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Street of T’ongs: planning in Vancouver’s Chinatown Young, Raymond Edgar 1975

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STREET OF T'ONGS Planning i n Vancouver's Chinatown by Raymond Edgar Young B.A. (Hons.) University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970 A Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts i n the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard Brahm Weisman Peter Oberlander THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1975 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and stud y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be al1 owed w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Community and Regional Planning;; The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date June 11, 1975. i ABSTRACT Street of T'ongs i s not so much a study as i t i s a digest, d e s c r i p t i v e i n nature, of the h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i a l , and p h y s i c a l facets of Vancouver's Chinatown. It does not have as i t s purpose the proving or disproving of a selected hypothesis; rather, i t attempts for the f i r s t time within both p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l planning spheres of i n t e r e s t to provide a comprehensive guide to the p r a c t i c a l planner seeking information and general data on a unique ethno-spatial community i n the c i t y . Numerous sources have been c u l l e d for relevant material which has been ordered and put together to develop a composite picture of Vancouver's Chinatown. Knowledge of many of the present problems and trends discussed, grows out of personal experience i n l i v i n g and working i n the Chinatown area. While no formal interviews were conducted, hundreds of conversations over two years and numerous meetings with residents and professionals i n the area have, provided perhaps a more balanced and broader view of l o c a l concerns and issues. This thesis shows that Vancouver's Chinatown has reached a c r i t i c a l stage of change i n i t s i n t e r n a l s o c i a l structure. Many of the pressures and issues causing i n part or j u s t concurrent with t h i s change are, of i n t e r e s t and within the j u r i s d i c t i o n of planners at the municipal l e v e l . The enclave i s opening and being shaped by i n t e r n a l and external forces — no longer i s i t as t o t a l l y self-contained, sheltered, or as r e s i s t a n t to i n t r u s i o n as has been generally understood. If planners are to responsibly and r e a l i s t i c a l l y help shape t h i s i i change, their actions must stem from a broad base of community understanding, and community support, as well as technical expertise, that can be applied s e n s i t i v e l y , i n a manner compatible with community aspirations and c i v i c needs. B. Wiesman P. Oberlander i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION A. The Subject 2 B. The Problem 5 C. The Approach 7 D. The L i t e r a t u r e ' 9 1. Primary Sources ' H 2. General Non-Scholarly Sources 3. Major Scholarly Works ^ 4. P e r i o d i c a l L i t e r a t u r e ^ 5. Public Documents II . THE BACKGROUND A. The T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Ci t y .-. 1 8 B. The Ethnic Enclave • v 2 6 C. Overseas Chinese Communities ^6 D. Comparison of T r a d i t i o n a l City and Overseas Community 0^ E. Chinese Immigration to Canada ^ 2 F. Vancouver and the Chinese ->-> 1. Pride of the Province ->-> 2. The F i r s t Decade: Expansion and Violence 62 3. Cleaning up Chinatown 65 4. The War Years? 68 5. ... Courage to the St i c k i n g Place 71 i v I I I . CHINATOWN TODAY A. Chinatown Physical Space 7^ 1. Description and Boundaries 7 4 2. Land Use 7 7 3. Land Ownership 80 B. V i s i b l e Social Problems and Trends 83 1. Introduction 2. Social Indicators O J 3. Problem Overview 4. " The New Adult Immigrant ...... 8 7 5. New Immigrant Youth ^1 1. Culture Shock 9 1 2. Social Isolation 91 3. Education 9^ 4. Family Relationships 93 6. The Elderly 9 5 7. The Societies 9 7 8. The New Alliances 9 9 9. The Residential Hinterland 1 0 1 IV. CHINATOWN PLANNING - PRESENT AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS A. The Problem Restated 1 0 4 B. Economic Expansion and Redevelopment 1-06 C. H i s t o r i c a l Preservation and Beautification D. T r a f f i c and Transportation E. Low Rental Housing F. Conclusions H 7 V LIST OF TABLES 1. Occupations of Adult Male Chinese i n B.C. 1885 31 2. Occupations of Employed Chinese i n Canada Over the Age of Ten 1921 32 3. Chinese Population i n Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia 1881-1961 46 4. Chinese Paying Head Tax ($500.00) 48 5. Adult Chinese Immigration into Canada by Sex 1906-1940 52 6. Chinese Immigration and Registration for Leave 1886-1940 52 7. N a t u r a l i z a t i o n of Chinese i n Canada 1907-1940 53 8. Proportion of Canadian Born Chinese and Japanese to Foreign Born 1921-1961 54 9. Chinese Immigration Into Canada and B.C. 1941-1973 55 78 10. Chinatown Land Use General Categories 79 11. Detailed C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Land Use v i LIST OP MAPS 1. Map showing boundaries of Chinatown 76 2. Land ownership by non-profit Chinese societies 81 3. Family income 1970 85 I. INTRODUCTION The Duke of Yeh asked about [good] government the Master sai d : "Those near are pleased and those far o f f are at t r a c t e d " [XII-15] 2 A. The Subject "By nature men are pretty much a l i k e ; i t i s learning and practice which set them a p a r t . • It was Confucius, 2300 years ago, who h i t upon this simple observation. Yet, i t i s only i n recent years, with the advent of serious r a c i a l and class c o n f l i c t i n urban areas that planners have begun to come to grips with the magnitude of the p r a c t i c a l r e a l i t i e s and complexities i m p l i c i t i n the recognition of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y as an important urban value. Within the urban environment, there exist various sub-value, or d i s t i n c t l y different and equal value systems. Quite often these various value systems express themselves i n s p a t i a l and physical form on the urban landscape. From the general public's perspective, i t i s this d i v e r s i t y that gives the c i t y excitement and interest. For the planner, although heterogenuity may be highly valued, i t often signals a complexity too i n t r i c a t e for the tools at his disposal, and a challenge beyond the state of the art i n his profession. Planners trade i n human values. It would be f a i r to say that value systems — s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and c u l t u r a l , provide the broad perimeters within which a l l comprehensive planning a c t i v i t y occurs. Values, both i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t are an attribute of culture; "^Confucius, Analects, XVII:2, i n De Bary, Chan, and Watson, Sources of  Chinese Tradition, New York, Columbia University Press, 1960, p. 23. 3 thus an important part of any planner's job must be the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of these values, and an assessment of the i r implications for the planning process. Of c r i t i c a l importance, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n planning with ethnic minorities, i s the need for the planner to know his own values, and recognize their effect on his approach to a problem or a general process. This thesis has as i t s focus, Vancouver's Chinatown, one of the major, most v i s i b l e , most c r i t i c a l l y located, and least understood ethnic enclaves i n the c i t y . I t i s not the main purpose of t h i s study to provide solutions to any of the problems that w i l l be examined; these can only be resolved through cooperative e f f o r t between the community and those public o f f i c i a l s charged by various levels of government with finding solutions. I t i s hoped that these pages w i l l help provide an understanding of the problems i n a way that w i l l be of use to, the planner who wishes quick access to the background and content of problems confronting him i n working i n the Chinatown area. In doing so, i t w i l l undoubtedly be suggestive; indeed, i f i t i s not, i t w i l l have f a i l e d i n i t s main purposes. Planners, i f they are ever to meet the challenge'^created by d i v e r s i t y , must not only have an understanding of the theory and mechanics of the planning process, but also of the communities i n which they are to be applied. Vancouver's Chinatown i s located i n an area that i s " a l i v e " with planning a c t i v i t y . Strathcona, Chinatown's r e s i d e n t i a l hinterland, has recently undergone p a r t i c a l clearance and urban 4 renewal. Now, shepherded by strong c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t i s 2 undergoing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . T r a f f i c problems caused by the Georgia Viaduct's alignment on P r i o r Street, and the continuing problem posed by the need to improve the grade street commuter capacity into the 3 CBD are s t i l l the cause of grave concern on the part of residents. The commercial and s o c i a l core of Chinatown i t s e l f i s on the fringe of one of the most dynamic private regeneration processes i n Canada. The speculation resulting from Gastown has already slipped into 4 the very heart of Chinatown. At the same time, Chinatown i s one of Vancouver's major h i s t o r i c a l areas and the pressure for private develop-ment must vie with the constraints imposed by zoning and other l e g i s l a t i o n designed for h i s t o r i c a l preservation. Chinatown also borders on Vancouver's Skid Road, an area i n which the Vancouver Planning and Social Planning Departments have been expressing serious concern, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n attempting to maintain and r e h a b i l i t a t e the area's stock of low rental rooming house accomodation. Gastown, Skid Road, and Chinatown have d r a s t i c a l l y different socio-economic Strathcona: Rehabilitation Project;' 3 See p. 74 of' t his study for further d e t a i l s . 4 In 1971, a major Gastown developer bought, through a Chinese agent, the old Freemasons building on the corner of Pender and C a r r a l l . The building f a l l s within the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the H i s t o r i c a l Areas Board. The i n t e r i o r has been stripped and the building i s once again for sale. structures, v i t a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g value and a t t i t u d i n a l reactions to urbanism as w e l l as vastly different effects on the texture and character of the c i t y ' s l i f e . They exist side by side i n a very small area of the c i t y ; and yet the borders between them are abrupt. They share the common pressures and problems of the inner c i t y ; yet each has i t s own nature, and each reacts i n i t s own way. B. The Problem. The b e l i e f that a community i s l i t t l e more than the arrangement of physical structures, long abandoned by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , i s now, sometimes p a i n f u l l y , being deserted by modern planners. A community i s now seen as a complex network of s o c i a l interaction, operating within, affecting and being affected by physical form and s p a t i a l relationships. Although most of the apparent immediate effects of planning a c t i v i t y are manifest i n the a l t e r a t i o n of physical form, i t has become more f u l l y accepted i n recent years that the s o c i a l ramifications, though less tangible, are nevertheless just as s i g n i f i c a n t . The s p e c i f i c problem that this thesis intends to discuss i s that of the changing nature of Vancouver's Chinatown. I t puts forward the hypothesis that: Vancouver's Chinatown has changed i t s function from a highly developed complex and intensively used ethnic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic center, to a regional economic center ethnically oriented, but steadily and gradually declining i n s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l importance. This change has resulted i n (5 s i g n i f i c a n t alterations i n s o c i a l and economic groupings, land use, and types of development. Chinatown i s developing as an i n t e g r a l part of Vancouver rather than as a separate and insulated "foreign community". This new relationship i s presenting new problems as the community adjusts to in t e r n a l changes and finds i t s e l f more open to external pressures and challenges. Cultural values and patterns of s o c i a l interaction within a community are^evolutionary i n nature and may and usually do change over time. This change may stem from a number of universal or loc a l i z e d factors. Depending on the variables involved, t h e i r pattern of interdependence, and the intensity of thei r i n t e r a c t i o n , the change may be either rapid or slow S- permanent or temporary. Change i n the physical form of a community i s of a different nature. Physical change may be evolutionary, or i t may be sporadic. In some cases, i t has been t o t a l over a short period of time. In North American c i t i e s , the most common factors causing physical change are economic and p o l i t i c a l . I t i s clear that the rates of so c i a l change and physical change within a community can be, and often are d i f f e r e n t . The result of this phenomena i s the development of a lead-lag relationship between the physical and s o c i a l environments affecting their a b i l i t y to mutually relate to one another and s a t i s f y reciprocal demands. When the rate of d i f f e r e n t i a l change between the two interactive systems increases as either the physical, s o c i a l , or both environments react to external pressures, the fabric of the community becomes strained. A c r i t i c a l point i s reached, when one or 7 both of the community components becomes independent of the other or more dependent or interactive with external factors. Internal supports become unbalanced, cohesiveness becomes abrasiveness, and the result i s usually a planning problem of concern to both physical and s o c i a l planners. Chinatown i s a case i n point. C. The Approach. Planning, not without good reason i s often problem oriented. In simple terms, there are two basic processes inherent i n this orientation: understanding the problem; and formulating a solution. The f i r s t process, that of understanding the problem, involves descriptive and analytic techniques, while the second process, formulating a solution, involves analytic and creative techniques. This thesis represents an attempt to apply the f i r s t process to the commercial and s o c i a l core of Chinatown. Before planners can hope to provide plans that can be successful i n terms of comprehensive goal achievement, i t i s clear that they must have a knowledge of the h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and physical variables that have led to the problem becoming apparent. Once equipped with a descriptive and a n a l y t i c a l interpretation of the h i s t o r i c a l development of a problem from i t s o r i g i n to i t s present manifestations, then trends can be discerned, measured i n importance and dependence on one another, related to external pressures, and constraints, and used as the basic input to the second process, that of formulating solutions. 8 In broad terms, this thesis w i l l be divided into three parts. The f i r s t section w i l l provide an h i s t o r i c a l perspective of the development of Chinatown i n Vancouver. I t w i l l touch on the nature of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese c i t y i n the late Ch'ing period, reasons for Chinese emigration, Chinese immigration i n the Vancouver area, and Chinese reactions to western urbanism, apparent i n the growth and development of the complex and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y developed s o c i a l organization common to most overseas Chinese populations, but unique i n comparison to other ethnic enclaves i n North American c i t i e s . The second section of this study w i l l provide a comprehensive s o c i a l , economic and physical inventory of present day Chinatown. I t w i l l discuss a number of s o c i a l and economic indicators i n the Chinatown area i n order to provide a comparison with other areas of the c i t y . The relevance of the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l core of Chinatown to the dispersed Chinese population of Vancouver w i l l also be discussed. An attempt w i l l be made to assess and measure present trends so that their results may be extrapolated. A major part of this section w i l l be devoted to problem discussions. Specific trends and problems w i l l be isolated and discussed i n d e t a i l , with p a r t i c u l a r concern given to their effect on the provision of social-physical planning i n the area. The f i n a l section of this paper w i l l attempt to provide a synthesis of the general principles of change involved i n planning for Chinatown and for i t s new found d i v e r s i t y . D. The L i t e r a t u r e . Although research and l i t e r a t u r e on the overseas Chinese communities of Southeast Asia i s now becoming much more popular, very few h i s t o r i a n s or s o c i o l o g i s t s have been attracted to the same type of research with the Chinese i n North America. Canada's record i n t h i s respect i s e s p e c i a l l y poor. Scholars have been reluctant to undertake t h i s type of research for a number of reasons. The dearth of r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e written h i s t o r i c a l material i s undoubtedly one of the major reasons. What material does ex i s t i s unorganized and scattered. Much of i t i s i n private hands i n the form of l e t t e r s and d i a r i e s , while those records that rest i n the care of o f f i c i a l Chinese organizations are sketchy, lacking i n continuity, and secret. U n t i l the Department of Immigration and the Chinese community come to some agreement regarding the status of Chinese immigrants who entered the country i l l e g a l l y , i t i s u n l i k e l y that much h i s t o r i c a l material w i l l be made available."' Language d i f f i c u l t i e s are of course an obvious problem. Although written material does e x i s t , a vast amount of information of both an h i s t o r i c a l nature and of s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e survives only i n an o r a l t r a d i t i o n . Those scholars who are apt to be interested i n Chinese research usually speak Mandarin i f they speak any Chinese at ^Harry Con, the head of the Shon Yee Society, and one of the top executives of the Chinese Freemasons i s a recent appointee to the Federal Government's Immigration Advisory Board. This and recent amnesty attempts may ease the s i t u a t i o n . i q a l l . Almost a l l of the Chinese i n Canada are from the province of Kwangtung and speak varying dialects of Cantonese. Collecting data of a valuable nature from an ora l t r a d i t i o n i s an exceedingly tedious and time consuming task that i s made even more painstaking by the necessity of working through an interpreter. Although the d i f f i c u l t i e s of obtaining access to written materials and of dealing with the language barrier are s i g n i f i c a n t , they do not adequately explain the almost t o t a l absence of such research i n Canada when compared to the United States. This state of a f f a i r s i s not surprising when viewed i n r e l a t i o n to the longstanding h i s t o r i c a l c o n f l i c t i n American society between the dominant western European ethnic groups and the minority cultures ( p a r t i c u l a r l y Blacks). With the movement of large groups of Puerto-Ricans, Mexicans and Blacks into the major American urban centers, and the development of open violence and urban c o n f l i c t , American researchers have found a f e r t i l e f i e l d both functional and well funded on which to expend their e f f o r t s . In contrast, Canadian minority problems have not dominated our h i s t o r i c a l development (French-Anglo d i f f i c u l t i e s are of a t o t a l l y different nature). For the most part they have remained at a subliminal l e v e l , erupting only sporadically to disturb the national consciousness. A further major reason for the disparity between Canadian and ^The most common dialects are Sae Yip, Toisan and Shekki. These dialects are based on different areas of Canton Province and while they are a l l sub-dialects of Cantonese, they are d i s t i n c t l y different although generally mutually i n t e l l i g i b l e . American i n t e r e s t s i n the overseas Chinese i s that China i t s e l f has always occupied a larger r o l e i n American foreign r e l a t i o n s than i t has i n Canada's sphere of i n t e r e s t . From the middle of the nineteenth century, through the Second World War and up u n t i l the establishment of the People's Republic i n 1949, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l contacts between the United States and China were numerous and generally f r i e n d l y . A f t e r 1949, America's awareness of China changed r a d i c a l l y . Paranoia became more of a spur to the development of i n t e r e s t i n China than friendship had ever been. One f i n a l problem i s that of s p e c i f i c concern to the researcher interested i n Vancouver's Chinatown i s the overexposure that area has had of l a t e . For the past three years Chinatown has been under intensive study from a multitude of government agencies, private i n d i v i d u a l s and the media. This scrutiny has been r e l a t e d to the issues of freeway development, urban renewal and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The r e s u l t has been a dramatic decline i n tolerance on the part of the Chinese population i n the area towards researchers. As t h i s trend continues the opportunities f or an outside observer to c o l l e c t meaningful data diminish. A broad ou t l i n e of the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e that i s of concern to t h i s thesis may be divided into f i v e general categories. 1. Primary Sources. The Asian Studies C o l l e c t i o n at U.B.C. has a f a i r l y good c o l l e c t i o n of l o c a l h i s t o r i e s from the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911 A.D.). 12 These l o c a l h i s t o r i e s , known as fang-chih (^ J,^ -) are i n r e a l i t y both h i s t o r i c a l records and gazetteers of various regions i n China. Nothing on a s i m i l a r scale has ever been attempted by Western h i s t o r i a n s . Although l o c a l h i s t o r i e s were compiled during the T'ang Dynasty (618-906 A.D.), i t was not u n t i l the Yuan (1270-1368 A.D.) and Ming (1368-1644 A.D.) Dynasties that concerted e f f o r t s on a nation-wide scale were made to c o l l e c t such information. During the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1912 A.D.) with which we are concerned, the Ta Ching i-t'ung Chih ( TL ) was completed i n 1744 and covered the l o c a l h i s t o r y and geography of eighteen provinces, 1600 fu ( $ ) , 8 chou ( ^ ) , 9 and hsien (J^)"*"^ as well as f i f t y - s e v e n colonies and t h i r t y t r i b u t a r y 7 l n a d dition to the e f f o r t s of the o f f i c i a l government Bureau of History, many d i s t r i c t s and towns commissioned l o c a l scholars to prepare l o c a l h i s t o r i e s of the area. By the 17th Century there was a standard form for l o c a l h i s t o r i e s and they almost always included the following t h i r t y sections: 1. maps 16. s e l e c t i o n and examination 2. successive change of boundaries 17. s a c r i f i c e s 3. c o n s t e l l a t i o n s and t e r r i t o r y 18. tombs 4. t e r r i t o r y 19. ancient s i t e s 5. mountains and r i v e r s 20. emperors 6. customs 21. famous o f f i c i a l s 7. c i t y walls and moats 22. men of d i s t i n c t i o n 8. r i v e r conservancy 23. f i l i a l and righteous men 9. n o b i l i t y 24. virtuous women 10. population 25. immigrants from other provinces 11. land tax 26. hermits 12. products 27. Immortals and Buddhists 13. o f f i c i a l s 28. men of s k i l l 14. o f f i c i a l buildings 29. l i t e r a t u r e 15. schools 30. miscellaneous topics It i s estimated that there are some 10,400 l o c a l h i s t o r i e s that predate the beginning of the Republican era i n 1912. g An administrative unit usually translated as prefecture. Each fu was composed of several hsien or d i s t r i c t s . 9 An administrative area made up of several f u. "*"^ The smallest administrative unit of the Empire. 13 countries. By using the fang-chih for those l o c a l areas from which most of the Chinese i n Vancouver come,^ i t should be possible with the a id of some secondary sources to examine the nature of urban China at the time most Chinese emigrated. To some extent t h i s w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the values and attitudes towards urban l i f e that the Chinese immigrants must have brought with them. Chinese organizations i n Vancouver ( a l l of which are highly i n a c c e s s i b l e ) , there does e x i s t one other primary source from which some information may be gleaned. From time to time one of the Chinese organizations has published s p e c i a l yearbooks marking any anniversary or other celebration. These yearbooks are useful i n so far as they usually provide a h i s t o r y of the organization. Like a l l primary materials related to Chinatown, these publications are very d i f f i c u l t to f i n d . In most cases only a l i m i t e d number were produced and these were d i s t r i b u t e d to private i n d i v i d u a l s . 2. General Non-Scholarly Sources. Chinese i n Canada (written i n Chinese) books i n t h i s category are These hsien ( d i s t r i c t s ) include Chung Shan, En P'ing, K'ai P'ing Hsin Hwei, and Hsing Ning. David T. H. Lee, A History of Chinese i n Canada ( - j - ) , Vancouver, Chinese Voice, 1967. Apart from personal d i a r i e s , l e t t e r s and the records of With the exception of David Lee's History of Overseas 12 12 in American i n focus. In approach they are usually h i s t o r i c a l l y oriented and provide a broad background to the t r i a l s and t r i b u l a t i o n s of the Chinese population i n the United States. Invariably, they are written by Chinese-Americans and t h e i r bias i s i n places quite subjective i n nature. P r a c t i c a l l y speaking, t h i s category of material i s of interest but of l i t t l e r e a l value to t h i s study. Worthy of note i n 13 this category are Mountain of Gold by Betty Sung and Chinatown 14 U.S.A. by Calvin Lee. 3. Major Scholarly Works. By and large works i n this category are focused on the Chinese communities of Southeast Asia."^ These works, although well removed from the geographical area that i s the focus of this study are important for two main reasons. F i r s t l y , the pattern and structure of a l l overseas Chinese communities are similar at an abstract l e v e l of 16 examination, and secondly, the research methodology used i n these various studies i s of use to other researchers who wish to do related work i n different areas. ' While there seems to be a dearth of major scholarly works 13 Betty Sung, Mountain of Gold, New York, MacMillan & Co., 1967. "^Calvin Lee, Chinatown USS.A., New York, Doubleday & Co., 1965. "''^ See bibliography for details under Amyot, Skinner, Willmot (Donald) and Willmot (William). 16 For further discussion of this question see p. of this study. 15 dealing with the Chinese i n the United States and Canada, there are a number of unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n s and M.A. theses which are available."*"^ Of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t are Nann's Urban Renewal and 18 Relocation of Chinese Community Families and Cho's R e s i d e n t i a l 19 Patterns of Chinese i n Vancouver. 4. P e r i o d i c a l L i t e r a t u r e . Most common of t h i s type of material are a r t i c l e s appearing i n journals of Sociology and Anthropology. The great majority of these a r t i c l e s are concerned with various aspects of Chinese populations i n the United States, although W. Willmott has published several a r t i c l e s 20 s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned with Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver. More recently L a i Chuen-yan at the U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a has published two a r t i c l e s of importance with regard to the Chinese population i n 21 that c i t y . At present there are no major works published i n English on the subject of the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese c i t y i n the Ch'ing Dynasty; however, several geographical journals contain short, diverse a r t i c l e s on various aspects of t h i s t o p i c . ^ S e e bibliography for d e t a i l s under Androcki, Bronson, Erickson, Heyer, Lyman, Wai, and Walhouse. 18 A study done a f t e r urban renewal i n Strathcona, r e l a t i n g the v a r i a b l es involved and the outcome of r e s i d e n t i a l r e l o c a t i o n on the part of displaced residents. 19 A---study of Chinese r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver and of the s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l factors r e l a t e d to i t . 20 See bibliography for a complete l i s t under Willmott (William). 21 See bibliography for a complete l i s t under L a i Chuen-yan. 16 In general l i t e r a t u r e i n the f i e l d of overseas Chinese with reference to North American i s l i m i t e d . What does ex i s t i s diverse i n approach and subject matter; thus, i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to f i n d enough material to pursue one topic i n depth using only secondary sources. 5. Public Documents and Records. This category i s f a i r l y straightforward i n nature and consists of various government reports (Federal, P r o v i n c i a l and Municipal), h i s t o r i c a l documents found i n the municipal archives, and contemporary s t a t i s t i c a l material and records held by d i f f e r e n t agencies and departmentsoof the three l e v e l s of government. Of sp e c i a l importance have been recent reports prepared by various C i t y of Vancouver Departments on p a r t i c u l a r issues of concern. In general, while most of the t h e o r e t i c a l foundations of t h i s study evolve from a thorough knowledge of e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e , a good part of i t i s based on several years' l i v i n g and working experience; most of i t i n Vancouver's Chinatown but also i n the overseas Chinese communities, p a r t i c u l a r l y Malaysia. Non-participant observation i s perhaps the best d e f i n i t i o n of many of the in s i g h t s recorded here. <0neimus£'.;fe^ ''..Ghinese..'t6-be- t r u l y a p a r t i c i p a n t . •"Observation from a fr i n g e p o s i t i o n o f f e r s many views not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e by those i n the center, or those outside with l i m i t e d background i n the structure overseas Chinese communities. 17 I I . THE BACKGROUND The Master said: "To be able to acquire new know-ledge while reviewing the old q u a l i f i e s one as an i n s t r u c t o r of men" (II. 11.) 18 A. The Traditional Chinese City. In recent times (1800 to the present), China has been pictured i n the Western mind as a huge unwieldly nation, a g r i c u l t u r a l l y based and inhabited by m i l l i o n s of t o i l i n g peasants. This view has not always been dominant i n the popular perspective shared by Western observers. Although the seemingly indestructible myth of the unchanging Chinese Empire has no basis i n fact, i t i s true that since the beginning of the i n d u s t r i a l revolution and up u n t i l 1949, Western nations have been subjected to a more rapidly changing s o c i a l and physical environment than the rest of mankind. This acceleration i n our own s o c i a l processes and physical development has distorted our view of other cultures and what we assume to be their s t a b i l i t y . Before the i n d u s t r i a l revolution i n Western Europe, popular attitudes and conceptions of China were much di f f e r e n t . To a feudal Europe, China was an urbanized giant. The c i t y [of Kinsoy (Hangchow)] i s beyond dispute the finest and noblest i n the world....I repeat that everything appertaining to this c i t y i s on so vast a scale...that i t i s not easy to put into w r i t i n g , and i t seems past b e l i e f to one who merely hears i t t o l d . 2 2 Bishop Andrew of Perugia writing from China i n 1326 found China undescribable: Henry Yule and Henri Cordier, The Book of S i r Marco Polo, London, Murray, 1921, p. 185. As to the wealth, splendour, and glory of t h i s great emperor, the vastness of h i s dominion, the multitudes of people subject to him, the number and greatness of h i s c i t i e s and the c o n s t i t u t i o n of the empire within which no man dares to draw a sword against h i s neighbour, I w i l l say nothing because i t would be a long matter to write and would seem i n c r e d i b l e to those who heard i t . Even I who am here i n the country do hear things averred of i t that I can scarcely believe.23 With regard to the s o c i a l l i f e i n Chinese c i t i e s , e a rly European t r a v e l l e r s give us the following account. In 851 A.D. an Arabic source documents: Whether poor or r i c h , young or adult, a l l Chinese l e a r n to trace the characters and write... When the cost of l i v i n g increases, the government issues food from i t s reserves and s e l l s i t at l e s s than market p r i c e so e f f e c t i v e l y that the high cost of l i v i n g does not l a s t long with them.... If a man i s poor, he receives from the Treasury the cost for the remedy [of h i s i l l n e s s ] . . . . In each town there i s a school master for the i n s t r u c t i o n of the 'poor and t h e i r c h i l d r e n ; [these school-masters] are supported at the expense of the Treasury... China i s more healthy [than India]....One never sees a blindman, a c r i p p l e , or an i n f i r m person there, whereas many of them are found i n I n d i a . 2 ^ Bishop Andrew already quoted above makes t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g point about r e l i g i o n : 'Henry Yule and Henri Cordier, Cathay and the Way Thither Vol. I l l , London, Hakluyt Society, 1916, p. 72. Abhar as-Sin Wa 1-Hind, Relation de l a Chine et de 1'iEhde, redigee  en 851, Jean Sauvaget, (trans.), P a r i s , Societe d'Edition, "Les Belles L e t t r e s " , 1948, pp. 17, 18, 21, 26, i n Derek Bodde, China's  C u l t u r a l T r a d i t i o n : What and Whither, New York, Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1947, p. 4. 2Q T i s a fa c t that i n t h i s vast empire, there are people of every nation under heaven, and of every sect and a l l and sundry are allowed to l i v e f r e e l y according to t h e i r creed. For they hold t h i s opinion or rather t h i s erroneous view, that everyone can f i n d s a l v a t i o n i n h i s own r e l i g i o n . Howbeit we are at l i b e r t y to preach without l e t or hindrance.^5 Even the f i e l d of medicare would seem to be not new as t h i s 1585 A.D. account seems to i n d i c a t e : But i f i t [a c r i p p l e d or s i c k c h i l d ] hath no parents, or they be so poore that they cannot contribute nor supply any part thereof; then doth the king maintain them i n v e r i e ample manner of his own costes i n h o s p i t a l s , v e ries sumptuous, that he hathe i n everie c i t i e throughout h i s kingdom for the same e f f e c t and purpose: i n the same hospitales are likewise maintayned a l l such needie and olde men as have spent a l l t h e i r youth i n the wars and are not able to maintaine themselves.^6 This would seem to be no mean feat as Marco Polo points out i n a si n g l e province: For I t e l l you there i s no doubt that i n the vast province of Manyi are altogether quite 1200 c i t i e s besides castl e s and towns of which there are a great-quantity a l l f a i r and r i c h . . . ^ 7 Henry Yule and Henri Cordier, Cathay and the Way Thither Vol. I l l , p. 74. 'G. T. Staunton (ed.), The H i s t o r i e of the Great and Mightie Kingdom  of China, London, Hakluyt Society Publications, Old Series V ol. ILV-XV 1853-54, i n Donald Lack, China i n the Eyes of Europe: The  Sixteenth Century, Chicago, Un i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1965, p. 775. A. Moule and Paul P e l l i o t * Marco Polo-Description of the World, i n "Chinese C i t i e s : Origins and Functions," Annals of the Association  of American Geographers. Vol. 42, 1, March, 1952, p. 82. 21 From the e a r l i e s t times the development of Chinese c i v i l -i z a t i o n can be traced from the growth of towns and c i t i e s on the boundaries of the Empire's expansion. Trewartha has put forward the theory that Chinese expansion was c e l l u l a r . C i t i e s were ba s i c a l l y elements of government and administration and each c e l l 28 consisted of a r u r a l area administered from a walled c i t y . Probably i n no other country has p o l i t i c a l influence i n c i t y development operated i n such pure fashion and at the same time so strongly and so continuously through centuries as i n China. 2 9 The importance of a c i t y was not measured i n wealth or size 30 but by the rank of the o f f i c i a l residing there. The lowest l e v e l of government, and the most numerous type of c i t y was the Hsien c a p i t a l . A Hsien was roughly equal to an English county and the Hsien c a p i t a l served as the administrative and m i l i t a r y center for the surrounding r u r a l area. I t was usually the largest urban center within the Hsien, and i t was here that the wealthier gentry from the l o c a l i t y took up residence. As the major l o c a l administrative center, 28 Glen Trewartha, "Chinese C i t i e s : Origins and Functions", Annals of  the Association of American Geographers, March, 1952, pp. 70-71. 2 9 I b i d . pp. 82-83. 3 0 I b i d . p. 84. 22 i t became the focal point of transport, trade and industry. I t was from the Hsien c a p i t a l that goods, services, government and culture were disseminated to the smaller market towns located i n the surrounding countryside. The market towns provided the essential l i n k between the Hsien c a p i t a l and the r u r a l v i l l a g e s and peasant 31 households. The Hsien capitals were almost exclusively located i n lowland areas, suitable for agriculture, where concentrations of 32 population were usually the highest. In form there was no i d e n t i f i a b l e business d i s t r i c t ; commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l uses were completely mixed, and more often than not located i n the same 33 building. The Chinese Empire was not a federation. I t was a highly centralized state throughout most of i t s history, having a single centralized bureaucracy. This i s of course a broad generalization as there were long periods when central authority was minimal or non-existant; however, i t i s essential to grasp the concept that there was no urban government i n China at the l o c a l l e v e l . The Hsien or county was the lowest l e v e l of central government. No special urban administrative structure existed. Hsien government existed for the Hsien as a whole and the urbanized areas within the Hsien received 31 Doak Barnett, Notes on Local Government i n Szechuan, In s t i t u t e of Current World A f f a i r s , Report 15, p. 38. 32 Sen-dou Chang, "Some Aspects of the Urban Geography of the Chinese Hsien Capital", Annals of the Association of American Geographers, March, 1961, p. 30. 33 Ibid., p. 37. 23 no s p e c i a l consideration. The c i t y of Canton, a major urban center, during the Ch'ing Dynasty provides an excellent example of t h i s p r a c t i c e . Canton, was the seat of several l e v e l s of government during the l a t t e r part of the Ch'ing Dynasty. A Viceroy and s t a f f administered the two provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangsi; a Governor and s t a f f administered the province of Kwangtung, a Trade Commissioner and s t a f f existed independently of the Viceroy and the Governor, and reported d i r e c t l y to Peking on matters dealing with foreigners; a prefect and s t a f f were responsible for the o v e r a l l administration of the fourteen Hsien i n the Canton area; and two Hsien O f f i c e r s administered the two d i f f e r e n t Hsien into which Canton was divided. Canton, the c i t y , did not e x i s t as a separate administrative e n t i t y . The two Hsien o f f i c e r s , administered t h e i r respective parts of the c i t y as inherent parts of the greater r u r a l counties for which they were responsible. In the absence of government geared to problems p e c u l i a r to urban conglomerations, l o c a l power passed by default to a v a r i e t y of organizations based on clan, v i l l a g e , g u i l d , f r a t e r n a l or secret structures. A system of u n o f f i c i a l government with varying l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s developed below the o f f i c i a l Imperial structure. The Imperial government r a r e l y i n t e r f e r e d unless i t s own prestige or authority was threatened. These voluntary associations provided some of the basic urban services. They sponsored schools, l i b r a r i e s , reading rooms, held u n o f f i c i a l courts providing almost a l l of the c i v i l 24 law i n the country, as w e l l as providing health, welfare, marriage and funeral assistance to the i r members. Many had their own h a l l s and meeting places. Guilds provided and enforced their own weights and measures, terms of employment and determined the street location of the a c t i v i t i e s of the i r members. Central government o f f i c i a l s were few i n number and could never hope to keep up with the various r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and demands of urban l i f e . By providing some recognition for the associations and the u n o f f i c i a l government they provided, the,sparse imperial 34 o f f i c i a l s were able to maximize their impact on the populace. The ordinary Chinese peasant farmer had l i t t l e or no experience with urban l i f e . At best, he had tales of the big c i t y i n his d i s t r i c t , had had some experience with the l o c a l market town, and was d i r e c t l y concerned with his own v i l l a g e . China i s a large country, and i n t r a d i t i o n a l times (as even now) custom and s o c i a l organization could d i f f e r markedly from province to province. In Kwantung Province whence most North American Chinese originate, lineages tended to coincide with v i l l a g e s . I t was not uncommon to have whole v i l l a g e s of "Wongs" or " L i s " with no other surname represented. A l l of the residents i n this type of v i l l a g e would be related i n some way. I t i s often at this point that we run into the popular western conception of the Chinese extended family. I t should be stressed that families of twenty or t h i r t y l i v i n g under one roof existed only i n the upper class, where there was wealth to support 34 ' Ezra Vogel, Canton Under Communism: Programs and P o l i t i c s i n a  Pro v i n c i a l Capital^, 1949-1968. Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press, 1969, p. 5. such a system. The average farm household i n Kwangtung Province 34a ranged from 4.9 to 7.6 i n d i v i d u a l s . Lineages such as those i n the v i l l a g e s of Kwangtung varied i n s i z e from hundreds to thousands of members. They were e s s e n t i a l l y l o c a l p o l i t i c a l organizations and f e l l within the pattern of u n o f f i c i a l government mentioned e a r l i e r . Each lineage organization had an ancestral h a l l , which as the seat of power was the place of decision making i n v o l v i n g the head of the lineage and the heads of the sub-lineages. In the d a i l y l i f e of the v i l l a g e , there were always disputes of varying degrees of seriousness - violence, seizure of property, adultery, gambling and quarrels. The lineage developed as an i n s t i t u t i o n of i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l . It also acted as the external representative of i t s members i n negotiations with the government and with other lineages. Such matters as a l l o c a t i n g shares of taxes to be paid to the government by i n d i v i d u a l members, the c o l l e c t i o n of contributions for the common good, (schools, welfare, h o s p i t a l s , and fun e r a l s ) , management of common ancestral property, and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of grain during times 34b of famine were a l l functions of the lineage. The government encouraged the development of more e f f i c i e n t and comprehensive lineages as a means of c o l l e c t i n g revenue and keeping control with the minimum of o f f i c i a l s . In larger v i l l a g e s and towns where, several 34a Cheng, "The Myth of Chinese Family Size," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XLVII, May, 1943, p. 19." 34b Freedman, Lineage Organization i n S.E. China, New York, Athlone Press, 1965, p. 67-68. lineages .were involved, voluntary and secret s o c i e t i e s transcended clan boundaries. In large c i t i e s where numerous Chinese gathered, there would be p r o v i n c i a l , d i s t r i c t and d i a l e c t associations i f the numbers of Chinese from d i f f e r e n t areas were great enough to support them. In the v i l l a g e s , voluntary s o c i e t i e s tended to be mutual a i d (money lending), parental b u r i a l s o c i e t i e s , various co-operatives for the manufacture of c e r t a i n a g r i c u l t u r e products-,- boxing clubs and music clubs. In areas such as Kwangtung, where hydraulic a g r i c u l t u r e was 34c common, i r r i g a t i o n s o c i e t i e s based on co-operative help f l o u r i s h e d . B. The Ethnic Enclave Ethnic d i v e r s i t y within the urban system i s usually the most c o l o u r f u l and the most obvious of the various sub-systems that e x i s t i n modern c i t i e s . I t also usually has the greatest impact on the planner. Ethnic areas tend to be located i n low income r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s of the c i t y . These areas of older and sometimes bligh t e d housing ( i f 'not blighted, at l e a s t i n need of repair) are located on the fringes of the inner c i t y core. They are very prone to f a l l v i c t i m to o f f i c e , commercial, h i g h - r i s e , freeway and public housing development. Given the frequency of such s i t u a t i o n s , the d i s t a s t e on the part of the urban middle class for these "blighted areas", the r e l a t i v e l y closed s o c i a l structure of such ethnic communities 34c I b i d . , p. 93. the dependence of residents of ethnic enclaves on their community and i t s amenities, the resident's r e l a t i v e lack of verbal, l i t e r a r y educational economic, and other s o c i a l resources to serve as a defense i n time of community c r i s i s , the recent recognition on the part of the government for some form of meaningful c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning decisions, and the ever-present pressure to use public money when i t i s available, the r e s u l t i s usually a planning problem of unusual magnitude. The o r i g i n of the ethnic enclave has i t s roots i n immigration. Immigration i s as old as nomadic man; no matter what the c i t y or the century, r e s i d e n t i a l patterns have been imprinted to an undefined extent by ethnic background. In the pre- i n d u s t r i a l c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l location was a function of occupation and class. I t was very common to find the streets segregated by trade ( i . e . the Street of the Goldsmiths), and the quarters of the c i t y divided by s o c i a l status. Yet even i n the pre- i n d u s t r i a l c i t y there was usually a section of the c i t y favoured by aliens who resided by ethnic group. Today, i n the modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i t y where r e s i d e n t i a l patterns are a function of many different variables (income, family type, place of work) we s t i l l find the ethnic enclave. I t i s clear that certain very basic variables continue to operate when immigrant groups s e t t l e i n an urban area. In Canada those immigrant groups that tend to group together i n the modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d environment are those with strong r u r a l or small v i l l a g e backgrounds. Usually, they come from underindustrialized za or non-industrialized societies. In Vancouver, the It a l i a n s and Greeks would be examples of immigrants from the f i r s t category while the Chinese and East Indians are examples from the second category. It can be readily seen that these groups would find d i f f i c u l t y i n adjusting to urban l i f e within their own society. Canadian society provides many more complexities. Urban research i n the 1920's and 30's, when many of the now stable enclaves were beginning to form, postulated the theory that the ethnic community was a gigantic s o c i o l o g i c a l defense mechanism 35 which f a c i l i t a t e d the survival and adjustment of the immigrants. One characteristic of immigration from r u r a l based societies i s i t s k i n and l o c a l i t y s p e c i f i c orientation. A v i l l a g e i n most a g r i c u l t u r a l societies i s a t i g h t l y knit s o c i a l unit. When one family emigrates from the v i l l a g e to another places strong t i e s are usually maintained for at least one generation. The v i l l a g e , i n any si t u a t i o n where emigration has become a desired means to an end, thus has contacts which can f a c i l i t a t e further emigration. These contacts often follow k i n and clan l i n e s . Relatives tend to motivate and sponsor other r e l a t i v e s , who, i n turn motivate and sponsor more 36 r e l a t i v e s . Willmott has termed this process "chain migration". When immigrants are from t r a d i t i o n a l societies where extended family ~35 Judith Kramer, The American Minority Community. New York, Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1970, p. 81. 36 W. Willmott, "The Study of Chinese i n B.C.," B. C. Studies No. 4 Spring, 1970, p. 42. 29 t i e s are maintained over generations, t h i s chain can be never-ending. The r e s u l t of t h i s has been that the Chinese population of Vancouver i s almost t o t a l l y from f i v e small counties i n the southeast corner of Kwangtung Province. Freedman has pointed out that the^lineage structure. and the l o c a l geography of Kwangtung were c l o s e l y r e l a t e d . In the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung, however, the lineage and the v i l l a g e tended markedly to coincide, so that many v i l l a g e s consisted of s i n g l e lineages.-^ 7 This phenomena reinforces the desire of the ethnic group to l i v e together and f a c i l i t a t e s contacts and t i e s with the homeland and i n the new community. Established and f a m i l i a r k i n or lineage groupings within the immigrant community allow the new a r r i v a l to f i n d an immediate and pre-determined place i n the s o c i a l structure. This place i s not created for i t already existed; i t i s only f i l l e d . The new a r r i v a l already has a system of r e l a t i o n s h i p s which pre-govern his a c t i v i t i e s . External pressure i s also a major force i n l i m i t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n to a s p e c i f i c area of the c i t y . The external bonds of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and s o c i a l unacceptability are strong constraints on the a c t i v i t i e s of the f i r s t generation immigrant. While k i n oriented i n t e r a c t i o n , and the l o c a l l y s p e c i f i c nature of immigration were major factors contributing to the support of i n t e r n a l ethnocentricity i n ethnic enclaves, i t has been suggested that the two variables of 37 M. Freedman, Lineage Organization i n South East China, London, Athlone Press, 1958, p. 1. 30 internal ethnocentricity and external discrimination were mutually reinforcing. The harsh s o c i a l environment of the c i t y has tended to foster a greater need for emotional supports by the family to cushion the blows of the outside world.38 In more recent research, the role played by discrimination has been challenged: :£ The existence of this ethnic island amidst the teeming l i f e of a modern c i t y i s usually attributed to ethnocentrism. Although sinophophic pressure might explain the existence of a segregated r e s i d e n t i a l quarter for people r a c i a l l y v i s i b l e and c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t , i t does not account for the long maintenance of separate autonomous p o l i t i c a l and le g a l i n s t i t u t i o n s within the isolated community. Moreover, Chinatowns are found wherever"Chineset have migrated and they appear to thrive even i n the absence of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . ^ It would appear that discrimination i s at most a l i k e l y i n i t i a t o r y factor i n the formation of ethnic enclaves. I t i s only one factor that adds impetus and strength to the enclave i n the formative stages but may l a t e r disappear without threatening the v i a b i l i t y of the enclave process. Trends i n large Chinatowns such as New York, San Francisco and now Vancouver suggest that the enclave may be buttressed i n the absence of external discrimination by a new James Beshers, Urban Social Structure, New York, Free Press of Glencoe, 1962, p. 43. Stanford Lyman, Chinese Social Organization i n Nineteenth Century  America, Unpub. Ph.D. Thesis, University of C a l i f o r n i a , p. 1. / / / 31 and younger form of ethnocentrlsm. This new form manifests i t s e l f i n the appearance of groups of second generation Chinese usually u n i v e r s i t y students who speak l i t t l e Chinese but who flount t h e i r "Chineseness" i n search of i d e n t i t y . A common theme for discussion i n such c i r c l e s concerns "what i t means to be Chinese." These groups often r e i n f o r c e and j u s t i f y t h e i r motivations by harping back to past i n j u s t i c e s and discriminations. immigrants, p a r t i c u l a r l y those from a r u r a l background, were u n s k i l l e d and unable to cope with the s p e c i a l i z e d d i v i s i o n of labour demanded by a modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d urban society. Kramer has made the point that the immigrants were tolerated for the exp l o i t a t i o n . o f t h e i r labour i n these occupations, and the low-paying menial nature of t h i s employ-ment reinforced t h e i r s o c i a l segregation. The following two tables contrast the Chinese immigrant's p o s i t i o n . Before the establishment of Canada's new immigration p o l i c i e s , i n c e r t a i n e s s e n t i a l but disvalued s e r v i c e s . 40 'They were concentrated Table I Occupations of Adult Male Chinese i n B.C. 1885 41 Railway construction Mining Farming Canning and m i l l i n g Personal service and labour 3500 2240 800 660 1100 (approx.) 40 Kramer, op. c i t p. 80. 41, Canada Census, 1891. 3 2 Table II Occupations of Employed Chinese i n Canada 42 Over the Age of Ten 1921 Personal service and labour 24,495 Agr i c u l t u r e 3303 Fishing, logging and mining 1522 Transportation, commerce and finance 2898 Professional service 121 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the s i m i l a r i t y between these menial functions i n an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society and the non-status occupations i n the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society. Entry into legitimate occupational groupings i n the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c i t y was based for the most part on b i r t h ; i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society i t i s based on s k i l l and technological knowledge. In i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society with a r e l a t i v e l y open class system and an ethic of upward mobility, the non-status occupations have been l e f t to a pool of immigrants. The economic r e a l i t i e s of the non-status occupations has been a paramount factor i n l i m i t i n g immigrantggroups to the older, low income'districts of the urban environment. These are areas of the c i t y that are in c r e a s i n g l y seen as undesirable by the middle and higher income communities of the c i t y . Often because of the vagaries of immigration movements and the l i m i t e d areas of low r e n t a l housing i n our c i t i e s , many immigrant groups i n succession may claim, at d i f f e r e n t times, the same portion of the c i t y . Strathcona, the 42 Canada. Decenniel Census, 1921. Chinatown of Vancouver, has been occupied i n succession by Anglo-Saxons, Jews, Slavs, I t a l i a n s and Chinese. In general i t i s clear that ethnic enclaves are not perfect reproductions of the t r a d i t i o n a l societies from which the immigrants came. Kramer states: It i s not a re-creation of the o r i g i n a l community found i n the old country, but an adaption to minority status. A way of l i f e evolves out of t r a d i t i o n a l patterns to meet the problems presented by the surrounding and a l i e n society. Once established, this way of l i f e tends to perpetuate i t s e l f . 4 3 The major reason that ethnic enclaves perpetuate themselves i s that they remain functional. As long as immigration (given no drastic change i n the type of immigrant) continues at a s u f f i c i e n t l e v e l to sustain the community's population, the functional nature of the enclave w i l l assert i t s e l f , and generate the inte r n a l strength necessary to r e s i s t external pressures. Even i f immigration ceases, the enclave w i l l usually have the a b i l i t y to survive a f u l l generation. This i s a r e l a t i v e l y long time i n terms of immediate pressures for urban redevelopment. One researcher, i n investigating the functions provided by the ethnic enclave has isolated three main " c u l t u r a l i l l s suffered by the immigrant and eased by the enclave. He describes the immigrant as _ Kramer, op. c i t . , p. 81. 34 being depayse (homesick and removed from the i r f a m i l i a r environment), declasse (without status and suffering shock from this l o s s ) , and „ . ; 44 derancine (disoriented because of profound uprooting of values,) In describing how the ethnic enclave functions to cushion these impacts, he states: ... status i n the immigrant community gives him self-respect and s t a b i l i t y , here his marginality i s eased because i t i s shared by others i n a l i k e s i t u a t i o n . The immigrant community's culture gradually changes and provides him with a c u l t u r a l framework.^5 Although immigration i s the root cause at the beginning of ethnic r e s i d e n t i a l groupings i n Canadian c i t i e s , i t i s only one of the sustaining forces behind the continuance of such groupings. Three different situations can be isolated with regard to the present status of ethnic enclaves: f i r s t l y , where immigration has ceased so that the enclave i t s e l f i s changing i n nature or slowly disappearing; secondly, where immigration has d r a s t i c a l l y changed i n nature, causing the enclave to r a d i c a l l y change or s p l i n t e r ; and t h i r d l y , where the enclave i s continuing to receive new immigrants of the same mold to replace those that are dying and being assimilated. The l a t t e r two of these situations are not mutually exclusive; although one circumstance or the other usually predominates. Stonequist, "The Marginal Man: A Study of Personality and Culture C o n f l i c t , " Contributions to Urban Sociology, Burgess and Bogue (eds.) Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1964, pp. 334-335. Loc. c i t . 35) In Vancouver, immigration of Chinese has continued, a f t e r an almost three-decade c u t - o f f , however, i t has d e f i n i t e l y changed i n nature, r e s u l t i n g i n severe s t r a i n s on the structure of the established community and on the dominant host society. These changes have disvalued the t r a d i t i o n a l f unctionsiof the enclave and thus challenged the structure that delivered them. The consequences of these changes w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r section of t h i s study. In examining various reasons why ethnic enclaves have remained stable i n the face of i n d i v i d u a l mobility and the immigrant-a s s i m i l a t i o n syndrome, one B r i t i s h planner has written: It i s , I think, a mistake to conceive the a s s i m i l a t i o n of immigrants i n terms of two cultures: the dominant culture of America, represented by c i t y l i f e and the culture of the r u r a l society from which they came. The c i t y contains sub-cultures as stable and v i a b l e as the conventional norms, and i t i s to one of those sub-cultures that the newcomer i s f i r s t introduced. The more su c c e s s f u l l y he becomes integrated i n i t , the more d i f f i c u l t i t becomes to i n t e r e s t him i n the values of the dominant c u l t u r e . 4 ^ With regard to Canadian c i t i e s i t should be pointed out that many of them are very young. Vancouver has not yet reached i t s own centenary. In many instances ethnic enclaves are s t i l l s o l i d l y based on the f i r s t wave of immigrants, and i t i s yet too soon to accurately forecast what the long term future w i l l be. Peter Marris, "A Report on Urban Renewal i n the U.S.", i n The  Urban Condition, Leonard Duhl, (ed.), New York, Basic Books, 1963, pp. 121-125. 36 C.. Overseas Chinese Communities. Wherever Chinese have emigrated i n numbers s u f f i c i e n t to be v i s i b l e , a unique but uni v e r s a l s o c i a l organization has been established within the host society. The form of t h i s s o c i a l organization, whether i n Singapore, P a r i s , or San Francisco, i s characterized by an extremely complex, interlocked, and segmented s o c i a l structure. Two uni v e r s a l , and perhaps the most basic b u i l d i n g blocks of t h i s s o c i a l system are the clan and l o c a l i t y associations. As has been pointed out e a r l i e r , each Chinese male immigrant r e l i e d on his lineage at home to support h i s family. He, i n turn, supported the lineage and his family from h i s place of sojourn-;'..-While away, the immigrant's place and status within the lineage was maintained. In overseas Chinese communities, Chinese of the same surname formed s o c i e t i e s based on a t h e o r e t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between one another. These clan or surname s o c i e t i e s are broad extensions of the lineage system adapted to foreign circumstances. As there are only about one hundred surnames i n China, of which only t h i r t y are r e a l l y common, the formation of v i a b l e .socieites with s u f f i c i e n t numbers i s not d i f f i c u l t where large numbers of Chinese are gathered. In cases where the population of c e r t a i n surnames i s low, two or more surnames often j o i n together to form a j o i n t society. In these instances, a t r a d i t i o n a l (but often f a n c i f u l ) precedent for the j o i n i n g of the clans i s found i n the h i s t o r y or f o l k l o r e of China. Each immigrant also maintained strong t i e s with h i s native v i l l a g e or ancestral home. These t i e s gave r i s e to the formation of l o c a l i t y associations i n overseas Chinese communities. Although the great majority of Chinese i n Canada came from the province of Kwangtung, and speak Cantonese, the same i s not true of the overseas Chinese communities i n South-East Asia. In Southern China, from which almost a l l overseas China come, there are numerous d i a l e c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . These d i a l e c t s are mutually u n i n t e l l i g i b l e i n spoken form, and the formation of l o c a l i t y associations overseas generally corresponded with d i v i s i o n s i n the speech communities i n China. On the basis of these two organizational c r i t e r i a , (clan and l o c a l i t y of o r i g i n ) , i t can be c l e a r l y seen that the structure of overseas Chinese communities are cross cut into overlapping segments. For example, while the L i s and the Wongs and the Changs might each have t h e i r own clan society, the same L i s , Wongs and Changs could be intermixed i n l o c a l i t y associations. While these broad p r i n c i p l e s of overseas Chinese community organization are s i m i l a r wherever Chinese have emigrated, each community i s unique i n i t s s p e c i a l arrangement. The actual points of segmentation and the exact • c r i t e r i a (for defining a s s o c i a t i o n a l membership) used vary greatly from one c i t y to another, and even i n the same place over time, and depend on the immigration h i s t o r y , the r e l a t i v e numbers from various l o c a l i t i e s with d i f f e r e n t surnames, and the existence of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s held by p o t e n t i a l communities. 4 7 Lawrence W. Crissman, "The Segmentary Structures of Urban Overseas Chinese Communities", Man, June, 1967, p. 191. A t h i r d major type of Chinese organization contributing to the structure of overseas communities i s the f r a t e r n a l a s s o c i a t i o n . For the most part, the f r a t e r n a l s o c i e t i e s had t h e i r roots i n the secret s o c i e t i e s of China. Secret s o c i e t i e s were very common i n China, and were p a r t i c u l a r l y active and i n f l u e n t i a l during periods of foreign r u l e . A f t e r the Manchu conquest (1644), the secret s o c i e t i e s i n Fuchow and Kwangtung Provinces were notorious for t h e i r opposition towards the new dynasty. One of the most famous of these secret organizations, the Triad Society, was responsible through i t s varied and numerous sects, sub-sects and s p l i n t e r groups, for the establishment of several s o c i e t i e s i n various overseas communities. In B r i t i s h Columbia, the most prominent society of t h i s type was the Chih-kung T'ang (Chi Gung T'ong). The f i r s t chapter of the Chih-kung T'ang was established i n B a r k e r v i l l e i n 1862. The society quickly spread to other gold mining towns, and by 1903 a complete h i e r a r c h i c a l order existed i n p r o v i n c i a l , regional and l o c a l 48 d i v i s i o n s . Early i n the twentieth century, to gain r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and to r e f l e c t the changing nature of the organization, the name was changed to the "Chinese Freemasons". Another f r a t e r n a l society, the Kuomintang, has i t s roots i n a twentieth century p o l i t i c a l movement. The K.M.T. (N a t i o n a l i s t Party) formed by Sun Yat-Sen found many sympathetic supporters among Stanford Lyman, W. E. Willmott, and B. Ho, "Rules of a Chinese secret Society i n B r i t i s h Columbia:, B u l l e t i n of the School of  O r i e n t a l and A f r i c a n Studies, Vol. XXVII, Part 3, 1964, p. 1. 39 the overseas Chinese. The Republican Revolution of 1911, r e s u l t i n g i n the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty (Ch'ing) received s u b s t a n t i a l f i n a n c i a l support from the prosperous overseas Chinese communities. The two major f r a t e r n a l organizations i n Vancouver's Chinatown (Chinese Freemasons and the K.M.T.) have e s s e n t i a l l y been p o l i t i c a l i n nature. This p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t has been focused on China, and very r a r e l y have Canadian considerations played a major r o l e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the two f r a t e r n a l associations i n Chinatown i s for the most part governed by emnity stemming from past competitive aspirations i n early twentieth century Chinese p o l i t i c s . While the events that have shaped t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p are long forgotten i n China, l o c a l issues and the p o s i t i o n taken on them by various groups i n Chinatown can r e f l e c t h i s t o r i c a l concerns rather than modern Vancouver r e a l i t i e s . I t i s t h i s "temporal feedback" within the dynamics of the Chinese community that adds a complex dimension to Chinatown's varied reactions to present l o c a l urban issues. In some overseas Chinese communities, a fourth type of organization, best described as an umbrella group or peak association, has evolved. In Vancouver t h i s organization i s known as the Chinese Benevolent Association. It grew out of a need for the various associations to present a consolidated front when dealing o f f i c i a l l y or s e m i - o f f i c i a l l y with representatives.of the outside community. The Chinese Benevolent Association was generally i n the forefront i n campaigns against discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n and r e s t r i c t i v e immigration . p o l i c i e s and regulations. It also served the function of providing a public forum where i n t e r n a l community disputes, i n v o l v i n g d i f f e r e n t clan or l o c a l i t y associations could be a i r e d and compromise reached. A f i f t h category of associations prominent i n many of the larger Chinatowns i s the c u l t u r a l society. These most often take the form of musical, drama clubs, and i n more recent times, Kung-Fu or, boxing clubs. Their membership i s open and they perform both obvious and s p e c i f i c functions as well as other l e s s d i r e c t functions which w i l l be further discussed i n Section III of the study. The various t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s served important functions during the e a r l i e r phases of Chinese settlement i n the overseas communities. In an immigrant community, that was predominantly male and considered by i t s members to be temporary, the associations provided the centers of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y as well as avenues of contact with home and family. They provided a welcome for new immigrants, hostels for transient workers, acted as employment agencies, lending i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n t e r n a l community courts and executors of estates i n case of death. D. Comparison of the T r a d i t i o n a l C i t y and the Overseas Community. To a casual observer, i t would appear at f i r s t glance that there could be very l i t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the organizational structure of overseas Chinese communities and the s o c i a l structure found i n t r a d i t i o n a l urban China. Chinese immigrants were, for the most part, from r u r a l areas and c a r r i e d with them only v i c a r i o u s experience of urban l i v i n g . Experiencing the c i t y for the f i r s t time, i n a foreign land, amongst a society with r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l values and an e n t i r e l y new s o c i a l framework, the average Chinese immigrant had to adapt h i s s o c i a l structure to meet the demands of t h i s unique p o s i t i o n . In f a c t , t h i s adaptation on the part of overseas Chinese took on a very s i m i l a r form to the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese urban structure. There are a number of reasons to account for t h i s phenomena. T r a d i t i o n a l China, while supporting a common e l i t e culture (The Great Tradition) based on the spoken and written language of the c e n t r a l bureaucracy, was far from a homogeneous nation. Cantonese, r e s i d i n g i n Peking, or Fukinese l i v i n g i n Shanghai were i n almost as foreign environment as i f they were overseas. Most often they went without t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of inland t r a v e l when compared to t r a n s - P a c i f i c steamship t r a v e l , they were often more cut o f f than those Chinese who went across the sea. In the large c i t i e s of t r a d i t i o n a l China, groups of immigrants from d i f f e r e n t provinces or areas of the empire began to monopolize 49 c e r t a i n trades or l i n e s of commerce. These "f o r e i g n " Chinese grouped together i n p r o v i n c i a l communities based on both s i m i l a r occupation and place of o r i g i n . Merchant, c r a f t guilds and p r o v i n c i a l associations were the most common formal organizational expressions of these p r o v i n c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s . 49" L. Crissman, "The Segmentary Structure of Urban Overseas Chinese Communities, Man, new seri e s 2, June 1967, p. 200. 42 Another s i m i l a r i t y between the s o c i a l organization of the t r a d i t i o n a l c i t y and the overseas Chinese community has already been dealt with i n a preceeding chapter. Crissman summarizes: The o f f i c i a l government of the c i t i e s i n which they l i v e d , as well as that of a l l China was also closed to non-elite urban classes. Government was imposed from above.... Considering the size of these populations and the small s t a f f s magistrates had to aid them, there i s not doubt that Chinese c i t i e s were just as autonomous and self-governing as the r u r a l population or the Chinese l i v i n g i n c i t i e s abroad. From th i s i t can be c l e a r l y seen that the t r a d i t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n i s quite p a r a l l e l to the self-governing nature of overseas Chinese enclaves. The h i s t o r i c a l role of the Chinese Benevolent Association i n Vancouver, and i t s legitimacy as perceived the three levels of Canadian Government to negotiate and represent Chinatown, i s an example of the recognition that was given to the semi-autonomous status of the Chinese community. E. Chinese Immigration to Canada. The l a t t e r half of the nineteenth century was a period of almost unparalleled s o c i a l and physical disruption i n South-Eastern China. The impact of the western technological powers had abruptly deflated 2500 years of Chinese c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l supremacy i n Ibid. p. 202. 43 Asia. Defeats i n the Anglo-Chinese wars of the 1840s f a t a l l y damaged the Chinese world view undermining both i t s i n t e r n a l p h i l o s o p h i c a l and administrative supports. Nowhere i n China was the Western influence so apparent as i n Kwangtung Province. It was here that the B r i t i s h claimed Hong Kong as the s p o i l s of war, and from Hong Kong ships of a l l flags t r a v e l l e d the world: with them went the Chinese emigrant. Although there was a law i n China to discourage emigration: A l l o f f i c e r s of government, s o l i d e r s , and p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s , who clandestinely proceed to sea to trade or who remove to foreign islands for the purpose of in h a b i t i n g and c u l t i v a t i n g the same s h a l l be punished according to the law against communicating with rebels and enemies and consequently suff e r death by being beheaded..."^ a number of push and p u l l factors combined to cause massive emigration. Chinese i n Kwangtung Province had already, a long h i s t o r y of seasonal migration to Formosa and a s o c i a l structure i n t h e i r v i l l a g e s that had adapted to t h i s movement. During the 1840s a combination of floods, famines, and war served to bring about a severe collapse i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l economy of Southeast China. At the same time population continued to s p i r a l upwards r a p i d l y . Throughout China's h i s t o r y , one of the major functions S i r George T. Staunton (trans.), Fundamental Laws and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes of the Penal Code of China, (Ta Tsing  Leu Lee) i n MacNair, "The Relation of China to her Nationals Abroad", The Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Science Review, Vol. VII, Jan. 1923, pp. 543-544. 44 of the administration was the control, planning, and maintenance of the waterways and dikes upon which the practise of hydraulic 52 agriculture depends. Internal s t r i f e on any large scale was always accompanied by a decline i n waterway maintenance, and was the direct result of flooding and consequent crop f a i l u r e and famine. The Taiping Rebellion of 1850-64 devastated much of the countryside 53 i n Southeast China and l e f t twenty m i l l i o n dead. Hundreds of thousands of homeless v i l l a g e r s and peasants flocked to the port c i t i e s i n search of opportunity. The discovery of gold i n C a l i f o r n i a i n 1849, easy access to treaty ports, western encouragement i n the r e c r u i t i n g of cheap labour, and the comparatively high wages offered by emigration to America were strong attractions to farmers who had l i t t l e hope. In 1860, after the second Anglo-Ghinese War, the Chinese Government was forced by the B r i t i s h to publish the following edict: Chinese choosing to take service i n the B r i t i s h Colonies or other parts beyond the sea, are at perfect l i b e r t y to enter into engagements with B r i t i s h subjects for that purpose and to ship themselves and their families on board any B r i t i s h vessel at any of the open ports of China... 5 4 Karl Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total  Power, New Haven,!;.Yale University Press, 1957. Stanford *Lyman, Chinese Social Organization i n Nineteenth Century American Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of C a l i f o r n i a , p. 34. H. F. MacNair, "The Relation of China to Her Nationals Abroad", The Chinese Social and P o l i t i c a l Science Review, Vol. VII, January, 1923, p. 34. 45, As with so many other aspects of her r e l a t i o n s h i p with Western powers, China chose to o f f i c i a l l y ignore and deny the existence of large scale emigration. I t was c e r t a i n l y not a phenomenon of which the Empire with i t s Confucian e t h i c could be proud. Confucius, when asked to describe good government had stated: Those near are pleased; and those far off attracted.^5 Ignoring the overseas Chinese was a grave mistake on the part of the Chinese Imperial Government. When the Manchu Dynasty f i n a l l y did begin to send consuls and ambassadors abroad, i t was generally too l a t e ; Sun Yat-sen and the Republican movement had been before them. The legations were received i n the overseas Chinese communities as spies of the foreign Manchus. Huge sums of money poured from the overseas "colonies" into the c o f f e r s of the Republican cause. Af t e r the overthrow of the Ch'ing Dynasty by Sun Yat-sen, kept and unkept p o l i t i c a l promises, t i e d to the garnering of t h i s economic support from the overseas communities, played a large r o l e i n shaping the i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s and alignments between organizations i n the overseas settlements. Vancouver's Chinatown 56 was no exception. It i s estimated that at l e a s t 95% of the Chinese i n Vancouver are from Kwangtung Province and speak Cantonese, the d i a l e c t of that , Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai, The Humanist Way i n Ancient China, New York, Bantam Books, 1965, p. 56. 56 This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the bad r e l a t i o n s between the Chinese N a t i o n a l i s t League of Canada and the Chinese Freemasons, both of which supported Sun Yat-sen but only one of which received s u b s t a n t i a l patronage following Sun's r i s e to power. 4.6.. province. To be more s p e c i f i c , the great majority of the Chinese here are from only fi v e p a r t i c u l a r counties (hsien) within Kwangtung Province. These fiv e hsien; Chung Shan, En P'ing, K'ai P'ing, Hsin Hwei, and Hsing Ning are i n the southernmost part of the province, close to the sea, Chinese emigration was tied closely to k i n and l o c a l influences; thus, as Chinese entrepeneurs began to return from America.and.Canada re c r u i t new immigrants, they chose almost exclusively from their own 58 regions and dialect groups, e f f e c t i v e l y barring "strange" Chinese. An additional factor was the location of Hong Kong i n Kwangtung Province which made the B r i t i s h and English speaking influence dominant from the major l o c a l port of egress. While Chinese emigration to South-East Asia was more d i v e r s i f i e d with Fukienese, Hakka, Cantonese, Teochiu, Amonese and Hokienese a l l represented, Canada and the United States became v i r t u a l l y the exclusive preserve of the Cantonese. Table I I I Chinese Population i n Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia B.C. Chinese as Year B.C. Pop, of Chinese % of Total Pop, i n B.C. No. i n Canada % of Can. Chinese 1881 4,350 8.8 4,383 99.3 1891 8,910 9.1 9,129 97.6 1901 14,885 8.3 17,312 86 1911 19,568 5.0 27,831 70.3 1921 23,533 4.5 39,587 59.5 1931 27,139 3.9 46,519 58.3 1941 18,619 2.3 34,627 53.8 1951 15,933 1.4 32,528 49.0 1961 24,227 1.5 58,197 41.6 Conversation with Jonathon Lau, Community Development Of f i c e r , Strathcona. Milton Barnett, "Kinship as a Factor Affecting Cantonese Economic Adaption i n the United States", Human Organization, XIX, Spring, 1960, pp. 40-46 Canada Census 1901-1961 from L a i Chuen-Yan, "The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association i n V i c t o r i a : I t s Origins and Functions", B.C.  Studies, No. 5, Autumn, 1972, p. 54 47 Chinese labor was i n i t i a l l y absorbed i n the mining and railway i n d u s t r i e s . Onderdonk Construction, engaged by the CPR, contracted to 60 bring i n 6,000 Chinese labourers to help b u i l d the "national dream". After the completion of the railway, and the release of a massive Chinese labor force on the west coast, b i t t e r labor problems began to develop that were to shape l o c a l r e l a t i o n s between the Chinese and Caucasians i n B.C. for f i f t y years. The Chinese, used to hard work, long hours and low wages, presented a s i g n i f i c a n t threat to the fledging labor union movement. The r e s u l t was a v i o l e n t anti-Chinese reaction. A n t i - o r i e n t a l i s m manifested i t s e l f i n several- forms, one of which was a strong fe d e r a l lobby by B.C. p o l i t i c i a n s to r e s t r i c t and bar Chinese . . . 61 immigration. In 1886, a f t e r the report of a Royal Commission on the matter of Chinese immigration, a f i f t y - d o l l a r head tax was imposed on Chinese immigrants and immigrations was r e s t r i c t e d to one Chinese to every f i f t y tons 62 of cargo c a r r i e d by the incoming ship. This measure had very l i t t l e e f f e c t . As can be seen by Table IIIChGhinesenihaeanadaj-almost'cdoubled between 1891 and 1901. On January 1, 1901, the head tax was increased 60 Berton, P i e r r e , The Last Spike, Toronto, McClelland Stewart Ltd., 1971, p. 199. 61 On June 10, 1886, the Vancouver Daily Advertiser b i t t e r l y commented: Almost the l a s t act of the Dominion House during the session that j u s t ended was the disallowance of the "Chinese P r o h i b i t i o n B i l l " so strenuously supported by the majority of residents of t h i s province who are the only people i n the country af f e c t e d by the presence of the almond-eyed sons of the c e l e s t i a l empire. 62 H.F. MacNair, "The Chinese i n the B r i t i s h Empire and i n the New World", the Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Science Review, Vol. V i i , No. 3, July, 1922, p. 17. 48' to $100, and i n 1904 to $500. An examination of Table II shows that the $500 head tax had an immediate and noticeable e f f e c t ; however, i t s impact was s i g n i f i c a n t for only two or three years. Table IV Chinese Paying Head Tax ($500.00) 1905 - by June 30 - 8 1906 22 1907 91 1908 1,482 1909 1,411 1910 1,614 1911 4,515 1912 6,083 1913 7,078 1914 5,274 1915 1,155 1916 20 1917 1918 650 1919 4,066 1920 363 W.C. McKenzie King analysed the s i t u a t i o n and reported: The Chinese at home looked on the new tax as c o n s t i t u t i n g an a l l but impossible b a r r i e r . Then the economic e f f e c t of the tax became apparent. The Chinaman who landed i n t h i s country p r i o r to January, 1904, discovered that the State, unwittingly, perhaps, had by r e s t r i c t i n g further competition from without created for h i s labour a huge monopoly; without organization, without expense, without even a g i t a t i o n , every Chinaman became a unit i n a labour group more favoured than the most exclusive and highly protected trade union. Then monopoly began to do i t s work. The Chinaman discovering h i s protected p o s i t i o n , sought the advance i n wages which comes from an increasing demand and diminishing supply. Within Ibid. p. 18. a couple of years wages doubled, and i n some instances, more p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of servants "of a better class, trebled and even went beyond th i s p o i n t . ^ 4 Further discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n was passed when i t became clear that the need tax was not eff e c t i v e . In 1911, an Act of Parliament stipulated that immigration of merchants was to be r e s t r i c t e d u n t i l proof 65 of the i r position and good f a i t h was provided. This was a necessary move as those Orientals exempt from the p o l l tax included consular o f f i c i a l s , their families and suites, merchants and their families, and 66 members of the learned professions, including students and clergy. Between 1886 and 1920, 6,012 persons were exempted and almost a l l of 67 these f e l l into the merchant category. In 1913 an Order i n Council prohibited the landing of s k i l l e d or unskilled laborers at B r i t i s h Columbia ocean ports. This regulation was at f i r s t generally ignored; however, by mid-1914, i t began to be stringently enforced against Chinese 68 and was renewed every s i x months to remain i n effect. The drop i n immigration after 1914 r e f l e c t s constraints i n shipping due to the war and i t can be seen that immigration immediately resumed at high levels i n 1918. Between the years 1886-1920, the numbers of Chinese paying the head tax was 78,748 and revenues generated through immigration a c t i v i t y Canada. Royal Commission Appointed to Investigate the Method by which Oriental Laborers Have Been Introduced into Canada. W.C. MacKenzie King, Ottawa, Queen's Pri n t e r , 1908. 6 5MacNair, The Chinese i n the B r i t i s h Empire, p. 19. 6 6 I b i d . p. 20. 6 7 T Loc. ext. 6 8 I b i d . p. 19 50 including head tax, f i n e s , and r e g i s t r a t i o n permits was 20.5 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s . One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t facets of Chinese immigration was that on the whole the ind i v i d u a l Chinese immigrant did not come to stay. He came to make money to send back to his, family i n China and money to buy land i n his home v i l l a g e . The term sojourner has been used to describe this phenomenon. ... Sojourner i s ... a deviant type of the s o c i o l o g i c a l term of the stranger, one who clings to the c u l t u r a l heritage of his own ethnic group and tends to l i v e i n i s o l a t i o n , hindering his assimilation i n the society i n which he resides, often for many years. The sojourn i s conceived as a "job" which i s to be finished i n the shortest time possible. As an alternative to that end he travels back to his homeland every few years. 7^ A less academic interpretation of the "sojourn" was offered by a Vancouver newspaper i n 1886. For where as the Indian or the negro i s i d e n t i f i e d i n every possible way with our s o i l , and has no other t i e s or interests, the Chinaman comes here, an a l i e n , l i v e s a foreign l i f e while among us, and as soon as he has accumulated wealth s u f f i c i e n t for his needs, glides away an a l i e n s t i l l . 7 ^ To the Chinese immigrant, the c u l t u r a l experience that held landownership to be the only r e a l wealth was a predominant factor i n 69 Canada Year Book, 1920, p. 124. 7 0 C . P i Siu, "The Sojourners", American Journal of Sociology, 1952, pp. 34-35. ^Vancouver Daily Advertiser, June 10, 1886. i s i his choice of economic a c t i v i t y overseas. He did not, as a r u l e , invest ivi, land i n Canada as business or a wage provided a more eas i l y liquidated resource which could be used to buy land i n China. W.F. Willmot makes the point d i r e c t l y : He (the Chinese Immigrant) l e f t i n order to remit whatever savings he could afford to aid his family i n China. In e f f e c t , he l e f t to sojourn elsewhere, with the clear intention of returning to his home, of supporting i t i n the meantime and of eventually being buried i n his v i l l a g e . This i s , of course, i n keeping with the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese view that land i s the only r e a l wealth and that commerce i s merely a means to wealth. Thus, a commercial enterprise i s b u i l t i n order to accumulate l i q u i d c a p i t a l with the aim of buying land. 7^ Just the opposite i s true today, and increasing land ownership among the Chinese community i n the 1940's, 1950's and 60's i s just as an effe c t i v e indicator of changing attitudes and commitment as i s the record of Chinese naturalizations following 1949. Because of the "sojourn" nature of Chinese immigration, over 95% of the immigrants were male. They returned to China from time to time to have families and maintain contact with the i r homeland and properties. Lyman has commented on the origins of American Chinese communities by pointing out one of the i r unique features. I t i s hardly possible to speak of a conjugal family l i f e for most Chinese men i n the United States u n t i l after the t h i r d decade of the twentieth century. 72 W.E. Willmott, "Approaches to the Study of the Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia", B.C. Studies, No. 4, Spring 1970, p. 42. '52 The long womanless condition of the Chinese i n America i s one of the most profound and l e a s t discussed factors a f f e c t i n g Chinese communities and acculturation.73 Table V 74 Adult Chinese Immigration into Canada by Sex 1906-1940 Male Female 1906 - 1910 9,266 213 1911 - 1915 20,187 . 323 1916 - 1925 6,377 291 1926 -1940 6 2 Between 1886 and 1920, over 80,000 r e g i s t r a t i o n for leave permits were issued at one d o l l a r apiece to allow the Chinese holder to be out of the country for twelve months, and to re-enter without having to pay the head tax. 7"' Table VI Chinese Immigration and Registration for Leave 1886 - 1940 Immigrants Permits for Leave 1886 - 1900 29,031 15,853 1901 - 1910 23,495 25,453 1911 - 1920 32,244 38,899 1921 - 1930 5,572 58,857 1931 - 1940 4 24,794 73 Stanford Lyman, "Marriage and the Family among the Chinese Immigrants", 74 75 76 Canada Yearbook 1945. 'Canada Yearbook 1920, p. 124 Canada Yearbook 1941. 53 Although these are no accurate figures of the number of Chinese who returned to China to stay, Lyman estimates that i n the United States between 1820 - 1892 over 75% returned to l i v e permanently i n C h i n a . 7 7 The Chinese immigrants' lack of commitment to Canada can be c l e a r l y seen i n t h e i r low n a t u r a l i z a t i o n rate. Table VIIJ.:. 78 Na t u r a l i z a t i o n of Chinese i n Canada 1907 - 1940 1907 - 1910 957 1911 - 1920 745 1921 - 1930 . 309 1931 - 1940 70 Between 1907 - 1940, although the Chinese population of Canada was over 34,000 only 2,001 Chinese were naturalized i n that t h i r t y - t h r e e year period. The Japanese population, who on the whole immigrated l a t e r and i n fewer numbers had 5,015 of t h e i r number naturalized over the same 79 txme span. o In 1926 the fed e r a l government, f i n a l l y surrendering to B.C.'s fondest wish passed the Or i e n t a l Exclusion Act, and u n t i l 1947, when the l e g i s l a t i o n was repealed, a l l s i g n i f i c a n t Chinese and Japanese immigration halted. The o r i e n t a l population continued to grow but natural increase 7 7 S t a n f o r d Lyman, Chinese S o c i a l Organization i n Nineteenth Century  America, p. 24. 7 8Canada Yearbooks 1916-1917, 1922-23, 1932, 1942. 79 Hayne Wai, The Chinese and Their Voluntary Associations i n B r i t i s h  Columbia: A P o l i t i c a l Machine Interpretation, unpub. M.A. Thesis, Queens University, 1970, p. 23. 5/K played the largest part. Once again differences i n Chinese and Japanese communities became apparent as the Chinese community, predominantly male, was forced i n on i t s e l f , the Japanese community began to be assimilated with the percentage of Canadian born becoming a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r . Table VIII 80 Proportion of Canadian Born Chinese and Japanese  to Foreign Born 1921 - 1961 Chinese Pop. % Canadian Born Japanese Pop. % Canadian Born 1921 39,587 7.5 15,868 27.3 1931 46,519 11.6 23,342 48. 1941 34,627 19.8 23,149 61. 1951 32,528 30.6 21,663 72.7 1961 58,197 39.5 29,157 78.2 During the l a t e 1930's and 1940's there was a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n Canadian att i t u d e s towards the Chinese community. The focus of o r i e n t a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n began to center upon the Japanese. In part t h i s was due to the upward swing i n the economic and labor markets following the depression and i n part to be a growing uneasiness and d i s t r u s t of Japan's Imperial ambitions. The beginning of war and our a l l i a n c e with China formalized t h i s change of a t t i t u d e and began a new era i n the Chinese community's r e l a t i o n s h i p with i t s host environment. Postwar easing of immigration laws have res u l t e d , except during the 1957-61 period of Progressive Conservative Government, i n a steady flow of Chinese immigration. gg Canada V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1961. 5.5, Table IX' Chinese Immigration Into Canada and B.C. 1941-1973 Canada B.C. as Destination 1941— 46 8 _ 1947 - 51 5,362 -1952 - 56 10,909 -1957 - 61 9,069 2,851 1962 - 66 12,977 4,089 1967 - 68 14,791 5,483 1968 - 69 8,382 2,413 1969 - 70 8,272 2,617 1970 - 71 5,377 1,588 1971 - 72 5,817 2,679 1972 - 73 7,181 2,215 F. Vancouver and the Chinese: Five Vignettes. 1. Pride of the Province. On July 27, 1886, a short a r t i c l e appearing i n Vancouver Da i l y Advertiser marks the f i r s t o f f i c i a l notice of s u b s t a n t i a l Chinese i n f l u x into Vancouver. A number of Chinamen are coming into the c i t y taking up t h e i r locations p r i n c i p a l l y i n the o u t s k i r t s . . . There i s a colony of the mongolians on a t r a c t of land c o n s i s t i n g of 160 acres of the Westminster Road (Main St.) This t r a c t has been leased to them free for ten years on the condition that they cleared and c u l t i v a t e d i t . 8 2 Many of the f i r s t Chinese to come to Vancouver did so not from the sea, Canada. Department of Immigration and C i t i z e n s h i p S t a t i s t i c s , 1941-61 and Department of Manpower and Immigration, Immigration  S t a t i s t i c s , 1962-73. Vancouver Daily Advertiser, July 27, 1886. 5ft but from New Westminster, where there was already i n 1886 a s u b s t a n t i a l population of Chinese. Those that did come by sea to Vancouver l i k e as not came from V i c t o r i a rather than d i r e c t l y from China. Previous to July of 1886, there had been a few Chinese i n the c i t y ; however, they had l e f t a f t e r the famous f i r e of June 13, which l e f t only twelve of the 600 buildings of that time standing. Before the incorporation of Vancouver, l o c a l c i t i z e n s had attempted to keep the Chinese out. In r e f e r r i n g to these past effort s , 1 one prominent r e a l estate agent wrote i n December of 1886: ... you are awakening to the fa c t that the compact minority of the c e l e s t i a l s i n t h i s c i t y i s l i k e l y to become as i t i s i n V i c t o r i a — a, majority... Had you been acquainted with the e f f o r t s and steps taken when t h i s c i t y was known as G r a n v i l l e to pre-vent the l o c a t i n g of Chinese, you would not ask what has ever been done from a c i v i c standpoint. 8^ By 1886 the CPR was completed and excess labor, both white and Chinese, was d r i f t i n g into the new c i t y of Vancouver i n large numbers. The Chinese continued to prove extremely industrious and f l e x i b l e ; besides ;supp'ly.ing-. cheap hard and domestic labour, they quickly provided a function with which they were well acquainted. ... Their market wagon can be seen d a i l y bringing vegetables of a l l descriptions to t h i s i e i t y for sale. They supply private residences, hotels, and boarding houses who depend almost e n t i r e l y on the Chinamen for t h e i r vegetable p r o d u c t s . 8 4 'Vancouver Daily Advertiser, Dec. 27, 1886. Letter to the Editor under headline; P i t t on P i g t a i l s . This l e t t e r , written by R.D. P i t t was i n reply to an a r t i c l e which appeared i n the paper December 24,. of which no copy i s a v a i l a b l e . The Vancouver News. July 27, 1886. The Chinese grouped around the southeast banks of False Creek, where a shanty town was b u i l t out of refuse from the m i l l s . The wooden shacks l a t e r were described as f r i n g i n g both sides of the Creek as far 85 west as present day C a r r a l l Street. On e l e c t i o n day, 1886, a mob burned out the Chinese shanty town and those Chinese who did not f l e e , moved i n and around the present day Shanghai, Canton and Market A l l e y s . A f t e r the great f i r e of June 13, 1886, the Chinese began to return to the Ci t y i n small groups; however, the Knights of Labor organized to bar them. A committee of leading lawyers and r e a l estate men was set up to lobby property owners to renounce leases to Chinese. 86 This committee was successful i n a l l but one case. A meeting was c a l l e d , presided over by Mayor McLean who, with other members of the Ci t y Council pledged "to guard against t h i s e v i l " . Mr. L.A. Hamilton, Alderman, representing the CPR, pledged himself also on behalf of the railway. The l a s t meeting of public s p i r i t e d c i t i z e n s i n Vancouver before the new year (1887) gave a l l Chinese one week to leave the c i t y . On January 6, 1887, the Vancouver Advertiser reported that whites continue to bring Chinese into t h e i r homes as domestic servants, and something must be done before they "gobble up" the whole country. " F i r s t Contingent 85 Q. Yip, Vancouver Chinatown, Vancouver, P a c i f i c Press Ltd., 1936. 86 The Vancouver Advertiser, December 27, 1886. '87 Loc. C i t . 58f3 of a New Chinese Horde Invades the C i t y and Threatens the Peace, Goodwill and Prospects of the Community" appeared as the headline i n the Advertiser on January 7. The report d e t a i l s a l o c a l contractor's plan to employ 500 88 Chinese labourers to clear the Brighouse Estates. We contend that 350 white/men would have done the work of these 500 Chinese i f they were paid good wages... 8 9 John McDougall was the contractor i n question and he had contracted to slash the timber at $36.00 an acre. One t h i r d of the land i n question was owned by the CPR, while Premier Robson of B r i t i s h Columbia y 90 owned 1/6 of an i n t e r e s t and the Oppenheimer brothers owned 1/12; After slashing, McDougall contracted to clear the land for $325.00 per acre but the owners protested that t h i s was too much and he was t o l d he could do i t with Chinese labor for $160.00 an acre. McDougall agreed and went ahead. As soon as the Chinese arr i v e d heavy snow storms i n the i n t e r i o r resulted i n the CPR la y i n g o f f 1,000 men and the f i n i s h i n g of the Northern P a c i f i c Tunnel near Tacoma freed 2,000 more. Many of these 91 unemployed white labourers came to Vancouver i n search of work. Between January 9 and 10 the tension i n Vancouver increased and reached a climax on the next day with a forced mass expulsion of 88 The Brighouse Estates consisted of the 440 acres west of Burrard St. down to English Bay between False Creek and Coal Harbour. 89 Vanocuver Da i l y Advertiser, January 6, 1887. 90 The Province, March 13, 1926. Magazine Section, "Interview with John McDougall, p. 1. 91 Loc C i t . 59 of Chinese from the c i t y . Chinese, from a l l over Vancouver were rounded up by a mob and herded to the wharf where they were forced on a ship to V i c t o r i a . A band of 700 attacked McDougall's work camp and drove the 92 labourers to the wharf while the Mayor and Chief of P o l i c e looked on. On January 15, the V i c t o r i a Times completely out of sympathy with the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver commented: That the offense committed i s a serious one i s the u n i v e r s a l opinion, and for which the perpetrators w i l l s u f f e r the f u l l penalty of the law be they whom they may. The f a i r fame of the province' demands that a thorough and searching i n v e s t i g a t i o n be held and the g u i l t y ones brought to j u s t i c e . I f the rumor i s correct, the Mayor, the p o l i c e magistrate, and the stipendiary magistrate were p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the act of e x p e l l i n g the Chinese... 9-' In describing the incident the V i c t o r i a report went on to state: Some Chinese for years have had a vegetable ranch on False Creek and here t h e i r small houses were pulled down. They (the mob) entered Aid. L. A. Hamilton's house while the family were at dinner, took the two Chinese boys who were servants there and bundled them o f f to the steamer. On February 6, 1887 a terse account i n the Vancouver press r e f l e c t s continuing a t t i t u d e s : Twenty Chinese on foot from New Westminster were turned back by v i g i l a n t c i t i z e n s . . . 9 - ' 92 The Province, March 13, 1926. Magazine Section, "Interview with John McDougall", p . l . 93 The V i c t o r i a Times, January 15, 1887. 94 Loc. C i t . 95 The Vancouver News, February 6, 1887. 60: Despite an a c t i v e campaign against them, Chinese continued to come i n and s e t t l e i n Vancouver. Far from being ashamed of what might have been explained as misbegotten mob psychology, l o c a l obstruction against the Chinese took new turns. On February 16, ex-Alderman J.R. Northcott, the Chairman of the Anti-Chinese Pledge Group stated that: ... there were f u l l y 100 more Chinamen i n town than there were three weeks ago and someone must be employing them as they were seen on the streets every day carrying bundles of c l o t h e s . 9 ^ The Anti-Chinese Pledge Group was formed for the purpose of organizing businessmen i n a l l l i n e s to boycott Chinese customers. Each of the members placed a card i n the window of t h e i r establishment which read: "The undersigned pledges .himself not to deal d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y 97 with Chinese". On February 25, a t t i t u d e of Vancouver's founding c i t i z e n s l e d to the outbreak of further violence; a mob attacked a Chinese encampment at Coal Harbor and burned t h e i r homes. The next day the Chinese were pushed out of False Creek, t h e i r shanties smashed and 86 persons were 98 forced to leave for New Westminster. The s i t u a t i o n continued to worsen u n t i l the P r o v i n c i a l Govern-ment, spurred by the blatancy of Vancouver's discriminatory p o l i c i e s , passed s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n to put s p e c i a l constables i n charge of law and 96 The Vancouver News, February 16, 1886. 97 Loc. C i t . 98 Vancouver News, February 25 and 26th, 1887. and order i n the c i t y . In reply to the Vancouver C i t y Council's protest P r o v i n c i a l Secretary John Robson wrote: ... I have to also point out to the C i t y Council that the Government have been aware that a system of i n t i m i d a t i o n not only against Chinese but also to those not altogether unfavorable to t h e i r presence, has been more or less i n force i n the c i t y of Vancouver for some time back ... and has apparently met with no discountenance at the hands of the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . . . 9 9 Vancouver, on the other hand, continued to flaunt an a t t i t u d e of pride i n her action, refusing to believe others i n B.C. could r e a l l y be against them.'. ''C-The C i t y of Vancouver has apparently the whole p r o v i n c i a l press against her i n t h i s e f f o r t to sup-press the Chinese e v i l i n the f i r s t stages of her existence without one generous o f f e r of assistance, but we w i l l set an example of patient persistency and shame the s i s t e r communities who have so p l a i n l y displayed t h e i r jealousy and meanness. The P r o v i n c i a l Chief of P o l i c e , Mr. Roycraft, with forty, s p e c i a l constables occupied Vancouver a f t e r the P r o v i n c i a l Government passed an Order i n Council p l a c i n g the c i t y under Marshall Law. Roycraft and h i s s p e c i a l constables b i l l e t e d i n the c i t y h a l l for s i x weeks. The c i t y was only released from Marshall Law a f t e r the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver gave guarantees of t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to govern themselves properlyv 99 Vancouver News, February 26, 1887. iooT Loc. Cxt. o2 2. The F i r s t Decade: Expansion and Violence. On June 18, 1902, a whole l i n e of "chinks", i n the words of the C i t y Health Inspector, Robert Marrion, were brought up before the c i t y magistrate for defying municipal by-laws. Two issues loomed large, as offenses pe c u l i a r to the Chinese of t h i s period; they ran rooming houses or what they termed t h e i r "society h o s t e l s " without the benefit of a c i t y l i c e n s e ; and when doing laundry, contrary to the health code they sprayed water fromixtheir mouths onto the ir o n i n g rather than using a proper atomizer. Chinatown was beginning to expand out of i t s o r i g i n a l l o c a t i o n beside False Creek on Shanghai and Canton A l l e y s . In September of 1902, worried businessmen on Hastings Street were expressing public concern over the d r i f t of Chinatown to East of C a r r a l l Street. They feared as the Chinese continued to buy l o t s on the South side of Hastings Street they would become enclosed and surrounded. They complained of the C i t y Health Inspector, who, through r i g i d l y enforcing h i s regulations, and con t i n u a l l y condemning the f i r e and sanitary arrangements i n Chinatown, was providing the impetus for t h e i r slow spread to the east. The /opening of the Chinese Empire Reform Association on C a r r a l l Street i n October of 1903 t e s t i f i e s to the eastward d r i f t i n expansion of the enclave. It i s also i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Vancouver's Chinatown was gaining recognition as dominant community among the Chinese i n the Province. Leaders of the Chinese communities';ih V i c t o r i a "and -.New Westminster 1T 1 101 attendeddthe opening of the new b u i l d i n g . "^ "*"The Province, October 17, 1903. 63. In 1904, the cradle of Chinatown, west of C a r r a l l Street on the south side of Dupont (Pender) was demolished to make way the V W and Y 102 Railway improvements. Chinatown expansion continued to be newsworthy and land purchases inv o l v i n g Chinese were often reported i n the press. On May 10 and May 12 of 1904, the foundation of the Chinese tenament d i s t r i c t (now the s i t e of Marshall Wells Warehouse) was l a i d . A Chinese syndicate headed by Wing Sang bought eleven l o t s from the CPR of 100 feet depth for $50,000. The l o t s were bounded by the CPR trackage on the west, C a r r a l l Street on the east, Pender on the north and the Royal Ci t y M i l l s on the south. A further four l o t s purchased by Lim Dot from the CPR for $23,000 were purchased on C a r r a l l Street. A lane was run north to south through these l o t s , making four l o t s into eight, and several two-storey b r i c k 103 buildings were b u i l t at a cost of $33,000. Perhaps one of the most infamous events i n the City's h i s t o r y took place on Saturday, September 7, 1907, when the A s i a t i c Exclusion League held a parade as -the'" f i r s t b i g event a f t e r t h e i r recent organ-i z a t i o n . The parade ended on C a r r a l l Street where the p a r t i c i p a n t s • gathered to hear several speakers sponsored by the League. Reports of the s i z e of the crowd that gathered a f t e r the parade have estimated as 104 many as 9,000 people remained to l i s t e n to the speakers. The f i r s t 102 A sign painted on the b r i c k face of the west side of the Marco Polo Restaurant can s t i l l be seen showing a hand pointing south with the words, "To Trains", written below. 103 The Province, May 12, 1904. 104 Robert E. Wynne, Reaction to the Chinese i n the P a c i f i c North West and  B r i t i s h Columbia: 1850-1910. University of Washington, Unpub. Ph.D. Di s s e r t a t i o n , 1964, p. 412. 6 4 speaker, CM. Wordsworth, was followed by two l o c a l c l e r g y m e n . A n e f f i g y of the Lieutenant-Governor (Dunsmuir) was burned to protest h i s withholding of Royal Assent of a P r o v i n c i a l Act aimed at excluding Orientals. The fourth speaker, A.E. Fowler, the secretary of the Seattle branch of the A s i a t i c Exclusion League harangued the crowd as to how they managed, two days e a r l i e r , to expel the Hindus from Bellingham (800 refugees from t h i s e v i c t i o n had crossed into Canada the day before. It was during Fowler's speech that the crowd became an ugly mob a f t e r a youth hurled a stone against the window of a nearby Chinese shop. The mob surged through Chinatown smashing everything i n easy reach. The p o l i c e attempted to intervene, but those arrested were quickly freed by other r i o t e r s . As the crowd passed Chinatown i t moved d i r e c t l y towards Powell Street and " L i t t l e Tokyo". The Japanese, perhaps having several minutes warning, put up, by most accounts, a v i c i o u s defense. For over f i v e hours the mob c o n t r o l l e d the eastern part of downtown and only a f t e r midnight did they disperse."*"^ 7 On Sunday, crowds gathered once again to pay back the Japanese for having the effrontery to f i g h t back. The Japanese quarter was "*"^ 0^ne of the clergymen was the Rev. Wilson of the Presbyterian Church, and re l a t e d to ex-Alderman Halford Wilson. 1 0 6 I b i d . p. 411. 1 0 7 l b i d . p. 414. IC8 „„ 65; stormed, but the r i o t e r s were beaten o f f by Japanese manning makeshift barricades. In the afternoon, giving up on Powell Street, the mob attempted to move back into Chinatown but were held o f f by p o l i c e who 108 had cordoned o f f the area. 3. Cleaning Up Chinatown: The T h i r t i e s On September 16, 1937, the C i t y Licensing Inspector, H.A. Urquhart, summarily cancelled the business l i c e n s e s of three Pender Street cafes: B.C. Royal, Hong Kong Cafe and the Gee Kong Cafe. Mayor G.C. 109 M i l l e r issued a statement declaring that he was "out to clean up Chinatown". The issue at hand was the employment of white g i r l s i n Chinatown. The previous A p r i l , the Mayor, Urquhart, and the owners of the Chinese cafes had c a r r i e d on negotiations with regard to t h i s type of employment i n Chinatown. At that time the c i t y had demanded that the white waitresses presently employed be phased out by not replacing those who resigned. The Chinese refused t h i s request, but suggested instead that they would agree not to increase the number of white g i r l s by h i r i n g only on a replacement bas i s . They stated t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n a l e t t e r to the Mayor on May 6, 1937; a l e t t e r they claim was never answered. "'"''"^  When interviewed by the Vancouver Sun i n September, Inspector Urquhart stated: "They did not l i v e up to the assurances they gave". According to Urquhart there were eight Chinese retaurants i n the c i t y employing white women. The g i r l s involved expressed s a t i s f a c t i o n with 1 0 8T Loc. C i t . 109 Vancouver Sun, September 16, 1937, p. 1. Loc. C i t . 66 t h e i r employment. In A p r i l , when the matter was f i r s t broached they had gone en-masse to C i t y H a l l to protest the c i t y ' s a t t i t u d e towards them and t h e i r employment. One g i r l was p a r t i c u l a r l y b i t t e r : ... a bunch of fussy old bridge-playing gossips who are self-appointed d i r e c t o r s of morals for g i r l s i n Chinatown. They are bound to get us out of here, but what w i l l they do for us then. We must l i v e , and heaven' knows i f a g i r l i s i n c l i n e d to go wrong, she can do i t j u s t as r e a d i l y on G r a n v i l l e Street as she can down h e r e . m As the controversy raged on, the three cafes involved continued to operate without l i c e n s e s , awaiting a decision on t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n for an i n j u n c t i o n against the C i t y and r e s t r a i n i n g C i t y o f f i c i a l s from p r o h i b i t i n g them to earn a l i v e l i h o o d . On September 23, a f t e r the cafe owner's a p p l i c a t i o n for an i n j u n c t i o n was dismissed by the B.C. Supreme Court, the p o l i c e began su r v e i l l a n c e of the Chinese cafes, noting a l l who entered so that they 112 could be prosecuted at some future date. Summons were issued for September 27, charging the three cafe owners, while at the same time the cafe owners launched an action against the C i t y and License Inspector Urquhart declaring the by-laws under which t h e i r l icenses were cancelled u l t r a - v i r e s and i n r e s t r a i n t of trade. On Saturday, September 25, before the cafe owners were to appear i n .court to face prosecution, the f i f t e e n g i r l s i n question were dismissed from t h e i r jobs. On Monday afternoon, t h e i r l i c e n s e s were renewed, and on Tuesday, September 28, C i t y 1 H T Loc. C i t . 112 Vancouver Sun, September 23, 1937, p. 3. 67 Prosecutor Oscar Orr reported to Mayor M i l l e r that a l l other white waitresses employed by Chinese would be dismissed by October 1. The next year, August of 1938, the issue arose again, when the C.K. Chop Suey Parlour had i t s l i c e n s e cancelled for employing two white g i r l s . As before, the matter was s e t t l e d out of court, with the dismissal 113 of the waitresses. In an e d i t o r i a l of August 17, 1938, the Vancouver Sun stated: In i t s action the Cit y Council has the whole-hearted support of the vast majority of Vancouver's c i t i z e n s . The Chinese community i f i t be wise w i l l submit to t h i s overwhelming public opinion and conform to the wishes and ru l i n g s of the c i t y i n which i t lives.-'--'-4 The whole matter continued to simmer, and i n March of 1939, Ci t y Council, a f t e r r e c e i v i n g a p e t i t i o n from white g i r l s who wished to work i n Chinatown cafes, decided to continue the ban. Chief of P o l i c e Foster stated: In view of the conditions under which the g i r l s are expected to work, i t i s almost impossible for them to be so employed without f a l l i n g victims to some form of immoral life.-'--'--' Alderman H.D. Wilson, supporting the ban, added: 113 The Province, August 17, 1938, p. 2. 114 115 Vancouver Sun Vancouver Sun 68 Under a p r o v i n c i a l act the whole s i t u a t i o n i s i n the Chief's hands. I f i n h i s opinion i t i s not i n the in t e r e s t s of good morals to allow such employment he has the power to order against i t . 1 1 6 Cuatious as always, the Corporation Counsel for the Cit y q u a l i f i e d : ... that he i s not so o p t i m i s t i c about the authority conferred i n the Act. The Chief has no such blanket authority...he must prove i n each i n d i v i d u a l case.!-*-7 4. The War Years? 118 "Move to Ban Chinese i n Res i d e n t i a l D i s t r i c t " In February of 1941, while the " f r e e " world waged war against H i t l e r ' s brand of racism, Vancouver's C i t y Council turned i t attention to i t s own private b a t t l e . A delegation, composed c h i e f l y of women, appeared before the City's Zoning Committee, arguing that t h e i r property values i n West Point Grey would drop i f a Chinese was allowed to move into a new home that he and his wife had purchased i n the area. The delegation urged the Committee to p r o h i b i t the sale of the house i f possible i n order to safeguard the residents of the area. They also asked that the C i t y pass s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g Orientals to 119 c e r t a i n parts of the c i t y . Although the aldermen recognized that the Cit y had no power to i n t e r f e r e i n the sale of the house, there was considerable support 116, Loc. C i t . 1 1 7 T Loc. C i t . 118 Vancouver News Herald, Februar 4, 1941, p. 4. 119T Loc. C i t . 69/ for the delegation's request. The Zoning Committee passed a r e s o l u t i o n to set up a s p e c i a l committee to recommend by-law changes which, i f possible, would r e s t r i c t o r i e n t a l s to owning and occupying homes i n s p e c i f i c l o c a l i t i e s . Alderman H.D. Wilson urged Vancouver to follow the lead of Toronto and a l l P a c i f i c Coast c i t i e s and r e s t r i c t o r i e n t a l s to c e r t a i n 120 d i s t r i c t s . He went on to point out that o r i e n t a l s were spreading throughout the Ci t y , and that t h i r t y of them had already bought property i n the South Cambie area. This, Wilson pointed out, was an i n d i c a t i o n 121 of what was to come i n years ahead. Major J.W. Cornett said the f i n e s t home i n the L i t t l e Mountain area i s owned by an O r i e n t a l and Alderman George Buscombe suggested the p r o v i n c i a l government might p r o h i b i t the r e g i s t r a t i o n of such deals. . . . I f anything can be done to segregate them and put the o r i e n t a l s i n the same d i s t r i c t s , we are a l l for i t , remarked His Worship.-'-22 The following day the Chinese Consul-General i n Vancouver, C.H. Pao, wrote the mayor, protesting the Council's action. ...again the action taken by your co u n c i l i s p r e j u d i c i a l , discriminatory, i s a gross miscarriagecof j u s t i c e and casts r e f l e c t i o n on the n a t i o n a l d i g n i t y of China. I t c a l c u l a t e s to create i l l f e e l i n g against the Chinese and to disturb the happy r e l a t i o n s between Canada and C h i n a . 1 2 3 120T Loc. Cxt. Loc. C i t . 122 Loc. C i t . 123 Vancouver News Herald, February 5, 1941. 7,0 The Chinese were not without t h e i r defenders and the Univ e r s i t y Women's Club entered the fray to chastise the C i t y Fathers,. The issue died as suddenly as i t arose; although some diehards continued. V Under the headline, "Alderman H.D. Wilson Continues the Fight" the Vancouver News Herald reported that City Council had abandoned i t s discriminatory zoning plans because they did not have the j u r i s d i c t i o n to implement them. Aid. Wilson was quoted as saying there was a way i n which i t could be done and he promised to discuss the matter with the . . -j ,.124 p r o v i n c i a l government. In general the war years were a turning point for the Chinese i n Vancouver, and for a t t i t u d e s towards them i n the c i t y . China had become an a l l y i n the struggle against H i t l e r and the Japanese. For the most part fchetv.arious media were f u l l of the heroic e f f o r t s of the Chinese to stem the Japanese advance over Asia. O r i e n t a l prejudice was transferred to the Japanese who were f i n a l l y removed to internment camps throughout Alberta and the i n t e r i o r of B.C. Adding to and r e f l e c t i n g t h i s change i n a t t i t u d e was a report submitted to Council by the C i t y Health Inspector, Dr. Stewart Murray, which showed a decline i n Vancouver's Chinese population. The report stated that the decline was the r e s u l t of a negative death over b i r t h rate. The Chinese population was d e c l i n i n g at a rate of 6.67 per 1,000 while the Japanese 125 were increasing at a rate of 12.53 per 1,000. 124 Vancouver News Herald, February 11, 1941, p. 125 Vancouver Sun, October 15, 1941, p. 1. This was of course due to the lack of adult women among the Chinese population and has been discussed e a r l i e r i n t h i s study. 5. ...Courage to the S t i c k i n g Place. In May of 1967, a San Francisco firm, P.B.Q. & D. Inc. submitted to Vancouver C i t y Council, freeway proposals that had been commissioned the year before. A part of the favoured proposal was dubbed the C a r r a l l Street l i n k , an alignment that was to run d i r e c t l y through Chinatown. Banner headlines announced the p o t e n t i a l destruction of the area as: "Concrete Knife Through Heart of Chinatown" At f i r s t , caught by surprise, some Chinatown leaders expressed favor for the idea. On June 2, Harry Fan, the spokesman for the Chinatown Property Owners Association, f e l t that the freeway could do nothing but good for the area. However, as soon as the f u l l implications of the plan became generally known throughout the community tremendous vocal and v i s i b l e opposition to the plan developed. Harry Fan reversed h i s o r i g i n a l stand, and with other Chinese leaders began to vigorously oppose the proposal. On July 5, seventeen delegations, many from Chinatown led by the Chinese Benevolent Association, presented b r i e f s to the C i t y Council, opposing the freeway alignment. In the face of t h i s massive campaign Council reversed t h e i r o r i g i n a l endorsement of the C a r r a l l Street l i n k and instructed the planning consultants to prepare a study of an a l t e r n -a t i v e along Gore Avenue. The alternate study was received i n October and showed that the Gore alignment would cost several m i l l i o n d o l l a r s more than the o r i g i n a l proposal. On October 17 Council again reversed i t s decision and decided to route the freeway back through Chinatown. The next day Dean Leung, 72 co-chairman of the Chinese Benevolent Association and Harry Fan of the Chinese Property Owners Association expressed t h e i r b i t t e r n e s s at Council's move. They stated that public f e e l i n g throughout the Chinese community was running very high and the freeway would s t i l l be opposed. The same day most of Chinatown was decorated with black banners i n mourning. On October 23 a public meeting was held i n Chinatown and a seventeen-member committee was elected to lead the f i g h t against the freeway and to lobby various l e v e l s of government. By October 31, the committee had i t s f i r s t success when at another public meeting i n Chinatown, Alderman Rankin reversed h i s stand and admitted that h i s vote i n favor of the freeway had been wrong. In the face of a massive public campaign, on January 10, 1968, Cit y Council again reversed i t s decision and voted to change the C a r r a l l Street l i n k . In November of 1968, Foon Sien, one of the leaders of the Chinese Benevolent Association, received a promise from Mayor Campbell that the freeway matter was closed, and that i f there was to be any freeway alignment i t would not go through Chinatown. 73 I I I . CHINATOWN TODAY 74 A. Physical Space. 1. Description and Boundaries. Chinatown i s presently located on the ea s t e r l y fringe of Vancouver's Central Business D i s t r i c t , almost immediately north of the e a s t e r l y end of False Creek. 7/52 Greater Chinatown, inc l u d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l Strathcona, and scattered s a t e l l i t e l o c i i of a c t i v i t y north of Hastings Street may roughly be described as that area bounded by C a r r a l l Street 'on the west, Powell on the north, -Vernon on the east, and P r i o r on the south. The main focus of t h i s study i s the commercial and c u l t u r a l core of the community, and t h i s area, defined by intensive Chinese commercial, i n d u s t r i a l , and service uses i s bounded by C a r r a l l on the west, Gore on the east, Hastings on the north and Georgia on the south. Pender Street, one block east and two blocks west of Main Street, i s the spine of t h i s core. I t i s ont these three blocks that the majority of commercial and s o c i a l uses are situated. Main Street, between Keefer and Hastings has a number of Chinese commercial uses intermixed with non-Chinese uses, while Keefer and Georgia Street, mainly east of Main Street are dominated by Chinese i n d u s t r i a l and warehousing uses. In the core area, along Pender, Chinatown can be l o g i c a l l y divided into two d i s t i n c t parts. With Main Street as the d i v i s i o n , the two blocks west of Main are the l o c a t i o n of the major t o u r i s t oriented restaurants and curio shops as well as the base of most of the c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l organizations. This block maintains the o r i g i n a l b uildings thatLforrthe most part,- have a d i s t i n c t l y o r i e n t a l f l a v o r . "While the Caucasian community was competing with higher and more ornate b u i l d i n g s , the Chinese were developing t h e i r own distinguished s t y l e of architecture. The primary feature i s the recessed balcony which often dominates one or more storeys above the ground f l o o r . The motif was apparently brought over d i r e c t l y from China... The best Chinese buildings are four storeys high with t i e r s of balconies and with shaped gables and f i n n a l s punctuating the roofline.."126 East of Main Street to Gore Avenue and south along the west side of Gore to Georgia i s the Chinatown that i s frequented by Chinese consumers who support the numerous meat, grocery and produce stores located there. 2. Land Use. In 1965 and again i n 1971 a land use f i e l d survey of the core area were c a r r i e d out by the Vancouver Planning Department. These surveys were p a r t i c u l a r l y thorough and gave the t o t a l amount of square feet devoted to various uses on each l o t . This data has been converted here into percentages so that comparison^over time may be more e a s i l y made. The f i e l d surveys were of two kinds: one a general c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and the other a d e t a i l e d functional breakdown of d i f f e r e n t uses. There i s only s i x years between the two surveys and although t h i s i s not a great enough period to show s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the p h y s i c a l structure of a normal community some indi c a t i o n s of d i r e c t i o n can be glimpsed. C i t y of Vancouver, Gastown-Chinatown B e a u t i f i c a t i o n Studies, " A r c h i t e c t u r a l and H i s t o r i c a l Survey and Evaluations", (prepared by Harold Kalman), 1973, p. 7. 78 Table X Chinatown Land Use General Categories Category 1965 1971 Chinese 25.1% 25.8% Intermediate 8.4 11.3 Non-Chinese 25.2 26.3 Vacant 9.7 7.3 Surface 11.2 10.5 Res i d e n t i a l 20. 18.7 In terms of these broad categories i t can be seen that the major changes were an increase i n the intermediate and non-Chinese uses i n the area showing a trend towards a l e s s i n t e r n a l l y supported commercial structure and a more open and r e g i o n a l l y oriented economic function. There was also a move towards the greater u t i l i z a t i o n of remaining open space i n the. core and a drop i n the f l o o r space u t i l i z e d for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. In the more d e t a i l e d f i e l d survey these r e s u l t s were confirmed with a 3.4% increase i n restaurants ( b a s i c a l l y an intermediate use) a small drop i n services (serving the enclave). Increases i n r e t a i l shops catering to a r t , curio a r t i c l e s were up 1.5% . Changes over a longer period of time would be more s t a r t l i n g and revealing; however, r e l i a b l e descriptions of Chinatown are scarce for e a r l i e r periods. In 1936, for Vancouver's Golden Jubilee, a small 128 booklet was prepared, describing Chinatown and some i n t e r e s t i n g comparisons and i n s i g h t s can be gained from t h i s . 127 C i t y of Vancouver, Chinatown B e a u t i f i c a t i o n Studies, " F i e l d Survey Land Use", 1965 and 1971. - V "~'^Z-.Z[" •' ' :'.' •"' ' ^,77" ' ' 7 . 128 Q. Yip, Vancouver Chinatown, Vancouver, P a c i f i c Press, 1936, pp. 1-48. 73 Table IX Detailed C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of 129 Land Use Category 1965 1971 1 5.4 % 6.6 % 2 .9 1.2 3 7.2 7.5 4 .07 0 5 1.2 1. 6 5.7 9.'l 7 1.5 1.4 8 4.6 6.4 9 8.0 8.2 10 7.3 7.2 11 12.5 11.0 12 .9 .5 13 21. 19.2 14 .4 .5 15 l i O .4 16 11.1 11.5 17 0 0 18 9.8 7.5 19 .6 .1 . 20 0 0 There were twenty restaurants i n Chinatown i n 1936. Today there are 32 restaurants, many of which, because of higher p r i c e s , c o c k t a i l lounges, and decor, were b u i l t to e s p e c i a l l y cater to the Chinese population outside of the Strathcona area and the white population of Vancouver. Restaurants such as the Yen Lock, the Wayen, the Asia Gardens, and the Chinese P a v i l l i o n d e f i n i t e l y cater to a higher income group. The s t a r t l i n g increase i n merchandise shops has been most noticeable i n the antique and curio and g i f t v a r i e t y store. No longer do the low income groups shop for clothes and other household needs i n Chinatown. Loc. C i t . See Appendix II for d e f i n i t i o n of categories. Banks have increased from one to four, perhaps not only because of the commercial expansion, but also because of more money invested i n Canada and not sent back to China. Real estate o f f i c e s have increased from zero to seven, r e f l e c t i n g an i n t e r e s t i n more desirable r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . Chinese schools have dropped from s i x to two i n Chinatown but have increased correspondingly i n suburban areas throughout Greater Vancouver. Barber shops are down from twelve to eight, perhaps r e f l e c t i n g the change of r a t i o between the sexes i n the area. 3. Land Ownership. Over 90% of the land i n the core area i s owned by Chinese. This, of course, i s to be expected; however, a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of t h i s land i s owned by non-profit s o c i e t i e s . The previous section on land use showed over a f i v e year period a trend towards greater u t i l i z a t i o n of space and greater i n t e n s i t y of use. Floor space i n use for i n s t i t u t i o n a l use a c t u a l l y increased by 2% between 1965-61; however, t h i s a b i l i t y of the various associations to maintain themselves i n p h y s i c a l space i s more a function of caretaker ownership rather than an i n d i c a t i o n of the strength of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure. The amount of land owned by the various s o c i e t i e s i s perhaps t! greatest concentration of highly valuable land and by private s o c i e t i e s i n the City of Vancouver. It provides tremendous p o t e n t i a l f or co-operative e f f o r t s i n v o l v i n g the conservation and b e a u t i f i c a t i o n of the area. A l l of the changes i n the Chinatown area are subtle but c l e a r . The character and nature of the community i s slowly but surely moving i n new d i r e c t i o n s . Only twenty-seven years have elapsed since the repeal 82 of the O r i e n t a l Exclusion Act; the next twenty-five years should see an a c c e l e r a t i o n of the rate of change along the new d i r e c t i o n s that have been noted. Chinatown i s l o s i n g i t s f i r m c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l hold on the Chinese community. These allegiances are being placed elsewhere. The functions i t served are not important to the younger Chinese. As China-town gives up i t s old ethnic oriented functions, i t i s taking on new and more unive r s a l functions important to the Vancouver community as a whole. James and Robert Simmons have this, to say regarding the Chinese communities i n Toronto and Vancouver: In each case the community i s beginning to disperse because i t occupies the f r i n g e of highly valuable downtown commercial areas — land which i s valuable for other uses, and unattractive to the i n c r e a s i n g l y middle-class Chinese residents. The change shows i t s e l f i n two ways. F i r s t , there i s an increasing commercialization of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , as only enterprises c a p i t a l i z i n g on the ethnic group's unique flavour and c e n t r a l c i t y p o s i t i o n survive — the highly v i s i b l e restaurants and g i f t shops. Secondly, the process a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s i n a considerably advanced state — the "Chinese" waitresses and shop g i r l s speak pure Canadian despite the s l i t s i n the sides of t h e i r skirts. 1^0 James Simmons, Urban Canada, Toronto, Copp Clark, 1969, p. 142. Investigation shows that-the Simmons' impression i s not e n t i r e l y accurate. Vancouver's Chinatown i s not dispersing but expanding with new Chinese uses at the fringes of expansion, and t o u r i s t uses, inv o l v i n g higher q u a l i t y restaurants, at r e t a i l , devolving to the center. B. V i s i b l e S o c i a l Problems and Trends 83-1. Introduction. An overview of present s o c i a l problems i n Chinatown of i n t e r e s t to the public o f f i c i a l presents a kaleidoscope of r e s i d u a l issues from the past (including some with t h e i r roots overseas), i n t e r a c t i n g and given new s i g n i f i c a n c e through t h e i r e f f e c t on the area's reaction to contemporary challenges. These new challenges include: a r a p i d l y changing s o c i a l structure, a p o l i t i c a l l y fragmented and unstable leadership, a changing economic base, increased land values, aging p h y s i c a l structures, changing land use, and other re l a t e d physical problems unqiue to communities peripheral to the C.B.D. The more phys i c a l of these changes have been discussed i n the previous chapter; however, here i t i s hoped that they w i l l gain more s i g n i f i c a n c e as t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with a number of outstanding s o c i a l problems i s outlined. 2. S o c i a l Indicators. Before discussing some of the s p e c i f i c s o c i a l problems evident i n Chinatown, a quick review of the major s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s presently a v a i l a b l e for the area w i l l provide an i n t e r e s t i n g backdrop to the i n t e r -a ction of problem areas. The i n d i c a t o r s presented here are for the most part based on a larger area than j u s t that occupied by the commercial core of Chinatown. Unfortunately both census d i v i s i o n s and municipal l o c a l area d i v i s i o n s divide at Main Street and generally extend as f a r east as Clarke Drive. Fortunately the bulk of the area for which s t a t i s t i c s are a v a i l a b l e comprises the immediate r e s i d e n t i a l hinterland of Chinatown and the greater 84 Chinatown area described i n the previous section. This larger area, chosen for t h i s study by factors beyond our c o n t r o l , i s v a l i d and legitimate for the discussion of broader s o c i a l issues that tend to know no a r t i f i c i a l boundaries. The present population of the greater target area known as Strathcona i s 11,540 persons. Only 34% of the population of t h i s area claim English as a mother tongue, while 47% have Chinese as a mother tongue. Of the t o t a l population 22% are over 65 years of age, and t h i s 131 i s almost double that of the Vancouver average. Prepared i n 1968 and based on older census data, United Community Services of Vancouver produced a social-economic r a t i n g of the 132 various l o c a l areas of the C i t y . The index prepared consisted of three v a r i a b l e s : income, occupational status, and education. The highest numbers indicated the lowest socio-economic ranking and the spread moved from Strathcona (including Chinatown) at 117.0 to Shaughnessy at 8.4 . This vast d i s p a r i t y i n a number of variables remains c l e a r i n the following income map, based on 1971 data. Canada, Census, 1971. Barry Mayhew, Local Areas of Vancouver, United Community Services of Greater Vancouver, January, 1967. 86, 3. Problem Overview. Perhaps the most pervasive problem i n Chinatown i s the ever increasing gap between the s o c i a l r e a l i t y and the physical-economic structure of the enclave. Rapidly changing c u l t u r a l values, and the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure have combined to bring about a dysfunctional r e l a t i o n s h i p between the once complementary phys i c a l and s o c i a l structures of the community. Where once these structures were mutually r e i n f o r c i n g against a h o s t i l e and foreign environment, they are now i n t e r a c t i n g with external forces and moving at d i f f e r e n t rates of speed. While the inexorable forces of land economics and consumer demand change the nature and function of p h y s i c a l space within Chinatown, a badly fragmented and disoriented s o c i a l structure i s impotent and, i n some cases, u n w i l l i n g to r e s i s t or shape t h i s change. It i s the writer's experience that one of the most common errors on the part of. public o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r approach to Chinatown i s to deal with the community as an i n d i v i s i b l e , homeogeneous e n t i t y . It i s not. Prewar Chinatown, as described i n an e a r l i e r chapter, has always been i n t e r n a l l y divided by a s c r i p t i v e , d i a l e c t and i d e a l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s ; however, the fact that the community was 90% male, l a r g e l y located i n one area of the c i t y , saw themselves as sojourners, and were contained by the bounds of external d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , did provide a homogeneity that i s no longer a major fa c t o r . Today the sexual imbalance i s n e g l i g i b l e , the family formation rate i s high, allegiance i s now to the family unit — not to the male clan society, — r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n has scattered, Canada i s seen as 817 a permanent home, and discriminatory at t i t u d e s have a l l but disappeared. The type of heterogenuity developing i n the Chinese community extends well beyond the walls of the ethnic ghetto and i s becoming an i n t e g r a l part of the same differences that e x i s t within the dominant s o c i a l structure (age, income, education). I t i s now these standard variables that are playing the major r o l e as s o c i a l determinants i n the Chinese community. T r a d i t i o n a l values and structure erode slowly, i n fact i t might be truer to say they atrophy, rather than completely disappear. Some manage to adapt and reappear i n d i f f e r e n t guises, and i t i s t h i s f a c t o r , which might be termed temporal feedback, that makes ordinary urban problems i n Chinatown very complex. 4. The New Adult Immigrant. New Chinese immigrants are of a very d i f f e r e n t mold than the o r i g i n a l Chinese s e t t l e r s i n Canada. They are from Hong Kong, a large, modern and fast-moving metropolis. More often than not they have d i r e c t experience with slum and p u b l i c housing environments. Deficiency i n English, p a r t i c u l a r l y w r i t i n g s k i l l s , i s a severe handicap for the Chinese immigrant. I t i s probably the major factor r e s t r i c t i n g both s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d immigrants to low income forms of employment. An a b i l i t y to cope with written E n g l i s h i s a pr e r e q u i s i t e of s k i l l e d q u a l i f i c a t i o n s (involving trade examinations and other l i c e n s i n g procedures), while a modicum of a b i l i t y to deal with verbal English i s a very necessary requirement for entrance into vocational and other educational programs leading to higher income employment. The nature of very low income employment i t s e l f mitigates against the time and energy l e f t over for educational development. It i s t h i s lack of language f a c i l i t y that forces so many new immigrants to become dependent on the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l amenities supplied by Chinatown. Preferred employment becomes that where minimum adjustment i s necessary. Restaurants and other i n d u s t r i e s such as food processing, canneries and the garment industry, have grown up i n proximity to Chinatown, close to t h e i r p o t e n t i a l labor pool. These jobs demand hard work and long hours, and leave l i t t l e opportunity to improve language s k i l l s . The 1961 census indicated that the majority of employed Strathcona residents were engaged i n service occupations. This category includes cooks, butchers, waiters, porters, bellhops and housekeepers. The next larges t employment categories for Chinese were cannery workers, food processing occupations, garment industry and other craftsmen. While 1971 census figures on employment are not yet a v a i l a b l e , i t may be postulated that a stream of u n s k i l l e d immigrants (of un-s p e c i f i e d size) i s continuing, and w i l l continue, to provide Chinatown with u n s k i l l e d labour and continue to be dependent on the existence of Chinatown — even though the o v e r a l l composition of immigrant type may be changing. While many new immigrants without s k i l l s continue i n the future to have an economic dependence on Chinatown, c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s are matters that are not so c l e a r . To the new Chinese immigrant from Hong Kong, Vancouver's Chinatown presents an anachronistic and p r o v i n c i a l s o c i a l structure. I t i s based on the needs and customs 893 of immigrants of the l a t e 19th and early 20th centuries. These e a r l i e r immigrants were r u r a l oriented. A s c r i p t i v e and l o c a l t i e s played a major part i n binding the s o c i a l structure together. Today's immigrants are not attracted to the t r a d i t i o n a l organization of Chinatown. I t i s almost foreign and c e r t a i n l y unrelated to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r needs. The decline of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure of Chinatown, based on clan, l o c a l i t y and d i a l e c t d i v i s i o n s , i s being complemented by the r i s e of a new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l framework based on universal problem structures, often centering on government s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l programs, l o c a l issues and on new i d e a l o g i c a l foundations. Since 1949 and the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e of Vancouver's Chinatown have been challenged by a new leadership working within the community. Many of the t r a d i t i o n a l organizations have, although informally, two wings — one l e f t and one r i g h t . In recent years, as the t r a d i t i o n a l purposes and functions that provided the p r a c t i c a l raison d'etre for the Chinatown s o c i a l structure have l o s t t h e i r relevance, a more modern ethnic e t h i c , based on the organizational methods and accomplishments of the mainland have taken t h e i r place. "So-called" l e f t i s t leaders are now f i r m l y entrenched at secondary and semi-upper l e v e l s of many of the executives of various Chinatown associations. While s t i l l blocked from the positions of highest leadership i n the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l structure, t h i s secondary leadership has recently turned i t s attention to spearheading community-wide mass based movements. T r a d i t i o n a l leaders, while not opposed to the aims of such campaigns as "Stop the F i r e H a l l " , "Stop the Quebec-Columbia Connector" and others, have been slow to take the §0 i n i t i a t i v e and have, by default, l o s t much influence over the wider Chinese community. New Hong Kong immigrants, l i v i n g i n Strathcona or, more often, i n other areas of the c i t y , are i n some cases attracted and i n other cases d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n these movements and issues, depending on t h e i r own outlook. Those who are attracted w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e under the new leadership, while those who are d i s i n t e r e s t e d are attracted by neither the new nor t r a d i t i o n a l structures. The r e s u l t i n e i t h e r case has been a lack of r e c r u i t s to buttress the old s o c i a l structure and the growth of a large community of new immigrants more e a s i l y assimilated into the dominant s o c i a l pattern because of t h e i r lack of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the unique but t r a d i t i o n a l sub-structure. A major factor i n the non-introduction of new Chinese immigrants to the enclave has been the saturation of the a v a i l a b l e housing stock i n the Chinatown area. In Strathcona, immediately east of Chinatown, e x i s t s the only s u i t a b l e family units a v a i l a b l e for Chinese wishing to reside close to the core area. Strathcona, i n r e s i d e n t i a l terms, bounded by Gore, Campbell, 133 Hastings and A t l a n t i c , contains only 1300 housing u n i t s . A recent survey found that only 5% of the homeowners were new residents i n the. area (since A p r i l , 1971), and of these 86% had l i v e d elsewhere i n 134 Vancouver f i r s t ; only 6% came d i r e c t l y from outside Canada. A 1966 r e t a i l study of the Strathcona area found that only 8% of the residents 133 C i t y of Vancouver, Strathcona R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Report, July, 1971, p. 2. 134 Raymond Young, Strathcona R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Project Evaluation (incomplete), 1973 had resided i n Canada for le s s than a year and that 74% had been residents for 10 years or longer. 5. New Immigrant Youth. Juvenile delinquency amongt Chinatown youth i s becoming incr e a s i n g l y v i s i b l e . This phenomenon i s almost e x c l u s i v e l y l i m i t e d to immigrant youth. Although major causes can be e a s i l y i s o l a t e d , l i t t l e e f f o r t has been made to remove them. We have continued to treat the e f f e c t s . Our reaction has been to i n t e n s i f y p o l i c e p atrols and increase monitoring and control through street workers. Major causes of delinquency among Chinese immigrant youth may be described as: 1. C u l t u r a l Shock - a profound uprooting of normal patterns of behavior, values and attitudes - giving r i s e to general s o c i a l d i s o r i e n t a t i o n . 2. S o c i a l I s o l a t i o n - The s o c i a l structure of Vancouver's Chinatown i s anachronistic. It i s based on the needs of the f i r s t wave of peasant Chinese labourers i n the 19th Century. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l community has changed l i t t l e since that time other that entering a period of long term decline. The new Chinese immigrant usually from Hong Kong i s 135,, A Study of R e t a i l Expenditures For Use :i n^the Analysis of the F e a s i b i l i t y of Shopping F a c i l i t i e s i n the Strathcona Redevelopment Area", (Regional Marketing Surveys), May, 1966. 9& f a m i l i a r with a modern urban environment much more fa s t moving and metropolitan than Vancouver. Immigrant youth a r r i v i n g i n Canada from Hong Kong often have experience of slum, tenement or public housing l i v i n g . They r e j e c t the p r o v i n c i a l and archaic structure of Vancouver's Chinatown and are i n turn rejected by the dominant western s o c i a l structure including second and t h i r d generation Chinese. Lacking i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , they form groups or gangs (Blue Angels, Phantom Riders, Golden Skippers), which provide a structure to ease t h e i r marginality and a framework within which they can compete for the status denied them by the dominant white and the minority ethnic s o c i a l systems. A major factor appears to be experience of delinquency i n Hong Kong, which provides an a l t e r n a t i v e to normal behaviour. 3. Education - Many of the personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s which give r i s e to the group formation described above, develop i n the New Canadian classes i n the public school system. It i s here that the new immigrant's s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n manifests i t s e l f i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l form. I t i s here also i n the public school system that the j u v e n i l e immigrant f i r s t faces the harsh r e a l i t i e s of h i s d i f f i c u l t y (often i n a b i l i t y ) to s u c c e s s f u l l y adapt to the demands and pressures of a c u l t u r a l l y foreign i n s t i t u t i o n a l m i l i e u . Often language d i f f i c u l t i e s are never s a t i s f a c t o r i l y overcome, leading to low academic performance and 93 f r u s t r a t i o n to meet s o c i a l expectations. The fac t that t h i s f r u s t r a t i o n i s shared by friends i n a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n adds strength and impetus to j u v e n i l e group formation. Peer pressure and high f r u s t r a t i o n at secondary l e v e l s of education lead to a growing drop-out rate among immigrant youth. Family Relationships - F r u s t r a t i o n at the lack of educational attainment i s compounded by p r e v a i l i n g circumstances and att i t u d e s of immigrant parents. Chinese youth, perhaps more than any other sub-group i n society, are, because of the emphasis placed on education i n Chinese cu l t u r e , under great pressure from parents to do well at school. F a i l i n g to l i v e up to these expectations for reasons not considered or understood by parents who themselves are under-educated, puts a great s t r a i n on the new-Canadian youth. While the immigrant youth i s being driven away from school and i s being put under the opposite pressure from parents, he has to cope with two further problems of f a m i l i a l s t r a i n both of which require s i g n i f i c a n t adjustment a. Generation and Culture Gap We recognize the generation gap i n our own culture as being a serious b a r r i e r to communication and understandin between youth and adults. The same problem i s two-fold i n immigrant f a m i l i e s . The parents u s u a l l y poorly educated and slower to adapt, are faced with ch i l d r e n who are not only removed from them by a generation, but who are also irrevocably c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t . The new Canadian youth by v i r t u e of h i s exposure to the educational system i s p a r t i a l l y s o c i a l i z e d and trapped between two cultures. Of these cultures, he r e j e c t s one, and the other disvalues him. b. Lack of Family Supervision The t o t a l l y nuclear family i s a r e l a t i v e l y new s o c i a l phenomena to Chinese culture. While the extended family in v o l v i n g aunts, uncles, cousins, etc., l i v i n g under one roof popularly depicted i n Western l i t e r a t u r e was never r e a l l y common i n China, t i e s between r e l a t i v e s were much clo s e r . Grandparents i n v a r i a b l y played a large r o l e i n supervising and s o c i a l i z i n g c h i l d r e n . The immigrant family newly moved to Canada i s u s u a l l y t o t a l l y nuclear and cut o f f from the extended family contacts i t enjoyed i n Hong Kong. Due to the low economic status of the immigrant family, both parents are usually working. As there are no, immediate r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver, the r e s u l t i s a tremendous d i f f e r e n c e i n the amount of family supervision provided to c h i l d r e n . The immigrant youth i s thus faced with an amount of freedom with which he i s often not ready or mature enough to cope. 6. The E l d e r l y . As has been noted i n preceding chapters, Chinese immigration p r i o r to World War II was almost e x c l u s i v e l y male dominated. These sojourners, most of whom never did return home a f t e r 1949, brought t h e i r wives and fam i l i e s over to j o i n them, i f they had f a m i l i e s ; however, many had no f a m i l i e s . Many had also sent most of t h e i r savings overseas to be invested i n land; a l l of th i s was l o s t . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the present population p r o f i l e for the Chinatown area i s heavily weighted i n the top age brackets. As has been mentioned e a r l i e r , Chinatown and i t s immediate environs supports twice the normal proportion of persons s i x t y - f i v e and over as the average f o r the c i t y . In the Strathcona R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Project area defined e a r l i e r , o f f i c i a l s have estimated that over 50% of the homeowners i n the area are over s i x t y - f i v e . The e l d e r l y i n Chinatown present an almost unique case of a sizeable sub-group, s p a t i a l l y i d e n t i f i a b l e and t o t a l l y dependent on the s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and economic amenities offered by one s p e c i f i c area of Vancouver. Friends, clubs, s o c i e t i e s , reading rooms, co-op houses, coffee shops and grocery stores are the core of t h e i r existence. Because of t h e i r age and dependence on proximity to Chinatown, the Chinese e l d e r l y are the hardest h i t by demolition, r i s i n g rents, and r e l o c a t i o n . Many are i n poor health, but refuse nursing home care, as i t would mean a t o t a l l y i s o l a t e d existence, too far from Chinatown to make l i f e r e a l l y meaningful. The Chinese s o c i e t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y clan and l o c a l i t y types, continue to play a large part i n the l i v e s of many of the old men resident i n the area. A common :form=: of residence i n the Chinatown and 9.6i Strathcona areas i s the Kung S'o, or communal house. These are houses or buildings owned and maintained by a society for the convenience of older members, who l i v e together i n a s e l f - h e l p arrangement. Several houses of t h i s type benefitted from the Strathcona R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Project, which made grant/loans a v a i l a b l e to owner-occupiers and non-profit groups for the improvement of housing. Many more of the e l d e r l y l i v e i n rooming houses and old hotels, both i n the core area and near to i t . Much of th i s type of housing i s also owned by s o c i e t i e s . The Freemasons make rooms i n t h e i r Chinatown property a v a i l a b l e at $18.00 a month to members, 136 when the market rate ranges from $40.00 to $60.00 . Recently, sparked by the Federal New Horizons Program, a major society of the e l d e r l y has been formed with s u b s t a n t i a l support, i n terms of space, s t a f f , time and f a c i l i t i e s , from the Vancouver Parks Board. The Kuei Ying Wu has, i n l e s s than a year's operation, gathered 500 active members. Membership has had to be c u r t a i l e d due to l i m i t a t i o n s of f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e for meetings and a c t i v i t i e s . It has been clear for several years that each of the t h i r t y or f o r t y clan and l o c a l i t y associations could not continue to sustain meaningful programs and a c t i v i t i e s for the dwindling number of e l d e r l y members. At the same time, i n e r t i a and t r a d i t i o n were against a j o i n t voluntary scheme of integrated services i n t h i s f i e l d . The New Horizons grant has allowed another a l t e r n a t i v e to develop outside the ethnic s o c i a l structure, unfettered by parochial competitiveness and concerns. "l36 Harry Con - verbal communication. C97 The decline of the t r a d i t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n a l nature of Chinatown w i l l be discussed i n the next section; however, i t should be pointed out here that, as a general r u l e , the development of a t o t a l l y new structure through the f a i l u r e of the e x i s t i n g structure to adapt and remain fu n c t i o n a l , presages the f o s s i l i z a t i o n and eventual e x t i n c t i o n of the old. 7. The So c i e t i e s . Chinatown boasts over eighty organizations of d i f f e r e n t kinds 137 within i t s l i m i t e d borders. - Many of these are dying along with the l a s t survivors of the f i r s t wave of immigration. Hardest h i t are the clan and l o c a l i t y associations r e l y i n g on t r a d i t i o n a l a s c r i p t i v e factors for t h e i r foundation. The Chinese N a t i o n a l i s t League of Canada and the Chinese Benevolent Association have because of t h e i r growing p o l i t i c a l i r relevance, also declined. With perhaps the exception of the Chinese 138 Freemasons and one or two other s o c i e t i e s where leadership has been a v a i l a b l e , the associations are l o s i n g t h e i r appeal to Canadian born Chinese. New immigrants for reasons already discussed are not attracted. Many of the functions once the domain of the s o c i e t i e s have been eroded by increasing government aid and new s o c i a l programs. Their j u d i c i a l and representative functions have become less important and l e s s c a l l e d upon due to changing s o c i a l attitudes towards o r i e n t a l s by the host society. Recent immigration amnesties have resulted i n a lessening of 137 W. Wilmott, "The Study of Chinese i n B.C.", B.C. Studies, No. 4, Spring, 1970, p. 51. 138 Stanford Lyman, "Chinese Secret Societies i n the Occident", The  Asian i n the West, S o c i a l Science of Humanities, P u b l i c a t i o n No. 4, Unive r s i t y of Nevada, 1970, p. 45. 98 tension with regard to the i l l e g a l immigrant issues and persons i n the i l l e g a l category have l e s s need to he dependent on the shelter and protection of the various associations. "As the Chinese have gained access to the p o l i t i c a l l e g a l , occupational and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s once open only to Caucasians, they have d r i f t e d away from Chinatown l o s i n g i n t e r e s t i n i t s i n s u l t i n s t i -t utions, and shut themselves o f f from i t s benefits and influence."139 One appointment of v i t a l i n t e r e s t to Chinatown has been that of Mr. Harry Con to the Federal Governments ten member Immigration Advisory Board. This appointment stems from the LiberalPEarty and Mr. Con's long service i n the constituency a s s o c i a t i o n of a prominent cabinet minister. I t i s clear i n th i s case that access to p o l i t i c a l influence has not emerged from strong organization within Chinatown but from p a r t i c i p a t i o n both in s i d e and outside of the enclave's s o c i a l structure. Other appointments of prominent Chinese to the H i s t o r i c a l Area Advisory Board, and the Town Planning Commission have been the r e s u l t of a c t i v i t i e s within and without the Chinatown community. I t i s c l e a r that a trend now e x i s t s f o r the int e g r a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l and p o s i t i o n at the in t e r f a c e of areas of common concern. The influence of t h i s phenomenon moves both ways and those leaders thus co-opted into responsible positions outside the enclave also f i n d t h e i r p o s i t i o n s strengthened i n s i d e . This has only been possible with the abdication of t r a d i t i o n a l chains of authority. 139 Loc. C i t . 99 8. The New A l l i a n c e s . While many of the t r a d i t i o n a l supports of the old s o c i a l structure have crumbled, new organizations, sometimes better described as ad-hoc movements, have arisen to provide a focus for s o c i a l a c t i v i t y i n Chinatown. These new movements, most often spearheaded by young professionals or others either uninterested or blocked for p o l i t i c a l or t r a d i t i o n a l reasons from assuming leadership through the e x i s t i n g structure, are generally centered around l o c a l Vancouver issues. They tend to be more modern i n t h e i r organization and approach, although t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s of influence within the leadership structure of the enclave generally play a part i n t h e i r makeup. Two recent movements of t h i s type: "Stop the F i r e h a l l " and " C u l t u r a l Centre" issues have been i n d i c a t i v e of t h i s type of spontaneous organization. While some of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s have attempted to r e v i t a l i z e themselves by a t t r a c t i n g youthful members, these attempts 140 for the most part have f a i l e d because of severe generational c o n f l i c t . On the other hand the ad-hoc movement has managed to s u c c e s s f u l l y combine the s k i l l s and expertise of the younger progessionals and a c t i v i s t s with the experience and influence of older members of the community. The formation of the Chinatown Property Owners and Merchants Association, organized around the need for the community to p a r t i c i p a t e with the C i t y i n b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , p l a n s points to the development of a more modern ( i n foundation and function) society. Although Strathcona 140 W. Wilmott, "Chinese Clan Associations i n Vancouver", Man, Vol. IXIV, No. 49, 1964, pp. 33-37. 100; (the r e s i d e n t i a l hinterland) i s not the major focus of t h i s study, the development of SPOTA (Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association) and i t s success i n a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g with a l l three l e v e l s of government preceedes and p a r a l l e l s s i m i l a r developments i n the Chinatown core. There i s one word that almost always tri g g e r s anxiety and caution i n public o f f i c i a l s concerned with Chinatown. That word i s " l e f t i s t " . Often we speak i n hushed tones about the r i g h t and the "reds" of Chinatown, thinking of i n t e r n a t i o n a l repercussions, or of Red Guards parading down the s t r e e t s . There seems to be l i t t l e substance to these fears. Issues tend to be l o c a l , and the l e f t and r i g h t r e f e r for the most part to modern or t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to the problem at hand. Those who are described as l e f t i s t i n Chinatown are sometimes s o c i a l i s t s , but by and large they are j u s t those who percieve and f e e l that .the c u l t u r a l mainline i n the future l i e s i n China proper rather than Taiwan. There i s a large middle group, not r e a l l y oriented one way or the other: they tend to be overlooked. New organizations, i n p a r t i c u l a r ad-hoc movements, tend to be' ' led and dominated by what may be termed the " l e f t " i n Chinatown. Established new leaders are generally those who have been denied leader-ship i n t r a d i t i o n a l c i r c l e s . This trend has opened up new and important roles and positions within the enclave that did not e x i s t before. As the enclave becomes more open, l i n k s external to the Chinese community begin to play a more important part i n r e l a t i o n to the s h i f t s of status, power, and influence c o n t r o l l e d by i n d i v i d u a l leaders. 101 9. The R e s i d e n t i a l Hinterland. Chinatown's immediate r e s i d e n t i a l hinterland, Strathcona, has i n the past been the haven of middle and higher income Britons, Jews, Slavs, and most prominently I t a l i a n s and Portugese since the d i s t r i c t was developed i n the l a t e 1890's and early 1900's. The area with i t s large V i c t o r i a n houses, became i r r e s i s t a b l e to the Chinese a f t e r the repeal of the Oriental Exclusion Act and the beginning of normal family formation among the Chinese males. The I t a l i a n community has inexorably been pushed and pulled eastward into newer and better accomodations i n Grandview. The housing capacity of Strathcona has become saturated i n terms of i t s present single-family structure, and new immigrants have been forced to f i n d accomodation away from the established enclave. As an economic support (both i n terms of consumers and employment) Strathcona i s quickly l o s i n g importance as a buttress to the commercial core area. The merchants of Chinatown, r e a l i z i n g that le s s than 10% of the t o t a l Chinese population of the G.V.R.D. reside i n Strathcona percieve the . r e s i d e n t i a l area as prime land for expansion to meet the burgeoning needs of increasing regional business brought by Hong Kong immigrants and t o u r i s t s . The core area no longer e x i s t s as the centre of an i s o l a t e d enclave but as the heart of a diverse and heterogeneous regional population. While the number and nature of present s o c i a l problems i n Chinatown appears formidable, p r o f e s s i o n a l l y trained Hong Kong immigrants, and second generation Canadian Chinese have reacted to the challenge. Taking advantage of federal government funding programs, numerous O.F.Y., L.I.P., 102 L.E.A.P. demonstration projects, and housing projects have been estab-l i s h e d . These programs while h i g h l i g h t i n g problems ( i n some cases for funding purposes making them seem more serious than they are) have had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the community. Perhaps the greatest and most hopeful of these impacts has been the creation of new and active organizations involving a wide range of interested p a r t i c i p a n t s . In e f f e c t as the nature of the community and i t s problems change, the community's v i a b i l i t y has remained unimpaired. CHINATOWN - A PLANNING FRAMEWORK 104 A. The Problem Restated. A l v i n T o f f l e r has popularized the term "future shock". It describes "the shattering stress and d i s o r i e n t a t i o n that we induce i n 14C i n d i v i d u a l s by subjecting them to too much change i n too short a time." Chinatown i s a community that i s undergoing rapid compounded change on several l e v e l s at once. This multi-dimensional change has transformed a once self-contained and s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g s o c i a l structure into a p a r t i a l l y open, fragmented and disoriented system of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n which t r a d i t i o n a l and modern values, a t t i t u d e s , constraints, and patterns of a c t i v i t y , compete to e s t a b l i s h a new balance. Chinatown, by v i r t u e of i t s l o c a t i o n alone, i s of s t r a t e g i c importance to transportation planners; i t straddles the major eastward access to the Central Business D i s t r i c t . I t i s of v i t a l i n t e r e s t to planners of conservation and preservation because of i t s h i s t o r i c a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l background; to s o c i a l planners because of i t s unique s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l structure and problems; to housing planners because of i t s function as part of the ho t e l and low rent rooming house d i s t r i c t of the C i t y ; and to economic planners because of i t s growing regional economic s i g n i f i c a n c e . These major i n t e r e s t areas combined with i n t e r n a l changes i n the community i t s e l f , pose problems as complex as any which planners must solve. I t i s c l e a r that over the next few years, f i v e major areas of planning concern w i l l provide the broad framework within which s p e c i f i c issues w i l l a r i s e . Most sin g l e issues w i l l be re l a t e d to one or a combination of the dominant themesc-below: 140 A l v i n T o f f l e r , Future Shock, Toronto, Bantam Books, 1970, p. 2. CHINATOWN BASIC -PLANNING FRAMEWORK 1 0 5 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT! ECONOMIC EXPANSION GREATER CHINESE COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION & CONSUMER DEMAND INNER COMMUNITY RESIDENTS PROPERTY OWNERS MERCHANTS HOUSING |SOCIAL PROBLEMS AND CULTURAL OPPORTUNITIES. HISTORICAL PRESERVATION GOVERNMENT  INTERVENTION, AND PROGRAMS IMMIGRANTS 106. The major planning areas, diagrammatically represented above, are re l a t e d i n much more than j u s t a t h e o r e t i c a l sense. In a very p r a c t i c a l way, because of the small s p a t i a l concentration of Chinatown a c t i v i t y , chains of cause and e f f e c t are short; thus problems i n one sphere tend to have an immediate and s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the others. While these r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been recognized, the d i f f i c u l t i e s presented by t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n have not yet received the comprehensive attention required to provide long range solutions. Chinatown i s a d i s t i n c t i v e e n t i t y , e a s i l y defined i n h i s t o r y , culture, function and space. While the same may be true of other areas of Vancouver, Chinatown stands out i n these respects above a l l others. Important a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y to the planner, Chinatown, as character area, i s small enough to be manageable. The C i t y of Vancouver i s embarking on a l o c a l area planning approach i n an e f f o r t to get closer to s p e c i f i c area problems that require solutions. In concluding t h i s t h e s i s , a short discussion of the f i v e dominant problem areas w i l l be offered as a f i r s t step towards the design of a planning structure within which the character and functions of Chinatown may best be allowed to develop and change. B. Economic Expansion and Development. While the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure of Chinatown may be withering, Chinatown as an economic unit and a commercial e n t i t y i s far from fading away. Indeed, i t i s r a p i d l y being redeveloped and s p i l l i n g over the fringes of what were once i t s borders. Two major trends i n th i s sphere of a c t i v i t y are presently discernable and both are increasing 107J pressure for higher i n t e n s i t y land use and contributing to the gradual los s of the remaining p h y s i c a l manifestation of the older t r a d i t i o n a l enclave. F i r s t , along the spine of Chinatown (Pender Street) the d i v i s i o n between the t o u r i s t area (West of Main Street) and the Chinese area (East of Main Street) has been reinforced. The t o u r i s t area has seen the slow growth of curio and t o u r i s t oriented r e t a i l uses. Several f i r e s i n recent years have hastened t h i s trend. The redevelopment of the Lee B u i l d i n g , a f t e r a f i r e l a s t year, i s highly v i s i b l e evidence of t h i s a c t i v i t y . The Lee Association, once located i n upper f l o o r s of t h i s b u i l d i n g , has beenrrelocated to a l e s s expensive and l e s s prime l o c a t i o n to make way for new r e t a i l shops and restaurant uses. Frequent references i n the past several years to a Gastown-Chinatown l i n k are evidence of the development of a conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two areas. The second major trend i n recent years has been the spectacular growth of those sectors of the Chinatown economy catering to newer immigrants. Obvious redevelopment i n r e t a i l food stores and s p e c i a l t y restaurants catering to immigrant customers has taken place on Pender Street east of Main Street. New development has s p i l l e d over on to Main Street both north and south of Hastings and on to Hastings Street i t s e l f . Two newly constructed theatres, showing s o l e l y Chinese f i l m s , and the addition on Main and Hastings of several s p e c i a l t y food importers r e f l e c t s the obvious strength of the demand i n t h i s sector of the economy. The new Chinese immigrants, do not r e l a t e to Chinatown as a 108 t o t a l insulated community. For the most part, because of the s c a r c i t y of s u i t a b l e family housing i n the Chinatown area, they do not l i v e there. Neither, as has been pointed out previously, do they generally p a r t i c i p a t e i n the structure of the ethnic enclave. To them Chinatown represents the economic and downtown f o c a l point of the C i t y , much l i k e G r a n v i l l e Street with i t s theatres and major department stores does to other Vancouverites. Chinatown as a t o u r i s t market, has become a na t i o n a l and even North American a t t r a c t i o n . In this, sense i t i s clear, that i t i s one of the regions most important sub-centres. • In serving Chinese consumers, on a regional basis, p h y s i c a l expansion and development i s r a p i d l y changing to serve a growing and dispersed immigrant market. Of the three major groups generally associated with Chinatown - residents, t o u r i s t s and immigrant consumers - the f i r s t group has become the l e a s t important. Planners concerned with "community" w i l l f i r s t have to put emphasis on a d e f i n i t i o n of that term i f t h e i r e f f o r t s and solutions are to r e f l e c t present r e a l i t y . C. ', H i s t o r i c a l Preservation and B e a u t i f i c a t i o n . In the past ten years there have been only two basic thrusts of public planning p o l i c y i n the Chinatown area - h i s t o r i c a l preservation and transportation. These p o l i c y approaches i n the Chinatown area have been and s t i l l are i n c o n f l i c t . To date no sui t a b l e compromise has been reached. Chinatown i s recognized, along with Gastown, as one of the major h i s t o r i c a l areas of the Cit y . I t i s seen to be of s i g n i f i c a n t s i z e 109 and q u a l i t y to be worthy of e f f o r t s to r e t a i n and r e f u r b i s h i t s s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The task of t r a n s l a t i n g mere recognition of the value of Chinatown's phys i c a l uniqueness into action i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the B e a u t i f i c a t i o n Section of Vancouver's Planning Department. There have been over the past several years two or three attempts at C i t y i n i t i a t e d b e a u t i f i c a t i o n and upgrading. These have f a i l e d f o r a number of reasons - the twotmbst important being an i n a b i l i t y of the Chinatown Community to define i t s e l f , and p o l i c y c o n f l i c t between b e a u t i f i c a t i o n plans and transportation needs. Pan-Community structures struggling to react to b e a u t i f i c a t i o n i n i t i a t i v e s , have been d i f f i c u l t to deal with because of t h e i r lack of organization and structure that i s t r u l y accountable. Ci'tizen Committees elected to represent Chinatown, are out of necessity (to represent a l l competing i n t e r e s t s as well as honouring c e r t a i n outstanding leaders and i n d i v i d u a l s ) , large and unweildly. Just as t h e i r very make-up i s fraught with community p o l i t i c a l implications so i s t h e i r a b i l i t y to choose between various planning and p o l i c y a l t e r n a t i v e s hampered by various factions that compete within the committee structure. Unlike most conventional communities, where a committee might be struck out of a public meeting, the persons on a Chinatown Committee are not so much unknown quantities to each other as they are well known and established i n t e r e s t s - i n t e r e s t s that may be or have been i n c o n f l i c t or a l l i a n c e over numerous issues going back as far as the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty i n China (1912). In the context of Chinatown, a planner, when working cooperatively with a l o c a l C i t i z e n Committee i s not only working with modern complex urban issues - he i s also working with issues unresolved before h i s i n t r u s i o n and that w i l l remain unresolved as long as there are persons of one f a c t i o n or the other within the community to remember them. The most enduring of the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n concepts for the Chinatown area, involves the development of an a c t i v e l y node around Pender and C a r r a l l Streets. This involves the expansion of Chinatown back to the West (possibly attracted by False Creek Redevelopment and Gastown) a move which would reverse the eighty year trend of^growth to the east. A Chinatown-Gastown and False Creek pedestrian l i n k are foundations of t h i s plan. The proposal for a Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre and housing develop-ment i n the Pender-Keefer D i v i s i o n area i s one of the f i r s t major steps under way to further t h i s concept. Several years ago, a Chinese Pogoda was proposed as the node of t h i s conceptional a c t i v i t y pattern; however, nothing came of i t ; and i t s t i l l remains to be seen how far and how serious support for the C u l t u r a l Centre w i l l a c t u a l l y be. While the Centre i s seen by some as a f o c a l point for bringing the community together i n a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l sense, as well as providing the major in t e r f a c e between the Chinese and other residents of Vancouver, others perceive the c u l t u r a l centre movement to be dominated by l e f t i s t s and fear that control (implying censorship and propaganda) w i l l f a l l to new a c t i v i s t s who w i l l give and receive moral and p o l i t i c a l support from the People's Republic of China. 111. D. T r a f f i c and Transportation. The C i t y Engineer has described the Chinatown area i n the following terms: "The neck of the downtown peninsula i s the most important t r a f f i c c o r r i d o r into the downtown. Hastings, Pender, Cordova, and Water Streets carry more t r a f f i c i n and out of the downtown peninsula than do any of the bridges..."141 At peak period the neck i s operating v i r t u a l l y at t o t a l capacity. The basic c o n f l i c t between pedestrianization (almost always e x p l i c i t i n b e a u t i f i c a t i o n plans) and the necessity of moving volumes of commuter and commercial t r a f f i c through the neck of the peninsula i s r e a d i l y apparent. At the present time 297 buses move i n both d i r e c t i o n s at peak hours through the neck. This service i s hampered by excessive vehicular congestion r e s u l t i n g from the fac t that the grade street system i s already at i t s e f f e c t i v e l i m i t . Model s h i f t s (to pu b l i c t r a n s i t ) are required; however, a fast and e f f i c i e n t bus rapid t r a n s i t system demands exclusive bus lanes for which there i s at present no capacity. From the City's point of view, while the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n of Chinatown i s an important goal, i n pr a c t i c e pressures for the constant expansion of the grade street capacity on that neck of land (through Chinatown) to and from the C.B.D, have had much more immediate impact than conceptual plans f o r a "future Chinatown". T r a f f i c planning within the constraints of a grade street system has been incremental. Each small step (most more e a s i l y endorsed by C i t y Council and community, 141 C i t y Engineer, Report to C i t y Council, June, 1974. ri '2i than grand plans for preservation and b e a u t i f i c a t i o n ) r e s t r i c t s and l i m i t s future plans for the area. The Quebec-Columbia connector running p a r a l l e l to Main Street and designed to ease the t r a f f i c load from Kingsway and Broadway into the CBD presents major problems for the whole pedestrian l i n k concept with Gastown and False Creek. Recent downtown proposals c a l l for a t r a n s i t mall on Hastings. The r e s u l t of t h i s w i l l be to force the remaining commuter t r a f f i c on to Pender and through to the C.B.D. Most w i l l probably funnel through the Pender-Keefer D i v i s i o n d e f i n i n g the l i m i t of Chinatown's Western expansion, with a major t r a f f i c artery. Vancouver does not at present have d e f i n i t e plans for a transportation network. The C i t y i s committed to r a i l rapid t r a n s i t , but; the planning and implementation of such a system i s i n the hands of the P r o v i n c i a l Government. The lack of an o v e r a l l i d e n t i f i a b l e transportation plan for the Ci t y , e s p e c i a l l y the core area, has resulted i n "ad hoc s o l u t i o n s " , the e f f e c t of which have become cumulative over time. It i s c l e a r that the Chinatown-Gastown-False Creek axis w i l l be one of the most c r i t i c a l components of a downtown eastside plan. Of the three areas, Chinatown i s at present the l e a s t c e r t a i n of i t s future d i r e c t i o n , and the most threatened by transportation demands. .11:3 E. Low Rental Housing. Chinatown i s part of a greater area generally known as the Downtown Eastside. In r e a l i t y the term Downtown Eastside has developed an euphemism for Skid Row. In t h i s context Chinatown i s part of the low rent housing d i s t r i c t of the City; and with the exception of the Strathcona sub-area, almost a l l housing i n the area i s of the hot e l and rooming house v a r i e t y . The City's housing p o l i c y over the past three years i n the Downtown Eastside has had a three pronged thrust: r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ; code enforcement; and the provision of new u n i t s . Active p u b l i c l y sponsored r e h a b i l i t a t i o n has taken place only i n Strathcona; i n that sub-area bounded by Hastings, Gore, P r i o r and Campbell Streets. Here, i n what i s the l a s t r e a l stand of s i n g l e -family dwellings on the frin g e of the downtown area, the three l e v e l s of government experimented s u c c e s s f u l l y with a program that was the fo r e -runner of the Federal Government's Neighbourhood Improvement Program. The Strathcona program, implemented as an a l t e r n a t i v e to t o t a l clearance and urban renewal, has ensured, for at l e a s t another decade, the s e c u r i t y of many of the fa m i l i e s who own houses or rent apartments immediately adjacent to Chinatown. There are roughly 1200 units of housing i n the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n area of which approximately a quarter are sing l e family dwellings occupied by long standing resident f a m i l i e s . The remaining apartments or conversions cater f o r the most part to e l d e r l y s i n g l e s . New immigrant fa m i l i e s are generally unable to f i n d accomodation i n the Chinatown area, and are forced, because of a low supply of su i t a b l e family units i n the area, to seek housing elsewhere. The Strathcona 114 r e h a b i l i t a t i o n movement among c i t i z e n s was led by three major f a m i l i e s ; the Chans, the Cons and the Lees; a l l of whom are long standing residents of the area. In t h i s sense, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n did l i t t l e to open or enlarge a pool of low income housing for newcomers; rather, i t preserved for a time an established community dominated by " r e l a t i v e l y " long standing residents i n Canada. I t i s c l e a r that given the t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n of these f i r s t immigrant f a m i l i e s and oppositely the almost complete a c c u l t u r a t i o n of t h e i r c h i l d r e n brought up i n Canada that many of t h i s group are not so much a part of the changing Chinatown as are the new Hong Kong consumers and business i n t e r e s t s . More important than the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of Strathcona housing units w i l l be the impact of the City's recent i n i t i a t i v e s i n housing code enforcement. While the majority of Chinese consumers i n Greater Vancouver do not l i v e i n Chinatown,.those that do (with the exception of established owner-occupier f a m i l i e s i n Strathcona) l i v e i n ho t e l and rooming housing accomodations. These are the si n g l e and e l d e r l y - the residue of the f i r s t waves of immigration. Their problems have been discussed e a r l i e r i n t h i s t h e s i s ; however, these problems are being compounded by d r a s t i c housing p o l i c i e s . Vancouver, because of a heavy commitment on the part of newly elected "reform" p o l i t i c a n s , rushed headlong into a new s t y l e of aggresive housing code enforcement without proper thought or study. These p o l i c i e s i n v o l v i n g a new F i r e By—law, and a new Health By—law (Lodging House By-law), both of which require expensive c a p i t a l outlays on the part of b u i l d i n g owners and operators have hurt rather than aided most of Chinatown's e l d e r l y residents. • ' .v . •• "Code enforcement i s a highly v o l a t i l e mechanism when used i n the inner c i t y . . . . I n i t s present form, code enforcement when pursued aggressively and mechanically can harm the residents economically and s o c i a l l y and can have detrimental e f f e c t s on the low rent housing stock."142 Where ready cash i s not a v a i l a b l e , mortgages are generally required. Mortgage companies are hesitant to lend on the older, r i s k i e r buildings of Chinatown, and consequently i n t e r e s t rates are high, and amortization periods are short. Rent increases of a magnitude to service new debt are presently denied by P r o v i n c i a l regulation. The most common s o c i a l problems evident i n other North American c i t i e s during periods of s t r i c t code enforcement have been; d i s l o c a t i o n and e v i c t i o n of tenants; rent increases for low income 143 tenants; and depletion of lowest income housing stock. Surveys done by the C i t y i n September 1974 show a loss of 865 low income units i n the Downtown Eastside from January 1, 1974 144 to September 10, 1974. The impact of these p o l i c i e s on Chinese has been staggering. An examination of the 39 tenants being evicted from the East Hotel shows that 38 were Chinese and had an average age of 71.5 years. None of them as of October, 1974, had found a l t e r n a t i v e places to l i v e . 142 Hartman, Kessler and LeGates, "Municipal Housing Code Enforcement and Low Income Tenants", A.I.P. Journal, March, 1974, p. 91. 1 4 3 I b i d . pp. 93-94. 144 C i t y of Vancouver, S o c i a l Planning Department, Report to C i t y Council, September, 1974. 116 C i t y o f f i c i a l s expect the s i t u a t i o n to worsen, as further closures reduce the vacancy rate below zero, rooming houses convert to d a i l y tenancies to f r u s t r a t e rent c o n t r o l regulations, and e l d e r l y tenants, i f fortunate enough to f i n d a place to l i v e , pay rents 30% to 50% higher. In another sector of pu b l i c involvement i n the housing market, the City's e f f o r t s at providing new public housing have been only moderately successful. While several hundred units are presently (1975) i n the planning stages only 56 have been completed. Experience has shown that at a conservative estimate, two or more years i s required for the three l e v e l s of Government to move from concept to actual provision of u n i t s . No r e a l r e l i e f can be seen for several years. The depletion of the lowest income housing stock i n and around the Chinatown area has highlighted another s p l i t i n the Chinatown community, that between the poorer tenants and the r e l a t i v e l y wealthy Chinese landlords who tend to l i v e outside the Chinatown area. Again, modern economic and generally u n i v e r s a l s o c i a l pressures are ove r - r i d i n g t r a d i t i o n a l l i n k s and a t t i t u d e s . Conclusion. Trends indi c a t e that there w i l l be an increasing decline i n the influence and s t a b i l i t y of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure; t h i s w i l l be matched by functional changes i n land use oriented towards consumers who <are; foreign or only marginally connected with the established Chinatown s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l pattern. Chinatown and i t s immediate environs w i l l continue to support a r e s i d e n t i a l community dependent upon the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l amenity offered, but t h i s group w i l l continue to decline i n proportion to the o v e r a l l growth of the Vancouver Chinese community. Blocked to the east by the down zoning of the Strathcona area and i t s maintenance (for at l e a s t 10 years) as a r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t , and l i m i t e d i n the core area by the constraints of h i s t o r i c a l preservation l e g i s l a t i o n , Chinatown can only expand more v i s i b l y along Main Street and Hastings Street. Already developed parts of Chinatown, p a r t i c u l a r l y where buildings are old or not i n t e n s i v e l y used, may be redeveloped or have t h e i r use changed (subject to h i s t o r i c a l zoning re g u l a t i o n s ) . This expansion w i l l be oriented to the Hong Kong immigrant while the more i n t e n s i v e l y used core w i l l absorb, probably through the gradual loss of s o c i a l and t r a d i t i o n a l uses, the growth i n t o u r i s t oriented commerce. It i s c l e a r that present trends also show an increasing v i s i b i l i t y of s o c i a l problems i n the area, p a r t i c u l a r l y those associated with the e l d e r l y , the j u v e n i l e delinquent and the u n s k i l l e d immigrant. Among emerging leaders, concern f o r the l o s s of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , competition over the d i r e c t i o n of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , aggressiveness both with regard to t h e i r newly found, but tenuous status, within the community and with regard to l o c a l issues a f f e c t i n g the area; as well ILLS as continued t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t r u s t of c i v i l o f f i c i a l s w i l l be prominent. The i n t r u s i o n of new Hong Kong money w i l l probably grow into a s i g n i f -icant issue and one that w i l l have a major influence on the changing phy s i c a l structure and economic o r i e n t a t i o n of the area. Chinatown has reached a c r i t i c a l period of change that w i l l l a s t for several years within which the broad future of the area w i l l be molded. Many of the major influences i n the shaping of the future have already been l a i d , and are beyond the control of the community and of municipal planners; however, much remains open and w i l l become open. To what extent Chinatown's future may be shaped by co-operation between the community and c i t y planners depends on an understanding of the process of change and on an a b i l i t y to a c t i v e l y seek to control and modify change to meet mutual goals. Whether mutual goals - or any goals - can be agreed upon i s a major question. It i s also the question which begins the planning process. 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