t he knew o f o n l y one 30 c ase where d i n n e r was p r o v i d e d as o f t e n as t h r e e times a week. Never-t h e l e s s , i t a l s o appears from the r e c o r d s o f t h e D e s t i t u t e C h i l d r e n ' s 31 32 33 D i n n e r A s s o c i a t i o n and t h e Ragged S c h o o l s Union t h a t one good meal a week was not o n l y s u f f i c i e n t t o improve the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n o f t h e c h i l d r e n concerned, b u t a l s o t o a l l o w b e t t e r s c h o o l work t o be produced. While the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e s e schemes may be i n some doubt t h e i r purpose was not. They d i d n o t s e t out, as the C h a r i t y O r g a n i z a t i o n S o c i e t y made c l e a r , t o r e l i e v e i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y t h e m u l t i t u d e o f poor c h i l d r e n t o be found i n the l o w e s t p a r t s o f the m e t r o p o l i s . I n s t e a d , 61 the object was to encourage those who attended ragged and other schools to take f u l l advantage of the moral and religious training that was made available. In fact, special care was taken to avoid any charge of pauper-izing the parents. It was for this reason that the Destitute Children's Dinner Association and other feeding organizations required payment for the food provided. Normally the levy was a penny, a sum far short of the 34 actual cost. Nevertheless, even this small amount was beyond the means of many children. In the period before 1880 policies governing the ins t i t u t i o n a l i -zation of child health clearly followed the philosophy dictated by the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834. Those who were considered to be physi-cally incapable were recognized by the State as requiring special ser-vices and in need of r e l i e f . Those who were able-bodied, even though they were only children, and i t was no fault of theirs that they were hungry and undernourished, were l e f t to the hands of charity. II During the early 1880's a bitter controversy over "mental over-pressure" in schools developed. This had the effect of intertwining the philosophies and actions of a l l those interested in either the school hygiene movement, or hungry or defective children, and was responsible for i n i t i a t i n g the f i r s t medical inspections of elementary school c h i l -dren. For this reason i t seems most appropriate to describe the efforts to improve the health and welfare of children during this period in terms of two specific categories: one concerning the actions to improve 62 the health and welfare of the school child, the other those attempting to improve the conditions of the child before he was old enough to go to school or while he was in the home. In the 1860's the medical profession's interest in education had been limited to methods of containing the spread of infectious diseases in schools. In the following decade this interest was enlarged to in-clude the relationship between the physical condition of the school child and his a b i l i t y . Though several important papers c o n c e r n i n g this r e l a -36 tionship were published in the leading medical journals by such people as Dr. Robert Farquharson and Dr. Francis Warner, there was no indication 37 that any vigorous controversy was imminent. In April of 1880 an event occurred which changed a l l this. As with the case of the development of feeding organizations i t was news from abroad which actually set things in motion. In this instance i t was the decision of the London Times to reprint part of a paper entitled, "Habitual Headache and Brain exhaustion," which had been read by a cer-tain Dr. Treichler to the Neurology and Psychiatry section of the German Association of Natural Historians and Physicians in the previous year. One may well ask why a paper read before a German society should have attracted so much attention in Britain when similar papers published at home by British doctors had not. The answer is f a i r l y simple. In the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian war things German tended to be much admired in Britain. This was particularly true of the Prussian school 38 system. In addition, i t was in Germany that much of the valuable work in the f i e l d of child psychology was being carried out. Thus, when i t 63 was said that German school children suffered from gross over-pressure, people in Britain listened attentively. The response to the Times' article was considerable. Letters by Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, Dr. Sophia Jex Blake, Dr. Robert Farquharson, and J. S. Laurie were published by the Times and raised a l l the important issues that were later to form the nub of the over-pressure controversy: How extensive was it? Could i t be irradicated? Did i t show a bias towards a particular sex or class? 39 How important was malnutrition as a contributory factor? Between 1880 and 1884 several important events occurred within the medical profession which though not directly related to the problem of over-pressure, made the question of child health appear more important. Among these were Dr. Priestly Smith's investigation of some 2,000 40 Birmingham school children and Training College students, and the pub-lication of the f i r s t British text-book on school hygiene by Dr. Clement 41 Dukes, the physician to Rugby School. Another landmark came in 1883 when the Anthropometric Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science presented i t s f i n a l report. This clearly drew attention to the disparity between the physical dimensions of one class of British children and another: The most obvious facts which the figures disclose are the check which growth receives as we descend lower and lower in the social scale, and that a difference of five inches exists between the average sta-ture of the best and the worst nurtured classes of children of corres-ponding ages, and of 3h inches in adults. 4 2 At the same time concern about mental over-pressure by elementary teachers and members of government departments increased. In 1882 A. J. 64 Mundella i n s t i g a t e d a r e v i s i o n o f the E d u c a t i o n Code. When completed the New Code s t i p u l a t e d t h a t g r a n t s s h o u l d be c a l c u l a t e d on the b a s i s o f the number o f passes o b t a i n e d as a p e r c e n t a g e o f the number o f c h i l d r e n p r e -s e n t e d f o r e x a m i n a t i o n . T h i s had the e f f e c t o f r e v e r s i n g the a t t i t u d e o f elementary s c h o o l t e a c h e r s . H i t h e r t o i t had been i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t t o p u t up as many c h i l d r e n as p o s s i b l e f o r e x a m i n a t i o n . Now the o p p o s i t e became t r u e . As a r e s u l t , the N a t i o n a l Union o f Elementary Teachers came out s t r o n g l y a g a i n s t Mundella's New Code and o v e r - p r e s s u r e . A r e s o l u t i o n p a s s e d by the e x e c u t i v e under p r e s s u r e from the rank and f i l e s t a t e d : The e x c e s s i v e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f t h e Code, some o f the p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s o f e x a m i n a t i o n , and the g r e a t i r r e g u l a r i t y o f a t t e n d a n c e a t s c h o o l , a r e causes which l e a d t o g r e a t p r e s s u r e upon the c h i l d r e n i n elemen-t a r y s c h o o l s , and p l a c e e s p e c i a l l y heavy burdens upon the weak and d u l l c h i l d r e n . 4 3 In 1883 the q u e s t i o n o f o v e r - p r e s s u r e , o r " o v e r - e d u c a t i o n " as i t was more o f t e n c a l l e d a t the time, became a matter o f P a r l i a m e n t a r y de-b a t e . On 16 J u l y L o r d S t a n l e y o f A l d e r l e y asked whether the Government i n t e n d e d t o approve compulsory homework i n elementary s c h o o l s a t a time when the p r e s s was a l l e g i n g o v e r - p r e s s u r e and when r e t u r n s were showing s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e s o f i n s a n i t y , i n view o f the f a c t t h a t two d o c t o r s , f o r m e r l y a t t a c h e d t o the West R i d i n g L u n a t i c Asylum, had s u g g e s t e d t h a t 44 e d u c a t i o n a l s t r a i n was a cause o f i l l n e s s . I t was t h i s q u e s t i o n which made the matter i n t o a c o n t r o v e r s y o f some imp o r t . The Government, and Mundella e s p e c i a l l y , had i n v e s t e d much time and e f f o r t i n the New Code and were n o t about t o see what they b e l i e v e d t o be a more e f f i c i e n t s y s -tem o f e d u c a t i o n made redundant by a c o n s p i r a c y o f l a z y t e a c h e r s and 65 greedy voluntary school managers. As a result, Mundella in replying to criticism in the Commons argued that malnutrition, not the Education Code, 45 was the cause of strain. In this position Mundella had the f u l l sup-port of his department. According to G i l l i a n Sutherland, Her Majesty's Inspectors rebutted charges of over-pressure by defending the New Code and "payments by results" in their reports, at public meetings, and in letters to the Times. They persistently argued that malnutrition was a 46 far more serious cause of sickness and strain than over-pressure. It was for this reason that they gave ardent support to the Penny Dinner movement, and perhaps why Mundella came to sponsor a pamphlet on the sub-47 ject. Likewise, Lyon Playfair, the Liberal health authority, also came to defend the Code by pointing out that child mortality had been f a l l i n g since 1870 and that there was no evidence to show that deaths from brain 48 diseases were increasing. Samuel Smith went further. He suggested that i f Parliament went so far as to compel children to attend school they should provide them, i f need be, with sufficient food to cope with the pressure. In addition, he argued that there should be medical inspec-tion of schools, and that grants should be based partly on the physical 49 health of the children concerned. In August the Lancet began a series of articles and stated quite categorically in support of Mundella: "the educational system is not overworking children but demonstrating that they are underfed.""'0 Neither these nor other defences were able to resist the attack on over-pressure and the Code either in or outside the Houses of Parlia-ment. In Parliament Stanley Leighton in the Commons, and Lord Stanley 66 in the Lords, maintained a f a i r l y constant attack. Outside, Thomas Heller, the Secretary of the NUET, took advantage of an opportunity to address a combined session of the Health and Education Sections of the 51 NAPSS at Huddersfield in October on the dangers of over-pressure. In February of the following year the former director of the West Riding 52 Lunatic Asylum, Dr. James Crichton-Browne, who was also the founder of Brain and was now one of the Lord Chancellor's Visitors in Lunacy, wrote a strong letter to the Bradford Observer on the dangers of over-pressure from payments by results. This was sufficient to .force Mundella to re-5 quest Dr. Crichton-Browne to v i s i t some London schools and make a report. 54 The report represented a severe indictment of the educational system and re-echoed the warnings given by Charles Dickens in his novel, Dealings with the Firm of Dombey and Son: Wholesale, Retail and for Exportation in 55 56 1848. When the report was eventually published on 1 May 1884 i t was accompanied by a memorandum written by a close adviser of Mundella, J. G. Fitch. Whereas the work of. Dr. Crichton-Browne contained the latest in medical opinion, that of Her Majesty's Inspector was based only on cold hard fact. As a result, Fitch was able to discredit much of Dr. Crichton-Browne 1 s report on the basis that i t failed to use a scien t i f i c method of analysis. Thus, by 1884 the controversy over mental over-pressure had reached a stand-off. Because l i t t l e in the way of new convincing evi-dence had been produced by either the medical or teaching professions since 1880, the case that mental over-pressure was severe enough to cause death remained unproven. However, because the issue of child health had 67 been b r o u g h t so f o r c e f u l l y t o the p u b l i c ' s a t t e n t i o n by t h e debate, t h e Government and the i n s p e c t o r a t e , i n o r d e r t o s u p p o r t t h e New Code, had been f o r c e d t o concede t h a t s e r i o u s dangers t o t h e h e a l t h o f c h i l d r e n e x i s t e d . While F i t c h might attempt t o r e b u t t Dr. Crichton-Browne's sug-g e s t i o n t h a t f r e e m i l k and meals as w e l l as r e g u l a r and d e t a i l e d m e d i c a l i n s p e c t i o n s s h o u l d be g i v e n t o elementary s c h o o l c h i l d r e n , w i t h such words a s : . . . a s c h o o l i s e s t a b l i s h e d f o r t h e purpose o f i n s t r u c t i o n and n o t f o r the purpose o f d i s p e n s i n g new m i l k . . . I t r u s t t h a t the s t a t e s -men and t h e p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s who a r e now c o n s i d e r i n g the d i f f i c u l t and anxious q u e s t i o n w i l l t h i n k t w i c e b e f o r e c o m p l i c a t i n g the pr o b l e m o f n a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n by m i x i n g i t up w i t h t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f fo o d and m e d i c i n e t o t h e c h i l d r e n o f the poor.^7 the consensus o f informed o p i n i o n ; was f a s t moving t o the p o s i t i o n t h a t to. compel a hungry c h i l d t o a t t e n d s c h o o l was n o t o n l y t o p l a c e h i s h e a l t h i n s e v e r e j e o p a r d y , and, c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h a t something u r g e n t needed t o be done about the case o f n e c e s s i t o u s c h i l d r e n , b u t a l s o t o waste money need-58 l e s s l y on ex p e n s i v e e d u c a t i o n . In f a c t , no sooner had the o v e r - p r e s s u r e debate d i e d down than a new c o n t r o v e r s y o v e r the m e r i t s o f penny d i n n e r s began. On the one s i d e were t h o s e l i k e M u n d e l l a who b e l i e v e d t h a t p r o v i d i n g meals o n l y f o r t h o s e who c o u l d a f f o r d t o pay was n o t enough, as w e l l as t h o s e who c o n s i d e r e d t h a t f r e e meals c o u l d be j u s t i f i e d on the b a s i s t h a t p a r e n t s made a f i n a n -c i a l s a c r i f i c e i n s e n d i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o s c h o o l . On t h e o t h e r were those l i k e t h e members o f the COS who b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e o n l y means o f a v o i d i n g p a u p e r i z a t i o n o f the p a r e n t s Was by i n s i s t i n g oh a charge b e i n g l e v i e d . D e s p i t e t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s the debate was s u f f i c i e n t t o cause a 68 considerable increase in the number of voluntary feeding organizations during the year 1884. On 13 December the School Board Chronicle could report Mundella as stating that since his mention of the Rousdon experi-ment in the House, school meals had been provided in rural d i s t r i c t s at 59 an unprecedented rate. In London the Council for Promoting Self-supporting Penny Dinners had been established. In only a matter of some five months the number of penny-dinner centres jumped from two to 60 fifteen. The provision of free school meals found early supporters both among private philanthropists who believed that suffering had to be relieved regardless of the moral consequences to the destitute, and among socialists and members of the labour movement. The Referee Fund which owed i t s beginnings to Mrs. Burgwin, the headteacher of the Orange Street School, Southwark, and i t s development to Mr. G. R. Sims, the author of How the Poor Live, and Arnold White, who made appeals through the columns of the Referee, had always given free meals to those in need. Likewise, the Board School Children's Free Dinner Fund which also began before the penny dinner movement, had adopted a policy of only feeding the children of those parents who were either i l l , out of work, or otherwise unable 61 to provide the necessary penny or half-penny required elsewhere. Advo-cates of free school meals among socialists and members of the labour movement emerged only a l i t t l e later. As early as January of 1882 socialists at a series of public discussions on "Practical Remedies for 62 Pressing Needs" suggested free feeding. However, i t should be noted that in this and other instances socialists and members of the labour 69 movement always insisted on the feeding of all children who were forced to attend elementary schools. The feeding of school children developed as part of their overall platform of "free maintenance" of school c h i l -dren. The f i r s t p o l i t i c a l party to adopt free school meals as part of i t s o f f i c i a l programme was the Social Democratic Federation under the leadership of H. M. Hyndman. It had canvassed right from i t s inception on the basis of "free compulsory education for a l l classes, together 6 3 with the provision of at least one wholesome meal a day in each school." The growth of voluntary feeding organizations which developed as a result of a l l these pressures led to a serious overlapping of programmes and much wasting of effort in London. In 1887 Sir Henry Peek attempted to rectify this situation in London by doing for school feeding what the 64 COS had done for charity. Unfortunately, his attempt was not as suc-cessful. However, in 1888 two SDF candidates up for election to the London School Board, Annie Bessant and Stewart Headlam, made school meals the main point of their election addresses. In the following year, partly as the result of Annie Bessant's exposure of the utter absurdity of trying to educate half-starved school children, the London School Board set up a committee of enquiry. 6 5 This established that food was being supplied very unsatisfactorily. Not only were some areas being over-supplied while others were l e f t without any supplies at a l l , but in most districts most of the children could not be fed frequently enough and were not fed at a l l during the summer months. The Committee was able to obtain some indication of the size of the problem at hand. It was believed that approximately 12.8 per cent (43,888) of the children 70 attending schools runs by the Board were permanently in need of food, and that less than half of these (24,739) were actually being looked after. In addition, i t found out that a penny was a prohibitive sum..for a considerable number of very poor children. As a result, the committee recommended that "cheap or free meals should be provided for poor c h i l -dren in the public elementary schools of London on such a scale that no 66 child really underfed should be without one meal a day." At a meeting held on 2 November 1889, at the London School Board Sir William Hart Dyke put forward the proposal, which was duly seconded by Mundella, to estab-l i s h a central organization for ensuring "a more economical and more efficient system of making provisions." 6 7 This came into being as the non-party, London School Dinner Association. However, i t should be pointed out that two of the more important voluntary societies providing meals declined to join the new Association. One was the Destitute Chil-dren's Dinner Association: The other was the Board School's Dinner Fund. The f i r s t chose to remain outside the Association because one of i t s rules stipulated that a certain amount of animal food had to be included in the meals provided. The second refused to join because i t did not 68 believe that payment should be required in a l l cases. At the time of the formation of the London School Dinner Associ-ation self-supporting meals were the rule rather than the exception. By about 1895 the converse was true. Then only approximately 10 per cent 6' of the meals provided were act ally paid for by L ndon's needy children. Several factors played a part in bringing'about this change. First, i t seems highly likely that the number of children without the necessary 71 penny a c t u a l l y i n c r e a s e d . Not o n l y were t h e r e s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e s i n London's p o p u l a t i o n , b u t t h e 1880's r e p r e s e n t e d a p e r i o d o f u n u s ual d i s -70 t r e s s f o r London's u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r . I t a l s o appears t h a t t h e f e a r o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s v i o l e n c e , engendered i n the m i d d l e c l a s s by London's c a s u a l l y employed d u r i n g t h e m i d d l e and l a t e 1880's, had the e f f e c t o f making the more w e l l - t o - d o more w i l l i n g t o p r o v i d e money f o r f e e d i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Meanwhile those i n charge o f f e e d i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s were more p r e p a r e d t o t u r n a b l i n d eye t o the c h i l d who d i d n o t have h i s penny o r h i s h a l f - p e n n y , a t a time when the i n f l u e n c e o f the moral code i m p l i c i t i n the 1834 Poor Law Amendment A c t was d e c l i n i n g , and when C h a r l e s Booth was p r o v i n g t h a t p o v e r t y had l i t t l e t o do w i t h moral c h a r -a c t e r and more t o do w i t h the amount o f employment a v a i l a b l e i n a d i s -t r i c t and the s i z e o f the wage p a c k e t s p r o v i d e d . By 1895 a n o t h e r change i n the p a t t e r n o f s c h o o l meal d i s t r i b u t i o n was v i s i b l e . As i n d i c a t e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r the e a r l i e s t f e e d i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s p a i d c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to the q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y o f t h e meals p r o v i d e d . By 1895 the tendency t o p r o v i d e a good h e l p i n g o f meat w i t h every meal had d e c l i n e d c o n s i d e r a b l y . A c c o r d i n g t o M. E. B u c k l e y , the c h i e f r e a s o n f o r t h i s was t h a t the need t o a t t r a c t c h i l d r e n now t h a t meals were f r e e was no l o n g e r as g r e a t as when payment had been r e q u i r e d . In London a n o t h e r r e a s o n was t h a t t h e N a t i o n a l Food Supply A s s o c i a t i o n , the o r g a n i z a t i o n which d i d most o f the c a t e r i n g , d i d much t o promote v e g e t a r i a n i n t e r e s t s i n the form o f v e g e t a b l e soup. A c c o r d i n g t o the e v i d e n c e g i v e n by C. H. H e l l e r t o the S p e c i a l Committee on u n d e r f e d C h i l d r e n i n 1895, t h e p r o v i s i o n o f t h i s soup had u n d e s i r a b l e e f f e c t s . 72 "The soup . . . v a r i e s so l i t t l e from day t o day t h a t i t i s n a t u r a l f o r 72 t h e c h i l d r e n t o grow t i r e d o f i t . " In 1898 the London S c h o o l Board made a t h i r d attempt t o d e a l w i t h the problem o f f e e d i n g hungry c h i l d r e n . The e v i d e n c e g i v e n t o the G e n e r a l Purposes Committee c l e a r l y shows t h a t as f a r as s c h o o l f e e d i n g i n London went the same c o m p l a i n t s about t h e l a c k o f adequate and d e t a i l e d p l a n s were s t i l l w a rranted. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s a l s o q u i t e c l e a r from the r e p o r t t h a t a p r o f o u n d s h i f t i n o p i n i o n had t a k e n p l a c e among those who were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f s c h o o l meals. T h i s was t r u e even among those who were "k e e n l y a n x i o u s t o p r e v e n t the undermining 73 o f prudence o r s e l f - h e l p by. i l l - a d v i s e d o r u n r e g u l a t e d g e n e r o s i t y . " Not o n l y was i t now f r e e l y a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e community's f i r s t duty was towards t h e c h i l d and t h a t t h e f e e d i n g o f needy s c h o o l c h i l d r e n r e p r e -s e n t e d an e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e — p e o p l e now even went so f a r as t o recommend t h a t i t s h o u l d be extended t o c o v e r the summer months and s h o u l d form p a r t o f t h e o v e r a l l work o f the C e n t r e s f o r P h y s i c a l l y and M e n t a l l y 74 D e f e c t i v e C h i l d r e n — b u t a l s o t h a t t h i s s e r v i c e s h o u l d be p r o v i d e d even i f i t had a s u b v e r s i v e e f f e c t on t h e moral c h a r a c t e r o f t h e p a r e n t . I n any event, the committee now b e l i e v e d t h a t they were on s o l i d ground on t h i s p o i n t f o r they had found no e v i d e n c e t o show t h a t f e e d i n g d i m i n i s h e d any sense o f p a r e n t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and, c o n s e q u e n t l y , b e l i e v e d t h a t p a r e n t s who c o u l d f e e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n , but f a i l e d t o do so, s h o u l d s i m p l y 75 be summoned f o r c r u e l t y . More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t was now a l s o seen t h a t w h i l e u n d e r f e e d i n g would cease w i t h t h e g e n e r a l moral and m a t e r i a l improvement o f the community, the p r e v e n t i o n o f u n d e r f e e d i n g , w i t h i t s 73 consequent problems of under-education and increasing malnutrition, could 7 6 provide a potent force in hastening the process of that improvement. It has already been shown that such MP's as Samuel Smith of Liverpool had advocated the medical inspection of schools as early as July of 1884 and had suggested that grants should be tied to the physical condition of students. In August 1888 Dr. Francis Warner read a paper to the Psychology Section at the annual conference of the British Medical Association under the t i t l e , "A Method of Examining Children in Schools as to Their Development and Brain Condition." Reaction to this paper was sufficient for the BMA to sponsor a committee to investigate the development and brain function of elementary school children. In 1889 a report covering fourteen schools and. some 5,444 children was published. This was by far the smallest of three investigations. The results of the report were such as to cause the BMA to urge the Government to appoint a committee of enquiry. Though this effort proved to be unsuc-cessful, considerable public interest.in the medical inspection of school children was generated and a joint committee of the COS and the BMA was established in 1890. This resulted in the investigation by Dr. Warner of some 50,027 children in a further 106 schools. In 1892 a committee was appointed through the British Association for the Advance-ment of Science to undertake a similar investigation. As a result, Dr. Warner, in conjunction with Dr. Shuttleworth and Dr. Fletcher Beach, examined a further 50,000 children during the years 1892 to 1896. To-gether the results of these investigations were published as the "Report on the Scientific Study of the Mental and Physical Conditions of Childhood, 74 with Particular Reference to those of Defective Constitution: also Con-taining Recommendations as to Education and Training." According to Dr. A. H. Hogarth, the result of these investigations was to: Arouse general interest in the whole subject of educational hygiene. The need for the sci e n t i f i c classification of school children accor-ding to their mental and physical capacities was evident and, as a result, mental deficiency was o f f i c i a l l y recognized in 1889, by the Royal Commission on the Blind, Dumb and Feeble-minded. Dr. Warner also drew public attention to the many conditions adversely affect-ing the health of the school child. In fact, he la i d the foundation of the science of child study and stimulated the interest of medical men in the larger f i e l d of school hygiene.77 At this time there was no specific statutory provision for ap-pointing medical inspectors of schools at the local level. In fact, although there was considerable enthusiasm amongst individual researchers and doctors generally, there was very l i t t l e in the way of o f f i c i a l sup-port for medical inspection. However, some of the more progressive school boards examined the Elementary Education Act of 1870 and appointed special medical advisers as "necessary officers" under the general powers of section 35. In 1889 the London School Board had been f i r s t to break new ground with the decision to appoint a full-time medical officer and a junior clerk to do the c l e r i c a l work. When, in the following year, Dr. W. R. Smith was appointed at a salary of £400 per annum his duties were limited to reporting on candidates for permanent office, and to ad-vise on the light, sanitation, space, and ventilation of school buildings, and specifically did not include the medical inspection of school children. The expansion of health services and medical staffs in London and elsewhere was directly related to the work of p o l i t i c a l factions, 75 investigatory committees and philanthropic organizations, as well as news from abroad and legislation i t s e l f . In 1883 a Royal Commission on the Blind and Deaf and Dumb had been set up. When i t s report was made available in 1889 i t made mention of the fact that far too much of the education of blind children had been l e f t to charity. Consequently, i t included the recommendation that blind children between the ages of five and sixteen, and deaf children between the ages of seven and six-teen years of age, should be compulsorily educated. As well, i t brought into focus the distinction between the feeble-minded child and the imbecile. Consequently, i t recommended that mentally defective children should be separated from normal children and given special 78 education. In 1890 the London School Board received a copy of a re-port on the Elberfeld school system in Germany. This showed that special day school treatment could make effective wage-earners out of 87;per cent of the children admitted. As a result, the Board decided to 79 establish special day centres modelled on the German example. Here, as later in Bolton, Reading, Salford and other towns, socialists and other working-class groups were in the forefront of the movement seeking 80 special provisions for the physically and mentally handicapped. In 1893 the Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf) Act was passed by Parlia-ment. This laid down two connected principles. On the one hand, author-i t i e s were forced to provide educational establishments for blind and deaf children. On the other, parents became obliged to send blind or deaf children between the ages recommended by the Royal Commission to 81 such schools and to contribute towards such education. This Act not 76 only led to a definite extension of school board health services and the enlargements of medical staffs, both in London and elsewhere, but also to the recognition of the fact that the problem of mentally defective and epileptic children "was of considerably greater complexity than that of the blind and the deaf child, i f not in the methods of instruction and the actual organization of schools, at least in the broader medical 82 and social issues involved." In 1898 the London School Board had obtained the half-time ser-vices of two doctors. One of these was a woman who was given the job of examining female candidates for permanent employment. Over the next four years the medical department was reorganized to include four c l e r i -cal assistants and a new medical officer was appointed. Nevertheless, the main function of the medical staff s t i l l appears to have been the medical examination of prospective employees, the control of outbreaks of infectious diseases in schools, and the medical inspection of defec-tive children. By 1902 Bradford, Birmingham, Hull and London a l l had medical officers attached to their school boards; Leeds and Sheffield had provided public medical supervision for physically and mentally defective children, and an association of Medical Officers of Health 83 had been formed in London. What went on in Bradford i s worth relating in some detail be-cause i t broke new ground. Bradford, i t must be remembered, was not only the place of publication of Dr. Crichton-Browne1s letter but also the home of the Independent Labour Party. As a result, interest in medi-cal problems relating to education was high and socialist influence 77 strong. In 1892, some two years before an ILP candidate would be elected by the East Ward to the School Board, Dr. James Kerr was appointed as Medical Officer. Dr. Kerr's position, unlike the one in London, included a special responsibility for the general health of school children. In 1894 Margaret McMillan, an intellectual and an ardent socialist was elected by a small majority to the School Board, one of the few posts open to women. From her f i r s t attendance she campaigned for cleaner children and the provision of school baths. Albert Mansbridge, her biographer, has claimed that the experience of seeing so many dirty c h i l -dren during her campaign for school baths led Miss McMillan directly to 84 the notion of medical inspection. When an opportunity arose for such examinations at the Usher Street School in 1899, she watched every minute of Dr. Kerr's examination of 285 g i r l s , and gave advice on deaf-85 ness, her own childhood a f f l i c t i o n , where i t was appropriate. In addition, Margaret McMillan was a great advocate of publicly supported school meals. In this she co-operated, in the early years, with Robert Blatchford in the work of the Cinderella Club in Bradford and elsewhere in the North of'England. According to Brian Simon, Margaret McMillan's struggle for improvements in working-class child l i f e took on an "epic quality and became the model of what an isolated socialist on a school 86 board could achieve." It has already been shown that the COS had a long interest both in physically, as well as, mentally defective children, and that the Society had joined with the BMA to make medical examinations of children 87 in 1890. In the same year the Council of the COS appointed a special 78 committee t o r e p o r t on the p u b l i c and c h a r i t a b l e p r o v i s i o n f o r f e e b l e -minded, e p i l e p t i c and deformed and c r i p p l e d p e r s o n s . I n 1892, the same y e a r t h a t the f i r s t o f t h e London S c h o o l Board's s p e c i a l c e n t r e s was opened, the COS s e n t a d e p u t a t i o n t o t h e L o c a l Government Board. Though t h i s d e p u t a t i o n had l i t t l e immediate e f f e c t , t h e COS's p r o p o s a l s l e d t o the f o r m a t i o n o f t h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Care o f the F e e b l e -minded i n 1895. I t was thr o u g h the p r e s s u r e o f t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t the Government was f o r c e d t o s e t up i n 1896 a committee t o i n q u i r e i n t o the e d u c a t i o n o f the f e e b l e - m i n d e d . I t was a r e s u l t o f the p r o d u c t i o n o f t h i s committee's r e p o r t i n 1898 t h a t the Elementary E d u c a t i o n (Defec-t i v e and E p i l e p t i c C h i l d r e n ) A c t was passe d i n 1899. T h i s was a p e r m i s -s i v e A c t and mer e l y a l l o w e d s c h o o l boards t o e s t a b l i s h s p e c i a l s c h o o l s f o r m e n t a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y d e f e c t i v e as w e l l as e p i l e p t i c c h i l d r e n between the ages o f seven and s i x t e e n y e a r s o f age. I t d i d , however, a l l o w a l l s c h o o l boards t o a s c e r t a i n , t h r o u g h t h e s e r v i c e s o f a d o c t o r , which c h i l d r e n i n the neighbourhood were unable t o take advantage o f the normal e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . E f f o r t s t o improve the l o t o f the c h i l d a t home can be d i v i d e d i n t o two d i s t i n c t groups, t h o s e c o v e r i n g c h i l d r e n o f any age and those which concerned o n l y the c h i l d t o o young t o go t o s c h o o l . The f i r s t may be s a i d t o have s t a r t e d i n t h e e a r l y 1880's; t h e second began much l a t e r towards t h e end o f t h e c e n t u r y . In t h e e a r l y 1880's i m p o r t a n t s t e p s were made towards the outlaw-i n g o f c h i l d abuse i n the home. The f i r s t was the r e s u l t o f a v i s i t t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America by a c e r t a i n L i v e r p o o l banker named Thomas 79 Agnew. Following a chance v i s i t to the New York Society for the Preven-tion of Cruelty to Children in 1881 he made himself aware of the success-ful pioneer work against child cruelty carried out in several other American c i t i e s . On his return to England a rather bizarre opportunity presented i t s e l f for him to further the cause of child rights. With the help of Samuel Smith, his local MP, he extended an appeal to provide 88 a Dog's Home to include a Home for Children. This led to the founding of the Liverpool Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children in 1883. Before the end of the decade at least thirty-three other towns had formed similar societies, and many of these had joined forces with the London Society to establish the National Association for the Preven-tion of Cruelty to Children. Within only a few months of the founding of this Society in May of 1889 a B i l l , often referred to as the "Children's Charter," was enacted. The swift passage of this highly contentious B i l l was due entirely to the careful preparatory work of the 89 Society. In i t s final.form the Act made i t a misdemeanour to cause a child (a boy under fourteen or a g i r l under sixteen) to be: " i l l -treated, neglected, abandoned, or exposed in a manner likely to cause 90 such a child unnecessary suffering, or injury to i t s health." In this way A. J. Mundella, the B i l l ' s sponsor, saw to it.that children were given the same protections as animals had been given under the Cruelty 91 to Animals Act and the Contagious Diseases Act for Domestic Animals. While the national conscience took some time to educate and the 92 words, "I dismiss the case, the woman did not know the law," were often repeated in the courts, the law was brought to bear. In the five year 80 93 period between the passing of the amendment to increase both the pen-alties and the age limits, more.than 47,000 complaints were investigated by the NSPCC, some 5,702 persons were prosecuted, and about 94 per cent 94 of these were convicted. In addition, once the barrier of parental rights had been broken, other important pieces of legislation could be passed. The f i r s t of these was the Poor Law Adoption Act of 1889. This removed the rights of parents proven to be irresponsible, and allowed the c o u r t s to a p p o i n t overseers t o e n s u r e t h e welfare of the children of such parents. The second important piece of legislation was the Custody of Children Act of 1891, often called the "Barnardo Act." This prevented parents who had earlier abandoned or neglected their children from re-claiming them once they had reached working age. During the early years of the NSPCC some quarters.-of the popula-tion believed that i t was only working-class parents who were cruel to their children. Indeed letters to the Times went so far as to suggest 95 that the NSPCC was becoming a terror to the poor. Neither of these propositions can be supported by the facts. As the f i r s t Honorary Secre-tary of the Society, the Reverend Benjamin Waugh, was to remark, the NSPCC had "a single eye to putting down the cruel treatment of children, which (can) be turned aside by neither the poverty nor the wealth of their 96 wrong-doers." The biographers of the NSPCC, Anne Allen and Arther Morton, have shown that the case-work of the Society clearly substan-tiated the Secretary's claim. In fact, they state categorically: "This is utterly untrue; the cases are very uniformly distributed amongst the 97 population." 81 Interest in infant welfare, and, consequently, in infant mortal-it y , also developed with the decline in the birth-rate. By the 1880's several demographic trends had become clearly discernible. First , the birth-rate in England and Wales had begun a definite decline. This was specifically true for communities li v i n g in major urban centres. Second, death-rates from the most deadly infectious diseases had fallen dramati-cally. This was particularly true for the younger age-groups. Third, there was no sign anywhere that the benefits of the victories over sick-ness and disease were being passed on to infants. This fact, in conjunc-tion with the f a l l in the birth-rate, was sufficient to alarm many doctors. However, when i t was also noted that the birth-rate in the colonies had fallen even more rapidly than in Great Britain, and when the growths in population of Britain's major industrial rivals were taken into consideration, the problem of infant mortality took on a greater p o l i t i c a l significance. It was well-known that a major cause of infant mortality was epidemic diarrhoea. Between 1880 and 1890 no less than three important papers were presented on the subject. In 1880, Dr. Longstaff spoke to the Society of Medical Officers of Health. In 1887, Dr. Ballard pro-vided a special supplement to the Medical Officer's Report to the Local Government Board, and, in November of 1889, Dr. Newsholme discussed the subject in his Presidential Address to the Society of Medical Officers of Health. According to Dr. G. F. McCleary, one of the infant welfare movement's pioneers, "Dr. Newsholme's address attracted attention and did much to stimulate preventative action. It was one of the influences 82 9 that contributed effectively to the rise of the infant welfare movement." Indeed, Dr. Newsholme's address made a number of important recommenda-tions and observations. He thought that the cause of epidemic diarrhoea was to be found in unclean s o i l and that i t infected the air and was readily digested with food, especially milk. In order to eliminate the disease he suggested: methods of improved scavaging; better paved alleys and yards; the:replacement of a l l privies with water carriage systems, 99 and, very significantly, the m u n i c i p a l s u p p l y of sterilized m i l k . A s a result of these three investigations the problem of infant mortality was seen.as one which primarily concerned hand-fed babies, and, more importantly, one of teaching mothers how to rear their children. As with other aspects of the movement to improve child health, i t was the example of how things were done abroad that was the cause of progress towards a solution in Britain. According to Dr. Drew Harris, i t was an article published in the Journal of State Medicine in December of 1898, describing Dr. Dufour's Goutte de Lait at Fecamp in France which led him to establish Britain's f i r s t milk depot at St. Helens, Lancashire."''00 In 1900, one year after.the founding, Dr. Harris described the effect the depdt had had to the annual conference of the BMA. Within only a few years Liverpool, Ashton-under-Lyne, Dukinfield, Battersea, Leith, Bradford, Burnley, Glasgow, Dundee, Leicester, Lambeth, and Woolwich had followed St. Helens' example. I l l These were the methods adopted to improve the health and welfare 83 of British children during the second half of the nineteenth century. By 1900 Parliament had intervened only to secure the health and welfare of defective children and to protect children against cruelty, neglect and sexual abuse. Neither the legislation outlawing cruelty nor that providing services for defective children contravened the moral philosophy of the 1834 Poor Law. Though i t was becoming more and more obvious that volun-tary programmes were quite incapable of coping with the problem of wide-spread malnutrition among working-class children, the provision of meals remained within the domain of private charity. Likewise, while extensive medical examinations of children had revealed the high proportion of working-class children who were in need of medical attention, the medical inspection of school children continued to be carried out only at private schools and at a few state-funded elementary schools run by progressive local authorities. Any treatment given to working-class children was restricted to minor ailments which could be dealt with by a nurse, and was severely limited by the fact that only a few school boards had employed a school nurse by 1900. Such an understanding of events suggests that the following ques-tions need answering: (i) does the failure of the British Government to become involved in the provision of meals when i t was known that volun-tary organizations could not cope with the problem of working-class mal-nutrition deny the possibility of the moral code implicit in the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act being broken before 1900? (ii) If i t does not, how can the delay of nearly twenty years between the time when working-class child health standards were found to be intolerable and the time 84 when government i n t e r v e n e d t o do something about the problem be ex-p l a i n e d ? ( i i i ) What j u s t i f i c a t i o n i s t h e r e f o r s e e i n g the A c t s which s e t o u t t o s e c u r e the h e a l t h , w e l f a r e and e d u c a t i o n o f d e f e c t i v e c h i l d r e n , o r the A c t which attempted t o p r e v e n t c r u e l t y t o c h i l d r e n , as b e i n g the s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f the c h i l d h e a l t h s e r v i c e ? and ( i v ) Does the f a c t t h a t t h e r e were no A c t s which s p e c i f i c a l l y s e t o u t t o improve the h e a l t h and w e l f a r e o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n b e f o r e 1900 deny the p o s s i b i l i t y o f t h e r e h a v i n g been a s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the s t a t u s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n b e f o r e t h a t time? Such q u e s t i o n s cannot be answered r e a l i s t i c a l l y w i t h o u t examin-i n g them w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f the c h a n g i n g s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f t h e 1880's and 1890's. I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o remember t h a t w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n were not a t any time d u r i n g the l a s t twenty y e a r s o f the n i n e -t e e n t h c e n t u r y the major s o c i a l c o n c e r n o f the B r i t i s h m i ddle c l a s s . The group which most w o r r i e d and f r i g h t e n e d the more w e l l - t o - d o was London's 'residuum'--the c a s u a l poor."'"0''" C o n s e q u e n t l y , i n c r e a s e s i n the number o f f e e d i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n the amounts o f money spent on f e e d i n g needy c h i l d r e n more c l o s e l y r e p r e s e n t an attempt t o appease the c a s u a l poor than s y m b o l i z e a r i s e i n s t a t u s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n . L i k e w i s e , t h e i n c r e a s i n g p r a c t i c e o f p r o v i d i n g meals f r e e o f charge i n -s t e a d o f r e q u i r i n g r e c i p i e n t s t o c o v e r p a r t o f the c o s t s h o u l d n o t be seen i n i t s e l f as p r o o f o f a breakdown i n Poor Law p h i l o s o p h y . Rather the change i n p r a c t i c e s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d as r e f l e c t i n g t h e middle c l a s s ' s b r o a d e r r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t c h r o n i c p o v e r t y , not pauperism, was t h e major s o c i a l problem f a c i n g the age, and t h a t p r i v a t e s u b s c r i p t i o n and 85 compulsory payment were incompatible with i t s solution. Chinks in Poor Law philosophy began to appear in the 1880's. In 1885 the Medical Relief (Disqualification Removal) Act was passed. This made i t no longer necessary for a person obtaining medical treatment 102 through Poor Law authorities to be disenfranchised. In the following year Joseph Chamberlain issued a Local Government Board Circular which permitted authorities to establish local works programmes that would 103 relieve unemployment. With the exception of the renewal of this Circular in 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1895 there was no further specific government action to relieve the casual poor until the Conservative 104 Government passed the Unemployed Workman Act in 1905. This delay re-flected a general l u l l in the public's concern for the very poor. Gareth Stedman Jones in his very perceptive study of the period, Outcast London: A Study of the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society, has suggested that at least five factors were responsible for defusing the 105 social c r i s i s which the Trafalgar Square r i o t of 1886 epitomized. The most immediately effective was the London dock strike of 1889. The sight of an orderly procession of dockers marching through the City of London produced a deep sigh of r e l i e f . Instead of being a threat to social peace, the unionization of the unskilled became a symbol of self-help and moral improvement.106 Though the findings of Booth's p i l o t surveys were not i n i t i a l l y well received, their publication in book form shortly after the dock strike married nicely with the change in middle-class attitudes. Together with the visible proof that the unskilled now meant no harm to person or property, Booth's analysis turned the casual 86 107 poor from a p o l i t i c a l threat into a social problem. From the late 1880's there was a general improvement in the con-ditions of trade. Declines in traditional industries began to be offset 108 by the expansion of newer ones. The very high rate of unemployment which had been reached and maintained during the mid-1880's began to 109 f a l l . With the exception of the years 1890, 1891, 1896, and 1897 the steady advance in real wages which began again in the mid-1880's, con-tinued.1"'"^ A l l these factors, by reducing the amount of distress naturally, tended to offset the need for government intervention. Two other factors helped defuse the social c r i s i s . As certain industries declined within the central cores of c i t i e s newer ones sprang up or were relocated in the suburbs. This, coupled with the development of cheap train transportation, reduced the pressure on housing in the cities and made i t possible for many members of the working class to live outside the central cores. Together these developments reduced the fear widely held by the middle class that the respectable working class would be infected by the degenerate elements in society. 1 1"'' In a number of ways the Education Acts which provided the legal basis for establishing special services for defective children repre-sented the starting point of the State's involvement in child health. Not only were these Acts partly responsible for the growth of medical appointments to school boards, but the continuous contact of doctors with school boards, required by the need to classify the extent of phy-sical defects and to draw the line between the imbecile and the feeble-minded child, must have alerted school board members to a whole range of 87 child health problems to which they would otherwise have remained unaware, and must have developed an expertise among the lay administrators. Per-haps more important, the medical examinations of large numbers of c h i l -dren that preceded the Acts, and which were carried out partly to demonstrate the need.for such measures, played an important role in rais-ing the consciousness of the British middle class to the problem of child health. However, the fact that articles written by such eminent British physicians as. Francis Warner did not attract much attention out-side a small group within the medical profession before the 1880's illustrates that the reason the "mental over-pressure in schools" contro-versy did not reach i t s peak until 1884 had more to do with a greater awareness of social conditions and a broader understanding of the causes of poverty in the 1880's, than to a lack of knowledge of child psychology in the 1870's. Likewise., the fact that the "mental over-pressure" con-troversy was able to induce such busy compaigners of improved housing, stronger imperial policies, and state-aided immigration, as G. R. Sims, Arnold White, and Lord Brabazon, to become active supporters of school meals, suggests that the wish to avoid "over-pressure" stemmed more from a desire to ameliorate the casual poor and to defuse the social c r i s i s of the 1880's than from greater medical knowledge of, for example, the effects of malnutrition on growth and development. By comparison, the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act cannot be considered as a starting point of a state-run child health service. No governmental bureaucracy was formed to prevent the health of children being impaired by cruelty, neglect or sexual abuse; nor was any expertise 88 developed to help create a medical service for children. Nevertheless, the Prevention of Cruelty, to Children Act was important in the develop-ment of programmes to improve the health of children. Not only did i t concentrate attention on the plight of children, but i t established an important legal precedent. Following i t s passage children were con-sidered to have definite rights. Under certain circumstances these rights could pre-empt those of parents. However, the ease with which the B i l l was. passed through Parliament in 1889, and the consequent acqui-sition of rights by children, are.not indicative of children having obtained a new or special status in the community.. Rather they more closely reflected the rising concern over Britain's future place in the world and a change in priorities—namely that the degeneration of the race and national efficiency were more important questions than the demoralization of the present adult population. The Boer war was to be responsible for making the change in p r i o r i t i e s among the middle class more explicit, and for raising the level of concern over Britain's place in the world to such an extent that the demand for efficiency became a matter of the utmost national urgency. It was as a result of this new sense of urgency that the quest for national efficiency was seen to imply both the need for a ready supply of physically f i t men to protect the Empire against attack.and a continuous stream of physically efficient men to keep the wheels of industry turning. To ensure such a supply, i t became obvious that some great long-term plan of social action was neces-sary. This would not only have to prevent any degeneration of the British race, but would have to ensure that the constitutions of those at the 89 bottom of the s o c i a l pyramid were improved. To bring t h i s about i t was only l o g i c a l that the health and p h y s i c a l development of working-class c h i l d r e n would be c a l l e d upon to play a major part i n the new blue-p r i n t . 90 FOOTNOTES See, for example, J. B. Curgenven, "On the Laws of Belgium Rela-tive to Illegitimate Children and Foundlings," Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science (1867), pp. 531-39. 2 According to Ivy Pinchbeck and Margaret Hewitt, Children m English Societyr 2 (London, 1973), p. 622, this remark was made in a letter by Lord Shaftesbury. 3 See Anne Allen and Arthur Morton, This is Your Child: The Story of the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (London, 1961), p. 22. 4 See ibid. 5 According to A. F. Young and E. T. Ashton, British Social Work in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1956), p. 186, this Act was seldom used but i t s passing does show an increasing public concern for the wel-fare of defective children. 6 Ibid., p. 189. 7 See School Inspectors' Report, Education of the Blind, Parlia-mentary . Papers, C 4747 (1886). The Manchester inspector's report shows that this practice was continued in some areas until as late as 1886. Q The starting point of interest in crippled children was Mrs. Humphrey Ward's campaign for special schools in 1898. 9 At least this i s the opinion of Young and Ashton, p. 200. 1 0 See ibid., p. 198. As late as 1881 the Return on Idiots (i.e., mental defectives of any grade) in public institutions numbered 29,452. Only some 3 per cent of these were receiving any care and treatment in institutions spe-c i f i c a l l y designed for them. The remainder were l e f t to rot in lunatic asylums, prisons, and workhouses. See K. Jones, A History of Mental Health Services (London, 1972), p. 183. 12 See Helen Bosanquet, Social Work in London: 1869 to 1912, A History of the COS (London, 1914), p. 191. 1 3 Ibid., pp. 191-92. 14 Sir Charles Trevelyan was perhaps the f i r s t to voice the 91 opinion that p r i v a t e c h a r i t y was incapable of looking a f t e r i d i o t s and imbeciles, and also to coin the phrase—feeble-minded. See i b i d . , p. 196. According to Jones, Trevelyan backed up h i s argument for state a i d to help "improvable i d i o t s " with a pamphlet and a l e t t e r to the Lunacy Com-mission. 1 5 See Bosanquet, p. 197. 1 6 Punch, 16 January 1864. Punch got i t s information from the Guernsey Star. 17 See previous chapter for a discussion of the reasons for defec-t i v e cookery. 18 Dr. Edward Smith, "Report on the Nourishment of Distressed Operatives," F i f t h Report of the Medical O f f i c e r of the Privy Council, 1863, Parliamentary Papers (1863), XXV, 320ff. 19 Dr. Edward Smith, Practical Dietary for Families, Schools, and the Labouring Classes (London, 1864). 20 Dr. Edward Smith, "Report to the Privy Council on the Food of the Poorer Labouring Classes i n England," Sixth Report of the Medical O f f i c e r of the Privy Council, Parliamentary Papers (1864), XXVIII, 223ff. In the same year two other enquiries were made which focussed on the diets of s p e c i f i c groups. They were: "Report of the Committee Appointed by the Home O f f i c e to Inquire into the Dietaries of County and Borough Gaols," Parliamentary Papers (1864), XLIX, 543ff., and the "Report of the Committee Appointed by the HOme O f f i c e to Inquire into the Diet a r i e s of Convict Prisons," Parliamentary Papers (1864), XLIX, 9 f f . I t i s l i k e l y that these two reports had some impact. 21 Dr. Edward Smith, "Report to the Poor Law Board on Dietaries for Inmates of Workhouses," Parliamentary Papers (1866), XXXV, 321ff. 22 Dr. Edward Smith, "Report on the Uniformity of Workhouse Die-t a r i e s , " 20th Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, Parliamentary Papers (1867-68), XXXIII, I f f . 23 This expansion of d i n i n g - h a l l s i l l u s t r a t e s that there was much i n t e r e s t i n school feeding before the Education Act of 1870 was i n t r o -duced by W. E. Forster (Lib e r a l MP for Bradford) i n February of 1870. I t did not become law u n t i l 8 August 1870. 24 See "Report on Metropolitan Soup Kitchens and Dining Tables," by the Society for Organizing Charitable R e l i e f (1871), p. 57: c i t e d by M. E. Buckley, The Feeding of School Children (London, 1914), p. 4. 25 See Buckley, p. 4. 92 2 6 The Times, 5 December 1867. 27 Dr. Edward Smith, Foods (London, 1873), Preface. 28 See A. J. Mundella's speech to the House of Commons, Parlia-mentary Debates , 3rd ser. (16 July 1883). 29 Buckley, p. 5, has suggested that as a rule children received a meal once a week and sometimes twice. 30 The Times, 16 October 1871. 31 See The Times, 5 December 1867 and 26 March 1869. 32 See their report of 1870 (quoted in the Report on Metropolitan Soup Kitchens and Dinner Tables [1871], p. 588). 33 According to Buckley, p. 5, the meals given at this time were normally substantial and Included hot meat. The Times of 27 November 1869, reported a dinner given by the Refuge for Homeless and Destitute Children to the pupils of St. Giles and St. George, Bloomsbury, as con-sisting of boiled and roast beef, plenty of potatoes and a thick sl i c e of bread. Such meals, according to Buckley were in constant contrast to those given out at the end of the century. The latter being mainly soup. 34 According to Buckley the cost of meals was between 4d and 6d. 35 See The Times, 15 April 1868. 36 For example, Dr.. Robert Farquharson, "Overwork," The Lancet (1976), 1:9; Dr. Francis Warner, "Recurrent Headache in Children and Associated Pathological Conditions," British Medical Journal (1879). 37 See A. B. Robertson, "Children, Teachers and Society: The Over-pressure Controversy, 1880-1886," The British Journal of Educational Studies, 20 (October 1972), 317. 38 W. H. G. Armytage has assessed the influence of Germany in his book, The German Influence on English Education (London, 1969). Dr. Treichler's a r t i c l e was published in the Times on 8 April 1880. 39 See the Times, 9, 10, 13, 15, and 19 April (1880). A leading article appeared on 8 April and an assessment on 23 April 1880. 40 Dr. Priestly Smith, "Short Sight in Relation to Education" (November 1880). 41 Dr. Clement Dukes, Health at School Considered in its Mental, Moral and Physical Aspects (London, 1882); this book went through four 93 editions by 1905. It clearly indicates that British doctors were conver-sant with continental developments in this f i e l d . 42 "Final Report of the Anthropometric Committee," Report of the Fifty-third Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Stockport, September 1883), p. 281. 43 Cited in G i l l i a n Sutherland, Policy-making in Elementary Edu-cation, 1870-1895 (London, 1973), p. 247. Sutherland suggests that the over-pressure controversy "brought the f i r s t full-scale attack on payment by results as a system of education" (p. 245). Prior to Mundella's New Code grants were calculated.according to the number of children put up for examination. The New Code:calculated the' grant on the number of passes as a percentage of the number of children put up for examination. 44 Parliamentary Debates, 3rd ser.,(16 July 1883), col. 1465. 45 Ibid. (26 July 1883), cols. 576-85. 46 See Sutherland, pp. 253-54. 47 The pamphlet was entitled, "Can a Sufficient Mid-day Meal be Given to Poor Children at a Cost for Materials of Less Than a Penny?" (1883). 48 Parliamentary. Debates, 3rd ser. (26 July 1883), cols. 600-605. 49 Ibid., cols. 597-98. 50 The Lancet (4 August 1883). 51 See "Discussion of Educational Over-pressure," Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science (Hudders-f i e l d , 1883), pp. 388-92. 52 For a discussion of the role of Dr. Crichton-Browne at the West Riding Lunatic Asylum and of the institution's contribution to neuro-physiology, see H. R. Viets, "West Riding 1871-1876," Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine, 6 (1938), 477-87. 53 H. C. Raikes, the Tory MP for Cambridge, brought the newspaper article to the attention of the Vice-President in the House on 19 Feb-ruary 1884. Mundella, however, had jumped the gun and had already met with Dr.- Crichton-Browne and.had arranged for him to v i s i t some London schools and make a report. 54 See "Report of Dr. Crichton-Browne upon Alleged Over-pressure," Parliamentary Papers (1884), LXI:259-311. 55 See Charles Dickens, Dealings with the Firm of Dombey and Son: 94 Wholesale, Retail and for Exportation (London, 1970), p. 206: "In fact, Doctor Blimber's Establishment was a great hot-house, in which there was a forcing apparatus incessantly at work. A l l the boys blew before their time. Mental green-peas were produced at Christmas, and intellectual asparagus a l l the year round. Mathematical gooseberries (very sour ones too) were common at untimely seasons, and from mere sprouts of bushes, under Dr. Blimber's cultivation. Every description of Greek and Latin vegetable was got off the driest twigs of boys, under the frostiest c i r -cumstances. Nature was of no.consequence at a l l . No matter what a young gentleman was intended to bear, Doctor Blimber made him bear to Pattern, somehow or other. This was a l l very pleasant and ingenious, but the system of for-cing was attended with i t s usual disadvantages. There was not the right tests about the premature productions, and they didn't keep well. More-over, one young gentleman, with a swollen nose and an excessively large head (the oldest of ten who had 'gone through' everything), suddenly l e f t off blowing one day, and remained in the establishment a mere stalk. And People did say that the Doctor had rather overdone i t with young Toots, and- that when he began to have whiskers he l e f t off having brains." ^ 6 Mundella appears to have wished to avoid the publication of this report. For a discussion of this point see Sutherland, pp. 254-56. 57 See "Memorandum by the Education Department on Dr. Crichton-Brown's Report," Parliamentary Papers (1884), cited by Robertson, p. 323. 58 See the Times' leading a r t i c l e of 13 December 1884. "It i s now admitted that children cannot be expected to learn.their lessons un-less they are properly fed." The opinions of Dr. Arthur Newsholme, Fifty Years in Public Health: A Personal Narrative with Comments (London, 1935), pp. 401-2, are informative. Not only did people, and especially doctors, come to the position that to educate a hungry child was to over-press him, but they also came to the conclusion that to prevent a child from going to school might make him worse off. Newsholme himself wrote, "A Child, though half-starved, is better off from a sanitary standpoint, in a well-warmed, and well ventilated school room, than wandering in the streets. The brain-work involved in school l i f e w i l l burn up less of his scanty food than would be required to keep up his temperature in re-turning the external cold." See also Bosanquet, p. 243. 59 This statement was made at a conference of Board School Man-agers and Teachers. See Buckley, p. 12. See ibid. 6 1 See The Times, 16 December 1885. 62 See H. M. Hyndman, Record of an Adventurous Life (London, 1911), p. 296. 95 6 3 See Justice, 9 August 1884: cited in Brian Simon, Education and the Labour Movement, 1870-1920 (London, 1965), p. 133. 64 According to The Times, 16 November 1887, Sir Henry Peek helped set up a committee comprised of representatives from the Self-supporting Penny Dinner Council, the Board School Children's Dinner Fund, the South London Schools Dinner Fund, Free Breakfasts and Dinners for the Poor Board School and Other Children of Southwark, and the Poor Children's Aid Association to consider the ways in which co-operation was feasible. The Committee recommended: (i) self-supporting dinner centres should be opened in as many dist r i c t s as possible in London; (ii) the various societies providing dinners.should be invited to use them; ( i i i ) free dinners should only be given on receipt of a recommendation from the head teacher; and (iv) a register should be kept of a l l free dinners given out, and a note made of the family circumstances of children who received them. 6 5 See Simon, p. 156. 66 See "Report of Special Committee of Meals for School Children," in Minutes of the London School Board, 25 July 1889, p. 373, which is sited by Buckley, p. 16, and in Bosanquet, pp. 250-51. 6 7 See "Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Medical Inspection and the Feeding of School Children Attending Public Elementary Schools," Parliamentary Papers (1905), Cd. 2779, sec. 2023. 5 ^ See the evidence of Joseph R. Diggle, past chairman of the London School Board and chairman of the London School Dinner Association in ibid., sec. 2018ff. 69 See London School. Board, Report of Special Committee on Under-fed Children (1895), p. i i i , cited by Buckley, p. 19. 70 Four factors made the distress amongst London' unskilled labour unusual: (i) severe winters: there were particularly harsh winters in 1879, 1880, 1881, 1886, 1887, 1891, and 1895; (ii) the cy c l i c a l depres-sion of .1884-87: this was more prolonged and hit a broader spectrum of occupations than the slumps of 1866 and 1879; ( i i i ) the housing c r i s i s ; and (iv) the migration of unskilled labour into the big cit i e s at a time when certain of the older industries were in decline. For a discus-sion of a l l these points see Gareth Stedman Jones' important book, Out-cast London: A Study in the Relationships Between Classes in Victorian Society (London, 1971). 71 See Buckley, p. 19. 72 Cited in ibid., p. 20. 73 See London School Board, Report of General Purposes Committee on Underfed Children (1889), p. i i i : cited by Buckley, p. 22. 96 74 See ibid., pp. iv-v, paras. 19 and 21 which are cited by Buckley, p. 23. 75 See i b i d . , cited by Buckley, p. 24. 7 6 See ibid., p. iv, paras. 17 and 20 which are cited by Buckley, p. 23. 77 See A. H. Hogarth, Medical Inspections of Schools (London, 1909), p. 19. 78 See "Annual Report for 1908 of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education," Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 4986 (1910), p. 114. 79 Ibid. 80 See Simon, pp. 156-57. In February of 1893 at a joint meet-ing of the Fabian Society and other soc i a l i s t groups a joint manifesto was produced (published 1 May 1893). This included the free maintenance of a l l necessitous children. It also included the prohibition of a l l child labour for wages. See E. R. Pease, The History of the Fabian Society (New York, 1926), pp. 202-3. 81 • See "Annual Report for 1908 of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education," p. 5. 8 2 Ibid. 83 See Jeanne Brand, Doctors and the State: The British Medical Profession and Government Action in Public Health, 1870-1912 (Baltimore, 1965), pp. 183-84. 84 See Albert Mansbridge, Margaret. McMillan: Prophet and Pioneer, Her Life and Work (London, 1932), p. 38. Dr. Kerr claimed in a memor-andum to the Inter-departmental Committee on Medical Inspection and Feed-ing of School Children Attending- Public Elementary Schools that this was "the f i r s t attempt in this country to assess the average condition of school children." 85 See ibid., p. 39. Simon, p. 157. 87 The COS played a considerable part in raising the funds for the f i r s t of the two extensive surveys. Some £211 was actually provided by i t s Council. 88 See T. F. Agnew's recollections in Allen and Morton, p. 17. 89 See ibid., p. 30. They report that 10,000 copies of a 97 pamphlet entitled, "Imperial legislation and Street Children" (every corporation received one). Besides receiving a copy of the pamphlet each MP received a letter, twelve foolscap pages in length, which explained the need for the B i l l and justi f i e d each clause. 90 See Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act, 57 & 58 Victoria, 13 July 1889. 91 See Parliamentary Debates (1889), 337, col. 229. 92 See "The Power for the Children," Report of the NSPCC for the Year 1895-96, p. 39-40: cited by Pinchbeck and Hewitt, p. 627. 93 The amendment extended the f i e l d in which children might give evidence without taking the oath and included injury to mental health and failure to c a l l a doctor in the l i s t of offences. 94 See Pinchbeck and Hewitt, p. 628. 95 See Allen and Morton, p. 27. See ibid. 97 . . See ibid. 98 G. F. McCleary, The Early History of. the Infant Welfare Move-ment (London, 1933), p. 27. 99 See G. F. McCleary, The Maternity and Child Welfare Movement (London, 1935), p. 6. 1 0 0 See G. F. McCleary, The Early History of the Infant Welfare Movement, p. 69. According to Gareth Stedman Jones, pp. 11-13, after 1850 "fears about the consequences of urban existence and industrial society centred increasingly on London. For London, more than any other city, came to symbolize the problem of the 'residuum' . . . London was regarded as the Mecca of the dissolute, the lazy, the mendicant, 'the rough' and the spendthrift . . . ." 102 For a discussion of this Act see, for example, Brian Rodgers, "The Medical Relief (Disqualification Removal) Act 1885," Parliamentary Affairs, 9 (1955-56), 188-94. 1 0 3 W. A. Bailward believed the circular to be the " f i r s t breach in the unity of the Poor Law," "Some Recent Developments of Poor Relief," Economic Journal, 22 (December 1912), 544. 104 See B. B. Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in 98 Great Britain: The Origins of the Welfare State (London, 1966), pp. 38-39. F o r the d e t a i l s and s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h i s r i o t see i b i d . , pp. 32-38, and Stedman Jones, pp. 291-94. ^ <" > 6 See Stedman Jones, pp. 315-21. 7 I b i d . , p. 321. 108 See i b i d . , p. 324. S i l k weaving and s h i p b u i l d i n g had v i r -t u a l l y d i s a p p e a r e d i n London by 1900. The c l o t h i n g , footwear and f u r -n i t u r e t r a d e s , t h e l e a t h e r - p r o c e s s i n g i n d u s t r y , j e w e l l e r y and watch-making and c a s u a l employment i n th e docks and markets remained b u t were no t expanding. P a r t o f t h e b u i l d i n g t r a d e , e n g i n e e r i n g , f a c t o r i e s , l a u n d r i e s , o f f e n s i v e t r a d e s , p r i n t i n g , r a i l w a y depots and warehouses had a l l moved t o the o u t s k i r t s . Motor works, paper m i l l s and power s t a t i o n s were e s t a b l i s h e d o u t s i d e t h e County o f London. 109 I t s t o o d a t 7.5 p e r c e n t between 1884 and 1887. See S. B. S a u l , The Myth of the Great Depression 1873-1896 (London, 1969), p. 31. See i b i d . See Stedman Jones, pp. 322-24. 99 CHAPTER III THE NATIONAL EFFICIENCY MOVEMENT AND THE QUESTION OF PHYSICAL DETERIORATION: BASIC INGREDIENTS IN THE FORMATION OF A NATIONAL BLUE-PRINT FOR SOCIAL ACTION In the period between the end of the Crimean war and the close of the nineteenth century, Britain's military underwent no serious test. Despite the fact that British military strategists had not failed to notice that the Franco-Prussian war had given a new significance to standing armies, those charged with the responsibility of maintaining the British armed forces continued to think more in terms of how the Royal Navy would guard the sea lanes to the Empire than about the phys-i c a l and mental capabilities of the average British private soldier. A small guerilla war, waged several thousand miles away in Southern Africa by a relatively small number of Boer settlers was responsible for drama-t i c a l l y changing the perspective of the Whitehall planners, and for con-centrating the attention of the British upper classes on the social con-ditions endured by their less privileged countrymen. This change did not come about with the outbreak of h o s t i l i t i e s with the Boers in October of 1899. Rather the early months of the war saw the British consumed by a jingoistic fervour and indignant at the effrontery of an enemy who chose to fight in his ordinary working clothes. Public opinion during this period was ill-informed, superficial in i t s judgement, hasty in the celebration of victories, and easily overcome by defeats: support for the war depended more on self-righteousness and 100 pride than on issues and principles. 1 There was the odd warning by 2 alarmists like Arnold White about the terrible physical standards of those members of the working class who volunteered for the army, but these were largely ignored. Few bothered to concern themselves about British military capabilities, or worried themselves about the British p o l i t i c a l system's a b i l i t y to generate strong leadership and maintain Britain's economic strength and imperial dominance. Britain's day of reckoning came during the early days of December, 1899. In one week—called colloquially "Black Week"—the British troops in Southern Africa suffered three serious reverses. The f i r s t occurred at Stormberg, northern Cape Colony on 10 December. There a brigade of British troops under the leadership of General Gatacre lost 719 men and two guns. On the following day Lord Methuen with a large division was soundly beaten and lost 950 men at Magersfontein on route to relieve Kimberley. Four days later the commanding general of the British army, General Sir Redvers Buller, was completely outclassed by the s k i l l of Louis Botha at Colenso, Natal, and lost some 1,100 men and ten guns out of six a r t i l l e r y batteries, four infantry brigades and one mounted 3 brigade. These defeats were considered of sufficient importance for the Government in Westminster to replace Buller with Lord Roberts, and to send out heavy reinforcements. The reaction of an incredulous public to these reverses was immediate, dramatic, and at times almost hysterical. Karl Pearson be-lieved that they depressed the nation's s p i r i t s to the lowest level in 4 liv i n g memory. L. S. Amery considered that the reverses were responsible 101 both for changing "the complacent arrogance and contempt for other nations" held by many in Britain as the result of long years of peace and prosperity to a truer consciousness of Britain's strengths and de-5 fects. One of the f i r s t to express this new consciousness publicly was John Knowles, the editor of Nineteenth Century. Starting with the July issue of 1900 he used the pages of his influential periodical under the emphatic headline, "The Lessons of the War," to urge the formation of a vigilence committee.6 This committee was given the t i t l e of the Admin-7 xstrative Reform Association, and was charged with the responsibility for seeing that the country was governed according to "ordinary business 8 principles and methods." Though there was, therefore, some substance to the claim made by G. B. Shaw in an election manifesto that the war had.been responsible for turning "fierce searchlights on o f f i c i a l , administrative and military 9 perfunctoriness," the general election, when i t came in October of 1900, was resolved entirely over the issue of the war and whether or not i t 10 should be continued. In many ways the "Khaki Election," as the general election of early October 1900 has become known, obscured the popular w i l l . Follow-ing the r e l i e f of Mafeking on 17 May 1900 the British army won a series of victories which culminated in the capture of Johannesburg and the Transvaal capital, Pretoria. By October Lord Roberts had proclaimed the annexation of the Boer republics, and, despite the change to guerilla tactics, had claimed that the war was won.''""'" It should be remembered that in the period between the last election and October 1900 the 102 Conservative and Unionist majority in the House of Commons had been cut from 152 to 128 seats. It was precisely with this in mind that the 12 Government, and particularly Joseph Chamberlain, decided to dissolve Parliament and to capitalize on the recent military successes. The re-sult was a tremendous victory for the incumbent government and imperial-ism. Some 402 Conservatives and Unionists were elected and opposed only by some 268 Labour, Liberal and Irish Nationalist MP's. What C. F. G. Masterman called a "gargantuan banquet of social reform, housing, temper-ance and education," on the part of the Liberals, was turned down f l a t 13 by the electorate. In the period which followed the general election the patriotic fervour which had played an important role in British p o l i t i c a l l i f e over the last twelve months cooled. This cooling provided an opportunity for national self-inspection. The astonishment that many Englishmen had fel t while on holiday on the Continent during the summer of 1900 at the unpopularity of Britain now turned to an acute feeling of international 14 isolation. • Moreover, the possibility f i r s t expressed by that organ of orthodox liberalism, the Economist, as early as 1851, of Britain being overhauled by the rapidly expanding economies of the United States and Germany now showed definite signs of coming t r u e . 1 5 At the same time the growing rumours that the British race was deteriorating began to hold more credence. This new awareness of Britain's position was responsible for bringing together many different types—businessmen, eugenicists, Fabians, industrialists, financiers, idealists, imperialists, mil i t a r i s t s , philanthropists, scientists, socialists, social reformers, trades-unionists, 103 men of both old-line p o l i t i c a l parties and common working men—into a 16 national movement for efficiency. The wide appeal of the National Efficiency movement meant that i t necessarily included several opposing p o l i t i c a l philosophies and repre-sented a wide range of. vested interests. Nevertheless, a common bond of sufficient strength was found to keep i t functioning as a cohesive whole. This common, bond concerned the physical and mental strength of the nation. Through i t the needs of the least well-to-do became insep-arably joined to imperial interests, and social reform gained sufficient respectability to become a matter of major p o l i t i c a l importance. Not only did this concern for social reform create a new sense of community and a new patriotism, but i t also allowed a new moral code to be estab-lished and a blue-print for social action to be formed. I It is impossible here to describe in detail the origins and nineteenth-century background of the National Efficiency campaign. Nevertheless, G. R. Searle's recent study, The Quest for National Effi-ciency: A Study in British Politics and Political Thought, 1899-1914, has shown by i t s lack of attention to the problem that the campaign can-not be put into proper perspective without a more profound analysis of 17 the movement's ideological roots. To understand how the National Efficiency movement could function with so many vested interests to be appeased, i t is necessary to see the campaign for National Efficiency both in relation to the major social forces affecting Victorian l i f e and 104 as the natural culmination of the nineteenth-century reaction to what 18 Cobbett called the "System." Only in this way can the seemingly contra-dictory causes of the social legislation of the f i r s t decade of the twen-tieth century—the products of the National Efficiency campaign—be reconciled. At the beginning of Victoria's reign two theoretically hostile forces—Utilitarianism and Evangelicism—were joined to create and rationalize middle-class modes of thought and conduct; a union which the famous French historian, Elie Hal^vy, thought contained the "fundamental 19 paradox" of Victorian society. On the one side lay the social and p o l i t i c a l thought of Jeremy Bentham and such Philosophic Radicals as James M i l l , and the economic thought of John Bright, Richard Cobden and the rest of the Manchester School. Such thought was cold, analytical, vigorously skeptical, sometimes anti-religious, and not without i t s own 20 antagonisms. It held that man was naturally good, pleasure seeking, and had an optimistic future providing he relied on reason rather than faith and obeyed the laws l a i d down by the classical economists. On the other side were the quasi-fundamentalist beliefs of a broad group of protestants.. Burdened by a profound sense of man's sinfulness, the Evangelicals believed that salvation could only be obtained through good earthly actions. For this reason they were more concerned with how a man lived than with how he worshipped. In a l l things the Bible was the Evangelicals' supreme and l i t e r a l guide to conduct. Opposition to the atomistic and mechanistic thinking of what may be termed the Benthamite-Evangelical orthodoxy came from many quarters. 105 During the mid-Victorian period Utilitarianism was softened by the intro-duction of humanistic values drawn from Wordsworth and Coleridge into 21 Bentham's f e l i c i f i c calculus. In Utilitarianism John Stuart M i l l sug-gested that some pleasures were more important than others and that the 22 development of the human character was also worthy of consideration. About the same time the laissez-faire economic theory of the Manchester School received i t s f i r s t serious questioning. Even Utilitarians were forced to admit that subsistence and employment had increased faster 23 than population since Malthus' prophesy of catastrophe. This led John Stuart M i l l to assert that the distribution of wealth was not dependent on natural laws but on the laws and customs of society as determined by 24 the opinions and feelings of the ruling class. During the period of the so-called "Great Depression" social inquiries by s t a t i s t i c a l societies, the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science and the Liberal-turned-Tory, Charles Booth, clearly denied Adam Smith's premise that were individuals to be l e f t alone to pursue their own self-interest they would be led by an "Invisible Hand" to benefit society at large. Indeed, Booth's giant survey of London, begun in the late 1880's, proved once and for a l l the existence of a large mass of working people who had 25 not benefitted from Britain's increased prosperity. Prom about mid-century two forces began, to affect the Evangelical temper of the age. One of these was evolutionary theory. Influenced by Malthus' Essay on Population, Charles Darwin came to the conclusion that a process of "natural selection" operated in the struggle for existence and led to the formation of a more favourable species. Published 106 e v e n t u a l l y as The Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life i n 1859, Darwin's t h e o r y c o n t a i n e d no h i n t o f a b e n e v o l e n t f o r c e , s u p e r i o r i n t e l -l i g e n c e , o r d i v i n e j u s t i c e o r purpose. Though Darwin d i d n o t immediately a p p l y h i s t h e o r y t o - t h e human s p e c i e s , h i s a u d i e n c e d i d . In t h i s way h i s work n o t o n l y f o s t e r e d m a t e r i a l i s m b u t became a c h a l l e n g e t o the moral assumptions o f the p e r i o d . a n d a d i r e c t t h r e a t b o t h t o th e h i s t o r -27 i c i t y o f t h e Bible and t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s o f C h r i s t i a n f a i t h . I n s h o r t , i f t h e r e was no p e r f e c t l y c r e a t e d b e i n g , t h e r e was no F a l l o f Man and no. Redemption. And i f t h e r e was no o r i g i n a l s i n , t h e r e was no need f o r God t o s a c r i f i c e h i s o n l y son f o r man's s a l v a t i o n . Between 1860.and the end o f t h e c e n t u r y e v o l u t i o n a r y t h e o r y was a p p l i e d i n c r e a s i n g l y t o t h e e v o l u t i o n o f s o c i e t y and t o p o l i t i c a l and 28 economic thought. B e f o r e 1880 t h e c a s u a l poor, o r the 'residuum' as they were c a l l e d a t t h e time, were thought t o e x i s t o n l y i n i s o l a t e d p o c k e t s i n th e b i g c i t i e s . Because t h e y were n o t c o n s i d e r e d as p o s i n g a major t h r e a t t o s o c i a l harmony they seldom, a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n o f s o c i a l i n v e s t i g a t o r s . What was more, the upper o r d e r s b e l i e v e d t h a t any p r oblem they d i d pose c o u l d be s o l v e d by p h i l a n t h r o p i c a c t i o n . In the e a r l y 1880's a d r a s t i c change i n s o c i a l thought took p l a c e . The t h e o r y 29 o f d e m o r a l i z a t i o n , t h e p r i n c i p l e which governed the t r e a t m e n t o f the poor, was r e p l a c e d by t h e t h e o r y o f urban d e g e n e r a t i o n . 3 ^ A t t h e r o o t o f t h i s major r e - o r i e n t a t i o n o f s o c i a l thought was the f e a r t h a t t h e h o n e s t w o r k i n g man might be r e d u c e d t o t h e l e v e l o f t h e l o w e s t common denomi-n a t o r . 107 In 1883 G. R. Sims published a series of articles for the Daily News under the t i t l e "How the Poor Live." These were followed in October by an anonymous pamphlet, The Bitter Cry of Outcast London: An Enquiry into the Condition of the Abject Poor. Both revealed, as the Royal Com-31 mission they were responsible for establishing was to confirm, that a serious housing shortage existed in London, and that the casual poor, far from being a small percentage, in fact, constituted a substantial pro-portion of the working class. • Together with the formation of such socialist groups as the Social Democratic Federation and the deepening economic depression, the concern these publications generated was respon-sible for the widespread fear that the honest working man would be in-fected by the 'residuum,' and for causing a wave of panic to spread 32 through the upper echelons of society. Two other questions made the housing c r i s i s a matter of the utmost urgency. One concerned the consequences of the agricultural depression. If the theory of urban degeneration was correct did the continued influx of agricultural workers to the citi e s mean that the race would inevitably deteriorate? The other concerned the impact of humanitarian legislation and advances in medicine and sanitation. If these prevented the process of natural selection did they not compound the problem by allowing many 33 of the unfit to survive and multiply? Such questions were particularly worrisome for those who took a special interest in the future of the British Empire. Such men as Lord Brabazon, Samuel Smith, and Arnold White were very concerned about the 34 problems of the 'residuum' and urban degeneration. They considered 108 that.London's distress was an imperial problem, and believed that the 35 solution t o . i t demanded exceptional imperial measures. This line of argument led "social imperialists" to adopt an opposing point of view on such issues as free meals for school children to such philanthropic agencies as the COS which adhered rigidly to the moral code implicit in the Poor Law. Lord Brabazon, for example, regarded free dinners for needy children as an urgent necessity i f further physical deterioration 36 was to be averted among the working-class population. Another scheme which attracted much attention among social imperialists was state-aided colonization. An i n i t i a l proposal put forward by Lord Brabazon evoked 37 much criticism. J. H. Tuke believed that Brabazon's plan to settle the casual poor in the colonies would not be well received by the colonial authorities because he thought town-born labourers did not make good 38 farmers. To meet this objection Samuel Smith proposed that destitute children should be offered state assistance to immigrate to one of the colonies on condition.that they, f i r s t followed a course of technical education.^ 9 The suggestions made by the social imperialists in the 1880's were, as one of their number admitted, like voices crying in the wilder-40 ness. The type of evolutionary argument that was listened to was more like that of the inveterate Liberal and individualist, Herbert 41 Spencer. Writing in the Contemporary Review shortly after the publi-cation of The Bitter Cry of Outcast London Spencer attempted to dis-courage government action to improve social conditions. He suggested that such intervention would totally prevent the beneficial workings of 109 42 the "survival of the f i t t e s t " which he believed was the sole guarantee 43 of progress. By the 1890's, thanks to the Third Reform Act, there existed a very substantial section of the voting population who looked not to private charity to solve the problem of unemployment and poverty, but to the State. Consequently,.Spencerian type arguments declined in favour. Nevertheless, there were those who continued to see a need to establish a unified theory of social evolution which would fully explain class differences without repudiating social-Darwinism. Such a man was Benjamin. Kidd, a c i v i l servant of Liberal leanings. He considered that the Marxists were the only group to have explained class antagonisms satisfactorily, and that.their theory was as anti-social as that of Spencerian individualism. Kidd,. like Carlyle, Dickens, Kingsley, and 44 Ruskin before him, held that-Britain's f i r s t duty was towards the welfare of i t s own citizens, and that improvements in social conditions should come, i f necessary, at the expense of "inferior" races and nations. Such thinking led many Liberals and a good many Tories to the conclusion that the real struggle for existence was not between the various elements of British society but between the various nations and races of the 45 world. Kidd had no doubts that in such a struggle the Anglo-Saxon and Teuton races would do well. They had, he believed, higher "social 46 efficiency," the quality which led nations to greatness. Shortly after the publication of Kidd's Social Evolution Karl Pearson, a 'socialist' who adhered to Marxian economics but denied the 47 idea of class struggle and the role of revolution in history, wrote an 110 48 ar t i c l e for Fortnightly-Review which severely c r i t i c i z e d Kidd and Spencer for suggesting that socialism, was in opposition to natural selec-tion. Pearson considered that i t was totally wrong to believe that socialism limited the economic competition between the individual mem-bers of society and thus prevented progress. To the contrary, he main-tained that there was no special power in socialism which either pre-vented "physical selection"—the struggle of society against i t s physical environment, disease, climate, physical wear and tear, etc.—or which stopped the struggle between the superior and the inferior races. For Pearson three factors affected natural, selection—intra-group struggle, physical selection and extra-group struggle; and only the f i r s t could be affected by socialism. What worried Pearson was the possibility of a war with a major European power or a world .grain shortage. Either, he believed, would destroy the British social system. "We should be crushed in the extra-group struggle," he argued: Because we have given too much play to intra-group competition, be-cause we have proceeded on the assumption that i t is better to have a few prize, cattle among innumerable lean kine than a decently-bred and properly-fed herd.with no expectations at Smithfield.49 It was this kind of 'national socialism" which attracted many socialists, particularly such Fabians as Sidney Webb, to the idea of social imper-ialism, and led Pearson, to .suggest that "no thoughtful socialist . . . would object to cultivate Uganda, at the expense of i t s present occupiers 50 i f Lancashire were starving." At the same time as Darwin was f i r s t expounding his theory of natural selection certain l i b e r a l churchmen—or Broad Churchmen as they I l l were known at the time;—were i n the process of preparing an attack on the t h e o l o g i c a l r i g i d i t y of the Church of England. Though never more 51 than a small group of i n d i v i d u a l s with c e r t a i n ideas i n common these Broad Churchmen were to e f f e c t a powerful influence over the Evangelical temper of the mid-Victorian period and the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l thought of the remaining f o r t y years of the nineteenth century. The Broad Church movement owed much of i t s i n s p i r a t i o n to Coleridge and to German thought. Broad Churchmen believed that the Bible should be subjected to 52 the same vigorous h i s t o r i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c examination that a l l serious works of scholarship received, and considered that c e r t a i n sec-53 tions of the Scriptures were unsuitable as moral guides. Benjamin 54 Jowett, the leader of the second generation of Broad Churchmen, argued i n h i s contribution to Essays and Reviews (1860), the group's most i n f l u e n t i a l and representative work, that C h r i s t i a n i t y had to adapt i t -55 s e l f to the best knowledge a v a i l a b l e . Thus, for some Chr i s t i a n s f a i t h became a matter of s p i r i t u a l rather than l i t e r a l t ruth, and the c o n f l i c t between science and r e l i g i o n p a r t l y s e t t l e d before i t had r e a l l y had time to develop. Broad Churchmen considered i t a duty of the Church to ameliorate the s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n created by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . For t h i s reason they favoured a National Church which could absorb the shock of popular democracy by r e c o n c i l i n g c l a s s differences and by preparing the working c l a s s for a greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l i f e of the nation. Broad Churchmen hoped that such a Church would overcome the a n t i - s o c i a l aspects of Benthamism and laissez-faire economics, but would preserve the high 56 culture of the t r a d i t i o n a l r u l i n g c l a s s . 112 An important off-shoot of the Broad Church movement and the idea of the National Church was the 'idealization' of the State. In the 57 "great .literary monument of this disposition" —Culture and Anarchy: An Essay in Political and Social Criticism (1869)—Matthew .Arnold pointed out that the notion so familiar to antiquity and to contemporaries in Europe of the State as a... body able to order the lives of individuals in 58 the general interest, was virtually unknown in.Britain. The failure to see the State in this light, he suggested, had resulted in the worship 59 of freedom for i t s own sake, and therefore in anarchy. This antipathy towards authority, Arnold argued elsewhere, was linked logically with . . 60 the British distrust of science and science training. The years of the "Great Depression" which followed shortly after the close of the Franco-Prussian war represented a period of anxiety and great philosophical change for the British middle class. Three major social forces were to affect their thought and action. One was the development of the British Idealist School of philosophy. Another was the advance, in science and technology and the economic change which accompanied i t . The third was imperialism. Each had the effect of turning British eyes on Germany. Following the Second Reform Act many members of the middle class feared that the enfranchisement of the working class would lead to a harsh popular despotism, antipathetical to individual industry and achieve-ment.6"'" For many the fear of full-scale revolution was never too far out 62 of mind. Two questions particularly perplexed the Liberal i n t e l l i -gentsia who believed that their Party stood for administrative reform 113 and efficient government. What, they asked, was the point of reforming institutions i f declining social discipline made i t impossible for them to function effectively? And what was to become of the country i f inter-ests abroad were to be sacrificed to a purely insular view of politics? To 'old Liberals' such as A. V. Dicey, W. E. H. Lecky, H. S. Maine, and J. F. Stephen who were steadily moving to the right, the answer to anarchic individualism was to be found in. more forceful and autocratic methods of government.63 To other intellectual Liberals like Matthew Arnold the answer lay in the State's involvement in education. At Oxford the Broad Church leader, Benjamin Jowett, had both a practical and a philosophical solution to the problem. As Master of B a l l i o l Jowett set out to make the college a "nursery 64 for statesmen." As a Greek scholar he made a considerable contribution towards the revival of Greek thought. This revival had the effect of turning attention away from hedonism and utilitarianism towards an ethic of self-perfection based on a theory of human nature within a metaphys-i c a l framework.65 As one of the few dons able to read German Jowett also stimulated the study of German idealism at Oxford. It was under this administration that T. H. Green, a former stu-dent of Jowett's, became the Whyte Professor of Moral Philosophy. Green converted what had often been in Germany a justification for conservative policies to a practical.,programme attractive to the l e f t wing of the Liberal Party. Green became convinced that only German thinkers had realized that the primary task of modern philosophy was to find "formulae adequate to the action of reason as exhibited in nature and human society, 114 in art and religion," but was led to the conclusion that the p o l i t i c a l 66 application of German Idealism was irrelevant to British institutions. Nevertheless, he considered that i t was s t i l l possible to construct a philosophy of l i f e consistent with his theological beliefs. Green found the solution in a new concept.of citizenship. Through i t the British Idealist School built a bridge which linked religion and p o l i t i c a l action. By adding a p o l i t i c a l dimension to Victorian theology the eyes of those with troubled consciences,were turned away from a vision of salvation in the next world to the reality of social problems in this. By pro-viding a religious .motivation for the formation of social policies the educated middle class were inspired to go beyond considering that some- . thing should ..be done to doing something about the less fortunate. Green's conception of citizenship was based on the notion that there was 68 a good common to both individuals and to society as a whole. Because he considered that "every injury to the health of an individual" was a 69 "public injury" he believed that i t was necessary for society to take men as they found them. If they found them stumbling over such obstacles as drink, ignorance or poverty i t was the State's duty to intervene and 70 remove the obstacles preventing a moral l i f e . In the same way "any kind of property which . (realized) the w i l l of one man at the expense of 71 stopping the realization of the many" was to be condemned. The advoca-tion of positive freedoms was in complete contrast to the harsh moral code implicit in the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 and the non-interventionist s p i r i t of the prevailing politico-economic system. In-stead i t implied that the material reality was not the only reality, that 115 individual freedoms were not necessarily anti-thetical to the growing authority of the State, and that certain actions were necessary for some 72 individuals to be free.to live moral lives. Besides Jowett and Green, F. H. Bradley, D. G. Ritchie, Bernard Bosanquet, Edward Caird, William Wallace and others played an important part in challenging existing attitudes towards the less fortunate. Funda-73 mentally individualists at heart they rejected Gladstonian Liberalism, avoided Marxism, and developed a new democratic Liberalism with State action as an integral part. Together they inspired either directly or indirectly a whole generation of young middle-class people to do some-74 thing personally about existing social conditions. S. G. Checkland has argued that because the Idealists "altered thinking about society at i t s social roots" their influence was greater than the earlier head-75 on attacks of Carlyle and Ruskin on the older economic philosophies. In their ardour for Germany and i t s s c i e n t i f i c method Broad Churchmen and Idealists were not alone. In 1903 Sir Norman Lockyer, the editor of the respected scientific periodical, Nature suggested to the British Association for the Advancement of Science that British univer-si t i e s should become "as much the insurers of future progress as battle-7 6 ships are the insurers of the present power of states." In saying this Lockyer was merely reiterating an opinion which had been held by many members of the British s c i e n t i f i c community for more than thirty years. In 1867 Dr. Lyon Playfair, the Professor of Chemistry at Edinburgh 77 University and a man of considerable s c i e n t i f i c eminence, had written a letter to Lord Taunton, the chairman of the Royal Commission inquiring 116 into the state of secondary education. Referring, to conversations he had had with other Jurors at the recent Paris Exhibition, Playfair stated: I am sorry to say that, with very few exceptions, a singular accor-dance of opinion prevailed that our country has shown l i t t l e inven-tiveness and made l i t t l e progress in the peaceful arts of industry since 1862 . . . So far as I could gather them by conversation, the one cause upon which there was most unanimity of conviction i s that France, Prussia, Austria, Belgium, and Switzerland possess good systems of industrial education for the masters and managers of factories and workshops, and that England possesses none.78 Many British economists, inventors and manufacturers also showed their admiration for Germany's industrial use of science and technology, and noted with a certain degree of bitterness that the German economy had expanded rapidly behind high t a r i f f walls. Immediately after the French defeat in the Franco-Prussian war W. C. Aitken, the Senior Vice-President of the Birmingham and Midland Institute, told his institute that the German victory came as the result of science training: From masses of steel produced by the metalurgical knowledge of Krupp of Essen—converted into ordnance by the industrially-educated engi-. neers and workmen—served on the battlefield by a r t i l l e r i s t s trained to a perfect knowledge of the laws which guided projectiles in their course.79 In 1886 the Final Report of the Royal Commission on the Depression of Industry and Trade brought attention to the increasing severity of German 80 competition in home and export markets. From about this time the British press was f u l l of. gloomy tales of lost export markets and poor 81 British performance abroad. The general bitterness created by Germany's success was made apparent by the popularity of E. E. Williams' Made in 117 Germany. Published in 1896 at the end of the "Great Depression," i t not only encapsulated the essence of British feelings at the time, but became the symbol of Britain's predicament. A l l too often British industries were presented as being technologically obsolete and their business practices old-fashioned in contrast to German manufacturers who spent considerable sums on industrial research and incorporated the latest in-novations in production and marketing. Sir Joseph Swan, for example, the inventor-manufacturer and fellow, of the Royal Society who played an important role in the foundation of the electric lamp industry, stated when recording, his impressions of the Paris Exhibition of 1900 that: Besides Krupps, England presents a sorry spectacle. Here and there you see something English; but one is struck by the fewness of the English exhibits and the general want of "go" they indicate. If the light exists with us, i t is hidden somewhere.82 Thus by the 1880!s the British middle class had been converted from a group that was largely prepared to l e t nature take i t s course, to one which actively sought both a more efficient and sc i e n t i f i c approach to business and government, and the improvement of social conditions among the less fortunate. As yet, however, the middle class, with a few 83 notable exceptions had not realized that their two objectives were mutually dependent. The more competitive economic climate which developed over the last three decades of the nineteenth century, made conditions much tougher for British interests abroad. Unfortunately, neither of the two established British intellectual traditions—the Benthamite and the Coleridgian—provided any direction by which Britain could f u l f i l l her 118 role as a Great Power in a world in which 'ideological' presuppositions 84 had ceased to be relevant. The thought of the Cambridge historian, John R. Seeley, in whom the Broad Churchman, the idealist, and the imper-i a l i s t were one, i s therefore of particular importance because i t not only offered a.choice of action but began to show how an efficient State was dependent on the social and physical conditions of the working class. R.' T. Shannon has suggested in his b r i l l i a n t essay on Seeley that: His contributions on the Broad Church in relation to the national idea are not in themselves indispensable; his contribution of a philosophy of imperialism was not in i t s e l f unique. His unique and indispensable role was to link the two through the process of histor-i c a l moralization: to make the idealized State also the power State. To the "old Liberal" reaction against "Mill-Gladstonism" associated particularly with Fitzjames.Stephen, Maine, Dicey and Lecky, Seeley . . . added the missing link.^5 Seeley demonstrated in Life and Times of Stein, or Germany and Prussia in the Napoleonic Age (1878) that the Prussian State's willingness to offer moral leadership and to implement cultural, economic and social reforms following i t s defeat by Napoleonic France was responsible for 86 Germany becoming a Great Power. In his most influential work, The Expansion of England (1883) Seeley argued that the future Great Powers— Russia and the United States—were easily discernible because they con-87 sisted of large continuous tracts of land. He maintained that the British public had a choice—either to build a new Stein and a large sea-based empire,.or to watch as their country was reduced to the level of 88 a second-rate European Power. For Seeley, the Broad Churchman, there was but one response. The British had a moral duty to maintain the 89 country's status as a World Power. His answer as a historian was to 119 replace the traditional 'Whig' interpretation of British history—one in which the growth of constitutional liberties was paramount—with a new 90 theme, the growth of Britain as a World Power. His solution as an imperialist was the formation of an imperial federation in which the Anglo-Saxon colonies would have equal partnership and guarantee the popu-91 lation, the territory,. and the economic resources — " a world-Venice, 92 with the sea for streets, Greater Britain." II The real starting point of the National Efficiency movement came only a few weeks after the disastrous Liberal defeat at the polls in the "Khaki Election." On 16 November 1900, the Liberal ex-Prime Minister, Lord Rosebery, took the opportunity of his rectoral address to the Uni-versity of Glasgow to ask the nation to indulge in self-examination. According to the London Times, he feared that the Empire would be lost through complacency i f periodical national stock-taking was not pursued. Only a v i r i l e imperial race, he argued, strong both in mind and body, could survive and maintain the largest imperial domain in the history of the world. As a result, he requested the nation to ask i t s e l f i f i t was f i t for such a prodigious inheritance. In this regard he had three specific areas in mind for closer scrutiny. First, the universities needed to ensure that their programmes, were providing the qualified people required to administer an empire on business lines. Second, government should examine how urban l i f e could be improved as the exist-ing slums and rookeries of the big c i t i e s were no place to rear the 120 a b l e - b o d i e d r a n k - a n d - f i l e n e c e s s a r y t o keep the wheels o f empire t u r n i n g . T h i r d , t h e b u s i n e s s w o r l d would be a d v i s e d t o f o l l o w the example o f Germany's thoroughness and s c i e n t i f i c method i f i t wished t o a v o i d b e i n g 93 l e f t b e h i n d . L o r d Rosebery's speech t h e r e f o r e r e c o g n i z e d the need f o r an a l l - e n c o m p a s s i n g programme which would modernize i n s t i t u t i o n s , b r i n g e d u c a t i o n i n l i n e w i t h t h e needs o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , improve the h e a l t h o f the n a t i o n and the c o n d i t i o n s o f the c i t i e s , and have b u s i n e s s e s r u n more s c i e n t i f i c a l l y . L o r d Rosebery's speech l e d b o t h t o an attempt t o form a new 94 p o l i t i c a l p a r t y o f n a t i o n a l e f f i c i e n c y under h i s l e a d e r s h i p , and t o a c l o s e e x a m i n a t i o n by t h e B r i t i s h p e o p l e o f t h e i r economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l system. The f o r m a t i o n o f a p a r t y o f n a t i o n a l e f f i c i e n c y f a i l e d because L o r d Rosebery p r o v e d t o be a r e l u c t a n t l e a d e r , and because a change o c c u r r e d i n t h e s t a n d i n g s o f the e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . The B r i t i s h p e o p l e ' s e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l system, on th e o t h e r hand, had l o n g - t e r m r e p e r c u s s i o n s , and l e d e v e n t u a l l y t o the f o r m a t i o n o f a n a t i o n a l b l u e - p r i n t f o r s o c i a l a c t i o n . To u n d e r s t a n d why L o r d Rosebery's speech was i n i t i a l l y so i n f l u -e n t i a l , and y e t why t h i s attempt t o form a p a r t y o f n a t i o n a l e f f i c i e n c y e v e n t u a l l y f a i l e d , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o c o n s i d e r the s t a t e o f p a r t y p o l i t i c s a t t h e t i m e . By.the c l o s e o f 1900 t h e r e were a l r e a d y marked s i g n s t h a t t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e and U n i o n i s t Government was l o s i n g the p u b l i c ' s c o n f i -dence. Even b e f o r e t h e c o u n t r y went t o the p o l l s i n October, t w e n t y - f o u r c o n s t i t u e n c i e s had r e j e c t e d C o n s e r v a t i v e o r U n i o n i s t c a n d i d a t e s a t b i -e l e c t i o n s . Though the "Khaki E l e c t i o n " p r o v i d e d t h e Government w i t h a 121 majority of 134 seats, a considerable margin for an incumbent, an exami-nation of the election results shows that approximately 47 per cent of 95 the electorate voted against the Government and, presumably, against the war. In the months which followed the general election enthusiasm for government policies continued to decline. Even long-term supporters . 9 6 of Lord Salisbury began to doubt the aging Prime Minister's leadership. By comparison the Liberal Party was seen to be in complete disarray. The war had divided the Party into three camps. At one end of the Party's p o l i t i c a l spectrum were the Liberal Imperialists, of 'Limps' as such men as H. H. Asquith, Sir Henry Fowler, R. B. Haldane, and Sir Edward Grey were called colloquially. In the middle was a group of men who reluctantly supported the war. At the other extreme were the 'pro-Boers' who adhered to Gladstone's 'Little England' conception of empire. This group was small in number but included such influential men as John Burns, Herbert Gladstone, .Henry. Labouchere, Lord Morley, and the young Welsh leader, David.Lloyd George. I n i t i a l l y Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Party's leader since Gladstone's death in 1898, had tried to retain some semblance of party unity and order by steering a middle course between the two extremes. However, startling news concerning 97 the treatment and conditions experienced by Boer women and children in concentration camps brought to light by Emily Hobhouse, led Campbell-Bannerman to denounce the war publicly. This shift in position brought into the open a fear that the Liberal Party might s p l i t irrevocably which many had held privately for as long as a year. This situation created a kind of p o l i t i c a l power vacuum. The 122 neophyte Labour Representation Committee whose formation had even been lost among the news of the r e l i e f of Ladysmith and the capture of the 98 Boer general, Cronge, was neither strong enough nor sufficiently 99 organized to bridge the gap that the division among the Liberals and the lack of confidence in the Conservatives and Unionists had created. Under such circumstances Lord Rosebery, as an ex-Prime Minister, would automatically have commanded a certain amount of respect and held the public ear. However, i t was precisely because he had managed to stay out of the Liberal Party internal squabbles, and above the criticism of government that he proved so successful at cutting across party lines and class interests, and drawing such a wide measure of support to his policy of business principles and efficiency in government. Support for Rosebery's policy came from many quarter. At one end of the p o l i t i c a l spectrum were managers of Conservative newspapers like Moberly Bell of the London Times. In the middle were the Liberal Imperialists, men such as Asquith, Haldane and Grey, for whom Rosebery had a natural a f f i n i t y . At the other end were members of the Fabian Society such as G. B. Shaw and the Webbs. The help which Moberly Bell and other Conservative newspapermen gave was obviously of key importance i n getting Rosebery's views into the public eye. Likewise, the efforts made by such men as Richard Haldane in building up an organization were crucial. However, the work produced by Sidney Webb deserves to be covered in some depth because, i t proved invaluable in a philosophic sense. During the summer of 1901, at a time when the Liberal Imperialists 123 100 believed they were fighting for their p o l i t i c a l lives, R. B. Haldane and G. B. Shaw successfully encouraged the Webbs to join the Rosebery camp.1^1 This led Sidney Webb to write his famous attack on Gladstonian Liberalism, "Lord Rosebery's Escape from Houndsditch," for Nineteenth Century. This a r t i c l e was extremely influential for a number of reasons. Because Webb himself, with a l l his various contacts, was the author, National Efficiency soon began to appeal to a much broader cross-section 102 of society than Lord Rosebery could muster. At a time when the Labour Representation Committee was requesting Trade Union support for the idea of independent Labour candidates, Webb was calling for a revi-talized opposition—one which could capture again the position as the p o l i t i c a l organ of the progressive instinct. They had lost i t , he said, because England had become a "new people" in the last twenty or thirty years. Men's minds, he claimed, had gone through as distinct a change as in Elizabethan days: We have become aware, almost in a flash, that we are members of a community . . . The Labourer in the slum tenement, competing for employment at the factory gate, has become conscious that his comfort and his progress depend, not wholly or mainly on himself, or on any other individual, but on the proper organization of his Trade Union and the activity of the factory inspector. The shopkeeper or the manufacturer sees his prosperity wax or wane, his own industry and sagacity remaining the same, according to the government of the city, the efficiency with which the nation is organized, and the influence which his Empire i s able to exercise in the councils, and conse-quently in the commerce, of the world. Webb, in fact, f e l t that the rising generation of voters was deadly tired of the old Gladstonian Liberalism which s t i l l thought in individuals; believed in freedom of contract, supply and demand, and voluntarism in 124 philanthropy and religion, and was consequently axiomatically hostile to 104 the State and unsympathetic to the deliberate organization of Empire. What men f e l t and wanted corrected, he thought, was their sense of shame: What is in their minds is a burning feeling of shame at the failure of England—shame for the lack of capacity of i t s governors, shame for the inab i l i t y of Parliament to get through even i t s routine busi-ness, shame for the absence of grip and resourcefulness of our states-men, shame for the pompous inefficiency of every branch of our public administration, shame for the slackness of our merchants and traders that transfer our commercial supremacy to the United States, shame for the supineness which looks on unmoved at the. continued degreda-tion of our race by drunkenness and gambling, slum l i f e , and a l l the horrors of the sweated trades, as rampant to-day in a l l our centres of population as they were.when o f f i c i a l l y revealed fifteen years ago. This sense of shame has yet to be transmitted into p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . x 0 5 Webb's article was also important because i t incorporated T. H. Green's notions of freedom. , Webb.held that the ordinary elector was no longer interested in nineteenth-century concepts, but instead, desired corporate freedom: Freedom for his Trade Union to Bargain Collectively, freedom for his cooperative society to buy and s e l l and manufacture, freedom for his municipality to supply a l l the common needs of the town, freedom, above a l l , from the narrow insularity which keeps his nation backing, "on principle" out of i t s proper place in the comity of the world. In short, the opening of the twentieth century finds us a l l , to the dismay of the old-fashioned individualist, "thinking in communities."11 In one sense Webb's writing was crucial to the development of National Efficiency as a p o l i t i c a l platform. The incorporation of the "national minimum,." which according to Bentley Gilbert, was Sidney Webb's 107 most important contribution.to social thought, made National Efficiency generally acceptable. Webb saw in the "national minimum" a vehicle which 125 p o l i t i c a l leaders could use to attract the mass of unpolitical citizens. By u t i l i z i n g i t , the open sore, represented by the eight million people who Sir Robert Griffen had pointed out were livi n g on a total family in-come of twenty shillings or less per week, could be healed, and the f i r s t 108 step towards National Efficiency established. According to Sidney Webb the "national minimum", was required not simply for the comfort of the British workers, but to ensure the success of British industry in world markets. At one point Webb stated, "when a man i s i l l , the only profitable thing for the community is to cure him as thoroughly as pos-109 sible with the least possible delay." The method he suggested for enacting this principle went further than the provision of an a l l -encompassing. Factory Act which dictate minimum levels and standards of education, leisure and wages for a l l workers. Instead he advocated minimum levels for the social environment as well. Can we any longer afford, he asked, "as a mere matter of business" to have the 'submerged f i f t h ' "housed, washed and watered worse than our horses?""'""''0 The implications of the "national minimum"for the Poor Law authorities were considerable. While the Government had.legislation at hand for enforcing minimum sanitary and public health standards in most urban areas, the Local Government Board had largely failed to enforce these regulations or to introduce new improvements. As every Medical Officer of Health knew, proper enforcement could reduce the death-rate by as much as five per thousand and thus save the country several millions of pounds. For this reason Webb believed that the enforcement of the "national minimum" would necessitate a new point of view being 126 adopted at the Local Government Board and great extension being made to municipal activities in both the country and the town.11"'" Specifically he believed: The policy of National Efficiency, applied to the. Poor Law, would replace the present c r i t i c a l and repressive attitude of the Local Government Board by a positive programme of Poor Law Reform. What an•energetic President would take in hand'would be, not only the vigorous discouragement, of outdoor r e l i e f to the able-bodied (women no less than men), but an equally vigorous insistence on the humane treatment of the aged, the most scie n t i f i c provision for the sick and above a l l , the best rearing of the "children of the State."H 2 While Webb's art i c l e was not only important for making National Efficiency a viable political.platform with widespread appeal, i t also showed the wide range of programmes with which society would have to deal in the twentieth century. The replacement of the present "romantic and incapable soldiering" with a system of "scientific fighting" was recommended,:- so too. were reforms of the Houses of Parliament and local taxation. In addition, a. new "energetic rehandling of the Budget" and 113 changes in education were required. With regard to secondary educa-tion Webb thought that the Government's failure to enact i t s proposals was a public disgrace. What was needed, he believed, was "a large-hearted plan" that would put Britain's educational f a c i l i t i e s and ser-vices on a par with her international r i v a l s . Only this would f i r e the 114 imagination and patriotism of. the man in the street. It was about the time of the publication of Webb's article that interest in the question of national physical deterioration really began to develop. The f i r s t stirrings came with the publication of two books: Arnold White's Efficiency and Empire, and Seebohm Rowntree's Poverty: A 127 Study of Town Life. In the former White specifically pointed to two important sources to substantiate his claim that the physical condition of the average British working man was far from satisfactory. He noted that of 11,000 men who had offered themselves for war service at the Manchester recruiting centre between October of 1899 and July of 1900 as many as 8,000 were found completely unfit to carry a r i f l e or to stand up to the rigours of military discipline; and that of the remaining 3,000 only 1,200 were considered to have attained, the moderate standard of muscle power and chest measurement required by the military. Conse-quently, he concluded, "two out of every three men willing to bear arms in the Manchester d i s t r i c t are virtually invalids," and reminded his readers that "there is no reason to think that the Lancashire towns are peopled by a stock inferior in stamina to that of the other large towns 115 in the United Kingdom." In addition, he noted that many London con-tractors imported labour from the countryside because the town dwellers did not have sufficient s t r e n g t h . 6 Rowntree added further evidence to White's argument- He noted that of the 3,600 volunteers examined at the Leeds, Sheffield and York depots between 1897 and 1900 26.5 per cent were rejected as totally unfit for service while a further 29 per cent were provisionally accepted as 'specials.' From these figures he con-cluded that i f the physical condition of the working man in the rest of the country was no better at least 50 per cent would be considered as being incapable of military duty, and went on to note: Even i f we set aside considerations of physical and mental suffering, and regard the question only in i t s s t r i c t l y economic and national aspects, there can be no doubt that the facts set forth in this chap-ter indicate a condition of things the serious import of which can hardly be over-estimated. ± ± 7 128 118 Though widely read, these books created no immediate major outcries. Nevertheless, W. T. Steed, the paci f i s t editor of Review of Reviews, considered Rowntree's observation that "the labouring class receive upon average about 25 per cent less food than has been proven by sc i e n t i f i c experts .to be necessary for the maintenance of physical efficiency" was 119 very important in view of the economic challenge facing the country. By comparison, an a r t i c l e , now known to have been written by Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice, but published under the pseudonym 'Miles' in the January issue of the influential periodical, Contemporary Review, created a considerable s t i r . The author pointed out that the proposed M i l i t i a Ballot would not be necessary i f a l l those applying for military service were physically f i t . In addition, he claimed the pro-portion of only two out of every five men being f i t to bear arms repre-120 sented a national danger. He cited three major reasons for this disgraceful state of affairs. F i r s t , he drew the relationship between good health, good digestion, and good teeth. That the teeth of men who are of age to enter the army are in our generation so defective as to constitute one of the most serious causes contributing to the want of protection between those willing to enlist and those who ever become effective soldiers is therefore attributed, at a l l events primarily, to the fact that they did not receive proper nutrition during the period of childhood.121 122 Second, he established f l a t feet as a significant factor. Last, and most important of a l l , he claimed that "the immense proportion of the stunted, anaemic specimens of humanity" was caused by the fact that they 123 were themselves the children of children. A second article by Maurice appeared exactly a year later. A 129 contemporary, J. M. Mackintosh, reported that a "vague growing uneasiness about the physical condition of our recruits was crystalized" by this second ar t i c l e which was the "immediate cause of the appointment of the important and effective Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterior-124 ation" which soon followed. Maurice himself indicated that "National Health: A Soldier's Study" was the result of considerable public interest. It explicitly demanded the larger national research that Charles Booth 125 had requested, and called upon the medical profession to lead the way. By 1903 concern over the physical state of the British working class had almost reached i t s zenith. In May of that year George Shee wrote an ar t i c l e on the subject of the "Deterioration in the National Physique" for Nineteenth Century and After which favoured compulsory military service. He pointed to the fact that the number of recruits under the standard height of five feet six inches had increased between 1845 and 1900. In. 1845 only 105 men per thousand were under the standard height: by 1887 528 per thousand were. By 1900 this figure had risen to 565. In addition, he showed how the Government had been forced to lower i t s height standards progressively from five feet five inches in 1872 to five feet in 1900. At the same, time he noted that continental armies had improved since the adoption of compulsory military service, and backed this statement up with the declaration of Lieutenant-Colonel C. M. Douglas that "as the result of three months training, the recruit gains 126 in weight and height, girth of chest and limbs." Of course there were many other aspects to the National Efficiency campaign than simply the ones mentioned above. In the month-and-a-half 130 which followed Lord Rosebery's i n i t i a l speech the London Times alone pub-127 lished at least nine major articles on inefficiency in British industry. The periodical press, and especially the National Review, soon became inundated with articles dealing with one or another of the main themes 128 of the National Efficiency campaign. Books were published which examined the a b i l i t y of the British, school system to f u l f i l l public 129 needs. Government documents included severe criticism of Britain's 130 industrial leadership. Writers such as Ramsden Balmforth, Robert Blatchford, Karl Pearson, G. B. Shaw, Sidney Webb, Arnold White, and later H. G. Wells, continued-to il l u s t r a t e the influence of Charles 131 Darwin and the eugenics movement on the National Efficiency campaign. Sports and Physical exercise were promoted by groups interested in i n -creasing physical efficiency. Other factions, more concerned with the development of better working-habits, sponsored such organizations as the Boy Scouts and the Boys' Brigade which fostered discipline, self-132 confidence and temperance. Even the royal family got into the act. The Prince of Wales in language couched in similar fashion to the Duke of Edinburgh's more recent 'fingers out' speech, told the nation to 133 'wake up!' Clubs were started which provided intellectuals and p o l i -ticians with an opportunity to discuss the various themes of the National Efficiency campaign. The most important of these was the Co-Efficients. Started by the Webbs in November of 1902, i t brought together most of the more prominent names in the National Efficiency campaign. At f i r s t twelve men each with specific portfolios, were present: Leo S. Amery (the army), Carlyon Bellair (the navy), Sir Clinton Dawkins (banking), 131 Sir Edward Grey (foreign a f f a i r s ) , R. B. Haldane (law), W. A. S. Hewins (economics), Leo Maxse (journalism), Halford Mackinder (geography), W. Pember Reeves (colonial a f f a i r s ) , Bertrand Russell (philosophy and science), Sidney Webb (municipal a f f a i r s ) , H. G. Wells (literature). Later Arthur Balfour, Sir Henry Birchenough, Julien Corbett, J. L. Garvin, C. F. G. Masterman, Viscount Milner, W. F. Monypenny, Theodore Morrison, .Henry Newbolt, F. S. Oliver, G. B. Shaw, and Josiah Wedgewood 134 attended. Lord Rosebery who did not like the Webbs, never attended, but did attach his name and,influence to just about every project for higher education formulated in the early years of the century, and con-tinued to make speeches reiterating his demand for a bold policy of 135 administrative, educational and social efficiency. And last and by no means least, the months which followed Lord Rosebery's Glasgow speech were those which saw Kipling's verse at i t s most influential. In January of 1902 the Times printed "The Islanders"—Kipling's savage attack on the decadence of the British n a t i o n . 1 3 6 Later his poem, "The Lesson, 1899-1902," captured the public's desire to repair British deficiencies. With the coming of the end of the war in southern Africa and the reintroduction of a revitalized Liberal Party, as the result of the Education B i l l , to the House of Commons, the need and opportunity for a 137 party of National Efficiency under Lord Rosebery faded away. Never-theless, the elements of the National Efficiency campaign remained on the forefront of the p o l i t i c a l stage. If anything they actually increased in importance. 132 L a t e i n 1902, f o l l o w i n g the a l a r m sounded by L o r d S e l b o r n e , the'-F i r s t L o r d o f the A d m i r a l t y , i n a c a b i n e t memorandum about the composi-138 i t i o n and d e s i g n o f the German f l e e t , new c o n c e r n s about the i n t e n t i o n s o f Germany were g e n e r a t e d . These d e v e l o p e d i n t o a case o f Germanophobia. By A p r i l o f .1903 t h e F o r e i g n O f f i c e f e l t o b l i g e d t o d rop t h e i r p l a n t o 139 c o - o p e r a t e w i t h the Germans on.the Baghdad r a i l w a y p r o j e c t . G. R. S e a r l e has s u g g e s t e d t h a t a ' c o l d war' atmosphere d e v e l o p e d between B r i t a i n and Germany, and t h a t t h i s p r e v e n t e d any r e t u r n i n B r i t a i n o f complacency and o v e r s e l f - a s s u r a n c e , and "emphasized the p r e s s i n g impor-ta n c e o f c a r r y i n g t h r o u g h reforms t h a t would s t r e n g t h e n the ' s c i e n t i f i c ' b a s i s o f B r i t i s h s o c i e t y and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i n c r e a s e t h e Empire's r e a d i n e s s f o r war." In f a c t , o v e r the n e x t few y e a r s i n t e r e s t i n t h e way Germans d i d t h i n g s a t t r a c t e d a trememdous amount o f a t t e n t i o n . One o f t h e l a r g e s t s t u d i e s was produced by A r t h u r S h a d w e l l . H i s two volume work compared the i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y o f Germany w i t h t h a t o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and 141 B r i t a i n . However, i t was t h e b e l i e f t h a t German l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s were b e t t e r and p r o d u c e d more p h y s i c a l l y and m e n t a l l y c a p a b l e i n d i v i d u a l s t o man t h e guns and wheels o f i n d u s t r y which r e a l l y appeared t o h i t home. T. C. H o r s f a l l n o t e d i n The Example of Germany: The Improvement of Dwellings and Surroundings of the People t h a t t h e s t r e e t s o f Germany were more o r l e s s f r e e from s i c k l y - l o o k i n g , i l l - d e v e l o p e d and u n d e r s i z e d 142 i n d i v i d u a l s t h a t were so common i n the g r e a t towns and c i t i e s o f B r i t a i n . The cause o f t h i s b e t t e r p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n was l a r g e l y p u t down t o two s p e c i f i c p r a c t i c e s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t h e German system. The f i r s t 133 of these was the Bismarckian system of social insurance: the other con-cerned the German Army system. Sir John Gorst, a pol i t i c i a n who was later to play a crucial role in the development of legislation to improve the health of children, studied the German social insurance programme in detail, and concluded that both the central and local governments of Germany were much more efficient in promoting the welfare of the people • • 143 than those in Britain. It has already been argued that certain factions in the National Efficiency movement attempted to sponsor institutions which fostered discipline, sobriety and vigour rather than directly to encourage the welfare of the people. It was from the study of institutions which would train people to be more disciplined, and hence make them more efficient, that a greater understanding of the importance of the phys-i c a l conditions of the people was reached. With the coming of the increased fear of Germany's military and economic potential the German Army, naturally enough, came under the closest scrutiny. Articles such as J. L. Bashford's "The German Army System and How i t Works" appeared from time to time in.the periodical press and concluded that the army was an invaluable asset in.improving the industrial efficiency of the labour force because of the. habits of neatness, order and discipline 144 that i t inculcated. However, i t was the connection drawn by such men as Sir Henry Birchenough between the need.for discipline and the need for physical fitness which once again drew attention back to the physical condition of those entering the British Army. In his ar t i c l e , "Compulsory Education and Compulsory Military Training," he not only argued that the 134 army as the nation's chief school of physical fitness and moral d i s c i -pline represented the foundation stone of National Efficiency, but also that universal military training, even i f Britain's military requirements 145 were not as pressing as they were, should be advocated. The matter of whether the British race was physically deterior-ating was f i r s t brought into debate in Parliament as early as March of 1902. In that month two events occurred which were to prove important in the development of better health standards. The f i r s t was a debate concerning the standards.of men applying to join the army. On 7 March Arthur Lee (Hampshire, Fareham). drew the House' attention to the deplor-able standard of recruits: We had reduced every kind of measurement, the age, and the weight, and now we are going to take men with false teeth, and even with glass eyes—or eye glasses—he did not know which. 146 On the same day the Irish Nationalist MP, John Dillon (Mayo East), claim-ing to have been a student of recruiting returns for some years offered the opinion that "the physique of the British nation was rapidly deter-iorating." He complained that the recruiting returns were incomplete. They ought, he reminded the House, "to be important documents bearing upon the physique of the population." As the returns showed that 640 out of every thousand men came from agricultural backgrounds, he claimed "the Government were talking about keeping up a great army, and a l l the time they were looking on while the sources from which these recruits alone could be drawn were being destroyed." He asked rhetorically: "judging from the condition of some of the recruits who had been accepted, 135 what i n the name o f God must have been the c o n d i t i o n s o f t h o s e who were 147 r e j e c t e d ? " In t h e same month as the f i r s t d ebates i n P a r l i a m e n t the R o y a l Commission on P h y s i c a l T r a i n i n g ( S c o t l a n d ) was s e t up. I t was s p e c i f i -c a l l y r e q u e s t e d t o e s t i m a t e how e x t e n s i v e p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g programmes were i n S c o t t i s h s c h o o l s , and how such programmes might be made t o con-t r i b u t e towards the s t r e n g t h o f t h e n a t i o n . When the Commission r e -p o r t e d i n 1903 i t made a number o f v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g o b s e r v a t i o n s and recommendations. Witness a f t e r w i t n e s s n o t e d the need f o r b e t t e r 148 f e e d i n g . S e v e r a l p r o v i d e d warnings o f the p o s s i b l e dangers t h a t u n d e r f e e d i n g c o u l d have on s c h o o l c h i l d r e n . One w i t n e s s s t a t e d t h a t i f the a u t h o r i t i e s were g o i n g t o d e v e l o p the p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g o f c h i l d r e n they would have t o be on t h e i r . g u a r d , a g a i n s t o v e r w o r k i n g them, and n o t e d t h a t even l i g h t e x e r c i s e c o u l d do p o s i t i v e i n j u r y t o c h i l d r e n who 149 were u n d e r f e d . Dr. Clement Dukes warned: C h i l d r e n can e x i s t , when d o i n g no mental o r p h y s i c a l work, on a b a r e s u b s i s t e n c e d i e t , b u t . . . a b a r e s u b s i s t e n c e d i e t becomes a s t a r -v a t i o n d i e t when mental o r b o d i l y work i s added.150 However, on the q u e s t i o n o f whether s o c i e t y was j u s t i f i e d i n i m p r o v i n g the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n . o f a l a r g e number o f f u t u r e c i t i z e n s a t a c o s t o f removing p a r e n t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , the Commissioners c o u l d make no . . . 151 d e c i s i o n . B e s i d e s s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e s t o p h y s i c a l e x e r c i s e s . t h e Commissioners suggested, t h a t s c h o o l c h i l d r e n be m e d i c a l l y i n s p e c t e d and s y s t e m a t i c r e c o r d s k e p t o f a l l p h y s i c a l and h e a l t h s t a t i s t i c s . To do t h i s they recom-mended the a d d i t i o n o f a s m a l l number o f m e d i c a l and s a n i t a r y e x p e r t s t o 136 the inspecting staff. In addition, they advocated co-operation with voluntary agencies to overcome the problem of underfeeding. Where this proved inadequate the Commissioners believed that powers should be given for local authorities to provide a meal and to take steps to recover the 152 cost from the parents. Unfortunately, the Commission's Report failed to attract much attention in the nation's capital and i t s recommendations to gain any immediate supporters. The same was not true of a memorandum prepared in April by Sir William Taylor, the Director-General of the Army Medical Department, which was sent to the Secretary of State for War and published later as 153 a Parliamentary Paper. According to the Lancet, the debate over physical deterioration became acute from this point onward. The press 154 was swamped by affirmations and " s i l l y and impractical suggestions." On 6 July 1903 members in the House of Lords called for a full-scale inquiry. The Earl of Meath, a man with diplomatic experience in Berlin and consequently well versed in German social welfare schemes and the causes of German industrial successes, summarized the debate to date. He reminded their Lordships that the Royal Commission on Physical Train-ing (Scotland) 1903 had stated: There exists, in Scotland an undeniable degeneration of individuals of the classes where food.and environment are defective, which c a l l for the attention and amelioration in obvious ways . . . .155 His evidence from the Royal Commission on Secondary Education showed that the more intelligent classes and the more favoured classes were t a l l e r and heavier than the less intelligent and the less favoured. Consequently 137 he remarked, "without proper feeding we can not have a sturdy nation. It must be seen that pure fresh milk be brought within the reach of the poor both in town and country . . . " He praised the Battersea Borough Council for setting up a milk depot but pointed out that Berlin had had a perambulating milk-and-cream-cart service since 1870, and that their carts were a l l locked to. prevent infection. He cut fresh ground by noting that the recruiting returns for the Royal Navy and the Royal Marines were no better than those for the British Army. Once again he compared the situation with that in Germany. There, he stated, 80 per cent of those presenting themselves for military service were found to be physically f i t . A l l these indications led him to the conclusion that 156 a Royal Commission or Committee of Inquiry was needed. In response to the Earl, of Meath's demand which was supported by the Bishop of Ripon, the Lord President of the Council, the Duke of Devonshire, promised to.place the Taylor minute on the table and to con-157 suit with the Royal Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons. It appears from the Minutes, of Evidence of the Inter-departmental Committee Report on Physical Deterioration that he had already contacted the College of 158 Physicians as early as 11 June 1903. On 25 July, only two days before the formal reply of the College of Physicians, the British Medical Journal appears to have become convinced that race deterioration was a l c possibility and that the situation warranted a full-scale, investigation. Nearly a month after the reply of the Royal College of Surgeons the Privy Council announced,the formation of an. Inter-departmental Com-mittee, not the Royal Commission that many had expected and which the 138 Duke o f D e v o n s h i r e had g i v e n t h e House the i m p r e s s i o n would be f o r t h -c o m i n g . 1 6 0 When one remembers t h a t t h e R o y a l Commission o f P h y s i c a l T r a i n i n g ( S c o t l a n d ) had a l r e a d y r e p o r t e d on 31 March 1902, and had r e -c e i v e d s c a n t a t t e n t i o n , 1 6 1 t h e s e l e c t i o n o f t h i s lower ranked committee i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g . In f a c t , r e c e n t s t u d e n t s o f t h e ' O r i g i n s o f the W e l f a r e S t a t e , ' such as B e n t l e y G i l b e r t , have s u g g e s t e d t h a t the l a c k o f a t t e n t i o n g i v e n . t o the S c o t t i s h R o y a l Commission and the d e l a y i n naming a committee o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n c l e a r l y e x e m p l i f y the extreme r e l u c t a n c e with, which t h e U n i o n i s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n approached m a t t e r s o f 162 s o c i a l r e f o r m . P r e s s u r e s from v a r i o u s . q u a r t e r s f o r c e d t h e Government t o e n l a r g e the scope o f t h e i n q u i r y and a l l o w e d . t h e committee o f seven c i v i l s e r v a n t s t o p l a c e b e f o r e P a r l i a m e n t and t h e p u b l i c a document s i m i l a r 163 i n approach t o a R o y a l Commission. A f t e r t w e n t y - e i g h t days o f e v i -dence from, s i x t y - e i g h t , w i t n e s s e s t h e Report of the Inter-departmental 164 Committee on Physical Deterioration was p u b l i s h e d . The Report i n d i -c a t e d t h a t t h e r e was no p r o o f o f g e n e r a l i n h e r i t a b l e degeneracy among the B r i t i s h w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , b u t a t t h e same time i t gave t a c i t a p p r o v a l t o the assumption t h a t t h e r e was p h y s i c a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n among the group 165 from which t h e r e c r u i t s f o r t h e m i l i t a r y came. Among the causes o f d e g e n e r a t i o n i n d i c a t e d by t h e Report urban-i z a t i o n , w i t h i t s a s s o c i a t e d problems o f o v e r c r o w d i n g , p o l l u t i o n , and a l c o h o l i s m , was thought t o be t h e most i m p o r t a n t . The Report i n d i c a t e d t h a t town p l a n n i n g was s u p e r i o r i n G e r m a n y ; 1 6 6 s u n l i g h t d e p r i v a t i o n as 167 the r e s u l t o f p o l l u t i o n caused anaemic c o n d i t i o n s ; and t h a t 139 back-to-back houses and .common lodging houses were s t i l l in extensive 168 use. With regard to drunkenness the Committee concluded that i t was the "most potent" and "deadly agent" of physical deterioration next to urbanization. Moreover, the Committee believed that because the only r e l i e f for many people from the psychological i l l - e f f e c t s of bad housing, poor nutrition, depressed and polluted surrounding, and long hours of labour in over-heated and badly ventilated rooms, was the "excitement of town l i f e , " no demonstration of the connection between alcoholism and such factors was necessary. The question of working-class diets played an important part in 170 the proceedings. With the exception of one man, the Committee and a l l those who gave evidence agreed that the effects of improper or in-sufficient food in determining physique were prominent causes of degen-171 eration. They believed that the average man daily f e l l short of the necessary 3,500 units of energy and the 125 grammes of.'proteid' needed 172 to maintain physical efficiency. They concluded.that the purchase of alcoholic stimulants, the cost and availability of food, bad teeth, betting, food adulteration, and the lack of suitable cooking f a c i l i t i e s . . 173 prevalent in overcrowded livi n g quarters were causes of poor nutrition. What happened ;to the new-born and the children of Britain was the question which most worried the Inter-departmental Committee. Evidence clearly indicated that infant mortality had not decreased over the pre-vious twenty-five years and. that illegitimate children had enormously greater mortality-rates. Moreover, at least half of the deaths in the 174 f i r s t year of l i f e occurred in the f i r s t three months. 140 Responsibility for these alarming stat i s t i c s was primarily a t t r i -buted to the reduction of breast-feeding among working-class women. The main reason for this change of habit was thought to be the return to work of the mother as soon as possible after giving birth. This prema-ture resumption of employment, the Committee believed, could be explained by the death of the husband, his lack of work or insufficiency of income, desertion by the child's father, the mother's fear of losing her job, or simply the preference of many women for factory work rather than domestic 175 . . service. The reduction.in breast-feeding meant that large sections of the working classes had. to rely on cow's milk, although evidence showed 176 that i t was nearly impossible to obtain uninfected milk. Parental ignorance and child neglect also came under attack by the Committee. The discovery that deaths from overlaying occurred mainly on Friday and 177 Saturday nights had obvious implications. A failure to guard children against fire s , a lack of ventilation and poor sleeping conditions were 178 other causes of concern. Even a r t i f i c i a l nipples were censured by the Committee: One of the most noxious practices described i s the habit of giving india-rubber nipples to suck . . . (This has) the effect of causing contraction of the roof of the mouth and air passages at the back of the nose, which is prejudicial to proper breathing and also instru-mental in introducing foul germs into the system by virtue of the dir t accumulated. Though the Committee were greatly alarmed by the dangers to which working-class infants were exposed, they saw cause for even greater concern in the evidence provided by the medical profession about the diet of the working-class child. Dr. Eicholz concluded that as many as 141 121,000, or 16 per cent of the children in London elementary schools 180 were underfed. In Manchester not less than 15 per cent were thought 181 to be undernourished. . In Leeds Dr. Hall estimated that as many as 50 per cent of the children in a poor school suffered from rickets, and that not too far away in a more well-to-do school the figure was only 182 about 8 per cent. Dr. Robert Hutchison, a physician at the London Hospital and perhaps Britain's leading authority on nutrition, suggested that insufficient food during the c r i t i c a l period of growth in the school 183 years could lead to children being permanently stunted. Dr. Collis of the London School Board was even more emphatic. He estimated that 18> as much as nine-tenths of a l l child sickness derived from malnutrition. The Inter-departmental Committee Report on Physical Deterioration was without doubt the most.far-ranging social document produced by the British Government to date. A l l together the Committee placed before the Government and the public some fifty-three specific proposals for improving the social conditions of Britain.. An analysis of the reforms recommended shows that there were a number of areas in which the Com-mittee wished, further.information. To this end they suggested the set-ting up of a permanent anthropometric survey, a register of sickness through the Poor Law Medical Officers' Returns, a s t r i c t l y s c i e n t i f i c enquiry into the physiological cause and effects of over-fatigue, as recommended by the Brussels Congress, a more detailed analysis of infant mortality, s t i l l - b i r t h s and causes of death stat i s t i c s , an investigation of the effects of st e r i l i z a t i o n (e.g., milk), a Commission of Inquiry into the prevalence and effects of syphilis, an investigation into the 142 e x t e n t and n a t u r e of. t h e i n c r e a s e i n Lunacy i n I r e l a n d , and i n q u i r i e s i n t o v agrancy and d e f e c t i v e c h i l d r e n . The Committee p o i n t e d o u t s e v e r a l a r e a s which t h e y b e l i e v e d s h o u l d be c o v e r e d by f r e s h l e g i s l a t i o n . These i n c l u d e d t h e p r o v i s i o n o f open spaces, c o o k i n g g r a t e s , s c h o o l meals m e d i c a l i n s p e c t i o n s f o r c h i l d r e n and s p e c i a l m a g i s t r a t e s f o r j u v e n i l e c a s e s , and r e g u l a t i o n s c o n t r o l l i n g j u v e n i l e smoking, a l c o h o l consumption, m i l k r e t a i l i n g , f o o d a d u l t e r a t i o n , female employment, and b u i l d i n g . In 185 a d d i t i o n , the compulsory n o t i f i c a t i o n o f s y p h i l i s was recommended. The Report i s i m p o r t a n t not o n l y because i t attempted t o e s t a b -l i s h a new b l u e - p r i n t f o r s o c i a l a c t i o n , but a l s o because i t c o n t a i n e d s e v e r e , though o f t e n v e i l e d , c r i t i c i s m o f t h e p h i l o s o p h y and method o f o p e r a t i o n o f t h e L o c a l Government Board. A t one p o i n t i n t h e t e x t t h e r e appears the comment: I t appears, t o the Committee t h a t i n r e g a r d t o f o o d , as i n o t h e r m a t t e r s , t h e r e i s something w a n t i n g t o the i d e a l o f the L o c a l Government Board as a department o f h e a l t h , and t h a t i t i s d e s i r a b l e t h a t t h i s a s p e c t o f t h e Board's a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s s h o u l d r e c e i v e g r e a t e r a t t e n t i o n . 1 8 6 In o r d e r t o r e c t i f y t h i s p o s i t i o n . t h e Committee su g g e s t e d the c r e a t i o n o f an advisory, c o u n c i l on.the l i n e s o f Le Comite Consulatif d'hygiene publique France which would r e p r e s e n t a l l the Departments o f S t a t e con-c e r n e d w i t h m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o p u b l i c h e a l t h . T h i s , t h e Committee s t a t e d : Would be c a l c u l a t e d t o s u p p l y t h e knowledge and s t i m u l u s which a r e n e c e s s a r y i n o r d e r t o g i v e the P u b l i c H e a l t h s i d e o f t h e Board's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . a prominence which t h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f t h e o t h e r f u n c t i o n s may have tended t o o b s c u r e , and t o a t t r a c t t o i t s work t h a t measure o f p u b l i c i n t e r e s t which has perhaps been l a c k i n g h i t h e r t o . 1 8 7 143 Implicit in the recommendations of the Committee were moves to-wards the centralization of power over health matters. For example, the Committee was in favour of having full-time Medical Officers of Health employed in urban areas over a.certain size who could not be dis-missed (except in cases of misconduct) without the approval of the Local 188 Government Board. Proposal Number 10 indicated the desire for strengthening the chain, of command so that County Councils, through an appointed Medical Officer of Health, could be empowered, after reference to the Local Government Board, to act in matters of local, administration (except municipal boroughs) concerning Housing and Public Health Acts 189 where necessary. The intention of the Committee as to where the power should l i e was made explicit by recommendation Number 11: The Local Sanitary Authority should be required to furnish the Local Government Board, through the County authority, reports according to certain requirements, which show accurately what was being done, or l e f t undone, in matters of sanitation and administration generally, and would thus form a basis of comparison between different d i s t r i c t s . Armed with this information i t should be the duty of the Central Authority to watch closely local administration, and to endeavour constantly to level up backward di s t r i c t s to the standard attained in the best administered areas.1^0 The conclusions of the Report also included proposals for state intervention in addition to the provisions for school children. For example, proposal Number 5 stated: It may be necessary, in order to complete the work of clearing crowded slums, for the State acting in conjunction with the Local Authority, to take charge of the lives of those who, from whatever cause, are incapable of independent existence up to the standard of decency which i t imposes. In the last resort, this might take the form of labour colonies on the lines of the Salvation Army-colony at Had-leigh, with powers, however, of compulsory detention. 144 The children of persons so treated might be lodged temporarily in public nurseries or boarded out . . . . x 9 ± The Committee concluded that the removal of a l l the evils noted could not take place without what they called "some great scheme of 192 social education." The Committee believed that such a scheme should develop new methods to inform the public about the latest techniques of home management and child rearing. They proposed that g i r l s should re-ceive instruction at school in the proper selection and preparation of 193 food, and that:school children generally should be trained in the 194 laws of health and specifically the care of teeth. A number of schemes which would provide women with the latest information on family hygiene, infant feeding and home management were considered. The Committee sug-gested that mothers' meetings and lectures were ideal places for dissemi-nating knowledge on food selection and preparation, and especially infant 195 feeding and management. They also advocated the formation of health societies on the lines of those already established at Manchester and 196 Salford for the whole country. In addition, the Committee intended that midwives should play an important role in educating expectant mothers now that the State could be sure standards of professional pro-197 ficiency had been established. Among the fi n a l words of this, the most far-sighted report on public health and best blue-print for social action,to date, was a clear warning of how a l l would be of no avail unless another overriding change took place. The seven committee members, backed up by the evidence of some of the most influential social reformers, the leaders of the medical 145 profession, and a whole bevy of assorted c i v i l servants and well-meaning individuals, maintained: In the carrying out of their recommendations for the rectification of acknowledged evils, the Committee do not rely upon any large measure of legislative assistance; the law may with advantage be altered and elaborated in certain respects, but the pathway to improvement l i e s in another direction. Complacent optimism and administrative indifference must be attacked and overcome, and a large-hearted sentiment of public interest take over the place of timorous counsels and sectional prejudice.198 Social change was now not only demanded but was there for the asking providing the Committee's last recommendation could be made effective. At the root of the problem lay bad health, inadequate health administration, poor nutrition, and insufficient training in the laws of health. The f u l l c i r c l e of poverty showing the relationship between a l l i t s causes and effects was now revealed for a l l who cared to see. The work of Booth and Rowntree had shown that low and irregular wages, and total unemployment led directly to an insufficient diet and bad and overcrowded livi n g conditions. These manifestations of poverty, the Report proved conclusively, caused bad health. Sickness, disease, high infant mortality, premature death of breadwinners, and at best, physical inefficiency, in turn, led to poverty. The picture was now broad enough so that the role of alcoholism, betting, crime, food adulteration, i n -dustrial pollution and vagrancy could be seen in their true light. To break this vicious c i r c l e legislation of wide compass, public education in the laws of health and household management, higher and more regular wages, and above a l l , the introduction of f u l l social protection for children were needed. 146 FOOTNOTES 1 See A. F. Havighurst, Twentieth Century Britain (New York, 1966), p. 11. 2 Fi r s t indications that something was wrong came in October of 1899. See A. White, "The Cult of Infirmity," National Review, 34 (October 1899), 236-45. White continued to make clear the relationship between efficiency and empire in a series of articles for The Daily Chronicle, Harpers, The Sunday Sun, and The Westminster Gazette. 3 Sir R. Ensor, England 1870-1914 (London, 1966), p. 253. 4 . See Karl Pearson, National Life from the Standpoint of Science (London, 1905), p. 11. This was originally delivered as a lecture to the Literary and Philosophical Society in Newcastle on 19 November 1900. ^ See L. S. Amery (ed.), The Times History of the War in South Africa, 1899-1900, 1 (London, 1900), 11. 6 This campaign continued in the August, September, October, and November issues. 7 A society of the same name had been formed after the Crimean war as an outcry against aristocratic inefficiency and selfishness. g See J. Knowles, "The Lessons of War," Nineteenth Century, 48 (July 1900), 1. Knowles1 organization also demanded public accounta-b i l i t y of a l l o f f i c i a l s , payments by results, and promotion by merit and efficiency. 9 See G. B. Shaw (ed.), Fabianism and Empire (London, 1900), p. 98. For a brief discussion of the purpose of this document and the con-tribution of the editor, see E. R. Pease, The History of the Fabian Society (New York, 1926), pp. 133-38. 1 0 See C. F. G. Masterman, "The Wail of the Social Reformer," Commonwealth (November 1900). An extract of this a r t i c l e i s cited in Lucy Masterman, C. F. G. Masterman, A Biography (London, 1968), p. 37. X ± Havighurst, p. 12, has noted that the Daily Express ran an editorial entitled "The Final Chapter" and that the parliamentary elec-tions were dominated by that assumption. 12 Ensor, p. 267, states that the October election was Chamber-lain's work'. 13 See Masterman, p. 37. 147 14 According to G. Monger, The End of Isolation: British Foreign Policy 1900-1907 (London, 1963), p. 1, Britain had no need for a l l i e s during the long Victorian peace "and isolation, which had at f i r s t been partially imposed upon her by events, was soon.accepted as a sign of her strength and self-sufficiency. Glorified.as 'Splendid Isolation' i t be-came the guiding principle of her policy." This form of isolation was in contrast to that experienced by the British at the turn of the century. The Franco-Russian. Alliance of 1894 with i t s consequent challenge to the British Mediterranean fleet, the increasing Russian influence in Persia, and the threat to India instigated by the building of a railway through Turkestan, the imminent dissolution of the Chinese Empire, a l l these and more made isolation no longer desirable. See Havighurst, p. 11 for the reaction of Europeans to the British during the summer of 1900. 1 5 According to Havighurst, p. 14, an issue of the Economist of that year stated: "economic superiority of the United States to England is ultimately as certain as the next eclipse." Likewise, Havighurst notes that while the last quarter of the nineteenth century had repre-sented "phenomenal" growth for the U.S. and German key industries, British steel and.cotton industries had experienced declines in profits and prices. 1 6 See the Spectator of 16 August 1902. It noted not only that there was a "universal cry for efficiency in a l l departments of society, in a l l aspects of l i f e , " but that i t came from the most unexpected quarters: the drawing rooms, the smoking rooms, the hustings, the news-papers, the pulpit, and the street, etc. At one time or another L. S. Amery, R. B. Haldane, Professor Hewins, Alfred Milner, Robert Morant, Lord Rosebery, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, and H. G. Wells were a l l lead-ing advocates of national efficiency. Such a l i s t proves, without doubt, the catholic appeal of the programme. 17 G. R. Searle, The Quest for National Efficiency: A Study in British Politics and Political thought,.1899-1914 (Oxford, 1971), dis-cusses the subject very briefly between pages 31 and 33. 135. 18 19 20 See R. D. Altick, Victorian People and Ideas (New York, 1973), See El i e Halevy, England in 1815 (London, 1924), p. 509. In so much as Benthamism demanded a science of p o l i t i c s , social reform and efficient, centralized p o l i t i c a l institutions i t often came into opposition with the "let-alone" principle of the Manchester School when the latter was applied to the social realm. 21 John. Stuart M i l l f i r s t read Wordsworth in 1828. This led him to Coleridge, and then to Goethe and the Germans. See Albert Levi, The Six Great Humanistic Essays of John Stuart Mill (New York, '1963), p. ix. 148 22 John Stuart M i l l , Utilitarianism, ed. Oskar Piest (New York, 1957), p. 12. Piest points out that Utilitarianism was written primarily to defend the "greatest happiness principle" against an ever-rising tide of criticism; see page v i i . 23 See John Stuart M i l l , The Principles of Political Economy, ed. Donald Winch (London, 1970), p. 34. M i l l admitted this in 1862. 24 See ibid., book 2, chap. 1, p. 350. 25 See Charles Booth, "The Inhabitants of Tower Hamlets, Their Condition and Occupations," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 50 (1887), 326-91, and "The Condition and Occupations of the People of East London and Hackney," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 51 (1888), 276-331. These were later expanded into Life and Labour of the People in London which was published in seventeen volumes. 26 The f i r s t limited edition of 1,250 copies sold out on the day of issue. See Sir Llewelyn Woodward, The Age of Reform (Oxford, 1962) , p. 574. 27 According to Altick, p. 228, "The Origins of Species delivered the coup de grkce to whatever lingering hopes there were that the histor-i c i t y of the Bible and the Judaeo-Christian view of man springing from i t would somehow be substantiated by science." 28 In 1864 T. H. Huxley published Man's Place in Hature. In 1871 Darwin followed with The Descent of Man. W. E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind (New Haven, 1964), p. 59, has shown that such theories were particularly worrisome in the early 1870's. He notes that the most important British newspapers severely censured Darwin for "revealing his zoological (anti-Christian) conclusions to the general public at a moment when the sky of Paris was red with the incendiary flames of the Commune." 29 The theory of demoralization governed the treatment of the poor, more or less unchallenged, until the 1880's. It relied on the premise that there were deserving and undeserving poor. The deserving poor were those who were physically incapable of helping themselves and were.to be given help where necessary from local authorities. The unde-serving poor were thought to have made themselves paupers through an act of w i l l . It was believed that society had a duty to disuade this group from relying on public charity because i t was feared that they would in-fect the honest members of the working class. Drink, idleness, improvi-dence, i r r e l i g i o n , and premature marriage were a l l seen as causes of pauperism. The theory demoralization did not, in fact, deal with the problem of poverty: rather i t represented a moral non-sociological explan-ation of pauperism which relied on hedonistic premises. For a discussion of the replacement of the theory of demoralization with the theory of urban degeneration see Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971), passim. 149 30 The theory of urban degeneration recognized poverty as the key problem, and.drink, idleness, etc. as symptoms. The cause of poverty was identified as the exposure to urban conditions over an extended period, of time. Prior to 1880 the theory evidenced i t s e l f from time to time: see, for example, H. Rumsey, "On the Progressive Physical Degen-eracy of Race in the Town Populations of Great Britain," Transactions of the National. Association for the Promotion of Social Science (1971), pp. 466-72. In the 1880's and 1890's members of the medical profession sug-gested that town-born children grew up to be smaller than rural-born children: see, for example, Dr. James Cantlie, Degeneration Amongst Londoners, Parkes Museum of Hygiene Lecture (1885) and Dr. J. P. Freeman Williams, The Effect of Town Life, on General Health (1890). Such asser-tions were accepted by Charles Booth, H. Llewellyn Smith, G. B. Longstaff, and Alfred Marshall.. Employers in London also favoured country-born men because they were thought to be stronger: see Stedman Jones, passim. 31 The Royal Commission in question was the one established in 1884 by Lord Salisbury on the housing of the working classes. 32 Of the two The Bitter Cry of Outcast London was the more i n f l u -ential. Its effects on society have been described in detail by A. S. Wohl, "The Bitter Cry. of Outcast London,". International Review of Social History, 13 (1968), 189-245. This ar t i c l e contains an extensive l i s t of published responses to the housing c r i s i s . For a supplementary l i s t see Stedman Jones, p. 290. 33 These questions particularly worried those who were interested in the strength of the British.army. See, for example, General Sir J. L. A. Simmons, "Weakness of the Army," Nineteenth Century, 15 (1883), 529-44 and "The C r i t i c a l Condition of the Army," Nineteenth Century, 14 (1883), 165-88. G. B. Longstaff blamed free trade for rural migration to the c i t i e s and i t s consequences, and argued that the great continental military powers set up agricultural protections to secure a supply of country-born recruits: see "Rural Depopulation," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 56 (1893), 416. 34 See Lord Brabazon, "Health and Physique of Great City Popula-tions," Nineteenth Century, 10 (1881), 80-89; "Great Cities and Social Reform," Nineteenth Century, 14 (1883), 798-803; "The Decay of Bodily Strength in Towns," Nineteenth Century, 21 (1887), 673-76; and Samuel Smith, "Social Reform," Nineteenth Century, 13 (1883), 896-912. 35 See Arnold White, Problems of a Great City (London, 1886), p. 226; cited by Stedman Jones, p. 309. 36 See Stedman: Jones, ibid.; Brabazon also, advocated parks and playgrounds to l e t air circulate more easily in the big cit i e s and physical training for the poor. For earlier support for physical train-ing see Edwin Chadwick's letter to the Standard reprinted in the Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, 24 (1876), 134, which was entitled, 150 "Physical Training and National Education," and his address to the Sani-tary Institute, "Physical Training in Schools,"'which was reprinted in part in the Journal, of the Royal Society of Arts, 27 (1879), 1.011. 37 See Lord Brabazon, "State-directed Colonization: Its Neces-sity," Nineteenth Century (November, 1884), pp. 764-87. The article shows that Brabazon was the President and Chairman of the National Asso-ciation for Promoting State-directed Emigration and Colonization. 38 See J. H. Tuke, "State Aid to Emigrants—A Reply to Lord Brabazon," Nineteenth Century, 17 (1885), 280-96. 39 See Samuel Smith,,"The Industrial Training of. Destitute Chil-dren," Contemporary Review, 47 (1885), 107-119. 40 See Arnold White, Problem of a Great City, p. 225; cited by Stedman Jones, p. 311. 41 The Bitter Cry of Outcast London: An Enquiry into the Condi-tion of the Abject Poor was f i r s t published in October of 1883. Though there is some argument over the pamphlet's authorship the Reverend Andrew Mearns published "Outcast London," in the Contemporary Review, 45 (December 1883), 924-33. Spencer's f i r s t a r t i c l e was published in Feb-ruary of 1884; the fi n a l one in July. Together these articles were later published as The Man Versus the State in 1884. 42 This was Spencer's term. He f i r s t used i t in 1852: see Altick, p. 232. 43 Bernard.Semmel, .Imperialism and Social Reform: English Social-Imperial Thought, 1895-1914 (London, 1960), pp.. 30-31, suggests that Spencer was by no means the f i r s t to adopt "internal social-Darwinism." "The Cobdenite Radicals—including John Stuart M i l l , Darwin,. Spencer, Huxley and John Bright— : ... . took for granted the necessity of the factory system and the .internal economic struggle but protested the brutal suppression of Jamaican coloured men by the British Governor Eyre." 44 For example, see Thomas Carlyle, "Essays on the Nigger Ques-tion" (1849). Semmel,vp. 30, suggests that this "racist tract" "can be regarded as 'premature' external social-Darwinism, as can his position in the celebrated Eyre case during the period between 1865 and 1868." 45 For a discussion of Kidd's participation in the development of "external" social-Darwinism see, Semmel, pp. 29-35. Kidd worked at the Inland Revenue until the publication of Social Evolution in 1894. There-after he devoted himself to writing. Social Evolution contained a l l of Kidd's important contributions to social theory. 46 Included in this quality were: reverence, great mental energy, resolution, enterprise, powers of prolonged and concentrated application, 151 and a sense of simple-minded and single-minded devotion to the concep-tion of duty. 47 See Semmel, pp. 35-39, for a discussion of Pearson's particu-lar brand of socialism. 48 See "Socialism and Natural Selection." This was published in July of 1894. It was reprinted-in Karl Pearson, The Chances of Death and Other Studies in Evolution, 1 (London, 1897), 103-39. 49 Ibid., p. 113. 50 Ibid., p. 111. 51 See El i e Halevy, A History of the English People, 4 (London, 1951), 316. 52 M. A. Crowther, Church Embattled: Religious Controversy in Mid-Victorian England (Newton Abbot, 1970), p. 35, stresses that the historical and sc i e n t i f i c criticism of the Bible preceded the mid-century debate, generated by Origin of Species, and that Essays and Reviews, pub-lished one year after Darwin's. book did not rely on i t to substantiate i t s claims. 53 See ibid., p. 29-30. 54 Crowther has suggested that the movement may be broken down into two generations (of intellectual activity rather than age). The f i r s t included: Thomas Arnold, J. C. and A. W. Hare, Cannop Thirwell, F. D. Maurice, Richard Whatley, Baden Powell, and Charles Kingsley. The second generation whose work reached fruition in 1855 included the authors of Essays and Reviews. Jowett, Roland Williams, Frederick Temple, Mark Pattison, Henry Bristow Wilson, C. W. Goodwin, Arthur Stanley, and Henry Milman. 5 5 See G. Faber, Jowett: A Portrait with a Background (London, 1957), p. 244. 56 See R. T. Shannon, "John Robert Seeley and the Idea of a National Church: A Study in Churchmanship, Historiography, and P o l i t i c s , " in R. Robson, ed., Ideas and Institutions of Victorian Britain: Essays in Honour of George Kitson Clark (London, 1967), p. 237. 57 Ibid., p. 238. 58 M. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy,: An Essay in Political and Social Criticism, ed. J. Dover Wilson (Cambridge, 1969), p. 75. 59 Ibid., pp. 74-76. 152 See M. Arnold, Higher Schools and Universities in Germany (London, 1968) , p. 217. An example of the British distrust of science training can be seen in the address of John Wigham Richardson to the North East Coast Institution of Engineers and Shipbuilders of 13 October 1890, which has been reprinted in W. H. B. Court, British Economic His-tory, 1870-1914: Commentary and Documents (Cambridge, 1965), pp. 171-72. Not a l l Britons thought like Richardson. Karl Pearson believed that "modern science,.as training the mind to an exact and impartial analysis of the facts, is an education specially, f i t t e d to promote sound citizen-ship." See Frederick Coppleston, A History of Philosophy, 8 (Garden City, 1967), 136 and 138. 61 See J. Roach, "Liberalism and the Victorian Intelligentsia," Cambridge Historical Journal, 13 (1957), 58-81. 62 From 1848 until at least the 1880's the fear of revolution was a constant undercurrent.. In 1866, 1870 and 1886-87 i t broke through to the surface. See, for example, Stedman Jones' treatment of the Trafalgar Square riots in Outcast London, p. 291. 63 J. F. Stephen, for example, considered that India represented "the best corrective against the fundamental fallacies of Liberalism" and had "the only government under English control worth caring about." See letters 15 March 1878 and 10 May 1876 from Stephen to the Earl of Lytton, Viceroy of India: cited by Roach, p. 64. 64 See H. J. Laski, "The .Leaders of Collectivist Thought," in Jdeas and Beliefs of the Victorians (London, 1949), p. 422. 65 See Coppleston, pp. 188-89. 66 See M. Richter, The Philosophy of Conscience: T. H. Green and His Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), p. 91. 6 7 Many of those who had imbibed of Green's idealist philosophy became residents of the university settlements. In January 1885 the Reverend Samuel Barnett founded Toynbee Hall in memory of Jowett and Green's younger colleague., Arnold Toynbee. Barnett intended Toynbee Hall to f u l f i l three basic needs: to provide a base for the scie n t i f i c anal-ysis of urban problems, to give working men a wider l i f e through educa-tion, and to offer the future rulers of Britain an opportunity to understand first-hand the problems.of the urban poor. In a l l three Barnett was successful. Two men who played prominent parts in the development of legislation to protect the health of school children had contacts with Toynbee Hall. Robert Morant was a resident: Sir John E. Gorst was a frequent v i s i t o r . See J. A. R. Pimlott, Toynbee Hall.-• Fifty Years of Social Progress, 1884-1934 (London, 1935). 68 See S. G. Checkland, "Growth and Progress: The Nineteenth Century View of Britain,"Economic History Review, n.s. 12 (1959-60), 59. 153 69 See S. Mencher, Poor Law to Poverty Programme (Pittsburgh, 1967), p. 181. 70 See Mark Abrams., Social Surveys and Social Action (London, 1951), pp. 31-32. 71 72 73 Ibid. See H. M. Lynd, England in the 1880's (London, 1945), p. 176. See A. D. Lindsay, "T. H. Green and the Idealists" in P. J. C. Hearnshaw, ed., The Social and Political Ideas of Some Representative Thinkers of the Victorian Age (London, 1933), p. 152. 74 Richter, pp. 13, 294, and 361, has shown that a stream of young men 'came down' from Oxford to spend their lives establishing set-tlement houses, working in adult education, reorganizing charities, improving the school system and amending the Poor Law. Descendents of the Idealist School were to be. found on the l e f t of the Liberal Party, in the Fabian, London Ethical and Charity Organization Societies, the Workers' Education Association, the Christian Social Union, and in pol-i t i c s and government. Laski, p. 420, has shown the influence of the Idealist School on Asquith to have been considerable. The Liberal Imperialist R. B. Haldane studied under Caird at Edinburgh. Though the influence of the Idealist.School was f i r s t f e l t about the time Asquith became a Member of Parliament (1886), the major impact occurred in the f i r s t few years of the twentieth century. M. Richter, "T. H. Green and his Audience: Liberalism as a Surrogate Faith," Review of Politics, 18 (1956), 444, has shown that in the 1906 General Election, thirty-one B a l l i o l graduates were elected to the House of Commons. Twenty-three of these were Liberals:.four were of Cabinet rank. Mrs. Humphrey Ward's novel, Robert Elesmere (1888) which depicted the activities of a Pro-fessor Grey, a thinly disguised Green, clearly illustrates the wide appeal of the message of the Idealist School (see Mrs. Humphrey Ward, A Writer's Recollections [London, 1918], p. 252). Robert Morant who attended New College, another bastion of idealism, i s known to have been influenced by the book: see Bernard Allen, Sir Robert Morant, A Great Public Servant (London, 1934). 75 Checkland, p. 59. 7 6 See Sir N. Lockyer, Education and National Progress (London, 1906), pp. 180-90. 77 Playfair, owed his eminence to his teaching position and the fact that he had experience in international industrial exhibitions, e.g., the Great Exhibition of 1851. 78 See School Inquiry.Commission: Report Relative to Technical Education 1867 (1898), xxvi, pp. 6-7: reprinted in Court, pp. 167-69. 154 The letter was described by the Royal Commission on Technical Instruction in 1884 as: "the f i r s t impulse to an inquiry into the subject of tech-nical instruction." 79 Quoted by R. E. Waterhouse, The Birmingham and Midland Insti-tute, 1854-1954 (1954), p. 76; reprinted in Court, p. 163. 80 See the Final Report of the Royal Commission on the Depression of Industry and Trade (1886), C 4893, x x i i i , paras., 73-76: reprinted in Court, pp. 205-7. 81 See R. J. S. Hoffman, Great Britain and the German Trade Rivalry, 1875-1914 (Philadelphia, 1933). 82 See M...E. and K. R. Swan, Sir Joseph Wilson Swan FRS: A Memoir (1929), p. 154: reprinted in Court, p. 172. 8 3 A number of British industrialists adopted the policy of attempting to change the physical environment faced by their workers. See Budget Meakin., Model Factories and Villages (London, 1905) , or more recently, W. Ashworth, "British Industrial Villages in the Nineteenth Century," Economic History Review, n.s. 3 (1950), 378-87. Of these employers the Quaker chocolate manufacturers are of particular interest. Professor Ashley, concluding for the case of Cadbury's remarked: "the supreme principle has been the belief that business efficiency and the welfare of the employees are but different sides of the same problem." See his Preface to E. Cadbury, Experiments in Industrial Organization (London, 1912), p. x v i i . It i s clear from remarks made by Cadbury that this principle had been established well before the end of the century. 84 Shannon, p. 263. 85 Ibid., p. 261. 8 6 Ibid., pp. 247-55. Shannon states: "in Stein Seeley provides Englishmen with an example of the way in which a foreign country, de-feated and demoralized, won i t s way back to greatness by means of a deliberate policy of discipline, education, 'Masculine grasp of reality,' harsh but salutary social and p o l i t i c a l reconstruction, a l l within a clearly recognizable framework of a national idea and an idealized state." Shannon:further suggests that Stein represents "a struggle between a moral conception of the state—Stein's Prussia—and an immoral conception — t h e Napoleonic Empire, embodiment of the universal monarchy principle." In "The Church as a Teacher of Morality," in Essays in Church Policy (1868), Seeley argued.that as morality must be p o l i t i c a l , i t must be national, and advocated not only that the National Church had a duty to teach morality, but that such teaching should stem from national history, not traditional and irrelevant sources like the Old Testament. 87 This was perhaps the f i r s t articulation of the "heartland 155 theory" of geopolitics which was later to be developed by John Halford Mackinder i n The Geographical Pivot of History (1904) and Britain and the British Seas (1902). 88 See J. R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (Chicago, 1971), p. 237. The book stemmed from two sets of lectures, delivered between the autumn of 1881 and the spring of 1882. F i r s t published as a book in 1883 i t sold 80,000 copies in two years. According to John Gross's "Introduction," p. x i i , the p o l i t i c a l climate of the following decade did nothing to detract from i t s appearl. 89 90 91 92 93 94 See Shannon, p. 259. Ibid., p. 257. See John Gross, "Introduction" to Seeley, p. xvi. See Seeley, p. 227. See The Times (17 November 1900). In a l l fairness.it must be said that there were moves to make Rosebery take over the Liberal leadership well before the Glasgow speech. Beatrice Webb, for example, records in her diary a pro-Rosebery 'anti-l i t t l e England' party at R. B. Haldane's on 16 March 1900. See Our Partnership (London, 1948), p. 198. However, the point at issue here i s not the attempt'to force Rosebery's return to the leadership of the Liberal Party, but rather the attempt to form a new party altogether— one which would have a catholic appeal. 95 ' According to Havighurst, p. 24, 2,100,000 voted for the Oppo-sition. 96 Such dissatisfaction stemmed largely from Salisbury's failure to strengthen the Cabinet and;to curb the powers of the Treasury. 97 Ensor, p. 346, has noted that the camps were "grossly mis-managed" and that diseases were r i f e . In the period between January 1901 and February 1902, 20,177 inmates died out of a maximum population of 117,871. 98 H. Pelling, Modern Britain, 1885-1955 (London, 1969), p. 38, has stated that the formation of the new party hardly created a s t i r because of these events. 99 Only two LRC candidates, Keir Hardie and Richard Bell, were elected i n the 1900 election. H. Pelling, The Origins of the Labour Party 1880-1900. (London, 1966), pp. 212-13, has noted: "It was not sur-prising that the LRC was unable to organize the labour vote adequately 156 at such an early stage of i t s career. There were as yet no central funds to finance contests, and the Committee could do no more than endorse the candidates, proposed by i t s constituent bodies. Out of a total LRC expenditure in i t s f i r s t year of less than fi200, only f33 was spent d i -rectly on. the General Election." Nevertheless, the LRC managed to run fifteen candidates. 1 0 0 See Webb, p. 218. She noted that Haldane visited her on 8. .. July and pleaded for Sidney to come to a dinner in honour of Asquith at the Hotel Cecil on 19 July, saying "we are fighting for our lives." 1 0 1 On the same day as Haldane visited the Webbs they received a letter from G. B. Shaw suggesting that they went along with Rosebery as he believed i t provided the best opportunity for "moulding a home policy." 102 Webb, naturally enough, was particularly successful in ap-pealing to those on the l e f t . On 8 November 1901, Sidney Webb delivered a lecture to the Fabian Society. As can be seen from the reprint of the lecture, "Twentieth Century P o l i t i c s : A Policy of National Efficiency," Fabian Tract, p. 108, much of the content of this lecture had appeared in his article for Nineteenth Century. 103 Sidney Webb, "Lord Rosebery's Escape from Houndsditch," Nineteenth Century and After, 50 (September 1901), p. 368. 104 Ibid., pp. 366-68. Ibid., p. 355. 1 0 6 Ibid., p. 369. 107 See B. B. Gilbert, p. 77. For a f u l l explanation of the "national minimum" see S. and B..Webb, Industrial Democracy (London, 1898) . 108 Webb, "Lord. Rosebery's Escape . . .," p. 355. 109 Ibid., p. 381. 110 Ibid., p. 377. 1 1 1 Ibid., pp. 377-81. 112 Ibid., p. 381. 113 Ibid., pp. 384-85. 114 Ibid., p. 384. 115 See A. White, Efficiency and Empire (London, 1901), pp. 102-3. 157 1 1 6 White, p. 103. 117 See B. S. Rowntree, Poverty: A Study of Town Life (London, 1901), pp. 216-21. 118 See B. B. Gilbert, "Health and P o l i t i c s : The Physical Deteri-oration Report," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 39 (1955), 145. 119 See W. T. Steed, "How the Other Half Lives: The Way We Under-mine Our National Efficiency," Review of Reviews, 24 (December 1901), 642-45. 120 See 'Miles' "Where to Get Men," Contemporary Review, 81 (January 1902), 78-79. The January issue also contained an ar t i c l e by G. F. G. Masterman.entitled, "The Social Abyss," which was a review of Rowntree's recent book. This. may. have added wood to the f i r e . 1 2 1 Ibid., p. 80. 122 Ibid., p. 81. 123 Ibid. 124 See J. M.. Mackintosh, Trends of Opinion About Public Health, 1901-1951 (London, 1953), p. 2. 125 See Major-General Sir J. F. Maurice, "National Health: A Soldier's Study," Contemporary- Review, 83 (January 1903), 41-56. This article was based on a lecture: given to the Civic Society of Glasgow. The lecture stemmed from the personal observations of the author and the then Inspector General of Recruiting: see the Lancet, i i (6 August 1904), 391. The influence of Booth and Rowntree and other social reformers on Maurice was obviously considerable. It is interesting to note how he ties their work together .in his request for government investigation. For example, of Mayhew's articles in the Morning Chronicle Maurice re-marks: "Did not approach the work of Booth . . . But even so they had this remarkable result, that by a sequence not d i f f i c u l t to trace they revolutionised the whole conditions of our industrial l i f e . They pro-duced probably.comparatively l i t t l e effect upon the minds of the many, but they did what was much more important, they produced a most intense effect upon the minds of the few. They stimulated my father and his friends and that very important personage in the evolution of our social l i f e , now I suppose wholly forgotten, Mr. Slaney . . . [he] succeeded in getting a searching Parliamentary Inquiry . . . ." G.-F.. Shee, "The Deterioration in National Physique," Nine-teenth Century and After, 53 (May 1903), 797-804. 127 See The Times, 18 and 21 November; 3, 14, 16, 24, 26, 28, and 30 December 1901. 158 128 See for example: 'Centurion,' "Shall We Get a Serious Army?" National Review, 37 (March 1901), 178-87; 'The Author of "Drifting,"' "The Economic Decay of Great Britain," Contemporary Review, 79 (May 1901), 609-38; idem, "Economic Decay of Great Britain 2,"Contemporary Review, 79 (June 1901), 783-812; idem, "Economic Decay of Great Britain 3," Con-temporary Review, 80 (August 1901), 264-83; E. E. Williams, "Made in Germany—Five Years After," National Review, 38 (September 1901) , 130-44; Lt. General S. Warren, "Some Lessons from the South African War," National Review, 38 (October 1901), 181-96; idem, "Some Further Lessons from the War," National Review, 38 (November 1901), 383-401; H. R. White, "The Problem of Tuberculosis," Westminster Review, 158 (November 1901), 545-52; 'Yolet Capel,' "England's P e r i l , " Westminster Review, 157 (Feb-ruary 1902), 163-70; idem, "Personnel for Our Army," Westminster Review, 157 (March 1902), 266-70; H. Bell, "The Crisis in British Industry," National Review, 39 (April 1902), 295-304; W. R. Lawson, "Our Company Directors," National Review, 40 (July 1902), 118-28; Lord Newton, "A Radical's Plea for Conscription," National Review, 37 (June 1901), 533-37. B. B. Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, p. 82, n. 48, has suggested that Leo Maxse, the owner-editor of the right-wing National Review made National Efficiency something of a crusade. 129 See for example: G. G. Coulton, Public Schools and Public Needs (London, 1901), and. L. Magnus, ed., National Education: A Symposium (London, 1901). 130 See especially Alfred Marshall's "Memorandum on the Fiscal Policy of International Trade" which was written in August of 1903 and later published.as a White Paper (321) in 1908. The section entitled "Changes Affecting England's Industrial Leadership (59-70)" contains a very pertinent paragraph.: "Many of the sons of manufacturers [have been] content to follow mechanically the load given by their fathers. They have,worked shorter hours, and they have exerted themselves less to ob-tain practical ideas than their fathers had done, and thus a part of England's leadership was destroyed rapidly. In the 'nineties i t became clear that in the future Englishmen must take business as seriously as their grandfathers had done, and as their American and German rivals were doing: that their training for business must be methodical, like that of their new rivals, and not merely practical, on lines that had sufficed for the simpler world.of two generations ago: and lastly that the time has passed at which they could afford merely to teach foreigners and not learn from in return." 131 See R. Balmforth, "Darwinism and Empire," Westminster Review, 158 (July 1902), 1-13. This ar t i c l e .is particularly interesting because i t shows the use and popularity of such ideas as "natural selection" and the "survival of the f i t t e s t " in the discussion of empire at the begin-ning of the twentieth century. See also: Robert Blatchford, Britain for the British (London 1902); the sources by A. White cited in note 2; Sidney Webb, "Physical Degeneracy or Race Suicide," The Times (11 and 16 159 October 1906) and the "Decline of the Birthrate," Fabian Tract, 131 (1907); G. B. Shaw, Man and Superman (London, 1903); K. Pearson, "National Deterioration," a letter to The Times (25 August 1905); and H. G. Wells, The New Machiavelli (London, 1911). It should be noted as L. A. Farrall has done in "The Origins of the English Eugenics Movement, 1865-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1965), p. 303, that Pearson was among the many who lectured on the significance of the British defeats in the South African war. Among the printed sources which discuss Pearson's contribution i s Semmel, pp. 35-52. It should also be noted that the relationship between physical deterioration, race, and the state of British c i t i e s was a familiar one to eugenicists. J. E. Morgan, The Danger of Deterioration of Race from too Rapid Increase of Great Cities (1866) and J. H. Bridges, "Influence of Ci v i l i z a t i o n on Health," Fort-nightly Review (August 1869),. pp. 140-61, provided support for W. R. Gregg's "On the Failure of 'Natural Selection' in the Case of Man," Fraser's Magazine (September 1868), which tried to explain the deteri-oration of health and physique which was thought to be taking place among the English population. S. A. K. Strahan's Marriage and Disease: A Study of Hereditary and the.More Important Family Degenerations (London, 1892) provided figures showing increasing rates of insanity, mental illness, tuberculosis, and cancer,, and stated that i t was virtually impossible to find a family which had survived for three or more generations in London. Also Haycraft's Darwinism and Race Progress (London, 1895), included a chapter on- the "Causes and Sign of Physical Deterioration." See Farrall, pp. 15-52. 132 By 1905 the Boys' Brigade was twenty-one years old. In that year General Baden-Powell took an interest in the movement. In the following year he wrote. Scouting for Boys which led to the f i r s t scout troops in 1907. 133 This was reported in The Times on the following day, 6 Decem-ber 1901. 134 There are many, descriptions of the Co-Efficients. Among the participants see: L. S. Amery, My Political Life (London, 1953); W. A. Hewins, The Apologia of an Imperialist (London, 1929); Bertrand Russell, Portraits from Memory and Other Essays (London, 1956). H. G. Wells de-scribed the Co-Efficients in his novel The New Machiavelli. (London, 1911) as the Pentegram Circle. Among the more recent studies of the period see Semmel, Imperialism and Social Reform. Most of the participants are well known and need no introduction. Of the less familiar W. A. S. Hewins was the f i r s t director of the London School of Economics;. W. Pember Reeves was the Agent General in London for the New Zealand Government; L. S. Amery was a graduate of B a l l i o l , a Fabian soci a l i s t in his youth and later a staunch Chamberlain Unionist, who became a Times war correspondent; Sir Clinton Dawkins was also a graduate of B a l l i o l , a man with India Office experience, and a partner of the financial house of J. S. Morgan; J. A. Garvin was with the 160 Observer and W. F. Monypenny was with The Times; Juliet Corbett was a naval historian; F. S. Oliver was the biographer of Alexander Hamilton; Josiah Wedgewood was an MP of long standing and a naval architect. 135 See, for example, Chesterfield speech of 16 December 1901. 136 Searle, p. 42, has suggested: "At once leader writers and politicians, with Rosebery to the fore, took these verses as their text, and for many months no after-dinner speech was complete without some reference to the dangers of substituting sport for more 'serious' pur-suits ." 137 One might also add Chamberlain's Birmingham speech of 15 May 1903 as a contributing factor. By attacking Free Trade and advocating Imperial Preference he made .inevitable a s p l i t in the precarious alliance between Fabian socialists, Unionists, and Liberal Imperialists. 138 The crucial section of Selbourne's memorandum went: "The more the composition;of the new German fleet i s examined the clearer i t becomes that i t is designed for a possible conflict with the British fleet." See A. J. Marder, From.Dreadnaught to Scapa Flow: The Royal Navy in the Fisher Era, 1904-1919, 1 (London, 1961), 107. 139 For a discussion,of this point see Monger, p. 82. 140 See Searle, p. 143. 141 See Arthur Shadwell, Industrial Efficiency: A Comparative Study of Industrial Life in England, Germany and America . (London, 1906). 142 See T. C. Horsfall,. The Example of Germany.: The Improvement of the Dwellings, and Surroundings of the People (Manchester, 1904), pp. 161-62. 143 See W. T. Steed,.ed., Coming Men on Coming Questions (London, 1905), p. 314. 144 See J. L. Bashford, "The German Army System,and How i t Works," Nineteenth Century and After, 56 (October, 1904), 620. 145 Sir Henry Birehenough, "Compulsory Education and Compulsory Military Training," Nineteenth Century and After, 56 (July, 1904), 22. 146 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (7 March 1902), col. 789. 1 4 7 Ibid., col. 790. Report:of the Royal Commission on Physical Training (Scot-land) , Cd. 1507 (1903), vol. 1, p. 30, para. 162. 161 149 Report . . . on Physical Training . . ., Minutes of Evidence, Cd 1508, vol. 2, Q. 760, evidence of J. E. Legge. 150 Ibid., Q. 8140. 151 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 30, para. 165ff. 152 Ibid., para. 210. 153 See "The Report of the Privy Council upon Physical Deteriora-tion ," The Lancet, i i (6 August 1904), 391. According to The Lancet the memorandum was written in April and published as a Parliamentary Paper on 16 July 1903. 1 5 4 TV, Ibid. 155 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (6 July 1903), col. 1325. 1 5 6 Ibid., cols. 1330, 1331, 1332-34, 1327, and 1324. 157 Ibid.,,cols. 1350-51. 158 See Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, Minutes of Evidence, Cd. 2210 (1904). 159 See the British Medical Journal, i i (25 July 1903), 207-8. Prior to the: Royal Colleges being asked an opinion and the consequent promise of the Duke of Devonshire to provide a 'searching inquiry,' the British Medical Journal had sat on the fence. By comparison The Lancet had challenged General Maurice's assertions. 160 According to The Lancet, i i (6 August 1904), 391, the Duke of Devonshire had suggested that a Royal Commission was the best route to take in his July speech to the House of Lords. 1 6 1 Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, p. 91, n. 70, states that the Scottish Report received "virtually no attention until the interdepartmental committee made i t s report." 1 6 2 Questions relating to the conditions of the working classes were areas which came under the jurisdiction of the Home Office and the Local Government Board. The Chairman of the Inter-departmental Committee, Almeric Fitzroy, Memoirs, 1 (London, 1925), 259, has shown that both of these Departments of State were against any investigation. It i s perhaps interesting to note that the Royal Commission on Physical Training (Scot-land) was both an entirely Scottish a f f a i r , though i t did rely to a cer-tain degree on English, experts and information, and an educational one. 163 The Secretary of the Treasury, George Murray, praised the Committee for having done the work of a Royal Commission at one tenth of 162 the cost: see Fitzroy, p. 214. The terms of reference were changed from: "To make a preliminary Inquiry into the allegations concerning the deter-ioration of certain classes of the population as shown by the large percentage of rejections for physical causes of recruits for the army and by other evidence, especially the report of the Commission on Physical Training; and to consider in what manner the medical profession can best be consulted on the subject with a view to the appointment of the Royal Commission and the terms of reference to such a commission i f appointed"; to "(i) to determine with such aid of such counsel as the medical pro-fession are able to give the steps that should be taken to furnish the Government and the nation at large with periodical data for an accurate comparative estimate of the health and physique of the people; (ii) to indicate generally the causes of such .physical deterioration as does exist in certain classes; and ( i i i ) to point out the means by which i t can most effectively be diminished." The Committee was comprised of Almeric Fitzroy, Col. G. M. Fox (former head of the Army Gymnastic School), H. M. Lindsell (Assistant Secretary to the Board of Education), Col. G. T. Onslow (Inspector of Marine Recruiting), Dr. John Tatham (General Registry Office). No medi-cal Officer of Health was appointed. 164 The Report and Appendix.were presented to Parliament on 21 July 1904 (Cd. 2175 and 2210 respectively). The influence of Charles Booth, B. S. Rowntree, and a man who w i l l figure later in the text, Sir John E. Gorst, MP, can, be seen by the fact that they were.included among the sixty-eight witnesses selected. 165 It should be pointed out that there had been some anthro-pometric studies done in the nineteenth century and that these had been taken into consideration,, i.e., the survey conducted by Dr. Bridges and Dr. Homes in 1873, and the British Association's study of 1878-83. See Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration (Cd. 2175) (1904), paras. 13-14. 166 Ibid., para. 94. 167 168 169 170 Ibid., para 100. Ibid., para. 107: Manchester particularly was cited. Ibid., paras. 160 and 173. Ibid., para. 289. "With the exception of Mr. Edward Rees, whose panacea was fresh air, a l l the witnesses concurred in claiming the f i r s t place for food. 'Food,' says Dr. Eicholz, is the point about which turns the whole problem of degeneracy. There is f i r s t the want of food, secondly, the irregularity in the way which children get their meals, and thirdly, the non-suitability of the food when they get i t . . . ." 1 7 1 TK-^, Ibid. 163 172 Report on Physical Deterioration, para. 220. 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 192 193 Ibid. Ibid. paras. 284, 285, and 287. para. 238. para. 255. para. 271. para. 283. paras. 284, 285, and 287. para. 286. para. 332. para. 335. Minutes of Evidence, Q. 452. Q. 9974. Q. 3992. passim. para. 243. para. no. 3. no. 9. no. 10. no. 11. Further evidence of their intention is de-picted in no. 28 which is concerned with the purity of milk. 191 no'. 5. para. 293. Minutes, no. 20 and 20. 37. This point was also made in the periodical press. Mary Davies, for example, wrote: "The Feeding of School Children and Cookery Classes," Contemporary Review, 87 (April 1905), 564-69; and "Physical Deterioration and the Teaching of Cookery." Contemporary Review (January 1905), pp. 88-94. 194 Minutes, no. 17 and no. 52, 164 195 Minutes, no. 20 and no. 29. Ibid., no. 33. 197 Ibid., no. 32. 1 9 8 Report, para. 426. 165 CHAPTER IV THE ENACTMENT OF A SOCIAL BLUE-PRINT: THE MEDICAL INSPECTION AND FEEDING OF SCHOOL CHILDREN —INITIAL STEPS IN-LONG-TERM SOCIAL PLANNING Between the publication of the Inter-departmental Committee Re-port on Physical Deterioration and the introduction of free medical inspection for elementary school children in 1907 the British social system became a topic of major debate among the very highest levels of p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Such debate was not without effect. During the f i r s t twelve months of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman1s Liberal Government legal precedents were established which opened the way for the 'Welfare State.' Through the introduction of health and welfare programmes for elementary school children in 1906 and 1907 the State acknowledged i t s duties to-wards the protection of i t s citizens. Looking back at the social reforms of these early years i t is easy to suggest that legislation was not only sporadic and followed no logical progression, but was inadequate to meet the f u l l needs of society. Criticism of this type f a i l s to understand the nuances and subtleties of Edwardian p o l i t i c s . Moreover, i t b e l i t t l e s the great steps that were taken. Severe problems faced those who wished to introduce social re-forms. On one side the leaders of both old-line p o l i t i c a l parties were reluctant because of financial considerations to allow Parliament to in-dulge in the discussion of such 'luxuries.' On the other side the advo-cates of social reform, besides facing Cabinet reluctance, and, i f in 166 opposition, often a lack of enthusiasm among their own leadership, found themselves in a quandary. The London and York surveys which had helped to isolate the conditions and causes of poverty had also opened the door to a multitude of questions concerning the conditions of labour. Like-wise, the Royal Commission of Physical Training (Scotland) of 1903 and the Inter-departmental Committee Report on Physical Deterioration of 1904 had raised numerous questions concerning the standards of health and the quality of the diet of a l l age-groups among the population. As a result, the major problem facing social reformers was not how to over-come the indifference and reluctance of the nation's leadership, but the selection of a measure which would establish a precedent for others. It is with these d i f f i c u l t i e s and subtleties in mind that any debate on the breakdown of the Poor Laws should be discussed. ± I The f i r s t Unionist Government of the twentieth century, though 2 responsible for in i t i a t i n g numerous committees of investigation, largely avoided acts of social reform. Nevertheless, i t was a member of the Unionist Party, Sir John Eldon Gorst, who not only adopted the issue of child health and welfare and made i t a major concern among social re-formers, but who played an. important role in the preparation of legis-lation to improve the health of school children. Despite being in his late sixties Gorst was probably in tune more with members of the young Idealist school of politicians and c i v i l servants who had 'come down' from Oxford over the last thirty years of the nineteenth century than 167 with members of his own Party. Gorst 1s thinking on social reform had been greatly influenced by members of the Disraeli Government of 1874 to 1875. As a result he retained a large measure of respect for the lower orders. It was, in fact, his continued appreciation of the very real hazards that the more humble orders faced which alienated Gorst from members of his own Party. Bentley Gilbert has maintained: His cynicism about the goodness of men in general and po l i t i c s in particular, his small regard for such Tory ikons as the land and the Church, his lack of enthusiasm for the Boer war when i t began, and most important, his continued advocacy of social reform—all these served to isolate Gorst from his Party.3 4 . Gorst's many speeches and articles in the important periodicals of the period il l u s t r a t e that he was very well-informed of the latest in social thinking. It seems likely that the source of much of his infor-mation must have been Toynbee Hall. Gorst made many v i s i t s to this 5 "research laboratory for social reformers." There he must have had numerous- conversations with his.friend, Reverend Samuel Barnett, and many young Oxford graduates 6 who could have provided him with an accurate picture of working-class conditions. Gorst's involvement in education began in. 189.5 when he was appointed Vice-President to the Privy Council. He was, therefore, at a 7 senior level when the f i r s t steps were being taken towards an o f f i c i a l acknowledgement of the State having a specific duty to safeguard the g health and welfare of children. Gorst f e l t obliged to resign over the 1902 Education Act. His later attacks on the Unionist Government over their failure to do anything about child health led the future Liberal 168 Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, to remark in the House of Commons that "educationally they owed a great deal to the fact that the right 9 honourable Gentleman was unmuzzled." It was as a backbencher that Gorst f i r s t noted the important point that attempting to teach children who were too physically unfit to benefit from.,educational instruction was the "height of absurdity." 1 0 Later in 1903 Gorst decided to leave the Conservative Party over t a r i f f s . He realized that while t a r i f f reformers had given their approval to social measures which would both improve the condition of the people and enhance the national physique, they had acted as a force against legislation because they demanded that reforms should only be financed out of revenue collected through a general t a r i f f . As a result, he f e l t obliged to attack those who supported t a r i f f s . In an a r t i c l e , mainly for a North American audience Gorst explained how t a r i f f s , through their consequent effects on wages and prices, could have a detrimental effect on the lives of children. Speci-f i c a l l y , he argued that a policy designed to retaliate against German t a r i f f s would be disastrous.. Relying heavily on the work of Booth and Rowntree as well as information gleaned from the Royal Commission on Physical Training (Scotland) and the debates concerning the standard of recruits for the British army, Gorst wrote: To estimate the poss i b i l i t y of persuading the electors to adopt a scheme which involves a tax on food, the true economic condition of the people of the United Kingdom.must be taken into consideration. The mass are workers whose l i f e is a continuous struggle to obtain for themselves and their families food, clothing and shelter. There is a certain sum of money which w i l l purchase enough of these to secure moderate comfort. This is called "the living wage." It varies in different parts of the country, owing chiefly to variations 169 in prices, not of food or clothing, but of shelter. What proportion of the people f a i l to obtain this l i v i n g wage cannot be certainly and accurately determined by any stat i s t i c s in existence. The best conjecture seems to be that i t cannot be less than thirty per cent. These people are half-starving themselves, and are bringing up half-starving families of children. The condition of disease, debility and defective sight and hearing, in the public elementary schools in poorer d i s t r i c t s , i s appalling. The research of a recent Royal Com-mission has disclosed that of the children in public elementary schools in Edinburgh, seventy per cent are suffering from disease of some kind, more than:half from defective vision, nearly half from defective hearing, and thirty per cent from starvation. The physical deterioration of recruits who offer themselves for the army is a sub-ject of increasing concern. There are grounds for at least suspecting a growing degeneracy of the population of the United Kingdom particu-larly in the great towns.H As a result, he concluded that an increase in food prices brought about by the introduction of t a r i f f s would raise the scale of the "minimum wage" everywhere. This would mean not only that those families on or below the poverty line would suffer even greater hardships and deprivations, but also that some of those previously above, the line who had only known the real miseries of poverty at times of c r i s i s would now experience them on a continuous.basis.. It was his belief that "the actual experience of such a catastrophe would create a revulsion so violent as to threaten 12 the stability of society." Concern for the health and welfare of children preceded the publi-cation of the Inter-departmental Committee Report on Physical Deteriora-tion. On 20. April 1904, Gorst embarrassed the Government by seconding a 13 motion by Claude Hay.for feeding compulsorily educated children. Immed-iately after the publication of the Report, and as soon as the subject could feasibly be broached in Parliament, Gorst was on his feet again 14 recommending that local authorities be given the power to feed. Such 170 attacks drew many supporters, especially from the Labour benches. Will Crooks, another man equally dissatisfied with the Government's lack of action, pointed out sarcastically: Dealing with the question of underfed children attending schools the honourable Member urged that something should be done in this matter at once, and that i t should not be put off to next year. The ques-tion has been discussed for years, and i t would be postponed again and passed on to the honourable Gentleman's successor i f the policy which had been pursued in the past were continued,15 Nevertheless, the matter was put off un t i l the following year. When the King's speech came to be read, no mention was made of any intention to feed needy school children. What was more, the Unionist Government appeared to have no plans for any legislation stemming from the Report. In fact, i t is known that Gorst's successor at the Board of Education, William Anson, a man who was also in favour of reform, had been told by A. J. Balfour, as early as May of 1904, that he could be "as sympathetic 16 as he liked but there would.be no increase in the rates." A clearer indication of the Government's desire to do nothing may be gleaned from Cabinet Minutes. On 10 February 1905, only a few days before Parliament was due to .open, the President of the Board of Education, the Marquis of Londonderry, suggested to the Cabinet that the Government should do nothing about the Physical Deterioration Report. The method of obstruction he suggested was the old device of setting up a second committee to investigate the findings of the f i r s t . This he believed,, would be sufficient to avoid any nasty questions over the king's speech by giving the appearance that something was being done. In this way any action could be postponed until new findings were available, 171 and providing the new committee approached the subject with preconceived conclusions, as he recommended they should,, the whole matter might be dropped. 1 7 The Government followed Londonderry's advice. In March of 1905 the Inter-departmental Committee on the Medical Inspection and Feeding of Children Attending Public Elementary Schools was established. The terms of reference were such that, to a l l intents and purposes, the Com-mittee was confined to noting results. Despite these limitations, the Report when published in November of the same year, revealed some impor-tant facts. With regard to medical inspection the Committee concluded that the "results [left] something to be desired, and that there [was] 18 much room for improvement." Where medical problems or defects were identified the Committee found that, with the exception of minor ailments such as small sores which could be dealt with by nurses, no treatment was provided for fear of reducing the parents to poverty. In addition, i t was found that medical investigations were conducted in only a few areas. Small towns and rural areas appeared to be particularly badly 19 off in this regard. As far as school feeding went, the Committee was not asked to establish the number of children in need of whether existing voluntary agencies could deal with the task: neither was i t asked to evaluate whether the cost of feeding should be born out of public funds. For this reason, Sir John Gorst and Dr. T. J. MacNamara declined the Committee's invitation to give evidence on grounds that no useful purpose 20 could be served. Nevertheless, in spite of the absence of two of the more important proponents of measures to improve child health and welfare, 172 and the f a c t that the Committee noted that there was a substantial number of voluntary school feeding organizations i n operation—some 350 i n t o t a l of which more than 150 were i n London—the Report was able to convey the impression that the whole voluntary system of providing meals for school . . 21 c h i l d r e n needed serious reorganizing. To a c e r t a i n extent, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or the Unionist Govern-ment's f a i l u r e to do anything about- the pressing problems pointed out by the various Inter-departmental Committee Reports lay with the Local Government Board and the Treasury. The former, u n t i l at l e a s t 1910, represented a very conservative i n s t i t u t i o n drenched i n the p r i n c i p l e s of the 'workhouse t e s t ' and 'less e l i g i b i l i t y . ' Roy Macleod who has examined the workings of the Local Government Board i n some d e t a i l during t h i s period has remarked: Although the LGB had been among the f i r s t departments to s c r u t i n i s e i t s administrative p r a c t i c e s , the department lacked the fresh enthus-iasm which Robert Morant brought to i t s sister-board of Education. Instead two ageing and conservative vestiges of the "old School," Samuel Provis and A l f r e d Adrian, Permanent Secretary and Legal Adviser, r e s p e c t i v e l y , remained i n power as the LGB moved into the twentieth century. The animus of reform d i d not s i g n i f i c a n t l y per-vade the department/until both men r e t i r e d i n 1910. In the f i r s t dec-ade of the century, the Board was thus prey to those who saw i t as the representative of a l l who opposed reform i n the c e n t r a l machinery of government. The new century had scarcely begun when, during the s i t t i n g s of the Committee of Supply, the Board was attacked for i t s d i l a t o r y response to growing demands for better housing, a revised poor law and improved national health. S i r Walter Foster, Parliamentary Sec-retary, took care to place the major blame for these delays at the door of the Treasury.22 If the Government thought i t could get o f f the hook by ignoring the issues, by blaming the Treasury, or, at worst, by using delaying 173 tactics, i t was mistaken. On 20 January 1905 the National Labour Confer-ence on the State Maintenance of Children met at the Guildhall and declared unanimously in favour of State maintenance "as a necessary corollary of Universal Compulsory Education, and as a means of p a r t i a l l y arresting the physical deterioration of the industrial population of this country, which is now generally recognized as a grave national danger," and called upon the Government to introduce legislation which would permit local authorities to provide school children with meals out of 23 the national exchequer. The Government also faced a rising clamour from teachers. The National Union of Teachers came out strongly in 24 favour of legislation at.their 1905 annual conference in Llandudno. Likewise, a conference of School Attendance Officers' Association passed a similar resolution. 2 5 Agitation of this sort found many supporters in Parliament. On 14 February 1905 Sir John Gorst brought the matter up again. On the 23rd he promised the Government no respite until i t did something, and maintained: He would bring i t upon the Irish Estimates, the Scottish Estimates, and the English Estimates, and he would entreat the Government for the sake of the nation and the Empire . . . not to neglect the recom-mendations of the Committee.26 Within a.month two B i l l s had been placed before the House for f i r s t read-27 ing by Claude Hay and Arthur Henderson. A v i s i t in April by an impressive and influential quartet—Gorst, Dr. Robert Hutchison, a leading dietician, Dr. T. J. MacNamara, and the Countess of Warwick—to the now infamous Johanne Street School was 174 sufficient to cause both immediate local action and a debate in the House of Commons. An examination of twenty boys by Dr. Hutchison revealed malnutrition to be so acute that effective school work was quite impos-28 sible. Pressure by the quartet on the local body responsible for the administration of the Poor Laws made the Lambeth Board of Guardians pro-29 vide out-door r e l i e f for a l l necessitous school children in their area. On 18 April 1905 J. B. Slack, the MP for St. Albans, proposed a motion for school feeding. This resolution marked an.important stage in the movement for child health. Besides obtaining support from a l l sides of 30 the House the discussion allowed the Labour MP, Keir Hardie, to get to the heart of the problem and to note a new feature. He said: It was no longer said that this matter should be l e f t to private charity. The dispute at the present moment between those who sup-ported and those who opposed the motion was. as to whether the money necessary was to come from the education fund or the poor fund. This was a very important point gained. He understood the conten-tion of the Honourable Baronet [Sir George Bartley] who moved the Amendment was that parents whose children had to be provided for were in a condition of poverty because of their own intemperate habits. He desired most emphatically to protest against that assump-tion. The investigations made by Mr. Booth in London, and Mr. Rowntree at York proved conclusively that one-third of the population were in poverty not because they were intemperate or because they indulged in betting, but.because the wages they received were not sufficient to provide them with the requirements of comfort and decency. Were people in.that condition to be punished twice, f i r s t for denying them a living wage in exchange for labour, and next pauperizing them?31 He concluded his very astute speech by indicating a number of options 32 open to the House preferable to the pauperization of parents. More sig-nificantly he pointed to paragraph number 426 of the Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration. The Board of Education 175 and the Local Government Board, he said, "should be more helpful pending 33 legislation." If they took this to heart something could be done pro-viding the debate engendered the "large-hearted sentiment" for which the Report called. To a l l this William Anson could only promise that the Local Government Board would be issuing an order to a l l Boards of Guar-34 dians throughout the country by which school children might be fed. When the Relief (School Children) Order was fi n a l l y issued on 26 April 1906, i t s scope was extremely limited. Only children living with their fathers in a permanent state of impoverishment, or where their parents were able to pay for meals but failed to do so, were eligible. According to C. A. E l l i o t , the Chairman of the Committee on Underfed Children established by the London County.Council, the exclusion of a l l orphans and children of widows reduced the number of underfed children who were eligible by. more than half. Further, he believed that the restriction to children in a permanent state of impoverishment ruled out 35 more than half the remainder.. Nevertheless, the Order did allow the child of parents who. failed to pay to be fed.for a period of one month, and for the Poor Law authorities to prosecute such parents for cruelty or vagrancy. Despite the Order's limitations i t i s of particular signif-icance for two reasons. Fi r s t , though the Order l e f t the working man and his family firmly under the Poor Law, i t s importance, as in the case of the Chamberlain C i r c u l a r , 3 6 l i e s in the fact that i t represented a 37 definite indication of the direction in which things were moving. 38 Second, reaction to the Order was such as to make i t a dead letter. Within a very short time school authorities were up in arms over the 176 harsh methods of the so-called 'Guardians of the Poor' had come to believe that they served no useful purpose for education. Parents became even more heated in their objection to the methods used and reacted by refus-ing to allow their children to accept meals. Moreover, the Order had the effect of cutting back the flow of voluntary subscriptions. As the Order applied only to the absolutely destitute, this meant that many children who were not technically destitute but who had been helped before because they went to school hungry, were not permitted to be fed. In this way the notion that the.only way to administer effectively the provision of school meals was to put them under the direction of education authorities was confirmed.. This had the effect of ensuring that no new Act of Parliament providing either for the feeding or medical inspection of 39 school children would be entrusted to the Local Government Board. When the electorate,decided that they had had enough of Unionist government in December of 1905,. those who favoured the adoption of measures to secure the health and welfare of children had no real reason for believing that the new Liberal administration.under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman would look any more favourably towards their plans than A. J. Balfour's Cabinet had done. As has already been mentioned, the Liberal leaders had been absent when the previous Government had been defeated in a non-party vote. In addition, the Liberal election manifestos has contained no mention of .plans for either the medical inspection or feeding of public elementary school children. Thus when William Wilson, the newly elected Labour MP for Lancaster, won the draw for private mem-ber's B i l l s , luck took a slight hand in keeping the spotlight of public 177 attention on the issues and in maintaining pressure on Britain's leader-, . 4 0 ship. Robert Morant, the senior c i v i l servant at the Board of Education was forewarned of Wilson.'s intentions. He went uninvited to a meeting of the Independent Labour Party at Clifford's Inn where the physical welfare of children was under discussion, and assured those present of his agree-41 ment with their aims. How he came to be there is uncertain. On the evidence of his Educational Code of 1902 and a letter he later wrote to Margaret McMillan he had long thought that the physical condition of 42 scholars was of more importance than the subjects taught. What seems lik e l y i s that the Webbs, knowing of Morant's beliefs, advised him of the forthcoming meeting. In any event Morant advised his opposite number at the Local Government Board that a proposal was imminent and suggested 43 that they should organize talks between their two departments. The B i l l eventually put before Parliament gave the responsibility for school feeding to local authorities. Opening the second reading of the B i l l , Wilson stated that there were many families existing on less than 18 shillings a week, a sum clearly insufficient to feed a growing family. Returning to the well-used efficiency arguments he asked the House to look at the B i l l s t r i c t l y on business grounds, and argued that the money spent on school meals would be well invested "because not only would the children be better equipped for fighting the battle pf l i f e , but i t would be found . . . that the expenditure on prisons, workhouses, 44 and asylums was considerably reduced." During the debate, which followed the President of the Board of Education made an important acknowledgement. 178 Besides concurring that the French experience indicated that educational authorities were the appropriate branch of government to administer school meals, he stated that " i f the child could not be taught before i t was fed, 45 then fed I t had to be." In spite of this admission B i r r e l l attempted to send the B i l l to a Select Committee. Many MP's having been fooled by this tactic once too often saw this move as yet another delaying device 46 and would have nothing to do with i t . To reduce the disquiet John Burns, the President of the Local Government Board, agreed to adopt the B i l l and to devote Government time to i t as soon as the Select Committee's 47 report was received. In this way, and not because of any legal or moral obligation, the Liberal Cabinet, though with obvious i n i t i a l reluc-tance, came to support this measure of social reform and eventually to introduce the most remarkable and controversial invasion of the Poor Law 48 yet seen. The exact nature of the new attitude that this invasion represented was made clear in a speech to the House of Lords by Lord Grimthorpe. He remarked: The children are the paramount consideration . . . In a great many cases the parents are.already demoralized owing to themselves having been insufficiently, nourished in their youth. Because they suffer from these conditions there is no reason why we should i n f l i c t simi-lar conditions on the children . . . Experience in these matters shows us that the sense of parental responsibility w i l l be increased rather than decreased. When the parent sees that his child i s re-garded by the nation as a valuable national asset, he himself w i l l think more of the child.49 When the B i l l was fi n a l l y enacted on 21 December 1906, i t was not as extensive as originally proposed. Ironically the Lords had excluded, at the B i l l ' s penultimate stage,, the very children who had been the 179 earliest subject of investigation, from the benefits of the Act. This symptom of revolt by the Lords maintained the high level of public in-terest that the B i l l had held right to the last. It caused the Liberal Prime Minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, to t e l l the House, in his only intervention in defence of school meals, that while the Lords' Amendment would have to be accepted their objections were a l l "moonshine." Specifically he stated that the removal of Scotland from the B i l l repre-sented "the strongest case of inversion of authority on these Constitu-tional matters, that they had ever seen. Stronger than the Education 50 B i l l , stronger than the Plural Voting B i l l , was this l i t t l e thing." Despite the Act's limitations there is no doubt i t represented a major yard-stick of social progress. The seed sown so long ago by Victor Hugo and the Destitute Children' Dinner association had at last come to national.fruition. The controversy concerning 'over-pressure in elemen-tary schools had allowed the matter to germinate, and the National Efficiency movement and the c r i s i s created by the Boer war had proved 51 that compulsory education without feeding was harmful to health. The law in i t s f i n a l form was permissive, merely providing local education authorities with the power to provide public elementary school children with meals. No authority was compelled to feed needy children. Author-i t i e s were permitted three alternatives for funding such programmes. They could either s o l i c i t monies from voluntary organizations or ask their students to pay for the food they received, or, in the last resort, they could provide the meals out of public funds on condition that the charge on the rates did not exceed more than one halfpenny in the pound. 180 In effect, this last alternative demonstrated that the State had at last f u l l y recognized that i t had a duty to protect the health and welfare of i t s children. Something of a social revolution had, in fact, occurred. The child of the working man had become a v i t a l national resource. A legal precedent had been established by which a particular group within the community might obtain social welfare without having to suffer the rigours of the Poor Law. In philosophic terms the Act established a principle for further social reforms. But most important of a l l , i t helped remove the threat of disenfranchisement, the fear of pauperiza-tion, and the belief that those then at the bottom of the social pyramid were second-class citizens. II While the fight against the Education (Provision of Meals) Act of 1906 was mainly in terms, of the principle involved, opposition to the provision of medical inspection of children attending public elementary schools was mainly over details. For this reason, the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907 which incorporated medical i n -spection for elementary school children, never sparked the same public commotion that the.School. Meals Act had created. Reference has already been made in an earlier chapter to the f i r s t medical inspections of school children in Bradford by Dr. James Kerr, and to the terrible state of health and hygiene that these inspec-tions revealed. Likewise, mention has already been made.of the adoption of both school feeding and the medical inspection of school children as 181 part of the programme of State maintenance advocated by socialist groups during the latter part of the nineteenth century. In the period before the National Efficiency campaign moved into top gear few new voices were heard asking for the medical inspection of school children. From the time when national physical deterioration became.a matter of grave con-sideration, however, the subject of medical inspection emerged as a topic of considerable ..importance and much debate. This concern took two forms. On the one.hand there were those who wanted to make sure, by establishing an anthropometric survey, that the British race was not physically deteriorating before their eyes. On the other were those who saw.the terrible conditions of working-class child l i f e on a regular basis and wanted a system of medical inspections set up so that something could be done to reduce the amount of disease and sickness. One of the f i r s t to propose school medical inspection on behalf of the former group was that ardent imperialist and close friend of Chamberlain, Milner and Rhodes, Sir Edward Grey. In November of 1901. he wrote a letter to the London Times in connection with their "Crisis in British Industry" series of articles. He believed that the real c r i s i s lay not with the nature.of British industry i t s e l f but in the condition of the average British worker. Specifically he was worried that i t might not be possible for the third generation of slum^-born, polluted-city dwellers to bear the heavy burden of empire. He argued that the success of Britain's livestock farmers in nearly doubling the size of British breeds of cattle and sheep over a fifty-year period by recording their weights and by paying careful attention to the needs of 182 the animals in their charge, offered a perfect example for the rearing of children in Britain. He suggested an annual stock-taking in which every school child be weighed, and measured as an essential preliminary 52 to the adoption of measures to secure the national physique. According to the Presidential Address of Sir James Crichton-Browne to the Medical Section of the International Congress for the Welfare and Protection of Children on 15 July 1902, the favourable reception given to this proposal marked a great and beneficial.change in the British attitude towards 53 child study. O f f i c i a l recognition and endorsement for the idea of medical inspection for school children also came from both the medical profession and from teachers.. On 14 November 1903, some five days before Dr. Arthur Newsholme's ar t i c l e , "The Organization of the Medical Inspection of Schools," was published in the British Medical Journal, the British 54 . Medical Association came .out in. favour of medical inspection. A l i t t l e more than a year later a meeting of the Society of Medical Officers of Health urged that medical inspection should be conducted by general practitioners, not special whole-time doctors or Medical Officers of 55 Health. The British Medical Journal was quick to notice the importance of this. Within a few days .the Journal had begun a campaign to draw the distinction, between the two ways of dealing with the medical inspection of school children. On 14 January 1905, a leading article pointed out that the periodical medical inspection that Sir Lauder Brunton had talked of when he had introduced the subject to the meeting of Medical Officers of Health,, would f a i l to pick out the feeble-minded, the short-sighted 183 and the underfed child before preventable damage was done. On the other hand, i t argued, the general practitioner, because he knew both the area and the local people, and because he could v i s i t the local schools on a regular basis, would be able to supervise the health of the children in-volved, and cases of infectious diseases, underfeeding and overpressure 56 would be spotted quickly.. The Journal continued to keep this point of view before i t s readers over the next few months. In February of 1906, the Journal, in another leading a r t i c l e , took i t s proposal a stage further. Because only two of the fifty-eight county councils had ap-proved an organized scheme.of medical .inspections (less than seventeen had actually.discussed the. matter), and as it.believed the forthcoming report of the Royal Commissioners on the care and control of the feeble-minded was bound to reiterate the recommendation of the Committee on Physical Deterioration for medical inspection of school children, the Journal suggested, a four-point plan for medical inspection: (i) that there should be.a medical department at the Board of Education; (ii) that there should be a medical officer for schools for each local educa-tion authority; ( i i i ) that the salaries of MOH's should appear in the Education. Account; and (iv) each authority should submit a report to 57 the Medical Department of the Board of Education. In August of 1904, the editor of the Schoolmaster (an organ of 58 the National Union of Teachers) Dr. T. J. MacNamara, a man with some thirty years experience in elementary education as both a teacher and a member of the London School Board, wrote an art i c l e for Nineteenth Century and After entitled, "The Physical Condition of Working-class 184 Children," which strongly favoured the introduction of medical inspec-tion. MacNamara's argument is interesting because i t shows how opposite sides of the p o l i t i c a l spectrum could come together to preserve the health.of children. Besides insisting that i t was both essential to the prosperity of.the nation and a duty, not just of the benevolently in-clined, but.of the community as a whole to see that every child had food to eat, warm clothing to put on, and a comfortable house to live in, MacNamara also considered that the medical inspection of school children was a communal obligation. A l l this, he argued, might sound like "rank socialism" but, in fact, it.was nothing more than "first-class imper-ialism." To prove his point he asked only that people should read the 59 last article in a recently, published report of the Board of Education which showed just how. far people in Brussels considered their obligation to their children to run. 6 0 Semi-official groups also endorsed the idea of the medical inspec-tion of school children. One such, group called the National League for Physical Education and Improvement included a number of Medical Officers of Health and.such influential people as the Bishops of Ripon and South-wark, Bramwell Booth, R. B. Haldane, Lord Alverstone, and the man who had started off the whole dabate. on physical deterioration, Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice. In February of 1906 this group sent a delegation to the Board of Education.to see i f they could use their influence p r i -vately to have the medical inspection of school children included in the Education B i l l that they knew was being prepared at the time. 6 1 Besides arguments based on British business efficiency, 185 imperialism, physical deterioration and s t r i c t l y medical reasons, demo-graphic considerations also influenced those who advocated the medical inspection of school children. As long ago as 1883 J. R. Seeley had argued in Expansion of England that the same technological advances which had once made larger p o l i t i c a l units possible would also be the undoing of such units were the states in question not to expand their scale of operation. 6 2 It was perhaps with this comment in mind that Joseph Chamberlain put forward the hypothesis, in a speech at the Guild-hall in January of 1904, that in military or economic r i v a l r i e s , victory 6 3 would go to the one with the big battalions.. It was not without good reason, therefore, that.the growing disparity between the population of 64 Germany and that of Britain began to cause alarm. The medical profession became particularly alarmed at the declin-ing birthrate and the appallingly high infant mortality-rate. In June of 1905 Dr. Sampson Moore,, the Medical. Officer of Health for Hudders-f i e l d , published.a very detailed report on infant mortality. It went through four editions, in a very short time. Dr. G. F. McLeary, a lead-ing authority on the early infant welfare movement, believed that " i t [was] doubtful whether any other report by a medical officer of health [had] had such a popular reception.." 6 5 This success was. quickly followed by the publication of.Dr. George Newman's influential book, Infant Mortality (1906). Also in 1905 the f i r s t infant welfare congress was held on the Continent. Though the British Government did not send o f f i c i a l representatives, local authorities such as Huddersfield, Batter-sea and Glasgow d i d . 6 6 In June of the following year a national 186 conference on infant mortality was held in London. Shortly afterwards Dr. George Newman, who was soon to join Robert Morant at the Board of Education as the Chief.Medical Officer, noted that Britain was "burning the candle at both ends." He pointed out that in 1905 alone some 120,000 infants under one year of age had died and that this was very grave in view of the marked decline in the birth rate. "It is idle to wonder at physical deterioration," he continued: If the majority of the nation's infants have before they grow up to pass under such unfavourable influences as are able to k i l l 150 in every thousand. A high infant mortality must therefore be taken, as Sir John Simon said, to denote a prevalence of those causes and con-ditions which, in the long run, being about a degeneration of the race. 6 7 As a result, he argued, that the f i r s t remedy needed was regular medical inspection, and advocated that each child should be examined at least three times during i t s school, l i f e , while those needing treatment should be examined more o f t e n . 6 8 On 26 May 1905 a sub-committee of the Fabian Society was set up to consider the very problem of birth-rate and infant mortality sta-t i s t i c s . This committee provided an informal interim statement to The Times on the 11th and,18th of October, 1906. The most alarming fact revealed by the report was the confirmation of an earlier statement by the eugenicist, Karl Pearson, that the poorest 25 per cent of the British population were producing about 50 per cent of the next generation. This, according to Sidney Webb, the author of the report, could only lead to national deterioration. Webb's solution, as had been Pearson's, was the 'endowment of motherhood.' He stated confidently: Once the production of healthy, moral and intelligent citizens i s reveired as a social service and made the subject of deliberate praise and encouragement on the.part of the Government, i t w i l l , we may be sure, attract the best and most patriotic citizens.^9 The f i r s t indication that the question of medical inspection of school children was to be raised.in Parliament came as early as 2 April 1906. On that day the Labour MP, Will Thorne, introduced a B i l l which would not only have provided secular education and a free meal to every child, attending State-supported schools, but would also have made i t necessary for every local, education authority to appoint a medical officer to carry out the medical inspection of students. In both the case of meals and of medical inspections the costs were to be met by 70 the Imperial Exchequer. Because the B i l l was brought forward by a private member and time was limited, medical inspection never reached the order paper on this occasion. The demand for the medical inspection of school children began in earnest in Parliament with the Education B i l l of 1906. On 9 April, the newly-elected Liberal MP, C. F. G. Masterman, came out against the Government, in his maiden speech to the House, because he believed that the B i l l did not go far enough. Particularly he pointed to the question of medical inspection which he noted had been started by a few local authorities in a rather random and spasmodic manner. He believed there were many MP's who would like to see such practices carried out systema-71 t i c a l l y at the national charge. In between readings the matter was taken up by the Labour MP for Merthyr Tydvil. He specifically asked the President of the Board of Education whether he contemplated the 188 creation of a special medical staff to supervise the efforts of the local educational authorities in attending to the health and physical 72 condition of the children in their charge. On 14 July the Liberal MP for Berwickshire, H. J. Tennant, him-self a Scot, proposed an Amendment to the Education B i l l for England and Wales. This would specifically have made i t a duty of every local authority to attend to the health and physical condition of children in their charge. . In support of his claim that arguments for medical inspec-tion were "overwhelming," he cited statements from.the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration, the Royal Commission on Physical Training (Scotland), and the recent study concerning the physical condi-tion of children in Dundee undertaken by the Dundee Social Union, as well as bringing the House's.attention to the compulsory programme for medical inspection in Germany., Switzerland, and the United States of America. "Education in this country," he said, "was compulsory and universal, and therefore the conditions upon which education depended ought to be 73 compulsory." There then followed a lengthy debate in which a consider-able amount of support was advocated and l i t t l e objection to the measure heard. C. F. G. Masterman .registered his opinion that no satisfactory settlement could be reached until there was medical inspection of 74 schools. Sir Gilbert Parker reminded the House that the request for the measure had come from both sides of the House and argued that i f a plebecite were to be held tomorrow a great majority would be found to support i t . In addition, he believed that inspection would have as great an effect on the lives and health of slum children as had compulsory 189 75 attendance. T. J. McNamara pointed out that Brussels, a city one-tenth the size of London, had eight times as large a medical staff as had Britain's capital. He was of the view that the problem, before the House was much more pressing than anything the Board of Education had worried about in. the last three years. 7 6 On one thing many MP's of a l l parties agreed: a system of medical., inspection would be worth a l l the rest of 77 the B i l l put together. It was as the result.of a question by W. C. Bridgeman, the MP for Oswestry, that matters turned to the important, question.of treatment. In addition to reminding the Committee that there was also the matter of pre-schoolers to be considered, he asked for c l a r i f i c a t i o n on whether the Amendment meant to include the cost of treatment. It was perhaps for this reason that Augustine B i r r e l l asked for the acceptance of an Amendment which would, clearly put the onus of responsibility with the 78 local authorities not the central government. The advocacy of this Amendment by the President of the Board of Education led Dr. T. J. McNamara to ask B i r r e l l whether he meant inspection on a compulsory 79 basis. In response B i r r e l l stated that i t was not in his mind that 80 there should be treatment. MacNamara replied that he had not asked 81 about treatment but .-.about inspection. To this B i r r e l l argued that 82 inspection, on a continuous .basis implied treatment. Seen in that light C. F. G. Masterman believed that B i r r e l l ' s Amendment did not represent the desires of the committee and that inspection would be quite useless 83 unless i t was carried out on a continuous basis. A l l this discussion, though proving the profound interest in the medical inspection of school 190 children, was to be of no avail as B i r r e l l ' s Amendment was to die with the B i l l in December of 1906. Early in the new year two other B i l l s were presented to Parliament which incorporated the medical inspection of school children. The f i r s t of these was also a private member's B i l l . On 15 February Walter Rea, the Liberal MP for Scarborough introduced a B i l l to be known as the Edu-cation (Vacation Schools and Medical Inspection) Act. This B i l l took verbatim the two operative clauses from the 1906 Education B i l l . The one dealing with medical inspection stated that i t was: The duty [of every local authority] to provide for the medical inspec-tion of children before or at the time of their admission to public elementary school, and on such other occasions as the Board of Educa-tion direct, and the power to make such arrangements as may be sancti-fied by the Board of Education for attending to the health and physical condition of the children educated in public elementary schools. 8 4 The second B i l l , to be known as the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, was introduced on behalf of the Government by the newly appointed President of the Board of.Education, Reginald McKenna, and was supported by Augustine B i r r e l l and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education, Thomas Lough.. It included among a number of provisions the same two measures, in exactly the same wording, as were present in Rea's 85 original proposal. On 1 March Rea introduced his B i l l for second reading. He made i t perfectly clear that the two operative clauses had come directly from the derelict Education B i l l . Specifically he noted that both of the clauses, and particularly the one dealing with medical inspection which 191 he considered to be the more important one of the two, had already been accepted by the leader of the Opposition, by Sir William Anson, and by 86 Dr. T. J. MacNamara., as well as both sides of the House generally. At that time Thomas Lough, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education said that there were perfectly good reasons why the Government should give the B i l l i t s "benevolent support": not only were the two clauses taken from a Government measure, but both had been regarded as being 'non-contentious' in both the Lords and the Commons. In addition, he stated that he saw no reason why the B i l l should be rejected just be-87 cause the Government was introducing an Education B i l l . Three months later there was s t i l l no sign of the Government's B i l l . When Rea's B i l l came up for consideration on 14 June after being 88 . amended by a Standing Committee, i t came as no surprise to anyone when Colonel Lockwood expressed the opinion that the measure ought to be adopted by the Government. Furthermore, he told the House that he had recently had the opportunity of introducing an influential deputation .to the President of the Board of Education and that they had strongly empha-89 sized the need for the supervision of child health. It was also at this point that W. W. Ashley asked for the insertion of a clause which would allow local authorities.to recover the cost of "attending to the 90 health and physical condition of children." It is clear from Lough's reply not only that members of the Government were well aware that treat-91 ment would be involved, but also that such treatment was necessary. In the division that was forced those in favour of recovering the costs from parents were overwhelmed by a considerable margin (229 to 39). At least four members of the Cabinet were present and helped defeat the 92 motion. 192 Despite i t s successful-passage through the House-the B i l l 93 never came up for a third reading, nor was formally adopted by the Government. Instead the Government preferred to proceed with the second reading of i t s own B i l l . On 31 July McKenna introduced what he called a "non-contentious" B i l l . Far from allowing medical inspection to be hidden in a mass of other provisions, the President of the Board of 94 Education drew specific attention to Clause 10 and stressed that i t dealt with the subject of medical inspection in exactly the same form as the one which had been.introduced by Rea and had already been approved 95 by the House. Nevertheless, on 12.August, after the B i l l had returned from the Standing Committee, the Opposition introduced the principle, as they had done when the Education B i l l of 1906 and Rea's B i l l had been discussed, of charging parents who could afford to pay for treatment. 96 As on the previous occasions such a proposition was quashed in division. At the second reading of the B i l l in the Lords no attempt was made to enshroud the medical inspection clause in a cloud of other issues. To the contrary, the Earl of Crewe who introduced the B i l l on behalf of the Government., drew specific attention to the fact that McKenna had been unable to accept the proposal that parents who could afford to pay for treatment.should be made to do so on similar lines to the Pro-vision of Meals Act. Specifically he argued that in a number of in-stances the failure to attend to child health problems was due more to ignorance than to neglect.and that i f parents were to be charged for v i s i t s of doctors and nurses to their homes as the result of school medi-cal inspections, the result would be that parents would refuse to allow 193 such people into their homes. He also pointed out that the cost of med-i c a l inspection was to be met by an increased grant to local authorities 97 in the next Estimates. It would, therefore, appear that the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act which was f i n a l l y enacted on 28 August 1907, came about in a very frank and candid manner. There can be no doubt that a l l in-volved, knew that medical inspection meant treatment. That the Act came 98 about without the public clamour that accompanied.the School Meals Act owed more to the fact that the medical inspection of school children had become a non-contentious issue long before the Liberal Government attempted to deal with i t , than to the p o l i t i c a l antics of Robert 99 Morant. In turn, the reason i t was no longer contentious owed much to the establishment of the principle that the health and welfare of children was to be considered as being of more importance than the demor-alization of the parents which the School Meals Act had embodied. Even among those who were sincerely concerned about how the costs of this new service were to be met there i s evidence to suggest that the majority considered the a b i l i t y of the local authority to pay for the measure a more important motive for asking the parents to meet the costs of out-of-school treatment than the demoralizing effect of free treatment on the parents. Therefore, while i t is impossible to assess fu l l y the involve-ment of Robert Morant in the development of measures to enhance the health and welfare of children before 1908 On the basis of existing evi-100 dence, i t would appear that i f there was any "administrative-political trick" on the part of the Board's Permanent Secretary, i t was in reality 194 nothing more than a mild deception. What seems more lik e l y i s that what Morant held back from McKenna was not that inspection would lead to treatment—McKenna knew that--but rather his estimate of the magnitude of disease and deformity amongst the child population. As a result, McKenna was neither able to estimate r e a l i s t i c a l l y the cost of rectify-ing the situation nor to foresee the demand for a large medical depart-ment that would necessarily arise. In this way the Education (Adminis-trative Provisions) Act of 1907 inaugurated quietly a medical service based on personal health care, not public health. Equally important, the Act, by setting up regular medical examinations for children, opened the way for the practice of preventative medicine. In so doing the Act found great favour with the bulk of the medical profession and social reformers like Margaret McMillan. Whatever the case, in the years that followed Morant's hypothesis was proven correct. Medical inspection of school children and Reports by the Commissioners on the Poor Law showed that vast sections of the working class were plagued by sickness as they grew up. To rectify this situation the Board of Education expanded i t s Medical Department, made more funds available, sent out numerous Circulars on how to improve child health, helped, found school c l i n i c s and did a host of other things including attempting to co-ordinate the work of school medical officers with that of public health o f f i c i a l s . Revelations concerning the appal-ling standards of recruits for the British Army during the Fi r s t World War pushed affairs a stage further. In 1918 an Education Act was passed which made i t the duty of local education authorities to provide treatment 195 for dental and visual defects, enlarged tonsils and adenoids, minor ailments generally and ringworm. In the following year a further Education Act made treatment compulsory. In many ways the Act was re-dundant. By that time nine out of ten local education authorities had begun to exercise their powers and had been responsible for establish-ing some seven hundred school c l i n i c s . In a number of instances these school c l i n i c s were combined with maternity and child welfare centres saving space and the duplication of treatment equipment. In addition, many education authorities had made special arrangements with local hospitals.1^"'" The stage was set for the establishment of a f u l l Ministry of Health with Sir Robert Morant as i t s f i r s t Permanent Secretary. 196 FOOTNOTES 1 The context in which the 1 break-up' of the Poor Law is normally understood i s the period of social reforms of the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century. A contemporary of the period, W. A. Bailward, "Some Recent Developments of Poor Relief," Economic Journal, 22 (December 1912) wrote of the 'break-up' in the following terms: "The movement known as the 'break-up' of the Poor Law has set in with increasing rapidity within the last few years; and to-day some four or five different bodies admin-ister r e l i e f where there was only one before . . . The principle Acts by which the 'break-up' has been effected are the Unemployed Workman's Act of 1905, the Provision of Meals Act of 1906, the Old Age Pensions Act of 1908 and the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907 . . . ." W. A. Bailward.was a senior member of the Charity Organization Society. See S. and B. Webb, English Poor Law History, 2, The Last Hundred Years, 9 (London, 1929), 808. 2 For example, see the activities of the Departmental Committee to Look into Ways of Improving the Administrative Procedures of the War Office (1900); The Royal Commission, on the Medical Arrangements for the South African War (1900).; Departmental Inquiry into the Break-down of Remounts; Royal Commission of Inquiry into, the War in South Africa (1903); The Butler Committee on the Disposal of War Stores (1905) . These were in addition to the ones dealing with the health of the nation. 3 B. B. Gilbert, "Sir John Eldon Gorst and the Children of the Nation," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 28 (1954), 244. 4 See, for example, Sir John E. Gorst, "Children's Rights," National Review, 45 (June 1905), 705-15; "Social Reform," Nineteenth Century and After, 53 (March 1903), 519-32; "Governments and Social Reform," Fortnightly Review, 77 n.s. (May 1905), 843-55. 5 Herbert Asquith referred to what had been created at St. Jude's Whitechapel in these terms. See H. M. Lynd, England in the 1880's (London, 1945), p. 221. Toynbee Hall along with the Royal St a t i s t i c a l Society were the two bases from which Charles Booth conducted his monu-mental study of London. 6 Some of the more distinguished residents were: Ernest Aves, Sir William Beveridge, Sir W. J. Braithwaite, Sir H. Llewelyn Smith, Sir Robert Morant, Vaughn Nash, Sir Arthur Slayter ( c i v i l servants); A. M. Carr-Saunders, Henry Clay, Sir Gregory Foster, Sir Cyril Jackson, D. H. MacGregor, R. H. Tawney, E. H. Urwick (educators), Justice Herbert du Parcq; Sir Walter Layton, J. A. Spender (Journalists); Clement Atlee, Lord Pentland, and E. F. Wise (politicians). 7 Sir George Newman, Health and Social Evolution (London, 1931), 197 p. 133, has suggested that school medical services had their origins in the Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf) Act of 1893 and the Education (Defective and Epileptic Children) Act of 1899. 8 As Vice President of the Privy Council Gorst was the presiding officer of the Committee on Education.. This was renamed the Board of Education in 1899. g Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (10 August 1904), col. 54. 1 0 Ibid. (9 July 1903), col. 194. X ± Sir John E. Gorst, "Mr. Chamberlain's Proposals," North Amer-ican Review, 161 (August 1903), 163-64. 12 Ibid., p. 164. 13 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (4 March 1904), and (28 March 1904) , col. 905. On 28 March .he said he wished: "to direct attention to the physical condition.of the children in elementary schools. This matter has frequently been discussed by the House, and he wished to know how long i t was to remain a subject of discussion and inquiry and when the Board of Education would see i t s way clear to make some practical steps to ameliorate the condition of the children." For Claude Hay's motion see ibid. (20 April 1904), col. 789. 14 Ibid. (10 August 1904), col. 53. 1 5 Ibid., col. 82-83. 1 6 See R. L. Morant to A. J. Balfour (3 December 1904), British Museum, Add. MSS. 49787, Balfour Papers, 105, f. 123: cited by B. B. Gilbert, "Health and Po l i t i c s : The British Physical Deterioration Report of 1904," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 39 (1965), 150. 17 See Lord Londonderry to Cabinet, MS. Memorandum (10 February 1905) , Ministry of Education, Private Office Papers "Education (Pro-vision of Meals) B i l l , " unsorted: cited by Gilbert, "Health and Po l i t i c s , " p. 151. 18 "Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Medical Inspec-tion and Feeding.of School Children Attending Public Elementary Schools," Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 2779 (1905), p. 31, sect. 113. 19 Ibid., p. 14, sect. 60. 20 Ibid., p. 33, sect. .114. The Committee noted, that Gorst and MacNamara had given their unrestricted opinion as to "how adequate nutri-tion could be obtained." The terms of reference were restricted to 198 ascertaining the, results of medical inspection of school children in public elementary schools, and inquiring into methods, expenditures and r e l i e f given by voluntary agencies for the provision of meals for c h i l -dren attending such schools and to reporting on whether r e l i e f of this character could be better organized without any charge on public funds. It should be stressed that the Committee emphasized the narrow limits in which they were permitted to operate. 21 See L. Andrews, "The School Meals Service," British Journal of Educational.Studies, 20 (February 1972) , 72. 22 See R. MacLeod, "Treasury Control and Social Administration: A Study of Establishment Growth at the Local Government Board, 1871-1905," Occasional Papers on Social Administration, 23 (1968), 39-40. 23 See the Report of the National Labour Conference on the State Maintenance of Children (1905), p. 25: cited by M. E. Buckley, The Feed-ing of School Children (London 1914), p. 32. 24 See the "Report of the Select Committee on Education (Pro-vision of Meals) B i l l (England and Wales),. Parliamentary Papers (1906), Cd. 288, Qs. 792, 924, and 925: cited by Buckley, pp. 32-33. 25 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (18 April 1905), p. 533: cited by Buckley, p. 33. 2 6 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser. (23 February 1904), col. 1145. 2 7 Ibid. (27 and 29 March 1905), cols. 1307-9 and 1543. 28 The Johanna Street School,had been one place which had re-vealed terrible conditions. See Minutes of Evidence, "Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on Physical Deterioration," Cd. 2210. On 20 March, Anson had visited the school and found nothing amiss. See Parliamentary Debates (20 March 1905), cols. 455-56. Gorst's descrip-tion of these events may. be. found in the Children of the Nation (New York, 1907), pp. 86-87. 29 See Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain: The Origins of the Welfare State. (London, 1966), p. 99. 30 31 32 33 See Buckley, p. 38. Parliamentary Debates (18 April 1905), col. 531. Ibid., col. 534. Ibid., col. 556. For details of this paragraph see previous chapter. 199 34 Ibid., col. 562. The division over J. B. Slack's motion was not treated as a party question. It i s interesting to note that no Liberal leader was present when the vote was taken. The Government was defeated by a margin of 100 votes to 64. 35 See Appendix G, Report of the Joint Committee on Underfed Children for the Session 1904-5, London County Council (July 1905), p. 23. 36 See Circular issued by the Local Government Board, 15 March 1886: see chapter 2, n. 103. 37 . See Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance m Great Britain, pp. 100-101. 38 See Louise S. Bryant, School Feeding, Its Origins and Prac-tice at Home and Abroad. (Philadelphia, 1913), p. 42. 39 Ibid., p. 42. 40 W. T. Wilson was Chairman of the Amalgamated. Society of Car-penters and Joiners.. Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance, p. 109, n. 17, has suggested that Gorst "may have made one of his most important of his many contributions to social reform by obtaining from the Trade Union Congress in 1904 a resolution in favour of school feed-ing." 41 . See Bernard Allen, Sir Robert Morant: A Great Public Servant (London, 1934), p. 231. 4 2 Ibid. 43 See R. L. Morant (unsigned) to Samuel Provis (23 February 1906), Ministry of Education, B i l l F i l e , Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906. This stated that Morant believed his President's mind was practically a blank on the subject, and that the Liberal Party was prob-ably divided on the issue. In order to put Augustine B i r r e l l in the picture, Morant prepared a memorandum on 26 February which reviewed the history of school feeding, the evidence to the Inter-departmental Com-mittee on Physical Deterioration and the background to the Local Govern-ment Board Order of 26^-April 1905. See Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, p. 110. 44 Parliamentary Debates (2 March 1906), col. 1390ff. 4 5 Ibid., col. 1440-43. 46 See, for example, the speech of Will Crooks. He asked specif-i c a l l y that the Charity Organization not be allowed to give evidence as he believed they would try to delay the reform. See ibid., col. 1448. 200 47 Ibid., cols. 1446-47. 48 See S. and B. Webb, p. 110. They place the importance of this measure in this light. 49 50 51 Parliamentary Debates (20 December 1906), col. 1637. Ibid. (21 December 1906), cols. 1870-72. Sir George Newman, The Building of the Nation's Health (London, 1939), has suggested that a movement to feed needy school children began to make headway in the latter part of the nineteenth century; Sir Arthur Newsholme, Fifty Years in Public Health: A Personal Narrative with Com-ments (London, 1935), pp. 385-87, has indicated how in 1884 'over-pressure' in elementary schools was probably instrumental in focussing attention on under-feeding. In March 1902, Newsholme read a paper to the Childhood Society entitled, "A Plea for the Exclusion of Children under Five Years of Age from Public Elementary Schools." He noted that his concerns about the harmful affects of education were reflected in the o f f i c i a l memorandum of Robert Morant to the Education Code of 1905. This stated, "children under five years of age are not required by law to attend school, and there is reason for believing that the attendance of such children is often accompanied by danger to health." 52 See The Times (26,.November 1901). 53 See Sir James Crichton-Browne, "Physical Efficiency in Chil-dren," Presidential Address to the Medical Section of the International Congress for the Welfare and Protection of Children (London, 1902), p. 4. 54 Arthur Newsholme had already presented a paper to the Ses-sional Meeting of the Sanitary Institute entitled, "The Health of Scholars, with Special Reference to the Educational Code of the Board of Education," in 1899. He noted in Fifty Years in Public Health, pp. 390-91, that the Society of Medical Officers of Health having heard a paper that was published in Public Health, 15, by Dr. Meredith Richards, passed certain resolutions which were forwarded to both the Board of Education and the Local Government Board. One advocated inter alia that "the hygiene control of public elementary and other public schools should devolve on the medical officer of health of the d i s t r i c t " ; and that "the medical officer of health should be required to record the actions taken by his department in regard to schools, and to forward annually to the Board of Education such portions of his report as relate..to this subject." He also noted (p. 392): "The British Medical Association was active in forcing the hand of the Board of Education; and in Scotland much pioneer work in expediting the medical inspection of school and scholars was accomplished." 55 See The Times (10.January 1905). 201 5 6 See the British Medical Journal (14 January 1905), p. 85. 5 7 Ibid. (17 February. 1905), pp. 400-402. 58 T. J. MacNamara was editor of the Schoolmaster and a member of the London School Board between 1896 and 1902. In 1900 he became the Liberal MP for Camberwell. In 1907 he became Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government.. Board. In addition, MacNamara had been elected as the President of the National Union of Teachers in 1896. He was a strong Nonconformist. 59 See Jessie D. Montgomery, "School Hygiene in Brussels," Special Reports on Educational Subjects, 2, Parliamentary Papers, C 8943 (1898) . 6 0 Dr. T. J. MacNamara, "The Physical Condition .of Working-class Children," Nineteenth Century and After, 56 (August 1904), 307-11. 6 1 The delegation visited the Board of Education on 27 February 1906. See Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, pp. 122-23. For information regarding the formation and activ-i t i e s of this organization see Public Health, 16 (February 1905), 274-92, or The Times (20 and 29 June 1905). 62 See G. R. Searle, The Quest for National Efficiency, A Study in British Politics and Political Thought, 1899-1914 (Oxford, 1971), p. 70. 6 3 „ See ibid. 64 In 1850 Germany's population was not quite eleven millions greater than Britain's.: In 1871 Germany's population;was less than ten millions greater than Britain's. But by 1900 Germany's population was nearly fourteen millions greater. See Andre Armengaud, "Population in Europe, 1700-1914," Fontana Economic History of Europe (London, 1970), p. 14, and Sir Robert Ensor, England 1870-1914 (London, 1966), p. 102. 6 5 G. F. McLeary, The Early History of the Infant Welfare Move-ment (London, 1933), p. 90. 6 6 See G. F. McLeary, The Maternity and Child Welfare Movement (London, 1935), p. 9. 67 See George Newman, The Health and the State (London, 1907), pp. 109-10. 68 Ibid. 69 See Sidney Webb, "The Decline in the Birthrate," Fabian Tract, 202 131 (1907). For an examination of Karl Pearson's views see his letter to The Times (25 August 1905). 70 See B i l l to be known as Elementary State Education Act, Parlia-mentary Papers (1906), 2, p. 199. The B i l l was supported by Messrs. Barnes, Roberts, Walsh, Richards, Henderson, Hudson, and Parker. 71 See Parliamentary- Debates (9 April 1906), cols. 1046-51. 7 2 Ibid. (14 June 1906), cols. 1144-45. 7 3 Ibid. (14 July 1906), cols. 1376-79. 74 Ibid., cols. 1379-80. 75 Ibid., cols. 1380-82. 7 6 Ibid., cols. 1382-83. 77 For example: Sxr William Anson, C..-F. G. Masterman, Dr. T. J. MacNamara. 78 See Parliamentary Papers (14 July 1906), cols. 1395-98. The Amendment stated: "Shall be the duty.of every local authority to provide for the medical inspection of every child on i t s application for admis-sion to public elementary school, and on such other occasion as the Board of Education may direct or the local education authority may think f i t . " 79 Ibid., col. 1398. 8 0 Ibid. 8 1 Ibid. 82 , . , Ibid. Ibid., col. 1399. 84 See B i l l to be known as Education (Vacation Schools and Med-i c a l Inspection) Act, Parliamentary Papers, 1 (1907), p. 793: the B i l l was supported by Messrs. Shackleton, F. E. Smith, Tomkinson, Williamson, Guest, Masterman, and Tennant. 85 See Clause 10 of Education (Administrative Provisions) B i l l as presented .by McKenna on 28 February, Parliamentary Papers, 1 (1907), p. 801. 86 Parliamentary Papers (1 March 1907), cols. 425-27. 203 8 7 Parliamentary Papers. (1. March 1907), cols. 427-28. The B i l l passed i t s second reading without division. 88 The Standing Committee merely added the proviso with regard to vacation schools: "that in any exercise of powers under this section the local education authority may encourage and assist the establishment or continuance of voluntary agencies and associate with i t s e l f represen-tatives of voluntary associations for the purpose." See B i l l to be called Education (Vacation Schools and Medical.Inspection) Act, Parliamentary Papers, 1 (1907), p. 797. 89 90 91 92 Parliamentary Debates (14 June 1907), cols. 41-42. Ibid., col. 55. Ibid., col. 58. McKenna, Burns, Morley, and Sir Henry Fowler were present and voted against. Among the junior members of the Government who voted against were: Samuel, Lough, Runciman, Pease, Lewis, Norton, Shaw, Causton, and Robson. 93 The B i l l was supposed to come up for third reading on the Monday following, i.e., 17 June. One must therefore assume that Govern-ment intervention came,on the weekend of 15 to 16 June. 94 It became Clause 13 after the B i l l was amended by the Standing Committee. 95 Parliamentary Debates (31 July 1907), cols. 1097-99. 96 See especially the speech of J. D. Rees for his part in the discussion of this point on a l l three occasions. See ibid., cols. 925-27. 9 7 Ibid. (21 August 1907), col. 727. 98 The Charity Organization Society was partly responsible for this clamour. For an example of their protests see Sir Arthur Clay, "The Feeding of School Children," in J. St. Loe Strachey, ed., The Manu-facture of Paupers: A Protest and a Policy (London, 1907). Articles in this series appeared in the Spectator between May,and July of 1906. At that time Strachey.was i t s editor. Clay was an important figure with the COS. 99 Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance m Great Britain, pp. 117-18, has attributed the B i l l ' s quiet passage to an "administrative-p o l i t i c a l trick" on the part of Robert Morant. The prime consideration on which Gilbert's contention .is b u i l t appears to be the recollection of 204 Sir Lawrence Brock as expressed to Violet Markham over a decade after the fact. According to Brock, Morant knew: "but did not t e l l his Minister, that medical inspection would reveal such a mass of disease that no Government subsequently would be able to resist the demand of the Local Education Authorities to provide treatment. Morant told me himself that he foresaw what would happed and meant it to happen because without the horrifying results of inspection there was no chance for a B i l l authorizing treatment" (see Violet Markham, Friendship's Harvest [London, 1956], pp. 200-201). To go along with Gilbert's interpretation one must not only assume, as Gilbert does, that B i r r e l l ' s replacement at the Board of Education, Reginald McKenna, was an "unimaginative minister, who knew nothing of education, whose talent, whose interest, and whose best work would be entirely in the area of finance, and who had no understanding of the implications of school medical inspection" (see Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, p. 128); but also that neither members of the Government nor the House had any idea where medical inspection would necessarily lead them. 1 0 0 Allen's biography of Morant is quite inadequate for any r e a l i s t i c assessment of Morant's role in the development of school health programmes. Beyond Brock's statement Violet Markham is not very helpful. Though Gilbert has apparently examined the Board of Education Papers at length, his study does not portray Morant's role in any depth. See S. and V. Leff, The School Health Service (London, 1959), p. 61. 205 CONCLUSION The period of the Boer war was a watershed in more ways than one. Not only did i t see the end of the longest reign in modern times and the arrival of a new century, but i t represented the culmination of the nineteenth-century reaction against Benthamism, Evangelicism and Laissez-faire economics. Social,legislation thereafter was to be governed not by any Christian duty .or theory.of demoralization but by the principle of the needs of the State. To suggest that, socialists or.groups representing working-class interests were ultimately responsible for the enactment of legislation to ensure the health and welfare of working-class children i s to con-tinue the myth that such social legislation merely evolved. Such a sug-gestion f a i l s to take into consideration the time-lag between the point when the condition of working-class children was identified by the middle class and by Parliament as being intolerable, and the time when the Liberal administration of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman did something about the problem. The "Condition of England" question waxed and waned during the nineteenth century along with the p o l i t i c a l fortunes of the Whig and Tory Parties and the economic success of the nation. In the 1880's the ques-tion took on larger dimensions than ever before. Readers of the perio-dical press of the 1880's and the 1900's cannot help but notice the similarity that exists between the articles that appeared in both periods in the selection of subject matter, the approach used, and the objective intended. Child health was, as much a topic of concern for middle-class 206 late-Victorians as i t was for.middle-class Edwardians. For both groups the physical condition of.the working classes was an overriding concern. Yet major government action to ameliorate the working class and their children only began in the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century. Such a delay can only be explained by one or more of the following: (i) though the middle class were concerned about the condition of the working class they had no w i l l to do anything about i t ; (ii) concern generated during the 1880's was only of a local nature and was therefore insufficient to bring about national legislation;, ( i i i ) during the 1880's the moral code implicit in the Poor Law .was s t i l l strong enough to prevent any social action which was philosophically contradictory to i t ; and (iv) the 1890's were responsible, for defusing the issues which created the social c r i s i s of the 1880's. 1 2 Beatrice Webb's diary, the success of the Lord Mayor's appeal, and the flood of graduates participating in the university settlement movement a l l suggest that the late-Victorian middle class were not lack-ing in either the desire.or the w i l l to do something personally to improve the condition of the working class. Though Gareth Stedman Jones' work suggests that the problem of the casual poor and London were synony-mous, this was not the case. An examination of the press immediately after the Trafalgar Square r i o t of 1886 shows that the casual poor were 3 a pressing problem for a number of provincial c i t i e s . Nevertheless, while groups of casual poor may have been of concern to particular middle-class urban, communities, the casual poor as an entity in i t s e l f 4 was seldom seen as a national problem. The passage of the Medical 207 Relief (Disqualification Removal) Act in 1885 and Chamberlain's Local Government Board Circular of 1886 both clearly indicate that politicians were .quite prepared to overrule Poor Law principles when they thought the situation warranted i t . It has been argued in this thesis that the 1890's were a period in which the major elements responsible for creating the social c r i s i s of the 1880's were defused. Nevertheless, the fact that economic condi-tions changed for the better, and thus tended to defuse the c r i s i s , does not explain the success of the National Efficiency movement after 1900. This success appears to have.depended on a new c r i s i s . At the bottom of this crisis.were.the British military failures in southern Africa in 1899. These were responsible for jolting the British public out of their complacency and for. turning attention inward on to the social con-ditions of the British-working class. This moment of self-analysis came at a very propitious time for the advocates of social reform. Economic competition between Britain and her European rivals for markets -on the Continent and further afield had become intense.. Trade figures showed rapid advances for the United States of America and several. European countries, particularly Germany. With the population gap between Germany and Britain now showing signs of widening rapidly in Germany's favour, many in Britain now began to fear that her industrial capacity might be caught up i f not positively over-hauled. Prior to the redresses suffered at the hands of the Boers few in Britain, despite the well-publicized lessons of the Franco-Prussian war, had worried about Britain's a b i l i t y to fight a European land war. 208 The stark realization brought home to the British by the Boer war that her volunteer army, was no bigger than that of a minor power,^ and that the physical strength of her reserves and reinforcements l e f t much to be desired, was responsible for changing a l l this. Suddenly, i t appeared, the British found themselves alone and vulnerable. A l l this occurred at a point in time when traditional p o l i t i c a l parties were either out of favour with the electorate.or lacking widespread popular support. The Unionist leadership had lost the people's confidence: the Liberal Party was in complete disarray, and the Labour Party was as yet hardly born. This set of circumstances allowed what might otherwise have been a brief and muffled outburst on .the part of Lord Rosebery at a distant Scottish university to echo like a cannon going off in the nation's capital. In this way a wide variety of people, of differing p o l i t i c a l philosophies and-diverse vested interests, found themselves bound together by a common fate, their illusions and self-confidence shattered. Compelled to over-come their differences, they joined forces in defence of the nation and her empire. The common bond and sense of urgency that this mood engendered found outward expression in the movement for National Efficiency. The campaign which stemmed from this movement challenged the remaining ele-ments, of Gladstonian Liberalism and ensured that thereafter business principles and sci e n t i f i c reasoning would play a c r i t i c a l r 6 l e in the administration of Britain. In no area were these two new guiding forces more strongly f e l t than over the question of whether the British race was physically deteriorating. Britain, i t was now claimed, could no 209 longer afford to water i t s horses better than i t looked after i t s labour force. The School Meals Act of 1906 and the Administrative Provisions Act of 1907 were but two of several legislative measures adopted to secure a more physically efficient labour force. In terms of Government growth the two Acts had different impacts. At the local level the School Meals Act allowed authorities to provide meals as and when they desired. In consequence the number of local authorities setting up a special bureaucracy to deal with this provision was very limited in the immed-iate years following the B i l l ' s enactment. At the central level hardly any effect was felt.. By contrast the impact of the Administrative Pro-visions Act was both, immediate and considerable. The Board of Education found i t necessary to appoint a special medical department under the leadership of Dr. George Newman to advise and assist local authorities and to ensure that the Act was carried out. At the local level each school board was forced to employ a medical staff to carry out the re-quirements of the Act. In this way there came into existence Britain's f i r s t national, unified health service independent of the restrictions of the Poor Law. When the time came to set up a Ministry of Health after the Firs t World War i t was only natural that the experience gained by Morant and Newman in setting up a medical department at the Board of Education should be called upon again. By concentrating on the preparation of legislation which allowed needy children to be fed free of charge at the State's expense and to make i t compulsory for a l l local education authorities to inspect 210 medically a l l elementary school children in their charge, this thesis has illustrated four important points. F i r s t , the belief that Britain might be losing her imperial, industrial, and military supremacy was a very real fear for a large section of British society. This fear was of sufficient magnitude.to overcome well-established modes of thought and well-tried social yardsticks like the moral code implicit in the Poor Law. Second, the discussions in both Houses of Parliament of the Pro-vision of meals and medical inspections for school children clearly reflected that social standards of large sections of the upper and middle classes had gone through rapid changes since the closing years of the nineteenth century. There was.no longer any question of whether the State should intervene. Now the only question facing MP's was which Department of State should be asked to cover the cost. Third, the nature of the Acts themselves, providing one accepts the argument set out in this thesis that they were primarily pragmatic responses to events and intended as methods of improving Britain's industrial and military efficiency, clearly substantiates the claim that the National Efficiency movement was responsible for inaugurating an element of long-term planning into the process of.social policy formation. Fourth, there seems l i t t l e doubt that the two Acts reflected, a rise in status of working-class children. In fact, such a rise in status appears more obvious when the f u l l implications of the 1902 Midwives Act and the "Children's Charter", of 1908 are also taken into consideration. Never-theless, such a point of view may be misleading because i t does not go far enough. If, as has been argued, the real instruments of causation 211 were not compassionate or humanitarian instincts but rather the National Efficiency movement and the fear that the physical condition of the British race was deteriorating, i t seems fa i r to conclude that the Education (School Meals) Act of 1906 and the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907, besides being pragmatic responses to urgent needs and representing examples of long-term social planning, also heralded a clear legislative warning that the status of the working class had risen to new heights on the social scale. 212 FOOTNOTES x Beatrice Webb writes on the "consciousness of sin" being the starting point of progress: see My Apprenticeship (London, 1971), pp. 191-92. She states: "The origin of this ferment is to be discovered in a new consciousness of sin among men of int e l l e c t and men of property; a consciousness, at f i r s t philanthropic and practical—Oastler, Shaftesbury, and Chadwick; then literary and artistic—Dickens, Carlyle, Ruskin and William Morris; and f i n a l l y , analytic, historical and explanatory—in his latter days John Stuart M i l l ; Karl Marx and his English interpreters; Alfred Russell Wallace and Henry George; Arnold Toynbee and the Fabians. I might perhaps add a theological category—-Charles^ Kingsley, F. D. Maurice, General Booth and Cardinal Manning. 'The sense of sin has been the starting-point of progress' was, during these years, the oft-repeated saying of Samuel Barnett, rector of St. Jude's Whitechapel, and founder of Toynbee Hall." 2 For details on the success of the Lord Mayor's Fund see B. B. Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, The Origins of the Welfare State (London, 1973), p. 36. 3 See, for example, The Saturday Review of 20 February 1886. It stated: "The London riots threatened, continuance for days. Leicester has been for the past week in a modified state of siege—a severe punish-ment even for the most radical town in England . . . There have been riots in Great Yarmouth. The bank clerks at Birmingham have worked like modern copies of the ancient Israelites, with the revolver in one hand and the gold-shovel in the other. Collections of really or nominally unemployed men have, informed the Mayor of Sheffield significantly that they 'don't want to follow' the example of London and Leicester. 'The Riots' has become a standard heading of the newspapers, like 'Police Report' or 'The Market.' Nothing of the kind, nothing even distantly ap-proaching i t , has been known in England for more than a generation it 4 The exceptions to the rule, as the thesis has indicated, were such social imperialists as Arnold White. 5 This fact had been pointed out as early as 1887: see Dilke's estimate, for example, in his book, The Present Position of European Politics (1887), p. 306. He stated that Britain: "could place in the f i e l d in Europe a force about equal to that of Servia." Cited by G. R. Searle, The Quest for National Efficiency, A Study in British Politics and Political Thought, 1899-1914 (Oxford, 1971), p. 6. 213 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. PRIMARY SOURCES 1. Newspapers The Times Manchester Guardian 2. Weeklies Punch Saturday Review Spectator -3. Monthlies and Other Periodicals Contemporary Review Fortnightly Review Monthly Review National Review Nineteenth Century and Nineteenth Century and After North American Review Quarterly Review Westminster Review 4. 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