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The large tower of Babel by Peter Bruegel : its precedents and antecedents in the artistic imagination.. Fawcett, Thomas Derek 1976-12-31

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THE -  LARGE  TOWER  OF  ITS PRECEDENTS ARTISTIC  BABEL  AND  IMAGINATION  BY  PETER  ANTECEDENTS AND  BRUEGEL IN THE  IN ARCHAEOLOGY  by  THOMAS DEREK FAWCETT B.A., University of Saskatchewan, 1971  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of FINE ARTS (HISTORY)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1976 © Thomas Derek Fawcett, 1976  In p r e s e n t i n g  this  thesis  an advanced degree at the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  f u r t h e r agree  for  fulfilment of  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  make  it  freely available  that permission  for  the requirements f<  Columbia,  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  this  written  representatives. thesis  for  It  is understood  financial  gain s h a l l  permission.  Department  of  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V 6 T 1WS  Columbia  that copying or  not  tha  study. thesis  s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department  by h i s of  in p a r t i a l  or  publication  be allowed without my  - i i -  ABSTRACT This thesis was o r i g i n a l l y commenced with the intention of examining the various a r t i s t i c representations of the Tower of Babel, then comparing them with possible sources of i n s p i r a t i o n such as the B i b l i c a l account, Herodotus, and the o r i g i n a l (as now revealed by archaeology).  So f a r about two  hundred and t h i r t y i l l u s t r a t i o n s have been found, mainly i n the form of manuscript illuminations, frescoes, mosaics and paintings.  As t h i s piece of research would run into several  large volumes, i t has been decided to concentrate upon a most outstanding example, that of the painting executed i n 1563 by Peter Bruegel which i s usually referred to as his "Large Tower of Babel". The precedents and antecedents of t h i s painting have been studied and s p e c i a l attention given to influences such as the medieval t r a d i t i o n s of allegory i n l i t e r a t u r e and symbolism i n painting.  Because o f the use of symbolism by  Bruegel i n much of h i s painting, an attempt has been made to ascertain whether or not the r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l motives often connected with t h i s are present-and the conclusion reached i s that to some extent they must be. There i s at present very l i t t l e i n the way of detailed description o f the painting by a r t historians, and so attention has been given to t h i s , accompanied by a search f o r sources of Bruegel's i n s p i r a t i o n .  One r e s u l t of t h i s has been the  - iii -  discovery that Qiulio Clovio provided some ideas f o r the painting and himself collected another larger example not now i n existence. The description by Vasari would suggest that the subject was something of a wonder i n Rome i n the 1550*3, thus providing another cogent reason f o r Peter Bruegel's interest i n i t during and a f t e r the time of h i s v i s i t to I t a l y . I t i s concluded that the particular form which Bruegel's tower takes i s mainly the cumulative r e s u l t of h i s own powerful imagination, the ini alginations o f h i s contemporaries and predecessors, combined with l i t e r a r y d e t a i l available from Herodotus and to some extent the B i b l i c a l account. While t r a v e l l e r s ' tales o f Middle Eastern towers such as Samarra abounded, i t seems unlikely that much of the o r i g i n a l tower at Babylon remained to be observed,even i f i t were recognized i n Bruegel's time.  With the influence o f the  archaeological facts available to us today at n i l then, comparatively speaking, the thesis section o f detailed research into the actual form of the o r i g i n a l tower becomes only of interest f o r the sake of comparison with the a r t i s t i c form - and as a corroboration of Herodotus' important account. I t therefore very properly becomes an appendix.  - iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s  . . .  Acknowledgment  Part I  1  General Description Symbolism and the t r a d i t i o n o f allegory  . .  3 13  Bruegel's use of symbolism Bruegel's symbolic method applied to h i s  21  Large Tower of Babel Bruegel's idea of the meaning of the Tower .  30  Architectural origins of Bruegel's Tower . .  33  Inspiration f o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l s other than the Tower A comparison of the Large Tower with the Small Tower of Babel and with antecedents  Part I I  43 46  The Tower as an Expression of Changing Ideas i n L i f e , Literature and Art . . .  53  Notes to Part I  5^  Introduction  65  Three Basic Sources  63  1)  The B i b l i c a l Tower of Babel . . . .  63  2)  The E s a g i l Tablet  70  3)  The Account of Herodotus  71  Notes to Part I I . . .  .  75  Appendix - Archaeological Evidence Notes to Appendix  Bibliography  . . . . . .  - vi -  LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS WITH SOURCES AND CREDITS 1.  The Large Tower of Babel, I563, Kunthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Seidel & Marljnissen.  2.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 1, Foote, p. 20.  3.  Details o f I l l u s . 1, Foote, p. 10.  4.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 1, Seidel & Marijnissen.  5.  Peter Coecke van A e l s t : the Arts, Held.  6.  The Conversion o f St. Paul, I567, Kunthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Foote, p. 104.  7.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 6, Foote, p. 105.  8.  The Cripples, I568, Louvre, Paris, Foote, pp. 132-3.  9.  The Two Monkeys, 1562, Foote, p. 68  10.  Landscape with F a l l of Icarus, c. 1558, Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels, Foote, p. 160.  11.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 10, Foote, p. 80.  12.  The Massacre o f the Innocents, 1566-7, Kunthistorisches  Tapestry, Detroit I n s t i t u t e o f  Museum, Vienna, Foote, p. 103. 13.  D e t a i l of I l l u s , 12, Foote, p. 101.  14. 15.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 12, Ferber, p'late V. Bohmischer Master, 14th Miniature i n the Welislaw Bible, Prague U n i v e r s i t y Library, Minkowski, p. 20.  16.  Schweizer Master: Miniature i n the Toggenburg Bible, 1411, Berlin-Dahlem, Minkowski, p. 26.  17.  Miniature i n the Kasseler World Chronicle, 1385, prepared by Rudolf van Ems, Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel, Minkowski, p. 33.  18.  The Book of the Hours of the Duke of Bedford, 1424-30, B r i t i s h Museum, London, Minkowski, p. 31.  19.  E l Greco:  C h r i s t Cleansing the Temple, Gudiol.  - vii -  20.  G i u l i o Glovio: Miniature of Tower of Babel, Book of Hours of Our Lady f o r Cardinal Farnese, Pierpoint Morgan Library, N.Y., Minkowski.  21.  E l Greco: P o r t r a i t of G i u l i o Clovio, Museo Nazionale, Naples, Gudiol.  22.  A Flemish Master (Gheeraert Horenbout or Simon Bening?), Miniature of Tower o f Babel i n Grimani Breviary, B i b l i o t e c a Nationale Marciana, Venice, Minkowski, p. 33. Facsimile by F. Orgahia, 1906, for Walters Art C o l l e c t i o n , Baltimore.  23.  Mosaic executed 1220 - 1230, Narthex of St. Mark's, Venice. Photo: Mr. J . B. O'Kelly, M.A.  24.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 1, Foote,~p. 11.  25.  Hans Sebald Beham: Tower of Babel i n I l l u s t r a t e d B i b l i c a l History book, 1533, Minkowski, p. 41.  26.  Hans Holbein the Younger, Tower of Babel i n History Book, 153S?, Minkowski, p. 41.  27.  "Big F i s h Eat L i t t l e Fish", Print by Hieronymus Cock of Antwerp, using an engraving by Pieter van der Heyden, based on a drawing by Bruegel which i n turn was reduced from a painting by Bosch, Klein, p. 139.  23.  Colosseum, Rome, Ba'ethius and Ward-Perkins: Roman Architecture, p. 222.  29.  Peter Stevens: The Northern Side of the Forum Romanum seen from the Palatine H i l l , c. 1591 or 1604, Exhibition Cat: Flemish Drawings o f the Seventeenth Century from the c o l l e c t i o n of F r i t z Lugt, I n s t i t u t Neerlandais, Paris.  30.  P. B r i l : a r t i s t s sketching amid the ruins of the Imperial Palaces on the Palatine H i l l , Rome, c. 1610 or 1624, Exhib. cat. as XXV.  31.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 1, Stechow, p. 84.  32.  B. F a l e t i : Engraving of f o r t i f i c a t i o n s added to Castel Saat 'Angelo, 1557, Cassanelli, et. a l , i l l u s . 303.  33.  A. Brambilla: Engraving of Castel Sant 'Angelo during a "spectacle" staged on i t s ramparts, 1579, Cassanelli et. a l . , i l l u s . 321.  Etruscan &  v  - viii -  34.  Towers and Gates of Amsterdam, I562, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, de Tolnay Drawings, plate 4 3 .  35.  Marine Landscape with a view of Antwerp i n the background, London, Count S e i l e r n c o l l e c t i o n , Munz plate 4 9 .  36.  Two more views of towers and gates of Ameterdam, both dated I562, and both i n Basan^on, Musee de Beaux-Arts, de Tolnay, plates 41, 42.  37.  Photos of the Claudian Aqueduct where the arches were bricked-up as f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , Cassanelli, et. a l . , i l l u s . 48, 4 9 .  38.  Peter Coecke van A e l s t : The Turks i n 1533, d e t a i l of woodcut, Brussels Museum, Marlier, p. 59.  39.  The Small Tower of Babel, c. 1554 or I563?, Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam,>Seidel & Marijnissen, p. 191  40.  Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, 1568, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, Minkowski, p. 70.  41.  Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, date unknown but probably l a t e r than 1568, Mainz Art Gallery, Minkowski, p. 70.  42.  Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, 1594, Louvre, Paris, Minkowski, p. 70.  43.  Flemish Master: (Tobias Verhaecht?), Tower of Babel, l a t e sixteenth century, Mainz, Art Gallery, Minkowski, p. 4 8 .  44.  Marten van Heemskerck: The Destruction of the Tower of Babel, I567, Copenhagen: State Museum of A r t , Garff, plate 91.  45*  Marten van Heemskerck: The Destruction of Sodom, I567, Copenhagen: State Museum of Art, Garff, plate 92.  46.  P i r r o L i g o r i o : Map of Rome, 1561, Naples: National Library, Mandowski and M i t c h e l l , plate 75.  47.  D e t a i l of I l l u s . 46.  48.  L i e v i n Cruyl and Coenraet Decker (?): The Tower of Babel, p r i n t from copper engraving i n Kircher's Turris Babel, Minkowski, p. 80.  - ix -  49.  Cruyl and Decker ( ? ) : The Tower of Babel, portrayal of how i t could reach the moon. Print from copper engraving, i n Kircher, p. 38 Courtesy of U.B.C. Special Collections .  50.  Karel van Mander, 1548 - 1606: The Babylonian Confusion, c. 1600?, Engraving by Zacharias Dolendo under the supervision of Jaques de Gheyn, I565 - 1629, Ehrenstein. Courtesy o f Metropolitan Toronto Library Board .  51.  Gustav Dorei 1833 - 1883*. Woodcut from an Old Testament i l l u s t r a t e d by him, Ehrenstein, plate 10. Courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board .  52.  Leo Michelson, b. I887, Tower of Babel woodcut for Lazarus Goldschmidt: The Book o f Heroes, B e r l i n , 1923. Courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board .  53.  Marius Bauer, I867 - 1932, Etching: C o l l e c t i o n Mr. Campbell Dodgsons, London. Photo courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board .  54.  The Ziggurat at Choga-Zambil, S i r Leonard Woolley: Excavations at Ur., V o l . V.  55•  North-east face of the Ziggurat at Ur, S i r Leonard Woolley.  56.  Reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu, S i r Leonard Woolley. Tomb of Cyrus I I at Pasargadae, b u i l t by Cyrus I I c. 530 B.C., Photo: T. D. Fawcett.  57. 58.  Reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Nabonidus, restored, S i r Leonard Woolley.  SPECIAL  ILLUSTRATIONS:  59.  The Netherlands under Charles V, Belgium Geographical Handbook Series, B.R. 521.  60.  Locations of Ziggurats i n Mesopotamia, Roman Ghirshman: Mesopotamia.  61.  Nonsuch Palace, Surrey, begun 1538.  62.  The Tower of Samarra, Minkowski.  63.  T a t l i n ' s Monument to the Third International, Minkowski.  -  X -  ACKNOWLEDGMENT  I would l i k e to express my gratitude to Dr. George Knox who gave f r e e l y and generously o f h i s time, and whose many helpful suggestions have been o f immeasurable value i n the completion of t h i s work. I would also l i k e to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Mary Morehart f o r her careful s c r u t i n y of the work and for the p o s i t i v e assistance given toward i t s completion, and also to the Inter-Library Loan Service without whose help I would have been unable to complete the research.  PART I GENERAL DESCRIPTION One of the best-known pictures of the Tower of Babel i s the painting completed (?1525 - I569).  i n 1563 by Peter Bruegel the Elder  Under the name of "Peter Brueghel" he became  a master p r i n t e r i n Antwerp i n 1551, but by 1559 he had dropped the "h" from his name.  His sons, Jan and Pieter the  Younger restored the s i l e n t "h" and substituted the French "eu" f o r the Flemish "ue".  I t seems most f i t t i n g here to use  the s p e l l i n g he f i n a l l y chose himself. This painting i s the more commonly reproduced of two s i m i l a r paintings by him, and usually catalogued as "The Tower of Babel", signed and dated:  Large  "BRVEGEL FE. MCCCCC L X I I I " . 1  As early as I565 the large tower i s recorded as belonging to the Antwerp merchant Nicolas Jonghelinck, who t o t a l of sixteen works by Bruegel?. to the commissioning  possessed a  No information exists as  of the painting, but i t seems highly  probable that Jonghelinck was the f i r s t owner.  Van Mander  l a t e r mentions i t as being i n the c o l l e c t i o n of the Emperor Rudolph I I , and by I659 i t was i n Archduke Leopold William's collection.^  It i s now  i n the Kunsthistorisches Museum,  Vienna. Bruegel would have been aged 38 when he painted the large tower, assuming his birthdate to be 1525.  This i s arrived at  -  2 -  by taking the year 1551> which i s proven to be the year o f Bruegel's acceptance into the Antwerp painters  1  g u i l d , and  subtracting 26, which was the normal age f o r admission as a master painter.  A c r u c i a l v i s i t to Rome was made i n 1552-  54, when he was perhaps 27 to 29, and when he died i n I569 he would have been at most 44. The second known painting of this subject by Bruegel may have been completed as early as 1554, perhaps when s t i l l i n Rome, and i s a f i r s t pointer to the o r i g i n o f Bruegel's interest i n i t .  Known as "The Small Tower of Babel" (60 x  74*5 cm as against 114 x 155 cm.)  t h i s panel-painting was  also l i s t e d as being i n the Rudolph I I c o l l e c t i o n .  It i s  now i n the Boymans-Van Beuningen Museum, Rotterdam^. A t h i r d version of the tower by Bruegel, now l o s t , was a miniature on ivory done while he was i n Rome.  I t was  probably given to the miniaturist Giulio Glovio, who was a close acquaintance^, as i t i s mentioned as being i n his possession i n his w i l l of 1577^. The Large Tower scene shows a colossal round, stepped tower, which looks as i f i t could accommodate as many people as a small town i n the labyrinthine tunnels of i t s depths.  I t reaches  to the clouds and engulfs a rocky outcrop, used f o r support, on the edge o f a f o r t i f i e d c i t y .  I t leans a l i t t l e  menacingly  to the l e f t and towers over even the painter's viewpoint on  -  his high foreground  3  -  vantage point - as i f getting out of  man's control, being too ambitious  f o r his powers ( I l l u s . 1 ) .  Stretching into the distance i s a verdant Low Countries landscape on one side and an estuary (or the North Sea) on the other.  The busy seaport exhibits a mixture of stone  fortresses, Gothic spires or towers, and red-bricked, stepgabled houses t y p i c a l of a Flemish c i t y such as Bruges or Antwerp even today.  The harbour, with i t s details of ships,  carefully-drawn r i g g i n g and dockside stores must have been the subject of many preparatory studies i n Bruegel's  sketch-  book? - i n fact the work can be read as much as a t e c h n i c a l drawing as a painting ( I l l u s . 2 ) . The human content and a c t i v i t y depicted i n the painting i s shown i n such v a r i e t y and frequency that Bruegel's  output  on that l e v e l alone may be said to be t r u l y prodigious.  The  tower i t s e l f can be seen as a great hive of a c t i v i t y , with men hauling or h o i s t i n g loads, working treadmill cranes, climbing ladders and s c a f f o l d i n g , wielding picks, hammers and mallets. in.  The tower obviously exists to be l i v e d on, i f not  Thatched labourers' houses of wood and plaster have been  b u i l t against the stone walls at various l e v e l s .  Here women  are seen at domestic tasks such as tending a window-box, cooking with a stew-pot over a f i r e right on the stone terrace, and laying out washing to dry on stone buttresses and on a picket fence somehow erected i n the rock.  In the harbour men climb  - 4 -  rigging or steer a log r a f t ;  on wharves and streets they un-  load cargoes, drive teams of horses through an arch or over a bridge, stack lumber and barrels and work i n a blacksmith's forge ( I l l u s . 3). Bruegel gives some prominence to the main group of figures by placing them on the foreground h i l l , on which the observer would also be standing.  This part of the scene i s set i n the  mason's yard, probably adjacent to the quarry, where they are at work cutting stone blocks f o r the tower.  Several are using  levers i n a back-breaking e f f o r t to move a large block, while two nearest the observer form t h e i r own c i r c l e  as they stoop,  with rounded shoulders, to pound chisels with large wooden mallets• Other stonemasons have dropped t h e i r tools and are rushing forward to kneel before a king who  has entered the yard with  a rather small group of followers. The king carries a gold sceptre, held as a symbol of royal authority, wears a low crown, sports a large iron two-handed sword - but i s not elaborately dressed.  The long grey cloak, doublet and hose,  although perhaps of f i n e l i n e n or silk,, are not ornate and are not intended to convey the impression of great opulence, f o r they would not be unknown to Flemish weavers and  prosperous  merchants accustomed to orders from l o c a l t i t l e d f o l k and prelates.  In fact, Foote goes as f a r as to say " E a r l i e r  painters had depicted Nimrod as an imposing monarch f u l l of  pride and deserving of his punishment.  Bruegel shows him as  a vain, petty dignitary whose a r r i v a l merely slows the work"8. A heavily cloaked, corpulent figure i n a dark round hat immediately next to the king, gesticulates i n the explanation of some d e t a i l (he may be the a r c h i t e c t ) . Several courtiers are b r i g h t l y a t t i r e d but not with the expense and grandeur then associated with a Near Eastern court i n Old Testament times.  This leads inevitably to the question  of whose court i s here represented - that of the potentate Nimrod connected with Babylon and the Tower of Babel - or that of a more l o c a l dignitary more contemporary with Bruegel^ ( I l l u s . 4).  Certainly the f i r s t impression which would come  to the minds of Bruegel's peers would be that of Nimrod, since he was repeatedly i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Babel story, possibly i n l i n e with the Church teaching of the day.  Precise dates would  not be known and Genesis 10 : 8, 9 says: "Nimrod, a mighty hunter before the Lord. His kingdom i n the beginning consisted of Babel, Erech and Accad, a l l of them i n the land of Shinar ..." (^Mesopotamia^. F u l l use would probably have been made of the didactic value of the Babel story and i t would not then have been seen simply as an account of how the survivors of the Flood, of Noah, began to t a l k d i f f e r e n t  descendants  languages.  While the d e t a i l s of the a r t i s t ' s intent should be l e f t  -  6  -  u n t i l l a t e r , i t would be appropriate at t h i s i n i t i a l stage to deal generally with the scene as i t r e l a t e s to Bruegel's a r t i s t i c beginnings. his  A comparison with a tapestry design by  teacher, and subsequent father-in-law, Peter Coecke van  Aelst, reveals some basics i n Bruegel's s t y l e .  This tapestry  i s one of a series depicting scenes from the l i f e of the Apostle Paul, and i s authenticated by a drawing, bearing Coecke's signature, which i s the model for the tapestry illustration.^ for  This series i s ranked i n importance, both  design and execution, with two others for which the  weaving was  also done i n Brussels with the low-warp method.  These others are the "Acts of the Apostles", f o r which Raphael designed the cartoons, and the "Conquest of Tunis", designed by Jan Vermeyen.^* which was  J u l i u s Held, i n describing the tapestry,  then at the Detroit I n s t i t u t e of Arts, says that,  on examination: "... one encounters a conception of landscape and a f i g u r a l design of s t r i k i n g natural s i m p l i c i t y and freshness - ... boats ... scattered over the sea, whose wide surface i s r i p p l e d by smoothly breaking waves; figures of peasant type, heavy and s o l i d molded into a mass, l a c k i n g the graceful movements obviously aimed at i n other parts of the tapestries, - human habitations between h i l l s and rocky c l i f f s i n the distance. In a l l of t h i s i s revealed a f e e l i n g f o r nature i t s e l f scarcely ever before expressed i n Flemish a r t " . ^ 1  This description f i t s portions of Bruegel's Babel scene very c l o s e l y and could equally well be applied to that painting. I f one accepts Held's tapestry dating of 1540,  and the e a r l i e s t  -  7  -  birthdate given to Bruegel of 15 5> the young apprentice to 2  Goecke would then have been f i f t e e n .  This makes Bruegel's  contribution to the tapestry design something of a p o s s i b i l i t y , but t h i s chance becomes much more remote i f we accept the birthdate of 1528-30 given by Stechow, f o r example ^ ( I l l u s . 5 ) . 1  That Bruegel's genius i n painting was not developed at 1  an early age seems much more l i k e l y , however, since we know that as l a t e as 1550 he was working i n a subordinate position to Peter Balten (or Baltens).  This was on an altarpiece  commission for the church of St. Rombout, won by the shop of Claude D o r i z i at Mechelen (Malines).  Balten worked on the  centre part while Bruegel was assigned the wings-^.  This being  so, i t seems quite probable that Bruegel did not contribute to the background scene of the tapestry design i n 1540, but, as Julius Held says, " i t shows c l e a r l y enough that i n Coeck's a t e l i e r , valuable impulses could be passed on to  him'4^.  That  we have here one source of i n s p i r a t i o n for parts of the landscape and people of Bruegel's Babel i s c e r t a i n .  We should now  turn our attention to the deeper questions of the a r t i s t ' s intent and inner meaning, as t h i s w i l l give us a clearer understanding of the cause and effect at work i n the painting.  It  w i l l then be more r e a d i l y understood when viewed as a whole.  - d -  SYMBOLISM AND THE TRADITION OF ALLEGORY: I t i s clear that there i s an element of symbolism  i n the  picture because of the portrayal of people, buildings, and landscape as those of Bruegel's day - Babylon i s i n fact translated into the 16th century Low Countries.  This was not  strange to Bruegel's audience, since they were used to an a r t i s t i c convention i n which "everything i n a painting was to be judged and enjoyed both as a symbol and as an accurate portrayal of r e a l  life"^.  Given that such a l e v e l of symbolism exists, one must then ask i f i t i s also used on a deeper l e v e l :  for example,  as the figures are Bruegel's contemporaries, i t would be an easy t r a n s i t i o n to implicating reigning monarchs or princes of Bruegel's time into the story. That symbolism on the deeper l e v e l i s l i k e l y i n Bruegel's work i s demonstrated by the reasoned argument of Kenneth C. Lindsay, and Bernard Huppe, appearing i n the Journal of Aesthetics i n 1956 , which i s worth reproducing. 17  Briefly,  there i s a long t r a d i t i o n of medieval allegory and underlying aesthetic theory with foundations i n St. Augustine's De doctrina Christiana (which i s i n effect a fundamental programme of C h r i s t i a n culture): "St. Augustine ... considers a l l poetry (and painting as a form of expression would be included), to have two parts, sense and sentence; that i s , story and underlying meaning. These two parts stand i n the r e l a t i o n of s h e l l and core. The process of comprehension involves penetrating the s h e l l to reach the core of meaning. Appreciation, aesthetic  -  9  -  s a t i s f a c t i o n , i s equated both with the process of comprehension, and with the d i f f i c u l t y of discovering the underlying meaning. Indeed, aesthetic s a t i s f a c t i o n appears to be proportional to the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the sense and the C h r i s t i a n c l a r i t y of the sentence (underl y i n g meaning): 'No one has any doubt', says Augustine, 'that some things are understood more r e a d i l y through figures of speech, and that when something i s searched for with d i f f i c u l t y , i t i s , as a r e s u l t , more d e l i g h t f u l l y discovered'. Augustine's theory, since i t relates i n t e l l e c t u a l d i f f i c u l t y and aesthetic s a t i s f a c t i o n , helps to explain the prevalence of the s p e c i f i c a l l y medieval mode of allegory, whether l i t e r a r y or p i c t o r i a l . For i f a work has i t s fundamental aesthetic function i n demanding i n t e r pretation, what i s more natural than allegory, f o r i n allegory, the characters and story exist for t h e i r meaning, not for t h e i r f i c t i o n a l r e a l i t y . The understanding of an allegory i s predicated upon interpretation"!®. It i s l o g i c a l that i n a world such as Bruegel's, which retained many medieval customs and much of the medieval outlook on everyday l i f e , and i n which change was engendered  relatively  slowly, one would expect to find symbolical narration both i n l i t e r a t u r e and painting.  For what would be more natural f o r a  serious painter than the working out for himself of a pattern which, though not s t r i c t l y a l l e g o r i c a l , would preserve that acceptable mode of interpretation?  We find that Northern  painters such as Melchior Broederlam, Jan van Eyck, and the Master of Flemalle sustain a strong t r a d i t i o n of disguised symbolism right through to near-contemporaries of Bruegel such as Albrecht A l t d o r f e r , Aertson, Lucas Cranach the Elder, and Maerten van Heemskerck^.  One good example i s Ketel's allegor-  i c a l painting of the proverb "Desire has no rest", where a man  - 10 "... stepping over a bottomless p i t ; he i s b l i n d folded by Sensuality; Peton, a medicinal herb, i s growing behind him, and a newly born c h i l d i s l y i n g at i t s root - t h i s herb symbolises s p i r i t u a l l i f e . In front o f the man, Napelles, the most poisonous herb i s growing. A s k u l l i s at i t s roots - symboli z i n g s p i r i t u a l death. This allegory shows that man i s so eager to get only temporal goods that h e neglects those which serve for his salvation ..."•. 0  That Bruegel himself was part of the long t r a d i t i o n of users of allegory i s c e r t a i n l y not denied by t h i s  quotation  from Abraham O r t e l i u s , the geographer and scholar, i n his 21  Album Amicorum -r: "Multa p i n x i t , hie Brugelius, quae pingi non possunt, quest Phiniers de Appelle. In Omnibus eius operibus i n t e l l i g i t u r plus semper quam pingitur'" ^. 2  While t h i s passage i s obviously e u l o g i s t i c , i t shows an appreciation of Bruegel - as a person who "painted here many things that cannot be painted" - on the part o f a true contemporary (born 1527 i n Antwerp and died i n 1598)  who came  near to being a u n i v e r s a l l y educated man i n the sensje that Leonardo da V i n c i or Erasmus were.  As, well as being  a geographer, O r t e l i u s was a cartographer,  archaeologist^,  art c o l l e c t o r , and a student of r e l i g i o u s concepts, and of t h e i r more abstruse i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s ^ . Like many of the cultured Catholics of his time, Ortelius had a detailed knowledge of the w r i t i n g of St. Augustine. Augustine had been recognized as a leading authority on aesthetics and his works had the added merit, for many, of having the Church's stamp of approval.  - 11 -  In addition to a l l t h i s , Ortelius began h i s career i n Antwerp as a colourer of maps, and by 1570 had published the world's f i r s t systematic c o l l e c t i o n of maps (with the t i t l e Theatrum, or a "display", since the word "Atlas" was not then used ?). 2  I t was also an outstanding example of the art of  cartography i n copper plate engraving.  Through his long  connection with the p r i n t shops of Antwerp, Ortelius would have another interest i n common with B r u e g e l ^ .  However, i t  i s the l i n k with the academic world, and the interest i n symbolism which i s more important to us.  He  corresponded  with such divines as the Spanish B i b l i c a l scholar Benedictus Arias Montanus.  With his enquiring mind, and informed opinion,  i t would be natural f o r him to have discussed with Bruegel such questions as the use of symbolism i n a r t . That Bruegel's a r t seemed esoteric even i n his own  time  i s clear, and the statement that he "painted ... many things that cannot be painted" may r e f e r to h i s s k i l l , or to his use of symbolism - the painting of abstract ideas by inference. The opening passage of t h i s "epitaph", with a t r a n s l a t i o n by A. E. Popham, i s also worth considering: "Dijs Manibus scrum Petrum Brugelium Pictorem fuisse s u i s e c u l i absolutissimum, nemo n i s i invidus, emulus, ant eius a r t i s ignarus, umquam negabit. Sed quod nobis medio e t a t i s f l o r e abreptus s i t , an hoc Morti, quod fortasse eum ob insignem a r t i s peritiam, quam i n eo viro observaverit, etate provectiorem duxerat; ad nature potius, quod eius a r t i f i c i o s a ingeniosaque imitatione, s u i contemptum verebatur, imputavero, non f a c i l e dixerim.  - 12 -  AMICI MEMORIAE ABRAHAMUS ORTE LIUS LVGENS CONSECRAB "TSacred to the Gods of the Underword. No one except through envy, jealously or ignorance of that art w i l l ever deny that Peter Bruegel was the most perfect painter of his century. But whether his being snatched away from us i n the flower of h i s age was due to Death's mistake i n thinking him older than he was on account of his extraordinary s k i l l i n art or rather to Nature's fear that his genius for imitation would bring her into contempt, I cannot e a s i l y say. Abraham Ortelius dedicated t h i s with g r i e f to the memory of his friend}" / 2  7  This passage reveals the l i t e r a r y , as well as a r t i s t i c . m i l i e u , to which Bruegel belonged.  By his association with O r t e l i u s ,  i t appears that he was a person of some i n t e l l e c t u a l stature, and acquainted with both the t r a d i t i o n a l  and avante-garde  thought of h i s day. To confirm that Bruegel was part of a long t r a d i t i o n of allegory, we should look f o r s p e c i f i c examples of symbolism,  and of the way i n which he used i t .  can then be seen i f these methods can be d e t e c t e d i n his Towers of Babel.  It  - 13  -  BRUEGEL'S USE OF SYMBOLISM: Just as medieval allegory demands of i t s audience a willingness to study the externals so as to come to the underlying meaning, so perhaps Bruegel w i l l ask his viewers to study the composition of his paintings, i n order to r e a l i s e t h e i r meaning.  One envisages searching through  masses of d e t a i l i n order to arrive at the iconographical centre;  however, one rule by which our search may be guided  i s given by Gustav Gluck: "A ... c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of his art i s that he hardly ever places the chief event of the story i n the v i s i b l e centre of the picture: he t r i e s rather to conceal than to emphasize it"28 Taking a work of art with an obviously C h r i s t i a n theme, which lends i t s e l f to symbolism, the "Conversion of St. Paul", the rule of Gliick obviously holds good, since the eye i s detained i n the foreground, while searching f o r the subject of the t i t l e .  The figures on horseback, and those crowding  through the Alpine Pass on foot are not a l l focusing t h e i r attention on some great, traumatic event, but are continuing on t h e i r way,  as i f unaware of an unusual occurrence having  taken place.  Only as the eye wanders to the middle ground of  the picture can we pick out a prostrate figure, and a very few others looking up toward the source of l i g h t .  (IHUS.  lo)  So i n looking f o r the obscure centre of the painting, we  -  H  -  become aware o f other elements which Bruegel wished to emphasise - the obvious blindness of the majority to such a s p i r i t u a l event, the state of common ignorance which Paul shared with humanity back on the road.  when he was Saul, just a b i t further  Bruegel has used both obscurity and  contrast t o bring out his theme. ( I l l u s . * | ) . In a B i b l i c a l theme such as the "Conversion of St. Paul" i t i s r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r a painter to incorporate a p o l i t i c a l message under the camouflage of a r e l i g i o u s one. However, Bruegel i s also equivocal when dealing with non-Biblical subjects.  In l e s Gueux - l i t e r a l l y "the Beggars", but general-  l y known as "the Cripples" - there i s an overt appeal to human sympathy with a r e l i g i o u s undertone.  This i s to the effect  that deformed bodies were paying the wages of s i n through l o s s of the symmetry ordained by God.  To Bruegel's contem-  poraries, "Sin" would here perhaps be war, man's apathy  toward  poverty or the a c t i v i t i e s r i s k i n g s y p h i l i s , but t h i s i s the maximum moral inference that can be extracted from t h i s painting. On the other hand, the soldier's red "shako" hat, the bishop's mitre, and the chasuble  of the beggar with h i s back  turned, would a l l be symbols of Spanish authority, and so the establishment would be implicated i n t h i s scene. had been signed  The painting  and dated by Bruegel i n 1568, and two years  before t h i s date "Vive l e Gueux!" had become the r a l l y i n g cry i n the Netherlands of an anti-Spanish resistance movement which  - 15 -  had as i t s emblems begging - bowls, chains, and f o x t a i l s ^ 2  (Illus.S). The history of t h i s , b r i e f l y , i s that when the Emperor Charles V ended his f i f t y - y e a r reign, i n 1555» he l e f t h i s imperial t i t l e i n Germany to his brother Ferdinand, and the Netherlands to his son P h i l i p .  Unfortunately, P h i l i p I I had  been brought up i n Spain, whereas his father had been raised i n Brussels, and had understood the Netherlands w e l l , making Antwerp the mercantile and economic c a p i t a l of the Hapsburg Empire^O.  P h i l i p could speak neither French nor Dutch, and  could empathise with neither n o b i l i t y nor merchants.  Feeling  a foreigner he l e f t f o r Spain i n 1559, never to return. His was  Regent, Margaret of Parma, was more sympathetic but  hindered by her council  and the fact that a l l decisions  had to be approved from Madrid.  P h i l i p increased the number  of bishops, and with the new bishops came an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the papal I n q u i s i t i o n .  On A p r i l 5, 1566, a deputation o f  minor nobles, mostly moderate Catholics or Protestants, went to the Regent's palace i n Brussels to request the ending of the Spanish I n q u i s i t i o n , which was foreign to the Netherlands. Henri Pirenne describes how these s i g n i t o r i e s to the "compromise" drawn up at the palace of the Count of Culembourg received t h e i r new t i t l e :  -  16 -  "Le s o i r , un banquet reunissait l e s signitares du Compromis a l ' h S t e l de Culembourg. La Plupart d'entre eux s'etaient f a i t t a i l l e r l a barbe <a l a Turque^, portaient des veteraents de couleur grise et etaient pour vus de besaces et d'ecuelles comme c e l l e s des mendiants et des gueux qui erraient par l e pays. Que s i g n i f i a i e n t ces s i g u l i e r s emblemes destines, comme jadis l e s hivrees des signeurs a n t i c a r d i n a l i s t e s , a s e r v i r de signe de ratliement aux ligueurs? Ce fut, semble-t-il, une parole injurieuse prononcee, l e matin mime, peut-etre par l e comte de Berlaymont, qui en i n s p i r a l a d o p t i o n . Toujours e s t - i l que s o i r - l a f u t pousse pour l a premiere f o i s ce cri<?Vive l e Gueux!;? qui, durant tant d'anees, a l l a i t r e t e n t i r dans l e s p r o v i n c e s " ^ f  7  With the fame o f " l e Gueux"^ spreading countrywide, i t 2  seems unlikely that Bruegel would t i t l e a picture s i m i l a r l y without considering the implications i t would have.  Looking  away from the centre of the painting, we see a shadowy female figure stealing away to the r i g h t .  She bears i n her hand a  s i l v e r (?) c o l l e c t i n g plate with a coin i n i t .  Could t h i s  be Margaret of Parma, leaving the Netherlands without accompl i s h i n g what had been hoped of her, - without having helped the Dutch people to achieve t h e i r birthright of freedom? (She departed i n 1567.)  I f we are to follow Gluck's suggest-  ion that Bruegel hardly ever places the main theme i n the v i s i b l e centre, such an explanation of the figure's importance i s more l i k e l y to be true.  Certainly Pirenne sees a  message i n the painting, although his focus i s more to the centre;  he also sees further ramifications:  - 17 -  "II est done pas impossible que l e terme de Gueux ^ dece'rne par Berlaymont aux s i g n i t a i r e s du Compromis des Nobles qui portaient des queues de renard a leur chapeau l e 5 a v r i l a i t 4te sugge're au president du Conseil des finances par l a comparaison des nobles avec les mendiants affubles des me*mes a t t r i b u t s . Le choix de ces queues de renard apparaissait comme un defi a l a personne de Simon Renard, ami de Granvelle 'C Cardinal de GranvelleD' et diplomate de'voue' l a cause de Philippe I I . Les nobles l e s f i r e n t pendre aux chapeaux de leurs domestiques puis s'en parerent eux-memes. Le 19 j u i n 1564, a' l occasion du bapt&ne d'un des f i l s de PierreErnest de Mansfeld a Luxembourg, l'on v i t paraitre un individu deguise en cardinal s u i v i d'un diable a cheval qui l e frappait a l ' a i d e d'un fouet forme de queues de Renard. Das sa correspondence, Granvelle explique que l e choix de cet embleme a ete inspire aux nobles par l ' a t t i t u d e de son ami Simon Renard"33. 1  While one may pursue the analogy this f a r , i t should be remembered that Bruegel i s equivocal.  The foxes  1  t a i l s do  not have to be i n defiance o f Simon Renard, or to be suggestive of the "compromise'' as foxes' t a i l s were worn by beggars long before these issues came to l i g h t .  For example, when Bruegel  painted the "Battle Between Carnival and Lent" i n 1559, he shows a crippled beggar wearing s i x foxes' t a i l s .  I t does  seem s i g n i f i c a n t that he chooses to paint a similar group again, and to give them a t i t l e with a special meaning. Acknowledging that additional meaning may have been intended i n "Les Gueux", we s t i l l cannot be sure o f i t .  The very  p i t i f u l and unlovely aspect of "Les Gueux" would tend to discourage one from thinking he was sympathetic toward " l e Gueux".  However, we could assume that t h i s discouragement  would have been intentional both for reasons of Bruegel's own  -  IS  -  safety (he would naturally have been a f r a i d of the Inquisition), and out of respect f o r his moderate Catholic f r i e n d s . Probably Bruegel found that he could not always be true to h i s a r t i s t i c i n s t i n c t s and to his p o l i t i c a l i n s t i n c t s i n one and the same painting.  Where a facet of a painting emerges  which appears to c o n f l i c t with his p o l i t i c a l i n c l i n a t i o n s such as the p i t i f u l aspect of "Les Gueux" - i t i s l i k e l y that he allowed the a r t i s t i n him to predominate.  He. was i n fact  an a r t i s t f i r s t and other interests came second. The opinion of some art historians i s that a thread of p o l i t i c a l significance does run through some of Bruegel's paintings.  With regard to the "Conversion of St. Paul", f o r  instance, both Gluck and Marlier consider i t alludes to the passage through the Alps of the Duke of Alba's army i n I567. The dark figure on a white horse with his back to the viewer, to the right centre of foreground, may be intended to be the Duke of Alba ( I l l u s . 7 ) . Foote considers that the "Two  Monkeys" (I562) may have  had p o l i t i c a l , as w e l l as other, aspects ( I l l u s . 9 ) ; "Monkeys were commonly used to represent man's bondage to his b e s t i a l side and the picture can be seen as a blend of l o c a l scenery and didactic commentary on human weakness. In the 1560's, moreover, Bruegel's r e s e n t f u l countrymen f e l t that they were held i n chains by the Spanish authorities i n the Low Countries, which has l e d to the suspicion that the painting perhaps had a p o l i t i c a l meaning too"3^  - 19 -  We should examine further paintings to ascertain the extent of Bruegel's symbolic intentions. To take an example from mythology, the "Landscape with the F a l l of Icarus" (c. 1558)  i s a mythological event, but  again the setting i s r e a l i s t i c .  The eye searches f o r the  subject, but f i r s t encounters the d e t a i l s Bruegel intended us to note:  the ploughman hard at work, the shepherd with  his f l o c k , the fisherman by the shore, and the ship s a i l i n g on i t s way.  Only a f t e r ranging the canvas do we see the legs  of the mythical aeronaut disappearing under the waves between ship and shore i n a cloud of spray ( I l l u s . 1 0 ) .  The main  theme as stated i n the t i t l e i s c e r t a i n l y obscured. does the painter mean by t h i s ?  What  One aspect of his intention  i s very c l e a r l y verbalised i n the poem "Musee des Beaux Arts" by W. H. Auden: "About suffering they were never wrong, The Old Masters: how well they understood Its human position; how i t takes place while someone else i s eating or opening a window or just walking d u l l y along; ... •In Bruegel's' Icarus, for instance: how everything turns away Quite l e i s u r e l y from the disaster; the ploughman may Have heard the splash, the forsaken cry, But f o r him i t was not an important f a i l u r e ; the sun shone As i t had to on the white legs disappearing into the green Water; and the expensive delicate ship that must have seen Something amazing, a boy f a l l i n g out of the sky. Had somewhere to get to and s a i l e d calmly on."35  - 20 -  While the "Tower of Babel" may not be a painting about suffering, the understanding of the human condition which Bruegel reveals i n the " F a l l of Icarus" may well be applicable to  both paintings. Apart from suffering, what else could be symbolised  (Illus.11 ) here?  Since the legend of Icarus could represent  the f a l l of pride, then i n Bruegel's day, t h i s would imply the f a l l into the eternal punishment of h e l l .  Bruegel has  concealed from the casual glance the head of a dead man,  not  v i s i b l e i n small reproductions, which appears i n the undergrowth on the l e f t of the largest tree on the l e f t of the picture. to  Bianconi states that the dead man may be an a l l u s i o n  the Flemish proverb:  "No plow ever stops when a man  dies"36  While t h i s i s an aspect of the theme of suffering, the additi o n a l meaning placed on i t by Lindsay and Huppe i s more satisfactory: "A connection between the dying Icarus and the dead man exists powerfully on the symbolic l e v e l . Death as a warning to pride i s an ever-present theme i n European C h r i s t i a n l i t e r a t u r e , f o r pride w i l l bring eternal death. The f a l l of Icarus and the d e t a i l of the dead man may symbolize the same thing, the eternal death of the soul through pride. The symbolic connection of ideas may serve to explain the otherwise unmotivated concealed d e t a i l of the dead man i n Brueghel's F a l l » 3 7 . Thus, the deliberately obscured d e t a i l of the dead man may have the function of r e i n f o r c i n g the symbolism of the f a l l i n g of Icarus. theme are obscured.  So both the main theme and a subsidiary  #  -  21  -  What of the contrast between the violent death o f Icarus and the peaceful a c t i v i t y of the rest of the scene?  The ship  heading f o r port can symbolize the reward of salvation f o r those pursuing t h e i r Christian duty.  S i m i l a r l y , the three  l i v i n g persons r e a l i s t i c a l l y performing t h e i r tasks i n l i f e are i n d i c a t i v e of where our attentions are to be directed, with less importance given to the " h i g h - f l i e r s " .  We should  pursue the path of duty followed symbolically by the ploughman,  the shepherd, and the fisherman - t h i s i s the message  to the observer.  There seems to be l i t t l e doubt that there  i s strong symbolism i n t h i s painting.  BRUEGEL'S SYMBOLIC METHOD APPLIED TO HIS LARGE TOWER OF BABEL How does the method of obscuring the main theme apply to the "Large Tower of Babel"?  In this case, the main theme, as  stated by the t i t l e , i s not obscured - there stands the tov/er "larger than l i f e " .  However, since a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f  Bruegel's art i s that he r a r e l y places the chief event of the story i n the v i s i b l e centre of the picture, but tends to conceal i t , perhaps the tower i t s e l f i s not the most important part of the painting.  The main organizational difference  between t h i s painting and the "Landscape with the F a l l of Icarus", or the "Conversion of St. Paul" i s that these have a foreground which provides a diversion from the subject i n the t i t l e whereas the diversionary tower i s placed i n the  - 22 -  middle ground.  We may  therefore look away from the area  dominated by the tower for the true iconographical meaning. It seems probable that this w i l l prove to be i n the foreground  group composed of king, c o u r t i e r s , and stonemasons.  After a l l , Bruegel i s more concerned with people and events than buildings, so i n t h i s case, again, i t seems that the subject that dominates the composition not also i t s iconographical centre.  most (the tower) i s  As mentioned on page 5  of t h i s chapter, King Nimrod i s not ostentatiously dressed and the group of courtiers i s quite meagre.  Yet i t i s t h i s  group that i s probably the iconographical centre. Accepting t h i s aspect of interpretation, we see immedi a t e l y that there i s a contrast between the almost - humble king, and the large amount of respect being paid him by the kneeling stonemasons.  Why  t h i s contrast?  Probably because  Nimrod and his tower were well-known as symbols of Bruegel wanted to stress that Nimrod was  only a human being  and that therefore a l l the adulation was  completely  ified.  Bruegel has hardly f i t t e d Nimrod to the B i b i c a l  description of "a man 1:103  unjust-  of might on the earth" C i  but perhaps t h i s was  Chronicles  unnecessary, since the mammoth  structure behind him t e l l s us of his power and a b i l i t y - as well as his pride and  ambition.  - 23 -  This leaves the way open for another interpretation of Nimrod himself.  Since he i s i n contemporary  dress, could not  the "petty dignity" aspect of him s i g n i f y the meddlesome r u l e r s from Spain - perhaps one of them i n particular?  That  the opportunity would have been taken to imply this seems e s p e c i a l l y l i k e l y since Babel i n any case was taken to imply "Babble of tongues".  The Spanish were at that time attempting  to impose upon the Low Countries a new and unwelcome language - Spanish. Added to t h i s , Bruegel's intent at times (Illus.12 ) seems to have had p o l i t i c a l overtones.  For example, i n h i s  painting "The Massacre of the Innocents", there appear to be s i m i l a r i t i e s between the troops shown i n t h i s painting and those of the Duke of Alba, who  carried out violent r e p r i s a l s  against C a l v i n i s t s i n the Brussels - Antwerp region i n I567. Unable to pass through h o s t i l e France, he had raised an army i n Milan, marching northwards over the Alps [see the "Conversion of St. Paul" pages 13, 143•  He continued through  Savoy and Lorraine, and so into the Low Countries, c o l l e c t i n g German and Walloon mercenaries on the way, and entering Brussels i n August of that year.  The G rman Reiters wore e  blue-steel armour (the "black harness") and black cuirasses, while the Spanish and Walloons wore red cuirasses.  - 24 -  In "The Massacre of the Innocents"  ( I l l u s . 1 3 ) some of  the cavalry standing i n reserve have black cuirasses, while some soldiers on foot have red ones.  The rather disguised,  transparent f l a g has on i t a cross of the ceriphed type as used by the Spanish on banners and galleon s a i l s . There i s one very noticeable exception which stands out among the mass of lances held v e r t i c a l l y by the reserve of cavalry - a single lance held at an angle pointing d i r e c t l y to the f l a g .  Almost under the f l a g i s a lone, e l d e r l y bearded  f i g u r e i n black, s i t t i n g on a white horse. important  element i n the painting.  figure as the Duke o f A l b a . 3 9  He seems to be an  Gluck i d e n t i f i e s t h i s  This view i s supported by the  comments of Stanley Ferber i n his a r t i c l e on "P. Bruegel and the Duke of Alba": "Close examination of the face o f the 'black r i d e r ' shows an old man with a long, pointed gray beard and a f u l l , drooping mustache. Beard styles of the midand late sixteenth century favored the shorter, more squared, 'spade' or 'shovel' beard shape. Almost nowhere i n Bruegel's paintings can a long, pointed beard be found. Hence, the anomalous beard of the figure i n black appears to be more than a simple genre touch. In examining sixteenth-century p o r t r a i t s to a r r i v e at a generalization concerning beard styles, those of Ferdinand Alvares, Duke of Alba, are unique i n the consistency with which they depict the Duke. Various engravings of the l a t e sixteenth century, at l e a s t two contemporary with Alba's reign i n the Lowlands, show him with the long, pointed gray beard and drooping mustache already seen i n the figure i n black i n the Bruegel painting."  - 25  -  "... In examining p o r t r a i t s of the sixteenth century i n paintings as well as graphic media, for contemporary portraits of Alba, the author was struck by the consistency of beard types depicted. Thus the beard on the figure i n black stood out a l l the more as a d i s t i n c t i v e feature"40 I t would be d i f f i c u l t to find reason enough to deny the implications of t h i s picture.  The cumulative  evidence i s  very strong when further examination reveals yet another important  detail.  This i s that the royal herald, or deputy,  on horseback on the right surrounded by imploring peasants has a vest ( I l l u s . 1 4 ) embroidered i n a gold design that transpires to be the two-headed eagle.  This i s the emblem  of the House of Hapsburg, of which the more tolerant regent preceding Alba (Margaret  of Parma) was  a member.  A contrast  between the regimes of the Spanish and Austrian regents i s here implied, since the Hapsburg herald i s unarmed and has a hand opened i n a gesture of helplessness.  This was  the f e e l i n g  of the exasperated Margaret when P h i l i p II decided to subs t i t u t e Alba's I n q u i s i t i o n for her more enlightened r u l e ^ - . To f i n d s i m i l a r i l y potent p o l i t i c a l symbolism i n "The Tower of Babel" i s impossible since the picture i s much more subtle i n that respect.  However, proof of Bruegel's use of  i t i n "The Massacre of the Innocents",  and the "Conversion  of  St. Paul" makes i t more l i k e l y to occur, at least i n generalized form, i n the Babel painting.  - 26 -  Assuming for the moment that i n that painting, the contrast between the unimpressive  king with his small court,  and the adulation of the stonemasons i s i n t e n t i o n a l , then perhaps we are to look again at the scene. masons may  In that case, the  not be so much genuflecting to the king as imploring  him to reconsider an act.  Two have outstretched hands as i f  i n the act of supplication. S i m i l a r l y , we could then see the person next to the king, not as an architect, but as a burgher of the bustling Flemish c i t y , whose environs are being by the mammoth structure.  engulfed  Like the masons, he might be im-  ploring the king to desist from building the f o l l y that i s overshadowing t h e i r c i t y . More evidence that Bruegel did i n t e n t i o n a l l y reduce (Illus.2,2,) his royal party to humbler proportions than might have been expected i n his time i s provided by comparison with the Gremani Breviary miniature of the scene.  This Bruegel  i s l i k e l y to have seen while i n Venice (c. 1552  -53)-  In  spite of i t s tiny proportions, the a r t i s t manages to show a larger royal party. Then, i n the depression behind the masons and i n front of the tower are four distant men  l y i n g on the ground who  might be workers recovering from t o i l , or dead men.  Taking  them to be dead would s i g n i f y that the tower was a symbol of pride, since the punishment for pride was  death - death of  - 27 -  the s p i r i t . dead man  Less obvious and more subtle perhaps than the  i n "The F a l l of Icarus" (because i t would be good  policy for a person to thoroughly v e i l such suggestions i f he wanted to l i v e a long l i f e ) , but nevertheless a plausible symbol i f we wish to read i t that  way.  In addition, the tower overshadowing the c i t y would not only be the symbol of pride - the unrelenting pride of P h i l i p II and of his regent Alba - but also of the imposition of tyrannical r u l e upon the peaceable and industrious c i t i e s of the Low Countries.  This gives us an insight into the  icono-  graphy of the Tower of Babel i t s e l f at t h i s point i n history. There i s , however, one other aspect of the tower's symbolism at that time which might be taken into consideration. It should be stressed that the message conveyed by t h i s painting i s so subtle, or "low-key" that i t can also be imagined to read as being somewhat c r i t i c a l of Protestants as w e l l .  For example, a contemporary of Bruegel, van Vaernew-  i j c k , drew a p a r a l l e l between the i n t e r n a l quarrels of the Protestants and the Tower of Babel^ . 2  He compared the  feuding  of C a l v i n i s t s , Lutherans, and Anabaptists with the builders of the Babylonian Tower, whose pride God punished by t h e i r language.  confusing  The absence of much detailed interpretation  on the part of art historians on the subject of t h i s painting makes a f i n a l decision as to his exact symbolic intentions doubly d i f f i c u l t .  - 28  -  From Bruegel's l i f e , independent of his a r t , we are unable to reach a firm conclusion as to his convictions. As a f r i e n d of Ortelius and as part of Antwerp's i n t e l l e c t u a l world, he should have been a C a l v i n i s t , but the teachings of Erasmus were also highly regarded i n that c i t y - and Erasmus refused to take sides.  Bruegel moved to Brussels i n 1563,  just before a series of anti-Catholic outbursts i n Antwerp. Did  he do t h i s to escape the violence, to avoid the ensuing  punishment for Protestant leanings, or simply to avoid having to take sides at a l l ?  An indication of the usefulness of  t h i s piece of escape information i s given by the fact that when Christopher Plantin decided to f l e e the Antwerp persecution i n the same year he chose to go to Paris, since Brussels was not much safer than Antwerp.  We cannot assume  that Bruegel was f l e e i n g persecution necessarily and therefore the circumstantial evidence does not a s s i s t us i n a r r i v i n g at a d e f i n i t e motive here.  Added to the already too numerous  p o s s i b i l i t i e s i s one provided by the e a r l i e s t biography of Peter Bruegel, published i n 1604 - Carel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck: "As long as he TBruegeljf l i v e d i n Antwerp, he kept house with a servant g i r l . He would have married her but for the fact that, having a marked distaste for the truth, she was i n the habit of l y i n g , a thing he greatly d i s l i k e d . He made an agreement with her to the effect that he would procure a s t i c k and cut a notch i n i t f o r every l i e she t o l d , for which purpose he chose a f a i r l y long one. Should the  - 29 s t i c k become covered i n notches i n the course o f time, the marriage would be o f f and there would be no further question of i t . And indeed t h i s came to pass after a short time. In the end when the widow o f Pieter Koeck C t o whom Bruegel had been apprenticed!! was l i v i n g i n Brussels, he courted her daughter whom, as we have said, he had often carried about i n his arms and married her. The mother, however, demanded that Breughel should leave Antwerp and take up residence i n Brussels, so as to give up and put away a l l thoughts of his former g i r l . And t h i s indeed he did"4J. The truth i s probably that Bruegel did not have one straight forward motive f o r his decision.  I t i s more l i k e l y  that, as i n l i f e generally, a combination of circumstances and motives made a move desirable. This brings up the whole question of whether or not i t i s profitable to devote considerable time i n researching the d e t a i l s o f an a r t i s t ' s private l i f e . Bruegel's a r t i s t i c achievement of his secret thoughts? for  Can we understand  as well without t h i s revelation  Probably not, since i f a clear motive  his move to Brussels could have been established, t h i s  would have added to our knowledge of the a r t i s t ' s intent i n many o f his paintings, especially where elements of iconography are unclear. Even without an i r r e f u t a b l e r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l motive for  his move i t i s s t i l l a fact that Bruegel was a person o f  strong moral convictions - as can be seen from the cumulative evidence of many of the paintings - and that to be consistent  -  30 -  i n art as i n l i f e , he would have expected people to read a moral message (including that against the "pride" of powerful invaders) i n his works of a r t .  BRUEGEL S IDEA OF THE MEANING OF THE TOWER 1  The idea of the meaning of the tower i n the mind of Bruegel would have evolved from much thought about a variety of impressions gained i n various ways.  Added to the Bible  story perhaps heard at an early age - with i t s warning against pride, i t s "babble" of tongues, awesome destruction, and moral - would be other l i t e r a r y impressions from a few books mentioning  or dealing with the subject.  These would be the more  r e a d i l y available printed books such as the translations into By I566  L a t i n of the Histories of Herodotus of Halicarnassus.  there were at least ten Latin editions of the book, printed i n Venice, Rome, Geneva, Paris, and Cologne with the e a r l i e s t being 1474.  Editions i n French numbered two by 1556,  German edition was produced  i n Augsburg i n  and  one  1535^  It seems highly l i k e l y that such a popular book would have come under discussion, i f not under Bruegel's scrutiny, during his long stay i n I t a l y (c. 155  2  - 54).  The  full  description by Herodotus of the eight-storey tower with i t s e n c i r c l i n g staircase and base 200 yards long, i s on page 71 of Part I I , of t h i s t h e s i s .  - 31 -  Visual impressions might have come from engravings appearing i n one of these books.  Long before the advent of  p r i n t i n g however, there were numerous i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n Bibles and chronicles.  The Welislaw Bible has a 14th century i l l u s t -  r a t i o n (Illus.15 ) of the tower by the Bohmischer Master; the Toggenburg Bible, prepared around 1411 by Rudolf von  Ems,  (Illus.16) has a miniature by the Schweizer Master, and there is another miniature i n the Kasseler World Chronicle prepared by Rudolf van Ems  (Illus.1J ), c. 1385.  These are just a few  examples of the type of tower which Bruegel might have seen i n his formative years. While the chance of his having seen one of these s p e c i f i c a l l y seems very small, i t must be remembered that not a great deal i s known about the a r t i s t ' s early l i f e  and  travels and i t seems very l i k e l y that, as the thinking person that he obviously was, he would have examined works of t h i s nature.  They bear l i t t l e relationship a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y to  Bruegel's tower, but may have helped i n the formation of his o r i g i n a l idea of i t s r e l i g i o u s and moral connotations.  While  the thinking behind the symbolism used i n these early paintings i s buried much more deeply i n the past than that of Bruegel's, we can see ideas emerging:  that of judgement, f o r  example, i n the crowbars held by hands from heaven which pry at the builders and the building (Illus.15 ) of the Bohmischer Master;  that of punishment f o r pride as armed angels ( I l l u s .13  )  -  32  -  hurl builders from the ornate Tower i n the Book of Hours of the Duke of Bedford. Again, the idea of the Tower of Babel as a symbol of judgement upon pride emerges.  The reason f o r i t s becoming  popular i n Flanders was surely i t s immediate relevance:  the  imposition of the Spanish language upon an already multil i n g u a l country; the descendants  the establishment by P h i l i p of Spain, l i k e of Noah i n Babylon, of a brick c i t y as an  administrative centre intended to govern a wide area;  the  f o l l y of such grandiose schemes - especially when the overseers speak a foreign language which cannot be understood. This might appear to be a pessimistic view of history, but the tower certainly seems to mirror metaphorically the views of Bruegel and of many of his  contemporaries^.  F i n a l l y , there i s the concept of the tower as something grotesque, r i d i c u l o u s , or even the product of a world gone mad or "upside down".  This i s similar to that aspect of the  Bruegel painting "Dutch Proverbe" as seen by i t s engraver  P.  Fruytiers: "Par ce dessin i t est montre Les abus du monde renverse"^  0  That frame of mind may have arisen from the s i n i s t e r turn of h i s t o r i c a l events (the occupation of the Low Countries, the approach of the Duke of Alba) but i s more l i k e l y to have been part of the general fascination with the f a n t a s t i c i n those times.  -  33  -  THE ARCHITECTURAL ORIGINS OF BRUEGEL'S TOWER To ascertain what v i s u a l images of towers generally have been combined to produce the version of 1563,  may  we must  look at examples which Bruegel himself i s most l i k e l y to have seen p r i o r to that date. One  aspect of Bruegel's experience which has so f a r  received l i t t l e attention i s his friendship with the less-famous miniaturist G i u l i o Clovio (1498  now  - 1573)^7.  Clovio had migrated from Croatia to Rome and made such progress that Vasari l a t e r said that "there was no more excellent illuminator or painter of small things" and that he was "Michelangelo of small works"^**.  "Small" i s evidently not  intended here as a derogatory term. had a fame which to us,  the  In f a c t , G i u l i o Clovio  today, i s quite s u r p r i s i n g .  He appears i n a group of four men together i n the lower right-hand  ( I l l u s . 15* ) standing  corner of E l Greco's Roman  version of "Christ Cleansing the Temple", now  in  Minneapolis.  The others i n the group are T i t i a n , Michelangelo, and probably Raphael^.  Why  Clovio should appear i n t h i s  p r i v i l e g e d position with at l e a s t two of the immortals i s unclear, unless we consider the p o s s i b i l i t y that either he was  t r u l y renowned as an a r t i s t i n those days, or he was  special f r i e n d of E l Greco.  E l Greco was  a  c e r t a i n l y indebted  to his fellow Greek expatriate, since Clovio, who  lived in  - 34 -  the Palazzo Farnese from 1561 u n t i l h i s death i n 1 5 7 8 ^ , wrote a l e t t e r t o C a r d i n a l Alessandro Farnese, on November 16th,  1570, i n t r o d u c i n g E l Greco as f o l l o w s :  "A young Candiote pupil o f T i t i a n ' s has arrived i n Rome", from Venice "a r e a l l y excellent painter i n my opinion. Among other things, he has done a p o r t r a i t of himself which has astonished a l l the painters o f Rome. I should l i k e to recommend him to the patronage o f your Eminence, his only p r a c t i c a l necessity being a room i n the Palazzo Farnese f o r a short time, u n t i l he can find more suitable lodging ... n51 .  While t h i s establishes the indebtedness o f E l Greco to Clovio, i t does more to improve our estimation o f Clovio's importance as an a r t i s t and c r i t i c and as a trusted protege of Cardinal Farnese.  That G i u l i o Clovio was renowned as an  a r t i s t i n h i s time i s also born out by the testimony of Vasari, already mentioned, and by such comments as those of Paolo Pino, Raffaello Borghini, Mancini, and Baglione^ . 2  Webster Smith  goes a step further i n saying: "An I t a l i a n could have said, although apparently no one ever did, that Clovio, the 'best' o f a l l miniaturists, won simply by default i n a f i e l d i n which no other a r t i s t o f renown would work more than a l i t t l e i f at a l l , f o r miniatures may be seen and admired only by a few"53, I t would appear that h i s i s the example o f the p r a c t i t ioner of a dying a r t , whose name becomes almost eclipsed with that of his s p e c i a l i z a t i o n .  -  35  -  With Clovio's fame among his contemporaries as a miniaturist proven, i t remains to trace his influences upon Peter Bruegel.  Bruegel got to know him s u f f i c i e n t l y well  to be asked to collaborate with him i n several paintings.  In  one of these, mentioned i n Clovio's w i l l , Clovio supplied the human figures while Bruegel f i l l e d i n the background - a landscape54.  Clovio's estate papers also r e f e r to two  paintings " d i mano d i M  ro  Pietro Brugole":  a tree and a small tower of Babel on G i u l i o Clovio's possession  other  a watercolbur of  ivory55.  of a Tower of Babel on ivory  by Bruegel might seem to be only an i n d i c a t i o n of i n t e r e s t , on the part of the m i n i a t u r i s t , i n "small" works - and more of an i n d i c a t i o n of a way Clovio.  i n which Bruegel may  However, that the influence was  have influenced  i n f a c t i n the  reverse d i r e c t i o n i s shown by the f a c t that Clovio produced a miniature  of the Tower of Babel by 1546,  born at e a r l i e s t i n 1525,  long before  Bruegel,  could have produced his ivory, and  brought i t to show Clovio i n I t a l y .  Clovio's tower appears  i n The Book of Hours of the Blessed V i r g i n ( I l l u s . 10  )  produced f o r Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, i n whose palace Clovio l a t e r l i v e d ^ .  This i s the book to which Clovio i s  pointing ( I l l u s . 2 1 ) i n the p o r t r a i t of him l a t e r completed by E l Greco (c. 1570), and must have been an undertaking of which he was  proud57.  - 36 -  Vasari's description of t h i s book implies that the work, including his Tower of Babel, must have been a source of great wonder at the time.  Vasari's enthusiam suggests that i t  must have been a production of considerable importance at that time, and may well have been a topic of considerable interest on Bruegel's  arrival.  While he d i d not show great o r i g i n a l i t y i n the subject of the tower, f o r i t i s very s i m i l a r to the Grimani Breviary one ( I l l u s . d X ) (painted between 150S and 1519), he may have discussed i t with his friend Bruegel, and inspired him to paint a much more elaborate one.  S i m i l a r i t i e s there c e r t a i n l y  are i n the works of the two a r t i s t s - the use of seven or eight stages, and a s t a i r c a s e , or ramp, going a l l the way round the outside, similar cranes and so on, but Bruegel's execution i s such a vast improvement that we can only conclude that Clovio acted as an i n s p i r a t i o n rather than a source of d e t a i l , and there were other a r c h i t e c t u a l influences at work. Certainly another source of i n s p i r a t i o n , at l e a s t , may have been the tower f i n i s h e d i n mosaic (1220 - 1230) i n the narthex of St. Mark's, Venice.  This i s one of the finest  early examples of the tower, and provides a variety of examples of both human and divine a c t i v i t y i n that scene ( I l l u s . X 3 ).  37  -  When he was i n Venice, Bruegel may well have seen the tower i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Grimani Breviary, which may have been contributed by a fellow Fleming: (1467 - 1541?), or by Simon Benning^.  Gheeraert Horenbout He would have noted  such d e t a i l s as the building methods i l l u s t r a t e d , and the busy port at the r i g h t o f the picture.  The dockside crane  operated by twin treadmills i s almost i d e n t i c a l to the one shown by Bruegel (Illus.2/4-) l i f t i n g building blocks to the t h i r d stage o f the tower.  The positioning o f the ships and  port i n r e l a t i o n to the tower, and the general geographic s e t t i n g i s also repeated by Bruegel.  S i m i l a r i t i e s are  continued i n the t i n y human scale, dwarfed by the grotesque tower, with implications of the inadequacy o f human endeavour i n such a giant enterprise.  Workmen pay homage to Nimrod i n  a duplication o f d e t a i l s which make i t appear highly l i k e l y , i n f a c t , that Bruegel had seen the Grimani  Breviary.  However, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that none of the above-mentioned towers i s round.  For the o r i g i n of the round form, according  to de T o l n a y ^ , we must look to the illuminated Bible of Holbein the Younger, and H. S. Beham.  It would i n f a c t be surprising  i f Bruegel had looked at examples i n I t a l y and not i n Northern Europe.  These are both round towers without a s p i r a l s t a i r -  case ( I l l u s . Z5,lQ  and show some resemblance to f o r t i f i e d  towers of the Middle Ages.  - 38 -  Nor should we underestimate the technical e f f e c t upon Bruegel of the thousands of well-drawn prints turned out by the printshops of Bruegel's time.  Many of these single  editions are now l o s t , but something of t h e i r effect can be seen i n the graphic nature of Bruegel's picture.  He was i n  fact closely associated with the most famous of the Netherlandish shops while i n Antwerp - that of the House of the Four Winds printshop run by Hieronymus Cock. combined art dealing centre, coffeehouse, and for  This was a meeting-place  i n t e l l e c t u a l s , whose l i f e Bruegel must have become a  part of when he began work f o r Cock shortly after i t s founding in  1548. A print which i l l u s t r a t e s Bruegel's part i n the printing  process i s "Big f i s h eat l i t t l e ones" ( I l l u s . X\ ). the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of executing the f i r s t process:  His was  h a l f of the copying  reducing the o r i g i n a l o i l painting to i t s graphic  essentials by drawing a simple, sharp-lined sketch. sketch was then copied by an artisan, who plate from which the print was made.  This  engraved the copper  That Bruegel did the  drawing of "Big f i s h eat l i t t l e ones" we know because i t i s to be seen i n the Albertina, Vienna, and i s signed brueghel".  "1556  The print from the plate i s i n reverse of the  drawing, and i s based on an o r i g i n a l Bosch, because i t i s credited to him on the p r i n t :  "Hieronymus BOS inuentor".  The actual engraving was done by Pieter van der Heyden^O  - 39 -  (whose monogram can be seen), and the print was published by Cock i n Antwerp (COCK EXCV. 1557). Bruegel seems, to have worked at the printshop u n t i l l a t e 1551, when he went to I t a l y , and again after h i s return i n 1554«  His actual journey was probably instigated by Cock, i n  order to c o l l e c t material f o r a new series of engravings^l. I t was while i n Rome that he encountered the most s i g n i f i c a n t of a l l the a r c h i t e c t u r a l influences that make up his Tower of Babel.  In f a c t , the question of why Bruegel  chose the tower as a subject at a l l may be i n part answered by the architectural influences which i t exhibits.  By turning  a sketch of the Colosseum into the Tower of Babel he had at once an impressive vehicle f o r a subject lending i t s e l f to the allegory expected of an a r t i s t i n h i s times. A look at the exposed part of the Tower, s t i l l under construction, shows an organized l a b y r i n t h of arched corridors running i n towards the centre.  These correspond to the  corridors by which spectators gained access to the i n t e r i o r stairways leading to the t i e r s of marble Colosseum seats ( I l l u s . % % ).  The transverse arches of the i n t e r i o r shown i n  the painting, a l l barrel-vaulted,correspond to the ambulatory corridors which run around the outside of the Colosseum. Bruegel must have sketched the Colosseum while i n Rome, perhaps f o r the printshop, and used the sketch as a basis f o r  - 40 -  his painting.  However, the tower had never before been  portrayed i n such d e t a i l , or on such a massive scale, and much of i t appears to be o r i g i n a l to the a r t i s t . He does not extend the analogy of the Colosseum to the use of the three orders framing the three main t i e r s of arches as i n that building.  Instead, his "columns" are  engaged buttresses with a s t r u c t u r a l purpose.  He includes  an i n t r i g u i n g variety of arch forms, which v i s u a l l y sort themselves into pairs between the buttresses. Some of the t a l l e s t arches are b l i n d , or have an arched doorway i n the lower l e v e l of masonry;  some arches are open, but less t a l l ,  and so have a second b l i n d arch form above with perhaps an archery window;  there are small rounded balconies r e s t i n g  between the tops of some of the arches;  other arches have  pairs of windows above them which look l i k e clerestory windows, and right at the topmost l e v e l of each arched i n t e r v a l , below the c i r c u l a r s p i r a l ramp running round the next l e v e l of tower, Lombard bands are consistantly shown. The general effect i s Romanesque, and one i s reminded of Jan van Eyck's use of that style when depicting ancient scenes. Although the internal structure has s i m i l a r i t i e s with that of the Colosseum, the external arrangement shows that of another architectural influence:  the account of Herodotus.  He mentions eight towers, or stages, the eighth being a shrine. Bruegel s eighth and topmost l e v e l , although unfinished f  - 41 -  and partly obscured by a cloud, i s also smaller, l i k e a shrine.  The analogy continues i n Bruegel's choice o f means  of ascent.  This i s also by "a c i r c u l a r way carried round  the outside o f the building to the highest p a r t " ^ . 2  So h i s  basic design goes back to a source almost contemporary with the o r i g i n a l tower i n i t s f i n a l and f i n e s t form. As regards the a r c h i t e c t u r a l inspirations i n the v i c i n i t y of the Colosseum, i n or about Bruegel's time, we have an abundance of sketches and drawings available, many of  them by v i s i t i n g a r t i s t s from the Low Countries. An  example containing several towers i s a drawing done c. 1604 6 , by Peter Stevens ( I l l u s . % 9 ), although i t may have been sketched i n an e a r l i e r v i s i t i n 1591^3.  The view from the  north side of the Palatine, across the Campo Vaccino, reveals the scene pretty much as i t would have looked i n Bruegel's time.  On the l e f t i s the house next to the Temple  of Antoninus and Faustina;  behind this the Torre die Conti,  and the towers o f St. Quirico and G i u l i t t a .  On the h i l l on  the l e f t i s the monastery of San Domenico with the towers of the church of that name.  In the centre, the church o f St.  Cosma and Damiano i s being sketched by foreground spectators, and on the r i g h t i s the B a s i l i c a o f Maxentius with the houses b u i l t on to i t .  Anyone gazing upon this impressive scene  could hardly f a i l to become interested i n the variety of building forms.  -  42 -  One more reminiscent of the Roman arches of Bruegel's structure i s that by P. B r i l of the imperial palaces on the Palatine H i l l ( I l l u s . 3 ° ). Two figures sketching are shown dwarfed by the massive arches, whose brickwork i s shown i n some d e t a i l .  This brickwork i s similar to that portrayed by  Bruegel i n the upper levels of h i s tower (Illus.31 ) before the stone facing was put on.  As Bruegel gazed at these arches  i n Rome, as he must have done, would not the glory and pride that was once Rome have reminded him of the pride of Babel also i n the ruins of judgement? A building which would have been less a source o f d e t a i l but equally i n t e r e s t i n g to Bruegel, perhaps, would have been the Castel San 'Angelo, shown here i n a m i l i t a r y drawing a f t e r being f o r t i f i e d i n 1557 ( I l l u s . 3 1 ) .  This and the  following i l l u s t r a t i o n show the Castel San 'Angelo very much as Bruegel would have seen i t .  The engraving gives a better  impression of the bulk o f the tower, and i t s s u i t a b i l i t y f o r staging spectacles (Illus.33 ). Again, something of the pride of Rome and of Babel might be indicated to the contemplative individual.  -  43 -  INSPIRATION FOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS OTHER THAN THE TOWER Several scenes which would have provided valuable background*material, as w e l l as contributing to Bruegel's competent technique i n that area, were completed i n 156264  ( I l l u s . 3 ^ )» just p r i o r to his Large Tower of Babel.  These  show something of his devotion to d e t a i l as w e l l as the f l i c k e r i n g l i g h t e f f e c t achieved i n his more finished drawings.  In the Boston one, reproduced here (two s i m i l a r  ones are i n Besancon) Bruegel appears to have used a f i n e point f o r d e t a i l while i n another - a marine landscape with a view of Antwerp i n the background ( I l l u s . 3 5 ), Bruegel used several shades o f yellowish and brown ink with a thicker line.  The use of diagonal cross-hatching does not appear  much i n the painting, of course, except where i t re-emerges i n shaded portions of boat h u l l s - but there i s a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y between the design and execution of the twin-masted saving ship being tossed by the waves i n the marine landscape and those i n the painting.  That drawings were used as a  basis f o r d e t a i l s of the painting i s quite clear, and i s confirmed by such elements as the Babel ship ( I l l u s . % ) - with :  high a f t e r - c a s t l e stem-on to the viewer.  The viewpoint f o r  t h i s would be from a boat i n the harbour - as were a l l of Bruegel's Amsterdam drawings - and not from the higher viewpoint of r i s i n g foreground i n the painting.  - 44 -  Many elements i n the drawings - such as the battlemented round towers ( I l l u s . 3 6 )  t  conical roofs, and the twin-masted  ships, and twin arched bridge - also appear i n the painting. The round towers appear with s i m i l a r highlights, although achieved with paint instead of ink on white paper.  The  drawings c e r t a i n l y reveal Bruegel's developing interest i n architecture at that time.  The many castles sketched by  Bruegel i n the early 1560's - many of them perched high on rocky crags - show a c e r t a i n interest, too, i n the larger scale, more impressive works of mankind. One peculiar and rather un-Flemish item i n Bruegel's painting ( I l l u s . 4 , ) i s the aqueduct  enclosing the distant  perimeter of the c i t y to the l e f t of the tower.  One wonders  i f t h i s i s a c t u a l l y a part of the f o r t i f i c a t i o n s and walls, but as the arches appear to be open to the country beyond, t h i s seems u n l i k e l y .  The combination of aqueduct and f o r t i f i e d  walls ( I l l u s . 3 7 ) may have been suggested by the parts of the Claudian Aqueduct that are bricked-up, so would have been r e c a l l e d from Bruegel's v i s i t to Rome.  See also top of  Illustration. The aqueduct i s i n fact about the only Roman element i n the painting, apart from the tower, and may have been introduced to heighten the atmosphere of unreality, or to lessen the contrast between the foreign tower and the u t t e r l y Flemish town.  -  45 -  The building equipment being used i n the painting may have Roman precedents, but was i n common use contemporaneously, as witnessed by the many i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n which i t appears s t a r t i n g from the time of the Grimani Breviary ( I l l u s . 2 2 > ) . Vitruvius^S mentions a s i m i l a r h o i s t i n g machine to that on the second highest l e v e l o f i l l u s t r a t i o n ' f , but his i s powered by windlasses turned with handles, not operated by treadmills as i n Bruegel's. As regards any d i r e c t influence from further a f i e l d than I t a l y , no historians mention t h i s as f a r as can be ascertained, although since the Babel story has i t s genesis i n the Middle East, one would expect to find some enquiry i n that d i r e c t i o n . The nearest contact with that area would appear to be through t r a v e l l e r s whom Bruegel would undoubtedly have met who had been to the Islamic countries, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y , through his teacher, and father-in-law, Peter Coecke van A e l s t .  In  1533, before Bruegel could have been h i s pupil, Coecke went to Constantinople and produced a series of woodcuts showing Turkish scenes ( I l l u s . 3 8 ) - including one of Suleiman I, parading with h i s extensive retinue, which includes archers, bodyguards on foot (swinging clubs?), and two chamberlains on horseback. the p r i n t s ,  Caryatids i n Turkish garb separate panels i n the domes and minarets of Istanbul, including  those o f the Hagia  Sophia, are recognizable.  Such a v i s i t  must have been frequently the subject of conversation  - 46 -  i n the a t e l i e r of Coecke, and would have f i r e d the of a young a r t i s t apprentice.  imagination  I t i s not r e f l e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y  i n any o f Bruegel's work, however, and neither i s the possible v i s i t to Tunis, which M a r l i e r finds d i f f i c u l t to prove **. 6  A COMPARISON OF THE LARGE TOWER WITH THE SMALL TOWER OF BABEL AND WITH ANTECEDENTS Bruegel's Small Tower ( I l l u s . 3 9 ) i s usually given the date 1563, which i s the same year as his larger one.  This  seems credible since, although i t has an even greater, miniature-like completeness, i t does not contain the same development o f r e l i g i o u s theme or p o l i t i c a l symbolism: the group of foreground  figures i s missing.  Bruegel could there-  fore have painted i t i n the year when he was deeply interested i n the subject, and possibly before he painted the Large Tower. The date of 1554 sometimes given, i s also credible, as t h i s was  the close of Bruegel's tour, and a time when the idea was  fresh i n his mind. The Small Tower i l l u s t r a t e s a greater v a r i e t y of archway forms, and i s i n fact a very exceptional study o f the very large number o f possible v a r i a t i o n s , a l l within a f a i r l y standardized Romanesque type of outer framework.  I t also  has the Lombard bands, and unfinished side c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Large Tower.  Both versions appear to be unique i n  t h i s unfinished aspect.  - 47 -  The Small Tower dominates the scene more completely and may  consequently be said to be an even f i n e r example of one  of the great f o l l i e s of man.  This increased effectiveness,  for the tower i s much closer to the picture plane, and so even more monumental and severs, may be a reason for dating the Small Tower l a t e r ^ ? .  Stechow, i n describing the impact  of t h i s tower says: "The colours are darker. The Nimrod episode has been abandoned as detracting from the main point of the story rather than adding to i t : the s i n of pride speaks more eloquently through the insame project i t s e l f than the cruel commands of the king to his subjects. The idea of transforming a rock into the tower has been dropped ... the enterprise thus takes on an additional element of hybris. True, the structure i s i n a more advanced stage, but success i s no nearer; while the antlike crowds on the lower ramps are no longer involved i n construction, such work i s s t i l l f r a n t i c a l l y pursued i n the upper reaches and made to look even more f u t i l e by the display of a r c h i t e c t u r a l complexity i n the inner recesses, the ominous red colour, and the more threatening clouds. The handling of the landscape at l e f t and the harbour at right i s l e s s miniature - like.and more magisterial than i n the version o f 1563 " ° \ 6  I t i s appropriate to consider Bruegel's Small Tower at the same time as the tower's antecedents, since most of them take t h i s one as t h e i r point of departure.  This may  be  because i t was the more accessible of the two, although both, according to van Mander, were i n Vienna, and probably both were owned by Rudoplh 11*9; nevertheless on the back of the Small Tower canvas are the arms of Elizabeth of Parma, wife of P h i l i p V.  -  48  -  The f i r s t of a host of apparent imitations i s that byLucas van Valckenborgh, dated I568 ( I l l u s . 4 0 ).  The chief  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of these i s that they push the tower back into the picture space, and so f a l l short of the grandeur of the o r i g i n a l .  Figure 36 reveals a tower almost i d e n t i c a l i n  form to that of Bruegel's Small Tower, with the c o n c i l i a t o r y v i r i a t i o n s one might expect being introduced only i n the landscape.  Another, attributed to the same a r t i s t (Illus.(^1 ),  shows elaborate buttresses to the f i r s t l e v e l which also function as f l i g h t s of steps.  Another dated 1594 (3 years  before the a r t i s t ' s death) I l l u s .^2* ), shows a tower b a s i c a l l y the same a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y .  A few more stories have added to  the height, but the tower has nevertheless s e t t l e d further into the landscape. Lucas Van Valckenborgh  (1530 - 1597)  seems to have  become something of a s p e c i a l i s t i n the Tower of Babel, with a t o t a l of possibly ten works by him.  One of these i s only  known from a description i n the King Charles I c a p i t a l c o l l e c t i o n catalogue of 1757 by George Vertue (ed:  Horace  Walpole): "the Tower of Babylon, with many very l i t t l e and curious figures, done by Faulkenburch, bought ... of S i r David Murrey"70.  - 49 -  Not u n t i l the end o f the 16th century do we find an i l l u s t r a t i o n of some o r i g i n a l i t y , but s t i l l with echoes o f Bruegel.  That attributed to Verhaecht i s characterized by  the new town (Illus.k>i ) architecture i n the foreground, and the landscape i s only fantastic i n the background f j o r d s . The tower reveals a tendency to accentuate the s p i r a l ramp perhaps encouraged by fresh t r a v e l l e r s ' t a l e s of the towerjlllus.i of Samarra.  I t generally r e f l e c t s the new form i n i t i a t e d by  Bruegel - and what i s s t r i k i n g i n the h i s t o r y o f the tower i n a r t i s that Bruegel's was an imaginative departure from a l l that had gone before, and f o r long a f t e r I563 h i s innovations were followed without further work of d i s t i n c t i o n . Since Bruegel's work provides us with the f i n e s t examples, there seems l i t t l e point i n exhaustive comparisons with less s i g n i f i c a n t creations. i n t e l l e c t u a l balance.  This more than any other, shows an I t i s Babylonian i n meaning, Roman i n  architecture, and almost p e r f e c t l y Flemish i n background and population.  THE TOWER OF BABEL AND THE FANTASTIC What was continuing more or less p a r a l l e l to Bruegel, van Valckenborgh and others, was a body o f lesser-known work of a much more f a n t a s t i c nature.  This i s exemplified by the  Destruction of the Tower of Babel, drawn by Marten van Heemskerck i n 1567.  This shows a colossal stepped  square  -  50  -  tower i n the midst of violent d i s i n t e g r a t i o n .  The c i r c u l a r  turret from the top i s f a l l i n g i n several huge pieces, f l U u s - V f ) apparently so suddenly that t i n y figures can be seen caught i n the act of ascending the staircase.  The tale of destruction  with i t s emphasis on judgement, i s continued i n his Destruction of Sodom.  Although there i s a triumphal arch, temples, and an  amphitheatre, evidencing a v i s i t to Rome, the themes of Bruegel seem much more sane and reasoned than does the world of van Heemskerck.  (Illus* ifrf)  It i s true, too, that Bruiegel was w e l l seasoned with the experiences of t r a v e l .  Many an a r t i s t could make f a i r  representations of Roman architecture from the numerous drawings and prints i n c i r c u l a t i o n .  There were i l l u s t r a t e d  maps ( I l l u s . If 6) such as the reconstruction of the whole c i t y by P i r r o L i g o r i o ? ! . t h i s huge map  The d e t a i l , which i s one section of  (Illus.),  shows buildings such as the  Colosseum, Circus Maximus, and temples along the Via Sacra more as they would have appeared i n the o r i g i n a l than i n the sixteenth century.  A Roman MS. may have been a v a i l a b l e .  Much more f a n t a s t i c than Heemskerck s tower ( I l l u s . * f 8 ) f  i s one of a series i n the book Turris Babel, published i n 1679, by Athanasius Kircher, the Jesuit devine and  polymath,  who attempted to show s c i e n t i f i c a l l y how a very high tower could be b u i l t .  His work appears to be the most o r i g i n a l  since Bruegel (a century before), and i n the copper engraving  - 51 -  done f o r him by Lieven Cruyl, and Coenraet Decker (?) are included numbers i n d i c a t i n g where the steep s p i r a l ramp reaches a l e v e l stage. who  This c a r e f u l l y follows Herodotus,  describes eight l e v e l s and a temple on top.  Kircher  has a c l a s s i c a l temple portico, too. Kircher calculated that a tower would have to be 178,672 miles high to reach the moon, and that i t s height at that point would be the radius of the Earth, multiplied by f i f t y two.  Its mass would be greater than that of the Earth,  and  so he doubted whether the enterprise would be successful because: 1)  there would not be enough material i n the world to b u i l d i t ;  2)  once the tower got beyond the centre of gravity, i t would collapse;  3)  i f i t were b u i l t at the rate of a mile a week, i t would take 3,426 years to get i t as high as the moon; and  4)  when i t reached that height, i t would take a draught horse that climbed t h i r t y miles a day more than sixteen years to take a load from the base to the summit? . 2  In this i n c r e d i b l e engraving ( I l l u s . 4 - ° / . ) , i t i s shown how  a tower of fifty-two times the Earth's radius (see small  c i r c l e above globe at base) could be designed to reach the moon.  The r a d i i are counted o f f i n tens at the side and a  small crescent moon i s balanced on the top.  However, Kircher  must have r e a l i z e d the pure fantasy of the subject since he raised objections.  -  52  -  In his r e a l i z a t i o n of the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of the project, Kircher echoes another divine, John Donne, who wrote for his N a t i v i t y Sermon of 1624: "Only He can r a i s e a Tower, whose top s h a l l reach to Heaven: The Basis of the highest b u i l d i n g i s but the Earth"73, and, i n his Second Anniversary: "They who did labour Babels tower to 'erect, Might have considered, that for that e f f e c t , A l l t h i s whole s o l i d Earth could not allow Nor furnish f o r t h materialls enow; And that t h i s Center, to r a i s e such a place, Was far too l i t t l e , to have been the Base". So, Donne has two probably o r i g i n a l objections to the project: 1)  there i s not enough matter i n the whole world for such a b u i l d i n g ; and  2)  The Earth i s too small for the required foundation.  The t r a d i t i o n of studying the immense height of the Tower goes back to Antiquity.  Don Cameron A l l e n writes:  "... four miles says Isodore; much higher says the extra - t r a d i t i o n a l Eutychius ... But as early as Philo and C y r i l l u s of Alexandria, men doubted whether i t could have been possible to complete the tower even i f 'the gods' had not decided to descend"74  - 53 -  THE TOWER AS AN EXPRESSION OF CHANGING IDEAS IN LIFE, LITERATURE AND  ART  Placed between Bruegel, and Kircher, i n time and extremity ( I l l u s . , 5 0 ) , i s a drawing of Karel van Mander engraved by Zacharias Dolendo, under the supervision of Jacques de Gheyn?5.  This shows a s u b s t a n t i a l round tower  r i s i n g i n stages, the f i r s t two of which are accessed from pyramids of steps.  The s o l i d , semicircular arches have  c i r c u l a r windows above them, and are separated by buttresses on the t h i r d stage.  The b u i l d i n g disappears into threatening  (judgemental?) storm clouds, and the confusion of tongues amid the vast population i s convincingly executed.  A  foreground figure reminiscent of one of Peter Coeck's Turks points to a stone t a b l e t i n Greek, while another tablet i n the foreground  (not seen i n the copy) i s i n Hebrew.  A tall  obelisk contains hieroglyphics, while a l l around people of many d i f f e r e n t races, and n a t i o n a l i t i e s gesticulate, and point i n e f f o r t s to be understood. By the nineteenth century there was  a return to depictions  of the scene i n simpler, more r e a l i s t i c terms, more i n keeping with the B i b l i c a l o r i g i n a l perhaps.  Gustav Dore (Illus.5^1 )  imagines primitive wagons s h i f t i n g stone blocks, with crowds of heaving slaves, a very sombre s p i r a l tower-like an enlarged Samarra - and a group of foreground supervisors apparently i n despair of accomplishing t h e i r task, or seeking deliverance  - 54 -  from impending doom and confusion.  One f l i n g s his arms  skywards i n a very G a l l i c gesture of emotion. One of the most recent examples, i s also one of the most primitive.  This i s a woodcut ( I l l u s )  by Leo  Michelson, and shows only a tower on a rock base with teams of men p u l l i n g loaded oxen, a horse, or camel at each l e v e l of the winding s p i r a l ramp - again l i k e Samarra.  A rare  occurrence i s the depiction of God pointing from the clouds i n condemnation of the builders - and the building. Marius Bauer shows a d i f f e r e n t cosmic event ( I l l u s .6 S ) - the descent of some lightly-etched heavenly beings, presumably to spread the confusion of babbling tongues i n a dispensation which was reversed by the tongues of Pentecost.  In contrast  to the stark s i m p l i c i t y of the Michelson woodcut, t h i s shows a Germanic rhythm, and an interest i n the structured l i n e s of criss-crossed s c a f f o l d i n g , and crane j i b s pointing skywards. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that the arcade running around the tower just above the s c a f f o l d i n g l e v e l has pointed arches of an Islamic nature, and the foreground p a v i l i o n and mosque are either Iranian, or Islamic Indian i n design.  These are  s u f f i c i e n t to indicate the Eastern s i t u a t i o n of Babylon. This i s i n fact a Babel of considerable o r i g i n a l i t y , and with i t s descending figures, perhaps of doves, may be the only one to r e f l e c t a twentieth-century re-assessment philosophy of the subject.  of the  - 55 -  Jean Danielou, S. J . i n The Lord of History, Reflections on the Inner Meaning of History, says: "Origen states that Christ inaugurates a new phase of existence, i n which former l i n e s of demarcation have vanished. Instead of the old order, based on the separation of races, languages, and cultures, there i s one new world i n Christ. This unity was symbolized by the Pentecostal g i f t of tongues - the converse of the Tower of Babel - re-establishing the means of communication between the various f a m i l i e s of mankind. The nations have re-discovered a common speech ..."76 The emphasis upon the confusion of speech, beginning i n art,  perhaps with van Mander ( I l l u s . 5 0 ) , and occurring only  occasionally to-date has generally been overshadowed by the message of pride, and sometimes of condemnation through destruction.  In l i t e r a t u r e , Milton makes the pride that  creates the tower to be humble , and there i s laughter i n Heaven at the expense of the b u i l d e r s : "Forthwith a hideous gabble r i s e s loud Among the Builders; each to other c a l l s Not understood, t i l l hoarse, and a l l i n rage, As mockt they*storm; great laughter was i n Heav'n And looking down, to see the hubbub strange And hear the din; thus was the building l e f t Ridiculous, and the work Confusion nam d."77 f  As Paradise Lost was written about 1660,  van Mander, f o r  his rare portrayal of the "babble of tongues", could not have read i t , but i t does demonstrate an awareness of t h i s aspect of Babel.  Perhaps most a r t i s t s emphasized the tower "reaching  up to Heaven" because of the challenge i t offered, and because  -  56  -  of the f a s c i n a t i o n with the subjects of condemnation of pride, and of impending doom, and imagined collapse.  This  emphasis was p a r a l l e l e d i n l i t e r a t u r e a l s o : "Babel, synonymous with pride i n the seventeenth century, evokes numerous and often diverse associations but t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n commonly emphasizes man's pretentious ambition and his misguided values"7o So i t i s today also, that the art of thinking a r t i s t s not only follow l i f e and l i t e r a t u r e , but i s i n the forefront of philosophy.  Far from being a fantasy, Marius Bauer's  etching i s part of twentieth century consciousness of the subject.  For example, i n his choice of Eastern architecture,  he places the tower* i n a meaningful s e t t i n g .  Jacques E l l u l ,  professor of the h i s t o r y and sociology of i n s t i t u t i o n s at the University of Bordeaux, says t h i s of the East: "The East has an exact meaning i n the Scriptures. I t i s both the road man takes i n his f u t i l e search for eternity, and the one he takes when he obeys God's c a l l . These two great ways are p a r a l l e l and show the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i f f e r e n t attitudes of the human race. On the one hand, those who wanted to build Babel came from the East, just as did the marauders who throughout h i s t o r y oppressed God's people. But on the other hand, Abraham also came from the East ... Moses and the Levites stood on the East side of the a l t a r . The Wise Men came from the East»79 Babel i s d e f i n i t e l y i n the f i r s t category, since i t i s the way  people took i n a search for e t e r n i t y (a tower that  reached up to Heaven).  But Bauer's i l l u s t r a t i o n i s the f i r s t ,  - 57 -  and possibly the only one so f a r that shows also the descent of the heavenly beings that immediately i n v i t e with, and contrast t o , Pentecost.  comparison  I t therefore points to  the new r e a l i z a t i o n that Babel i s i n a sense the antithesis of the road one takes i n answer to God's c a l l . I t now remains to examine the sources of information on the Tower of Babel up to the twentieth-century archaeological reconstructions,  having ascertained, ' as f a r as possible,  what facts were available to Bruegel. A f i n a l word on the place of Babel i n contemporary thought comes from Rudolf Ekstein of the Menninger Foundation:  "God the Father took away from h i s children one language i n order to punish them f o r attempting to be as powerful as he, and so took from them unity, harmony, and l a s t i n g peace. The myth suggests that d i f f e r e n t languages create misunderstandings, destroys co-operation, makes f o r differences that may even lead to was and destruction. The Tower of Babel, symbol of security, of power, of f u l f i l l m e n t of man's dreams and longings can be completed only i f men t a l k one language"^.  - 58 -  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I: 1.  Piero Bianconi, The Complete Paintings of Bruegel. Abrams, (N.Y., 1967), pp. 97-98.  2.  Charles.de Tolnay, Pierre Bruegel L'Ancien Nouyelle Societe d'Editions, (Brussels, 1935). p. 80.  3.  Bianconi, l o c . c i t .  4.  Bianconi, l o c . c i t .  5. 6.  See pp. 33-38 of t h i s t h e s i s . Charles de Tolnay, p. 80. The w i l l was published by B e r t o l o t t i , i n G i u l i o Clovio Principe dei M i n a t u r i s t i , (Modena, 1832). I t mentions the ivory as: "Una torre de Babilonia faata d i avolio d i Mro. Pietro Brugole".  7.  See page 43 of t h i s thesis, dealing with sources f o r objects other than the tower.  3.  timothy Foote, The World of Bruegel, Time-Life Books, (N.Y., 1963), p. 8.  9.  See thesis pages 13-21 dealing with the symbolism used by Bruegel i n t h i s (and other) paintings.  10.  Max J . Friedr&nder, "Pieter Coecke van Avest", Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen. 1917, p. 73.  11.  Mercedes Ferrero V i a l e , "Tapestry and Carpets", Encyclopedia of World Art, McGraw-Hill (London, 1967), XIII, pp. 910-911.  12.  Julius Held, "Pieter Coecke and Pieter Bruegel", B u l l e t i n of the Detroit I n s t i t u t e of Arts, (Detroit, 1935), XIV, p. 108.  13.  Wolfgang Stechow, Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Abrams, (N.Y., 1969), p. 16.  14.  Loc. c i t .  15.  Held, p. 109.  -  59 -  16.  Timothy Foote, The World of Bruegel, Time-Life Books, (N.Y., 1968), p. 8.  17.  Kenneth C. Lindsay, and Bernard Huppe, "Meaning and Method i n Brueghel's Painting", Journal of Aesthetics. (March, 1956), XIV, pp. 376-3«6.  18.  Lindsay and Huppe, p. 379.  19.  For these and other examples of symbolism i n art form the 14th through 16th centuries, see: Charles D. Cuttler, Northern Painting from Pucelle to Bruegel, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, (N.Y., 1968).  20.  Carel van Mander, Dutch and Flemish Painters, (Trans.), Constant van de Wall, Arno Press, (N.Y., 1969), p. 339.  21.  Ortelius began the Album Amicorum about 1573, from which date the e a r l i e s t entries were made. Although t h i s date was about four years a f t e r Bruegel's death, he inserted an epitaph f o r him - as he did with a few other close acquaintances. The album i s now i n Pembroke College, Cambridge.  22.  de Tolnay, P. 61.  23.  Begriindet von U l r i c h , Thieme^und F e l i x Becker, Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Kunstler, Verlag von E. A. Seemann, (Leipzig, 1932).  24.  See A. E. Popham: "Pieter Bruegel and Abraham O r t e l i u s " , The Burlington Magazine. (London, 1931), LIX, pp. 184-188.  25.  Major Thomas Sutton, "Engraved Maps of the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries", The Print Collector's Quarterly XIII. (London, 1926), pp. 350-352.  26.  S i r Herbert George Fordham, Maps, t h e i r History, Characteristics and Uses. C.U.P., (Cambridge. 1927), pp. 6, 13.  27.  Popham, l o c . c i t .  28.  Gustav GlMck, P i e t e r Brueghel the Elder, trans. E. B. Shaw, Hyperion Press, (Paris, 1936), pp. 138.  29.  Henri Pirenne, H i s t o i r e de Belqique, "La Renaissance du L i v r e " , (Brussels, 1923), V o l . I I , pp. 252, 253.  - 60 -  30.  Belgium, Geographical Handbook Series B.R. 521, ( r e s t r i c t e d ) , Naval Intelligence D i v i s i o n , (Cambridge, England, 1944), p. 95.  31.  Pirenne, p. 253.  32.  Note the singular version of the d e f i n i t e when the phrase i s applied s p e c i f i c a l l y to the Signatories of the Compromise.  33.  Pirenne, p. 253.  34.  Foote, pp. 68-69.  35.  W. H. Auden, Collected Shorter Poems 1927 - 1957. Random House, (N.Y., 1940, 19b8).  36.  Bianconi, p. 89.  37.  Lindsay and Huppe, p. 383.  38.  "The Tower of Babel i s a t r a d i t i o n a l symbol of Man's impious pride", and "... the construction of the tower marks the absolute extremity of perversion and wickedness, worse than murder, war or cannibalism. As an expression of hubris the building of the Tower of Babel i s also p a r a l l e l e d i n c l a s s i c a l myth, e s p e c i a l l y i n the r e v o l t of the Titans or Gients (the two became confused) against the Gods". "The s i m i l a r i t y cor parallel!) was recognized by early C h r i s t i a n commentators, such as St. Justin Martyr". Anthony Low, "The Image of the Tower i n Paradise Lost", Studies i n English Literature 1500 - 1900 L s e l J , Rice University, Houston, (Winter, 1970), X, p. 172.  39.  Gluck, p. 30. To make t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the Duke of Alba one would expect that Glifck would have to agree with the dating o f the picture i n 1567. Surprisingly, he t e n t a t i v e l y holds to 1566, and therefore might agree to I567. It i s true that the Duke of Alba was seen as a threat i n I566 as w e l l . Delevoy dates i t i n I567, but de Tolnay I563 - 4. Certainly, much of the point of t h i s p o l i t i c a l aspect of the picture would be l o s t i f i t proved to have the much e a r l i e r date. I t must have been kept i n hiding f o r a number of years and one wonders i f the versions which show the "Innocents" as farm animals were overpainted to m o l l i f y the accusation implied.  -  61 -  40.  Stanley Ferber, "Peter Bruegel and the Duke of Alba" i n Renaissance News, Renaissance Society o f America, N.Y., (Autumn, 1966), XIX, p. 208.  41.  Ferber, p. 214.  42.  M. van Vaernewijck, Van die beroerlicke ti.jden i n die Nederlanden en voornameli.jk i n Ghendt (1566 - 1568), F. Vanderhaerghen, (ed.), Ghent, 1872 - 81), Vol. I, p. 255.  43.  F. Grossman, Pieter Bruegel, Complete E d i t i o n of the Paintings, ffftaidon Press Limited, (London, 1955, 1973), p. 10.  44.  B r i t i s h Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books, tPhotolithographic e d i t i o n to 19553• Trustees of the B r i t i s h Museum, (London, 1961), V o l . 102, columns 659 - 660.  45.  Bruegel's involvement i n the current ideas o f his day came p a r t l y through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the work and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e o f Hieronymous Cock's p r i n t shop. See thesis Chapter I I .  46.  Ernst Robert Curtius, European L i t e r a t u r e and the L a t i n Middle Ages. Bollingen Series XXXVI, trans. W. R. Trask, Pantheon, (N.Y., 1953), p. 97, quoting Fruytiers.  47.  Foote, p. 74.  48.  Giorgio Vasari, The Lives o f the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, (trans. A. B. Hinds), IV, Everyman's Library, Dent, (London, 1963), pp. 244-49  49.  Harold E. Wethey, E l Greco and His School. Princeton U.P., (Princeton, 1962), I I , pp. 68-9.  50.  Jose Gudiol, Domenikos Theotokopoulos E l Greco, 1541 ~ 1614. (trans. K. Lyons), Viking Press, (N.Y. 1973), p. 14.  51.  Gudiol, p. 13.  52.  See: Paololino, "Dialogo d e l l a p i t t u r a " i n Paola Barocchi, (ed.), T r a t t a t i d' arte del Cinquecento, G. Laterza d F i g l i , (Bari, I960), I, p. 126.  -  62 -  R a f f a e l l o Borghin I I Riposo, E d i z i o n i Labor, (Milan, 1967), I I I , p. 94. G i u l i o Mancini, "Considerazioni s u l l a p i t t u r a " , Adriana Marucchi, (ed.),•in Fonti e documenti i n e d i t i per la. s t o r i a d e l l 'arte, Accademia Nazionale dei L i n c e i , (1956), I, p. 93. Giovanni Baglione, Le v i t e de' p i t t o r i , s c u l t o r i et a r c h i t e t t i ..., (Rome, 1642), pp. 14-16, (fascimile: Valerio Mariani, (ed.), Rome, 1935). 53.  Webster Smith,. "Giulio Clovio and the 'Maniera d i figure piccole'", Art B u l l e t i n . C.A.A.A., (N.Y., 1964), Vol. 46, pp. 395-401.  54.  Foote, p. 74.  55.  Loc. c i t . This i s the same ivory as mentioned by de Tolnay, (see Footnote 6 ) .  56.  Vasgri, p. 247.  57.  Gudiol, p. 36. This p o r t r a i t obviously formed the model f o r the small p o r t r a i t o f Clovio appearing i n E l Greco's "Christ Cleansing the Temple" (Illus. ). The book Clovio i s holding i s open at a t i n y , near-copy of, Michelangelo's figure of God creating the Sun and the Moon.  58.  Many authorities attribute the work to Gheeraert Horenbout, but Stechow prefers Simon Bening; see Wolfgang Stechow, Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Abrams, (N.Y., 1969), p. 84.  59.  de Tolnay, p. 80.  60.  Bianconi, p. 118.  61.  Foote, p. 72.  62.  Harry Carter, (trans.), The Histories of Herodotus of Halicaarnassus, The Heritage Press, (N.Y., 1958), p. 74.  63.  Flemish Drawings of the Seventeenth Century from the C o l l e c t i o n o f F r i t z Lugt, I n s t i t u t e Neerlandais. Paris, Catalogue of an exhibition at V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, (London, 1972), p. 133.  ....  - 63 -  64.  See Ludwig Miinz, Bruegel. the Drawings, Phaidon Press, (London, 1962), p. 214. also:  Charles de Tolnay, The Drawings o f Pieter Bruegel the Elder, The Twin Editions, (N.Y., 1952), pp. 64-5-  65.  M. H. Morgan, (trans.), V i t r u v i u s . The Ten Books on Architecture, Harvard" U.P., ("Cambridge, Mass., 1926), p. 285.  66.  Georges M a r l i e r , La Renaissance flamande, Pierre Coeck d •Alost, Editions Robert Finck, (Brussels, 1966), pp. 347-9. That many of the hoists were being pioneered i n the North as early as the 14th century, and not i n I t a l y i s shown by von Heinrich Jerchel i n , "Die Bilder der siidwest deutschen weltchroniken des 14. jahr hunderts", Z e i t s c h r i f t fur Kunstgeschichte. (1933), I I , pp. 50-54.  67.  Stechow, p. 86.  68.  Stechow, p. 86.  69.  Bianconi, p. 9 8 .  70.  Helmut Minkowski, Aus dem Nebel der Vergassgenheit s t e i g t der T u r i n Zu Babel, B i l d e r aus 1000 Jahren, Rembrandt - Verlag, ( B e r l i n , I960), p. 71.  71.  Erna Mandowsky, and Charles M i t c h e l l , Pirro Ligorio's Roman A n t i q u i t i e s , the Warburg I n s t i t u t e , (London, 1963), plate pages 75 & 76.  72.  Athanasius Kircher, S. J . , Turris Babel, Janssonio Waesbergiana, (Amsterdam, 1679), pp. 37-39, I courtesy of U.B.C. Special C o l l e c t i o n s ! .  73.  John Donne, Sermons, (Londoni I64O), LXXX, 14.  74.  Don Cameron Allen, "John Donne and the Tower of Babel", Modern Language Notes. (Nov. ' 4 9 ) , V o l . 64, pp. 481-3.  75.  Theodor Ehrenstein, The Old Testament i n Graphic Art. Part II.. Kunstverlag Albert Kende, (Vienna, 1936), ^courtesy o f Metropolitan Toronto Library Board3.  -  64 -  76.  Jean Danielou, S. J . , The Lord of History. Reflections on the Inner Meaning of History, (trans. Nigel Abercrombie), Longmans, (London, 1958), p. 55.  77.  John Milton, Paradise Lost, ed., Merritt Y. Hughes, The Odyssey Press, (N.Y., 1935), Book XII, l i n e s 56 to 62.  78.  R. A. Anselment, "'Ascensio Mendax, Descensio Crudelis' the Image of Babel i n the Anniversaries", English L i t e r a r y History (ELH), The Johns Hopking Press, (Baltimore,  1971), V o l . 38, pp.  188-205.  79.  Jacques E l l u l , The Meaning of the C i t y . Eerdmans, (Grand Rapids, 1970), p. 3 .  80.  Rudolf Ekstein, "The Tower of Babel i n Psychology and Psychiatry", The American-Imago, (Boston, 1950), Vol.  7,  pp. 77-141.  -  65 -  PART I I .  "Once upon a time a l l the world spoke a s i n g l e l a n guage and used the same words. As men journeyed i n the east, they came upon a p l a i n i n the land of Shinar and s e t t l e d there. They s a i d t o one another, 'Come, l e t us make b r i c k s and bake them hard;* they used b r i c k s f o r stone and bitumen f o r mortar. 'Come*, they s a i d , ' l e t us b u i l d ourselves a c i t y and a tower with i t s top i n the heavens, and make a name f o r ourselves; or we s h a l l be dispersed a l l over the earth*. The the Lord came down t o see the c i t y and tower which mortal men had b u i l t , and he said:'Here they are, one people with a s i n g l e language, and now they have s t a r t e d to do t h i s ; henceforth nothing they have a mind to do w i l l be beyond t h e i r reach. Come, l e t us go down there and confuse t h e i r speech, so that they w i l l not understand what they say to one another.' So the Lord dispersed them from there a l l over the earth, and they l e f t o f f b u i l d i n g the c i t y . That i s why i t i s c a l l e d Babel, because the Lord there made a babble of the language of a l l the world; from that place the Lord scattered men a l l over the face of the earth." 1  - 66  -  INTRODUCTION An object of profound r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e , the Tower of Babel and Zlggurats i n general, undoubtedly suited the heavenward a s p i r a t i o n s of the people of the Mesopotamian P l a i n . The Sumerians had migrated from the Iranian plateau but here 2  they had no Mount S i n a i by which they, l i k e Moses,  could  ascend to meet t h e i r god. The Ziggurat with i t s s t a i r c a s e s could provide the means. The p a r a l l e l s between Ziggurat  and  mountain are strong. The Babylonian word "sikkurat" was  used  of any object which had height."^ The peak of a mountain could thus be c a l l e d i t s sikkurat, and the a n g l i c i s e d form "Ziggurat" has come to have a s p e c i a l a p p l i c a t i o n and i s now  used f o r the  high, stepped b u i l d i n g s , or temple-tomers, which  Babylonians  and Assyrians - l i k e t h e i r Sumerian predecessors  - constructed  at a l l p r i n c i p a l holy places i n t h e i r country. That the Babylonians included t h e i r new  temple-towers i n the connotation of  the old word sikkurat suggests that f o r them the towers were associated with mountains - possibly holy mountains. As i n the Hebrew connotation of the holy mountain, there was undoubtedly included i n the Babylonian v e r s i o n the idea that the summit was  to be a landing-place and temporary dwelling-  place f o r the god who  wished to descend to earth. This  may  have been the idea behind designing the structure i n giant steps; c e r t a i n l y the temple at the top was  intended f o r use by the god  -  s i n c e a woman was  provided  67  -  as a companion.  We  4  h e r e t h a t the B a b y l o n i a n concept o f a god was e a r t h and  should note more down-to-  l e s s s o p h i s t i c a t e d t h a n the Hebrew one,  s t r u c t u r e s would be  so t h e i r  l e s s d i s s o c i a t e d from t h e p h y s i c a l w o r l d ,  at l e a s t i n f u n c t i o n a l d e t a i l . The  extent t o which t h i s  was  t r u e i n p r a c t i c e would depend upon t h e degree i n which form was  r e l a t e d t o f u n c t i o n i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e and  C e r t a i n l y , the  stepped form o f tower was  f u n c t i o n as s t a i r c a s e of t h e gods and was, too  The  i n d i c a t i v e of i t s perhaps, s u g g e s t i v e  of t h e purpose of man's a s c e n t , a l t h o u g h t h i s l a s t  c l e a r anyway from t h e  presence  conclusion  was  o f man-sized f l i g h t s o f  p l a c i n g o f a temple at the t o p b e a r s out  Andre' P a r r o t ' s  era.  the  steps.  accuracy  of  that:  " . . . t h e Tower o f t h e S c r i p t u r e s was not an e x p r e s s i o n of man's p r i d e . Instead o f a c l e n c h e d f i s t r a i s e d i n d e f i a n c e towards Heaven, I saw i t r a t h e r as a hand s t r e t c h i n g out i n s u p p l i c a t i o n , a c r y t o Heaven f o r h e l p . " 6 :  I t i s r e l e v a n t t o mention b r i e f l y a n o t h e r f u n c t i o n - t h a t 7 o f the tomb.  A windowless, d'oorless  o f the temple towers was nor  a r t i f a c t s and  tomb f o r t h e god  room d i s c o v e r e d  i n some  found t o c o n t a i n n e i t h e r human  seems l i k e l y t o have been i n t e n d e d as  skeleton a  - a n o t h e r i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e temporal n a t u r e  o f the B a b y l o n i a n god  and  t h e r e l a t i o n of form t o  function.  - 68 -  THREE BASIC SOURCES'  1) The B i b l i c a l Tower o f B a b e l The Z i g g u r a t , i n t h e form of t h e Tower o f B a b e l , e n t e r s B i b l i c a l h i s t o r y at t h e p o i n t when t h a t h i s t o r y i s c e n t r e d i n Mesopotamia. I t i s as w e l l t o have l o o k e d a t t h a t s t o r y and i t s s e t t i n g b e f o r e examining y  of  dramatic  l a t e r i d e a s and works  a r t on t h e s u b j e c t . The account o c c u r s i n t h e Old Testament i n G e n e s i s I T ,  f o l l o w i n g t h e g e n e a l o g i c a l t a b l e s o f t h e p e o p l e s who from t h e seed o f Noah (Gen. 10) descendents  Car'enesis 11: 31«  i n turn leads  o f t h e p a t r i a r c h s , namely Abraham's  f a m i l y o f T e r a h which was  t o l e a v e "Ur o f t h e C h a l d e e s " i n  The Tower o f B a b e l s t o r y i s r a t h e r an  event not mentioned was  and p r e c e e d i n g t h a t o f t h e  o f Shem (Gen. 11: 10-25), which  up t o t h e appearance  sprang  a g a i n anywhere e l s e i n the B i b l e ,  isolated and  w r i t t e n as a r e s u l t o f t h e J e w i s h c a p t i v i t y i n Babylon.  J e r u s a l e m f e l l t o Nebuchadnezzar^- I I ( a l s o known as"Nebuchadnez-zar") i n J u l y , 587  B.C.  and t h e s t o r y v e r y p r o b a b l y t o o k o  shape a s h o r t w h i l e a f t e r t h a t  date.  Mesopotamia forms t h e B i b l i c a l m i l i e u from t h e b e g i n n i n g t h r o u g h t o t h e p e r i o d o f t h e F l o o d and t h e subsequent  Tower o f  Babel n a r r a t i v e . I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h i s i n q u i r y t h a t such a b a s i c document as t h e B i b l e c o n t a i n s more m a t e r i a l o f  - 69 an evocative or i n s p i r a t i o n a l nature than of purely h i s t o r i c a l importance. For example, i n the l a s t sentence the narrator connects "Babel" with the Hebrew root b a l a l , which means "to confound or mix". However, according to Parrot, Babel i s defi n i t e l y formed d i r e c t l y from the Akkadian b a b i l u ("Gate of God").  9  It would have helped to have had t h i s aspect of the Tower's function taken into account i n the story, since '15ate of God" takes us beyond the idea of reaching heaven f o r personal motives alone. The Hebrew w r i t e r may w e l l have mistaken the very earthly a t t i t u d e of the Babylonians toward t h e i r rather temporal god f o r a demonstration of irreverance and pride. "With i t s top i n the heavens" must i n f a c t be an eastern metaphor to express an astounding height. U n t i l t h i s century many i n t e r p r e t e r s have taken the metaphor l i t e r a l l y , and so construed an i r r e v e r e n t encroachment upon heaven. The severe and just punishment f o r t h i s , often i n the form of a cataclysmic: destruction of the towel?, has often received undue emphasis at the expense both of more p o s i t i v e aspects of the tower and of the c i t y as a whole. This applies to works of art as w e l l as l i t e r a t u r e on the subject. It i s t h i s very b i a s , however, that has been such a source of i n s p i r a t i o n to w r i t e r s and a r t i s t s through the centuries, since without the eastern metaphor a t t e n t i o n would not have been focused upon the tower nor would a s i g n i f i c a n t moral lesson have been drawn from  it.  - 70 To place the story i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l perspective, Parrot concludes: "At a l l events i t i s recognized and admitted by a l l b i b l i c a l scholars that the n a r r a t i v e i n Genesis 11 had i t s ' s t a r t i n g point* i n ... one of those huge towers which archaeologists c a l l "Ziggurats" and that the Tower of Babel could only be the Ziggurat erected at Bablyon'in the very heart of the land of S h i n a r . "  2) The  10  E s a g i l Tablet  A v e r y f a c t u a l d e s c r i p t i o n i s given by the author of the E s a g i l t a b l e t which i s i n the Department of O r i e n t a l Antiqu i t i e s at the Louvre. He gives the dimensions of the Etemenanki, the Ziggurat of Babylon. This was w r i t t e n i n the Seleucid period and a strong point i n i t s favour i s that the date i s very c a r e f u l l y given: "The  twenty-sixth day of the  n i n t h month of the e i g h t y - t h i r d year of Seleucus King" Seleucus I I , 12th December, 229 B.C.). The t a b l e t was at Uruk ( Erech of Gen.  10. 10.)  (i.e.: written  and i s l i k e l y to have been  a copy of an older o r i g i n a l from Borsippa, a town near B a b y l o n .  11  The d e t a i l e d measurements, i n l i n e s 37 to 42 of the t a b l e t are as f o l l o w s : breadth 295 f t height 108 f t . 59 f t . . breadth 256 f t height breadth 197 f t height " I 9 f f t . breadth 167fft height 19l f t . breadth 138 f t . h e i g h t 19-1 ft". breadth 108&fft* height I9I- f t . ) breadth 79 f t ; height 4 9 f t . The f i g u r e s f o r the s i x t h storey are bracketed because " F i r s t storey. Length 295 f t Second storey.Length 256 f t Third storey. Length 197 f t Fourth storey.Length 167fft F i f t h storey. Length 138 f t (Sixth storey. Length 108|-ft Seventh storey. Length 79ft  Andre Parrot worked these out himself, the o r i g i n a l s being 7  -  71  -  missing. The accuracy of the E s a g i l t a b l e t i s supported by the measurements made on the actual s i t e by Koldeway  who-  reported a square of side 298 f e e t , approximately. In fact,  !  the whole of t h i s very precise document i s 1 more relevant to the more s c i e n t i f i c d i s c i p l i n e of archaeology than to an examination of works of l i t e r a r y merit.  3) The Account of Herodotus The most r e l i a b l e and comprehensive  d e s c r i p t i o n of the  actual structure of the Tower of Babel i n h e r i t e d from the 1"} ancient world i s that of Herodotus.  I t was w r i t t e n i n  Athens just a f t e r the year 447 B.C. of a v i s i t probably made during h i s t r a v e l s while exiled from Greece, 4 5 2 - 4 4 7 B.C.. Paragraph 181 of Herodotus' Book I reads: " These w a l l s are the c i t y ' s main defence; but i n s i d e them there i s another e n c i r c l i n g w a l l , not much less strong though of l e s s thickness. And i n the midst of each h a l f of the c i t y there i s a walled p r e c i n c t , i n one of which i s the r o y a l palace, i n a spacious and strongly f o r t i f i e d enclosure, and i n the other the temple of Zeus Belus",15 " s t i l l standing i n my time, w i t h i n a square of two furlongs, each way closed with gates of bronze. In the middle of t h i s square a tower, one f u r l o n g i n length and breadth, has been b u i l t , and on> i t another, and so f032th, eight towers i n a l l . The ascent to these i s by a c i r c u l a r way c a r r i e d r.ound the outside of the b u i l d i n g to the h i g h e s t part; and i n the midst of the ascent i s a place where those who go up may rest upon seats. Inside the topmost tower i s a great shrine, and i n i t a great bed with r i c h coverings and a table of gold beside i t ; but there i s no image there at a l l . None of mankind passes the night there, except only a woman chosen from the women of that country, as the Chaldeans say. who are the priests of t h i s c u l t , by the god." 1°  14  -  7 2  -  One aspect of Herodotus* account which i s immediately s t r i k i n g i s i t s c o n f l i c t with the p a r t i c u l a r version of the B i b l i c a l story which has been common since the Middle Ages. This i s that the tower was destroyed  by Jehovah as a pun-  ishment at the same time as the d i s p e r s a l of the c i t y * s inhabitants. How could Herodotus, w r i t i n g c. 447 B.C., have seen the tower which had been destroyed  over one century  brefore? Either Herodotus i s inaccurate or the t r a d i t i o n of the destruction of the Tower i s i n c o r r e c t . Herodotus i s known to be very much a s t o r y - t e l l e r when describing places he has not a c t u a l l y v i s i t e d and i t i s proved that he went as f a r as Susa i n Mesopotamia but uncertain that he went to Babylon. The comment of Andre Parrot i s t y p i c a l : 7  "La r e l a t i o n d*Herodote f u t t r ^ s diversement appreciee. Rawlinson estimait que l * h i s t o r i e n grec; n* e'tait jamais venu a Babylone et partant q u * i l n*y avait guere \ r e t e n i r de rensieignments qu'Unger de'clere au contraire s*accorder avec; les f o u i l l e s et avec l e s donne'es de l a " d e s c r i p t ion de l a v i l l e " ( t a b l e t t e de l * E s a g i l ) . Cela ne s i g n i f i e pas que tout s o i t a. accepter sans examen et nous aurons j l f a i r e plus l o i n l a c r i t i q u e de cette- premiere source documentaire". v  However, despite the u n c e r t a i n i t y as to h i s accuracy, Herodotus may i n t h i s instance be correct. I have reason to 1  suppose t h i s since a c a r e f u l reading of Genesis I I reveals only that " they l e f t o f f b u i l d i n g the c i t y " , not that i t was destroyed.  The Tower may therefore have been standing  at the time of Herodotus, and f o r centuries a f t e r . The story of i t s destruction handed down to us could be a f i c t i o n  - 73 arising  from the  time to  see  tales  of medieval  local building  Herodotus*  description  description  of  of  rare  items  ( five  described  example  of  feet)  has  to  Babylon i s  in  in  existence  The Greek b r o n z e v a s e o f at  any  the  been i m p r o v e d by t h e  by him t h e  discovered  used  recent  of which  had  unusual  Chatillon-sur-Seine  is  an  this.  The c o n t e n t eller's  visit  His c r e d i b i l i t y r a t i n g  artifacts  p r e v i o u s l y been doubted.  had been  in  material.  of h i s  case convincingly d e t a i l e d .  height  who a r r i v e d  o n l y a c r u m b l i n g r u i n whose b r i c k s  a millenium for  discovery  travellers  tale,  of h i s  told in  narrative  i n Book I i s  that  of  a  trav-  retrospect:  "In the middle of Zeus B e l u s )  this  square"  (the  temple  square  of  " a t o w e r one f u r l o n g i n l e n g t h a n d b r e a d t h h a s b e e n b u i l t , a n d o n i t a n o t h e r , a n d so f o r t h , e i g h t t o w e r s i n a l l . . . " ( a n d so o n , as o n p a g e 71). Ah a r i t h m e t i c a l was is  i n fact still  200  very  Nevertheless, expect to  yards,  not  different it  is  temple  Esagil  tablet  reveals  yards  from the  298  as  general  on t o p  no d o u b t and t h e  as  the  that  ours  feet  a n d t h e number o f  d e t a i l s w h i c h sound  There i s  220  Herodotus*  be h e l p f u l  we- c o u n t t h e are  c h e c k on t h i s  is.  a Greek  furlong  However,  known b a s e  this  dimensions.  o u t l i n e w h i c h we w o u l d stages  eighth.  is  correct  The r e s t i n g  if  places  authentic.  that  the w r i t i n g s  B i b l i c a l account  of  of  Herodotus,  the  Tower a r e  the basic  - 74 documents i n a study of the a r t i s t i c representation of the Tower of Babel. Herodotus i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important  as an  example of the information a v a i l a b l e i n C l a s s i c a l times and again i n the Renaissance when these writings were resurrected. The E s a g i l t a b l e t gives an accurate view of the conception of the Tower held&almost current to i t s f i n a l form i n the Middle East. The B i b l i c a l account and i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s has been the most p e r s i s t e n t i n f l u e n c e upon a r t i s t s throughout the C h r i s t i a n era. As we have seen, that account, plus the one given by Herodotus, i s most l i k e l y to have had an important i n f l u e n c e upon the work of Peter Bruegel. 1  -  75 -  FOOTNOTES TO PART I I 1. The New English B i b l e . Oxford U.P. |Oxford, 1970) Genesis 11: 1-9, V* .11* 2. Frequent examples occur, as i n Exodus 19s "In the t h i r d month a f t e r I s r a e l had l e f t Egypt, they came to the wilderness of S i n a i . . . . where they encamped, p i t c h i n g t h e i r tents opposite the mountain. Moses went up the mountain of God, and the Lord c a l l e d to him from the mountain..." (verses 1-3) or "Moses brought the people out from the camp to meet God, and they took t h e i r stand at the foot of the mountain. Mount S i n a i was a l l smoking because the Lord had come down upon i t . i n f i r e ; the smoke went up l i k e the smoke of a k i l n . . . The Lord came down upon the top of Mount Sinai and summoned Moses to the mountain-top, and Moses went up...Moses answered the Lord, 'The people cannot come up Mount S i n a i , because thou t h y s e l f didst solemnly warn us to set a b a r r i e r to the mountain aridl to keep i t holy'" (verses 17-23) The New English B i b l e , Oxford U.P. (Oxford, 1970). 3. O.E. Ravn (trans. Margaret Tovborg-Jensen): Herodotus* Description of Babylon, Nyt Nordisk Forlag and Arnold Busck (Copenhagen, 1942) p. 45. 4. See page 72 of t h i s chapter f o r Herodotus' d e s c r i p t i o n . 5.  The number of stages given by Parrot, Dombart, Unger and Busink i s seven. Herodotus gives us eight, but may have been counting the temple on top. The w e l l preserved e a r l i e r Ziggurat of Ur obviously had three.  6. Andre Parrot: The Tower of Babel, Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2, P h i l o s o p h i c a l Library (New York, 1955) p. 9.  7f-  7. See pageJ^6 of t h i s work f o r archaeological d e t a i l s . 8 . William L. Langer: An Encyclopedia of World History, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., (Boston , 1968) p. 35.  - 76 -  9.  Parrot, pp. 16 and  17.  10. Loc. c i t . 11. Parrot, p. 20. 12. Parrot, p. 21. 13. The r e l i a b i l i t y and comprehensiveness of Herodotus' desc r i p t i o n i s more r e l a t i v e ( to others a v a i l a b l e ) than r e a l . See p. 72 of t h i s chapter. 14. W i l l Durant : The Story of C i v i l i z a t i o n . V o l I I : The  Life  of Greece, Simon and Schuster (N.Y. 1966) p. 430. 15.  I d e n t i c a l with Etemenaki.  16. Harry Carter ( trans.) : The H i s t o r i e s of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, The Heritage Press (N.Y. 1958) pp. 74-75. 17. Andre Parrot : Ziggurats et Tour de Babel. Editions Albin Michel (Paris, 1 9 4 9 ) p. 9. 1  - 77 APPENDIX ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE In order to a r r i v e at a c l e a r idea of the appearance of the Ziggurat concerned, we should look at the a v a i l a b l e evidence on the plans and elevations of such structures e s p e c i a l l y the one at Babylon  l i k e l i e s t to have been the  Tower of Babel. The evidence stems from a v a r i e t y of sources, mainly: 1) Reports of ancient  travellers.  2 ) L i t e r a r y and epigraphical evidence. 3) P i c t o r i a l evidence on ancient Mesopotamian seals, etc.. 4) Archaeological evidence. In passing we should note that there seems l i t t l e doubt that the B i b l i c a l Tower of Babel was situated i n Babylon-. The story o r i g i n a t e d with the sources of the Semitic w r i t e r of Genesis 11 and the c i t y of the B i b l i c a l n a r r a t i v e i s given the name of "Babel", which obviously i s more d e f i n i t e l y  rel-  ated to Babylon than to any other Mesopotamian c i t y (Baghdad dates from 760 A.D. and Basra i s very modern); f o r the Babylonians the etymology was Babilu, i . e . *Gate of God ,  which,  having i n mind the purpose of the Ziggurat (page  67)  3  66  applies to i t s structure; l a s t l y the name has survived the play on words between Babel and the Hebrew word root b l l , which 2 means "to confound"  , so i t i s l i k e l y that Babel was a name  with an enduring s i g n i f i c a n c e , such as a word associated with a place-name l i k e Babylon would have. O  •'I  - 78 ARCH ABO LOGICAL EVIDENCE It i s worthwhile noting the progress of archaeology i n the Tigris-Euphrates V a l l e y from a nineteenth century d i l e t t ante a f f a i r to that of the well-organized and respected p r o f ession of Assyriology that i t i s today. Excavations were i n i t i a t e d by the French consul at Mosul, P.E. Botta, at Kugunjik (!Jinev;ah) and Khorsabad i n 1842-44, and the scene s h i f t e d to Babylon i n 1852 when Fresnel, French consul at Baghdad, d i d some explorations. But i t was not u n t i l 1897 when a mining engineer, Jacques de Morgan, headed  a large  French expedition to Susa, that the quest f o r museum trophies gave way"to a more judicious view of the way i n which s c i e n t i f i c excavation should be conducted',?.^ Babylon was assigned to a German a r c h i t e c t , Robert Koldeway, who e n l i s t e d three nowfamous a r c h i t e c t s as c o l l a b o r a t o r s : Andrae , Jordan and NbTdeke.  It seems c e r t a i n that before t h i s stage when B i b l i c a l Archaeology became a science there lingered an i d e a l i s t i c , medieval motivation-perhaps r e l a t e d to that f o r the Crusades f o r an i n t e r e s t i n that area. I t was an emotional although not n e c e s s a r i l y an i n v a l i d  one. F r i e d r i c h D e l i t z s c h ( 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 2 2 )  ,  the German A s s y r i o l o g i s t and p h i l o l o g i s t i n h i s lecture "Babel und B i b e l " sums t h i s up: "What i s the purpose of t h i s t o i l i n g i n a distant inhosp-  - 79 i t a b l e land...for t h i s expensive churning up of a rubble that has l a i n undisturbed f o r many thousands o f years, f o r t h i s digging down as deep as ground water,with no hope of s i l v e r or g o l d . . . f o r t h i s ever-mounting , world wide i n t e r e s t i n the excavations i n Babylonia-Assyria? To both questions there i s one answer: the B i b l e ! "  4  This form of enthusiasm  i s clearly  r e l a t e d to that experienced by h i s t o r i c a l a r t i s t s i n protraying the Tower of Babel.  It i s  abundantly c l e a r that we must look c h i e f l y at  research w i t h i n the twentieth century i n order to obtain a s c i e n t i f i c a l l y reconstructed image of the r e a l Tower of Babel.  To i s o l a t e the prominent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of such an edifice,v© should look at the work of Andrae and Jordan, who  t r a n s f e r r e d t h e i r meticulous methods from Assur to the  White Temple at Uruk i n 1912.  Andre Parrot says of t h i s small  structure b u i l t on an a r t i f i c i a l mountain, that i t inaugurated "a long a r c h i t e c t u r a l t r a d i t i o n : that of the staged towers, named Ziggurats, prototypes of the Tower of Babel described 5  i n the Book of Genesis."  The Temple a c t u a l l y dates from the  fourth millenium B.C.,and creates a precedent i n that i t i s much smaller than forerunners b u i l t at ground-level. According to Parrot, " the reduced scale i n d i c a t e s that the b u i l d e r s were already catering f o r the god himself rather than f o r a large concourse of worshippers".  The public was no '..  - 80 -  longer i n v i t e d , and only a group of p r i e s t s awaited c e l e s t i a l v i s i t o r who,  a f t e r s a i l i n g through the empyrean,  made h i s l a n d f a l l i n the temple. The temple was "because  men  the  on a mound  had begun to attempt to b u i l d a ladder from  heaven to earth i n an e f f o r t to f a c i l i t a t e ; - the descent  of  t h e i r gods. So one feature we should look f o r , i n the Tower of Babel, i s a top storey c o n s i s t i n g of a temple.  S i r Leonard ascribes the ever-increasing height of the new  Ziggurat to the f a c t s that the s k e l e t a l remains of the  a l ' Ubaid people of Sumer show a Caucasian-type  s k u l l , that  they were a f f i l i a t e d to the ELamites, and they therefore 7  came o r i g i n a l l y f r o m * h i l l y country up the Euphrates V a l l e y . Their r e l i g i o n would n a t u r a l l y be associated with the outstanding feature^ of t h e i r o l d homeland: the mountain. What i s more s i g n i f i c a n t i s that the staged tower was  developing.  It already had the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c stepped platforms with temple on top and i t also had the stairway seen i n various forms on Ziggurats ( I l l u s . 5 ^  ).  The Ziggurat at Ur i s e s p e c i a l l y important  as i t was  8  b u i l t by the same r u l e r , Ur-Nammu  who  constructed much of  the Ziggurat of Babylon which became, i n Hebrew t r a d i t i o n , the Tower of B a b e l .  9  I t s importance had been r e a l i z e d from  the preliminary excavations of J.E. Taylor, B r i t i s h consul  - S l at Basra i n the mid-nineteenth  century, who had been comm-  issoned by the B r i t i s h Museum to i n v e s t i g a t e some of the ancient s i t e s of what was then a dangerous region- d i f f i c u l t of access. He cut down rather u n s c i e n t i f i c a l l y into the top of the mound of sand and rubble cohering the Ziggurat r u i n : "I began excavating the S.W. c o r n e r , ^ c l e a r i n g away l a r g e masses of rubbish, formed of the remains of burnt mingled with sun-dried b r i c k s . I worked along, at a depth of 10 feet and a breadth of 6, without f i n d i n g anything. I then returned, and worked a few feet north along the b r i c k casing of the western w a l l ; " ( i . e . south-west) " here, 6 feet below the surface I found a perfect i n s c r i b e d c y l inder. This r e l i c was i n the s o l i d masonry; i t had been placed i n a niche, formed by the omission of one of the b r i c k s i n the layer,and was found standing on one end. I excavated some l i t t l e distance f u r t h e r without any success, and then r e l i n q u i s h e d t h i s corner f o r the N.W. ( i . e . west) one. Here also, I found a second c y l i n d e r , s i m i l a r to the one above mentioned, but at 12 feet from the surface. At t h i s corner I sank a shaft 21 feet deep, by 12 broad... The sun-dried b r i c k s , composing t h i s s o l i d mass within, were here of an amazing thickness; t h e i r s i z e was 16 inches square and 7 inches t h i c k . . . . 1  " I n a t u r a l l y concluded that the same objects would be found i n the two corners s t i l l remaining. I sank a shaft i n each and found two other cylinders p r e c i s e l y i n the same p o s i t i o n . . . " Apart from the documentation of the p r i m i t i v e methods used i n t h i s treasure-hunt, i t i s worth noting that v i t a l information was obtained from the texts?. These date from about 550 B . C . , from the time of Nabonidus, the l a s t of the l i n g s of Babylon  , and state that the tower, which had been  founded by Ur-Nammu, had been restored and completed by Nabonidus^ The excavations produced the f i r s t information obtained about that Ziggurat and, also i d e n t i f i e d the s i t e  - 32 c a l l e d by the Arabs a l Mughair  , the "lound of P i t c h " , as  Ur of the Chaldees, the o r i g i n a l home of Abraham. -* 1  It seems probable that Abraham would have brought the concept of the Ziggurat into I s r a e l i t e l o r e when he moved from Ur around 2000 B.cM.There had been a F i r s t Dynasty Ziggurat. As that Dynasty l a s t e d from 2800 to 2470 B.C. i t seems highly l i k e l y that the general i d e a of the Zigguratf-is appearance and f u n c t i o n would have been understood i n the Middle East from that time and so the seed would have been sown f o r the Tower of Babel story l a t e r .  To return to the theme of the tower's appearance, Woolley has the main dimensions c a r e f u l l y worked out and h i s d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n i s important: "In f©!m the Ziggurat i s a stepped pyramid having three stages. The whole thing i s s o i i d . The core i s of mud b r i c k (probably l a i d round and over the remains of the F i r s t Dynasty Ziggurat) and the face i s a skin of burnt b r i c k s set i n bitumen mortar, about eight feet t h i c k . The lowest stage, which alone i s w e l l preserved, measures at ground l e v e l a l i t t l e more than 200 feet i n length by 150 feet i n width and i s about f i f t y feet high; from t h i s rose the upper stages, each smaller than the one below, leaving broad passages along the main sides and wider terraces at either end; on the topmost stage stood the l i t t l e one-roomed shrine of the Moon-god, the most sacred b u i l d i n g i n Ur, f o r whose s e t t i n g the whole of the vast substructure has been planned. 1  "' On three sides the walls rose sheer to the l e v e l of the f i r s t terrace but on the north-east face ( see I l l u s .5^ ) f r o n t i n g the Nannar temple was the approach to the shrine. Three b r i c k  1  - 83 -  stairways, each of a hundred steps, l e d upwards, one p r o j e c t i n g out at r i g h t angles from the b u i l d i n g , two leaning against i t s wall,,! and a l l converging i n a great gateway between the f i r s t and the second t e r r a c e ; from t h i s gate f l i g h t s of s t a i r s ran s t r a i g h t up to the second terrace and to the door of the shrine, while l a t e r a l passages with descending f l i g h t s gave access to the lower terraces at either end of the tower; the angles formed by the three main stairways were f i l l e d i n with s o l i d f l a t - t o p p e d buttress-towers." 15 (see I l l u s . 56). We now  have a c l e a r e r p i c t u r e of the p o s i t i o n i n g of the  stairways, the number of stages and appearance of the w a l l s . However, readings; of other accounts of the Ziggurat at Ur produce impressions at some variance with those of Woolley. For instanoe, Gressmann says that the tower " was b u i l t i n four stages, which sloped l i k e a mountain", ^  as compared  with Woolley's "stepped pyramid having three stages" i n the quotation above.  Leaving aside the d i f f e r e n c e s i n geometrical terminology used i n these two d e s c r i p t i o n s , which may  or may  not  r e f l e c t appreciable d i f f e r e n c e s i n opinion as to a c t u a l appearance^; we see from Woolley*s reconstruction that h i s v e r s i o n could also be taken as having four stages, not three, i f we include the very s u b s t a n t i a l b u t t r e s s i n g i n f r o n t , on which the s t a i r c a s e s and main gateway seem to r e s t . Woolley himself counts t h i s f r o n t a l buttressing as a stage, since he mentions that three b r i c k stairways converge " i n a great gateway between the f i r s t and second t e r r a c e . " The  - 84 first  terrace,  first  buttressing,  is  described  terrace  as  levels  therefore, since  the  stages  for  structure plus  the  the  walls,  clusion  of  is  front  " four  There are  second t e r r a c e ,  not  d i d not  Finer creation  points  of  still  i n the  vertical  directions,  iciently  obvious to  the temple i n h i s  slope.  described  then i s as  four  the  other three  facades, since  total  as  This numerical cond e s c r i p t i o n and  i n Woolley's details, optical illusion  side walls l i k e the  affect  and n e e d n o t b e t a k e n i n t o  This  of  of  leaves  doubt.  a deliberate  outward curves  counting  a total  facade  two  l i k e a m o u n t a i n " and  agrees w i t h V/oolley's f i r s t - h a n d i n some  at  a n d what  have m i s - c o u n t e d ,  which sloped  including  the  clearly  without  on t h e  G r e s s m a n n must  stages,  h e was  three  of  between t h i s  ( or main s t a i r c a s e )  apparently,  Gressmann*s  the top  C o n s e q u e n t l y , we a r r i v e  t h e temple on t o p .  we know t h a t its  t h e gateway  and an i n d i s p u t a b l e  he mentions  consist  "second t e r r a c e " .  above  the temple i t s e l f .  must  of  s u c h as strength  Parthenon)  are  artistic  renderings  of  account  not the  o f U r w h i c h was u n t i l example k n o w n .  good s t a r t i n g - p o i n t , a s  many o f W o o l l e y ' s f i n d i n g s  the reconstructions  that  meticulous  R o b e r t K o l d e w a y , who h a d a l e s s  slight  suffsubject,  here.  being the best-preserved  of  by  ( i n b o t h h o r i z o n t a l and  later  the Ziggurat  the  excavator  recently It  is  a  modified of Babylon,  c o m p l e t e remnant t o work o n .  -  85 -  . Koldeway was appointed i n I 8 9 8 to carry out a systema t i c excavation of the s i t e of Babylon and was associated with t h i s German O r i e n t a l Society project f o r eighteen years. The immensity of the a r c h i t e c t ' s task i s revealed by t h i s 17  quotation from Champdor: "Excavations i n the r e s i d e n t i a l quarter known as Merkes,-the oldest part of Babylon",18" d i s c l o s e d a s e r i e s of occupation layers, the most recent being Parthian, a few feet below the surface. Father down were the H e l l e n i s t i c , Persian and Neo-Babylonian l e v e l s ; and lower s t i l l , those of the Assyrians and the K a s s i t e s . At fourty feet down lay the ruins dating to the time of Hammurabi ( 1792-1750 B.C.) and the F i r s t Dynasty of Babylon. Below these i t was impossible to i n v e s t igate because of the r i s e i n water l e v e l . " Where d i d the Tower of Babel f i t into t h i s scheme of things? Apparently Koldeway found the s i t e of t h i s great e d i f i c e to be nothing more than a quarry. Andre Parrot says: "The s i t e of the tower was indeed found there, at a spot named now es-Sachn, but the discovery was disappointing i n the extreme. It was not merely that the Ziggurat was i n r u i n s . Xerxes had at one time set about demolishing i t ( 478 B.C.). Alexander the Great, wishing to r e b u i l d i t , had ordered the s i t e to be cleared of debris - an Herculean task which was begun but l e f t unfinished. The Arabs had found i t an exceptionally u s e f u l source of b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l , f u r n i s h i n g them f o r centuries with excellent baked b r i c k s f o r t h e i r homes. When ... Koldeway a r r i v e d the destruction was irreparable."1° It seems apparent that l i t t l e concrete evidence of the dimensions  of the tower could be obtained from such a r u i n ,  except perhaps the base plan. This was i n f a c t obtained, and again, Parrot's comments on the subject are worthy of s c r u t i n y :  -  o6  -  " On a square f o u n d a t i o n ( each f a c e measures s l i g h t l y more t h a n 298 f e e t ) i t was c o n s t r u c t e d with a k e r n a l of sun-dried b r i c k s enclosed i n a s o l i d s h e l l o f baked b r i c k s 49 f e e t t h i c k . " 2  0  However, f u r t h e r d e d u c t i o n s were p o s s i b l e on t h e b a s i s mainly  of what was  left  at ground  level:  "Access to t h e upper s t o r i e s from ground l e v e l was made p o s s i b l e by means of t h r e e s t a i r c a s e s , two set a g a i n s t t h e south f a c e , and t h e t h i r d c e n t r a l l y p l a c e d , at r i g h t a n g l e s to t h e f a c a d e . " T h i s arrangement i s i d e n t i c a l t o t h a t seen on t h e at  Ur and  Ziggurat  furthermore:  . . o n l y t h e damaged remains o f t h e s e s t a i r w a y s were t o be seen, but j u d g i n g by the h e i g h t . o f t h e i r s t e p s , i t was n e v e r t h e l e s s p o s s i b l e t o c a l c u l a t e fe, t h a t t h e l a t e r a l f l i g h t s must h a v e . r i s e n t o a h e i g h t of n e a r l y 100 f e e t , and t h e c e n t r a l f l i g h t t o about 130 f e e t . " 2 1  T h i s suggests  t h a t t h e t h r e e s t a i r w a y s d i d not meet at a  c e n t r a l a r c h as they d i d at Ur. may  In f a c t , t h e l a t e r a l  have r i s e n t o t h e t o p o f t h e f i r s t  f l i g h t t o t h e top o f t h e second. The s t a i r w a y h e i g h t s may Woolley i n Ur  flights  si;age and t h e c e n t a l  explanation f o r d i f f e r i n g  w e l l be t h e same as those o f f e r e d by  E x c a v a t i o n s , Volume V r e g a r d i n g t h e Z i g g u r a t  °f  Ur-Nammu: "The s e t - b a c k o f t h e second s t a g e of t h e b u i l d i n g does ... not g i v e s u f f i c i e n t h o r i z o n t a l space f o r a s t a i r w a y c o n n e c t i n g t h e i;wo l e v e l s ; consequently, i f t h e conv e r g i n g f l i g h t s o f s t a i r s from t h e t e r r a c e had a t t a i n e d o n l y t h e h e i g h t of t h e f i r s t stage i t would have been i m p o s s i b l e to r e a c h t h e second s t a g e a c o n t i n u a t i o n of t h e c e n t r a l f l i g h t ; to a c h i e v e t h a t , t h e l a n d i n g o f t h e gate-tower had t o be h i g h e r than t h e pavement of t h e f i r s t s t a g e . " (See I l l u s . \ 5 k ) 2  2  - 87 It may  be s i g n i f i c a n t that there are plan differences  between the Ziggurat at Babylon and that at Ur.  The base  dimensions at Ur were about 200 feet by 150 f e e t . 2 3  This  puts Ur i n a category with rectangular plan rather than square plan and t h i s may well mean substantial superstructural v a r i a t i o n as well as having deeper r e l i g i o u s implications. As the on-site evidence of appearance above the  first  l e v e l i s so meagre f o r the Babylonian Ziggurat, we can only look to s i m i l a r , preferably nearby, structures for further suggestions.  As the Tower of Babel impressed those who  saw  i t i n i t s o r i g i n a l state during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, i t seems l i k e l y that i t s dimensions must have been at l e a s t as generous as those of i t s neighbours. ancient Borsippa,  Birs Nimrud (the  a few miles south-west of Babylon) i s s t i l l  154 f t . high 4, while that of Agarguf ( b u i l t i n the f i f t e e n t h 2  century B.C. plain.  near Baghdad) i s 187 feet above the l e v e l of the  Although the l a t t e r provides an excellent example of  the performance of bonding of bricks "chained by means of layers of r e e d s " 5 , i t i s thought to have once been much 2  higher than i t s present impressive Fortunately, new precise measurements.  height.  discoveries enable us to a r r i v e at more The extent to which t h i s f i e l d of research  i s s t i l l evolving i s shown by the f a c t that as l a t e at Robert P f e i f f e r of Harvard could r e f e r  t o  t h e  1950  Ziggurat of Ur  as being "the only f a i r l y well preserved one"^ . 6  Since then,  - 88 -  Roman Ghirshman has been able to document " the most complete 27  Ziggurat-known to date"'  . This i s the ziggurat at Choga Zanbil  (sometimes transliterated Tchoga-Zanbil or Tepe Choga Zanbil) which Ghirshman was s t i l l excavating when he wrote about i t i n 1955. Its dimensions were: 174 f t . high ( against a present  oft 83 feet) with a square base side of 346  ftfit-;  . These dim-  ensions are obviously s l i g h t l y more modest than others, but contribute when taken with others towards estimating an average height for important ziggurats of between, say, about 160 and 190 feet. Ghirshman has also something important to say about the prime function of this ziggurat which i s l i k e l y to have a bearing on others of this religious type. It w i l l be seen that the temple function, apart from affecting the shape of the structure on top,' must affect aspirations as to height, amongst other things. Looking at the purpose of the Ghoga-Zanbil ziggurat, i t appears l i k e l y that i t f e l l into the temple-tomb category. Not only did i t have a temple on top l i k e the ziggurat of Ur ( see page: 66 ) hut Ghirshman mentions finding buried i n the second stage some rooms reached by s t a i r s . He suggests that " they may have been intended to receive offerings or perhaps even to serve as royal tombs. Other rooms on the  - 89  -  n o r t h e a s t f a c e , which was t h e most s a c r e d , were c o m p l e t e l y w a l l e d i n w i t h "baked b r i c k , up t o t h e i r v a u l t s . No communicated  staircase  w i t h them. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e h y p o t h e s i s which we  have proposed, t h e s e rooms might be t h e ' s y m b o l i c a l ' tombs of the d i v i n i t i e s . " ^  The tomb f u n c t i o n t h e o r y i s ; r e i n f o r c e d by t h e f a c t i n Mesopotamia t h e house o f an i n h a b i t a n t was where he was  buried  that  also the place  ( under t h e f l o o r so t h a t h i s s p i r i t  would c o n t i n u e t o t a k e p a r t i n t h e l i f e o f t h e f a m i l y ) . I t would be n a t u r a l f o r t h e p e o p l e t o t h i n k o f t h e Z'iggurat as b e i n g t h e tomb o f t h e d e i t y , s i n c e t h e ;upper temple was i n any case d e s c r i b e d as b e i n g h i s "house" - on b r i c k s which were once t h e c a s i n g o f t h i s temple. I t i s o b v i o u s , though, t h a t t h e temple f u n c t i o n a f f e c t e d t h e e x t e r n a l appearances, i n c l u d i n g h e i g h t , o f t h e Z i g g u r a t much more t h a n i t s tomb f u n c t i o n , which was  o b v i o u s l y o f secondary importance.  An example o f a k i n d o f ziggurat-in miniature 'ii*. whichv t h e o r d e r o f t h e f u n c t i o n s was p r o b a b l y r e v e r s e d i n importance i s t h e Tomb o f Cyrus I I a t Pasargadae which I v i s i t e d i n 1965.  T h i s "tomb-temple" was b u i l t  on h i s p a l a c e complex by  t h e e a r l y Achaeraenid K i n g around 530 The z i g g u r a t form i s most l i k e l y  B.C. (See I l l u s .^"J  ).  e x p l a i n e d by t h e f a c t t h a t i t  would have become f a m i l i a r t o t h e P e r s i a n s d u r i n g  their  - 90 incursions i n t o Mesopotamia ( Cyrus I I captitared Babylon i n 5 3 9 B.C;.) and,  since they d e i f i e d t h e i r kings, the placing  of Cyrus' tomb at the top of the structure would be a l o g i c a l conclusion. He would be able to continue h i s d i v i n e  operations  from the tomb which would thus be a temple as w e l l . However,  1  looking at the structure p r i m a r i l y as a tomb, the  Persians  would not have followed to a l o g i c a l conclusion the temple implications which the Sumerians had so c a r e f u l l y thought out. The Persians eould see no need to b u i l d a structure that reached as near to heaven as p o s s i b l e i n order f o r the  god  to be i n h i s r e a l domain. So t h i s exceptional minature "ziggurat" of Cyrus r e a l l y r e i n f o r c e s the view that where the f u n c t i o n was would be  mainly that of temple, much greater height  involved.  One other important consideration emerges out of t h i s study of the Tomb of Cyrus. This i s the number of stages which i t had.  There are s i x plus the tomb on top. One  immediate  response to t h i s i s that the Persians had i n mind the provi s i o n of convenient steps f o r the ascent of p r i e s t s and  others  to the temple. The stages themselves would form a s t a i r c a s e so that f l i g h t s would not be needed. However, the height  of  each stage i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y more than a man-sized step.  The  stages also vary i n s i z e from about eighteen inches to three f e e t , u n l i k e regular steps. More l i k e god-sized  steps.  - 91  -  The l a t e date at which t h i s structure was  erected makes  i t seem much more l i k e l y that there were at that time examples to follow which had s i x stages, i w i c e as many as those of the Third Dynasty Ziggurat Woolley excavated at Ur.  Woolley him-  s e l f does a reconstruction of the Neo-Babylonian ziggurat, erected on the base of the Third Dynasty one by Nabonidus around 550 B.(T..(See I l l u s . %g  ).  Nabonidus succeeded to the throne of Nebuchadnezzar II,' who  by 700  world had  B.C.  had made Babylon the greatest walled c i t y the  ever known. Woolley says of t h i s :  "...the modern excavators were hard put to i t to f i n d , under the deeply sunk foundations of the uppermost l e v e l , anything that was older than Nebuchadnezzar; over a space of ten square miles v i r t u a l l y every b u i l d i n g was due to him...at Ur also he embarked on an ambitious programme which seems to have aimed at the reconstruction of the entire city."30 In view of the magnitude of this undertaking, i t i s suprising that we f i n d no evidence of h i s workmanship i n the Ur Ziggu r a t . It i s possible that Nebuchadnezzar either did not  live  long enough to s t a r t on t h i s area ( he l e f t the r e b u i l d i n g of Ur u n t i l a f t e r he had that h i s work was was  completed the task at Babylon) or  u n s a t i s f y i n g to Nabonidus ( who  a t r a d i t i o n a l i s t , not an innovator) who  by  contrast  therefore d i s -  mantled i t .  T r a d i t i o n a l i s t Nabonidus could not f i n d any  evidence of  - 92 what t h e  T h i r d Dynasty Ziggurat  had been l i k e  above t h a t  first  s t a g e p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d . We know h e l o o k e d b e c a u s e W o o l l e y mentions filled  f i n d i n g the hole i n the top  with Nabonidus'  own b r i c k s  Nammu's f o u n d a t i o n t a b l e t tower had been l i k e .  of  the  c  platform  where he r e c o r d s  but n o t h i n g to  Therefore  first  finding Ur-  show h i m what  the  :  " N a b o n i d u s f o l l o w e d t h e f a s h i o n and t h e Z i g g u r a t w h i c h h e s e t u p was e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h a t which he proposed t o r e s t o r e . I n s t e a d o f t h r e e s t a g e s t h e Neo-BabyIonian Z i g g u r a t had seven. Viewed from t h e f r o n t t h e e f f e c t was d r a m a t i c i n t h e e x t r e m e . From g r o u n d l e v e l t h e t h r e e a n c i e n t s t a i r w a y s l e d up t o t h e domed g a t e - t o w e r a t t h e t o p o f t h e l o w e s t s t a g e ; a b o v e t h a t t o w e r e d up s i x more s t a g e s , d i m i n i s h i n g i n s i z e as t h e y went u p , w i t h what l o o k e d l i k e a s p i r a l s t a i r c a s e e n c i r c l i n g the b u i l d i n g and l e a d i n g f r o m o n e s t a g e t o a n o t h e r and so t o t h e topmost p l a t f o r m whereon s t o o d the l i t t l e s h r i n e o f Nannar, a s m a l l square b u i l d i n g of b r i g h t b l u e g l a z e d b r i c k s surmounted by a g o l d e n dome."^ Archaeological hard to  find.  proSf  at  the  top  this  However, W o o l l e y  conclusion regarding conventional  of  the  impressive  arrives  staircase  at  an  formation  seven  ( above  stage one).  o r b y o t h e r means  ziggurat  of  Nabonidus  seems h i g h l y l i k e l y  A copy o f h i s  reconstruction  it at  that  is  possible  Ur i n fact  to  B  a b e l must  of  prove that  had seven  N a b o n i d u s who " f o l l o w e d t h e  t h e n a l s o have had seven  met, is  stair-  the  stages,  would have been f o l l o w i n g the p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f Tower o f  the  a r c h e d gateway where t h r e e main s t a i r c a s e s  of  seems  interesting  i l l u s t r a t i o n 58. M o r e o v e r , i f f r o m t h e a r r a n g e m e n t ways  stages  then  it  fashion"  B a b y l o n whose  stages.  - 93 Woolley*s  deductions regarding  s t a i r c a s e s were as  follows:  " When y o u h a d m o u n t e d one o f t h e t h r e e m a i n s t a i r c a s e s and had p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e a r c h e d g a t e on t o t h e f i r s t t e r r a c e t h e r e was o n y o u r r i g h t a l i t t l e b r i c k - b u i l t f l i g h t o f s t e p s l e a n e d up a g a i n s t t h e w a l l o f t h e s e c o n d s t a g e ; t h e s t e p s r a n o n l y as f a r as t h e c o r n e r o f t h e t o w e r a n d f r o m t h a t p o i n t a l e v e l g a l l e r y took you r i g h t round the tower to the c e n t r e o f i t s f a c a d e " ( t h i s w o u l d be on t h e second stage,' b e h i n d t h e t o p o f t h e a r c h e d gateway) "where t h e r e was j u s t s u c h a s h a l l o w r e c e s s a s H e r o d o t u s mentions i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the Babylonian Z i g g u r a t . T h e n y o u made a l e f t - a b o u t t u r n t o mount a s e c o n d l i t t l e f l i g h t o f s t e p s , t h i s t i m e l e a d i n g up t o t h e l e f t , a n d so r o u n d t h e b u i l d i n g o n t h e f l a t t o w h e r e , on t h e f a c a d e , a t h i r d f l i g h t r u n n i n g to t h e r i g h t t o o k y o u up t o t h e g a l l e r y f o r m i n g t h e f o u r t h stage; then round the b u i l d i n g to another ^ ' s i t t i n g o u t 5 1 r e c e s s , a n d so o n . T h e t o t a l h e i g h t o f t h e ' M o u n t a i n o f God* on w h i c h s t o o d N a n n a r ' s H o l y o f H o l i e s was j u s t o v e r a h u n d r e d a n d s i x t y f e e t . " ^ This  ingenious  s o l u t i o n to  surely  be g i v e n c o n s i d e r a b l e  of  archaeologist  the  been c a r e f u l l y is  supported  as  follows*  staircase  weight,  out  by r e a s o n e d  and t h e  must  h a v i n g i n mind the  who p r o p o s e s i t .  thought  arrangement  Each l o g i c a l  above  justification,  step  stature has  d e s c r i p t i o n by W o o l l e y a sample o f which  "What we f o u n d was t h e b r i c k pavement o f t h e l o w e s t s t a g e , s h o w i n g t h a t N a b o n i d u s made t h i s u n i f o r m t h r o u g h o u t , o b l i t e r a t i n g the stepped form of U r Nammu's f i r s t s t a g e , so t h a t a t e i t h e r end t h e N e o B a b y l o n i a n f l o o r was n e a r l y t e n f e e t a b o v e t h e o l d , and on t h e w h o l e conformed h i s s e c o n d s t a g e t o t h a t o f t h e o r i g i n a l ; b u t h e r e , o n t h e f a c a d e we f o u n d t h e f i r s t l i t t l e f l i g h t s of steps v i r t u a l l y i n t a c t and, o n t h e l e f t h a n d s i d e , what a t f i r s t seemed a n anomalous f e a t u r e , the f r o n t w a l l of the second stage (which, l i k e the c o n t a i n i n g - w a l l of the l i t t l e s t a i r c a s e .was r e l i e v e d b y t h e same s o r t o f s h a l l o w b u t t r e s s e s as Ur-Nammu h a d u s e d i n t h e l o w e r s t a g e )  is  - 94 -  stepped forward a c t u a l l y beyond the l i n e o f the s t a i r c a s e w a l l . Above t h i s , e v e r y t h i n g h a d v a n i s h e d . The p r o b l e m o f r e c o n s t r u c t i o n b o t h e r e d us f o r q u i t e a w h i l e , b u t a t l e n g t h we r e a l i z e d t h a t i f we p l a n n e d t h e t h i r d s t a g e e x a c t l y o n t h e l i n e s o f t h e s e c o n d , but i n r e v e r s e , and t h e f o u r t h i n t h e same way w i t h t h e s t e p s o n t h e r i g h t h a n d s i d e , . as i n t h e s e c o n d s t a g e , a n d so o n , f o r s e v e n s t a g e s , we n o t o n l y c o u l d e x p l a i n a l l t h e f e a t u r e s o f t h e g r o u n d p l a n t h a t s u r v i v e d b u t we h a d a n a b s o l u t e l y s y m m e t r i c a l b u i l d i n g , o f a r e a s o n a b l e h e i g h t , and one t o w h i c h H e r o d o t u s * d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e c o n t e m porary Z i g g u r a t at Babylon would v e r y a p t l y a p p l y . T h i s c a n n o t b e c o i n c i d e n c e , a n d I t h i n k t h a t we c a n f a i r l y c l a i m to have r e c o v e r e d the l i k e n e s s o f Nabonidus' Z i g g u r a t . . . . " 3 3 Much t h a t also.  true  The r e a l i z a t i o n  ortions lem o f the  was  staircase of  two m a i n t y p e s . those of  sides.  to  rest  arrangement. B a b y l o n was  rather  the n o r t h ,  so  on t h e  that  of  Ur,  of  as  s o l u t i o n to  s u c h as  either  Birs  found i n the  at  of  and s t r u c t u r a l l y  a focal  probthat  steps  attached  point  of  the  to at  the a the  Choga Z a n b i l  and  of  and t h e  steps.  to  The  square type  somewhere  steps thereafter,  were  to  flights  south  angles  t o meet  Nimrud,  86, l i k e  These  flank  a n d h a v i n g r a m p s ("main s t a i r c a s e s " ) of  type.  right  Babylonian Ziggurat,  and t h e n f l i g h t s  prop-  the  n o t e d on page  rectangular  t h a n by f l i g h t s  the  Babylon  perhaps a unique combination of  a c c e s s e d by t h e u s u a l  t y p e was  of  acceptable ziggurat  , b r o a d l y up i t s  The s q u a r e t y p e , were  evidently true  The a b o v e s y n t h e s i s means  The Z i g g u r a t  or running  point  rectangular  terrace  t h e most  a c c e s s e d b y ramps p l a c e d  Khorsabad,  centre  U r was  U r a k a n d N i p p u r , was  main facade central  of  seems u l t i m a t e l y  Ziggurat  always  of  in  to  the  its  first  was  geographically  two m a i n  types.  - 95 -  The wide d i s p e r s a l of these two categories suggests that the inhabitants of the land of Shinar were i n fact near' to being one people ( as stated i n Genesis 11: 6). This must have been p a r t i c u l a r l y true of t h e i r r e l i g i o n , i f not l i n g u i s t i c a l l y or i n other c u l t u r a l aspects.  We have now  a r r i v e d at a p r o j e c t i o n of the appearance  of the Babylonian Ziggurat as f a r as archaeological evidence w i l l allow. Dimensions are: - a square base with side of 298 f e e t ; - a maim, access ramp at r i g h t angles to the facade of 130 f e e t , two main side staircases r i s i n g only 100 feet; - a conjectural height of between 160 and 190 feet (based on the "national average"). Plow ever, i n view of the height of the main s t a i r c a s e , t h i s seems low.  Other general features include a mass of clay masonry, or unbumt b r i c k s , protected by a l a y e r of burnt b r i c k s ; s i x or seven stages plus a temple on top, each successive stage being smaller than the one below i t .  A strong mortar which  included bitumen was probably used C Genesis 11 : 3). The sides of the stages sloped a l i t t l e , l i k e the sides of a mountain. Beyond t h i s we can only look to forms of evidence other than archaeological ones f o r suggestions which might  -  96 -  sharpen our d e f i n i t i o n of the most l i k e l y form of the Tower of Babel.  - 97 FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX -  1. Hugo Gressman : The Tower of Babel, Jewish I n s t i t u t e of R e l i g i o n Press ( N.Y. 1928) p. 5. 2. Fr. Chaine  : Le L i v r e de l a Genese. (Paris, 1948) p. 165.  3 . Andre Parrot : Sumer, the Dawn, off Arte, (trans S. G i l b e r t & J . Emmons), The Golden Press (N.Y., 1961) vv. 12-14 4. Quoted from the speech of F r i e d r i c h D e l i t z s c h by K.W.Marek (pseud. C.W. Ceram) i n The March of Archaeology (trans. R. & C. Winston), Knopf (N.Y. 1958) p. 164. 5. Parrot, p. 68. 6. Loc. c i t . . 7. S i r Leonard Woolley : Excavations at Ur, Ernest Benn Ltd., (London,1954) p. 125. 8. That Ur-Nammu had b u i l t the Ziggurat at Ur was proved by "foundation-cones" - n a i l s driven deep into the mud mortar between inner b r i c k courses of the foundations. These had the i n s c r i p t i o n : "For Nannar, the strong b u l l of Heaven, most glorious son of E n l i t , h i s King, has Ur-Nammu the mighty man, King of Ur. b u i l t h i s temple, E-temen-ni-it" (Woolley, p. 127;. 9. Op. c i t . , p. 126. 10. Taylor,-made the mistake of assuming that the sides, not the corners, were at c a r d i n a l points of the compass. His S.W. corner should be the south corner. 11.Sir Leonard Woolley : U r Excavations. Volume V, The Zigg-, urat and i t s Surroundings, T r u s t e e s of B r i t i s h Museum and U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Museum (London, 1939) p. 134, quoting J.E. Taylor i n J.R.A.S. f o r 1855, V o l XV.  1  12.Also t r a n s l i t e r a t e d EL-Mugaygar. 13.Woolley : Excavations at Ur...pp. 127-128.  - 98 -  14. Abraham i s thought to have l i v e d about 2000 B.C.. UrNair.fflu was the f i r s t of f i v e kings of the Third Dynasty, who reigned with Ur as c a p t i a l of the empire*. Dates of t h i s dynasty are often set at 2112 to 2015 « « although Parrot has 2124 to 2107 f o r the r e i g h of Ur-Nammu. B  c  1 5 . Op. c i t . , pp. 130-131. 16. Hugo Gressmann : Th e Tow er of Bab e l , Jewish I n s t i t u t e of R e l i g i o n Press (N.Y.,1928) p. 7. 17. Albert Champdor : Babylon (trans. ELsa Coult) Elek Books, (London, 1958) p. 125. 18. Merkes was adjacent to the E-temen-anki temple precinct and Ziggurat area, immediately to the east of i t . 1 9 . Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel, Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2., P h i l o s o p h i c a l Library (New York, 1955) p. 46. 20. Loc. c i t . . 21.  Op. c i t . , p. 147.  2 2 . S i r Leonard Woolley : Ur Excavations, Volume V, The Zigg^ urat and i t s Surroundings,^Trustees of the B r i t i s h Museum and of Museum of the University of Pennsylvania (London, 1 9 3 9 ) p. 1 0 8 . 2 3 . Woolley, p. 1 3 0 . f  24. Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel ; Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2 . , P h i l o s o p h i c a l Library (New York. 1955), 25.  p.  49.  Loc. c i t . .  26. Robert P f e i f f e r ; (£«•» of Andre Parrot: Ziggurats et Sour de Babel (Paris' 1 9 4 9 ) i n American Journal of Archaeol ogy,  Vol  54,  (1950)  p.  431:  27. Joan Lines; ( rev. of Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel ( N.Y* 1 9 5 5 ) i n American Journal of Archaeology, V o l . 60 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p. 29&. 2 8 . Roman Ghirshman : "The Ziggurat of Choga-Zanbil" i n Archaeology, V o l . 8 , No. 4 ( 1 9 5 5 ) p. 261.  a  - 99 29. Op. c i t . , p. 263. 30. S i r Leonard Woolley Limited (London 31. Op. c i t . , p.  : Excavations at Ur. Ernest Benn , 1954) p. 216.  219.  32. 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Hinds, IV, Everyman s Library, Dent, (London, 1963). 1  V i a l e , Mercedes Ferrero, "Tapestry and Carpets", Encyclopedia of World A r t . McGraw-Hill. (London, 1967), XlTT. Wethey, Harold E., E l Greco and His School, Princeton University Press, (Princeton, 1962), I I . Wittkower, Rudolf, "Eagle and Serpent - A Study i n the Migration of Symbols", Journal o f the Warburg I n s t i t u t e . V o l . 2,  (London, 1938^T  Woolley, S i r Leonard, Ur Excavations, Volume V, The Ziggurat and i t s Surroundings. Trustees o f B r i t i s h Museum and the University o f Pennsylvania Museum, (London, 1939). , Excavations at Ur, Ernest Benn Ltd., (London, 1954).  Illus.2.  D e t a i l ©f  Illustration 1  Illus.5.  P e t e r C o e c k e van A e l s t : tapestry ( D e t r o i t I n s t i t u t e o f the A r t s )  /AT  8E  Illus.  8.  " steps . The C r i p p l e s 1568 (Louvre ,Paris)  US  I l l u s . 1 0 .  L a n d s c a p e (Muse*es  w i t h  Royeaux  F a l l  o f  des  B e a u x - A r t s , B r u s s e l s )  I c a r u s , c .  1558  I l l u s . 11.  D e t a i l of I l l u s t r a t i o n  10  Illus.  12. The Massacre o f the Innocents 1566-7 ( K u n t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum,Vienna)  II8  Illus. 1 3 .  D e t a i l of I l l u s t r a t i o n 1 2  "7  I l l u s , 14.  D e t a i l of  Illustration  12  /20  ulril V Bhliini»e.l.or  I l l u s . 15*  M«i*f«M.  1 H. 14 Jiln  H-cli-r/.-tthiiuiKi  i.iii  rlii  W.Oisluw  llihrl  PI,I>I, l i m v  liil.l  Bbhmischer Master d ' f t h . minature i n the Welislaw B i b l e (Prague Univ. L i b r a r y )  Sinn lob. 417  !|  Illus.16,  I * * A T I u n i v«TA«llnli»n.v  rulV'r  \>i>» l i u J r r t i r v n n  IHM'"'  Schweizer Master: minature i n the Toggenburg B i b l e 1411 (Berlin-Dahlem)  Illus.  17.  M i n a t u r © i n the K a s s « l e r World C h r o n i c l e 1385 prepared by Rudolph von Ems B i b l i o t h e k der Stadt K a s s e l  /Z3  Illus.18.  The Book o f Hours of the Duke o f 142^-30. B r i t i s h Museum,London.  Bedford  Illus. 1 9 .  E l Greco: C h r i s t C l e a n s i n g the Temple  Illus.  20.  G i u l i o C l o r i o : Minature o f Tower of Babel Book o f Hours o f Our Lady f o r C a r d i n a l Farnese ( P i e r p o i n t Morgan L i b r a r y , N . I )  I l l u s 21.  E l Greco: P o r t r a i t o f G i u l i o (Museo Naxionale, Naples)  Clovio  I l l u s . 22.  A Flemish Master (Gheeraert Horenbout or Simon Bening?) Minature o f Tower of Babel i n Grimani B r e v i a r y . ( B i b l i o t e c a Nationale Marciana,Venice)  I l l u s 23.  M o s a i c e x e c u t e d 1220-1230. N a r t h e x o f Mark's,Venice. Paoto: J.B.Kelly,M.A.  St  Illus.2k.  D e t a i l of i l l u s . 1  Illus.25.  Hans S e b a l d  Beham: Tower o f B a b e l i n  illustrated  Biblical  history  book  1533  I3t  Illus.26.  Hans H o l b e i n the Younger. Tower o f Babel i n h i s t o r y book 1538? I n : H i s t o r i a r u m v e t e r i s testament! i c o n e s . . . . L y o n , T r e c h s e l  Cock of Antwerp u s i n g an e n g r a v i n g by P i e t e r van der Eeyden based on a drawing by B r u e g e l i n turn reduced from a p a i n t i n g by Bosch.  Illus.28.  Colosseum,Home.  Illus.29.  Peter Stevens: The northern side of the Forum Eomanum seen from the Palatine Hill,c.1591 or 1604. Exhibition Cat: Flemish Drawings of the C17 from the Collection of F r i t s Lugt,Institut Neerlandais,Paris.  I l l u s . 3 0 . P. B r i l :  artists  sketching  amid the r u i n s o f the  i m p e r i a l p a l a c e s on the P a l a t i n e H i l l , R o m e , c.1610 or 1624. ( E x h i b i t i o n c a t . as  XXV)  Illus.32.  B. F a l e t i : engraving of f o r t i f i c a t i o n s C a s t e l Sant *Angelo,1557.  added to  Illus.33.  A, B r a m b i l l a : engraving o f C a s t e l Sant during a spectacle  'Angelo  s t a g e d on i t s r a m p a r t s . 1 5 ^ 9  Illus.3^«  Towers and gates of Amsterdam 15>62 Boston. Museum of Fine Arts.  I l l u s . 3 6 . Two more views of towers and gates of Amsterdam both dated 1 5 6 2 and both i n Basancon,Musee des Beaux-Arte.  Illus. 37 • Photos of the CTaudian Aqueduct where the arches were blocked up as fortifications.  I l l u s . 38.  Peter Coecke van A e l s t : T Detaxl of woodcut,Brussels Museum. he  T  u  r  k  s  i  n  ,  I l l u s . 40.  Lucas ran Valckenborgh,The Tower of Babel,1568 Alte Pinakothek, Munich  I l l u s . 41.  Lucas v a n Valckenborgh:The Tower of Babel. Date unknown but probably l a t e r than 1568. Mainz, Art Gallery.  I l l u s . 42.  Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower o f Babel,1594 The L o u v r e , P a r i s .  I l l u s . 43.  Flemish Master (Tobias Verhaccht?) Tower o f B a b e l , l a t e C16 Mainz A r t G a l l e r y  I  I l l u s .  44.  M a r t e n  Tower  v a n Heemskerck:  o f  The D e s t r u c t i o n  Babel,1597.  Copenhagen:  S t a t e  Museum  o f  A r t .  o f  t h e  ¥9  I H u s .  45.-  Marten  v a n  Copenhagen.  H e e s k e r c k : S t a t e  The  Museum  D e s t r u c t i o n o f  A r t .  o f  Sodom,1567  /57  I l l u s * 46.  Pirro Ligorio:Map of Kome,156l Naples National Library  I l l u s , 47.  D e t a i l o f 46.  I l l u s . 48.  Lievin Cruyl and Coenraet Decker(?); The Tower of Turris Babel?  *  e  n  ®  r  &  v  ±  a  8  i n  Kircher's  (5>  I l l u s . 49.  C r u y l and D e c k e r ( ? ) : The Tower o f Babel, p o r t r a y a l of how i t c o u l d reach the moon. P r i n t from a copper engraving ( c o u r t e s y o f U.B.C's s p e c i a l c o l l e c t i o n s )  I €5  c ,  1600?  E n g r a v i n g  s u p e r v i s i o n ( C o u r t e s y  o f  o f  by  J a q u e s  Z a c h a r i a s  D o l e n d o  u n d e r  de Gheyn,1565-1629»  M e t r o p o l i t a n  T o r o n t o  L i b r a r y  i »  t h e E h r e n s t e i n .  Board)  I l l u s , 52.  Leo Michelson (b.1887) Tower o f Babel woodcut f o r Lazarus Goldschmidt:The Book of Heroes ( B e r l i n 1923) Courtesy o f Metro Toronto L i b r a r y Board)  Illus. 53.  Marius B a u e r ( 1 8 6 7 - 1 9 3 2 ) : E t c h i n g . C o l l e c t i o n o f Mr Campbell Dodgsons,London. (Photo courtesy o f Metro Toronto L i b r a r y Board)  Illus.  55«  North-east  face  of  the Z i g g u r a t at U r . ( S i r L. Woolley)  f6Z  Illus.57.  Tomb c.  530  o f  C y r u s B . C .  I I  a t  P a s a r g a d a e .  ( P h o t o : T . D . F a w c e t t )  B u i l t  by  C y r u s  I I  B.Or  BUCKV  CAMRRA!  \  I l l u s .  59.  The  N e t h e r l a n d s  /-I  u n d e r  OT  A  C h a r l e s  V  I l l u s . 61.  Nonsuch Palace,Surrey,England,begun  in  1538.  Illus.  02,  l i e r io«er  o i iL-aaaxva  Cinkowski)  I l l u s .  63.  T a t l i n ' s  Monument  to  the  T h i r d  I n t e r n a t i o n a l .  

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