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The large tower of Babel by Peter Bruegel : its precedents and antecedents in the artistic imagination.. 1976

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THE LARGE TOWER OF BABEL BY PETER BRUEGEL - ITS PRECEDENTS AND ANTECEDENTS IN THE ARTISTIC IMAGINATION AND IN ARCHAEOLOGY by THOMAS DEREK FAWCETT B.A., University of Saskatchewan, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of FINE ARTS (HISTORY) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1976 © Thomas Derek Fawcett, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements f< an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree tha the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for s cho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th i s thes is for f i nanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1WS - i i - ABSTRACT This thesis was originally commenced with the intention of examining the various a r t i s t i c representations of the Tower of Babel, then comparing them with possible sources of inspiration such as the Biblical account, Herodotus, and the original (as now revealed by archaeology). So far about two hundred and thi r t y illustrations have been found, mainly in the form of manuscript illuminations, frescoes, mosaics and paintings. As this piece of research would run into several large volumes, i t has been decided to concentrate upon a most outstanding example, that of the painting executed in 1563 by Peter Bruegel which is usually referred to as his "Large Tower of Babel". The precedents and antecedents of this painting have been studied and special attention given to influences such as the medieval traditions of allegory i n literature and symbolism in painting. Because of the use of symbolism by Bruegel in much of his painting, an attempt has been made to ascertain whether or not the religious or p o l i t i c a l motives often connected with this are present-and the conclusion reached i s that to some extent they must be. There is at present very l i t t l e i n the way of detailed description of the painting by art historians, and so attention has been given to this, accompanied by a search for sources of Bruegel's inspiration. One result of this has been the - i i i - discovery that Qiulio Clovio provided some ideas for the painting and himself collected another larger example not now in existence. The description by Vasari would suggest that the subject was something of a wonder in Rome in the 1550*3, thus providing another cogent reason for Peter Bruegel's interest in i t during and after the time of his v i s i t to Italy. It i s concluded that the particular form which Bruegel's tower takes i s mainly the cumulative result of his own powerful imagination, the ini alginations of his contemporaries and predecessors, combined with l i t e r a r y detail available from Herodotus and to some extent the Bi b l i c a l account. While travellers' tales of Middle Eastern towers such as Samarra abounded, i t seems unlikely that much of the original tower at Babylon remained to be observed,even i f i t were recognized in Bruegel's time. With the influence of the archaeological facts available to us today at n i l then, comparatively speaking, the thesis section of detailed research into the actual form of the original tower becomes only of interest for the sake of comparison with the a r t i s t i c form - and as a corroboration of Herodotus' important account. It therefore very properly becomes an appendix. - iv - TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents List of Illustrations . . . Acknowledgment Part I General Description 1 Symbolism and the tradition of allegory . . 3 Bruegel's use of symbolism 13 Bruegel's symbolic method applied to his Large Tower of Babel 21 Bruegel's idea of the meaning of the Tower . 30 Architectural origins of Bruegel's Tower . . 33 Inspiration for architectural details other than the Tower 43 A comparison of the Large Tower with the Small Tower of Babel and with antecedents 46 The Tower as an Expression of Changing Ideas in Lif e , Literature and Art . . . 53 Notes to Part I 5^ Part II Introduction 65 Three Basic Sources 63 1) The Bib l i c a l Tower of Babel . . . . 63 2) The Esagil Tablet 70 3) The Account of Herodotus 71 Notes to Part II . . . . 75 Appendix - Archaeological Evidence Notes to Appendix Bibliography . . . . . . - v i - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS WITH SOURCES AND CREDITS 1. The Large Tower of Babel, I563, Kunthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Seidel & Marljnissen. 2. Detail of I l l u s . 1, Foote, p. 20. 3. Details of I l l u s . 1, Foote, p. 10. 4. Detail of I l l u s . 1, Seidel & Marijnissen. 5. Peter Coecke van Aelst: Tapestry, Detroit Institute of the Arts, Held. 6. The Conversion of St. Paul, I567, Kunthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Foote, p. 104. 7. Detail of I l l u s . 6, Foote, p. 105. 8. The Cripples, I568, Louvre, Paris, Foote, pp. 132-3. 9. The Two Monkeys, 1562, Foote, p. 68 10. Landscape with F a l l of Icarus, c. 1558, Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels, Foote, p. 160. 11. Detail of I l l u s . 10, Foote, p. 80. 12. The Massacre of the Innocents, 1566-7, Kunthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Foote, p. 103. 13. Detail of I l l u s , 12, Foote, p. 101. 14. Detail of I l l u s . 12, Ferber, p'late V. 15. Bohmischer Master, 14th Miniature i n the Welislaw Bible, Prague University Library, Minkowski, p. 20. 16. Schweizer Master: Miniature in the Toggenburg Bible, 1411, Berlin-Dahlem, Minkowski, p. 26. 17. Miniature in the Kasseler World Chronicle, 1385, prepared by Rudolf van Ems, Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel, Minkowski, p. 33. 18. The Book of the Hours of the Duke of Bedford, 1424-30, British Museum, London, Minkowski, p. 31. 19. E l Greco: Christ Cleansing the Temple, Gudiol. - v i i - 20. Giulio Glovio: Miniature of Tower of Babel, Book of Hours of Our Lady for Cardinal Farnese, Pierpoint Morgan Library, N.Y., Minkowski. 21. E l Greco: Portrait of Giulio Clovio, Museo Nazionale, Naples, Gudiol. 22. A Flemish Master (Gheeraert Horenbout or Simon Bening?), Miniature of Tower of Babel in Grimani Breviary, Biblioteca Nationale Marciana, Venice, Minkowski, p. 33. Facsimile by F. Orgahia, 1906, for Walters Art Collection, Baltimore. 23. Mosaic executed 1220 - 1230, Narthex of St. Mark's, Venice. Photo: Mr. J. B. O'Kelly, M.A. 24. Detail of I l l u s . 1, Foote,~p. 11. 25. Hans Sebald Beham: Tower of Babel in Illustrated Biblical History book, 1533, Minkowski, p. 41. 26. Hans Holbein the Younger, Tower of Babel in History Book, 153S?, Minkowski, p. 41. 27. "Big Fish Eat L i t t l e Fish", Print by Hieronymus Cock of Antwerp, using an engraving by Pieter van der Heyden, based on a drawing by Bruegel which in turn was reduced from a painting by Bosch, Klein, p. 139. 23. Colosseum, Rome, Ba'ethius and Ward-Perkins: Etruscan & v Roman Architecture, p. 222. 29. Peter Stevens: The Northern Side of the Forum Romanum seen from the Palatine H i l l , c. 1591 or 1604, Exhibition Cat: Flemish Drawings of the Seventeenth Century from the collection of Fritz Lugt, Institut Neerlandais, Paris. 30. P. B r i l : artists sketching amid the ruins of the Imperial Palaces on the Palatine H i l l , Rome, c. 1610 or 1624, Exhib. cat. as XXV. 31. Detail of I l l u s . 1, Stechow, p. 84. 32. B. F a l e t i : Engraving of fortifications added to Castel Saat 'Angelo, 1557, Cassanelli, et. a l , i l l u s . 303. 33. A. Brambilla: Engraving of Castel Sant 'Angelo during a "spectacle" staged on i t s ramparts, 1579, Cassanelli et. a l . , i l l u s . 321. - v i i i - 34. Towers and Gates of Amsterdam, I562, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, de Tolnay Drawings, plate 43. 35. Marine Landscape with a view of Antwerp in the background, London, Count Seilern collection, Munz plate 49. 36. Two more views of towers and gates of Ameterdam, both dated I562, and both in Basan^on, Musee de Beaux-Arts, de Tolnay, plates 41, 42. 37. Photos of the Claudian Aqueduct where the arches were bricked-up as fortifications, Cassanelli, et. a l . , i l l u s . 48, 49. 38. Peter Coecke van Aelst: The Turks in 1533, detail of woodcut, Brussels Museum, Marlier, p. 59. 39. The Small Tower of Babel, c. 1554 or I563?, Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam,>Seidel & Marijnissen, p. 191 40. Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, 1568, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, Minkowski, p. 70. 41. Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, date unknown but probably later than 1568, Mainz Art Gallery, Minkowski, p. 70. 42. Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel, 1594, Louvre, Paris, Minkowski, p. 70. 43. Flemish Master: (Tobias Verhaecht?), Tower of Babel, late sixteenth century, Mainz, Art Gallery, Minkowski, p. 48. 44. Marten van Heemskerck: The Destruction of the Tower of Babel, I567, Copenhagen: State Museum of Art, Garff, plate 91. 45* Marten van Heemskerck: The Destruction of Sodom, I567, Copenhagen: State Museum of Art, Garff, plate 92. 46. Pirro Ligorio: Map of Rome, 1561, Naples: National Library, Mandowski and Mitchell, plate 75. 47. Detail of I l l u s . 46. 48. Lievin Cruyl and Coenraet Decker (?): The Tower of Babel, print from copper engraving in Kircher's Turris Babel, Minkowski, p. 80. - ix - 49. Cruyl and Decker (?): The Tower of Babel, portrayal of how i t could reach the moon. Print from copper engraving, in Kircher, p. 38 Courtesy of U.B.C. Special Collections . 50. Karel van Mander, 1548 - 1606: The Babylonian Confusion, c. 1600?, Engraving by Zacharias Dolendo under the supervision of Jaques de Gheyn, I565 - 1629, Ehrenstein. Courtesy of Metropolitan Toronto Library Board . 51. Gustav Dorei 1833 - 1883*. Woodcut from an Old Testament illustrated by him, Ehrenstein, plate 10. Courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board . 52. Leo Michelson, b. I887, Tower of Babel woodcut for Lazarus Goldschmidt: The Book of Heroes, Berlin, 1923. Courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board . 53. Marius Bauer, I867 - 1932, Etching: Collection Mr. Campbell Dodgsons, London. Photo courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board . 54. The Ziggurat at Choga-Zambil, Sir Leonard Woolley: Excavations at Ur., Vol. V. 55• North-east face of the Ziggurat at Ur, Sir Leonard Woolley. 56. Reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu, Sir Leonard Woolley. 57. Tomb of Cyrus II at Pasargadae, built by Cyrus II c. 530 B.C., Photo: T. D. Fawcett. 58. Reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Nabonidus, restored, Sir Leonard Woolley. SPECIAL ILLUSTRATIONS: 59. The Netherlands under Charles V, Belgium Geographical Handbook Series, B.R. 521. 60. Locations of Ziggurats in Mesopotamia, Roman Ghirshman: Mesopotamia. 61. Nonsuch Palace, Surrey, begun 1538. 62. The Tower of Samarra, Minkowski. 63. Tatlin's Monument to the Third International, Minkowski. - X - ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. George Knox who gave freely and generously of his time, and whose many helpful suggestions have been of immeasurable value in the completion of this work. I would also like to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Mary Morehart for her careful scrutiny of the work and for the positive assistance given toward i t s completion, and also to the Inter-Library Loan Service without whose help I would have been unable to complete the research. PART I GENERAL DESCRIPTION One of the best-known pictures of the Tower of Babel is the painting completed in 1563 by Peter Bruegel the Elder (?1525 - I569). Under the name of "Peter Brueghel" he became a master printer in Antwerp in 1551, but by 1559 he had drop- ped the "h" from his name. His sons, Jan and Pieter the Younger restored the silent "h" and substituted the French "eu" for the Flemish "ue". It seems most f i t t i n g here to use the spelling he f i n a l l y chose himself. This painting is the more commonly reproduced of two similar paintings by him, and usually catalogued as "The Large Tower of Babel", signed and dated: "BRVEGEL FE. MCCCCC LXIII" 1. As early as I565 the large tower is recorded as belonging to the Antwerp merchant Nicolas Jonghelinck, who possessed a total of sixteen works by Bruegel?. No information exists as to the commissioning of the painting, but i t seems highly probable that Jonghelinck was the f i r s t owner. Van Mander later mentions i t as being in the collection of the Emperor Rudolph II, and by I659 i t was in Archduke Leopold William's collection.^ It i s now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Bruegel would have been aged 38 when he painted the large tower, assuming his birthdate to be 1525. This is arrived at - 2 - by taking the year 1551> which i s proven to be the year of Bruegel's acceptance into the Antwerp painters 1 guild, and subtracting 26, which was the normal age for admission as a master painter. A crucial v i s i t to Rome was made in 1552- 54, when he was perhaps 27 to 29, and when he died in I569 he would have been at most 44. The second known painting of this subject by Bruegel may have been completed as early as 1554, perhaps when s t i l l i n Rome, and is a f i r s t pointer to the origin of Bruegel's interest in i t . Known as "The Small Tower of Babel" (60 x 74*5 cm as against 114 x 155 cm.) this panel-painting was also l i s t e d as being in the Rudolph II collection. It i s now in the Boymans-Van Beuningen Museum, Rotterdam^. A third version of the tower by Bruegel, now lost, was a miniature on ivory done while he was in Rome. It was probably given to the miniaturist Giulio Glovio, who was a close acquaintance^, as i t i s mentioned as being in his possession i n his w i l l of 1577^. The Large Tower scene shows a colossal round, stepped tower, which looks as i f i t could accommodate as many people as a small town in the labyrinthine tunnels of i t s depths. It reaches to the clouds and engulfs a rocky outcrop, used for support, on the edge of a f o r t i f i e d city. It leans a l i t t l e menacingly to the l e f t and towers over even the painter's viewpoint on - 3 - his high foreground vantage point - as i f getting out of man's control, being too ambitious for his powers (Illus. 1 ) . Stretching into the distance is a verdant Low Countries landscape on one side and an estuary (or the North Sea) on the other. The busy seaport exhibits a mixture of stone fortresses, Gothic spires or towers, and red-bricked, step- gabled houses typical of a Flemish city such as Bruges or Antwerp even today. The harbour, with i t s details of ships, carefully-drawn rigging and dockside stores must have been the subject of many preparatory studies in Bruegel's sketch- book? - in fact the work can be read as much as a technical drawing as a painting (Illus. 2 ) . The human content and activity depicted in the painting is shown in such variety and frequency that Bruegel's output on that level alone may be said to be truly prodigious. The tower i t s e l f can be seen as a great hive of activity, with men hauling or hoisting loads, working treadmill cranes, climbing ladders and scaffolding, wielding picks, hammers and mallets. The tower obviously exists to be lived on, i f not in. Thatched labourers' houses of wood and plaster have been built against the stone walls at various levels. Here women are seen at domestic tasks such as tending a window-box, cooking with a stew-pot over a f i r e right on the stone terrace, and laying out washing to dry on stone buttresses and on a picket fence somehow erected in the rock. In the harbour men climb - 4 - rigging or steer a log raf t ; on wharves and streets they un- load cargoes, drive teams of horses through an arch or over a bridge, stack lumber and barrels and work in a blacksmith's forge (Illus. 3). Bruegel gives some prominence to the main group of figures by placing them on the foreground h i l l , on which the observer would also be standing. This part of the scene i s set in the mason's yard, probably adjacent to the quarry, where they are at work cutting stone blocks for the tower. Several are using levers in a back-breaking effort to move a large block, while two nearest the observer form their own circle as they stoop, with rounded shoulders, to pound chisels with large wooden mallets• Other stonemasons have dropped their tools and are rushing forward to kneel before a king who has entered the yard with a rather small group of followers. The king carries a gold sceptre, held as a symbol of royal authority, wears a low crown, sports a large iron two-handed sword - but i s not elaborately dressed. The long grey cloak, doublet and hose, although perhaps of fine linen or silk,, are not ornate and are not intended to convey the impression of great opulence, for they would not be unknown to Flemish weavers and prosperous merchants accustomed to orders from local t i t l e d folk and prelates. In fact, Foote goes as far as to say "Earlier painters had depicted Nimrod as an imposing monarch f u l l of pride and deserving of his punishment. Bruegel shows him as a vain, petty dignitary whose arrival merely slows the work"8. A heavily cloaked, corpulent figure in a dark round hat immediately next to the king, gesticulates in the explanation of some detail (he may be the architect). Several courtiers are brightly attired but not with the expense and grandeur then associated with a Near Eastern court i n Old Testament times. This leads inevitably to the question of whose court is here represented - that of the potentate Nimrod connected with Babylon and the Tower of Babel - or that of a more local dignitary more contemporary with Bruegel^ (Illus. 4). Certainly the f i r s t impression which would come to the minds of Bruegel's peers would be that of Nimrod, since he was repeatedly illustrated in the Babel story, possibly in lin e with the Church teaching of the day. Precise dates would not be known and Genesis 10 : 8, 9 says: "Nimrod, a mighty hunter before the Lord. His kingdom in the beginning consisted of Babel, Erech and Accad, a l l of them in the land of Shinar ..." (^Mesopotamia^. F u l l use would probably have been made of the didactic value of the Babel story and i t would not then have been seen simply as an account of how the survivors of the Flood, descendants of Noah, began to talk different languages. While the details of the artist's intent should be l e f t - 6 - u n t i l later, i t would be appropriate at this i n i t i a l stage to deal generally with the scene as i t relates to Bruegel's a r t i s t i c beginnings. A comparison with a tapestry design by his teacher, and subsequent father-in-law, Peter Coecke van Aelst, reveals some basics in Bruegel's style. This tapestry is one of a series depicting scenes from the l i f e of the Apostle Paul, and is authenticated by a drawing, bearing Coecke's signature, which is the model for the tapestry i l l u s t r a t i o n . ^ This series is ranked in importance, both for design and execution, with two others for which the weaving was also done in Brussels with the low-warp method. These others are the "Acts of the Apostles", for which Raphael designed the cartoons, and the "Conquest of Tunis", designed by Jan Vermeyen.^* Julius Held, in describing the tapestry, which was then at the Detroit Institute of Arts, says that, on examination: "... one encounters a conception of landscape and a figural design of striking natural simplicity and freshness - ... boats ... scattered over the sea, whose wide surface i s rippled by smoothly breaking waves; figures of peasant type, heavy and solid molded into a mass, lacking the graceful movements obviously aimed at in other parts of the tapestries, - human habitations between h i l l s and rocky c l i f f s i n the distance. In a l l of this i s revealed a feeling for nature i t s e l f scarcely ever before expressed in Flemish a r t " . 1 ^ This description f i t s portions of Bruegel's Babel scene very closely and could equally well be applied to that painting. If one accepts Held's tapestry dating of 1540, and the earliest - 7 - birthdate given to Bruegel of 1525> the young apprentice to Goecke would then have been fifteen. This makes Bruegel's contribution to the tapestry design something of a possibility, but this chance becomes much more remote i f we accept the birthdate of 1528-30 given by Stechow, for example1^ (Illus. 5 ) . That Bruegel's genius in painting 1 was not developed at an early age seems much more likely, however, since we know that as late as 1550 he was working in a subordinate position to Peter Balten (or Baltens). This was on an altarpiece commission for the church of St. Rombout, won by the shop of Claude Dorizi at Mechelen (Malines). Balten worked on the centre part while Bruegel was assigned the wings-^. This being so, i t seems quite probable that Bruegel did not contribute to the background scene of the tapestry design in 1540, but, as Julius Held says, " i t shows clearly enough that in Coeck's atelier, valuable impulses could be passed on to him'4^. That we have here one source of inspiration for parts of the land- scape and people of Bruegel's Babel is certain. We should now turn our attention to the deeper questions of the artist's intent and inner meaning, as this w i l l give us a clearer under- standing of the cause and effect at work in the painting. It w i l l then be more readily understood when viewed as a whole. - d - SYMBOLISM AND THE TRADITION OF ALLEGORY: It is clear that there is an element of symbolism in the picture because of the portrayal of people, buildings, and landscape as those of Bruegel's day - Babylon i s in fact translated into the 16th century Low Countries. This was not strange to Bruegel's audience, since they were used to an a r t i s t i c convention in which "everything in a painting was to be judged and enjoyed both as a symbol and as an accurate portrayal of real l i f e " ^ . Given that such a level of symbolism exists, one must then ask i f i t i s also used on a deeper le v e l : for example, as the figures are Bruegel's contemporaries, i t would be an easy transition to implicating reigning monarchs or princes of Bruegel's time into the story. That symbolism on the deeper level is l i k e l y in Bruegel's work is demonstrated by the reasoned argument of Kenneth C. Lindsay, and Bernard Huppe, appearing in the Journal of Aesthetics in 1956 1 7, which is worth reproducing. Briefly, there is a long tradition of medieval allegory and underlying aesthetic theory with foundations in St. Augustine's De doctrina Christiana (which is in effect a fundamental programme of Christian culture): "St. Augustine ... considers a l l poetry (and painting as a form of expression would be included), to have two parts, sense and sentence; that i s , story and underlying meaning. These two parts stand in the relation of shell and core. The process of comprehension involves penetrating the shell to reach the core of meaning. Appreciation, aesthetic - 9 - satisfaction, is equated both with the process of comprehension, and with the d i f f i c u l t y of discovering the underlying meaning. Indeed, aesthetic satisfaction appears to be proportional to the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the sense and the Christian clarity of the sentence (under- lying meaning): 'No one has any doubt', says Augustine, 'that some things are understood more readily through figures of speech, and that when something is searched for with d i f f i c u l t y , i t i s , as a result, more delightfully discovered'. Augustine's theory, since i t relates i n t e l - lectual d i f f i c u l t y and aesthetic satisfaction, helps to explain the prevalence of the specifically medieval mode of allegory, whether li t e r a r y or p i c t o r i a l . For i f a work has i t s fundamental aesthetic function in demanding inter- pretation, what is more natural than allegory, for in allegory, the characters and story exist for their meaning, not for their f i c t i o n a l reality. The understanding of an allegory is predicated upon interpretation"!®. It is logical that in a world such as Bruegel's, which retained many medieval customs and much of the medieval outlook on everyday l i f e , and in which change was engendered relatively slowly, one would expect to find symbolical narration both in literature and painting. For what would be more natural for a serious painter than the working out for himself of a pattern which, though not s t r i c t l y allegorical, would preserve that acceptable mode of interpretation? We find that Northern painters such as Melchior Broederlam, Jan van Eyck, and the Master of Flemalle sustain a strong tradition of disguised symbolism right through to near-contemporaries of Bruegel such as Albrecht Altdorfer, Aertson, Lucas Cranach the Elder, and Maerten van Heemskerck^. One good example is Ketel's allegor- i c a l painting of the proverb "Desire has no rest", where a man - 10 - "... stepping over a bottomless pit; he is blind- folded by Sensuality; Peton, a medicinal herb, i s growing behind him, and a newly born child i s lying at i t s root - this herb symbolises spiritual l i f e . In front of the man, Napelles, the most poisonous herb is growing. A skull is at i t s roots - symbol- izing s p i r i t u a l death. This allegory shows that man is so eager to get only temporal goods that he 0 neglects those which serve for his salvation ..."•. That Bruegel himself was part of the long tradition of users of allegory is certainly not denied by this quotation from Abraham Ortelius, the geographer and scholar, in his 21 Album Amicorum -r: "Multa pinxit, hie Brugelius, quae pingi non possunt, quest Phiniers de Appelle. In Omnibus eius operibus i n t e l l i g i t u r plus semper quam pingitur'" 2^. While this passage is obviously eulogistic, i t shows an appreciation of Bruegel - as a person who "painted here many things that cannot be painted" - on the part of a true contemporary (born 1527 in Antwerp and died in 1598) who came near to being a universally educated man in the sensje that Leonardo da Vinci or Erasmus were. As, well as being a geographer, Ortelius was a cartographer, archaeologist^, art collector, and a student of religious concepts, and of their more abstruse interpretations^. Like many of the cultured Catholics of his time, Ortelius had a detailed knowledge of the writing of St. Augustine. Augustine had been recognized as a leading authority on aesthetics and his works had the added merit, for many, of having the Church's stamp of approval. - 11 - In addition to a l l this, Ortelius began his career in Antwerp as a colourer of maps, and by 1570 had published the world's f i r s t systematic collection of maps (with the t i t l e Theatrum, or a "display", since the word "Atlas" was not then used 2?). It was also an outstanding example of the art of cartography in copper plate engraving. Through his long connection with the print shops of Antwerp, Ortelius would have another interest in common with Bruegel^. However, i t is the link with the academic world, and the interest in symbolism which is more important to us. He corresponded with such divines as the Spanish Biblical scholar Benedictus Arias Montanus. With his enquiring mind, and informed opinion, i t would be natural for him to have discussed with Bruegel such questions as the use of symbolism in art. That Bruegel's art seemed esoteric even in his own time is clear, and the statement that he "painted ... many things that cannot be painted" may refer to his s k i l l , or to his use of symbolism - the painting of abstract ideas by inference. The opening passage of this "epitaph", with a translation by A. E. Popham, is also worth considering: "Dijs Manibus scrum Petrum Brugelium Pictorem fuisse sui seculi absolutissimum, nemo n i s i invidus, emulus, ant eius artis ignarus, umquam negabit. Sed quod nobis medio etatis flore abreptus s i t , an hoc Morti, quod fortasse eum ob insignem artis peritiam, quam i n eo viro observaverit, etate provectiorem duxerat; ad nature potius, quod eius a r t i f i c i o s a ingeniosaque imita- tione, sui contemptum verebatur, imputavero, non facile dixerim. - 12 - AMICI MEMORIAE ABRAHAMUS ORTE - LIUS LVGENS CON- SECRAB "TSacred to the Gods of the Underword. No one except through envy, jealously or ignorance of that art w i l l ever deny that Peter Bruegel was the most perfect - painter of his century. But whether his being snatched away from us in the flower of his age was due to Death's mistake in thinking him older than he was on account of his extraordinary s k i l l in art or rather to Nature's fear that his genius for imitation would bring her into contempt, I cannot easily say. Abraham Ortelius dedicated this with grief to the memory of his friend}" 2/ 7 This passage reveals the literary, as well as artistic.milieu, to which Bruegel belonged. By his association with Ortelius, i t appears that he was a person of some intellectual stature, and acquainted with both the traditional and avante-garde thought of his day. To confirm that Bruegel was part of a long tradition of allegory, we should look for specific ex- amples of symbolism, and of the way in which he used i t . It can then be seen i f these methods can be detected in his Towers of Babel. - 13 - BRUEGEL'S USE OF SYMBOLISM: Just as medieval allegory demands of i t s audience a willingness to study the externals so as to come to the underlying meaning, so perhaps Bruegel w i l l ask his viewers to study the composition of his paintings, in order to realise their meaning. One envisages searching through masses of detail in order to arrive at the iconographical centre; however, one rule by which our search may be guided is given by Gustav Gluck: "A ... characteristic of his art is that he hardly ever places the chief event of the story in the visible centre of the picture: he tries rather to conceal than to emphasize it"28 Taking a work of art with an obviously Christian theme, which lends i t s e l f to symbolism, the "Conversion of St. Paul", the rule of Gliick obviously holds good, since the eye is detained in the foreground, while searching for the subject of the t i t l e . The figures on horseback, and those crowding through the Alpine Pass on foot are not a l l focusing their attention on some great, traumatic event, but are continuing on their way, as i f unaware of an unusual occurrence having taken place. Only as the eye wanders to the middle ground of the picture can we pick out a prostrate figure, and a very few others looking up toward the source of l i g h t . (IHUS. lo) So in looking for the obscure centre of the painting, we - H - become aware of other elements which Bruegel wished to em- phasise - the obvious blindness of the majority to such a spi r i t u a l event, the state of common ignorance which Paul shared with humanity when he was Saul, just a bit further back on the road. Bruegel has used both obscurity and contrast to bring out his theme. (I l l u s . * | ) . In a Bibli c a l theme such as the "Conversion of St. Paul" i t is relatively easy for a painter to incorporate a p o l i t i c a l message under the camouflage of a religious one. However, Bruegel is also equivocal when dealing with non-Biblical subjects. In les Gueux - l i t e r a l l y "the Beggars", but general- l y known as "the Cripples" - there is an overt appeal to human sympathy with a religious undertone. This is to the effect that deformed bodies were paying the wages of sin through loss of the symmetry ordained by God. To Bruegel's contem- poraries, "Sin" would here perhaps be war, man's apathy toward poverty or the activities risking syphilis, but this is the maximum moral inference that can be extracted from this painting. On the other hand, the soldier's red "shako" hat, the bishop's mitre, and the chasuble of the beggar with his back turned, would a l l be symbols of Spanish authority, and so the establishment would be implicated i n this scene. The painting had been signed and dated by Bruegel in 1568, and two years before this date "Vive le Gueux!" had become the rallying cry i n the Netherlands of an anti-Spanish resistance movement which - 15 - had as i t s emblems begging - bowls, chains, and f o x t a i l s 2 ^ ( I l l u s . S ) . The history of this, briefly, i s that when the Emperor Charles V ended his fifty-year reign, in 1555» he l e f t his imperial t i t l e in Germany to his brother Ferdinand, and the Netherlands to his son Philip. Unfortunately, Philip II had been brought up in Spain, whereas his father had been raised in Brussels, and had understood the Netherlands well, making Antwerp the mercantile and economic capital of the Hapsburg Empire^O. Philip could speak neither French nor Dutch, and could empathise with neither nobility nor merchants. Feeling a foreigner he l e f t for Spain in 1559, never to return. His Regent, Margaret of Parma, was more sympathetic but was hindered by her council and the fact that a l l decisions had to be approved from Madrid. Philip increased the number of bishops, and with the new bishops came an intensification of the papal Inquisition. On April 5, 1566, a deputation of minor nobles, mostly moderate Catholics or Protestants, went to the Regent's palace in Brussels to request the ending of the Spanish Inquisition, which was foreign to the Netherlands. Henri Pirenne describes how these signitories to the "com- promise" drawn up at the palace of the Count of Culembourg received their new t i t l e : - 16 - "Le soir, un banquet reunissait les signitares du Compromis a l'hStel de Culembourg. La Plupart d'entre eux s'etaient f a i t t a i l l e r la barbe <a l a Turque^, portaient des veteraents de couleur grise et etaient pour vus de besaces et d'ecuelles comme celles des mendiants et des gueux qui erraient par le pays. Que signifiaient ces siguliers emblemes destines, comme jadis les hivrees des signeurs anticardinalistes, a servir de signe de ratliement aux ligueurs? Ce fut, semble-t-il, une parole injurieuse prononcee, le matin mime, peut-etre par le comte de Berlaymont, qui en inspira l fadoption. Toujours e s t - i l que soir-la fut pousse pour l a premiere fois ce cri<?Vive le Gueux!;?7 qui, durant tant d'anees, a l l a i t retentir dans les provinces"^ With the fame of "le Gueux"^2 spreading countrywide, i t seems unlikely that Bruegel would t i t l e a picture similarly without considering the implications i t would have. Looking away from the centre of the painting, we see a shadowy female figure stealing away to the right. She bears in her hand a silver (?) collecting plate with a coin in i t . Could this be Margaret of Parma, leaving the Netherlands without accomp- lishing what had been hoped of her, - without having helped the Dutch people to achieve their birthright of freedom? (She departed in 1567.) If we are to follow Gluck's suggest- ion that Bruegel hardly ever places the main theme in the visible centre, such an explanation of the figure's import- ance i s more li k e l y to be true. Certainly Pirenne sees a message in the painting, although his focus is more to the centre; he also sees further ramifications: - 17 - "II est done pas impossible que le terme de Gueux ̂ dece'rne par Berlaymont aux signitaires du Compromis des Nobles qui portaient des queues de renard a leur chapeau le 5 a v r i l a it 4te sugge're au president du Conseil des finances par l a comparaison des nobles avec les mendiants affubles des me*mes attributs. Le choix de ces queues de renard apparaissait comme un defi a l a personne de Simon Renard, ami de Granvelle 'C Cardinal de GranvelleD' et diplomate de'voue' l a cause de Philippe II. Les nobles les firent pendre aux chapeaux de leurs domestiques puis s'en parerent eux-memes. Le 19 juin 1564, a' l 1 occasion du bapt&ne d'un des f i l s de Pierre- Ernest de Mansfeld a Luxembourg, l'on vit paraitre un individu deguise en cardinal suivi d'un diable a cheval qui l e frappait a l'aide d'un fouet forme de queues de Renard. Das sa correspondence, Granvelle explique que le choix de cet embleme a ete inspire aux nobles par l'attitude de son ami Simon Renard"33. While one may pursue the analogy this far, i t should be remembered that Bruegel i s equivocal. The foxes 1 t a i l s do not have to be in defiance of Simon Renard, or to be suggestive of the "compromise'' as foxes' t a i l s were worn by beggars long before these issues came to light. For example, when Bruegel painted the "Battle Between Carnival and Lent" in 1559, he shows a crippled beggar wearing six foxes' t a i l s . It does seem significant that he chooses to paint a similar group again, and to give them a t i t l e with a special meaning. Acknowledging that additional meaning may have been intended in "Les Gueux", we s t i l l cannot be sure of i t . The very p i t i f u l and unlovely aspect of "Les Gueux" would tend to discourage one from thinking he was sympathetic toward "le Gueux". However, we could assume that this discouragement would have been intentional both for reasons of Bruegel's own - IS - safety (he would naturally have been afraid of the Inquisition), and out of respect for his moderate Catholic friends. Probably Bruegel found that he could not always be true to his a r t i s t i c instincts and to his p o l i t i c a l instincts i n one and the same painting. Where a facet of a painting emerges which appears to conflict with his p o l i t i c a l inclinations - such as the p i t i f u l aspect of "Les Gueux" - i t is li k e l y that he allowed the artist in him to predominate. He. was in fact an ar t i s t f i r s t and other interests came second. The opinion of some art historians is that a thread of p o l i t i c a l significance does run through some of Bruegel's paintings. With regard to the "Conversion of St. Paul", for instance, both Gluck and Marlier consider i t alludes to the passage through the Alps of the Duke of Alba's army in I567. The dark figure on a white horse with his back to the viewer, to the right centre of foreground, may be intended to be the Duke of Alba (Illus.7). Foote considers that the "Two Monkeys" (I562) may have had p o l i t i c a l , as well as other, aspects ( I l l u s . 9 ) ; "Monkeys were commonly used to represent man's bondage to his bestial side and the picture can be seen as a blend of local scenery and didactic commentary on human weakness. In the 1560's, moreover, Bruegel's resentful countrymen f e l t that they were held in - chains by the Spanish authorities in the Low Countries, which has led to the suspicion that the painting perhaps had a p o l i t i c a l meaning too"3^ - 19 - We should examine further paintings to ascertain the extent of Bruegel's symbolic intentions. To take an example from mythology, the "Landscape with the F a l l of Icarus" (c. 1558) is a mythological event, but again the setting is r e a l i s t i c . The eye searches for the subject, but f i r s t encounters the details Bruegel intended us to note: the ploughman hard at work, the shepherd with his flock, the fisherman by the shore, and the ship sailing on i t s way. Only after ranging the canvas do we see the legs of the mythical aeronaut disappearing under the waves between ship and shore in a cloud of spray ( I l l u s . 1 0 ) . The main theme as stated in the t i t l e i s certainly obscured. What does the painter mean by this? One aspect of his intention is very clearly verbalised in the poem "Musee des Beaux Arts" by W. H. Auden: "About suffering they were never wrong, The Old Masters: how well they understood Its human position; how i t takes place while someone else is eating or opening a window or just walking dully along; ... •In Bruegel's' Icarus, for instance: how everything turns away Quite leisurely from the disaster; the ploughman may Have heard the splash, the forsaken cry, But for him i t was not an important failure; the sun shone As i t had to on the white legs disappearing into the green Water; and the expensive delicate ship that must have seen Something amazing, a boy f a l l i n g out of the sky. Had somewhere to get to and sailed calmly on."35 - 20 - While the "Tower of Babel" may not be a painting about suffering, the understanding of the human condition which Bruegel reveals in the " F a l l of Icarus" may well be applicable to both paintings. Apart from suffering, what else could be symbolised (Illus.11 ) here? Since the legend of Icarus could represent the f a l l of pride, then in Bruegel's day, this would imply the f a l l into the eternal punishment of h e l l . Bruegel has concealed from the casual glance the head of a dead man, not visible in small reproductions, which appears in the under- growth on the l e f t of the largest tree on the l e f t of the picture. Bianconi states that the dead man may be an allusion to the Flemish proverb: "No plow ever stops when a man dies"36 # While this is an aspect of the theme of suffering, the addit- ional meaning placed on i t by Lindsay and Huppe is more satisfactory: "A connection between the dying Icarus and the dead man exists powerfully on the symbolic level. Death as a warning to pride is an ever-present theme in European Christian literature, for pride w i l l bring eternal death. The f a l l of Icarus and the detail of the dead man may symbolize the same thing, the eternal death of the soul through pride. The symbolic connection of ideas may serve to explain the otherwise unmotivated concealed detail of the dead man in Brueghel's Fall» 3 7 . Thus, the deliberately obscured detail of the dead man may have the function of reinforcing the symbolism of the f a l l i n g of Icarus. So both the main theme and a subsidiary theme are obscured. - 21 - What of the contrast between the violent death of Icarus and the peaceful activity of the rest of the scene? The ship heading for port can symbolize the reward of salvation for those pursuing their Christian duty. Similarly, the three l i v i n g persons r e a l i s t i c a l l y performing their tasks in l i f e are indicative of where our attentions are to be directed, with less importance given to the "high-fliers". We should pursue the path of duty followed symbolically by the plough- man, the shepherd, and the fisherman - this is the message to the observer. There seems to be l i t t l e doubt that there is strong symbolism in this painting. BRUEGEL'S SYMBOLIC METHOD APPLIED TO HIS LARGE TOWER OF BABEL How does the method of obscuring the main theme apply to the "Large Tower of Babel"? In this case, the main theme, as stated by the t i t l e , is not obscured - there stands the tov/er "larger than l i f e " . However, since a characteristic of Bruegel's art i s that he rarely places the chief event of the story in the visible centre of the picture, but tends to conceal i t , perhaps the tower i t s e l f is not the most important part of the painting. The main organizational difference between this painting and the "Landscape with the F a l l of Icarus", or the "Conversion of St. Paul" i s that these have a foreground which provides a diversion from the subject in the t i t l e whereas the diversionary tower is placed in the - 22 - middle ground. We may therefore look away from the area dominated by the tower for the true iconographical meaning. It seems probable that this w i l l prove to be in the foreground group composed of king, courtiers, and stonemasons. After a l l , Bruegel is more concerned with people and events than buildings, so in this case, again, i t seems that the subject that dominates the composition most (the tower) i s not also i t s iconographical centre. As mentioned on page 5 of this chapter, King Nimrod is not ostentatiously dressed - and the group of courtiers is quite meagre. Yet i t i s this group that is probably the iconographical centre. Accepting this aspect of interpretation, we see immed- iately that there is a contrast between the almost - humble king, and the large amount of respect being paid him by the kneeling stonemasons. Why this contrast? Probably because Nimrod and his tower were well-known as symbols of Bruegel wanted to stress that Nimrod was only a human being and that therefore a l l the adulation was completely unjust- i f i e d . Bruegel has hardly f i t t e d Nimrod to the Bibical description of "a man of might on the earth" C i Chronicles 1:103 but perhaps this was unnecessary, since the mammoth structure behind him t e l l s us of his power and a b i l i t y - as well as his pride and ambition. - 23 - This leaves the way open for another interpretation of Nimrod himself. Since he is in contemporary dress, could not the "petty dignity" aspect of him signify the meddlesome rulers from Spain - perhaps one of them in particular? That the opportunity would have been taken to imply this seems especially l i k e l y since Babel in any case was taken to imply "Babble of tongues". The Spanish were at that time attempting to impose upon the Low Countries a new and unwelcome language - Spanish. Added to this, Bruegel's intent at times (Illus.12 ) seems to have had p o l i t i c a l overtones. For example, in his painting "The Massacre of the Innocents", there appear to be similarities between the troops shown in this painting and those of the Duke of Alba, who carried out violent reprisals against Calvinists in the Brussels - Antwerp region in I567. Unable to pass through hostile France, he had raised an army in Milan, marching northwards over the Alps [see the "Conversion of St. Paul" pages 13, 143• He continued through Savoy and Lorraine, and so into the Low Countries, collecting German and Walloon mercenaries on the way, and entering Brussels in August of that year. The German Reiters wore blue-steel armour (the "black harness") and black cuirasses, while the Spanish and Walloons wore red cuirasses. - 24 - In "The Massacre of the Innocents" (Illus.13 ) some of the cavalry standing in reserve have black cuirasses, while some soldiers on foot have red ones. The rather disguised, transparent flag has on i t a cross of the ceriphed type as used by the Spanish on banners and galleon s a i l s . There is one very noticeable exception which stands out among the mass of lances held vertically by the reserve of cavalry - a single lance held at an angle pointing directly to the flag. Almost under the flag is a lone, elderly bearded figure in black, s i t t i n g on a white horse. He seems to be an important element in the painting. Gluck identifies this figure as the Duke o f A l b a 3 9 . This view i s supported by the comments of Stanley Ferber in his arti c l e on "P. Bruegel and the Duke of Alba": "Close examination of the face of the 'black rider' shows an old man with a long, pointed gray beard and a f u l l , drooping mustache. Beard styles of the mid- and late sixteenth century favored the shorter, more squared, 'spade' or 'shovel' beard shape. Almost nowhere in Bruegel's paintings can a long, pointed beard be found. Hence, the anomalous beard of the figure in black appears to be more than a simple genre touch. In examining sixteenth-century portraits to arrive at a generalization concerning beard styles, those of Ferdinand Alvares, Duke of Alba, are unique in the consistency with which they depict the Duke. Various engravings of the late sixteenth century, at least two contemporary with Alba's reign in the Lowlands, show him with the long, pointed gray beard and drooping mustache already seen in the figure in black in the Bruegel painting." - 25 - "... In examining portraits of the sixteenth century in paintings as well as graphic media, for contemporary portraits of Alba, the author was struck by the consistency of beard types depicted. Thus the beard on the figure in black stood out a l l the more as a distinctive feature"40 It would be d i f f i c u l t to find reason enough to deny the implications of this picture. The cumulative evidence i s very strong when further examination reveals yet another important detail. This is that the royal herald, or deputy, on horseback on the right surrounded by imploring peasants has a vest (Illus.14 ) embroidered in a gold design that transpires to be the two-headed eagle. This is the emblem of the House of Hapsburg, of which the more tolerant regent preceding Alba (Margaret of Parma) was a member. A contrast between the regimes of the Spanish and Austrian regents i s here implied, since the Hapsburg herald is unarmed and has a hand opened in a gesture of helplessness. This was the feeling of the exasperated Margaret when Philip II decided to sub- stitute Alba's Inquisition for her more enlightened rule^-. To find similarily potent p o l i t i c a l symbolism in "The Tower of Babel" is impossible since the picture is much more subtle in that respect. However, proof of Bruegel's use of i t in "The Massacre of the Innocents", and the "Conversion of St. Paul" makes i t more lik e l y to occur, at least in generalized form, in the Babel painting. - 26 - Assuming for the moment that in that painting, the contrast between the unimpressive king with his small court, and the adulation of the stonemasons is intentional, then perhaps we are to look again at the scene. In that case, the masons may not be so much genuflecting to the king as imploring him to reconsider an act. Two have outstretched hands as i f in the act of supplication. Similarly, we could then see the person next to the king, not as an architect, but as a burgher of the bustling Flemish city, whose environs are being engulfed by the mammoth structure. Like the masons, he might be im- ploring the king to desist from building the f o l l y that is overshadowing their city. More evidence that Bruegel did intentionally reduce (Illus.2,2,) his royal party to humbler proportions than might have been expected in his time is provided by comparison with the Gremani Breviary miniature of the scene. This Bruegel i s l i k e l y to have seen while in Venice (c. 1552 - 5 3 ) - In spite of its tiny proportions, the ar t i s t manages to show a larger royal party. Then, i n the depression behind the masons and in front of the tower are four distant men lying on the ground who might be workers recovering from t o i l , or dead men. Taking them to be dead would signify that the tower was a symbol of pride, since the punishment for pride was death - death of - 27 - the s p i r i t . Less obvious and more subtle perhaps than the dead man in "The F a l l of Icarus" (because i t would be good policy for a person to thoroughly v e i l such suggestions i f he wanted to live a long l i f e ) , but nevertheless a plausible symbol i f we wish to read i t that way. In addition, the tower overshadowing the city would not only be the symbol of pride - the unrelenting pride of Philip II and of his regent Alba - but also of the imposition of tyrannical rule upon the peaceable and industrious cities of the Low Countries. This gives us an insight into the icono- graphy of the Tower of Babel i t s e l f at this point in history. There i s , however, one other aspect of the tower's symbolism at that time which might be taken into consideration. It should be stressed that the message conveyed by this painting is so subtle, or "low-key" that i t can also be imagined to read as being somewhat c r i t i c a l of Protestants as well. For example, a contemporary of Bruegel, van Vaernew- ijck, drew a parallel between the internal quarrels of the Protestants and the Tower of Babel^ 2. He compared the feuding of Calvinists, Lutherans, and Anabaptists with the builders of the Babylonian Tower, whose pride God punished by confusing their language. The absence of much detailed interpretation on the part of art historians on the subject of this painting makes a f i n a l decision as to his exact symbolic intentions doubly d i f f i c u l t . - 28 - From Bruegel's l i f e , independent of his art, we are unable to reach a firm conclusion as to his convictions. As a friend of Ortelius and as part of Antwerp's intellectual world, he should have been a Calvinist, but the teachings of Erasmus were also highly regarded in that city - and Erasmus refused to take sides. Bruegel moved to Brussels in 1563, just before a series of anti-Catholic outbursts in Antwerp. Did he do this to escape the violence, to avoid the ensuing punishment for Protestant leanings, or simply to avoid having to take sides at al l ? An indication of the usefulness of this piece of escape information is given by the fact that when Christopher Plantin decided to flee the Antwerp per- secution in the same year he chose to go to Paris, since Brussels was not much safer than Antwerp. We cannot assume that Bruegel was fleeing persecution necessarily and therefore the circumstantial evidence does not assist us in arriving at a definite motive here. Added to the already too numerous possibilities i s one provided by the earliest biography of Peter Bruegel, published in 1604 - Carel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck: "As long as he TBruegeljf lived in Antwerp, he kept house with a servant g i r l . He would have married her but for the fact that, having a marked distaste for the truth, she was in the habit of lying, a thing he greatly disliked. He made an agreement with her to the effect that he would procure a stick and cut a notch in i t for every l i e she told, for which purpose he chose a f a i r l y long one. Should the - 29 - stick become covered in notches in the course of time, the marriage would be off and there would be no further question of i t . And indeed this came to pass after a short time. In the end when the widow of Pieter Koeck Cto whom Bruegel had been apprenticed!! was l i v i n g in Brussels, he courted her daughter whom, as we have said, he had often carried about in his arms and married her. The mother, however, demanded that Breughel should leave Antwerp and take up residence in Brussels, so as to give up and put away a l l thoughts of his former g i r l . And this indeed he did"4J. The truth is probably that Bruegel did not have one straight forward motive for his decision. It is more l i k e l y that, as in l i f e generally, a combination of circumstances and motives made a move desirable. This brings up the whole question of whether or not i t is profitable to devote considerable time in researching the details of an artist's private l i f e . Can we understand Bruegel's a r t i s t i c achievement as well without this revelation of his secret thoughts? Probably not, since i f a clear motive for his move to Brussels could have been established, this would have added to our knowledge of the artist's intent in many of his paintings, especially where elements of icono- graphy are unclear. Even without an irrefutable religious or p o l i t i c a l motive for his move i t is s t i l l a fact that Bruegel was a person of strong moral convictions - as can be seen from the cumulative evidence of many of the paintings - and that to be consistent - 30 - in art as in l i f e , he would have expected people to read a moral message (including that against the "pride" of powerful invaders) in his works of art. BRUEGEL1S IDEA OF THE MEANING OF THE TOWER The idea of the meaning of the tower in the mind of Bruegel would have evolved from much thought about a variety of impressions gained in various ways. Added to the Bible story perhaps heard at an early age - with i t s warning against pride, i t s "babble" of tongues, awesome destruction, and moral - would be other li t e r a r y impressions from a few books mention- ing or dealing with the subject. These would be the more readily available printed books such as the translations into Latin of the Histories of Herodotus of Halicarnassus. By I566 there were at least ten Latin editions of the book, printed in Venice, Rome, Geneva, Paris, and Cologne with the earliest being 1474. Editions in French numbered two by 1556, and one German edition was produced in Augsburg in 1 5 3 5 ^ It seems highly l i k e l y that such a popular book would have come under discussion, i f not under Bruegel's scrutiny, during his long stay in Italy (c. 155 2 - 54). The f u l l description by Herodotus of the eight-storey tower with i t s encircling staircase and base 200 yards long, is on page 71 of Part II, of this thesis. - 31 - Visual impressions might have come from engravings appearing in one of these books. Long before the advent of printing however, there were numerous illustrations in Bibles and chronicles. The Welislaw Bible has a 14th century i l l u s t - ration (Illus.15 ) of the tower by the Bohmischer Master; the Toggenburg Bible, prepared around 1411 by Rudolf von Ems, (Illus.16) has a miniature by the Schweizer Master, and there is another miniature in the Kasseler World Chronicle prepared by Rudolf van Ems (Illus.1J ), c. 1385. These are just a few examples of the type of tower which Bruegel might have seen in his formative years. While the chance of his having seen one of these specifically seems very small, i t must be remembered that not a great deal is known about the artist's early l i f e and travels and i t seems very l i k e l y that, as the thinking person that he obviously was, he would have examined works of this nature. They bear l i t t l e relationship architecturally to Bruegel's tower, but may have helped in the formation of his original idea of i t s religious and moral connotations. While the thinking behind the symbolism used in these early paint- ings is buried much more deeply in the past than that of Bruegel's, we can see ideas emerging: that of judgement, for example, in the crowbars held by hands from heaven which pry at the builders and the building (Illus.15 ) of the Bohmischer Master; that of punishment for pride as armed angels (Illus .13 ) - 32 - hurl builders from the ornate Tower in the Book of Hours of the Duke of Bedford. Again, the idea of the Tower of Babel as a symbol of judgement upon pride emerges. The reason for i t s becoming popular in Flanders was surely i t s immediate relevance: the imposition of the Spanish language upon an already multi- lingual country; the establishment by Philip of Spain, like the descendants of Noah in Babylon, of a brick city as an administrative centre intended to govern a wide area; the f o l l y of such grandiose schemes - especially when the over- seers speak a foreign language which cannot be understood. This might appear to be a pessimistic view of history, but the tower certainly seems to mirror metaphorically the views of Bruegel and of many of his contemporaries^. Finally, there is the concept of the tower as something grotesque, ridiculous, or even the product of a world gone mad or "upside down". This is similar to that aspect of the Bruegel painting "Dutch Proverbe" as seen by i t s engraver P. Fruytiers: "Par ce dessin i t est montre Les abus du monde renverse"^ 0 That frame of mind may have arisen from the sinister turn of historical events (the occupation of the Low Countries, the approach of the Duke of Alba) but is more l i k e l y to have been part of the general fascination with the fantastic in those times. - 33 - THE ARCHITECTURAL ORIGINS OF BRUEGEL'S TOWER To ascertain what visual images of towers generally may have been combined to produce the version of 1563, we must look at examples which Bruegel himself i s most l i k e l y to have seen prior to that date. One aspect of Bruegel's experience which has so far received l i t t l e attention is his friendship with the now less-famous miniaturist Giulio Clovio (1498 - 1573)^7. Clovio had migrated from Croatia to Rome and made such progress that Vasari later said that "there was no more excellent illuminator or painter of small things" and that he was the "Michelangelo of small works"^**. "Small" is evidently not intended here as a derogatory term. In fact, Giulio Clovio had a fame which to us, today, i s quite surprising. He appears in a group of four men (Ill u s . 15* ) standing together in the lower right-hand corner of El Greco's Roman version of "Christ Cleansing the Temple", now in Minneapolis. The others in the group are Titian, Michelangelo, and probably Raphael^. Why Clovio should appear in this privileged position with at least two of the immortals i s unclear, unless we consider the possibility that either he was truly renowned as an artist in those days, or he was a special friend of E l Greco. E l Greco was certainly indebted to his fellow Greek expatriate, since Clovio, who lived in - 34 - the Palazzo Farnese from 1561 u n t i l h is death i n 1578^, wrote a l e t t e r to Card ina l Alessandro Farnese, on November 16th, 1570, introducing E l Greco as fo l lows: "A young Candiote pupil of Titian's has arrived in Rome", from Venice "a really excellent painter in my opinion. Among other things, he has done a portrait of himself which has astonished a l l the painters of Rome. I should like to recommend him to the patronage of your Eminence, his only practical necessity being a room in the Palazzo Farnese for a short time, u n t i l he can find more suitable lodging n51 ... . While this establishes the indebtedness of E l Greco to Clovio, i t does more to improve our estimation of Clovio's importance as an ar t i s t and c r i t i c and as a trusted protege of Cardinal Farnese. That Giulio Clovio was renowned as an artist in his time is also born out by the testimony of Vasari, already mentioned, and by such comments as those of Paolo Pino, Raffaello Borghini, Mancini, and Baglione^ 2. Webster Smith goes a step further in saying: "An Italian could have said, although apparently no one ever did, that Clovio, the 'best' of a l l miniaturists, won simply by default in a f i e l d in which no other artist of renown would work more than a l i t t l e i f at a l l , for miniatures may be seen and admired only by a few"53, It would appear that his is the example of the practit- ioner of a dying art, whose name becomes almost eclipsed with that of his specialization. - 35 - With Clovio's fame among his contemporaries as a miniaturist proven, i t remains to trace his influences upon Peter Bruegel. Bruegel got to know him sufficiently well to be asked to collaborate with him in several paintings. In one of these, mentioned in Clovio's w i l l , Clovio supplied the human figures while Bruegel f i l l e d in the background - a landscape54. Clovio's estate papers also refer to two other paintings "di mano di M r o Pietro Brugole": a watercolbur of a tree and a small tower of Babel on ivory55. Giulio Clovio's possession of a Tower of Babel on ivory by Bruegel might seem to be only an indication of interest, on the part of the miniaturist, in "small" works - and more of an indication of a way in which Bruegel may have influenced Clovio. However, that the influence was in fact in the reverse direction i s shown by the fact that Clovio produced a miniature of the Tower of Babel by 1546, long before Bruegel, born at earliest in 1525, could have produced his ivory, and brought i t to show Clovio in Italy. Clovio's tower appears in The Book of Hours of the Blessed Virgin (Illus. 10 ) produced for Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, in whose palace Clovio later l i v e d ^ . This is the book to which Clovio i s pointing (Illus.2 1 ) in the portrait of him later completed by E l Greco (c. 1570), and must have been an undertaking of which he was proud57. - 36 - Vasari's description of this book implies that the work, including his Tower of Babel, must have been a source of great wonder at the time. Vasari's enthusiam suggests that i t must have been a production of considerable importance at that time, and may well have been a topic of considerable interest on Bruegel's arriv a l . While he did not show great originality in the subject of the tower, for i t i s very similar to the Grimani Breviary one (Illus.dX ) (painted between 150S and 1519), he may have discussed i t with his friend Bruegel, and inspired him to paint a much more elaborate one. Similarities there certainly are in the works of the two artists - the use of seven or eight stages, and a staircase, or ramp, going a l l the way round the outside, similar cranes and so on, but Bruegel's execution is such a vast improvement that we can only conclude that Clovio acted as an inspiration rather than a source of detail, and there were other architectual influences at work. Certainly another source of inspiration, at least, may have been the tower finished in mosaic (1220 - 1230) in the narthex of St. Mark's, Venice. This is one of the finest early examples of the tower, and provides a variety of examples of both human and divine activity in that scene (Illus.X3 ). 37 - When he was in Venice, Bruegel may well have seen the tower illustrated i n the Grimani Breviary, which may have been contributed by a fellow Fleming: Gheeraert Horenbout (1467 - 1541?), or by Simon Benning^. He would have noted such details as the building methods illustrated, and the busy port at the right of the picture. The dockside crane operated by twin treadmills i s almost identical to the one shown by Bruegel (Illus.2/4-) l i f t i n g building blocks to the third stage of the tower. The positioning of the ships and port in relation to the tower, and the general geographic setting i s also repeated by Bruegel. Similarities are continued in the tiny human scale, dwarfed by the grotesque tower, with implications of the inadequacy of human endeavour in such a giant enterprise. Workmen pay homage to Nimrod in a duplication of details which make i t appear highly l i k e l y , in fact, that Bruegel had seen the Grimani Breviary. However, i t is significant that none of the above-mentioned towers is round. For the origin of the round form, according to de Tolnay^, we must look to the illuminated Bible of Holbein the Younger, and H. S. Beham. It would in fact be surprising i f Bruegel had looked at examples in Italy and not in Northern Europe. These are both round towers without a spiral s t a i r - case (Illus. Z5,lQ and show some resemblance to f o r t i f i e d towers of the Middle Ages. - 38 - Nor should we underestimate the technical effect upon Bruegel of the thousands of well-drawn prints turned out by the printshops of Bruegel's time. Many of these single editions are now lost, but something of their effect can be seen in the graphic nature of Bruegel's picture. He was in fact closely associated with the most famous of the Nether- landish shops while in Antwerp - that of the House of the Four Winds printshop run by Hieronymus Cock. This was a combined art dealing centre, coffeehouse, and meeting-place for intellectuals, whose l i f e Bruegel must have become a part of when he began work for Cock shortly after i t s founding in 1548. A print which illustrates Bruegel's part in the printing process is "Big f i s h eat l i t t l e ones" (Illus. X\ ). His was the responsibility of executing the f i r s t half of the copying process: reducing the original o i l painting to i t s graphic essentials by drawing a simple, sharp-lined sketch. This sketch was then copied by an artisan, who engraved the copper plate from which the print was made. That Bruegel did the drawing of "Big f i s h eat l i t t l e ones" we know because i t is to be seen in the Albertina, Vienna, and i s signed "1556 brueghel". The print from the plate i s in reverse of the drawing, and is based on an original Bosch, because i t is credited to him on the print: "Hieronymus BOS inuentor". The actual engraving was done by Pieter van der Heyden^O - 39 - (whose monogram can be seen), and the print was published by Cock in Antwerp (COCK EXCV. 1557). Bruegel seems, to have worked at the printshop until late 1551, when he went to Italy, and again after his return in 1554« His actual journey was probably instigated by Cock, in order to collect material for a new series of engravings^l. It was while in Rome that he encountered the most significant of a l l the architectural influences that make up his Tower of Babel. In fact, the question of why Bruegel chose the tower as a subject at a l l may be in part answered by the architectural influences which i t exhibits. By turning a sketch of the Colosseum into the Tower of Babel he had at once an impressive vehicle for a subject lending i t s e l f to the allegory expected of an artist in his times. A look at the exposed part of the Tower, s t i l l under construction, shows an organized labyrinth of arched corridors running in towards the centre. These correspond to the corridors by which spectators gained access to the interior stairways leading to the tiers of marble Colosseum seats ( I l l u s . % % ). The transverse arches of the interior shown i n the painting, a l l barrel-vaulted,correspond to the ambulatory corridors which run around the outside of the Colosseum. Bruegel must have sketched the Colosseum while in Rome, perhaps for the printshop, and used the sketch as a basis for - 40 - his painting. However, the tower had never before been portrayed in such detail, or on such a massive scale, and much of i t appears to be original to the a r t i s t . He does not extend the analogy of the Colosseum to the use of the three orders framing the three main tiers of arches as in that building. Instead, his "columns" are engaged buttresses with a structural purpose. He includes an intriguing variety of arch forms, which visually sort themselves into pairs between the buttresses. Some of the t a l l e s t arches are blind, or have an arched doorway in the lower level of masonry; some arches are open, but less t a l l , and so have a second blind arch form above with perhaps an archery window; there are small rounded balconies resting between the tops of some of the arches; other arches have pairs of windows above them which look like clerestory windows, and right at the topmost level of each arched interval, below the circular spiral ramp running round the next level of tower, Lombard bands are consistantly shown. The general effect is Romanesque, and one is reminded of Jan van Eyck's use of that style when depicting ancient scenes. Although the internal structure has similarities with that of the Colosseum, the external arrangement shows that of another architectural influence: the account of Herodotus. He mentions eight towers, or stages, the eighth being a shrine. Bruegel fs eighth and topmost level, although unfinished - 41 - and partly obscured by a cloud, is also smaller, like a shrine. The analogy continues i n Bruegel's choice of means of ascent. This is also by "a circular way carried round the outside of the building to the highest part"^ 2. So his basic design goes back to a source almost contemporary with the original tower in i t s f i n a l and finest form. As regards the architectural inspirations in the vic i n i t y of the Colosseum, in or about Bruegel's time, we have an abundance of sketches and drawings available, many of them by visi t i n g artists from the Low Countries. An example containing several towers is a drawing done c. 1604 - 6 , by Peter Stevens ( I l l u s . % 9 ), although i t may have been sketched in an earlier v i s i t in 1591^3. The view from the north side of the Palatine, across the Campo Vaccino, reveals the scene pretty much as i t would have looked in Bruegel's time. On the l e f t is the house next to the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina; behind this the Torre die Conti, and the towers of St. Quirico and Gi u l i t t a . On the h i l l on the l e f t i s the monastery of San Domenico with the towers of the church of that name. In the centre, the church of St. Cosma and Damiano i s being sketched by foreground spectators, and on the right is the Basilica of Maxentius with the houses built on to i t . Anyone gazing upon this impressive scene could hardly f a i l to become interested in the variety of building forms. - 42 - One more reminiscent of the Roman arches of Bruegel's structure is that by P. B r i l of the imperial palaces on the Palatine H i l l ( I l l u s . 3 ° ). Two figures sketching are shown dwarfed by the massive arches, whose brickwork i s shown in some detail. This brickwork i s similar to that portrayed by Bruegel in the upper levels of his tower (Illus.31 ) before the stone facing was put on. As Bruegel gazed at these arches in Rome, as he must have done, would not the glory and pride that was once Rome have reminded him of the pride of Babel - also in the ruins of judgement? A building which would have been less a source of detail but equally interesting to Bruegel, perhaps, would have been the Castel San 'Angelo, shown here in a military drawing after being f o r t i f i e d in 1557 (Illus . 3 1 ) . This and the following i l l u s t r a t i o n show the Castel San 'Angelo very much as Bruegel would have seen i t . The engraving gives a better impression of the bulk of the tower, and i t s s u i t a b i l i t y for staging spectacles (Illus.33 ). Again, something of the pride of Rome and of Babel might be indicated to the contemplative individual. - 43 - INSPIRATION FOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS OTHER THAN THE TOWER Several scenes which would have provided valuable background*material, as well as contributing to Bruegel's competent technique in that area, were completed in 156264 (Illus.3^ )» just prior to his Large Tower of Babel. These show something of his devotion to detail as well as the flickering light effect achieved in his more finished drawings. In the Boston one, reproduced here (two similar ones are in Besancon) Bruegel appears to have used a fine point for detail while in another - a marine landscape with a view of Antwerp in the background ( I l l u s . 3 5 ), Bruegel used several shades of yellowish and brown ink with a thicker l i n e . The use of diagonal cross-hatching does not appear much in the painting, of course, except where i t re-emerges in shaded portions of boat hulls - but there is a striking similarity between the design and execution of the twin-masted saving ship being tossed by the waves in the marine landscape and those in the painting. That drawings were used as a basis for details of the painting is quite clear, and is confirmed by such elements as the Babel ship (Illus.% :) - with high after-castle stem-on to the viewer. The viewpoint for this would be from a boat in the harbour - as were a l l of Bruegel's Amsterdam drawings - and not from the higher viewpoint of rising foreground in the painting. - 44 - Many elements in the drawings - such as the battlemented round towers (Illus.36 ) t conical roofs, and the twin-masted ships, and twin arched bridge - also appear in the painting. The round towers appear with similar highlights, although achieved with paint instead of ink on white paper. The drawings certainly reveal Bruegel's developing interest in architecture at that time. The many castles sketched by Bruegel in the early 1560's - many of them perched high on rocky crags - show a certain interest, too, in the larger scale, more impressive works of mankind. One peculiar and rather un-Flemish item in Bruegel's painting (Illus . 4 , ) is the aqueduct enclosing the distant perimeter of the city to the l e f t of the tower. One wonders i f this is actually a part of the fortifications and walls, but as the arches appear to be open to the country beyond, this seems unlikely. The combination of aqueduct and f o r t i f i e d walls (Illus . 37 ) may have been suggested by the parts of the Claudian Aqueduct that are bricked-up, so would have been recalled from Bruegel's v i s i t to Rome. See also top of Illustration. The aqueduct is in fact about the only Roman element in the painting, apart from the tower, and may have been introduced to heighten the atmosphere of unreality, or to lessen the contrast between the foreign tower and the utterly Flemish town. - 45 - The building equipment being used in the painting may have Roman precedents, but was in common use contemporaneously, as witnessed by the many illustrations i n which i t appears starting from the time of the Grimani Breviary ( I l l u s . 2 2 > ) . Vitruvius^S mentions a similar hoisting machine to that on the second highest level of i l l u s t r a t i o n ' f , but his i s powered by windlasses turned with handles, not operated by treadmills as in Bruegel's. As regards any direct influence from further afield than Italy, no historians mention this as far as can be ascertained, although since the Babel story has i t s genesis in the Middle East, one would expect to find some enquiry in that direction. The nearest contact with that area would appear to be through travellers whom Bruegel would undoubtedly have met who had been to the Islamic countries, and more particularly, through his teacher, and father-in-law, Peter Coecke van Aelst. In 1533, before Bruegel could have been his pupil, Coecke went to Constantinople and produced a series of woodcuts showing Turkish scenes (Illus.3 8 ) - including one of Suleiman I, parading with his extensive retinue, which includes archers, bodyguards on foot (swinging clubs?), and two chamberlains on horseback. Caryatids in Turkish garb separate panels in the prints, the domes and minarets of Istanbul, including those o f the Hagia Sophia, are recognizable. Such a v i s i t must have been frequently the subject of conversation - 46 - in the atelier of Coecke, and would have fired the imagination of a young art i s t apprentice. It is not reflected specifically in any of Bruegel's work, however, and neither is the possible v i s i t to Tunis, which Marlier finds d i f f i c u l t to prove6**. A COMPARISON OF THE LARGE TOWER WITH THE SMALL TOWER OF BABEL AND WITH ANTECEDENTS Bruegel's Small Tower (Illus.39 ) is usually given the date 1563, which is the same year as his larger one. This seems credible since, although i t has an even greater, miniature-like completeness, i t does not contain the same development of religious theme or p o l i t i c a l symbolism: the group of foreground figures i s missing. Bruegel could there- fore have painted i t in the year when he was deeply interested in the subject, and possibly before he painted the Large Tower. The date of 1554 sometimes given, i s also credible, as this was the close of Bruegel's tour, and a time when the idea was fresh in his mind. The Small Tower illustrates a greater variety of archway forms, and is in fact a very exceptional study of the very large number of possible variations, a l l within a f a i r l y standardized Romanesque type of outer framework. It also has the Lombard bands, and unfinished side characteristic of the Large Tower. Both versions appear to be unique in this unfinished aspect. - 47 - The Small Tower dominates the scene more completely and may consequently be said to be an even finer example of one of the great f o l l i e s of man. This increased effectiveness, for the tower is much closer to the picture plane, and so even more monumental and severs, may be a reason for dating the Small Tower later^?. Stechow, in describing the impact of this tower says: "The colours are darker. The Nimrod episode has been abandoned as detracting from the main point of the story rather than adding to i t : the sin of pride speaks more eloquently through the insame project i t s e l f than the cruel commands of the king to his subjects. The idea of transforming a rock into the tower has been dropped ... the enterprise thus takes on an additional element of hybris. True, the structure i s in a more advanced stage, but success is no nearer; while the antlike crowds on the lower ramps are no longer involved in construction, such work is s t i l l f rantically pursued in the upper reaches and made to look even more f u t i l e by the display of architectural complexity in the inner recesses, the ominous red colour, and the more threatening clouds. The handling of the landscape at l e f t and the harbour at right i s less miniature - like.and more magisterial than in the version of 1563 " 6 ° \ It is appropriate to consider Bruegel's Small Tower at the same time as the tower's antecedents, since most of them take this one as their point of departure. This may be because i t was the more accessible of the two, although both, according to van Mander, were in Vienna, and probably both were owned by Rudoplh 11*9; nevertheless on the back of the Small Tower canvas are the arms of Elizabeth of Parma, wife of Philip V. - 4 8 - The f i r s t of a host of apparent imitations is that by- Lucas van Valckenborgh, dated I568 ( I l l u s .4 0 ). The chief characteristic of these i s that they push the tower back into the picture space, and so f a l l short of the grandeur of the original. Figure 36 reveals a tower almost identical in form to that of Bruegel's Small Tower, with the conciliatory viriations one might expect being introduced only in the landscape. Another, attributed to the same artist (Illus.(^1 ), shows elaborate buttresses to the f i r s t level which also function as flights of steps. Another dated 1594 (3 years before the artist's death) Illus .̂ 2* ), shows a tower basically the same architecturally. A few more stories have added to the height, but the tower has nevertheless settled further into the landscape. Lucas Van Valckenborgh (1530 - 1597) seems to have become something of a specialist in the Tower of Babel, with a total of possibly ten works by him. One of these i s only known from a description in the King Charles I capital collection catalogue of 1757 by George Vertue (ed: Horace Walpole): "the Tower of Babylon, with many very l i t t l e and curious figures, done by Faulkenburch, bought ... of Sir David Murrey"70. - 49 - Not u n t i l the end of the 16th century do we find an ill u s t r a t i o n of some originality, but s t i l l with echoes of Bruegel. That attributed to Verhaecht is characterized by the new town (Illus.k>i ) architecture in the foreground, and the landscape i s only fantastic in the background fjords. The tower reveals a tendency to accentuate the spiral ramp - perhaps encouraged by fresh travellers' tales of the towerjlllus.i of Samarra. It generally reflects the new form initiated by Bruegel - and what i s striking in the history of the tower in art is that Bruegel's was an imaginative departure from a l l that had gone before, and for long after I563 his innovations were followed without further work of distinction. Since Bruegel's work provides us with the finest examples, there seems l i t t l e point in exhaustive comparisons with less significant creations. This more than any other, shows an intellectual balance. It i s Babylonian in meaning, Roman in architecture, and almost perfectly Flemish in background and population. THE TOWER OF BABEL AND THE FANTASTIC What was continuing more or less parallel to Bruegel, van Valckenborgh and others, was a body of lesser-known work of a much more fantastic nature. This i s exemplified by the Destruction of the Tower of Babel, drawn by Marten van Heemskerck in 1567. This shows a colossal stepped square - 5 0 - tower in the midst of violent disintegration. The circular turret from the top is f a l l i n g in several huge pieces, f l U u s - V f ) apparently so suddenly that tiny figures can be seen caught in the act of ascending the staircase. The tale of destruction with i t s emphasis on judgement, is continued in his Destruction of Sodom. Although there i s a triumphal arch, temples, and an amphitheatre, evidencing a v i s i t to Rome, the themes of Bruegel seem much more sane and reasoned than does the world of van Heemskerck. (Illus* ifrf) It i s true, too, that Bruiegel was well seasoned with the experiences of travel. Many an artist could make f a i r representations of Roman architecture from the numerous drawings and prints in circulation. There were illustrated maps (Illus. If 6) such as the reconstruction of the whole city by Pirro Ligorio?!. The detail, which is one section of this huge map ( I l l u s . ) , shows buildings such as the Colosseum, Circus Maximus, and temples along the Via Sacra more as they would have appeared in the original than in the sixteenth century. A Roman MS. may have been available. Much more fantastic than Heemskerckfs tower (Illus.* f 8 ) is one of a series in the book Turris Babel, published in 1679, by Athanasius Kircher, the Jesuit devine and polymath, who attempted to show s c i e n t i f i c a l l y how a very high tower could be b u i l t . His work appears to be the most original since Bruegel (a century before), and in the copper engraving - 51 - done for him by Lieven Cruyl, and Coenraet Decker (?) are included numbers indicating where the steep spiral ramp reaches a level stage. This carefully follows Herodotus, who describes eight levels and a temple on top. Kircher has a classical temple portico, too. Kircher calculated that a tower would have to be 178,672 miles high to reach the moon, and that i t s height at that point would be the radius of the Earth, multiplied by f i f t y - two. Its mass would be greater than that of the Earth, and so he doubted whether the enterprise would be successful because: 1) there would not be enough material in the world to build i t ; 2) once the tower got beyond the centre of gravity, i t would collapse; 3) i f i t were built at the rate of a mile a week, i t would take 3,426 years to get i t as high as the moon; and 4) when i t reached that height, i t would take a draught horse that climbed thirty miles a day more than sixteen years to take a load from the base to the summit?2. In this incredible engraving (Illus.4 - ° / . ) , i t is shown how a tower of fifty-two times the Earth's radius (see small circ l e above globe at base) could be designed to reach the moon. The r a d i i are counted off in tens at the side and a small crescent moon is balanced on the top. However, Kircher must have realized the pure fantasy of the subject since he raised objections. - 52 - In his realization of the impossibility of the project, Kircher echoes another divine, John Donne, who wrote for his Nativity Sermon of 1624: "Only He can raise a Tower, whose top shall reach to Heaven: The Basis of the highest building is but the Earth"73, and, in his Second Anniversary: "They who did labour Babels tower to 'erect, Might have considered, that for that effect, A l l this whole solid Earth could not allow Nor furnish forth materialls enow; And that this Center, to raise such a place, Was far too l i t t l e , to have been the Base". So, Donne has two probably original objections to the project: 1) there i s not enough matter in the whole world for such a building; and 2) The Earth is too small for the required foundation. The tradition of studying the immense height of the Tower goes back to Antiquity. Don Cameron Allen writes: "... four miles says Isodore; much higher says the extra - traditional Eutychius ... But as early as Philo and Cyrillus of Alexandria, men doubted whether i t could have been possible to complete the tower even i f 'the gods' had not decided to descend"74 - 53 - THE TOWER AS AN EXPRESSION OF CHANGING IDEAS IN LIFE, LITERATURE AND ART Placed between Bruegel, and Kircher, in time and extremity ( I l l u s . , 5 0 ) , is a drawing of Karel van Mander engraved by Zacharias Dolendo, under the supervision of Jacques de Gheyn?5. This shows a substantial round tower rising in stages, the f i r s t two of which are accessed from pyramids of steps. The solid, semicircular arches have circular windows above them, and are separated by buttresses on the third stage. The building disappears into threatening (judgemental?) storm clouds, and the confusion of tongues amid the vast population i s convincingly executed. A foreground figure reminiscent of one of Peter Coeck's Turks points to a stone tablet in Greek, while another tablet in the foreground (not seen in the copy) is in Hebrew. A t a l l obelisk contains hieroglyphics, while a l l around people of many different races, and nationalities gesticulate, and point in efforts to be understood. By the nineteenth century there was a return to depictions of the scene in simpler, more r e a l i s t i c terms, more in keeping with the B i b l i c a l original perhaps. Gustav Dore (Illus.5^1 ) imagines primitive wagons shifting stone blocks, with crowds of heaving slaves, a very sombre spiral tower-like an enlarged Samarra - and a group of foreground supervisors apparently in despair of accomplishing their task, or seeking deliverance - 54 - from impending doom and confusion. One flings his arms skywards in a very Gallic gesture of emotion. One of the most recent examples, is also one of the most primitive. This is a woodcut ( I l l u s ) by Leo Michelson, and shows only a tower on a rock base with teams of men pulling loaded oxen, a horse, or camel at each level of the winding spiral ramp - again like Samarra. A rare occurrence is the depiction of God pointing from the clouds in condemnation of the builders - and the building. Marius Bauer shows a different cosmic event (Illus .6 S ) - the descent of some lightly-etched heavenly beings, presumably to spread the confusion of babbling tongues in a dispensation which was reversed by the tongues of Pentecost. In contrast to the stark simplicity of the Michelson woodcut, this shows a Germanic rhythm, and an interest in the structured lines of criss-crossed scaffolding, and crane jibs pointing skywards. It i s interesting that the arcade running around the tower just above the scaffolding level has pointed arches of an Islamic nature, and the foreground pavilion and mosque are either Iranian, or Islamic Indian in design. These are sufficient to indicate the Eastern situation of Babylon. This is in fact a Babel of considerable originality, and with i t s descending figures, perhaps of doves, may be the only one to reflect a twentieth-century re-assessment of the philosophy of the subject. - 55 - Jean Danielou, S. J. in The Lord of History, Reflections on the Inner Meaning of History, says: "Origen states that Christ inaugurates a new phase of existence, in which former lines of demarcation have vanished. Instead of the old order, based on the separation of races, languages, and cultures, there is one new world in Christ. This unity was symbolized by the Pentecostal gi f t of tongues - the converse of the Tower of Babel - re-establishing the means of communication between the various families of mankind. The nations have re-discovered a common speech ..."76 The emphasis upon the confusion of speech, beginning in art, perhaps with van Mander ( I l l u s . 5 0 ) , and occurring only occasionally to-date has generally been overshadowed by the message of pride, and sometimes of condemnation through destruction. In literature, Milton makes the pride that creates the tower to be humble , and there i s laughter in Heaven at the expense of the builders: "Forthwith a hideous gabble rises loud Among the Builders; each to other calls Not understood, t i l l hoarse, and a l l in rage, As mockt they*storm; great laughter was in Heav'n And looking down, to see the hubbub strange And hear the din; thus was the building l e f t Ridiculous, and the work Confusion namfd."77 As Paradise Lost was written about 1660, van Mander, for his rare portrayal of the "babble of tongues", could not have read i t , but i t does demonstrate an awareness of this aspect of Babel. Perhaps most artists emphasized the tower "reaching up to Heaven" because of the challenge i t offered, and because - 5 6 - of the fascination with the subjects of condemnation of pride, and of impending doom, and imagined collapse. This emphasis was paralleled in literature also: "Babel, synonymous with pride in the seventeenth century, evokes numerous and often diverse associations but traditional interpretation commonly emphasizes man's pretentious ambition and his misguided values"7o So i t i s today also, that the art of thinking artists not only follow l i f e and literature, but is in the forefront of philosophy. Far from being a fantasy, Marius Bauer's etching i s part of twentieth century consciousness of the subject. For example, in his choice of Eastern architecture, he places the tower* in a meaningful setting. Jacques E l l u l , professor of the history and sociology of institutions at the University of Bordeaux, says this of the East: "The East has an exact meaning in the Scriptures. It is both the road man takes in his f u t i l e search for eternity, and the one he takes when he obeys God's c a l l . These two great ways are parallel and show the relationship between the different attitudes of the human race. On the one hand, those who wanted to build Babel came from the East, just as did the marauders who throughout history oppressed God's people. But on the other hand, Abraham also came from the East ... Moses and the Levites stood on the East side of the altar. The Wise Men came from the East»79 Babel i s definitely in the f i r s t category, since i t is the way people took in a search for eternity (a tower that reached up to Heaven). But Bauer's i l l u s t r a t i o n is the f i r s t , - 57 - and possibly the only one so far that shows also the descent of the heavenly beings that immediately invite comparison with, and contrast to, Pentecost. It therefore points to the new realization that Babel is in a sense the antithesis of the road one takes in answer to God's c a l l . It now remains to examine the sources of information on the Tower of Babel up to the twentieth-century archaeological reconstructions, having ascertained, ' as far as possible, what facts were available to Bruegel. A f i n a l word on the place of Babel in contemporary thought comes from Rudolf Ekstein of the Menninger Foundation: "God the Father took away from his children one language in order to punish them for attempting to be as powerful as he, and so took from them unity, harmony, and lasting peace. The myth suggests that different languages create mis- understandings, destroys co-operation, makes for differences that may even lead to was and destruction. The Tower of Babel, symbol of security, of power, of fulfillment of man's dreams and longings can be completed only i f men talk one language"^. - 58 - FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I: 1. Piero Bianconi, The Complete Paintings of Bruegel. Abrams, (N.Y., 1967), pp. 97-98. 2. Tolnay, Pierre Bruegel L'Ancien Nouyelle Societe d'Editions, (Brussels, 1935). p. 80. 3. Bianconi, loc. c i t . 4. Bianconi, loc. c i t . 5. See pp. 33-38 of this thesis. 6. Charles de Tolnay, p. 80. The w i l l was published by Bertolotti, i n Giulio Clovio Principe dei Minaturisti, (Modena, 1832). It mentions the ivory as: "Una torre de Babilonia faata di avolio di Mro. Pietro Brugole". 7. See page 43 of this thesis, dealing with sources for objects other than the tower. 3. timothy Foote, The World of Bruegel, Time-Life Books, (N.Y., 1963), p. 8. 9. See thesis pages 13-21 dealing with the symbolism used by Bruegel in this (and other) paintings. 10. Max J. Friedr&nder, "Pieter Coecke van Avest", Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen. 1917, p. 73. 11. Mercedes Ferrero Viale, "Tapestry and Carpets", Encyclopedia of World Art, McGraw-Hill (London, 1967), XIII, pp. 910-911. 12. Julius Held, "Pieter Coecke and Pieter Bruegel", Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts, (Detroit, 1935), XIV, p. 108. 13. Wolfgang Stechow, Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Abrams, (N.Y., 1969), p. 16. 14. Loc. c i t . 15. Held, p. 109. - 59 - 16. Timothy Foote, The World of Bruegel, Time-Life Books, (N.Y., 1968), p. 8. 17. Kenneth C. Lindsay, and Bernard Huppe, "Meaning and Method in Brueghel's Painting", Journal of Aesthetics. (March, 1956), XIV, pp. 376-3«6. 18. Lindsay and Huppe, p. 379. 19. For these and other examples of symbolism in art form the 14th through 16th centuries, see: Charles D. Cuttler, Northern Painting from Pucelle to Bruegel, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, (N.Y., 1968). 20. Carel van Mander, Dutch and Flemish Painters, (Trans.), Constant van de Wall, Arno Press, (N.Y., 1969), p. 339. 21. Ortelius began the Album Amicorum about 1573, from which date the earliest entries were made. Although this date was about four years after Bruegel's death, he inserted an epitaph for him - as he did with a few other close acquaintances. The album is now i n Pembroke College, Cambridge. 22. de Tolnay, P. 61. 23. Begriindet von Ulrich, Thieme^und Felix Becker, Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Kunstler, Verlag von E. A. Seemann, (Leipzig, 1932). 24. See A. E. Popham: "Pieter Bruegel and Abraham Ortelius", The Burlington Magazine. (London, 1931), LIX, pp. 184-188. 25. Major Thomas Sutton, "Engraved Maps of the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries", The Print Collector's Quarterly XIII. (London, 1926), pp. 350-352. 26. Sir Herbert George Fordham, Maps, their History, Characteristics and Uses. C.U.P., (Cambridge. 1927), pp. 6, 13. 27. Popham, loc. c i t . 28. Gustav GlMck, Pieter Brueghel the Elder, trans. E. B. Shaw, Hyperion Press, (Paris, 1936), pp. 138. 29. Henri Pirenne, Histoire de Belqique, "La Renaissance du Livre", (Brussels, 1923), Vol. II, pp. 252, 253. - 60 - 30. Belgium, Geographical Handbook Series B.R. 521, (restricted), Naval Intelligence Division, (Cambridge, England, 1944), p. 95. 31. Pirenne, p. 253. 32. Note the singular version of the definite when the phrase is applied specifically to the Signatories of the Compromise. 33. Pirenne, p. 253. 34. Foote, pp. 68-69. 35. W. H. Auden, Collected Shorter Poems 1927 - 1957. Random House, (N.Y., 1940, 19b8). 36. Bianconi, p. 89. 37. Lindsay and Huppe, p. 383. 38. "The Tower of Babel is a traditional symbol of Man's impious pride", and "... the construction of the tower marks the absolute extremity of perversion and wickedness, worse than murder, war or cannibalism. As an expression of hubris the building of the Tower of Babel is also paralleled in classical myth, especially in the revolt of the Titans or Gients (the two became confused) against the Gods". "The similarity cor parallel!) was recognized by early Christian commentators, such as St. Justin Martyr". Anthony Low, "The Image of the Tower in Paradise Lost", Studies in English Literature 1500 - 1900 LselJ, Rice University, Houston, (Winter, 1970), X, p. 172. 39. Gluck, p. 30. To make this identification with the Duke of Alba one would expect that Glifck would have to agree with the dating of the picture i n 1567. Surprisingly, he tentatively holds to 1566, and therefore might agree to I567. It is true that the Duke of Alba was seen as a threat in I566 as well. Delevoy dates i t in I567, but de Tolnay I563 - 4. Certainly, much of the point of this p o l i t i c a l aspect of the picture would be lost i f i t proved to have the much earlier date. It must have been kept in hiding for a number of years and one wonders i f the versions which show the "Innocents" as farm animals were overpainted to mollify the accusation implied. - 61 - 40. Stanley Ferber, "Peter Bruegel and the Duke of Alba" in Renaissance News, Renaissance Society of America, N.Y., (Autumn, 1966), XIX, p. 208. 41. Ferber, p. 214. 42. M. van Vaernewijck, Van die beroerlicke ti.jden in die Nederlanden en voornameli.jk in Ghendt (1566 - 1568), F. Vanderhaerghen, (ed.), Ghent, 1872 - 81), Vol. I, p. 255. 43. F. Grossman, Pieter Bruegel, Complete Edition of the Paintings, ffftaidon Press Limited, (London, 1955, 1973), p. 10. 44. British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books, tPhotolithographic edition to 19553• Trustees of the British Museum, (London, 1961), Vol. 102, columns 659 - 660. 45. Bruegel's involvement in the current ideas of his day came partly through participation in the work and intellectual l i f e of Hieronymous Cock's print- shop. See thesis Chapter II. 46. Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Bollingen Series XXXVI, trans. W. R. Trask, Pantheon, (N.Y., 1953), p. 97, quoting Fruytiers. 47. Foote, p. 74. 48. Giorgio Vasari, The Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, (trans. A. B. Hinds), IV, Everyman's Library, Dent, (London, 1963), pp. 244-49 49. Harold E. Wethey, E l Greco and His School. Princeton U.P., (Princeton, 1962), II, pp. 68-9. 50. Jose Gudiol, Domenikos Theotokopoulos E l Greco, 1541 ~ 1614. (trans. K. Lyons), Viking Press, (N.Y. 1973), p. 14. 51. Gudiol, p. 13. 52. See: Paololino, "Dialogo della pittura" in Paola Barocchi, (ed.), Trattati d' arte del Cinquecento, G. Laterza d F i g l i , (Bari, I960), I, p. 126. - 62 - Raffaello Borghin II Riposo, Edizioni Labor, (Milan, 1967), III, p. 94. Giulio Mancini, "Considerazioni sulla pittura", Adriana Marucchi, (ed.),•in Fonti e documenti inediti per la. storia dell 'arte, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, (1956), I, p. 93. Giovanni Baglione, Le vite de' p i t t o r i , scultori et architetti ..., (Rome, 1642), pp. 14-16, (fascimile: Valerio Mariani, (ed.), Rome, 1935). 53. Webster Smith,. "Giulio Clovio and the 'Maniera di figure piccole'", Art Bulletin. C.A.A.A., (N.Y., 1964), Vol. 46, pp. 395-401. 54. Foote, p. 74. .... 55. Loc. c i t . This i s the same ivory as mentioned by de Tolnay, (see Footnote 6 ) . 56. Vasgri, p. 247. 57. Gudiol, p. 36. This portrait obviously formed the model for the small portrait of Clovio appearing in E l Greco's "Christ Cleansing the Temple" (Illus. ). The book Clovio is holding is open at a tiny, near-copy of, Michelangelo's figure of God creating the Sun and the Moon. 58. Many authorities attribute the work to Gheeraert Horenbout, but Stechow prefers Simon Bening; see Wolfgang Stechow, Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Abrams, (N.Y., 1969), p. 84. 59. de Tolnay, p. 80. 60. Bianconi, p. 118. 61. Foote, p. 72. 62. Harry Carter, (trans.), The Histories of Herodotus of Halicaarnassus, The Heritage Press, (N.Y., 1958), p. 74. 63. Flemish Drawings of the Seventeenth Century from the Collection of Fritz Lugt, Institute Neerlandais. Paris, Catalogue of an exhibition at Victoria and Albert Museum, (London, 1972), p. 133. - 63 - 64. See Ludwig Miinz, Bruegel. the Drawings, Phaidon Press, (London, 1962), p. 214. also: Charles de Tolnay, The Drawings of Pieter Bruegel the Elder, The Twin Editions, (N.Y., 1952), pp. 64-5- 65. M. H. Morgan, (trans.), Vitruvius. The Ten Books on Architecture, Harvard" U.P., ("Cambridge, Mass., 1926), p. 285. 66. Georges Marlier, La Renaissance flamande, Pierre Coeck d •Alost, Editions Robert Finck, (Brussels, 1966), pp. 347-9. That many of the hoists were being pioneered in the North as early as the 14th century, and not in Italy is shown by von Heinrich Jerchel in, "Die Bilder der siidwest deutschen weltchroniken des 14. jahr hunderts", Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte. (1933), II, pp. 50-54. 67. Stechow, p. 86. 68. Stechow, p. 86. 69. Bianconi, p. 98. 70. Helmut Minkowski, Aus dem Nebel der Vergassgenheit steigt der Turin Zu Babel, Bilder aus 1000 Jahren, Rembrandt - Verlag, (Berlin, I960), p. 71. 71. Erna Mandowsky, and Charles Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities, the Warburg Institute, (London, 1963), plate pages 75 & 76. 72. Athanasius Kircher, S. J., Turris Babel, Janssonio Waesbergiana, (Amsterdam, 1679), pp. 37-39, I courtesy of U.B.C. Special Collections!. 73. John Donne, Sermons, (Londoni I64O), LXXX, 14. 74. Don Cameron Allen, "John Donne and the Tower of Babel", Modern Language Notes. (Nov. ' 4 9 ) , Vol. 64, pp. 481-3. 75. Theodor Ehrenstein, The Old Testament in Graphic Art. Part II.. Kunstverlag Albert Kende, (Vienna, 1936), ^courtesy of Metropolitan Toronto Library Board3. - 64 - 76. Jean Danielou, S. J., The Lord of History. Reflections on the Inner Meaning of History, (trans. Nigel Abercrombie), Longmans, (London, 1958), p. 55. 77. John Milton, Paradise Lost, ed., Merritt Y. Hughes, The Odyssey Press, (N.Y., 1935), Book XII, lines 56 to 62. 78. R. A. Anselment, "'Ascensio Mendax, Descensio Crudelis' the Image of Babel in the Anniversaries", English Literary History (ELH), The Johns Hopking Press, (Baltimore, 1971), Vol. 38, pp. 188-205. 79. Jacques E l l u l , The Meaning of the City. Eerdmans, (Grand Rapids, 1970), p. 3. 80. Rudolf Ekstein, "The Tower of Babel in Psychology and Psychiatry", The American-Imago, (Boston, 1950), Vol. 7, pp. 77-141. - 65 - PART I I . "Once upon a time a l l the world spoke a single lan- guage and used the same words. As men journeyed i n the east, they came upon a plain i n the land of Shinar and settled there. They said to one another, 'Come, let us make bricks and bake them hard;* they used bricks for stone and bitumen for mortar. 'Come*, they said,'let us build ourselves a city and a tower with i t s top i n the heavens, and make a name for ourselves; or we shall be dispersed a l l over the earth*. The the Lord came down to see the city and tower which mortal men had b u i l t , and he said:'Here they are, one people with a single language, and now they have started to do thi s ; henceforth nothing they have a mind to do w i l l be beyond their reach. Come, l e t us go down there and confuse their speech, so that they w i l l not understand what they say to one another.' So the Lord dispersed them from there a l l over the earth, and they l e f t off building the cit y . That i s why i t i s called Babel, because the Lord there made a babble of the language of a l l the world; from that place the Lord scattered men a l l over the face of the earth." 1 - 66 - INTRODUCTION An object of profound religious significance, the Tower of Babel and Zlggurats i n general, undoubtedly suited the heavenward aspirations of the people of the Mesopotamian Plain. The Sumerians had migrated from the Iranian plateau but here 2 they had no Mount Sinai by which they, l i k e Moses, could ascend to meet their god. The Ziggurat with i t s staircases could provide the means. The parallels between Ziggurat and mountain are strong. The Babylonian word "sikkurat" was used of any object which had height."^ The peak of a mountain could thus be called i t s sikkurat, and the anglicised form "Ziggurat" has come to have a special application and i s now used for the high, stepped buildings, or temple-tomers, which Babylonians and Assyrians - l i k e their Sumerian predecessors - constructed at a l l principal holy places i n their country. That the Baby- lonians included their new temple-towers i n the connotation of the old word sikkurat suggests that for them the towers were associated with mountains - possibly holy mountains. As i n the Hebrew connotation of the holy mountain, there was undoubtedly included i n the Babylonian version the idea that the summit was to be a landing-place and temporary dwelling- place for the god who wished to descend to earth. This may have been the idea behind designing the structure i n giant steps; certainly the temple at the top was intended for use by the god - 67 - since a woman was provided as a companion. 4 We should note here that the Babylonian concept of a god was more down-to- earth and l e s s s o p h i s t i c a t e d than the Hebrew one, so t h e i r structures would be l e s s d i s s o c i a t e d from the p h y s i c a l world, at l e a s t i n f u n c t i o n a l d e t a i l . The extent to which t h i s was true i n p r a c t i c e would depend upon the degree i n which form was r e l a t e d to function i n that p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e and era. C e r t a i n l y , the stepped form of tower was i n d i c a t i v e of i t s f u n c t i o n as s t a i r c a s e of the gods and was, perhaps, suggestive too of the purpose of man's ascent, although t h i s l a s t was c l e a r anyway from the presence of man-sized f l i g h t s of steps. The placing of a temple at the top bears out the accuracy of Andre' Parrot's conclusion t h a t : "...the Tower of the Scriptures was not an express- i o n of man's prid e . Instead of a clenched f i s t r aised : i n defiance towards Heaven, I saw i t rather as a hand s t r e t c h i n g out i n s u p p l i c a t i o n , a cry to Heaven f o r help." 6 I t i s relevant to mention b r i e f l y another fun c t i o n - that 7 of the tomb. A windowless, d'oorless room discovered i n some of the temple towers was found to contain neither human skeleton nor a r t i f a c t s and seems l i k e l y to have been intended as a tomb f o r the god - another i n d i c a t i o n of the temporal nature of the Babylonian god and the r e l a t i o n of form to function. - 68 - THREE BASIC SOURCES' 1) The B i b l i c a l Tower of Babel The Ziggurat, i n the form of the Tower of Babel, enters B i b l i c a l h i s t o r y at the point when that h i s t o r y i s centred i n Mesopotamia. It i s as w e l l to have looked at that dramatic story yand i t s s e t t i n g before examining l a t e r ideas and works of art on the subject. The account occurs i n the Old Testament i n Genesis IT, following the genealogical t a b l e s of the peoples who sprang from the seed of Noah (Gen. 10) and preceeding that of the descendents of Shem (Gen. 11: 10-25), which i n turn leads up to the appearance of the p a t r i a r c h s , namely Abraham's family of Terah which was to leave "Ur of the Chaldees" i n Car'enesis 11: 31« The Tower of Babel story i s rather an i s o l a t e d event not mentioned again anywhere else i n the B i b l e , and was w r i t t e n as a r e s u l t of the Jewish c a p t i v i t y i n Babylon. Jerusalem f e l l to Nebuchadnezzar^- I I (also known as"Nebuchad- nez-zar") i n July, 587 B.C. and the story very probably took o shape a short while a f t e r that date. Mesopotamia forms the B i b l i c a l m i l i e u from the beginning through to the period of the Flood and the subsequent Tower of Babel n a r r a t i v e . I t i s unfortunate from the viewpoint of t h i s i n q u i r y that such a basic document as the B i b l e contains more material of - 69 - an evocative or inspirational nature than of purely h i s t o r i c a l importance. For example, i n the last sentence the narrator connects "Babel" with the Hebrew root balal, which means "to confound or mix". However, according to Parrot, Babel i s def- i n i t e l y formed directly from the Akkadian babilu ("Gate of God").9 It would have helped to have had this aspect of the Tower's function taken into account i n the story, since '15ate of God" takes us beyond the idea of reaching heaven for personal motives alone. The Hebrew writer may well have mis- taken the very earthly attitude of the Babylonians toward their rather temporal god for a demonstration of irreverance and pride. "With i t s top i n the heavens" must i n fact be an eastern metaphor to express an astounding height. Until this century many interpreters have taken the metaphor l i t e r a l l y , and so construed an irreverent encroachment upon heaven. The severe and just punishment for thi s , often i n the form of a cata- clysmic: destruction of the towel?, has often received undue emphasis at the expense both of more positive aspects of the tower and of the ci t y as a whole. This applies to works of art as well as literature on the subject. It i s this very bias, however, that has been such a source of inspiration to writers and a r t i s t s through the centuries, since without the eastern metaphor attention would not have been focused upon the tower nor would a significant moral lesson have been drawn from i t . - 70 - To place the story i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l perspective, Parrot concludes: "At a l l events i t i s recognized and admitted by a l l b i b l i c a l scholars that the narrative i n Genesis 11 had i t s 'starting point* i n ... one of those huge towers which archaeologists c a l l "Ziggurats" and that the Tower of Babel could only be the Ziggurat erected at Bablyon'in the very heart of the land of Shinar." 1 0 2) The Esagil Tablet Avery factual description i s given by the author of the Esagil tablet which i s i n the Department of Oriental Antiq- u i t i e s at the Louvre. He gives the dimensions of the Etem- enanki, the Ziggurat of Babylon. This was written i n the Seleucid period and a strong point i n i t s favour i s that the date i s very carefully given: "The twenty-sixth day of the ninth month of the eighty-third year of Seleucus King" ( i . e . : Seleucus I I , 12th December, 229 B.C.). The tablet was written at Uruk ( Erech of Gen. 10. 10.) and i s l i k e l y to have been a copy of an older original from Borsippa, a town near Babylon. 1 1 The detailed measurements, i n lines 37 to 42 of the tablet are as follows: "Fi r s t storey. Length 295 f t Second storey.Length 256 f t Third storey. Length 197 f t Fourth storey.Length 167fft F i f t h storey. Length 138 f t (Sixth storey. Length 108|-ft Seventh storey. Length 79ft height 108 f t . height 59 f t . . height " I 9 f f t . height 1 9 l f t . .height 19-1 ft". breadth 108&fft* height I 9 I - f t . ) breadth 79 f t ; height 4 9 f t . breadth 295 f t breadth 256 f t breadth 197 f t breadth 167fft breadth 138 f t The figures for the sixth storey are bracketed because Andre7 Parrot worked these out himself, the originals being - 71 - missing. The accuracy of the Esagil tablet i s supported by the measurements made on the actual sit e by Koldeway who- reported a square of side 298 feet, approximately. In fact, ! the whole of this very precise document i s 1 more relevant to the more s c i e n t i f i c discipline of archaeology than to an examination of works of lit e r a r y merit. 3) The Account of Herodotus The most reliable and comprehensive description of the actual structure of the Tower of Babel inherited from the 1"} ancient world i s that of Herodotus. It was written i n Athens just after the year 447 B.C. of a v i s i t probably made during his travels while exiled from Greece, 4 5 2 - 4 4 7 B.C..14 Paragraph 181 of Herodotus' Book I reads: " These walls are the city's main defence; but inside them there i s another encircling wall, not much less strong though of less thickness. And i n the midst of each half of the city there i s a walled precinct, i n one of which i s the royal palace, i n a spacious and strongly f o r t i f i e d enclosure, and i n the other the temple of Zeus Belus",15 " s t i l l standing i n my time, within a square of two furlongs, each way closed with gates of bronze. In the middle of this square a tower, one furlong i n length and breadth, has been b u i l t , and on> i t another, and so f032th, eight towers i n a l l . The ascent to these i s by a circular way carried r.ound the outside of the building to the hig h e s t part; and i n the midst of the ascent i s a place where those who go up may rest upon seats. Inside the topmost tower i s a great shrine, and i n i t a great bed with r i c h coverings and a table of gold beside i t ; but there i s no image there at a l l . None of mankind passes the night there, except only a woman chosen from the women of that country, as the Chaldeans say. who are the priests of this cult, by the god." 1° - 7 2 - One aspect of Herodotus* account which i s immediately striking i s i t s conflict with the particular version of the B i b l i c a l story which has been common since the Middle Ages. This i s that the tower was destroyed by Jehovah as a pun- ishment at the same time as the dispersal of the city*s inhabitants. How could Herodotus, writing c. 447 B.C., have seen the tower which had been destroyed over one century brefore? Either Herodotus i s inaccurate or the tradition of the destruction of the Tower i s incorrect. Herodotus i s known to be very much a story-teller when describing places he has not actually v i s i t e d and i t i s proved that he went as far as Susa i n Mesopotamia but uncertain that he went to Babylon. The comment of Andre7 Parrot i s t y p i c a l : "La relation d*Herodote fut t r ^ s diversement appreciee. Rawlinson estimait que l*historien grec; n* e'tait jamais venu a Babylone et partant q u * i l n*y avait guere \ retenir de rensieignments qu'Unger de'clere au contraire s*accorder avec; les f o u i l l e s et avec les donne'es de l a "descript- ion de l a v i l l e " (tablette de l*E s a g i l ) . Cela ne s i g n i f i e pas que tout soit a. accepter sans examen et nous aurons j l v f a i r e plus l o i n l a critique de cette- premiere source documentaire". However, despite the uncertainity as to his accuracy, Herodotus may i n this instance be correct. I have reason1 to suppose t h i s since a careful reading of Genesis II reveals only that " they l e f t off building the city", not that i t was destroyed. The Tower may therefore have been standing at the time of Herodotus, and for centuries after. The story of i t s destruction handed down to us could be a f i c t i o n - 73 - a r i s i n g f rom t h e t a l e s o f m e d i e v a l t r a v e l l e r s who a r r i v e d i n t i m e t o see o n l y a c r u m b l i n g r u i n whose b r i c k s had been u sed a m i l l e n i u m f o r l o c a l b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l . H e r o d o t u s * d e s c r i p t i o n o f h i s v i s i t to B a b y l o n i s i n any c a s e c o n v i n c i n g l y d e t a i l e d . H i s c r e d i b i l i t y r a t i n g i n t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f r a r e a r t i f a c t s has been improved by t h e r e c e n t d i s c o v e r y o f i t e m s d e s c r i b e d by him t h e e x i s t e n c e o f w h i c h had p r e v i o u s l y been d o u b t e d . The Greek b r o n z e v a s e o f u n u s u a l h e i g h t ( f i v e f e e t ) d i s c o v e r e d at C h a t i l l o n - s u r - S e i n e i s an example o f t h i s . The c o n t e n t o f h i s n a r r a t i v e i n Book I i s t h a t o f a t r a v - e l l e r ' s t a l e , t o l d i n r e t r o s p e c t : " I n t h e m i d d l e o f t h i s s q u a r e " ( t h e temple square o f Zeus B e l u s ) " a tower one f u r l o n g i n l e n g t h and b r e a d t h has been b u i l t , and on i t a n o t h e r , and so f o r t h , e i g h t towers i n a l l . . . " ( and so o n , as on page 71). Ah a r i t h m e t i c a l check on t h i s r e v e a l s t h a t a Greek f u r l o n g was i n f a c t 200 y a r d s , no t 220 y a r d s as our s i s . However, t h i s i s s t i l l v e r y d i f f e r e n t f rom t h e 298 f e e t known base d i m e n s i o n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s H e r o d o t u s * g e n e r a l o u t l i n e w h i c h we would expect t o be h e l p f u l and t h e number o f s t ages i s c o r r e c t i f we- count t h e t emple on t o p as t h e e i g h t h . The r e s t i n g p l a c e s a r e d e t a i l s w h i c h sound a u t h e n t i c . T h e r e i s no doubt t h a t t h e w r i t i n g s o f H e r o d o t u s , t h e E s a g i l t a b l e t and t h e B i b l i c a l account o f t h e Tower a r e b a s i c - 74 - documents i n a study of the a r t i s t i c representation of the Tower of Babel. Herodotus i s particularly important as an example of the information available i n Classical times and again in the Renaissance when these writings were resurrected. The Esagil tablet gives an accurate view of the conception of the Tower held&almost current to i t s f i n a l form i n the Middle East. The B i b l i c a l account and i t s interpretations has been the most persistent influence upon a r t i s t s throughout the Christian era. As we have seen, that account, plus the one given by Herodotus, i s most l i k e l y to have had an important influence upon1 the work of Peter Bruegel. - 7 5 - FOOTNOTES TO PART II 1. The New English Bible. Oxford U.P. |Oxford, 1970) Genesis 11: 1-9, V* .11* 2. Frequent examples occur, as i n Exodus 19s "In the t h i r d month after Israel had l e f t Egypt, they came to the wilderness of Sinai.... where they encamped, pitching their tents opposite the mountain. Moses went up the mountain of God, and the Lord called to him from the mountain..." (verses 1-3) or "Moses brought the people out from the camp to meet God, and they took their stand at the foot of the mountain. Mount Sinai was a l l smoking because the Lord had come down upon i t . i n f i r e ; the smoke went up lik e the smoke of a k i l n . . . The Lord came down upon the top of Mount Sinai and summoned Moses to the mountain-top, and Moses went up...Moses answered the Lord, 'The people cannot come up Mount Sinai, because thou thyself didst solemnly warn us to set a barrier to the mountain aridl to keep i t holy'" (verses 17-23) The New English Bible, Oxford U.P. (Oxford, 1970). 3. O.E. Ravn (trans. Margaret Tovborg-Jensen): Herodotus* Description of Babylon, Nyt Nordisk Forlag and Arnold Busck (Copenhagen, 1942) p. 45. 4. See page 72 of this chapter for Herodotus' description. 5. The number of stages given by Parrot, Dombart, Unger and Busink i s seven. Herodotus gives us eight, but may have been counting the temple on top. The well- preserved earlier Ziggurat of Ur obviously had three. 6. Andre Parrot: The Tower of Babel, Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2, Philosophical Library (New York, 1955) p. 9. 7f- 7. See pageJ^6 of this work for archaeological details. 8 . William L. Langer: An Encyclopedia of World History, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., (Boston , 1968) p. 35. - 76 - 9. Parrot, pp. 16 and 17. 10. Loc. c i t . 11. Parrot, p. 20. 12. Parrot, p. 21. 13. The r e l i a b i l i t y and comprehensiveness of Herodotus' des- cription i s more relative ( to others available) than re a l . See p. 72 of this chapter. 14. W i l l Durant : The Story of C i v i l i z a t i o n . Vol II: The Life of Greece, Simon and Schuster (N.Y. 1966) p. 430. 1 5 . Identical with Etemenaki. 16. Harry Carter ( trans.) : The Histories of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, The Heritage Press (N.Y. 1958) pp. 74-75. 17. Andre1 Parrot : Ziggurats et Tour de Babel. Editions Albin Michel (Paris, 1949 ) p. 9. - 77 - APPENDIX ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE In order to arrive at a clear idea of the appearance of the Ziggurat concerned, we should look at the available evidence on the plans and elevations of such structures - especially the one at Babylon l i k e l i e s t to have been the Tower of Babel. The evidence stems from a variety of sources, mainly: 1) Reports of ancient travellers. 2) Literary and epigraphical evidence. 3) P i c t o r i a l evidence on ancient Mesopotamian seals, etc.. 4) Archaeological evidence. In passing we should note that there seems l i t t l e doubt that the B i b l i c a l Tower of Babel was situated i n Babylon-. The story originated with the sources of the Semitic writer of Genesis 11 and the city of the B i b l i c a l narrative i s given the name of "Babel", which obviously i s more definitely r e l - ated to Babylon than to any other Mesopotamian city (Baghdad dates from 760 A.D. and Basra i s very modern); for the Baby- lonians the etymology was Babilu, i . e . *Gate of God3, which, having i n mind the purpose of the Ziggurat (page 66 67) applies to i t s structure; l a s t l y the name has survived the play on words between Babel and the Hebrew word root b l l , which 2 means "to confound" , so i t i s l i k e l y that Babel was a name with an enduring significance, such as a word associated with a place-name l i k e Babylon would have. O •'I - 78 - ARCH ABO LOGICAL EVIDENCE It i s worthwhile noting the progress of archaeology i n the Tigris-Euphrates Valley from a nineteenth century d i l e t t - ante a f f a i r to that of the well-organized and respected prof- ession of Assyriology that i t i s today. Excavations were i n i t i a t e d by the French consul at Mosul, P.E. Botta, at Kugunjik (!Jinev;ah) and Khorsabad i n 1842-44, and the scene shifted to Babylon i n 1852 when Fresnel, French consul at Baghdad, did some explorations. But i t was not u n t i l 1897 when a mining engineer, Jacques de Morgan, headed a large French expedition to Susa, that the quest for museum trophies gave way"to a more judicious view of the way i n which s c i e n t i f i c excavation should be conducted',?.^ Babylon was assigned to a German architect, Robert Koldeway, who enlisted three now- famous architects as collaborators: Andrae , Jordan and NbTdeke. It seems certain that before this stage when B i b l i c a l Archaeology became a science there lingered an i d e a l i s t i c , medieval motivation-perhaps related to that for the Crusades - for an interest i n that area. It was an emotional although not necessarily an invalid one. Friedrich Delitzsch (1850-1922) , the German Assyriologist and philologist i n his lecture "Babel und Bibel" sums this up: "What i s the purpose of this t o i l i n g i n a distant inhosp- - 79 - itable land...for this expensive churning up of a rubble that has l a i n undisturbed for many thousands o f years, for this digging down as deep as ground water,with no hope of s i l v e r or gold...for this ever-mounting , world wide interest i n the excavations i n Babylonia-Assyria? To both questions there i s one answer: the Bible!" 4 This form of enthusiasm i s clearly related to that experienced by h i s t o r i c a l a r t i s t s i n protraying the Tower of Babel. It i s abundantly clear that we must look chiefly at research within the twentieth century i n order to obtain a s c i e n t i f i c a l l y reconstructed image of the real Tower of Babel. To isolate the prominent characteristics of such an edifice,v© should look at the work of Andrae and Jordan, who transferred their meticulous methods from Assur to the White Temple at Uruk i n 1912. Andre Parrot says of this small structure b u i l t on an a r t i f i c i a l mountain, that i t inaugurated "a long architectural tradition: that of the staged towers, named Ziggurats, prototypes of the Tower of Babel described 5 i n the Book of Genesis." The Temple actually dates from the fourth millenium B.C.,and creates a precedent i n that i t i s much smaller than forerunners buil t at ground-level. According to Parrot, " the reduced scale indicates that the builders were already catering for the god himself rather than for a large concourse of worshippers". The public was no '. - 80 - longer invited, and only a group of priests awaited the c e l e s t i a l v i s i t o r who, after s a i l i n g through the empyrean, made his lan d f a l l i n the temple. The temple was on a mound "because men had begun to attempt to build a ladder from heaven to earth i n an effort to facilitate;- the descent of their gods. So one feature we should look for, i n the Tower of Babel, i s a top storey consisting of a temple. Sir Leonard ascribes the ever-increasing height of the new Ziggurat to the facts that the skeletal remains of the a l ' Ubaid people of Sumer show a Caucasian-type skull, that they were a f f i l i a t e d to the ELamites, and they therefore 7 came origin a l l y from*hilly country up the Euphrates Valley. Their re l i g i o n would naturally be associated with the out- standing feature^ of their old homeland: the mountain. What i s more significant i s that the staged tower was developing. It already had the characteristic stepped platforms with temple on top and i t also had the stairway seen i n various forms on Ziggurats (Illus .5^ ). The Ziggurat at Ur i s especially important as i t was 8 b u i l t by the same ruler, Ur-Nammu who constructed much of the Ziggurat of Babylon which became, i n Hebrew tradition, the Tower of Babel. 9 Its importance had been realized from the preliminary excavations of J.E. Taylor, B r i t i s h consul - S l - at Basra i n the mid-nineteenth century, who had been comm- issoned by the Br i t i s h Museum to investigate some of the ancient sites of what was then a dangerous region- d i f f i c u l t of access. He cut down rather unscientifically into the top of the mound of sand and rubble cohering the Ziggurat ruin: "I began excavating the S.W. corner, 1^ clearing away large masses of rubbish, formed of the remains of burnt mingled with sun-dried bricks. I worked along, at a depth of 10 feet and a breadth of 6, without finding anything. I then returned, and worked a few feet north along the brick casing of the western wall;" ( i . e . south-west) " here, 6 feet below the surface I found a perfect inscribed c y l - inder. This r e l i c was i n the solid masonry; i t had been placed i n a niche, formed by the omission of one of the bricks i n the layer,and was found stand- ing on one end. I excavated some l i t t l e distance further without any success, and then relinquished this corner for the N.W. (i.e. west) one. Here also, I found a second cylinder, similar to the one above mentioned, but at 12 feet from the surface. At this corner I sank a shaft 21 feet deep, by 12 broad... The sun-dried bricks, composing this solid mass within, were here of an amazing thickness; their size was 16 inches square and 7 inches thick.... " I naturally concluded that the same objects would be found i n the two corners s t i l l remaining. I sank a shaft i n each and found two other cylinders precisely i n the same position..." Apart from the documentation of the primitive methods used i n this treasure-hunt, i t i s worth noting that v i t a l information was obtained from the texts?. These date from about 550 B .C . , from the time of Nabonidus, the last of the lings of Babylon , and state that the tower, which had been founded by Ur-Nammu, had been restored and completed by Nabonidus^ The excavations produced the f i r s t information obtained about that Ziggurat and, also identified the site - 32 - called by the Arabs a l Mughair , the "lound of Pitch", as Ur of the Chaldees, the original home of Abraham.1-* It seems probable that Abraham would have brought the concept of the Ziggurat into Israelite lore when he moved from1 Ur around 2000 B .cM.There had been a F i r s t Dynasty Ziggurat. As that Dynasty lasted from 2800 to 2470 B.C. i t seems highly l i k e l y that the general idea of the Zigguratf-is appearance and function would have been understood i n the Middle East from that time and so the seed would have been sown for the Tower of Babel story later. To return to the theme of the tower's appearance, Woolley has the main dimensions carefully worked out and his detailed description i s important: "In f©!m the Ziggurat i s a stepped pyramid having three 1 stages. The whole thing i s soiid. The core i s of mud brick (probably l a i d round and over the remains of the F i r s t Dynasty Ziggurat) and the face i s a skin of burnt bricks set i n bitumen mortar, about eight feet thick. The lowest stage, which alone i s well preserved, measures at ground level a l i t t l e more than 200 feet i n length by 150 feet i n width and i s about f i f t y feet high; from this rose the upper stages, each smaller than the one below, leaving broad passages along the main sides and wider terraces at either end; on the topmost stage stood the l i t t l e one-roomed shrine of the Moon-god, the most sacred building i n Ur, for whose setting the whole of the vast substructure has been planned. "' On three sides the walls rose sheer to the level of the f i r s t terrace but on the north-east face ( see I l l u s .5^ ) fronting the Nannar temple was the approach to the shrine. Three brick - 83 - stairways, each of a hundred steps, led upwards, one projecting out at right angles from the building, two leaning against i t s wall,,! and a l l converging i n a great gateway between the f i r s t and the second terrace; from this gate f l i g h t s of stairs ran straight up to the second terrace and to the door of the shrine, while l a t e r a l passages with descending f l i g h t s gave access to the lower terraces at either end of the tower; the angles formed by the three main stairways were f i l l e d i n with so l i d flat-topped buttress-towers." 15 - (see I l l u s . 56). We now have a clearer picture of the positioning of the stairways, the number of stages and appearance of the walls. However, readings; of other accounts of the Ziggurat at Ur produce impressions at some variance with those of Woolley. For instanoe, Gressmann says that the tower " was buil t i n four stages, which sloped l i k e a mountain", ^ as compared with Woolley's "stepped pyramid having three stages" i n the quotation above. Leaving aside the differences i n geometrical termin- ology used i n these two descriptions, which may or may not reflect appreciable differences i n opinion as to actual app- earance^; we see from Woolley*s reconstruction that his version could also be taken as having four stages, not three, i f we include the very substantial buttressing i n front, on which the staircases and main gateway seem to rest. Woolley himself counts this frontal buttressing as a stage, since he mentions that three brick stairways converge " i n a great gateway between the f i r s t and second terrace." The - 84 - f i r s t t e r r a c e , t h e r e f o r e , must c o n s i s t o f t h e t o p o f t h e f i r s t b u t t r e s s i n g , s i n c e t h e gateway i s between t h i s and what i s d e s c r i b e d as t h e " s e c o n d t e r r a c e " . There a r e c l e a r l y two t e r r a c e l e v e l s above t h e second t e r r a c e , w i t h o u t c o u n t i n g t h e t emple i t s e l f . C o n s e q u e n t l y , we a r r i v e a t a t o t a l o f f o u r s t a g e s f o r t h e f r o n t ( o r ma in s t a i r c a s e ) f a c a d e o f t h e s t r u c t u r e and an i n d i s p u t a b l e t h r e e on t h e o t h e r t h r e e f a c a d e s , p l u s t h e t e m p l e on t o p . Gressmann must have m i s - c o u n t e d , s i n c e he m e n t i o n s " f o u r s t a g e s , w h i c h s l o p e d l i k e a m o u n t a i n " and we know t h a t he was no t i n c l u d i n g t h e temple i n h i s t o t a l as i t s w a l l s , a p p a r e n t l y , d i d n o t s l o p e . T h i s n u m e r i c a l c o n - c l u s i o n agree s w i t h V / o o l l e y ' s f i r s t - h a n d d e s c r i p t i o n and l e a v e s Gressmann*s i n some d o u b t . F i n e r p o i n t s s t i l l i n W o o l l e y ' s d e t a i l s , such as t h e c r e a t i o n o f a d e l i b e r a t e o p t i c a l i l l u s i o n o f s t r e n g t h by s l i g h t outward c u r v e s i n t h e s i d e w a l l s ( i n b o t h h o r i z o n t a l and v e r t i c a l d i r e c t i o n s , l i k e t h e l a t e r P a r t h e n o n ) a r e not s u f f - i c i e n t l y o b v i o u s t o a f f e c t a r t i s t i c r e n d e r i n g s o f t h e s u b j e c t , and need not be t a k e n i n t o account h e r e . T h i s t h e n i s t h e Z i g g u r a t o f U r w h i c h was u n t i l r e c e n t l y d e s c r i b e d as b e i n g t h e b e s t - p r e s e r v e d example known. I t i s a good s t a r t i n g - p o i n t , a s many o f W o o l l e y ' s f i n d i n g s m o d i f i e d t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f t h a t m e t i c u l o u s e x c a v a t o r o f B a b y l o n , Rober t Ko ldeway , who had a l e s s comple te remnant t o work o n . - 85 - . Koldeway was appointed i n I 8 9 8 to carry out a system- atic excavation of the si t e of Babylon and was associated with this German Oriental Society project for eighteen years. The immensity of the architect's task i s revealed by this 17 quotation from Champdor: "Excavations i n the residential quarter known as Merkes,-the oldest part of Babylon",18" disclosed a series of occupation layers, the most recent being Parthian, a few feet below the surface. Father down were the Hellenistic, Persian and Neo-Babylonian levels; and lower s t i l l , those of the Assyrians and the Kassites. At fourty feet down lay the ruins dating to the time of Hammur- abi ( 1792-1750 B.C.) and the F i r s t Dynasty of Babylon. Below these i t was impossible to invest- igate because of the rise i n water le v e l . " Where did the Tower of Babel f i t into this scheme of things? Apparently Koldeway found the site of this great edifice to be nothing more than a quarry. Andre Parrot says: "The site of the tower was indeed found there, at a spot named now es-Sachn, but the discovery was disappointing i n the extreme. It was not merely that the Ziggurat was i n ruins. Xerxes had at one time set about demolishing i t ( 478 B.C.). Alex- ander the Great, wishing to rebuild i t , had ordered the site to be cleared of debris - an Herculean task which was begun but l e f t unfinished. The Arabs had found i t an exceptionally useful source of building material, furnishing them for centuries with excellent baked bricks for their homes. When ... Koldeway arrived the destruction was irreparable."1° It seems apparent that l i t t l e concrete evidence of the dimensions of the tower could be obtained from such a ruin, except perhaps the base plan. This was i n fact obtained, and again, Parrot's comments on the subject are worthy of scrutiny: - o6 - " On a square foundation ( each face measures s l i g h t l y more than 298 feet) i t was constructed with a kernal of sun-dried b r i c k s enclosed i n a s o l i d s h e l l of baked b r i c k s 49 feet t h i c k . " 2 0 However, f u r t h e r deductions were possible on the basis mainly of what was l e f t at ground l e v e l : "Access to the upper s t o r i e s from ground l e v e l was made possible by means of three s t a i r c a s e s , two set against the south face , and the t h i r d c e n t r a l l y placed, at r i g h t angles to the facade." This arrangement i s i d e n t i c a l to that seen on the Ziggurat at Ur and furthermore: ..only the damaged remains of these stairways were to be seen, but judging by the height.of t h e i r steps, i t was nevertheless p o s s i b l e to c a l c u l a t e fe, that the l a t e r a l f l i g h t s must have.risen to a height of nearly 100 feet , and the c e n t r a l f l i g h t to about 130 f e e t . " 2 1 This suggests that the three stairways d i d not meet at a c e n t r a l arch as they did at Ur. In f a c t , the l a t e r a l f l i g h t s may have r i s e n to the top of the f i r s t si;age and the cental f l i g h t to the top of the second. The explanation f o r d i f f e r i n g stairway heights may w e l l be the same as those offered by Woolley i n Ur Excavations, Volume V regarding the Ziggurat °f Ur-Nammu: "The set-back of the second stage of the b u i l d i n g does ... not give s u f f i c i e n t h o r i z o n t a l space f o r a stairway connecting the i;wo l e v e l s ; consequently, i f the con- verging f l i g h t s of s t a i r s from the terrace had a t t - ained only the height of the f i r s t stage i t would have been impossible to reach the second stage a continuation of the c e n t r a l f l i g h t ; to achieve that, the landing of the gate-tower had to be higher than the pavement of the f i r s t stage." (See Illus.\5k ) 2 2 - 87 - It may be significant that there are plan differences between the Ziggurat at Babylon and that at Ur. The base dimensions at Ur were about 200 feet by 150 f e e t 2 3 . This puts Ur in a category with rectangular plan rather than square plan and this may well mean substantial superstructural variation as well as having deeper religious implications. As the on-site evidence of appearance above the f i r s t level i s so meagre for the Babylonian Ziggurat, we can only look to similar, preferably nearby, structures for further suggestions. As the Tower of Babel impressed those who saw i t in i t s original state during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, i t seems l i k e l y that i t s dimensions must have been at least as generous as those of i t s neighbours. Birs Nimrud (the ancient Borsippa, a few miles south-west of Babylon) i s s t i l l 154 f t . high 24, while that of Agarguf (built in the fifteenth century B.C. near Baghdad) is 187 feet above the level of the plain. Although the latter provides an excellent example of the performance of bonding of bricks "chained by means of layers of reeds" 2 5, i t is thought to have once been much higher than i t s present impressive height. Fortunately, new discoveries enable us to arrive at more precise measurements. The extent to which this f i e l d of research is s t i l l evolving is shown by the fact that as late at 1950 Robert Pfeiffer of Harvard could refer t o t h e Ziggurat of Ur as being "the only f a i r l y well preserved one"^6. Since then, - 88 - Roman Ghirshman has been able to document " the most complete 2 7 Ziggurat-known to date"' . This is the ziggurat at Choga Zanbil (sometimes transliterated Tchoga-Zanbil or Tepe Choga Zanbil) which Ghirshman was s t i l l excavating when he wrote about i t in 1955. Its dimensions were: 174 f t . high ( against a present oft 83 feet) with a square base side of 346 ftf i t-; . These dim- ensions are obviously slightly more modest than others, but contribute when taken with others towards estimating an average height for important ziggurats of between, say, about 160 and 190 feet. Ghirshman has also something important to say about the prime function of this ziggurat which is l ikely to have a bearing on others of this religious type. It w i l l be seen that the temple function, apart from affecting the shape of the structure on top,' must affect aspirations as to height, amongst other things. Looking at the purpose of the Ghoga-Zanbil ziggurat, i t appears l ikely that i t f e l l into the temple-tomb category. Not only did i t have a temple on top like the ziggurat of Ur ( see page: 66 ) hut Ghirshman mentions finding buried in the second stage some rooms reached by stairs. He suggests that " they may have been intended to receive offerings or perhaps even to serve as royal tombs. Other rooms on the - 89 - northeast face, which was the most sacred, were completely walled i n with "baked b r i c k , up to t h e i r v a u l t s . No s t a i r c a s e communicated with them. According to the hypothesis which we have proposed, these rooms might be the 'symbolical' tombs of the d i v i n i t i e s . " ^ The tomb function theory i s ; r e i n f o r c e d by the f a c t that i n Mesopotamia the house of an inhabitant was also the place where he was buried ( under the f l o o r so that h i s s p i r i t would continue to take part i n the l i f e of the f a m i l y ) . It would be n a t u r a l f o r the people to think of the Z'iggurat as being the tomb of the dei t y , since the ;upper temple was i n any case described as being h i s "house" - on b r i c k s which were once the casing of t h i s temple. It i s obvious, though, that the temple fun c t i o n a f f e c t e d the external appearances, i n c l u d i n g height, of the Ziggurat much more than i t s tomb function, which was obviously of secondary importance. An example of a kind of ziggurat-in miniature 'ii * . whichv the order of the functions was probably reversed i n importance i s the Tomb of Cyrus I I at Pasargadae which I v i s i t e d i n 1965. This "tomb-temple" was b u i l t on h i s palace complex by the early Achaeraenid King around 530 B.C. (See I l l u s .^"J ) . The ziggurat form i s most l i k e l y explained by the f a c t that i t would have become f a m i l i a r to the Persians during t h e i r - 90 - incursions into Mesopotamia ( Cyrus II captitared Babylon i n 5 3 9 B.C;.) and, since they deified their kings, the placing of Cyrus' tomb at the top of the structure would be a l o g i c a l conclusion. He would be able to continue his divine operations from the tomb which would thus be a temple as well. However,1 looking at the structure primarily as a tomb, the Persians would not have followed to a l o g i c a l conclusion the temple implications which the Sumerians had so carefully thought out. The Persians eould see no need to build a structure that reached as near to heaven as possible i n order for the god to be i n his re a l domain. So this exceptional minature "ziggurat" of Cyrus r e a l l y reinforces the view that where the function was mainly that of temple, much greater height would be involved. One other important consideration emerges out of this study of the Tomb of Cyrus. This i s the number of stages which i t had. There are six plus the tomb on top. One immediate response to this i s that the Persians had i n mind the prov- is i o n of convenient steps for the ascent of priests and others to the temple. The stages themselves would form a staircase so that f l i g h t s would not be needed. However, the height of each stage i s substantially more than a man-sized step. The stages also vary i n size from about eighteen inches to three feet, unlike regular steps. More l i k e god-sized steps. - 91 - The late date at which this structure was erected makes i t seem much more l i k e l y that there were at that time examples to follow which had six stages, iwice as many as those of the Third Dynasty Ziggurat Woolley excavated at Ur. Woolley him- self does a reconstruction of the Neo-Babylonian ziggurat, erected on the base of the Third Dynasty one by Nabonidus around 550 B.(T..(See I l l u s . %g ). Nabonidus succeeded to the throne of Nebuchadnezzar II,' who by 700 B.C. had made Babylon the greatest walled city the world had ever known. Woolley says of t h i s : "...the modern excavators were hard put to i t to find, under the deeply sunk foundations of the uppermost level, anything that was older than Neb- uchadnezzar; over a space of ten square miles v i r t u a l l y every building was due to Ur also he embarked on an ambitious programme which seems to have aimed at the reconstruction of the entire city."30 In view of the magnitude of this undertaking, i t i s suprising that we find no evidence of his workmanship i n the Ur Zigg- urat. It i s possible that Nebuchadnezzar either did not l i v e long enough to start on this area ( he l e f t the rebuilding of Ur u n t i l after he had completed the task at Babylon) or that his work was unsatisfying to Nabonidus ( who by contrast was a t r a d i t i o n a l i s t , not an innovator) who therefore dis- mantled i t . Traditionalist Nabonidus could not find any evidence of - 92 - what t h e T h i r d Dynas ty Z i g g u r a t had been l i k e above t h a t f i r s t s t age p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d . We know he l o o k e d because W o o l l e y m e n t i o n s f i n d i n g t h e h o l e i n t h e t o p o f t h e f i r s t p l a t f o r m f i l l e d w i t h N a b o n i d u s ' own b r i c k s where he r e c o r d s f i n d i n g U r - Nammu's f o u n d a t i o n t a b l e t but n o t h i n g t o show him what t h e tower had been l i k e . T h e r e f o r e c: "Nabonidus f o l l o w e d t h e f a s h i o n and t h e Z i g g u r a t w h i c h he s e t up was e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t f rom t h a t w h i c h he p r o p o s e d t o r e s t o r e . I n s t e a d o f t h r e e s t a g e s t h e N e o - B a b y I o n i a n Z i g g u r a t had s e v e n . Viewed from t h e f r o n t t h e e f f e c t was d r a m a t i c i n t h e extreme. From g r o u n d l e v e l t h e t h r e e a n c i e n t s t a i r w a y s l e d up t o t h e domed g a t e - t o w e r a t t h e t o p o f t h e lowes t s t a g e ; above t h a t towered up s i x more s t a g e s , d i m - i n i s h i n g i n s i z e as t h e y went u p , w i t h what l o o k e d l i k e a s p i r a l s t a i r c a s e e n c i r c l i n g t h e b u i l d i n g and l e a d i n g f rom one s t age t o a n o t h e r and so t o t h e topmost p l a t f o r m whereon s t o o d t h e l i t t l e s h r i n e o f Nannar , a s m a l l square b u i l d i n g o f b r i g h t b l u e - g l a z e d b r i c k s surmounted by a g o l d e n dome."^ A r c h a e o l o g i c a l p r o S f o f t h i s i m p r e s s i v e s even s t ages seems h a r d t o f i n d . However, W o o l l e y a r r i v e s at an i n t e r e s t i n g c o n c l u s i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e s t a i r c a s e f o r m a t i o n ( above t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l a r c h e d gateway where t h r e e main s t a i r c a s e s met , a t t h e t o p o f s t a g e o n e ) . A copy o f h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t i o n 58. M o r e o v e r , i f f rom t h e arrangement o f s t a i r - ways o r by o t h e r means i t i s p o s s i b l e t o p r o v e t h a t t h e z i g g u r a t o f Nabonidus a t U r i n f a c t had seven s t a g e s , t h e n i t seems h i g h l y l i k e l y t h a t Nabonidus who " f o l l o w e d t h e f a s h i o n " w o u l d have been f o l l o w i n g t h e p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f B a b y l o n whose Tower o f B a b e l must t h e n a l s o have had seven s t a g e s . - 93 - W o o l l e y * s deduc t ions r e g a r d i n g s t a i r c a s e s were as f o l l o w s : " When you had mounted one o f t h e t h r e e m a i n s t a i r - ca se s and had pa s sed t h r o u g h t h e a r c h e d g a t e on t o t h e f i r s t t e r r a c e t h e r e was on y o u r r i g h t a l i t t l e b r i c k - b u i l t f l i g h t o f s t e p s l e a n e d up a g a i n s t t h e w a l l o f t h e s econd s t a g e ; t h e s t e p s r a n o n l y as f a r as t h e c o r n e r o f t h e tower and f rom t h a t p o i n t a l e v e l g a l l e r y t o o k y o u r i g h t r o u n d t h e tower t o t h e c e n t r e o f i t s f a c a d e " ( t h i s w o u l d be on t h e second s tage , ' b e h i n d t h e t o p o f t h e a r c h e d gateway) "where t h e r e was j u s t such a s h a l l o w r e c e s s as Herodotus m e n t i o n s i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e B a b y l o n i a n Z i g g - u r a t . Then y o u made a l e f t - a b o u t t u r n t o mount a second l i t t l e f l i g h t o f s t e p s , t h i s t i m e l e a d i n g up t o t h e l e f t , and so r o u n d t h e b u i l d i n g on t h e f l a t t o w h e r e , on t h e f a c a d e , a t h i r d f l i g h t r u n n i n g t o t h e r i g h t t o o k y o u up t o t h e g a l l e r y f o r m i n g t h e f o u r t h s t a g e ; t h e n r o u n d t h e b u i l d i n g t o a n o t h e r ^ ' s i t t i n g - out 5 1 r e c e s s , and so o n . The t o t a l h e i g h t o f t h e ' M o u n t a i n o f God* on w h i c h s t o o d N a n n a r ' s H o l y o f H o l i e s was j u s t o v e r a hundred and s i x t y f e e t . " ^ T h i s i n g e n i o u s s o l u t i o n t o s t a i r c a s e arrangement must s u r e l y be g i v e n c o n s i d e r a b l e w e i g h t , h a v i n g i n mind t h e s t a t u r e o f t h e a r c h a e o l o g i s t who propose s i t . Each l o g i c a l s t e p has been c a r e f u l l y thought out and t h e above d e s c r i p t i o n by W o o l l e y i s s u p p o r t e d by r e a s o n e d j u s t i f i c a t i o n , a sample o f w h i c h i s as f o l l o w s * "What we f o u n d was t h e b r i c k pavement o f t h e lowes t s t a g e , showing t h a t Nabonidus made t h i s u n i f o r m t h r o u g h o u t , o b l i t e r a t i n g t h e s t e p p e d form o f U r - Nammu's f i r s t s t a g e , so t h a t a t e i t h e r end t h e Neo- B a b y l o n i a n f l o o r was n e a r l y t e n f e e t above t h e o l d , and on t h e whole conformed h i s second s t a g e t o t h a t o f t h e o r i g i n a l ; but h e r e , on t h e f acade we f o u n d t h e f i r s t l i t t l e f l i g h t s o f s t e p s v i r t u a l l y i n t a c t and , on t h e l e f t hand s i d e , what at f i r s t seemed an anom- a l o u s f e a t u r e , t h e f r o n t w a l l o f t h e second s t a g e ( w h i c h , l i k e t h e c o n t a i n i n g - w a l l o f t h e l i t t l e s t a i r - case .was r e l i e v e d by t h e same s o r t o f s h a l l o w b u t t - r e s s e s as Ur-Nammu had u s e d i n t h e l o w e r s t a g e ) - 94 - s t e p p e d f o r w a r d a c t u a l l y beyond t h e l i n e o f t h e s t a i r c a s e w a l l . Above t h i s , e v e r y t h i n g had v a n - i s h e d . The p r o b l e m o f r e c o n s t r u c t i o n b o t h e r e d us f o r q u i t e a w h i l e , but at l e n g t h we r e a l i z e d t h a t i f we p l a n n e d t h e t h i r d s t a g e e x a c t l y on t h e l i n e s o f t h e s e c o n d , but i n r e v e r s e , and t h e f o u r t h i n t h e same way w i t h t h e s t e p s on t h e r i g h t hand s i d e , . as i n t h e second s t a g e , and so o n , f o r seven s t a g e s , we no t o n l y c o u l d e x p l a i n a l l t h e f e a t u r e s o f t h e g round p l a n t h a t s u r v i v e d but we had an a b s o l u t e l y s y m m e t r i c a l b u i l d i n g , o f a r e a s o n a b l e h e i g h t , and one t o w h i c h H e r o d o t u s * d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e contem- p o r a r y Z i g g u r a t a t B a b y l o n w o u l d v e r y a p t l y a p p l y . T h i s cannot be c o i n c i d e n c e , and I t h i n k t h a t we can f a i r l y c l a i m t o have r e c o v e r e d t h e l i k e n e s s o f Nab- o n i d u s ' Z i g g u r a t . . . . " 3 3 Much t h a t was t r u e o f U r was e v i d e n t l y t r u e o f B a b y l o n a l s o . The r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e most a c c e p t a b l e z i g g u r a t p r o p - o r t i o n s seems u l t i m a t e l y t o r e s t on t h e s o l u t i o n t o t h e p r o b - lem o f s t a i r c a s e a r rangement . The above s y n t h e s i s means t h a t t h e Z i g g u r a t o f B a b y l o n was perhaps a u n i q u e c o m b i n a t i o n o f two ma in t y p e s . The Z i g g u r a t o f U r , as n o t e d on page 8 6 , l i k e t h o s e o f Urak and N i p p u r , was o f r e c t a n g u l a r t y p e . These were a lways a c c e s s e d by ramps p l a c e d e i t h e r at r i g h t a n g l e s t o t h e ma in f a c a d e o r r u n n i n g , b r o a d l y up i t s f l a n k t o meet a t a c e n t r a l p o i n t r a t h e r t h a n by f l i g h t s o f s t e p s a t t a c h e d t o t h e s i d e s . The square t y p e , such as B i r s N imrud , Choga Z a n b i l and K h o r s a b a d , were a c c e s s e d by t h e u s u a l f l i g h t s o f s t e p s . The r e c t a n g u l a r t y p e was f o u n d i n t h e s o u t h and t h e square t y p e t o t h e n o r t h , so t h a t t h e B a b y l o n i a n Z i g g u r a t , somewhere i n t h e c e n t r e and h a v i n g ramps ("main s t a i r c a s e s " ) t o i t s f i r s t t e r r a c e and t h e n f l i g h t s o f s t e p s t h e r e a f t e r , was g e o g r a p h i c a l l y and s t r u c t u r a l l y a f o c a l p o i n t o f t h e two ma in t y p e s . - 95 - The wide dispersal of these two categories suggests that the inhabitants of the land of Shinar were i n fact near' to being one people ( as stated i n Genesis 11: 6). This must have been particularly true of their religion, i f not l i n g - u i s t i c a l l y or i n other cultural aspects. We have now arrived at a projection of the appearance of the Babylonian Ziggurat as far as archaeological evidence w i l l allow. Dimensions are: - a square base with side of 298 feet; - a maim, access ramp at right angles to the facade of 130 feet, two main side staircases r i s i n g only 100 feet; - a conjectural height of between 160 and 190 feet (based on the "national average"). Plow ever, i n view of the height of the main staircase, this seems low. Other general features include a mass of clay masonry, or unbumt bricks, protected by a layer of burnt bricks; six or seven stages plus a temple on top, each successive stage being smaller than the one below i t . A strong mortar which included bitumen was probably used C Genesis 11 : 3). The sides of the stages sloped a l i t t l e , l i k e the sides of a mountain. Beyond this we can only look to forms of evidence other than archaeological ones for suggestions which might - 96 - sharpen our definition of the most l i k e l y form of the Tower of Babel. - 97 - FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX - 1. Hugo Gressman : The Tower of Babel, Jewish Institute of Religion Press ( N.Y. 1928) p. 5. 2. Fr. Chaine : Le Livre de l a Genese. (Paris, 1948) p. 165. 3 . Andre Parrot : Sumer, the Dawn, off Arte, (trans S. Gilbert & J. Emmons), The Golden Press (N.Y., 1961) vv. 12-14 4. Quoted from the speech of Friedrich Delitzsch by K.W.Marek (pseud. C.W. Ceram) i n The March of Archaeology (trans. R. & C. Winston), Knopf (N.Y. 1958) p. 164. 5. Parrot, p. 68. 6. Loc. c i t . . 7. Sir Leonard Woolley : Excavations at Ur, Ernest Benn Ltd., (London,1954) p. 125. 8. That Ur-Nammu had bui l t the Ziggurat at Ur was proved by "foundation-cones" - nails driven deep into the mud mortar between inner brick courses of the found- ations. These had the inscription: "For Nannar, the strong b u l l of Heaven, most glorious son of Enlit, his King, has Ur-Nammu the mighty man, King of Ur. built his temple, E-temen-ni-it" (Woolley, p. 127;. 9. Op. c i t . , p. 126. 10. Taylor,-made the mistake of assuming that the sides, not the corners, were at cardinal points of the compass. His S.W. corner should be the south corner. 11.Sir Leonard Woolley : U r Excavations. Volume V, The Zigg-, urat and i t s Surroundings, T r u s t e e s of Bri t i s h Museum and University of Pennsylvania Museum (London,1 1939) p. 134, quoting J.E. Taylor i n J.R.A.S. for 1855, Vol XV. 12.Also transliterated EL-Mugaygar. 13.Woolley : Excavations at Ur...pp. 127-128. - 98 - 14. Abraham i s thought to have lived about 2000 B.C.. Ur- Nair.fflu was the f i r s t of five kings of the Third Dynasty, who reigned with Ur as captial of the empire*. Dates of this dynasty are often set at 2112 to 2015 B « c « although Parrot has 2124 to 2107 for the reigh of Ur-Nammu. 1 5 . Op. c i t . , pp. 130-131. 16. Hugo Gressmann : Th e Tow er of Bab e l , Jewish Institute of Religion Press (N.Y.,1928) p. 7. 17. Albert Champdor : Babylon (trans. ELsa Coult) Elek Books, (London, 1958) p. 125. 18. Merkes was adjacent to the E-temen-anki temple precinct and Ziggurat area, immediately to the east of i t . 1 9 . Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel, Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2., Philosophical Library (New York, 1955) p. 46. 20. Loc. c i t . . 2 1 . Op. c i t . , p. 147. 22 . Sir Leonard Woolley : Ur Excavations, Volume V, The Zigg^ urat and i t s Surroundings,^Trustees of the Bri t i s h Museum and of Museum of the University of Pennsylvania (London, 1939) p. 108 . 2 3 . Woolley, p. 130 . f 24. Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel ; Studies i n B i b l i c a l Archaeology No. 2 . , Philosophical Library (New York. 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 49. 2 5 . Loc. c i t . . 26. Robert Pfeiffer; (£«•» of Andre Parrot: Ziggurats et Sour de Babel (Paris' 1949) i n American Journal of Archaeol ogy, Vol 54, (1950) p. 4 3 1 : 27. Joan Lines; ( rev. of Andre Parrot : The Tower of Babel ( N.Y* 1955) i n American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 60 ( 1956) p. 29&. 2 8 . 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Vol. 2, (London, 1938^T Woolley, Sir Leonard, Ur Excavations, Volume V, The Ziggurat and i t s Surroundings. Trustees of British Museum and the University of Pennsylvania Museum, (London, 1939). , Excavations at Ur, Ernest Benn Ltd., (London, 1954).  I l l u s . 2 . D e t a i l ©f I l l u s t r a t i o n 1   I l l u s . 5 . P e t e r Coecke van A e l s t : t a p e s t r y ( D e t r o i t I n s t i t u t e of the A r t s )   8E " steps . I l l u s . 8 . The Cripples 1568 ( Louv r e , P a r i s ) / A T  US I l l u s . 1 0 . L a n d s c a p e w i t h F a l l o f I c a r u s , c . 1 5 5 8 ( M u s e * e s R o y e a u x d e s B e a u x - A r t s , B r u s s e l s ) I l l u s . 1 1 . D e t a i l of I l l u s t r a t i o n 10 I l l u s . 12. The Massacre of the Innocents 1566-7 (Kunthistorisches Museum,Vienna) II8 I l l u s . 1 3 . Detail of Illustration 1 2 "7 I l l u s , 14. D e t a i l of I l l u s t r a t i o n 12 /20 ulril V Bhliini»e.l.or M « i*f « M . 1 H. 14 Jiln H-cli -r/.-tthiiuiKi i.iii rlii W .O i s luw l l i h r l PI,I>I, l i m v liil.l Sinn lob. 417 I l l u s . 15* Bbhmischer Master d'fth. minature i n the Welislaw Bible (Prague Univ. Library) !| I * *AT I u n i v«TA«llnli»n.v rulV'r \>i>» l i u J r r t i r v n n I H M ' " ' I l l u s . 1 6 , Schweizer Master: minature i n the Toggenburg Bible 1411 (Berlin-Dahlem) I l l u s . 17. Minatur© i n the K a s s « l e r World Chronicle 1385 prepared by Rudolph von Ems Bib l iothek der Stadt Kassel /Z3 I l l u s . 1 8 . The Book of Hours of the Duke of Bedford 142^-30. B r i t i s h Museum,London. I l l u s . 1 9 . E l Greco: Christ Cleansing the Temple I l l u s . 2 0 . G i u l i o C l o r i o : Minature of Tower of Babel Book of Hours of Our Lady for Card ina l Farnese (Pierpoint Morgan Library ,N.I) I l l u s 21. E l Greco: P o r t r a i t of G i u l i o Clovio (Museo Naxionale, Naples) I l l u s . 22. A Flemish Master (Gheeraert Horenbout or Simon Bening?) Minature of Tower of Babel i n Grimani Breviary . ( B i b l i o t e c a Nationale Marciana,Venice) I l l u s 23. Mosa i c e xe cu t ed 1220-1230. N a r t h e x o f S t M a r k ' s , V e n i c e . P a o t o : J . B . K e l l y , M . A . Illus. 2 k . D e t a i l of i l l u s . 1 I l l u s . 2 5 . Hans Sebald Beham: Tower of Babel i n i l l u s t r a t e d B i b l i c a l h i s t o r y book 1533 I3t I l l u s . 2 6 . Hans Holbein the Younger. Tower of Babel i n h i s tory book 1538? I n : Historiarum v e t e r i s testament! i c o n e s . . . . L y o n , T r e c h s e l Cock of Antwerp using an engraving by Pieter van der Eeyden based on a drawing by Bruegel i n turn reduced from a painting by Bosch. I l l u s . 2 8 . Colosseum,Home. Illus.29. Peter Stevens: The northern side of the Forum Eomanum seen from the Palatine Hill,c.1591 or 1604. Exhibition Cat: Flemish Drawings of the C17 from the Collection of Frits Lugt,Institut Neerlandais,Paris. I l l u s . 3 0 . P. B r i l : a r t i s t s sketching amid the ruins of the imper ia l palaces on the Palat ine Hi l l ,Rome, c.1610 or 1624. (Exhib i t ion cat . as X X V )  I l l u s . 3 2 . B. F a l e t i : engraving of f o r t i f i c a t i o n s added to Cas te l Sant *Angelo,1557. Illus.33. A, Brambilla: engraving of Castel Sant 'Angelo d u r i n g a s p e c t a c l e staged on i t s ramparts. 1 5^9 Illus.3^« Towers and gates of Amsterdam 15>62 Boston. Museum of Fine Arts.  Illus. 3 6 . Two more views of towers and gates of Amsterdam both dated 1 5 6 2 and both i n Basancon,Musee des Beaux-Arte. Illus. 37 • Photos of the CTaudian Aqueduct where the arches were blocked up as fortifications. I l l u s . 38. Peter Coecke van Aelst: The T u r k s i n , Detaxl of woodcut,Brussels Museum.  I l l u s . 40. Lucas ran Valckenborgh,The Tower of Babel,1568 Alte Pinakothek, Munich I l l u s . 41. Lucas v a n Valckenborgh:The Tower of Babel. Date unknown but probably later than 1568. Mainz, Art Gallery. I l l u s . 42. Lucas van Valckenborgh: The Tower of Babel,1594 The Louvre,Paris. I l l u s . 43. Flemish Master (Tobias Verhaccht?) Tower of Babel,late C16 Mainz Art Gallery I ¥9 I l l u s . 4 4 . M a r t e n v a n H e e m s k e r c k : T h e D e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e T o w e r o f B a b e l , 1 5 9 7 . C o p e n h a g e n : S t a t e M u s e u m o f A r t . I H u s . 45.- M a r t e n v a n H e e s k e r c k : T h e D e s t r u c t i o n o f S o d o m , 1 5 6 7 C o p e n h a g e n . S t a t e M u s e u m o f A r t . / 5 7 Illus* 46. Pirro Ligorio:Map of Kome,156l Naples National Library I l l u s , 47. De t a i l of 46. I l l u s . 48. Lievin Cruyl and Coenraet Decker(?); The Tower of Turris Babel? * e n ® r & v ± a 8 i n Kircher's ( 5 > I l l u s . 49 . Cruyl and Decker(?): The Tower of Babel, portrayal of how i t could reach the moon. P r i n t from a copper engraving (courtesy of U.B.C's sp e c i a l c o l l e c t i o n s ) I €5 c , 1600? E n g r a v i n g b y Z a c h a r i a s D o l e n d o u n d e r t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f J a q u e s de Gheyn,1565-1629» i » E h r e n s t e i n . ( C o u r t e s y o f M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o L i b r a r y B o a r d )  I l l u s , 5 2 . Leo Michelson (b .1887) Tower of Babel woodcut for Lazarus Goldschmidt:The Book of Heroes (Berlin 1923) Courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board) I l l u s . 5 3 . Marius Bauer (1867-1932): Etching. Collection of Mr Campbell Dodgsons,London. (Photo courtesy of Metro Toronto Library Board)  I l l u s . 55« North-east face of the Ziggurat at Ur.(Sir L. Woolley)  f6Z I l l u s . 5 7 . T o m b o f C y r u s I I a t P a s a r g a d a e . B u i l t b y C y r u s I I c. 530 B . C . ( P h o t o : T . D . F a w c e t t )  B.Or C A M R R A ! B U C K V O T \ / - I A I l l u s . 59. T h e N e t h e r l a n d s u n d e r C h a r l e s V  I l l u s . 6 1 . Nonsuch Palace,Surrey,England,begun i n 1538. Illus. 02, l i e r io«er o i iL-aaaxva C i n k o w s k i ) I l l u s . 63. T a t l i n ' s M o n u m e n t t o t h e T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l .


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