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The carnivalesque banquet of Béroalde de Verville Fleming, Jean Puleston 1975-2-5

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THE CARNIVALESQUE BANQUET OF BEROALBF. CE V1RVILLE ty JEAN PU1ESTCN FLEMING B. A. Colorado State University, 1966 ft.A. The University of Colorado, 1968 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of French We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard: THE UNIVERSITY CF BRITISH CCIUKBIA MARCH, 1975 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of French  The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date March 4-. 197 5" i ABSTRACT Le Ho^en de Parvenir, one of the last works of Eeroalde de Verville, a late XVIth century poet and prose writer, consists entirely of a lively and disconnected banquet conversation interwoven with an author/narrator's commentaries and asides to the reader. Through both its form and its content the book creates an atmosphere of profound disorder and of mocking irreverence. The resulting difficulty and apparent frivolity of the work have caused it to be disregarded by many critics. This study seeks to examine Le Mov.en de Parvenir from a new perspective, using the elements of disorder and irreverence to discover the unity and purpose behind Beroalde's unusual presentation. To this end it is noted that the same disturbing elements also dominate a social phenomenon of the time: the popular festival. Archetypal festivals such as Carnival and the Feast of Fools, as well as the related fcol-societies reveal a festive tradition which is characterized by special liberties and attitudes. These festive privileges include free speech, blatant sensuality, gratuitous actions, and ii mocking irreverence, all of which combine to create a traditional representation of chaos. Closer examination reveals that Be'roalde's literary work and the social phenomenon have much in common. Both contain abundant feasting, wine and laughter in an uninhibited atmosphere. The disruption of everyday time and space, the confusion of identities, and the ambivalently mocking attitude present in the festival appear in several aspects of the text. These include the world created by the author, the relationship between the author and his reader, and the act of composition itself. Be'roalde's characters also exploit the festive privilege of sacrilege, turning everyday objects of worship and respect upside-down and ridiculing them. They also use ridicule and laughter to overturn another mainstay of society, the social hierarchy. All members of society are made to display their particular follies. The guiding morality is physical pleasure, and the banqueters sharply condemn those who dc net, or who cannot, join in the spirit of celebration. In place of rigidity and repression Be'roalde proposes a world of laughter and freedom. The festive elasticity of both the social and the literary frameworks created in his text demonstrate this proposal. The carnivalesque perspective also gives new meaning to the title of the book. Beroalde is shown to provide not enly a "moyen de parvenir" for the individual, but for the iii society as a whole, and even for the reader. Just as the festive occasion alters the everyday environment and permits the individual to release tensions which are usually held in check by reason or by social restrictions, so the atmosphere created in the book provides a similar opportunity for both characters and reader. Through recognition and acceptance cf the irrational, emotional side of human nature, Bercalde demonstrates an understanding of the social purpose cf festive disorder and its positive contribution to the health cf the whole society. While Be'roalde the artist uses the festive tradition to represent an aspect cf life around him, Beroalde the humanist uses the same tradition to express his discoveries on human nature and on the nature of society. Thus through the medium of a carnivalesgue banquet, the promise of the title is fulfilled, and the voice of a tolerant and conservative observer of the human comedy unveils his "secret" in Le Mojen de Parvenir. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. THE POPULAR FESTIVE SPIRIT 19 III. THE CARNIVALESQUE ATMOSPHERE OF BEROALDE * S BANQUET 55 IV. FESTIVE SACRILEGE IN LE HOYEN DE PARVJNIR 116 V. SOCIETY AS CARNIVAL IN LE HOYEN DE PARVENIR 170 VI. CONCLUSION 235 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 246 1 CHAPTER I OTRODUCTIOW The chaotic structure, irreverent tcne and fast-paced dialogue of Le .Woven de Parvenir have pleased cr confused many readers since its publication (c. 1610) and have established the singular reputation of the author, Francois Beroalde de Verville. One critic pronounces it the "oddest, queerest bock in the world", then states that he believes it to be a masterpiece.1 Another describes the work as "ferme'e sur elle-me^me, mais ccmme une carrosse a trente-six portieres", and finds its irrational qualities to be profoundly disturbing.2 The apparent chaos within the text may have been influenced by the profoundly unstable religious, political and social environment of the times during which the author lived. But the way in which the impression cf disorder is expressed also closely resembles the traditional representation of chaos found in many 2 festivals of the time with which Beroalde wculd have been familiar. The volatile, carnivalesgue aspects cf the beck suggest a deeper association of the literary work and the social phenomenon. This study will attempt tc discover and analyse such an association with the objective of giving a new perspective on the content and purpose cf Bercalde's controversial work. Religious discord and political instabilitiy plagued Europe of the late XVIth century. Eeroalde's own life spanned the beginning and the end of the religious vars in France, and during this time he was personally committed to first one, then the other of the two major religions. Born April 27, 1556 into the Protestant family of Marie Eletz and Matthieu Brouard,.dit Beroalde,3 he was christened Francois. His father, a respected intellectual, directed a small school for boys at what is now n° 2 bis rue des Eccles in Paris. Beroalde was attending his father's classes in company with Agrippa d'Aubigne and Pierre l'Estcile in 1562 when the outbreak of the first war forced the family to flee to Orleans. There Matthieu Brouard became lecturer of Hebrew under the protection of Ben^e de France. Be"roalde*s mother died of the plague which swept through the city shortly after they arrived, but Francois and his father survived and remained in Orleans for four years, leaving only when the third civil war forced them to move again. From 1568 to 1572 father and son changed residences several times, and were 3 once again in Orleans when the Saint-Eartholomew massacre occurred in August, 1572. Late in 1572 Beroalde went to Geneva, probably at the urging of his father who felt that his Protestant son would be safer there than in France, Eventually Matthieu Erouard himself came to Geneva where he was received as bourgeois de Geneve. Until his death in 1576 Eeroalde's father was a close friend of the stern Calvinist, Th4cdcre de Eeze. Beroalde himself remained in Geneva until at least 1578. His interests during this period ranged from medical studies to languages, horology and. alchemy. From 1578 to. 1583 Be'roalde did some writing, part of which has been lost, and travelled between Lyons, Geneva, Anjou and Paris, finally settling in Tours. Several of his works produced during this period were published in 1583, among them a philosophical essay, L^Id^e i?® 2l Si-ESkilSiiS which exposes his political views to be those of a tolerant conservative. A scientific enguiry, Becherches de la £ierre £hi 1 oso_pha 1 e, and poetry such as Les Sou^irs amoureux and Stances de la mort were published together with several other works under the title of Les ^££l!k§nsicns sgir ituel3.es (1583). later, after he had become a resident of Tours, and perhaps for monetary reasons, he translated the Diane of Kontemaycr and a work ty Juste Lipse, both published in 1592. At this time he was also writing his long novel in five parts, Les Ayantures de Floride (1593-96), in the florid style of Hontemayor. Although born and educated a Protestant, Beroalde renounced this faith and became a Catholic at a time between his father's death in 1576, and 1593, the year in which he was named canon of Saint-Gatien at Tours. This appointment ensured his financial security and allowed him to indulge his literary talents for his own pleasure without being forced to use them for financial gain. Very little is known about this period of his life, except that he was able to publish several works. Among these are Le Cabinet de Minerve (1596), a republication of a few earlier poems and essays combined with new thoughts on various topics inspired by the memories, readings and general observations of the author, and £a Serodokimasie (1600), a long poem written to aid the campaign initiated by Henri IV to promote the declining silk industry of Tours. A translation, Le Soncje de Polyjahile (1600) from the work of the same name by Francesco Cclcnna, demonstrates Beroalde's familiarity with the Renaissance concept of an idealized past surrounded by architectural perfection and decorative allegories. Other works of his later period are le Voyage des Princes fortunez (1600), in which the reader is introduced to oriental occultism through the allegorical adventures of Eeroalde's mysterious protagonists, Le Palais des Curieux (1612), which touches cn a variety of disparate subjects, such as etymology, alchemy and Platonic love, and the controversial Le Mo_yen de 5 Parvenir (1610?),* a bock which not only dominates Beroalde's literary reputation, but also colours his moral reputation. In this work the author/narrator, who imagines himself at a banquet with over three hundred garrulous guests, records the lively conversation and freguently ribald anecdotes being told around him, while adding his own commentaries and directing asides to the reader. The presentation creates the immediate impression of disorder as the conversation grows into a compendium cf gratuitous associations, tangential digressions, and paradoxical statements. The mention of Jean Bcdin as one cf those present for example (1:19) ,s is enough to direct the wandering narrative away from the introduction cf the arriving guests and into a digression on the devil, taking as a transition the fact that Bodin had authored a beck cn demons.6 From there the narrator discusses the outward appearance of the devil, and the tricks little devils play on chambermaids, before returning abruptly to the guest list. Shifting truths and paradoxical statements add to the confusion. Beroalde introduces the guests as "ces gens de bien" (1:43) and later states "il n'y a point ici de gens de bien" (11:186). He claims to speak only the truth in his book, under.penalty of death, but then says that even under such a penalty he expects to remain safe and sound: "ce que 6 je vous dis est vray, 6 s'il n'est vray, je puisse mourir devant toute la compagnie, demeurant aussi sain B sauf gue je fus jamais" (1:74). In another passage one speaker threatens to take anachronistic revenge cn a companion fcr an affront which took place, next year: "si tout estoit permis je vous battrois bien a ceste heure pour me vanger de l'affront que l'annee qui vient vous me fistes en Grece" (1:239). These examples illustrate the mood of the work which gives the impression of being in constant flux, with truth being as variable as time and place. Stylistic details, surprising comparisons, exaggerations and constant wordplay add to the unpredictable, playful way in which the bock develops. Beroalde compares the age of a lcvely young lady to that of "un vieil bceuf" (1:27), affirming that the comparison is valid since the girl was fifteen cr sixteen years old. The word "vestale" is flippantly altered to "vesse" (1:288), "stoique" becomes "sotique" (1:283) and "en Suisse" is changed to "en sottise" (1:226). Other details such as an unusually long word, (pseudosevangeliqucl-ipapistoranabaptistiogiesuitanorbiterondepuritain, 11:201), exaggerated numerical precision, (trois mil quatre cens vingt & deux escus dix-sept sols une pite, 11:147), and numerous lists of synonyms add a burlesque, and frequently irreverent, element to the text. The stylistic and structural eccentricities of Le May_en 7 ^§ R<iL2f~EiL are blended with a humorously ambivalent attitude towards social institutions and towards human nature in general. The ambivalence is fostered by the polyphonic quality of the book which allows various speakers to give the impression of approving folly, self-indulgence, and even corruption, while the attitude cf others is outrage cr contemptuous cynicism. The.position of the author himself is difficult to define. He seems to vacillate between approval and condemnation of the sacrilegious acts and ribald sequences which abound in the dialogue. At times the author feels obliged to. justify the subject matter of his book, but his excuses can leave the reader wondering if his rationalization is serious, if it is meant as a parody of such an excuse, or if his intent is to meek the reader: . . . les paroles ne sont point sales, il n'y a que 1'intelligence; guand vous ouirez une parole, recevez-la 6 la portez a une belle intelligence, S lors elle sera belle, nette, S pure. — Mais cela fasche les oreilles. —Si les oreilles estoient pures & nettes, cela ne les incommoderoit point: . un estron incommode-t•il le Soleil, bien que ses rayons s'y jettent? Scachez aussi . . que si on cstoit ces paroles d'ici, ce banquet seroit imparfait. Seriez-vous bien aise que l'cn vous ostast le cul pource qu'il est puant S le sera jusqu'a la mort? Vous seriez un bel homme sans cul! Il faut suivre Nature, ainsi nostre discours la suit . .. (11:76) Beroalde also sidesteps the hypothetical accusation cf irreverence or even atheism by claiming to fall upon his topics by chance, like the groping player of blind man's buff: "On m'a dit qu'il y a eu quelques malctrus qui ont 8 dit, 1 Voici les traits d'Ateiste.' En dea je.n'en sc,ay rien, je m'en raporte a eux: si j'ay rencontre a dire leur nalvetd, <p'a este' sans le scjavoir, je joue' au colimmaillard, je prens ce que je trouve" (11:259). Despite Beroalde's explanations and justifications, critics of Le Moyen de Parvenir have formed their own discerning and often disparate opinions. Guillaume Colletet, a XVIIth century literary biographer who admires Eeroalde for his intelligence and devotion to knowledge, appears nonetheless to be the instigator of the rumour that Eeroalde led a wild and extravagant life in the taverns of Tours. This opinion seems to be based mainly on the tone and subject matter of Le Moyen de Paryenir.7 It is significant however, that between the publication of Le Moyen de Parvenir and Colletet's biography (c. 1650), there had been a refining influence at work in French literary taste and in the cultured individual's standard of propriety. V.L. Saulnier, who has done a more recent evaluation of Le Moyjsn <1§ l3£v§Iii£» cautions that Colletet's reaction is most likely conditioned by his own times.* Evaluations of Ie Koyen de Parvenir range from extravagant admiration to open disapproval, the latter opinion seeming not to have prevented nearly forty editions from appearing, most of them within a century and a half cf first publication.9 Colletet, one of the earliest critics, deplores the unrefined vocabulary and the impiety, 9 qualifying it as "un certain livre non seulement inflime, pour les mots de gueulle et les salletez quVil contient, mais encore abominable pour les profanations et ses impietez".10 Colletet's opinion is echoed by his contemporary, Charles Sorel, who wrote an unfavourable evaluation of Le Mc^en de Parvenir some forty years after the publication of his own Hancicn which in tone and subject matter could be likened in several places to Beroalde's work.11 His opinion seems to reflect the change in literary taste during the first half of the XVIIth century. The judgements of Niceron in the XVIlIth century12 and of Haag in the XlXth reflect the same attitude.13 However, contemporaries of Haag were finding a new appreciation for humour and short tales, a la vieille cjauloise, and Le Mo_ye n de, Parvenir benefited from the renewed interest. A. Riviere is representative cf this new opinion when in 1885 he invites the public to read his edited collection of tales from Ie Ho^en de Parvenir, promising that they contain the rollicking vigour of "pantagruelisme".* * Honore de Balzac in the XlXth century praises Beroalde along with Marguerite de Navarre, Boccaccio, Rabelais, Aricsto and La Fontaine in the preface to his Contes drolatigues, and places Le Mcjen de Parvenir among "ces livres antiques oh respire le parfum d'une naivete jeune. et ou se trouvent le nerf comique dont notre theatre est prive, l'expression vive et drue qui peint sans 10 p£riphrase et que personne n'ose plus cser. 1,15 Much of the critical work devoted to Le Mc_ven de Parvenir concentrates on the question of attribution, a problem posed by the omission of the author's name in the early editions, and by Beroalde's disclaimer published in his work, Le £alais des Curieux (1612).16 In this statement he denies having written the work entitled Le Kcjen de Earyenir currently in circulation, but admits that he did intend to publish a book, of that name and that the manuscript had in fact been stolen from him. This disclaimer and the facts surrounding it leave rcom fcr many doubts however, and a diversity of opinion has formed around the question of authorship. The critical arguments for and against Beroalde's paternity are summarized in Saulnier's article in which the critic convincingly concludes, "le Parvenir est l'oeuvre de Beroalde, et de Ee'roalde seul. Rien ne permet d'en douter, tout invite a le croire". 17 Among the relatively recent studies of Le Mc^en de Parvenir are several significant contributions. Herbert Reiche's dissertation (Leipzig, 1912)18 treats the question of attribution and also contains a commentary cn the style and a valuable listing of the sources of many of the anecdotes and comments in the text. In a long article published in Prcblemes litteraires du seizieme sijcle (1927) , Lazare Sainean examines Ie Ho_y_en de Parvenir primarily from a philological point of view. 19 His 11 comprehensive analysis is organized around provincialisms, specialized vocabulary, erotica verba, and ether expressions. V.L, . Saulnier's contribution, "Etude sur Beroalde de Verville" (1944), cited above,2° is a «ork cf major importance and provides a well-documented base for further study of Beroalde and of le Kojyen de Parvenir. In a shorter article, Robert de Valette describes the bock as deeply disturbing, not because of its tone or subject matter, but because the irrational elements of the text finally gain the upper hand and engulf the author.21 Valette believes that Be'rcalde's stated intent to "faire une satire universelle oh on reprend les vices de chascun" is lost in the torrent of words. Janis Pallister's Ph.E. dissertation (1964, published 1971) reviews the problem of authorship and then concentrates on the "baroque" elements of the text.22 Her study ,contains an examination of the title page and the chapter titles, as well as a close reading of the first and last chapters. In another Ph.D. dissertation (1973), Robert Cohen discusses Beroalde's originality as a rhetorician and as a literary artist.23 He competently demonstrates that Beroalde's rhetoric is designed not only to avoid the misfortunes of censorship, but to instruct and tc entertain a public cf varied backgrounds, from the sophisticated to the unlettered. The present study of Ie Mo_yen de Parvenir differs from previous ones in that it focuses specifically cn the 12 irrational progress of the dialogue, the chaotic atmosphere and the rowdy ribaldry of the conversations. These elements have distressed and delighted generation of readers, and have attracted the attention of literary critics, despite whose efforts the volatile qualities still obscure the bock with disturbing and confusing ambivalence. As one concentrates on these elements of disorder and liberated sensuality, however, certain themes and patterns begin to detach themselves from the chaos. As they , emerge, they demonstrate a striking affinity with a particular aspect cf the social and artistic life of Eeroalde's time: the exuberant popular festivals and the pervasive cult cf feels. Festival as a frame of reference for artistic expression has been explored previously by scholars such as E. K. Chambers (1903) ,2* Enid Welsford (1927, 1935) , 2* CL. Barber (1959),2& and Mikhail Bakhtin (1968).27 Chambers's thorough study, The Medieval Stage, documents the close relationship between festivals, the fool-societies and the theatre. Welsford's works emcompass the broad field cf festivals and fools, and their relationship to literature and art. In The Court Mascjue she traces the Renaissance customs of courtly masquerades and eelebratiens from their origins in early pagan society to their various forms in the XVIth century, concluding that festive customs had a profound effect on the literature of the time. In a later work entitled The Fool Welsford concentrates on the social 13 and literary development of the fool and of fcol-societies. Of particular interest to the present study is a chapter cn "Misrule" (pp. 376-98). C. L. Barber, in Shakes_pearej.s Festive Comedy,, applies his theories on the festival and literature to the light-hearted comedies of Shakespeare. He demonstrates that similar to many Renaissance festivals, Shakespeare's comedies contain "saturnalian" patterns which comprise inversion, statement-counterstatement and a mechanism termed "through release to clarification". The latter procedure leads the participants through a humcrcus and often chaotic release of emotion to a clearer understanding of a certain situation. Barber finds that the saturnalian patterns came to Shakespeare from many sources, both artistic and literary. Like Welsford, Barber finds that the patterns were employed by the theatrical fools and can also be found in the socio-literary cult of fools, although he believes the purest expression of these patterns appears in the festival itself.. He includes as examples Candlemas, Halloween, marriages and wakes. Barber shows that irrationality, mirth and liberated sensuality . are integral parts cf the comedy/festival, an observation which is of interest to our analysis of Le Woyen de Parvenir. Bakhtin's analysis of Rabelais, entitled Rabelais and Si§ JJ2l25» begins with the premise that changes in cultural outlook established a new sense cf propriety between 14 Rabelais' time and the XVIIth century. Thus the aspect cf Rabelais' work identified as popular humour was either rebuked for its coarseness by succeeding generations, or glossed over in attempts to prove that Rabelais was mainly a serious author who sometimes clothed his arguments in broad comedy as a cover. By studying Rabelais in the light cf popular culture however, Bakhtin reveals a new depth and unity in Rabelais as a comic artist. Bakhtin traces the history of laughter to Rabelais and beyond, emphasizing the popular tradition which links Rabelais* work to ancient as well as contemporary authors and to popular festive customs. He believes that popular tradition is the key tc Rabelais' work, and that the changing attitude towards this tradition accounts for the inability of later generations to comprehend the popular humour of Rabelais. In his definition of popular humour, Bakhtin, like Barber, perceives the festival as a paradigm. Although he incorporates many traditonal festivals into his study, Bakhtin concentrates cn Carnival as the archetypal festival in his analysis. Be believes it to be the strongest and most representative festival of the age, and demonstrates how carnivalesgue behaviour and speech also extend into ether areas cf life, the open marketplace, village fairs, or corner taverns. Bakhtin then shows how this festive behaviour appears in Rabelais' humour, a perspective which gives new depth and continuity to Rabelais' work. 15 The provoking discoveries made in the above studies stimulated an examination of Le Hojen de Parvenir from a similar viewpoint. As the analysis proceeded, certain relationships between the festive event and the images, themes and patterns in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir began to emerge. The present study is the result of this examination, and will attempt to provide a new perspective on the puzzling aspects ' of Be'roalde's book. This analysis will first concentrate on the cultural phenomenon of the festival and the related cult of fools, demonstrating the historical antecedents and the various forms they assumed during the Medieval and Renaissance periods. This will be followed by a comparative . examination of the festive atmosphere which Beroalde creates in Ie Jojen de Parvenir and that of traditional popular festivals. The study will then concentrate on the spirit of sacrilege and irreverence displayed by Beroalde's speakers and by the characters within the anecdotes told at the banquet in order to reveal another affinity with the popular festival and the cult of fools. Subsequently, attitudes towards society and human nature expressed in Ie Ko_yen de Parvenir will be examined using the festive tradition as a guide, with the intention of discovering not only how, but to what purpose Beroalde uses festive patterns, themes and images in his work. 16 CHAPTER I: NOTES 1 Arthur Machen, "Introduction" to his translation of Le Moyen de Parvenir, The Way to Attain (Carbonnek, Priv. print., 1929)" p7 "l3. 2 R. Valette, "Le Moyen de parvenir" Cahiers du Sud, 385 (1965) , p. 293. 3 Beroalde's father changed his name to please a patron who found Brouard barbare. See Charles Rcyer in his edition of Le Moyen de Paryenir7~71896; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970) "Notice",™. X, note 1. * There is no known first edition of Le £o_yen de Parvenir, and the earliest copies have nc date in the frontespiece. It is generally thought to be between 1610 and 1629, usually given as 1610. See V. I. Saulnier, "Etude sur Be'roalde de Verville", Bibliothecjue d^Huja nisje et ESfiaissanee, 5 (1944), p. 317. 5 References in parentheses refer to the volume then the page of the Royer edition of Ie Koyen de Parvenir (see above note 3). This method will be used throughout. 6 See Jean Bodin, D^monomanie des sorciers, (Paris: J.DuPuys, 1580). The success of this work can be measured ty the six editions which appeared before 1600. 7 Guillaume Colletet, "Vie de Eeroalde de Verville", in lies des p_oetes toujrana.eaux (B. N. Ms. N. A. F. Fr. 3074) , p. 13. Colletet states, "Jamais l'antique Lucian, ne le moderne Rabelais n'eurent des sentiments plus dereglez, ny ne les descouvrirent avecgue plus de liberte. . . . Sa dignite de chanoine ne luy fit en aucune sorte (guitter) sa premiere forme de vivre, et au contraire gu'ayant plus de moyen de fournir aux frais de ses vcluptez, il dci-na plus commodement aux movemens imp6tueux de ses sens et de ses passions desr^gle'es tout ce qu'ils exigerent de luy". 8 Saulnier, "Etude", p. 250, states: "Edroalde est d'un temps qui sent le Bearnais, ou l'on mange avec ses dcigts et cu l'on rit tres fort. On ne trouve pas inconvenant de passer du cercle ou l'on cause, de la biblicthegue ou du cabinet de travail, voire mime de la chaire, aux seances de 17 bien boire. Ce genre de gaite n'impligue pas paillardise, mais peut facilement en faire naltre la le'gende. " 9 The introduction to the Royer edition contains a descriptive listing of all editions of Le Mo^en de Parvenir to 1896. V.L. Saulnier completes this listing to 1944 in his article. In 1970 Slatkine Reprints of Geneva reissued the 1896 Paris edition of Charles Royer, the edition used for this study. »o colletet, "Vie", p. 21. 11 Bibliot hecjue franchise (Paris: Ccmpagnie des libraires du Palais, 1664) , pp. 173-74. 12 "Beroalde de Verville" in KSjocires £Our servir a l^histoire des hommes illustres, (Paris: Briasson, 1736), XXXIv7~232-23 7T 13 Eugene and Emile Haag, La France £rotestante (1877; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1966) , Il7 4077 ' 14 Armand Riviere, Rabelaisiana (Paris: Marpicn et Flammarion, 1885), p. 51. 15 Contes drolatijgues, in Oeuvres completes (Paris: Gallimard, 196477 Xl7~4337 ~ 16 le Palais des curieux, (Paris: Guillemot et Thiboust, 1612), p. 461. »7 Saulnier, "Etude", p. 291. ia "Le Moy_en de Parvenir" von Eeroalde de Verville mit ^§§2S^§£§£ Eeruchsicht.icjunc| der £uellen- und Verfasserfrage,: Ein Beitrag zur franzos. Novellistijk. Leipzig: Diss. 19 12 (Coburg: Rossteuscher, 1913). 19 "Le Moyen de Parvenir", Paris: Boccard, 1927. 20 see above note 8. 2* "Le Moyen de Parvenir", Cahiers du Sud, 385 (1965), 283-94. 22 The World View of Bjroalde de Verville Diss. Minnesota 7964 (Paris:~Vrin,~ 197177 23 l'h§ Use of Rhetoric in Beroalde de Verville^s e Moy_en de Parvenir^, Diss. Chicago 1973. 18 2* The Medieval Stage, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1903). ~ 25 31i§ Court Masgue_: a Study in the Felationshijg between Poetry and the Revels (New York: Russell and Russell, 19627 first putlished~T927. The Fccl^ Bis Social and Literary History (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1966), First published 1935. 26 Shakes^eare^s Festive Comedy A Study, of Dramatic Form and its Relations to Social Custom (Cleveland: World Pub. Co7,~T9637."First published 19597 27 Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1968J. First published in Russian 1965. 19 CHAPTER II THE POPULAR FESTIVE SPIRIT Festival is a time when people cease their normal activity and enter into a different world, a world where they are allowed to escape from themselves temporarily and become another. It is a time when people give themselves over to excesses of every kind, as Roger Caillois describes: La fe'te, en effet, ne ccmpcrte pas seulement des debauches de consommation, de la bouche et du sexe, mais aussi des debauches d* expression, du verbe cu du geste, Cris, railleries, injures, va-et-vient de plaisanteries grossieres, obscenes cu sacrileges, entre un public et un cortege qui le traverse (comme au second jour des Anthesteries, aux Len^ennes, aux Grands Mysteres, au carnaval, a-la f&te m^die'vale des fous), assauts de guolibets entre le groupe des femmes et celui des hommes ... constituent les principaux exc£s de parole.1 The shouts, insults, obscenities and sacrilegious remarks which enliven the Feast of Fools and Carnival mentioned by Caillois are also found to some degree in all public festivals of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in France. 20 They are part of the riotous disorder and debauchery which characterize the popular festive spirit. Nearly every festival, whether religious or secular in origin, whether predominantly solemn or essentially frivolous, contains elements of this irreverent exuberance, even if only cn the fringes. During such festivals as Carnival and the Feast cf Fools, that disorderly and licentious spirit dominates the celebration, resulting in sacrilege and inversion of the social hierarchy. These two festivals, while not the. only examples of the popular festive spirit, provide the most clearly defined forms of it, and as such, they will be used as prototypes of the aspect of the festival which is of primary interest to this study. Before concentrating on the Feast of Feels and cn Carnival however, it is important to emphasize the general role of the festival both as a time of collective rejoicing and as a cohesive, uniting cultural force. Celebrations and displays of pageantry played an : important part in the fulfilment of society's spiritual and emotional needs in a way no longer necessary, nor possible today. Jchan Huizinga makes this point in describing the significance of the festival in late XVth century society: ... it is important to realize the function of festivals in the society of that time. They still preserved something of the meaning that they have in primitive societies, that of the supreme expression cf their culture, the highest mode of collective enjoyment, and an assertation of solidarity. . . . Modern man is free, when he pleases, to seek his 21 favourite distractions individually, in books, music, art, or nature. On the other hand, at a time when the higher pleasures were neither numerous nor accessible to all, people felt the need of such collective rejoicings at festivals. The more crushing the misery of daily life, the stronger the stimulants that will be needed to produce that intoxication with beauty and delight without which life would be unbearable.2 Festivals took place throughout the year, and many were organized around events in the Christian liturgical calendar. They include the Feast of the Nativity (December 25) , the Epiphany (January 6) , Candlemas (February 2) , and the Annunciation (March 25). Carnival in early spring was essentially a lay festival, though closely linked to the annual cycle of religious festivals. It was followed by the rigours of . Lent, which in turn led to the Easter festivities. Forty days after the drama of Holy Week, the Feast of the Ascension took place, followed by Penteccst and Corpus Christi.. The Nativity of St. John the Eaptist was celebrated near the summer solstice (June 24). In the fall, festivals to the dead, Michaelmas (September 29), All Saints (November 1) and All Souls (November 2), mingled with harvest celebrations and led once again into the festivities of the Christmas season.3 Although most of these religious celebrations provided the occasion for pious reverence and contemplation, they also had a lighter side which was governed by laughter. The dual nature of these celebrations is noted by Enid Welsford: 22 "The great seasonal festivals in Christian Europe have a twofold aspect: on the one hand they are occasions for solemn worship, on the other hand they are wild times of feasting, lawlessness and buffoonery".4 fit times the sacred aspect of the festival was all but engulfed by the irreverent, popular spirit. Huizinga quotes an eyewitness cf the Corpus Christi procession who laments the deeply ingrained dissoluteness of the crowd and the fact that "processions were disgraced by ribaldry, mcckery and drinking".5 In addition to the universal Christian holidays, different towns and villages had their own celebrations such as patron saints' days or the anniversaries cf church consecrations. Special events, such as the official entry cf royalty into a town or an aristocratic marriage, provided the occasion for popular rejoicing alongside the official ceremonies of awe-inspiring pageantry. Village fairs, market days, and even informal gatherings in local taverns also provided an opportunity to dip into the vast fund cf festive exuberance which characterized the Feast of Fools and Carnival.6 Although not part of the official religious celebrations, the Feast of Fools was closely attached to the Church. In different locations this colourful celebration was called the . Feast of the Innocents, the Feast of the Circumcision, the Feast of the Sub-deacons, or the Feast cf 23 the Ass, but all were placed under a generic title, the Feast of Fools.7 This festival usually took place between Christmas and Twelfth Night, but was net strictly limited to this time period.8 Except for the occasional mock-religious procession through the town, the festivities tcck place in the church itself, or just outside, and the participants were members of the lower clergy. These celebrants took advantage of the festive freedom granted them to mock their superiors, to ridicule .church, rites and to indulge in gluttonous feasting. The popular tone of the celebration was due not only to the feast's origins in folk festivals, but was also encouraged by the mentality of the participants. E.K. Chambers describes the background cf these men and the resulting effect cn the festival: The vicars and their associates were prcbably an ill-educated and ill-paid class. Certainly they were difficult to discipline; and it is net surprising that their rare holiday, of which the expenses were met partly by the chapter, partly by dues levied upon themselves or upon the bystanders, was an occasion for popular rather than refined merrymaking. That it should perpetuate or absorb folk customs was also, considering the peasant or small bourgeois extraction cf such men, guite natural.9 Since the Feast of Fools was celebrated by the clergy, the lay congregation participated mainly as observers. However, their own festival. Carnival or Shrovetide, soon followed. This festival actually began just after the Ephiphany, thus technically lasting for over a month; tut 24 the most intense celebration took place during the last week before Ash Wednesday, and culminated on Mardi Gras. It ended abruptly, at least officially, with the commencement of Lent. In the negation of usual social values, and in the irreverent parody and licence which characterized the festivities, the tone of this celebration closely resembled the Feast of Fools. Similar to that of the Feast of Fools, the Carnival crowd was largely popular. Unlike the Feast cf Fools however, Carnival was predominantly a secular festival, but it was still impossible to take it out of a Christian framework or to separate it from the influence cf the Church. Carnival is also closely linked to the Christian liturgical calendar, and its annual celebration served as a counter-balance for the stringencies of lent. One of the most consistent themes cf the popular festival, and one which is in evidence in both the Feast of Fools and Carnival, is that of a world turned upside-down. This alteration cf everyday social roles and values is accomplished not only by distorting them but by directly reversing them. Even more than the desire to transgress the normal social strictures, the essential mechanism behind the festive experience is to invert or reverse the rules. In a study of the folk festival, Roger Caillois asserts that this behaviour expresses the desire to return to a legendary period of creative chaos: Actes interdits et actes outres ne semblent pas suffire 25 a marguer la difference entre le temps du de'chainement et le temps de la r&gle. On leur adjoint les actes a rebours. On s'inginie a se conduire de fac.cn exactement ccntraire au comportement normal. L'inversion de tous les rapports paralt la preuve evidente du retour du Chaos, de l'epogue de la fluidity et de la confusion.10 The Feast of Fools and Carnival exemplify this observation; the dominant pattern in both is inversion, and the resulting atmosphere is one of liberated festivity. Similarly, as Chambers finds, in the Feast of Fools "the ruling idea cf the feast is the inversion of status, and the performance, inevitably burlesgue, by the inferior clergy of functions properly belonging to their betters".11 In a study devoted to Carnival, Julio Baroja calls attention to the same pattern in that festival, and observes that it extends to an inversion of the normal order of things in general: Desde un punto de vista social, lc gue imperaba era una violencia establecida, un desertfreno de hechos y de palabras que se ajustaba a formas especfficas; asi, la inversion del orden normal de las cosas tenia un papel primordial en la fiesta ... Es el mundo en el que el orden de las cosas esta invertido.12 The contrast between the everyday world cf order and the festive world of chaos induced specifically by inversion or exchange of opposites .leads many observers cf the popular festival to link the Feast of Fools and Carnival to ancient Greek and Roman festivals. Beginning with an inversion of the social hierarchy, an upside-down atmosphere dominates several ancient festivals. Masters and slaves exchanged 26 places during the Greek Crcnia13 and the Hyakinthis, 1 * as well as during the Roman Saturnalia and the Kalends.15 Of these, the Saturnalian festival is most often cited as a direct ancestor of the Feast of Fools and cf Carnival.16 A brief description of the Saturnalia as known to Macrobius suggests the origins of social inversion and lavish feasting. This festival is a reenactment of the legendary reign of Saturn: His reign is said to have been a time of great happiness, both on account of the universal plenty that then prevailed and because as yet there was no division into bond and free—as one may gather from the complete license enjoyed by slaves at the Saturnalia.17 For in houses where religious usages are observed it is the practice at the Saturnalia to compliment the slaves by first providing for them a dinner prepared as though for the master, and it is not until this meal is over that the table is spread again for the head cf the household.18 From this description it appears that there was a legendary kingdom of Saturn whom the people worshipped as a god. During his reign there had been no social hierarchy, slavery being instituted later after the departure of the god. Thus, as a tribute to Saturn slavery was abclished during the Saturnalian festival; masters and slaves dined together or the masters waited on their servants. The exchange between masters and slaves was, as mentioned above, also a part of several other festivals. The ancient theme of social inversion asserts itself in the early moments of the Feast of Fools when the ecclesiatic 27 hierarchy undergoes an exchange cf top and bottom. As the celebrants chant a verse from the Magnificat, "Depcsuit potentes de sede: et exaltavit humiles",19 a member of the lower clergy is comically invested with the powers cf a high office such as bishop. The mock bishop or mock Pope symbolizes the inversion of everyday social ranks. The literal application of the "Deposuit" signals the beginning of the time when the clerks and sub-deaccns, normally on the lower rungs of the church hierarchy, can parody their superiors and mock official rites. While Carnival does not begin with a Biblical reference to the exchange of social positions, it does share *ith the Feast of Fools the idea of a mock ruler and reversal of social privileges. Again the dominus festi, cr festive ruler, symbolizes the inversion of the hierarchy by his very presence, for in him poverty, folly, and the lower classes are raised to the highest social rank. Following his example the people are urged to mock the authorities and to behave in an irrational manner. This ephemeral ruler did not appear suddenly in the Feast of Fools or Carnival. He had antecedents in many ancient festivals as well as in most other Medieval and Renaissance folk festivals. During the Roman Saturnalia a mock king represented and directed the folly much as did his Medieval and Renaissance descendants. In Lucian's Saturnalia the God, Cronus, explains to the author the functions and advantages of being the mock king: 28 Again, to become sole king of all with a win at the knuckle-bones, so that you not only escape silly orders but can give them yourself, telling one man to shout out something disgraceful about himself, another to dance naked, pick up the flute-girl and carry her three times round the house . . ,.20 This mad and merry mock ruler has been traced to an. even earlier tragic figure who was brutally uncrowned and killed at the end of the festival because he served as a scapegoat for the ills and evils of the society.21 In subsequent Roman festivals the rite of expiation was discharged by a dummy, leaving only the rule of folly for the flesh and blood dominus to carry out. Although free to insult and deride the mock ruler, the crowd no longer harmed him physically, and he in turn mocked and taunted his "subjects". The custom cf insulting and deriding the mock ruler was still in existence in Medieval and Renaissance festivals. The leader of the folly and the sacrificial victim thus become two elements of the festival, and each develops separately. In Carnival an effigy is beaten or burned in the last hours before Lent begins. This figure is nc lcnger a sacrificed king, but becomes the carrier of evil in the society, a scapegoat. He is death, darkness, sin and chaos, and his symbolic death signifies the expulsion of these elements from the society. The mock king, however, becomes a lord of folly, and the festival itself. a time of madness following his example. The King cf Carnival, the Lord cf Misrule, the Bishop of Fools, the Pope of Fools, the May 29 Queen and King, and the many other mad, mock rulers cf the festivals cf Medieval and Renaissance France follow the traditional pattern set by the ancient dominus festi. The original function forgotten, the forms continue, developing a life of their own. Suspension of the hierarchy during popular festivities is also facilitated by the widespread use of the mask, another ancient tradition.22 Ose of a mask permitted the revellers to choose their position on the social ladder, thus in effect contributing to the ephemeral overturning cf that vertical structure. The wearer of the mask leaves his everyday identity behind and assumes another role, perhaps one forbidden to him in everyday life. Curing the Feast cf Fools for example a lowly sub-deacon becomes a bishop cr a vicar the Pope, and during Carnival stable boys play the lord, and street vendors become ladies. Participating aristocrats may appear as paupers, vendors or clowns should they wish certain inhabitual freedoms cf movement. Thus the usual social hierarchy is negated and ridiculed as persons of any station, age, or sex appear as beggars, ghosts, caricatured nobility,stable-boys with dung-filled brooms, sharp-tongued servant girls, monks, kings cr feels.23 The mask is also a form of role-playing which permits repressed desires and fears to be exteriorized in a socially acceptable manner. This function is emphasized ty Julio Baroja: 30 El hecho fundamental de poder enmascarse le ha permitido al ser humano, hombre o mujer, cambiar de caracter durante unos dias o unas horas . . . , a veces hasta cambiar de sexo, Inversicnes de tcdas clases, "introyecciones", projecciones y otros hechos turtios, de los que nos hablan hoy los psic<5lcgos y psicoanalistas, podrian ser ilustrados probatlemente a la luz de las licencias carnavalescas.24 A man might dress as an old fool or a cuckold, intending to parody his neighbor in that costume; or perhaps he identifies with the cuckold in order to exteriorize his own fears of becoming one.25 Dressing as a devil may express a desire to manipulate others through fear, or perhaps this, too, exteriorizes and exorcizes the wearer's fear through identification with the source of terror. Whatever the motivation, . it .could be expressed vividly and anonymously during Carnival. Disguise not only allows the wearer tc assume a different position in the social hierarchy and to exteriorize normally suppressed feelings, but it alsc allows him to do so anonymously. Anonymity assures impunity, even though that freedom is already granted in principle by the festival. The mask facilitates freedom of movement and uninhibited action, as the wearer moves through the Carnival crowd unrecognized by anyone. In disguise an individual could utter insults or obscenities, speak nonsense, or even voice his own serious and personal opinions with added comfort. This anonymity, which permitted . mobility and freedom of expression, led to an extension of the mask into 31 extra-carnival life as well. Outside the festival it became a fad, first in Italy26 and then in France. During the reign of Francois I, disguise and carnivalesgue liberties were even used by the king himself to gain entrance into the house of ladies whose attentions he desired.27 However, cut cf the context of Carnival the mask retained only the privileges of anonymity, and lost much of its pcwer to transform the personality of the wearer himself. Reversal of everyday behaviour begins with the dismissal of work,28 followed by a period of sacrilege and self-indulgence which reverses everyday rules cf conduct and prudence. A letter cited below illustrates the irreverence and license of the Feast of Fools, as described in 1445 by the Faculty of Theology in Paris. In this description, the dominant pattern of behaviour is one of reversal; everyday roles and habitual actions are replaced by their cppcsites. The participants dress as fantastic creatures or clowns. Some clerics wear feminine attire, and the few laymen among them dress as priests and nuns. In this guise they commit blatant sacrilege by gorging themselves with feed cn the altar, by bathing themselves in dung, by assuming indecent postures, and by uttering scurrilous verses: On vcycit les Clers S les Pr&tres faire en cette Fete un melange afreux de fclies S d'impietez pendant le service Divin, ou ils n*assistoient ce jour la gu'en habits de Mascarade & de Comedie. Les uns etoient masguez, ou avec des visages barbouille's qui faisoient peur, ou qui faisoient rire; les autres en habits de femmes ou de pantomimes, tels que font les Ministres du 32 Theatre. lis dansoient dans le Choeur en entrant, S chantoient des chansons obscenes. Les Diacres S les Sou-diacres prenoient plaisir a manger des bcudins S des saucices sur l*Autel, au nez du Pr^tre celebrant: ils jouoient a ses yeux aux Cartes & aux Dez: ils mettoient dans l'Encensoir guelgues morceaux de vieilles savates, pour lui faire respirer une mauvaise odeur. Apres la Kesse, chacun couroit, sautoit & dansoit par l'Eglise avec tant d•impudence, que guelgues uns n'avoient pas honte de se porter a toutes sortes d• inde'cences, S de se depcuiller entierement; ensuite ils se faisoient trainer par les rues dans des tonereaux pleines d'ordures, ou ils prenoient plaisir d'en jetter a la populace qui s'assembloit autour d'eux. Ils s'arretoient & faisoient de leurs corps des mouvemens 5 des postures lascives, qu'ils accompagnoient de paroles impudiques. Les plus libertins d'entre les Seculiers, se me^loient parmi le Clerge, pour faire aussi quelques perscnnages de foux en habits Ecclesiastiques, de Moines S de Religieuses.29 The sacrilegious acts are strongly marked by inversion, or an exchange of opposites: obscene songs replace pious ones, men dress as women, a foul smell replaces the scent of incense, and the authority of the officiating priest is directly flouted by the dice players. Other activities which took place during the Feast of Fools repeat the pattern; they include the custom of wearing clothing inside-out cr upside-down, of holding the prayerbcck upside-down, of placing a mock bishop on a donkey facing the animal's.tail30 or carrying excrement ceremoniously on a pillow,31 In. the sacrilegious acts, in the riotous feast, and in the indecent gestures which took place in the Feast cf Fools, a materializing and downward shift in emphasis occurs. From spiritual and intellectual values usually 33 identified with the head, attention is directed towards the tangible, material side of life which has to dc with the digestive and reproductive system. Emphasis turns to the consuming, eliminating, copulating and reproducing body. During the festival, usual rules of continence and repression are suspended, and in their place an indulgent hedonism appears. Feasting and sexual license characterize the festive world in which the functions and satisfactions cf the body suddenly become central. Ey eating black-pudding on the altar the celebrants turn an object, which belongs to the spiritual and contemplative side of life, into an accessory of a material, sensual experience. The cbscene gestures call attention to the lower body parts which are ignored during normal church ceremonies. Through these and similar actions usual attitudes and roles are ridiculed, changed and reversed. The feast itself signifies the replacement of self-denial by self-indulgence. The festive banquet is central to nearly every popular festival. Hunger and the privations cf daily life have no place in this environment, in fact, over eating and over-drinking are encouraged by the abundance gathered together for the occasion. It has been suggested that the over-indulgence originally had a symbolic meaning, and that through mimesis,, the participants hcped to "prognosticate or cause a year of plentiful fare".32 Other observers consider the ancient feasts tc be a nostalgic 34 recreation of a distant Golden Age cf plenty. 33 Eanqueting excesses of Carnival were no doubt intensified by recognition of the approaching Lenten fast. This atmosphere of carnivalesgue feasting is caught in a description cf that festival in XVIth century England portraying the banguet as an annual occasion for over-indulgence and gluttony, both gastronomical and verbal: Now when at length the pleasant time cf Shrovetide comes in place. And cruell fasting dayes at hande apprcch with sclemne grace: Then olde and yong are both as mad, as ghestes cf Bacchus feast. And foure dayes long they tipple sguare, and feede and never reast. Downe goes the Hogges in every place, and puddings every wheare Do swarme: the Dice are shakte and tost, and Cardes apace they teare: In every house are showtes and cryes, and mirth, and revell route. And dainty tables spred, and all be set with ghestes aboute.34 The sexual licence apparent during Carnival and related festivals represents another aspect of the sensual, material side of life which is given priority by the celebration. Like other elements of the festival, it also stems from a long, tradition originating in ancient fertility rites and spring festivals which continued under different names despite the disapproval of the Christian church, Chambers believes that "it may be taken for granted that the summer festivals knew from the beginning that element cf sexual 35 license which fourteen centuries of Christianity have net wholly been able to banish".35 But regardless cf origin, the relaxation of sexual inhibitions accompanying the other liberties granted by the festival focuses even more attention on the body. A parallel freedom was granted cn the verbal level where an erotic, scatological vocabulary appears, and subjects forbidden in polite conversation become central. A XVIth century conteur. Tabouret des Accords, testifies to the verbal liberty of Carnival: "Je scay un ccnte que je ne dirois pas si je n'estois pres de Karesme-presnant, oh la liberte du jour permet de parler un peu grassement".36 iJaogeorgus concurs, stating that during Carnival "The tongue is set at libertie, and hath no kinde of stay".37 Unbound by the usual rules of propriety, carnivalesgue speech also flaunted rules of logic and syntax, and employed not only insult and obscenity, but also nonsense in the expression cf its freedom. Carnivalesgue discourse abounds with coc£j|-IlEag* repetition, detailed enumeration, paradoxical statements and nonsense words. It is the kind of uninhibited speech expected from that favoured festive personnage, the fool. Such verbal composition is designed tc sclicite the sympathy, collaboration and most of all the laughter of the listening crowd who delight in the transgression cf usual norms. Bakhtin, who discovers this "liberated" speech in the work of Babelais, links it directly with carnivalesgue free 36 speech which belonged to the popular idiom of the time.38 The tone of the popular festival is licentious and irreverent, and its participants are not kind to those who do not, or who cannot, join in the uninhibited celebration. The satirical mocking of the crowd is directed at both secular and religious authorities, as well as at the kill joys who represent the rigid attitudes of the extra-festive world in general. These attitudes cf seriousness, scbriety, piety and hypocrisy are personified by those who abstain from sensual pleasures and adopt an ascetic, self-righteous attitude, or who hypocritically pretend to be pious. This stance contrasts with the popular-festive mentality which urges candid indulgence of the senses, gives free rein to the gastronomic and sexual appetites, and tolerates inebriated irrationality. In 1444 at Troyes, the clergy of St. Stephen's Church were told by the bishop and twc canons to reduce their festive activities. They did not comply, and even presented a jeu de £€rscnna_ges ridiculing the three church officials under the names of Hypocrisie, Faintise, and Faux-semblant.39 Bakhtin points cut episodes in the work of Babelais in which this same attitude is evident. For example, the kill-joys who refuse to take part in popular festivities are violently punished in the figure of Tappecoue, the ecclesiastic who refuses to lend his official vestments to the festival.40 Carnival and related festivals created a fluid, 37 permissive world full of spontaneous gaiety and merriment, but the absence of restraints also encouraged underlying currents of aggression and violence normally held in check. Physical violence and hostility frequently erupted as inhibitions vanished. At times the violence was unintentional; the press of the crowd was often so great that people were carried along in spite cf themselves and even trampled underfoot if they were unlucky. Physical danger was also present due to the absence of law enforcement, and personal vengeance sometimes found an ally in Carnival. Emotions were close to the surface and a friendly confetti battle could develop quickly into a large scale riot. Thrashings even took place within the church walls, according to some sources.*1 Given the violent undercurrents of Carnival, the fear cf imminent death was justified. The suspension of rules and the subsequent chaos served as a warning cf what can happen in the absence of the established authorities. In this sense, Carnival, which is often seen as the revenge cf the oppressed cn the system which oppresses them, shows itself to be a conservative agent, reinforcing the existing order by demonstrating the undesirable aspects of freedom frcm laws and class structure. While Bakhtin dees net emphasize this conservative element of , Carnival in his study, preferring instead to stress, the revolutionary aspect cf Carnival, other observers have analysed this concept which 38 will be discussed later in this chapter.42 On the cosmic level, death and danger were also thought to threaten the revellers. This feature is common tc a long list of pagan and Christian festivals.*3 The spectre cf death and spirits of the dead were believed tc mingle among the festive crowd, particularly during Carnival. This crowd itself, an unfamiliar sea of masked faces, lent an extra-worldly atmosphere to the festival and added credence to the feeling that spirits were afoot. The disorderly situation thus reinforced the impression of chaos on a grand scale.** During Carnival universal superstitions and fear of the unknown found a scapegoat in the form of the Carnival dummy, a symbol of death and chaos. Fittingly, one cf the last actions of the Carnival crowd is to take this effigy to a public place and ceremoniously destroy it. This is the symbolic victory of the united community over chaos and fear, and also the signal for a return tc order. Another symbol of evil and ill-will, the devil, was often given a realistic, nearly human form in the festivities. The person wearing this costume danced comically for the people, allowing them to see him as an inferior, misshapen version cf themselves, capable only of grotesgue movements. Their laughter arose from this feeling of superiority ever a ence terrifying and powerful enemy reduced to a ludicrous clown. Also, since laughter implies a complicity with others,*5 the individual could find reassurance and group solidarity as 39 the former source of universal terror suffered the jeers, taunts and mockery of the laughing crowd. The verbal counterpart of physical violence takes form as insults and invective., antecedents of this form cf carnivalesgue .abuse have been noted in ether, older festivals by observers such as Caillois, who evokes the characteristic "cris, railleries, injures, va-et-vient de plaisanteries grossieres, obsc^nes ou sacrileges, entre un public et un cortege qui le traverse".46 The tenor cf the insults is described in more detail by T.0. Wright, who again draws the parallel between ancient practices and Carnival: The most popular celebrations of the people cf Greece, were the Dionysiac festivals, and the phallic rites and processions which accompanied them, in which the chief actors assumed the disguise of satyrs and fawns, covering themselves with goat-skins, and disfiguring their faces by rubbing them over with the lees of wine. Thus, in the guise of noisy bacchanals, they displayed an unrestrained licentiousness of gesture and language, uttering indecent jests and abusive speeches, in which they spared nobody. This portion of the ceremony was the especial attribute of a part cf the performers, who accompanied the procession in waggons, and acted something like dramatic performances, in which they uttered an abundance of loose extempore satire on those who passed or who accompanied the procession, a little in the style of the modern carnivals.47 Although generally tolerated, the chaotic, irreverent tenor of the popular festivals, and of the Feast of Fools in particular, did not endear them to the ecclesiastical authorities. The Feast of Fools, however, survived centuries 40 of opposition from certain segments of the church. Such durability in the face of long-standing condemnation provides an object of speculation for observers of this phenomenon. One of the earliest documented official oppositions to the celebration of mock ceremonies in the church took place in 633 at the Council cf Toledo, and one of the last condemnations of the Feast of Fools was issued by the Council of Bordeaux in 1620. Repeated condemnations, which seemed to have little or no effect, are listed by Du Tilliot in his study of the Feast of Fools.*8 There are records of the Feast of Fools within church walls as late as the XVIIth century, although by the end cf the XVth century many churches had abandoned the practice.*9 One explanation of its durability is that wholehearted condemnation was withheld because the credo of the festival, . exaltation of the humble, was too close to the Church's own doctrine to be denied.so Literal application of the verse from the J2§31lilic.3£» "Deposuit potentes de sede et exaltavit humiles", epitomizes the Feast of Fools. Inversion of the hierarchy illustrates the Christian concept of the Day of Judgment when the meek and humble of the earth shall replace the mighty on their thrones. The durability of these festivals has also been interpreted as an attempt on the part of the Church to expropriate the enthusiasm of the people, tc divert their energy into the Church instead of against it. This was frequently the policy in regard to the assimilation cf pagan festivals.si Although many ecclesiastical authorities opposed these "foolish" outbursts, there were defenders who saw a useful social function in these celebrations: Nos pre'de'cesseurs, . . . gui e'tcient de Grands Personnages, ont permis cette FeHe, vivons comme eux, 8 faisons ces choses se"rieusement, mais par jeu seulement, S pour nous divertir, selon l'ancienne coutume; afin que la folie qui nous est naturelle, S qui semble. ne'e avec nous, s'emporte 8 s»ecoule par la, du moins une fois chaque anne'e. Les Tcnneaux de vin cre'vercient, si on ne leur ouvroit quelquefois la tcnde ou le fosset, pour leur donner de l'air. Or ncus sommes de vieux vaisseaux S des tonneaux mal reliez, que le vin de la sagesse feroit rompre, si ncus le laissions bouillir - ainsi par une devotion continuelle au service Divin: 11 lui faut donner guelgue air 8 guelgue relachement, de peur qu*il ne se perde 8 ne se repande sans profit. C'est pour cela que nous dcnncns quelques jours aux jeux 8 aux bouffonneries, afin de retourner ensuite avec plus de joye 8 de ferveur, a l'etude 8 aux excercices de la Religion.S2 The above apologist recognizes a fundamental human need to indulge in folly, "qui nous est naturelle, 8 qui semble nee avec nous", and sees the annual celebration cf the Feast of Fools as a traditionally sanctioned safety valve for tensions which build up in the social system. It is an occasion to release pent-up emotions in order that the work of the society, and in particular that.of the Church, might continue with renewed vigour. Far from being revolutionary, the festival can serve a conservative function in society. In a stable society with a strong religion common to all, the irreverent popular festival thus poses nc serious threat to the status guo. In fact, as the apologist suggests 42 above, it strengthens established values by providing a temporary release from pressures and tension created by daily life. CL. Barber, who has studied the popular festival, also notes this phenomenon: In a monolithic society, a Lord of Misrule can be put back in his place after the revel with relative ease. The festive burlesque of solemn sanctities dees net seriously threaten social values in a monolithic culture, because the license depends utterly upen what it mocks: liberty is unable to envisage any alternative to the accepted order except the standing of it cn its head". 53 J. Huizinga concurs, stating that "the excesses and abuses resulting from an extreme familiarity with things holy, as well as the insolent mingling of pleasure with religion, are generally characteristic of periods of unshaken faith and cf a deeply religious culture".54 However, as the society of the late Middle Ages witnessed the fragmentation of their concept cf the universe, the freedoms granted during the popular festivals began to threaten the power of the established authorities. An increasing awareness of this danger helped to drive the Feast of Fools out of the Church in the late XVth century. But even when expelled from the churches, the Feast of Fools did not cease, but spilled out into the streets giving added life to other popular celebrations such as Carnival. The festivities took on a more secular guality under the leadership of members of the lay community who formed themselves into fool-societies called the cenfreries des 43 sots, or the societes joyeuses. These societies continued the long tradition of mocking celebration in an upside-down environment, while extending their scope beyond the parody of ecclesiastical life to include the whole of society.55 Their membership also extended to many prominent bourgeois of the town, and even on occasion included royalty.56 Some societies such as the Easoche or the Enfants-sans-scuci in Paris were composed primarily of young clerks or students and grew into semi-professional dramatic troups.57 Thus, while the tone remained foolish and irreverent, the satire took on a more cultivated quality which Enid Welsford refers to as the "intellectualization of folly".58 The fool-societies were also a more permanent organization, and their reign was extended frcm a short festive period to the whole year. They became the "fools in residence" of the various towns and cities. Each of these organizations gathered under the tutelage of a leader similar to the Saturnalian mock ruler, the mock bishcp, and the Carnival King and Queen. In the fool-societies this leader was usually known as a "Hoi des Feus", "Le Prince des Sots", "M£re Folle" or "He*re Sotte59 The main activities of the fool-society became the organization cf their own banguets, processions and the presentation of short satirical sketches for public occasions. They also helped to organize Carnival masquerades and official celebrations.60 The IHl a£t^£ie JLijonnaise studied by Du Tillict 44 provides a prototype of these societies. Directly descended from the Feast of Fools expelled from the ducal chapel in Burgundy in 1552, the Infanterie Dijonnaise was composed cf several hundred men of varied professions. They organized an annual procession and a banguet as well as performing short theatrical presentations for the public of Dijcn. Their motto was "Stultorum numerus est infinitus", stressing the universality of folly. These societies were still active after the publication of Le Moyen de Parvenir about 1610, and while there is no evidence that Eeroalde was a member of such a society, he would have been aware cf their existence and activities. The activities of the Infanterie Eijonnaise, for example, are documented until 1626.61 Although the festivals continued, by the late XVIth century their situation yis-a-yis the authorities was precarious. After a period of civil unrest which left both the political as well as the religious foundations of the country shaken, festive freedom, though guaranteed by tradition, had to disguise itself more carefully. Folly and intoxication were stressed during the festivals, since fools and drunkards cannot be held responsible for their behaviour.62 Freedom of speech with impunity could be turned to trenchant satire and parody of the authorities or of official truths, with a purpose to permanently changing the society thus mocked and satirized. All of this could be carried out under the cover of innocent festive laughter and foolish prattle. U5 The spirit of the Feast of Fools, Carnival, and the fool-societies left its mark on many artistic creations cf the time, particularly the comic theatre. From the short street scenes which accompanied the festive processions, to the soties, the sermons jo^eux, the monologue, and the farces, the mocking and irreverent laughter of the popular festival is found,6? The same.spirit can be identified in other literary genres. In the Roman de Renart, Aucassin et Nicolette, the Narrenschiff by Sebastian Erandt, Moriae Encomium by Erasmus and in Rabelais' works for example, the upside-down world of festive folly and freedom reappears,64 As demonstrated by the work of Chambers, Welsford, Earber and Bakhtin, an awareness of festive patterns can provide a new perspective on the literary representation of chaos and folly. The present study, will .explore the carnivalesgue elements in Le Moyen de Earvenir beginning in the following chapter with an examination of the details which contribute to the festive atmosphere of Beroalde's symposium. 46 CHAPTER II: NOTES 1 Roger Caillois. LJ.Hojnme et le Sac re. (Paris: Gallimard, 1955) , p. 155. ~ 2 Johan Huizinga, The Waning cf the Middle Ages, (Harmondsworth: Peregrine, 1968), p. 239. 3 For a more detailed description of Christian festivities see E.O. James, Seasonal Feasts and festivals, (London: Thames and Hudson, 196"T)7""p" 200-280. * Enid Welsford, The Fool, p. 70, continues to describe this double aspect in the two major festival seasons: "Shrovetide is a season when a good Christian confesses his sins, but it is also the Carnival, when the scber citizen will put on a mask and adopt the behaviour of the fool; the Christmas season was once an equally wild time". 5 Huizinga, Waning, p. 155. 6 See Bakhtin, Rabelais, p. 154 and pp. 219-20. 7 The Feast of the Innocents was so called because it fell cn the anniversary of Herod's legendary slaying of the innocent children, December 28. For a similar reason the celebration was sometimes called the Feast of the Circumcision which fell on January 1. The Feast of the Sub-Deacons is named for the participants, while the Feast cf the Ass refers to the burlesque entry cf an ass into the church "while the prose of the ass was chanted". (Welsford, The Fool, p. 202). For further information cn the generic title, Feast of Fools, see Chambers, Stage, Vol. I, pp. 274-5 and p. 323, and Sir James Frazer, The Scapegoat (The GO-l^6.!! IX), (London: MacMillan, 1933), p. 334. 8 There are a few records of its celebration in May and at other times of the year. See John Flinn, Le Reman de Renart, (Toronto: 0,s0f T. Press, 1963), p. 83. 9 E.K. Chambers, Stage, Vol. I, pp. 324-25. 10 Caillois, Sacre, pp. 155-56. He alsc states, pp. 145-46, "Cet entracte d»universelle confusion gue censtitue la f£te apparait ainsi re'ellement comme la duree de la suspension de l'ordre du monde. C'est pourquoi les execs sont alors permis. Il importe d'agir a l'encontre des 47 regies. Tout doit etre effectue a l'envers". 11 Chambers, Stage, I, p. 325. 12 Julio Baroja. El Carnaval, (Madrid: Taurus, 1965), p. 47. 13 The Roman god, Saturn is the equivalent cf the Greek Cronus, thus the same customs regarding them both are frequently identical. 14 The Hyakinthis was a Greek festival dedicated tc an agrarian god of the same name. Held in May, it lasted for three days. 15 The festivities cf the Kalends signaled the Roman New Year. Chambers, Stage, I, p. 330, believes them tc be the ancestor of the Feast of Fools, citir.g as evidence the masks, the exchange of masters and slaves, and the date. 16 See Goethe, Italian Journey, trans. W.B. Auden and Elizabeth Mayer, (London: Collins, 1962) , p. 446, Frazer, §S"a.£e.goat, PP« 313, 346; Welsford, The Fool, p. 12; James, Seasonal Feasts, p. 177; Caillois, Sacre, p. 157. Others such as Chambers, prefer to cite the Roman Kalends as the direct ancestor, see above note 15. 17 Macrobius, Saturnalia, Ed. Percival Vaughan Davies (New York: Columbia Oniv. Press, 1969), p. 59. 18 Macrobius, p. 158. 19 see The Holy Bible (King James version), St. Luke 1:52 "He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree." 20 Lucian, Saturnalia in The Works of Lucian, VI, ed. A.M. Harmon, (Cambridge: Harvard univ. Press, 1959)", p. 93. 21 Frazer, Scapegoat, pp. 306-08. 22 The mask is one of the oldest and most universal devices used to .symbolically transform the wearer, as is demonstrated in the work of Frazer, Scapegoat, who describes masks used from ancient Greece to Mexico, pp. 246, 287, 381-2, 384. H. Villetard, Redargues sur la f|te des fous (Paris: Picard, 1911), p. 9, and Chambers, Stage, I, p. 330, associate the medieval custom of masking specifically with the Roman Kalends. In commenting on the use cf masks during the Feast of Fools, Chambers, p. 327, states: "These masks. 48 indeed, are perhaps the one feature of the feast which called down the most unqualified condemnation from the ecclesiastical authorities. We shall net be far wrcng if we assume them to have been beast-masks, and to have taken the place of the actual skins and heads of sacrificial animals, here, as so often, worn at the feast by the worshippers". 23 A colourful . description of xvith century Carnival masking is found in the .Pojaishe J5isa^2S® Naogeorgus (Thomas Kirchmaier) cited here in the 1570 English translation by B. Googe, from the original Latin edition (1553), (London. Trubner, 1879), p. 329 ; The author, a Protestant, takes obvious delight in citing the felly in which Catholics indulge on this occasion: But some againe the dreadfull shape cf devils cn them take, And chase such as they meete, and make pecre bcyes for fear to guake. Some naked runne about the streetes, their faces hid alone, With visars close, that so disguisde, they might be knowne of none. Both men and women chaunge their weede, the men in maydes aray, And wanton wenches drest like men, dee travell by the way, And to their neighbours houses gc, or where it likes them best, Perhaps unto some auncient friend cr clde acguainted ghest, Unknowne, and speaking but fewe wordes, the meate devour they up, That is before them set, and cleane they swinge cf every cup. Some runne about the streets attyrde like Monks, and some like kings. Accompanied with pompe and garde, and ether stately things. Some hatch yong fooles as hennes dc egges with gcod and speedie lucke, Or as the Goose doth use to do, or as the guacking ducke, Some like wilde beastes doe runne abrcde in skinnes that divers bee Arayde, and eke with lothsome shapes, that dreadfull are to see: They counterfet both Beares and Wcolves, and Lions fierce in fight, And raging Bulles. Some play the Cranes with wings 8 stilts upright. 49 Some like the filthie forme of Apes, and some like fooles are drest. Which best beseeme these Papistes all, that thus keepe Bacchus feast. 24 Baroja, Carnaval, p. 23. 25 Goethe, pp. 453-4, describes an ingenious Carnival mask which he observed at the Roman Carnival of 1788. The wearer of this mask stopped in front of the houses of certain married men, and by a clever device inside the mask was able tc cause two little horns with tiny bells to protrude and retract, much to the amusement of the onlookers. 26 Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in I tali, (New York: Harper, 1958")", pT 2207~states that~at one time masks in Italy were worn from October to Lent. 27 See Marguerite de Navarre, iiHejtamercn, ed. Michel Francois (Paris: Gamier, 1967) XXV Ncuvelle, p. 204, and Helsford, The Court Masjgue, p. 137. Edmond Bonnafe, Etudes sur la vie _griv4e de la Renaissance, (Paris: L.H. May, 1898), p. 175, also remarks on the privileges taken by masked aristocrats. 28 Baroja, p. 45, comments, "Es el de Carnaval tambien un tiempo durante el cual no debxan llevarse a cabo determinados trabajos. Asx, en Asturias, las mujeres, que comenzaban a hilar en reuniones por septiembre, al llegar el Carnaval seguxan reuniendose en los •filandcnes•, perc no hilaban. En Castilla, . . . corrxan estos refranes: »Is tuen hilar, de San Miguel a Navidad: de marzc, ayusc, no rabea bien el huso1, 'Dia de Santa Ines, mujeres, no biles'.. • .. En Cataluna han corrido ideas semejantes." See also Chambers, pp. 146-47. 29 Du Tilliot, ft4moires _pour servir a ljhistcire de la fete des fous (Lausanne: Bosquet, 1741), pp. 5-6. Du Tilliot further describes this feast by citing a letter of the Parisian faculty of theology, pp. 7-8. 30 Chambers, Stage, I, pp. 317-21, cites an account cf the bishop and the beast given by the reformer John Euss who had taken part in the Feast of Fools as a boy. 31 Nacgeorgus, p. 330, records another irreverence: "But others beare a torde, that on a Cushion soft they lay,/ And one there is that with a flap doth keepe the flies away./ I would there might an other be an officer of those,/ 50 Whose roome might serve to take away the scent from every nose." 32 Chambers, Stage, I, p. 266. Caillcis, Sacre, p. 146, concurs: "Deux raisons concourent a rendre recommandatle dans ces circonstances la de'bauche et la fclie. Pcur e*tre plus sur de retrouver les conditions d'existence du passe mythigue, on s'ing^nie a faire le ccntraire de ce gu'cn fait habituellement. D'autre part, toute exuberance manifeste un surcrolt de vigueur qui ne peut gu'appcrter l'abcndance et la prospe'rite' au renouveau attendu". 33 Macrobius, Saturnalia, p. 590, affirms that the Saturnalia recalls the' Golden Age of Saturn; Bakhtin, Jabelais, PP» 7-10, sees the concept of a Golden Age continuing in an unbroken line into medieval and Renaissance festivals. 3* Naogeorgus,Po£ishe Kingdome, p. 329. 35 Chambers, Stage, I, p. 145. 36 Tabouret des Accords, Escraignes Dijcnnaises, cited by Edmond Huguet, Dietionnaire de la lan^ue fran^aise du XVIe siecle, (Paris:"champion, 1925)", VI,~p7~98. 37 Naogeorgus, p. 329. 38 Bakhtin, Rabelais, pp. 187-88, describes this linguistic freedom as the "unofficial" speech: "Abuses, curses, profanities, and improprieties are the unofficial elements of speech. They were and are still conceived as a breach of the established norms of verbal address; they refuse to conform to conventions, to etiquette, civility, respectability. These elements of freedom, if present in sufficient numbers and with a precise intention, exercise a strong influence on the entire contents of language. Such speech forms, liberated from norms, hierarchies, and prohibitions of established idiom, become themselves a peculiar argot and create a special:collectivity, a group cf people initiated in familiar intercourse, who are frank and free in expressing themselves verbally. The marketplace crowd was such a collectivity, especially the festive, carnivalesgue crowd at the fair". Julia Kristeva, Le Texte du Roman (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1970), pp. 65-67, further develops Bakhtin's concept of carnivalesgue speech. See also Lambert Porter, La Fatrasie et le fatras (Geneva: Droz, 1960), pp. 2-68, for a discussion cf nonsense language. 51 39 Chambers, Stage, I, p. 296. *o Bakhtin, Rabelais, pp. 263-68. 41 Nacgeorgus, Pojjishe Kingdome, p. 333, describes Shrovetide thrashings: From Thurseday then till Easter come, the fondest tcyes have place Wherin these cathlikes think themselves, great men cf wondrous grace First three days space the belles are wilde, in silence for to lie, When from the toppes of hawtie tcwres, with clappers lowd they crie. The boyes in every streat doe runne, and ncyses great they make. While as in calling men to Church their wccden clappers shake. Thre nightes at midnight up they rise, their Mattens for to heare , Appoynted well with clubbes and staves, and stcnes in order theare: The Sexten straightwayes putteth out the candles speedely, And straight the Priest with rustie thrcte, alowde begins to cry. Then furious rage begins to spring, and hurlyburly rise, On pewes and deskes and seates they bounce, 6 beate in dredfullwise: Thou wouldst suppose they were possest, with sprightes and devills all. Or fury such as forceth them, that upon Bacchus call. Some beaten downe with clubbes and staves, among the pewes do ly And others almost brainde with stones, or wounded mortally. Well serves the darckenesse for these deedes, and thereto doth agree. The fashions like of every one, that thus enraged bee. 42 See below, pp. 40-42. 43 The presence of death or of the spirits of the dead appear in many pagan and Christian festivals such as the Greek Anestheria, Thesmophcria and Eacchanalia, the Roman Earentalia, Lemuria, Laturnalia and Kalends, and the Christian Michaelmas, All Souls and All Saints. See Frazer, Scapegoat, pp. 154-6. 52 44 In a section of his study cited abcve Caillois discusses the legendary time of creative chacs which is in the mythical past of several different anthropological groups; see "Chaos et l'age d'or" in Sacre, pp. 133-36. *s Henri Bergson, Ie Eire (Earis: F.U.F., 194 0), p. 5. *6 Sacre, p. 155. 47 Thomas 0. Wright, A History of caricature and grotesque in literature and art (London: Virtue Eros., 18657, 77 11. ' *8 Du Tilliot, M§I2il§s» PP* 3_t* an(3 P« 3 Iff. A humourous footnote to the official attempts tc eradicate the Feast of Fools is the elaborate order issued at Sens regulating the feast. Chambers, p. 298, guctes that impropriety and dissonant singing were forbidden, and that "not more than three buckets of water at the most must be poured over the precentor stultorum at Vespers". *9 Du Tilliot, pp. 22-23, quotes an eye-witness account of such a festival in Antibes around 1643. so Villetard, pp. 9-10, states this possibilty: "Dans ces folies et ces licences du peuple, il se cachait cependant une pens^e philosophigue. C'est que la superiorit! des riches, la puissance des grands ne saurait durer toujours; c'est que, aux humbles et aux petits, il doit etre octroye guelques jours de compensation, Il y avait, dans une telle pensee, trop de conformite avec sa propre doctrine, pour que l'Eglise s'opposat, du moins en principe, a ces distractions et a ces fetes joyeuses". With the advent cf Christianity and its subsequent official adoption, pagan exuberance was not necessarily discouraged, but rather channeled, into Christian forms. New Christian symbols arose to fill already developed cultural molds. For example, ceremonies surrounding the familiar pagan legend of a beneficent god (Osiris, Dionysus) who dies, and returns with the spring to the accompaniment of a festival, were easily adapted to Christian thought. Likeswise the worship cf feminine deities reappears in the Marian cult. For further study see Frazer, Scajaegcat, p. 328, and J. Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods (New York: Harper, 1961). 51 See E. 0. James, Seasonal feasts, p. 269. 52 Du Tilliot, Memoires, p. 30. Villetard, Bemargues, p. 7, cites Pope Leon, another apologist who excuses human folly. Jean-Richard Blcch, a latter day Carnival critic 53 echoes that thought "une fete etait une respiration entre deux couples, une parenthese ouverte pour la liberte humaine entre deux tentatives de restriction morale". "Carnaval est mort" Essais esthetigues (Earis: Gallimard, 1920), p. 119. 53 Barber, Comedy, pp. .213-14., 54 Huizinga, Waning, pp. 156-57. 55 Petit de Julleville, Ke^ertoire du theatre comigue en France au moyen-age (Paris: Cerf, 1886), p. /l06, supports this idea: "A la parodie de la hierarchie et de la liturgie ecclesiastigues, ils (les ccnfreries des sots] fcnt succeder la parodie de la scciete tout entiere". 56 Du Tilliot, pp. 68-70, has reprinted the "Acte de reception de Henri de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, Premier Erince du Sang . . .1626". 5 7 see Petit de Julleville, les Com|diens en France au moyen-age, (Paris: Cerf, 1885), p. 88 and p. 144. ss welsford, Fool, p. 318. 59 Chambers, Stage, I, p. 373, lists the various titles given the rulers of the different fool societies. so Petit de Julleville, Cgmediens, p. 247, and welsford, Masgue, p. 22. 61 Welsford, Fool, p. 208, cites suppression of the Infanterie Dijgnnaise~by Louis XIII in 1630. See also Petit de Julleville, Com^die, p. 154. 62 Welsford, Fool, p. 204. 63 Petit de Julleville, Bi£§rtoire, p. 105, finds the sottie tc be closely associated with the Feast of Fools: "s*il est un genre de comedie dont l'origine peut etre cherchee dans ces burlesques solemnites, c'est la sottie. Les sots sont les anciens celebrants de la fe*te des feus jetes hors de l'eglise par les conciles indignes; puis rassemble'es sur la place publique ou dans le prochain carrefour pour y continuer la fete". 64 HoEiH Renart, Branches X-XI, ed. Mario Rogues (Paris: "champion," 1960). Aucassin et Nicolette. Ed. Herman Sucher (New York: G. E. Stechert and ~CoT, ™9 36) . , Shij cf Fools, (Narrenschiff), Trans. E.h. Zeydel (New York: Columbia 0nivT~Press7 1936). The Praise cf Eellj, (Hcriae 54 Encomium), Trans. T. Chaloner (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1965*7. Rabelais, Oeuvres completes, ed. Pierre Jourda (Paris: Gamier, 1962)". ~ 55 CHAPTER III THE CARNIVALESQUE ATMOSPHERE OF BEROALDE'S EANQUET A carnivalesgue mood animates Le Mojen de Parvenir. The setting is a banquet in which wine and wcrds flow liberally, and the general,atmosphere is consciously one of uninhibited merriment. The guests and the hosts are in a holiday mood as their conversation, their anecdotes, and the many exhortations to drink reveal. Broad laughter and ribald tales dominate the festivities, and nothing is sacred before the mocking, irreverent dialogue of the group assembled. Allegorical characters such as "le Mortel", "Chose" and "la Bonne Intention", together with speakers disguised as such famous personages as Socrates, Petronius, Rabelais, and Ronsard evoke the shifting identities of a Carnival masquerade. A carnivalesgue ruling couple can be . discerned in "La Sophie" and "le pere spirituel"1 who host the banguet and attempt to guide the conversation. Fools and folly 56 abound, and at times the banquet very closely resembles a meeting of one of the fool-societies.2 The heterogeneity cf the group of revellers, composed of ancient philosophers, contemporary poets, Catholics, Protestants, and a variety of others, matches the festive chaos of their environment. The many voices blend and lose their individual identities in the inebriated uproar of the feast. Similar to a festival, this volatile, uninhibited symposium exposes a sensuous and playful side of human nature. Occasionally, as in Carnival, the violence which is normally contained just beneath the surface by social inhibitions is also released. Numerous calls to order are necessary, but they are invariably followed by invitations to drink and be merry. The popular preoccupation with the human body and its functions frequently provides material for banquet conversations and anecdotes. Stock characters such as the gullible cuckold, the pedant scholar, the unfaithful wife, and the licentious cleric recreate familiar comic situations in many short ,narrations during the banguet conversation. These short tales and anecdotes focus the attention and provoke the laughter of the festive group gathered at the banquet. These narrations have a parallel in Carnival during which an impromptu scene staged on the street or a presentation of popular comic theatre catches the attention of the laughing crowd. The polyphonic narrative is not woven together into a 57 cohesive plot, but is left unfinished like a colourful tapestry with narrative threads left dangling. The over-all impression is of a lively and inebriated chaos. In his presentation of the banguet Beroalde creates an upside-down world which exists apart from ordinary, everyday life, and which is in many ways the world of the festival,.This chapter will examine the details which contribute to this impression beginning with the dislocation of time and space. In all festivals there is a conscious effort to establish a new environment apart from the everyday world. One way to accomplish this is to alter the familiar pattern of normal life by disconnecting the celebration from ordinary time and space. Celebrants are invited to forget the linear progression of time and to enjoy the present with no thought for the future. Within the festival, time becomes irrelevant and space takes on a new dimension, as reality and imagination overlap, While reading Le Moyen de Parvenir one has the impression that time and space are deliberately indefinite and vague. The author offers few details of the time of the events which take place, or of the physical setting, and those details which he includes contribute more to the confusion than to the clarification of the narrative. The exact time and place of the symposium remain obscure throughout, and facts concerning the creation and existence of the book itself in time and space are vague and imprecise as well. In order to substantiate the impression cf 58 purposeful temporal and spacial disorder, Beroalde's treatment of time in le Moyen de Parvenir will be closely examined first., followed by his presentation of spacial references. In the everyday world, time is conceived as an instrument of measurement and can be used to locate specific events along an advancing line known as historical time. The author of Le Moyen de Parvenir however, seeks to deny his reader this instrument by purposely obscuring the value cf time in his work, and as a result the date of the events which take place at the banguet remain uncertain and enigmatic to the end. The first references tc a date in relation to the events of the banquet contain no specific information, even though the author teasingly pretends they do. This occurs in the opening sentence in which great attention is given to the specific moment in time when the banguet invitations are issued: Car est il, que ce fut au temps, au siecle, en 1*indication, en l'&ere, en l'Hegire, en l'hebdomade, au lustre, en l'Olimpiade, en l'an, au terme, au mois, en la sepmaine, au jour, a l'heure, a la minute, 6 justement a l'instant que par l'avis S prcgres du Daimon des spheres les esteufs descheurent de credit, S qu'au lieu d'eux furent avancees les molles balles, au prejudice de la noble antiquite, qui se jouoit si joliment. (1:3-4) The torrent of nouns presumably aims to define a certain date, but in reality points nowhere, surrounding it with a comic importance. By use of overprecision (from the "Aere" to the "instant") and of exaggerated diversity (from the 59 exotic and strange "Hegire", "hebdomade", "Olimpiade" to the common "minute"), the mock definition of the date parodies accounts of more serious convocations. The date in guestion is that upon which the "esteufs descheurent de credit", an anticlimax in that it is not immediately recognizable as an event of universal importance.? It is disconcerting, after the crescendo of introductory nouns, to find their point cf reference is obscure and seemingly ridiculous. The time cf the banquet is thus lost in a burlesgue mock epic introduction. The ill-defined period is mentioned a second time in the same paragraph, again with no definite indications: "Et bien en cet excellent periode il avint ce que vous scavez, 5 je vous jure sans jurer, que tout est vray" (1:4). The "excellent periode" has not yet been defined as the author pretends, and neither can the reader supply the rest cf the information which the author teasingly attributes to him: "il avint ce que vous scavez". The reader does not know what happened, and the narrator's assurance "que tout est vray", adds a particular note of flippancy to this circular statement. The next mention of the date occurs several sentences later and again contains the same playful, teasing lack cf information: II fut done en ceste saison sonne, tromp£, trompete', corne', (comme vous voudrez, prenez au goust de vestre ratte) & crie', huche, dit £ proclame' avec la trcmpe 60 philoscphigue, que toutes ames qui avoient serment a la Sophie se trouvassent au lieu susdit. (1:5) The time of the meeting, "ceste saison", has net been previously clarified as the author here assumes, and the date remains ambiguous, in spite of his pretense at defining it. In all the above comments related to placing the action of his book on specific points in time, the author's intention seems to be directed towards obscuring the time rather than clarifying it. While creating an aura of vagueness around the time cf the events within the book, the author pursues a similar course regarding the composition and publication of the bock itself. Comments to this effect are sprinkled throughout the book from the first page to the last. Eeroalde makes a point of mentioning both the publication and composition iii association with time, but again the information he divulges is only pseudo-specific, and in reality obscures the issue instead of clearing it. The first indication of this attitude is to be found on the title page,, where instead cf giving the actual date of publication, the author equivocally states, "Imprimee Cette Annee".* The deliberate refusal to state an exact date indicates the author's desire to give his book a special temporal status.5 The date of composition is obscured even more than that of the publication. In the liminary quatrain following the title page Beroalde indicates that the composition of the 61 book may not even have taken place: Si Madame m'eust sarvescn, J'eusses commence7 cet ouvrage. This hypothetical statement lends an air of uncertainty to the act of composition. The author is asking the reader to believe that the book presently being read has not yet been written. He repeats this upsetting chronological idea in another passage: Que ne sqavois-je ces belles responses, 6 ces doctrines, je suis fort desplaisant, & meurs de regret, que je n'attendis a escrire pour estre le secretaire de ce sympose, qui m'eut plus apporte de reputation, que n'en auront tous les escrivans ensemble. Or c'est tout un, j'ay la copie des discours S voila comment je me tiens . . .a ces futures sentences gui sent ja escrites .(1:216) The "belles responses" and "doctrines" to which he refers are contained in the conversations which form the text of Le Moyen de Parvenir. They are already a reality in the same way as the book which the reader holds is obviously not just a future possibility as the author suggests in the opening verse. The "futures sentences qui sont ja escrites" cannct be relegated to the problematic future either, for they are already recorded; in fact they constitute most cf the material of the Le Moyen de Parvenir which the author does not seem to realize he has written. In the last chapter of the book during the author's closing statements, there is another attempt to place Le I322§li Parvenir in the indefinite future; it is projected out of the realm of present reality and into the world of 62 fantasy and illusion, Beroalde writes: Je me mettray a faire un beau livre, ou je vous diray la verite tout au rebours des autres, 6 d'une fagcn si belle que je le publiray apres ma mort, afin que l'cn voye que j'y diray de bonnes choses, que je n'entendray ncn plus que vous autres. (11:260) It is obvious that the "beau livre" which he intends someday to write and publish is none other than the one just drawing to a close. This paradox is repeated on the final page in a last effort to displace the text temporally: Et afin gue je puisse un jour commencer ce volume, je mettray ici un tronc, tel gu'il est en nostre ville, aupres le portail de la grande Eglise: Vous gui avez mine d'estre horns, Et gui semblez estre hommasses: Apportez quatre gros 4s troncs, Afin gue l'oeuvre se parface. Et je vous promets gue vous y gaignerez: S davantage, y apprendrez tout ce qu'il y a de bon en ce mcnde; ce que je vous prouveray en toutes S maintes sortes. (11:261) On this thought the author terminates the bock which he says someday he intends to begin. The circle is complete, and the issue of time has acquired the vague, unstable quality which Beroalde deliberately set about to give it. The location of Beroalde's banguet in space also appears purposefully vague, and as such helps to obscure the distinctions between reality and imagination. Again, it is a matter of the author's evasive definition. Although a place is not previously mentioned in the text, he refers tc it in the first announcement of the convocation as the "lieu susdit" (1:5).6 A place is mentioned soon after, "nous fusmes tous resolus de nous trouver chez le bon homme nostre 63 pere spirituel" (1:5), but this reference to the location leaves too much room for speculation to be of use in establishing a physical setting for the banguet. "Nostre pere spirituel" implies a spiritual leader of some sort, and the meeting which he hosts has been interpreted variously by critics as a mock representation of a religious convocation, a papal symposium,7 or an alchemical congress,8 all timely subjects in Beroalde's age. The "pere spirituel" would then be either a divine leader or an adept in the occult sciences. If this is the case, the meeting place would be in a location associated with the designated leader, and all members of the invited group would be familiar with the place. While the above interpretations of the meeting as a parody of religious or occult symposiums are indeed plausible sources of inspiration, there is also another kind of meeting which is similar to that portrayed in Le Mcjen de Parvenir and which is suggested by the epithet "pere spirituel". This title may include a deliberate a play cn the word s^JLrituel, perhaps referring to one cf the great wits of the time, such as the leader of a fool-society who was traditionally elected from the most clever and quick witted members of the company. If. Beroalde's meeting was inspired by the burlesgue reunions of such groups, Eeroalde would not have had to initiate parody as a point cf view because these organizations are already dedicated to parody 64 and folly. Le Moyen de Parvenir would then be a variant cf an already established form of parody, and the "pere spirituel", the equivalent of a Prince des Sots who exercised a reign of folly in the tradition cf the festival's mock rulers.9 This kind of "spirituel" leader reigned also over the fool-societies such as the Infanterie £iJ2££aise. The invitations sent out to this company cf Dijon promise a banquet to be hosted by "le ben Pere" who promises to encourage the festive atmosphere.10 The meeting in Le Moyen de Parvenir may have been .inspired by such reunions which were held in a special chamber set aside for their revels. But since this enigmatic mention of a location, "chez nostre pere spirituel'.', is one of the few details offered concerning the place cf the banguet, any attempt to precisely define a location must necessarily remain studied speculation. There - is, however, a brief description of the room in which the symposium is to take place. The immediate impression it creates is that of a chamber decorated for some courtly festival: Nous fusmes introduits en une belle grande sale paree, comme dit l'autre, autant a l'antigue gu'a la moderne, tout y estoit avec grace fort bien retaconne, & avec simmetrie parfaite, & ce pour donner authcrite 8 lustre a l'avanture 8 aux discours, 8 pour enfler nostre dessein de plus de majesty. (1:10) This description is reminiscent of the far longer passages on architecture and decor which fill the pages of the widely 65 read pastoral novels of the time, a form tc which Eeroalde had himself added two well-received contributions. 11 The physical setting described above is one of order and elegance, but this impression is guickly overturned and forgotten in the chaotic and uneven conversations which follow. There is no courtly pastoral pageant or orderly display of knowledge in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir; instead the reader is surrounded with a disorderly and anarchistic babble of voices. It is as though an elegantly decorated chariot is glimpsed in a Carnival precession, but its display of allegorical harmony is quickly engulfed by the motley crowd as the parade moves on. In this context, Beroalde's misleading description of elegance and harmony can only be construed as another attempt to obscure the setting of the banguet, a setting which remains vague and enigmatic throughout. There is one aspect of the physical setting which could be called precise; that is the relationship between the chamber and the space around it. At one point in the narrative several of the guests leave the banquet hall, go into another room, and then return: Quelques uns de la compagnie, pour faire une pause recreative, se donnerent le petit mot du guet; e'estoit la fleur des sages, qui firent un complct de gayete pour faire rire la compagnie, S allerent en une autre chambre inventer une comedie a 1'Italienne. , (1:218) Cette petite bande entra de mesme ... (1:221) The movement to another room indicates the banguet chamber 66 has a specific physical location in relation to another room. Entries and exits lend a definite air cf reality to the vaguely described banguet room.12 The reality of the space within the hall is also acknowledged by the fact that the speakers at one end of the table cannot hear the others due to the distance between them as one guest remarks: "Il y en a a ce bout de table qui disent possible les, mesmes choses que nous disons ici, mais ils les enfilent d'autre sorte" (II:132). "Erasmus" informs those at his end of the table that "Homer" cannot, hear them: Erasmus "Cheut. il ftomerej est la avec du Bartas qui en conte, il ne nous oit pas" (1:148). These comments stress the relative distance between the speakers at the table. We also learn that the symposium takes place in an enclosed space separated from the outside world. However vague its physical conditions, the room exists as a finite space. The host of the banquet emphasizes the distinction between the inner and outer space in an announcement to the assembly: J'ay fait fermer la porte, il n'entrera meshuy personne ceans, nous sommes en liberte; la dispanse. i. le verrouil & la barre sont mis a la pcrte, aucun n'entrera icy, si le Diable ne le jette par la cheminee. (1:137) The closed chamber, sealed off from the laws of the outside world, provides the opportunity for participants to speak freely and openly. The freedom afforded by the locked door is satirically likened to the "petit exercise de la 67 religion" during which time the door is locked and those inside indulge themselves during fast days: C'est gue nous clouons, barrons, bouclons 6 fermons bien la porte, guand (comme ceux de la Religion) nous voulons manger de la chair aux jours deffendus: tel est le petit exercise d'autant gue la grand est aller au presche. (I:138) The locked room provides a liberty net allowed cn the outside, for once inside the. participants may flout authority with impunity. The freedom created by closing eff relations with the outer world in Le Moyen de Parvenir parallels the freedom effected within the separate world cf the festival as opposed to the constraints of the extra-festive world. All those who enter into the carnivalesgue world, which is marked off within a limited time and space, are granted extraordinary freedoms. The cuter world enters into Carnival only to be mocked and derided, or to be driven out. In Le Moyen de Parvenir on one occasion a fleeter from Oxford comes to the door of the banguet room and reguests a word with the host: ... voila la serviteuse gui nous vint dire gue guegu'un estoit a la porte, pour entrer ou sortir . Ceste fille nous vint dire gu'il y avoit a la pcrte un personnage, qui vouloit parler au bon homme: aussi tost il alia a lui, puis revint, S ncus dit . . . C'est un docteur d'Oxfort, gui n'est pas encor resolu s'il se doit faire Catholique ou Huguenot; S il demande a parler a guelgue Apcstre, s'il y en a ceans. —Vrayment non, dismes nous, il n'y en a point icy, ils nous empescheroient de faire bonne chere, S puis ils auroient honte de l'ordre hierarchigue, & du criblement des ministres. (11:236) The English doctor is not allowed to enter, but the host 68 does leave the room to consult with him. This incident again illustrates the relationship between the festive chamber and the rest of the world. In keeping with carnivalesgue practices however, the conscience-searching dcctcr is sent away. He is not permitted to enter the festive hall with his distinctly uncarnivalesgue problem, "s'il se doit faire Catholigue ou Huguenot", nor are serious apostles allowed to enter. Serious contemplation of religious matters as well as the official "ordre hierarchigue" belong to the outer world, and that is excluded from Le Moy_en de Parvenir as it is from Carnival. Movement in and out of the exclusive space designated for the symposium helps to make this space tangible and concrete. At various other points in the discussion, callers try to enter from the outside. Some do so successfully, and others are turned away. Late in the banguet a great ncise is heard when de Beze, an invited guest, arrives from the outside: Aussi gue je demandois a boire, voila un grand bruit . . . C'est de Beze gui vient d'arriver, 8 Aeneas Silvius l*est alle recevoir. (11:251-252) At another moment a demonic visitor gains entry from the outside. He entertains the company in conversation and subsequently exits (11:129-31). The narrator, who is a guest at the banquet, also leaves at one point. This departure, while it does reinforce the concept of a closed chamber, also presents a new spacial 69 anomaly. Throughout most of the text this narrator is physically present in the banguet hall, participating in the banquet talk, and at the same time describing the proceedings to the reader as they happen. However,, it appears that the reader is not "present", but is outside since the author must subsequently leave the room to speak with him: Or ga, mes bons amis, vivons en liberte, nostre convive s'acheve, ils sont sur le dessert: je suis un peu scrti pour le vous dire. (11:259) The key word in this passage is "scrti"; why does the narrator leave the banguet to come out and speak to the reader at this point when for hundreds cf pages this has net been necessary? Is Beroalde perhaps alluding to an exit from the fictional framework he has created? He seems to playfully invite the reader to watch the creative process, while reminding him of his role as passive observer in contrast to the active role of the author/narrator. He may also want to create yet another spatial dimension by stressing the distance between himself and his creation as well as between this creation.and the reader. While this guestion remains unresolved in the text, the exit of the narrator adds yet more elasticity to the concept of space in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The relationship between the author and his work suggested above can be taken one step further. The ambiguity of the physical setting supports an interpretation of the 70 banquet gathering which is suggested, though net developed, by Paul Lacroix in his edition of Ie Moyen de Parvenir. , A statement in Beroalde's first chapter, "Parqucy ncus fusmes tous resolus de nous trouver chez le bon homme nostre pere spirituel . . . ." (1:5), prompts lacroix's statement: "C'est de lui-raeme sans doute gue B^roalde de Verville veut parler sous le- nom du Bonhomie, pere spirituel. II etait alors chanoine de Saint-Gatien de Tours".13 In an extension of this idea the epithet "pere spirituel" may indeed apply to Bexoalde himself, host to a mental saturnalia and spiritual father and creator of his characters. The meeting could take place in his mind, with the author himself as leader cf the folly. Support for this interpretation can be found one chapter after the first mention of the "pere spirituel" when the narrator mentions the relationship between himself and the banguet guests awaiting the opening of the festivities: "Mes gens sont la gui m'attendent" (1:9). It is as thcugh they are waiting for the author to begin creating rcles fcr "his" characters: Mes gens sont la qui m'attendent; sent messieurs dea, ils sont a moy, est il pas vray, ne sommes nous pas les uns aux autres, dittes vous pas bon jour monsieur? il est done vostre sieur, 6 partant vous le maistre du chantier ou l'on sie: ainsi nous disens bon jour, cu adieu Madame, ma comere, 6 on nous dit mon amy, mon hoste; & de mesmes nous sommes aux autres, 6 ncus a eux, & pource ils sont a moy, ils sont done mes gens, qui avec moy & moy avec eux ncus trcuvasmes tous, 8 toutes, chez nostre pere se Puissetuer,14 que Madame avoit choisy pour y celebrer cet admirable banquet. (1:9) 71 The narrator does quickly alter the meaning of "mes gens" in this passage through wordplay on monsieur and mon scieur, but this kind of sudden change of direction within a statement is typical of le Ho_yen de Parvenir, and the first impression of "mes gens" should be retained as it initially reads, as well as the way the author subseguently twists it. The banguet setting could thus easily represent the imaginary world of the author. This possibility is reinforced by a later statement suggesting a "chanoine" who is also creator of a world, perhaps referring -to the literary world in Le Mojyen de Parvenir: ". . . le faisant du monde gui est le Chanoine" (1:304). If the banguet hall described is conceived as Beroalde's mind, the decorations "autant a 1'antigue gu' a la moderne" of the "belle grande sale paree" (1:10) could refer to the author's studies, encompassing both ancient and contemporary knowledge in the manner of Renaissance scholars. One could expect an orderly display of knowledge to follow this description cf harmcny. However, the impression of order and elegance in this mental interior is completely overturned by the saturnalia which enlivens the following pages of the text. It. is as though the author has produced an inebriated stream-of-consciousness novel, with ideas appearing as bangueting characters who vie for attention. Within the special temporal and spacial climate created in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir there are other similarities between 72 this work and the festival. Comments which occur early in the text indicate that the gathering will resemble that of a fraternity of fools performing a sotie, or celebrating in the tradition of Carnival. The obligatory call tc assemble as well as the expressed devotion of the guests to a special ruler and to a common "foolish" cause are declared in the burlesque tone of carnival. These elements reinforce the parallel between Le Koyen de Parvenir and the festive reunions of the fool-societies.: The first mention of the meeting suggests such an affinity: Il fut done en cest saison sonne% trompe', trompete, corne, (comme vous voudrez, prenez au gcust de vestre ratte) 5 crie', huche, dit 6 proclame avec la trompe philosophigue, gue toutes ames qui avoient serment a la Sophie se trouvassent au lieu susdit, ainsi qu'il avoit este ordonne" & promis avec serment sclemnel, comme il est ordinaire e's affaires serieuses de la tenoiste coustume des Sages; pour asseurance degucy les enfans de la science avoient mis la main au symbole de la conscience. Parquoy nous fusmes tous resclus de ncus trouver chez le bon homme nostre pere spirituel, parce qu'il avoit este ordonne £ juge en dernier ressort de serrure, d'horloge, de craneguin, de rouet, de routissoir, d'arbaleste, & gue les defaillans seroient mis a la nois^.a la noisette, au noyau, 8 al*amende. A cet esclat de mandement je. ne faillismes a nous trouver, aussi avions nous promis de nous bien chercher pour cet effect; 8 puis je l'avions jur£, £ sgachez gue c'est un grand peche de faillir parmi nous, pource gue nous suyvons uniguement la regie de perfection en promesse. (1:5) The exaggeration, repetition, lists and word play which give this passage ifs humorous tone are also common to documents of the fool-society of Dijon, the Infanterie Dijcnnaise. Any serious quality attributed to the gathering by the vocabulary, "serment solemnel", "affaires serieuses". 73 "coustume des Sages", is undermined by the exaggeration and wordplay of the context. Instead of one or two terms to describe the fanfare which accompanies the announcement of the meeting, the author uses eight: "sonne, trcmpe, trompete, etc.", creating a comic effect through exaggeration. He uses this same technigue two more times in the same sentence: "en dernier ressort de serrure, etc.", and "les defaillans seroient mis a la nois, etc."..Each time the disproportionate list produces the same humorous results. Wordplay exists within each list of words; repetition of initial sounds for example appear in "trompe'-trompete", "rouet-routissoir" and "ncis-noisette-noyau". Words having the same function in the sentence are multiplied, and sound clusters are repeated just as they are in the literature of the fool-societies. The soties performed by these societies traditionally are filled with repetitious language, frequently beginning with a listing cf all the kinds of fools who are invited.15 Repetitious language also fills the sotie : "Qu'on rompe, qu'on brise, qu'on casse, qu'on frappe a tort et a travers" illustrates this tendency in a sotie by Gringore.16 The obligatory nature of the assembly in Le Mcjjen de Parvenir recalls the conventional reminder cf compulsory attendance at the meetings of the fool-societies. The guests in L§ Moyen de Parvenir appear to be members of. an organization to which they feel morally obligated. "C'est un 74 grand peche de faillir parmi nous", as the narrratcr intimates, and it is also humorously announced in a cascade of wordplay that absent members will be subjected at least to a fine: "les defaillans sercient mis a la ncis, a. la noisette, au noyau, 8 a l'amende" (1:5). The variations of the word nois (nut) end in a pun based cn the hcmonymic clash between amende (fine) and amande (almond) . Compulsory attendance enforced by humorous threats appears in the fool-societies also. Pressures were applied tc members of the Jn£§£ierie Dijonnaise to emphasize the importance of attendance: "Si guelgue absent, Se vouloit prevaloir d'excuse, Il sera traite comme buze."17 They were also subject to a fine like the defaulting guests of Le Mcjyen de Parvenir: "Si guelgu'un regu . dans la Compagnie, s'en absentoit, il devoit aporter une escuse legitime, sinon il etoit condamne a une amande de vingt Livres."18 Not only are Beroalde's merrymakers devoted to their fraternity, but they also express allegiance to a leader, the mysterious "Sophie". She is also called "Madame, l'unigue entre les sages" (1:9), and reigns ever the convocation together with "le pere spirituel". Although never clearly identified in Le Mojen de Parvenir, this couple recalls the traditional mock rulers who presided merrily over popular festivals. The narrator begins by stating that all of the guests are "ames gui avcient serment a la Sophie" (1:5). Her name, "la Sophie", indicates an 75 allegorical identification with wisdom, but other excellent gualities are also assigned to her: Madame gui est l'unigue entre les sages, la perle des entendues, 8 le parangon de perfection (recognoissez la par ces epitetes, 8 ne vous enguerez plus gui elle est) nous festoyoit, 8 prenoit grand plasir de nous avoir pour son contentement. , (1:11-12) . .. .. The epithet "la Sophie" and the reference to her respected position, "l'unigue parmi les sages", appear tc be ironical tributes however. Even though she does, not indulge in obscenities, "Madame" exhibits the same trivial mind as the other guests, and it is apparent from the start that her devoted followers manifest a far greater affinity with felly than with wisdom. This "Madame Sophie" in turn would be at home in the varicoloured costume of Mere Sctte or Meire Folle. . .  . .. The impassioned devotion of Eeroalde's guests to their leader recalls the praise lavished upon the Mere Folle cf Dijon.19 A closer look at the introduction of this ruler in Eeroalde's announcement reveals that she is associated with a trumpet; "trompe, trompet6" are mentioned, and "la trcmpe philosophigue" calls the faithful to her side (1:5). That instrument was also associated with Mere Folle and "her" activities.20 Madame Sophie's ruling partner , "nostre pere spirituel", also has a carnivalesgue counterpart. As the host in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir he assiduously applies himself to the task of seeing that the company does not neglect the food and wine on the table; the image he creates fcr himself 76 is that of Mere Foilers frequent spiritual companion, Roger 1P.H I^JS-EJi .21 At Dijon, as Du Tilliot's study shows, Ben Tems.1 role was that of banquet host.22 The garrulous individuals called together around "Madame" demonstrate by their extravagant conversation and their foolish behaviour that they serve her well. Firstly, their names, like that of Madame Sophie, create a misleading initial impression, because their actions and words.de net correspond to the names. The problematic identities of these speakers evoke the shifting Carnival mascarade. Their names, which do not fit their actions and conversation, are worn like Carnival masks. Over two hundred of the banguet guests are identified with the names of famous men and women from different ages. Among these "guests" assembled are Socrates, Rabelais, Alexander, the Great, Sapho, Jan Hus, Petronius, Paracelsus, Margot (probably Marguerite de Valcis),23 Boccaccio, Hercules and Calvin.2* The inclusion of famous guests was frequently the practice of authors cf symposia.25 However, Beroalde taxes the credulity of his reader when "Calvin" for example, boasts of the wine he wculd like to consume (11:156), when "Socrates" becomes the foppish master of etiquette at the banquet (1:18), and "Demosthenes" dispenses obscene advice (1:21). It is usually impossible to identify the relationship between the speaker and his famous name; in fact, without their names the speakers would be nearly indistinguishable one from another. 77 Besides the illustrious speakers, allegorical characters, such as "Chose", "l'Autre", "Le Mcrtel", etc., join in the banguet and converse like the others. The voices behind the names could belong to any inebriated wag or inglorious drinker. The celebrants rarely attempt to play the roles their names imply, and several details indicate that the guests in Le Mo^en de Parvenir are in disguise. Even though the narrator introduces the guests as celebrities, he hints that the names function only as masks: . . . nous sommes, nous gui parlons, de ce temps; nous y sommes en tenons 8 y vivons, si ne sommes trompez. (1:11) Et encor, messieurs, un mot en passant: croyez-vous pas gue toutes ces bonnes gens fussent ici, 8 gue mesmes ceux du temps a venir y estoient? Nous avons cele les noms de guelgues uns, de peur gu'ils fussent recognus . . . (1: 226) 2* The obviously artificial quality of the banqueters' assumed identities reinforces the impression of a Carnival masquerade. The mask in Carnival functions as an agent cf liberation, releasing an inner being, and it serves the same purpose in Le Moyen de Parvenir. As Boger Caillois explains, the major function of a.Carnival mask is not tc appear as a realistic imitation of reality, but to provide a cover which hides the everyday identity of a person while the true personality emerges: Au Carnaval, le masque ne cherche pas a faire croire 78 gu'il est un vrai marquis, un vrai toreador, un vrai Peau Rouge, il cherche a faire peur et a mettre a profit la licence ambiante, elle-meme resultat du fait gue le masque dissimule le personnage social et libere la personnalite veritable.27 It is the "licence ambiante" which the disguised characters in Le Moyen de Parvenir seek to exploit. Through their behavior and conversation they show themselves to be of a uniformly coarse mentality. Though many of them wear the names of famous sages of all times, behind the names they are revealed as common boors whose main goal in life is to amuse and indulge themselves in the manner of Carnival celebrants who throw themselves headlong into the festivities. The identities of other characters, both the guests and those in the anecdotes, evoke the theatrical side cf Carnival. Many of them are identified either by name, "Le Mortel", "La Jeune Fille", "La Bonne Intention", or by type, such as the gullible cuckold or his conniving wife. Such characters appear frequently in the farces, soties, sermons joyeux, burlesque monologues, and in the comic scenes of the mystery or morality plays. The characters which people Le Moyen de Parvenir, both those around the banquet table and those in the anecdotes, often have counterparts in the comic theatre. Some of the banguet guests have allegorical names which recall the morality plays, "La Bonne Intention, La Jeune Fille, L'Autre, Bienvenu, Chose, Cetui-cy". Other 79 guests are identified by profession only {"les Medecins", "l'Avocat") , a common practice.in the fabliaux, farces, and soties. In the miracle plays the protagonist sometimes makes.a pact with the devil, . who is also a freguent stage character.28 In Le Mojren de Parvenir, Frostibus, "lieutenant general de tous les Diables", calls on Luther and intimates that he has some sort of pact with the reformer: " Frostibus vient gay S gaillard mettre les deux mains sur les espaules de Luther, S lui dit; 'Et bien, monsieur de l'autre monde, guoy, gue dittes-vous des gentillesses gue ncus avcns faites par dela en nostre enfance?'" (11:128). Frostibus1 description of the plight of the unfortunate tenants of the underworld casts them as the comic "pauvres diables" of the <?i£i>leries, as he pleads with Luther: "... me.faire la faveur gu'il n'y ait plus personne damne, tous les diables vous en prient, . . . d'autant gu'il y a desja tant de damnez en Enfer, gue les pauvres diables couchent dehors." (11: 129-30) Other familiar characters from the comic stage also appear in the anecdotes told by the bangueters. .These stock characters, and the familiar situations they recreate recall the competitive, jovial.world of the farce and the closely related fabliau.29 The gullible cuckold, freguently seen in comic presentations, appears many times in Le Mcy^en de Parvenir, as does his unfaithful wife.30 The text is also 80 replete with lusty clerics, young and old, with pedants, imposters, and hypocrites.31 The fools of the soties are amply represented as well, both around the banguet table and in the tales and anecdotes. All of these characters remain undeveloped, quickly drawn caricatures similar tc the characters in the farces. Each is given very little time cr opportunity for development, since their function is to represent an idea or an attitude which is usually presented briefly and humorously, then discarded. Like uninhibited festival participants, the guests in Le Moyen de Parvenir assemble in a light-hearted mccd. The author sets this mood by defining the meaning of play in the first chapter then applying it to the guests. According to Beroalde's definition, play functions like the mask and like wine. It removes inhibitions and allows the true inner being to manifest itself. Even a devil could net hide his essential nature if at play: "il vous feroit voir ses cornes". At play, a person's defenses are relaxed, and he can enjoy himself without fear: N'est-ce point au jeu ou l'ame se dilate pour faire voir ses conceptions? Si un diable jouoit avec vous il ne se pouroit feindre, il vous feroit vcir ses cornes. Mais gu'est ce gue jouer? C'est se delecter sans penser en mal. (1:4) The open disclosure of one's inner self described above closely resembles a description of the effect laughter works on the inhibitions, a theory which Eeroalde includes in the 81 Cabinet de Minerve.32 play and games imply a certain honesty and trusting innocence, according to the narrator of Le ®21£2 Parvenir. As if to illustrate this point the guests are at play in the kitchen when first introduced. In presenting them at play, the author implies that he is depicting their essential, inner beings, stripped cf hypocrisy and in a mood for innocent enjoyment: Ouy dea, je vous ay oste de peine si vous en estes capables, S vous feray remarquer ceux gui assisterent en ce notable sympose, au moins je vous en nommeray guelgues uns, si je ne me souviens de tous: je vous envoyeray a la cuisine ou ils sont, ou bien autre part, a jouer, comme les sages de Grece, au franc du guarreau avec les pages S les laguais. (1:17) When first introduced, the honourable guests are playing hopscotch, not only among themselves, but with the servants, in true saturnalian fashion.33 The behaviour of these guests reveals them to be from the same boisterous, largely uneducated group which makes up the majority of the Carnival crowd.34 Their actions, which consist of eating, drinking, making rude noises, telling coarse tales, and competing with each other for attention, belong more to Carnival than to an intellectual symposium. Another link between Le Moyen de Parvenir and the festival is provided by the event for which the guests have assembled; the occasion is a banguet, "cet admirable banguet" (1:9), ce notable sympose" (1:17). However it is not a tranquil repast, but instead a saturnalian revel, and 82 emphasis is placed on the consuming, triumphant physical body of the traditional carnivalesgue feasts.35 This banguet setting allows the author of Le Mo_yen de Parvenir to dwell on the tangible, physical delights of the feast, emphasizing the appeal to the senses and at the same time exploit the carefree mood of the feast. The collective feast has played an important part in carnivalesgue festivals since their ancient origins when the festival depended on major agricultural events of the year. Though the transfer of the festival to urban environments sometimes altered it slightly, the esential ingredients, one of which was the feast, remained.36 ft banguet creates the comfortable situation in which man and his environment are particularly compatible, for nature on that occasion, at other times harsh, is seen at her most generous. The heavily laden banquet table represents a certain human victory over nature. Participants in such feasts are temporarily freed from basic anxieties about their physical survival. They leave work and resourceful accumulation cf goods behind in order to consume the fruits of their labour. An atmosphere of plenty, reminiscent of a Golden Age such as the Land cf Cockaigne37 is recreated by the abundance of food and drink offered to the emancipated celebrants. Popular religious festivals, village fairs, and other carnivalesgue celebrations in XVIth century France still included feasting in the festivities.38 The banquet for members and guests was 83 also an important event cn the social calendar cf the fcol-societies, and they openly promoted a gastronomic value system.39 In the letters of reception sent out to successful candidates of the Infanterie Dijonnaise the new members are complimented on their prandial virtues which make them compatible with the rest of the company. Candidates are praised for such gualities as: Toutes les allegresses de Machoires, finesses, galantise, hardiesse, suffisance, & experience des dents gui pourroient €tre requises a un Hignon de Cabaret.*o In accordance with tradition, food and drink abound in Le Moyen de Parvenir, and the bangueters all participate with uninhibited enthusiasm in the collective activities cf eating and drinking: "Il n'y a persenne gui ne tasche a faire son profit, 8 sur tout boivant 8 mengeant" (11:238). With burlesgue enthusiasm the.narrator praises those guests who excell in the art of dining. Socrates, he says, carries out his "devoir des maschoires" to high satisfaction, and the "Archidiacre" does so well that he would deserve to .be Fope if only he could officiate as well before the altar as he does at table: Je vous diray gue Sccrate estoit present a ce banguet ou il fit fort bien son devoir des maschoires. A propcs de nostre Archidiacre, gui s'y scayt tres-bien escrimer, 8 vrament s'il tenoit aussi bien a cheval gu'a table, il seroit le meilleur Escuyer de France, 8 bien plus, s'il officioit ou pouvoit officier autant parfaitement a un grand Autel gu'a une table, il meriteroit d'estre Pape. (1:17) 41 84 Amid the abundance cf food and drink present cn the table, the successful guest comes equipped with nimble jaws like Socrates in the above passage. He is quickly joined by the others as the narrator's concise description of the opening activity discloses: "Nous nous mismes a estofer des maschoires" (1:23). The bangueting is continually encouraged by the host of the banquet, "le Bon homme", with such comments as, "soyez les bien ventrus, la panse fait 1'homme" (1:138). He also encourages by example:."et bien boivons S me donnez un petit de ceste croute de paste, ce gue j'en fais pour espargner le pain" (11:133). One time he is so busy preparing a dish of crayfish that the narratcr must speak for him: "Je le dirai pour lui, parce gu'il est empesche a frire 1'esprit'd'un demi cent d'escrevisses, a la mode de Bourges" (11:236). Throughout the text there are many references to the food and wine being consumed by the company.*2 Images of the bangueting body permeate the vocabulary used in the conversations. The victorious, consuming body emerges in Diogenes' speech: Vous lourdaux mes amis du foye, cousins de la ratte 6 mignons des petites tripes foireuses, ignorez-vous que d'ici a quelques siecles ce sympose ne scit selcn son merite tenu pour authentique, autant ou plus que toutes les falanderies grecques qui vous font bon ventre? (1:128) 85 Images of the inner organs of the body in this passage (" le foye, la ratte, des petites tripes foireuses, bon ventre") underline the material, corporal aspect cf the feast. Moreover, Diogenes uses these terms to address his friends affectionately, "mes amis du foye, etc.", implying their complicity in the feasting aspect of the symposium. , He also describes intellectual pleasure in gastronomic terms. The imaginary stories or "falanderies", of Greece please the audience like a good meal:". . . gui vous font bon ventre". Like Rabelais, the author of Le Moyen de Parvenir combines the creation of his book with food and drink. In the "Prologue" to Gargantua Rabelais describes the act cf writing his book: Car, a la composition de ce livre seigneurial, je ne perdiz ne emploiay oncgues plus, ny aultre temps gue celluy gui estoit estably a prendre ma refection corporelle, scavoir est beuvant et mangeant. . . . L'odeur du vin, 6 combien plus est friant, riant, priant, plus celeste et delicieuse gue d'huille! *3 Beroalde also presents the idea of the author who joyously feasts while writing when he reminds the reader that respected ancient authors wrote while drinking and laughing. In the same spirit as Rabelais1 dismissal of serious, plodding work as unpleasant "oil" in the above passage, Be'roalde satirizes his contemporaries who so solemnly study the ancient books, books that were written as the authors drank and laughed: ". . . vous donnez vous tant de peine a grifonner le papier, pour le barbouiller de commentaires sur 86 tant de folies des poetes S orateurs, S fouillauccfres gui les ont escrites en boivant 6 se riant" (1:129). It was perhaps the "Prologue" of Rabelais' Tiers Livre which inspired Beroalde to write of the ancient imbibing authors. Those who become too involved in the serious, jcyless side of literature do not understand the work in its proper context. An unfortunate fate awaits them: "lis deviennent animaux fantastigues, & resveurs, cone la plus part de ncs scavans gui sont tant veaux, gue les diables aux heures de recreation en font des contes pour rire" (I: 129). In another passage Beroalde links the act cf composition with the consumption of food. The style cf this book, its tendency to jump erratically from subject to subject, and the variety of topics it includes in a disorderly fashion are compared to the dining habits of a certain "bon homme Guyon": .. . On luy donnoit de tout ce gu'il luy falloit, gu'il mettoit en son escuelle, pain, chair, scuppe, potage, souppe, potage, vin, sert, dessert ensemble; S on luy disoit, "Pourguoy ne mangez-vous S boivez d'ordre 8 a part? --Ha ha, disoit-il, lourdaut mon amy puis gu'ils se doivent mesler au ventre, il n'y a point de danger de luy envoyer tout desja mesle'," De mesme cecy doit estre mesle en vostre cervelle, il le vous faut bailler tout mesle; le personnage gui vous produit en tout honneur ces saincts memoires de perfection, a pense gue le texte ne valloit pas mieux gue le commentaire, parguoy il les a fait aller ensemble. (1:36) In this manner the reader is somewhat inelegantly invited to digest the work in its present form, with nc regard for order. 87 Beroalde's choice of a banguet setting is not unigue. This framework appears in many ancient works and is freguently the organizing structure of works by Beroalde's contemporaries. His choice of a banguet setting thus reflects not only the literary vogue of the time, but has ample literary precedents, ancient Greek and Boman writers freguently used the symposium as a forum for dialogued display of ideas. Works by Plato, Xenophon, Plutarch, Petronius, Athenaeus, and Macrobius for example, all exploit the banguet setting.** It became increasingly popular in Beroalde's century to loosely bind together a series of tales, anecdotes or imaginary dialogue within a conversational framework, in part due to the popularity cf the ancients. Works by Marguerite de Navarre, Jacques Yver, Nicolas de Cholieres, Benigne Poissenct, and Guillaume Bouchet demonstrate this tendency.*5 Among the different situations in which„a group of speakers cculd be gathered, the banguet was one of the most effective. But Eeroalde expands his table and his conversations far beyond that cf his contemporaries. The symposium which takes place in Le Mcyen de Parvenir not only exploits the open, malleable framework of prandial literature which preceeds it, but,it pushes that framework even farther. Not just a few speakers, but nearly four-hundred claim the attention of the reader. Their 88 conversation is carried forward by inebriated momentum and capricious wordplay rather than by the logical development of ideas which characterizes other works in this form. The active, competitive atmosphere of Beroalde's symposium is described in a passage which telescopes the action of the banguet into one sentence: Et gue faisoient tant de bonnes gens de loisir? Voire, mais gue fit-on la? On parla, on mangea, on beut, on fit st, on se teut, on fit du bruit, on protesta, on rencontra, on rit, on baailla, on entendit, on distputa, on cracha, on moucha, on s'estonna, cn s'esbahit, on admira, on gaussa, on rapcrta, cn entendit, on broiiilla, on s'esclaircit, on debattit, on s'accorda, on trinca l'un a l'autre, cn s'acccuda, cn cria tout bas, on se teut tout haut, on se mocgua, cn murmura, on s'avisa, on se reprit, on se contenta, cn passa le temps, on douta, on redouta, on s'assagit, cn devint, on parvint. (1:43) As can be seen in this passage, even though the framework cf Le Moyen de Parvenir may be similar tc that cf ether literary symposiums written or read in the XVIth century, the banquet of Le Moyen de Parvenir has more in common with an animated Carnival than with a traditional symposium. In the tradition of the Saturnalia, Beroalde's banquet provides a setting conducive to spontaneous activity and free talk,*6 and it does so aided by wine. Wine, a traditional ingredient in the festival, frees the imagination and loosens the tongue. It lowers inhibitions and encourages a foolishness not normally tolerated. Wine flows liberally both at the banguet table and throughout the anecdotes in the dialogue of Le Moyen de Parvenir, and its 89 effects are felt in the volatile, uninhibited ccnversation. Its presence at the banquet and its role in the conversations reveal wine to be a unifying leitmotiv and one cf the major elements in the creation of the carnivalesgue atmosphere, in Le Moy_en de. P a r ve n j.r. Since drinking constitutes one of the major activities at the banguet set by Beroalde, wine is established as an important ingredient very early. It is the first detail attended to after the arrival of the guests. The meeting begins only after certain preparations have been made, and care of the wine is one of these preparations: "quand nous fusmes assemble?, que tout fut prest, le vin dans les vaisseaux plongez en .l'eau fraische pour se rafraischir, aussi le practigue autrement seroit boire a clochepied" (1:13).,ft spiraling digression cn the subject of wine then covers three pages in these opening paragraphs.*7 This sets the scene for the "doctes tuveurs" (1:16) who assemble around the banguet table and partake generously, reinforcing their fraternity with "la ligueur arrousante, la douce rosee de nature, le sucre de l'Aurcre" (I: 142) . Cries for more wine and exhortations tc drink are heard throughout the book, creating the impression of a spontaneous, authentic bacchanalia. The guests incite each ether to consume more: "Tais toi pauvre cheval & beys" (1:128), and urgently request .more wine from anyone who will bring it: "Je te prie, page, laguais, novice, enfant de 90 choeur, leuron de 1'Antechrist; gui gue tu scis, donne mcy a boire" (1:126). Interjections such as these punctuate the text, constantly reminding the reader that a drinking bout is in progress. The speakers pause to,catch their breath in the giddy conversation, "0 ca, j'ay assez parle sans boire, ca, page, bailie m'en" (11:253), and with each pause they refresh themselves with wine. They ask for mere fcod and drink, integrating the banguet into their conversations: "Eh bien, boivons, 8 me donnez un petit de cest crcuste de past£" (11:133).48 "Erasmus" uses a call to drink as an excuse to quiet the others so that he may speak: "Bcivez un trait tout plain, 8 me laissez dire ou j'oublieray tout" (1:147). The host frequently urges the company to drink, admonishing them for talking too much and neglecting their glasses: "Nous ne boivons point; hola! Vous causez assez" (11:186). At another point he loudly interrupts the party and silences Petronius who is about to speak: Petronius voulut dire sa ratelee, mais il rengaina son discours par la bouche, pource que le ben homme nostre hoste vint criant tout haut comme un belier esgare; "ga enfans, §a ca Messieurs, c'est assez causl, il faut se reposer & l'ltaliano sermonisme: boivons 8 faisons une pause aux discours". (I:137) At other times he intervenes to delay a discussion until the glasses have been raised again, postponing a tcpic with a call to drink: "Bemettez-le a tantost gue nous aurons teu" (1:142).49 He also cuts short a discussion decisively in the same manner: "Or boivez pour decider cette affaire" (11:70), 91 and generally assures that wine is not neglected amid the prodigious verbal outpouring of the banguet.50 alongside the obvious importance of wine physically present on the banguet table, it freguently recurs as a topic of table conversation, indicating its high priority in the minds of the bangueters. Wine sometimes appears as the topic for inconsequential or fatuous verbal exchanges: . . . vas chatoiiiller ce flaccon de vin, S me dis s'il est masle ou femelle. —Ouy da, il y a malse S femelle de vin; le blanc est le masle. (11:247) Mais encor, nostre maistre vous gui sqavez gue le pain est plus ancien gue le vin, d'ou vient gu'estant le pain en la bouche, il est long temps "a se demener ck & la, avant que trouver le chemin de la vallee, & le vin tout incontinent le trouve? —Ce mystere n'est pas de vostre religion: C'est pour ce gu'il y a plus d'esprit en une pinte de vin, gu'il n'y a en un bcisseau de bled. (1:15)51 Cries for more wine and exhortations to drink are also complemented by commentaries on the sensual delights cf drinking. As the banguet begins, the promise of future pleasure gleams prophetically from the bottles arranged on the banguet table: "les vaisseaux estoient dignement arrengez selon leur merite, ne plus ne moins gue les vers des Sybiles,52 couvrans sous leur saincte cabale les plus savoureuses intelligences du bien futur." (1:15). The "bien futur" becomes more tangible as the guests indulge not only in consuming the beverage, but in describing the pleasures to be derived from drinking wine, One speaker wishes to 92 prolong the pleasure by extending his palate to exaggerated proportions. He expresses this wish through a play cn the word fialais (palace-palate): Ne sgais-tu point gue depuis gue le vin a joint l'epigliotte il n'est plus favorable; il convient, pour bien souhaiter en cet affaire, desirer avoir le palais aussi long gue celuy de Paris, ... afin que la liqueur arrousante, la douce rosee de nature, le sucre de l'Aurore, on sentit une vraye rage de bien, tandis gu'elle passeroit par ces coulis infractueux. (1:142) The "vraye rage de bien" described by this speaker is put into other words by the narrator who alsc speaks of the pleasure he derives from the act of imbibing: "Scavez-vous bien pourguoi j'ayme tant a boire? c'est pcurce gue j'ay une belle joye guand il me pleut dans le ventre." (1:145). Unlike the animals, pleasure prompts man to drink even when not thirsty: Hercules. Pourguoy est-ce gu'un asne ne bcit pas s'il n'a soif? Calvin. Faites vostre proposition vive. Hercules. Je ne m'esbahis si tu fus heretigue; va, je te le diray, c'est pource qu'il ne bcit que de l'eau; que s'il beuvoit du vin, il boiroit a tous momens, comme un bon Theologien. . . (II:28-29)53 The immediate satisfaction of the senses provided by wine recommends it highly to the pleasure seeking revellers in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The physical need indicated by thirst is not a necessary factor, nor is a special occasion necessary, as the following riddle illustrates: "En guel temps le vin est il meilleur ou bon? Dittes Messieurs. —C'est, dit l'un guand on a grand soif;" l'autre, "C'est en este. —Voire, dit frere flnselme. 93 c'est en hyver au soir guana* on s'est bien xouti aupres de feu." Albert le Grand. —Vous n'y estes pas, c'est guand on le boit, gue l'on le jette a pcignee dans le corps." (1:141-2)5* The pleasures of wine are often mentioned along with those of laughter. The two are described as "les orgues de la liesse" (I:108). Both are essential elements of Carnival and add to the festive atmosphere. Drinking and.laughter are two of the four "cardinal virtues" of this ccmpany: "Laissons ces Theologiens avec leurs vertus Theclcgales; guant a nous, suivons les guatre Cardinales, gui sont, Bire, Banger, Boire, & Dormir. Telles sont nos.vertus." (1:299) 55 These festive virtues (laughter, eating, and drinking) also enumerated by the fool-society of Dijon, 56 abound in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The host expressly combines laughter and wine in a burlesgue travesty of legal jargon, urging the company to avail themselves of their rightful pleasures: En depit de toutes sortes de sots, boivons, rions, ce sont des accidens de concomitance, liascns de compagnies, relations legitimes, conseguences d'usufruict, c'est nostre part guand nous y sommes; & de fait rire c'est ce gui contente le plus, 5 gui couste le moins; s'il en estoit ainsi de boire, le ben vin ne cousteroit gueres. (1:140) In this invitation to drink and laugh there is an attempt to justify enjoyment of them both; the pseudolegalistic jargon, "accidens de concomitance, liascns de compagnies, relations legitimes, conseguences d'usufruict", emphasizes in a comic fashion the legitimate right the guests have to wine and 94 laughter.57 The tipplers also associate wine with erotic pleasures, suggesting its aphrodisiac properties. The ardent fishwives, colourfully described by the host, are lusty winebibbers: "Voyez,, je vous prie, les poissonieres, lesguelles pour avoir tousjours la main en l»eau, S feu au cul, ont les joue's vermeilles, elles sent gaillardes, aimant le ben vin, tousjours estans en appetit." (1.1:71) Another speaker dips into the carnivalesgue fund of ribald expressions and states coarsely: "Voire, vin chauffe S cas frctt^58 ne tendent gu»a pauvrete"S9 (ii;33) . Not only is imbibing a major banguet activity, and the pleasure it brings a source of conversation, but the virtues to be found in this element encourage drinking and supply yet another subject of discussion. The speakers claim that it enhances the individual both physically and spiritually. The narrator urges his friends, including the reader to seek good health in wine: "Or mes chers amis que j'aime de toute ma fressure . . . vivoris 8 boivons selon nos merites, il ne nous faudra point de besides sur les aureilles pour en destourner le rhume, ny de cotton dans le nez pour l'empescher." (1:85). Wine, like laughter, is said to promote well-being: "le rire pour l'ame, & le vin pour le corps" (1:140). wine can even help cure the body: "Ceux gui sont un peu malades, & se renforcent a bcire 6 a manger guarissent; aussi l'on ne meurt que de faute de boire & 95 manger, 8 bref de s'abstenir de faire les vertus Cardinales." (Il:120).«o Good health is not the only virtue the speakers attribute to wine; they suggest that through wine one can also improve the intellect, for truth is found in wine. A variation on the theme of in vino Veritas appears in the first discussion of wine: Ayez de bons flaccons, pour y trouver par leur moyen la verite, comme fit Democrite, gui enda la trouva au fonds du puits. Ie Boy avoit fait faire un puits, gui respondoit Ii une vieille carriere, cu Democrite alloit souvent se raffraischir. En ce puits on raffraischisoit le vin du Roy; Democrite s'en apperceut, 8 alia avant d'estre aveugle joliment prendre le bon vin gisant en flaccons dans I'eau du puits, 6 trouva gue c'estcit la verite que le vin valloit mieux gue l'eau. (1:15)61 The "truth" discovered in this account is not the all-encompassing truth which is divine knowledge or wisdom,62 but instead, in a very limited meaning of the word, this truth merely establishes a relative value of wine. Truth and wine are connected in two other passages; each time "truth" is used in a different context, but the resulting statement always promotes drinking. Wine, it is suggested, also possesses the power to fce of spiritual benefit to the consumer. Early in the text, wine is endowed with prophetic qualities through comparison with "les vers des Sybiles",63 and invested with a sense cf mystery, understood only by the initiates. The narrator, in tones of self-parody, pretends to be above the common 96 people, referring to them as "bonnes gens, gui ne scavent pas les mysteres mysterieux du vin, comme ncus autres philosophes" (1:16). This mock heroic stance, "nous autres philosophes", parodies the attitude cf the alchemists, astrologers, and others who seek an esoteric, revealed truth. Criticism of hermetic charlatans can be found elsewhere in Le Moyen de Parvenir as well as in other cf Beroalde's works.** These enigmatic suggestions of spiritual gualities lead to more developed statements in which the virtues attributed to wine give it a mock .religious aura. The author facetiously associates wine with Catholicism and water with heresy: "Boire du vin, c'est estre bon Cathcligue, 5 mettre trop d'eau est se sentir de l'heresie, ne boire gue de l'eau, & avoir le vin en haine, est pure heresie ncyable, approchant de l'atheisme." (1:62). This kind of association is what one would expect from the carnivalesgue parodies such as "Le Sermon de bien-boire", "L*Invitatore bachigue", or during travesties of the religious services performed during the Feast of Fools.65 According to the narrator in Le Moyen de Parvenir, drinking is thus fully approved, even encouraged by the Catholic church. As for the Protestants, the reader must assume that the words of Calvin are meant to indicate his sect's attitude on the subject of wine: "Calvin: Ne sgavez vous pas gue je boy S mange si peu gu'il me faut estre en repos pour pasturer? avisez, je ne mange 97 pas tant gue beaucoup de personnes, 8 si tout le vin du monde estoit la, je n'en bcirois pas le quart." (11:156). Use of ironic understatement, "je n'en bcirois pas le quart", humorously reveals the reformer's leanings. Eoth attitudes reflect the same assessment of the topic: Indulge! Drinking thus has. the approval of the religious sects represented at the banguet, and all guests are encouraged to drink "en bon Theologien". Only the representatives of the sober outside world disapprove, but they are dismissed as heretics because of their preference for water, the element of sobriety: "ne boire gue de l'eau, 8 avoir le vin en haine, est pure heresie noyable" (1:62). Those who do not partake could never join in the inebriated whirlwind of the banguet, but these sober souls are banished to the straight-sided world outside. In another passage, the legendary rowdy, fiercules taunts Calvin for being too sober: "tu venisti sobrius ad evertendam rempublicam" (11:29). In this case Eercules seems to refer to Calvin's reputation outside the banguet rather than his present behaviour. Sobriety has no place in the world established inside their hall, because it would upset the carnival within. The faithful convene inside, inspired and carried away by the object of their praises. The eulogy sometimes approaches the intonation of a litany, and the act of raising a glass acquires the value cf a sacrament: "C'est le bon vin de Madame gui me fait ainsi dire, 0 ligueur 98 prophetigue, benigne humeur gui nous fait dcctes, radoucis nos adversitez, S resjouls les coeurs gui ont faute de consolation salutaire" (1:310).66 The invocation of wine as a pacifying agent, "benigne humeur qui nous fait doctes, radcucis ncs adversitez . . . ", repeats the message of the seeming non seguitur outburst by the narrator in his introductory statements: Qui a pensez vous, este cause de la guerre de Troye, du siege de Babylon, de la ruine de Thebes, de la venue de 1*Antechrist, £ de tant dfautres malheurs dont les vrayes & fausses histoires nous amusent? Bouteilles cassees, 6 vin respahdu. (1:16) Lack of wine resulted, according to this informant, in war and other examples of human discord. The implications are clear; wine contributes to the cause of human peace, and thus is a positive and valuable substance. The pacifying powers of wine are in fact put to the test within the banguet itself. Anger and the threat cf violence, always close to the surface in the liberation cf a carnivalesgue environment,*7 threaten the present banguet. Although wine may be partly responsible for the volatility cf the company's emotions, at the same time it serves another important function as a pacifier. Rage sc overcomes one character, Alcibiades, that he loses the power to articulate properly: "Non, ou je me contamine, je m'abomine, je deteste, je trante mille, je precipite, j*horrible, je.. . .." (1:288). Unable to continue, he ends the utterance, 99 presumably because the words, which were already scrambled, no longer came at all, His anger paralyzes his power cf speech. Another character however, calms him and offers wine as a cure: "0 taisez, taisez vous. Faictes le bcire, gu'il ne soit enrag4". Wine thus helps to soothe his anger and recall his senses. Another altercation, this time between Uldric and Scot, is also subjected to the curative effects of wine. Uldric loses his temper and calls Scot an ignorant liar: "Vous en avez menti, au respect de Dieu" (1:156). The hostess attempts to guell the outburst by exhorting them to drink: "Quoy, gu*est-ce la, voire, & faut-il gue les gens doctes vivent ainsi? Boivez 5 vous accordez"_ (1:156). Uldric is calmed by her suggestion and retires to his drink, promising to be quiet: "Or soit ce qui en pourra estre, je me tay, & vous en laisse tout faire, je m'en vcis me consoler avec le flacon, je vous fay juge de tout Madame" (1:156). Thus wine, which frees the inhibitions and releases the passions can also serve to soothe emotions, guiet tempers and consolidate the feelings of friendship. As mentioned above, laughter is sometimes closely associated with wine, but on its own adds to the cacophony of festive sound. Laughter and festive noise are also present at the banquet and add to the impression of carnival. One chapter is appropriately entitled "Bisee", an epithet well-suited to the mood cf the symposium. 100 Democrites, the laughing philosopher, is one of the first of the famous guests to be introduced (I:15). Outbursts cf laughter are often heard as the merrymakers express their amusement during the feast. Interjections such as "Ha, he hi hi e e e" (11:128), and "Ha ha he, ga ca" (11:191), etc., punctuate the dialogue.68 The reader is constantly reminded of a laughing Carnival crowd, not only by these noisy peals of laughter freguently interjected into the narrative, but by the author's description of the guest's activites: "Toute la compagnie s'esmeut a rire, 8 nous nous trcuvasmes jcyeux S alegres comme une belle troupe de jeunes ou nouveaux Cardinaux" (1:206). The company is highly amused by Socrates at another point, and they do not attempt to restrain their laughter: Tout le monde jusgues aux Anges 5 aux serpens, sans les pierres S cailloux qui en creverent, se mit a rire si fort, que la mule du Cure saint Eustache en foira de si pure joye, que la vie en faillit par le fcndement. (1: 221-22) The loss of physical control as an extreme result of laughter was a documented physiological reaction at the time.69 In this text it adds to the impression cf uncontrollable and inebriated hilarity in the symposium. Laughter also enters into the banguet as a subject cf conversation. The dialogue touches on the virtues cf laughter and describes them in terms similar tc the praise offered to wine.70 The curative effects of laughter, like 101 those attributed to wine, were highly regarded by some authorities in Beroalde's time.71 Whether Eeroalde, as a medical doctor, was familiar with academic theory on this issue, or if the association came to him from popular sources,72 he includes anecdotes in which laughter is a remedy: Ainsi gue Madame estoit tres-malade, & gue l'on penscit gu'elle expirast, environ la minuict on vint appeller monsieur le Docteur, gue se jette du lict; cr a-t'il une coustume de dormir sans chemise . ... II se leve en sursaut, S pour aller secourir Madame il met sur ses espaules le manteau de son vallet, premier trouve, . . Le manteau ne lui passoit pas le ncmbril, & ce personnage entra en la chambre, ou Prestres, Gentilhommes, Dames S autres estcient. A son entree, tout chacun se mit a rire, . . . S Madame gui revint a ce bruit eut la mesme vision gue les autres, s'en prit si fort a rire gu'elle fit un pet 5 fut guarie. (11:125) An ailing minister is also cured when a humorous remark at his bedside prompts him to laugh: "Ce bon Ministre se print si fort a rire, gu'il fut tout guery . . ." (1:54). The recovery of these persons illustrates the positive value of laughing, and thus encourages by example the torrents cf boisterous laughter which carry along the narrative. Throughout the book festive noise is present., Eesides the outbursts of spontaneous laughter, the characters interrupt each other arid noisily call attention to themselves. The conversation is boisterous and competitive; they even go so far as to eguate speech with life, saying that he who drinks must stop speaking, for the silence is 102 like flirting with death. One could almost say the banguet is built on the precept Je jjarJLe, done je suis: "Va te promener, 8 me dis la raison gui fait gue l'on boit les uns aux autres. —C'est pcurce gue celui gui boit perd la parole, 8 devant gu'il lui avienne, il prie gue l'on l'assiste s'il lui survencit danger, tandis gu'il est ainsi entre la vie 8 la mort, comme une ame qui sort de Purgatoire, ou gui pense y aller. (1: 225) The verbal competition causes Erasmus tc complain: "Il y a plus de cinguante ans gue je n'avois tant parle sans estre escoutl" (1:146). Sometimes voices are raised above the level of the din to attract attention. The host uses this technigue: ". . . Le bon homme nostre haste vint criant tout haut comme un belier esgare, 'Qa enfans, 9a ca Messieurs, c'est assez cause . . ." (1:137). At other times voices are lowered, to pass on a private communication.73 The variance in pitch amid the hubbub reminds the reader that the banguet in progress has an acoustic dimension., _ Other sounds also interrupt the banguet, some of which are distinctly carnivalesque: Ainsi que je demandois a boire, vcila un grand bruit. —Quoi, dismes nous, est la le resultat de guelque Pape qui se fait, ou le Tedeum d'un fait tout ncuveau? Non, ce dit Calepin, c'est que l'on vient de couper le cou a Caresme, 8 nous en ouions le bruit qui en retentit de l'Eglise nostre Dame de Paris a Nantes. (11:251) The noise heard above the laughter and the noisy conversation evokes the Shrovetide season, fcr it is said to be that of a carnivalesgue execution, "on vient de couper le 103 cou a Careseme". All of the above elements, dislocated time and space, masquerading characters, food, wine and festive ncise contribute to the carnivalesgue atmosphere of Ee"rcalde's banguet. Upon closer inspection the impression cf a festival is substantiated by numerous details. The regularity of time is intentionally disrupted, lending a vague, indefinite guality to the banquet. The place is also obscured, even though it is clearly separated from the.outside world. The author himself steps in and out of the loose narrative, posing as both creator and participant, freguently reminding the reader of his guiding presence and of the creative process. The figures of a festive gueen and king or cf a Mere Sotte and a pere bon temjjs are present in Eeroalde's Madame Sophie and le £ere spiJEituel. The uninhibited behaviour of the guests also implies a festival cr a fcol-society meeting in progress. A great variety of characters are introduced wearing their identitites like Carnival masks or costumes of the popular theatre, and supernatural creatures also mingle among the revellers. Traditionally part of the festival, the banguet emphasizes the material aspect of the body and provides an excuse for festive conversation. The conspicuous presence of wine, both cn the table and in the conversation, also adds to the carnivalesgue atmosphere. In addition to these factors the boisterous laughter and festive noise of the company serve 104 to complete the impression of a liberated celebration which Beroalde presents to his reader. In order to discover how the festive atmosphere serves Beroalde's purpose, the following chapter will turn to the content of the conversation around the table..Specifically, it will concentrate on the attitude of irreverence and sacrilege which Le Mo^en de Parvenir shares with festive events like the Feast of Fools, Carnival and the activities of the fool-societies. 105 CHAPTER III: NOTES 1 No attempt has been made to modernize quotations from the text; therefore accents, spelling and punctuation as they stand in the text are respected. 2 See above pp. 42-45. 3 Beroalde mentions a change from the estoeuf to the balle in Le Palais des curieux (1612), as if it were a familiar subject, but does not give any more details about it. E. H. Clouzot, in "La Date du Moyen de Parvenir", (Revue des Etudes Rabelaisiennes, 9 ~{19"l l77 "1-437 Clouzot documents the event to which Beroalde refers: "l'eteuf . . . etait une balle de cuir remplie de bourre tres serrde dont on se servait au jeu de paume, l'anc^tre de notre tennis moderne. Sa fabrication occupait un certain nombre d'ouvriers appeles esteufiers groupes en corporation. Est-il done vrai gu'a un moment donn^ une guestion de mode ait substitue a cette balle classigue une balle plus mclle et boulverse ainsi les traditions de ce jeu guasi-nationale? Le fait est parfaitement exact. Il.se trcuve relate dans le recit de voyage d'un Anglais, Robert Dallington, gui, aux environs de l'annee 1598, vint passer guelgues temps a Paris. . . .'Vous observez gue leurs balles sont en coton; mode gu'ils ont adopt! depuis sept ans: auparavant, elles etaient en cuir comme chez nous.* . . .c'est done vers 1591 que s'est introduit cette mode ncuvelle dans les regies du jeu de paume." Despite the accuracy of this observation the date in question is not a universally recognized event, and the mention of a changeover to "raolles balles" as a reference point by which to locate Beroalde's banguet symposium in time retains its tone of parody through exaggerated precision. * Time is playfully disrupted in another passage which concerns the publication of this book, see 11:260, cited below p. 62. s A date of publication was not necessarily included cn the frontispiece of bocks published during Bercalde's time, and the lack of a date would not indicate a deliberate omission. In this case however, the "date" of publication is purposefully mentioned, demonstrating that the precise details are willfully withheld. 6 See above p. 60. 7 V.L. Saulnier, "Etude", p. 309, assumes a 106 relationship between Le Ro^en de Parvenir and the numerous conferences held around 1577 during which the question cf the Eucharist was discussed. Several were held in Switzerland where Beroalde was residing at that time. J. Pallister, World View, p. 104, also imagines a religious gathering, but she believes it may be a papal symposium. R. Cohen, Rhetoric, p. 27, suggests a papal assembly. The Council of Trent is mentioned in the text (1:110, 11:70), giving weight to these theories. 8 Saulnier, pp. 295-95, also notes the similarity between Le Mo^en de Parvenir and the medieval Turba £iiii°S°£liO£ilSi a work consisting of the conversation at an alchemical symposium: "On sait que ce livre, gui s'offre comme une adaptation abregee du S_yngde de la Philoscj3hie de Pythagoras, figure un congres d'alchimistes, presentes sous les noms des philosophies grecs antiques . . . d'ailleurs deformes par leurs transcriptions successives de grec en arabe et en latin. . . .'On touche la du dcigt, ccnclut W. Ganzenmiiller, l'effort fait pour etablir un rapport (des doctrines alchimigues) avec la.philoscphie grecgue, rapport gui demeure ici tout a. fait superficiel, limite aux noms, en effet ce gue chague philosophe expose n'a rien a faire avec ses propres doctrines!* Le procede de Eeroalde n'est-il pas une transposition burlesgue du mime prcce'de en un livre dent toute la presentation n'est gue parodie?". Many of the speakers in Le Moyen de Parvenir are famous alchemists: Paracelsus, Lulle, Geber, Agrippa, Eeroalde was known to have an interest in alchemy and had written a treatise cn the subject, Les Recherches de la Pierre £hilo££_phale, 1583. 9 See Heinrich Schneegans (Strassburg: Trubner, 1894), Geschicte der Grotesken Satire, p. 289. He briefly notes a resemblance between Beroalde's style and that of Mere Jclle but does not elaborate. 10 DU Tilliot, wifoires, published several invitations to banquets of the Infanterie Dijcnnaise, for example "Invitation pour se trouver a l'Assembl^e de l'Infanterie Dijonnaise", pp. 83-85: Je viens de la part de la Mere, Mere aux Foux, S Sages prospere, Vous dire gue depuis long-terns, Elle n'a vu son cher Bon-Tems, Voici le jour gui nous ^veille, Qui l'entend ne faut gu'une oreille; Le bon Pere est si curieux De rendre ses Enfans heureux, Qu'il ne veut pas gue l'cn leur vende, Chapon, Perdrix, Canard, ni viande, 107 Quelle gu'elle soit a ce jur, Crainte de perdre son amour, Plus qu'il faut a ce que sa table Soit en tcute sorte agreable .... 11 Beroalde had translated two cf these pastoral novels. La Diane (1592) by Jorge de Montemayor, and Le Scn.ce d§ „Il£EiI§ (1 600) by Francesco Colonna. He also wrote a long novel in the same style, Les flyantures de Floride, which appeared in six volumes from 1593-1596. 12 See also 1:194, "Epanimondas" returns to the table. 13 i§ Moyen de Faryenir, ed. Paul Lacroix (Paris: Gosselin, 184l7,~p. 2~ note"" 14 Royer, (Index, p. 311) hesitantly suggests that "nostre pere se Puissetuer" is a pun on "nostre pere spirituel", a speculation repeated by Saulnier, "Etude", p. 155. 15 Sound clusters such as "alicament-alimentez" and "allegresse-vitesse" occur in the following quotation from the Infanterie Dijonnaise. This and similar documents also reflect the burlesque tone of Be'roalde's convocation in numerous examples of exaggeration and strings of similar words. "Les Superlatigues & Mirelifigues Lcppinans de L'Infanterie dijonnaise; A tous Foux, flrchifoux, Lunatigues, Eventez, Minimes, Crochus, Almanachs vieux & ncuveaux, ei gui en voudra; Salut S gard; Sante', Escus, Ducats, Pistolles, Jacobus & autres Especes. Etant imbus, 5 alicament alimentez de la viande solide, S autres especes pansadices selon le terns, 5 dignement informez de la legeret^ des sens, moeurs, allegresse & vitesse des machoires, hardiesse, friandise, galantise, suffisance & experience des dents." Du Tilliot, His2i£es, p. 77. 16 See for example the opening monologue in the Jeu Ju Prince des Sots by Gringore: "Sctz lunatigues, Sotz estourdis, Sotz sages, Sotz de villes, de chasteaulx, de villages, Sotz rassotez, Sotz nyais, Sotz subtilz, Sotz amoureux, Sotz priviez, Sotz sauvages, Sctz vieux, ncuveaux, et Sotz de toutes ages, , . . Sottes dames et Sottes damoiselles, Sottes vieilles, Sottes jeunes, ncuvelles, . . . Le Mardy Gras jouera le Prince aux Halles". Oeuyres comgletes de Gringore, (Paris: Jannet, 1858), pp. 201-2. ~ 17 Cited by Du Tilliot, Hemoires, p. 83. (buse refers to a dim-witted person.) 108 18 Du Tilliot, p. 66. 19 In the "Sottie des Trcmpeurs" all those invited are urged to spare no trouble in attending the celebration: "S'il y a closture / Qui vous garde gue icy ne povez pas, / Abbatez tout, rompez, faictes ouverture, / Et acccurez plus viste gue le pas". Ancien Theatre v. 2, p. 244. Words spoken by the Roy des Sots in the sotie of his name, illustrate the mandatory quality of the invitation sent cut to these devoted to him, p. 223: Pourguoy, sus peine de l'amende, Soyent en present ou absens Maintenant viennent tous, sans Delay ne estat demander, Ne procureur pour eulx mander, Car ainsi me plaist estre faict, Ou aultrement de leur forfaict Les faire griefment pugnir. Pensez doncgues tous de venir Devant que encourir mon ire. 20 Du Tilliot, Wemoires, pp. 88-9, includes a sonnet addressed to the Mere Folle of Dijon, prcbably in the early XVIIth century. It indicates the sort of respect this figure inspired: Mere, le seul objet de notre Infanterie, Par gui les sages Foux respirent a l'envi, Autant que le Soleil dans l'Olympe reluit, Ainsi puissent durer S ton los S ta vie! Que tous ces vieux Suppots, qui vers toi se rallient Puissent s'eterniser dans l'oublieuse nuit! Que l'on n'entende rien retentir gue le bruit, De trompette 8 Tambour de la Mere-Folle! Bref, bref, cher Nourrisson d'Apollon 8 Minerve, Pour gui les sages Foux du siecle se reveillent, Les Tutelaires Dieux puissent favcriser, Toujours vos beaux desseins, 8 chez vous les graces Puissent sympatiser, 8 toujours trouver places, Et tous vos voeux ehfin toujours autoriser! 21 See the above sonnet, lines 7-8. The Enfans de Bon^ Temj>s, a fool-society of Geneva, perfomed soties in 1523 and 1524 in which Mere Sotte and Bon Tem^s are mother and father figures. See Enid~Welsf6rd, The Fool,"pp. 226-28. 22 Du Tilliot, Memoires, pp. 90, 105, 107. 109 23 Lg Moyen de Earvenir, Gamier edition (Paris: Garnier, n.d.), p. 192, note 2. 24 Royer includes an index of names cited in his edition of Le Moy_en de Parvenir, 11:277-303. 25 Ancient authors in particular included famous personnages in their symposia, see below, note 45. The medieval Turba £hilosojphorum cited by Saulnier also imagines the conversation of a congress of famous alchemists, see above, note 8. 26 see also 1:302, 303. 27 Roger Caillois, Les Jeux et les hommes (Paris: Gallimard, 1958), pp. 42-3. 28 See for example, Le Miracle de Theo_phile, Ed. Robert Harden (New York: Appletoh~Century"crofts7~ 1961~) , pp. 57-84. Three Xlllth century anecdotes about pacts with the devil are also found in Mens a Philosojohica attributed to Michael Scott, trans. Arthur S. Way (London: Macmillan, 1936), pp. 7-8. 29 Petit de Julleville, La Comjdie et les moeurs en France au mo_yen-acje (1886; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1968), pp. 54-55. He confirms the link between the fabliaux and the farces: "L'influence des fabliaux sur les farces est incontestee. L'esprit des deux genres est sensiblement le m&me. Le fabliau raconte vivement dans un rythme court et dans un style aise, une aventure plaisante; la farce s'empare du m£me fait, et, dans le meme style et la mime mesure, elle met en dialogue et en scene ce gue le fabliau avait raconte. Ajoutons, ce gui est frappant, gue l'epcgue cu l'on cesse de composer des fabliaux est pr4cisement celle ou l'on commence a 4crife les farces; le XHIe siecle et le XlVe appartiennent aux fabliaux; le XVe siecle et le XVIe aux farces. " 30 see for example 1:257,268; 11:60, 78, 217, 221. 31 See for example 1:7-8, 77, 173, 182, 244, etc. 32 "Qui rit, il dilate son esprit, son coeur s'ouvre, et, ses pensees se manifestans, parcist comme en l'age de desirable innocence, sans fard et sans dcnner occasion de sinistre jugement . . ..En riant de coeur franc, cn fait voir ce gu'il y a de bon en ce petit cabinet d'affection, . Rire desirablement, c'est estre en une dilatation de courage, ravi comme au ciel en comble de liesse." Cited by 110 Saulnier, "Etude", p. 279. 33 The Saturnalian festival is remembered for its annual overturning of the social hierarchy. See above pp. 25-26. 34 During Carnival and related festivals such as the Feast of Fools the inversion of the social hierarchy elevated the lower classes to ephemeral positions cf authority. It was this group which then left their imprint on the style of the festival. 35 See above Chapter II, p. 33. 36 E. 0. James, Seasonal Feasts, p. 134, states that in ancient Greece . . . "a festival was in very truth a feast, as indeed it often still is in the more rustic and remote parts of Greece, feasting being combined with music, dancing, games and merrymaking . . James also observes, p. 319, that "in the folk feasts the ancient ritual performed with such deadly earnestness in the Fertile Crescent before it passed into peasant Europe by.way'of the Eastern Mediterranean, the Danube and the Atlantic littoral, survived in Masguerades, dances, and customs, partly serious and partly frivolous, but retaining the essential features and structure of the earlier observances. In the process cf diffusion it lost much of its earlier stern reality and more sinister elements, becoming the occasion for popular relaxation, dancing, games, feasting, carnival and revelry in a serio-comic.vein." 37 See the fabliau "Ie Pays de Cockaigne", in Fabliaux et contes des £o|tes fran^ais des XI, XII, XIII, XIV, et XVe sieclesT D.M7 Mio~~ed. "(Pari s:~WarIe,~ 18087, v. "~pp7~175-81. ~And "Het Luilekkerland" ("The Land of Cockaigne"), a painting by Peter Breughel (1567). 38 Bakhtin mentions the many village fairs celebrated in the XVIth century, Babelais, p. 79. One has only to remember the fairs of Lyon during which Rabelais sold his writings, and the wedding banguets, one of which is turned into a carnivalesgue thrashing scene by Rabelais, Le Cjuart Liy.£e» XV (Gamier ed., II, 8 1-84). Feasting was~alsc~an important part of the activities of the fccl-sccieties in the XVIth century. ' 39 A certain gentleman is reguested to appear before the Infanterie Dijonnaise and if he comes armed, they hope it will only be with banguet accessories: S'il vient gu'il n'apporte point d'armes, 111 Car les Foux craignent les allarmes, Si ce n'est avec bons jambons, Patez, bouteilles, 8 Flaccons. (Du Tilliot, p. 86). 40 Du Tilliot, Memoires, p. 72. He also illustrates the emphasis placed on banqueting abilities in another passage, p. 74: ". . . La legerete des sens, mceurs, allegresse de machoires, vitesse, hardiesse, galantise, friandise, suffisance 8 experience tant des dents gu'autres memtres". 41 A mock heroic treatment of eating and drinking appears also in the documents of the Infanterie Eijonnaise cited by Du Tilliot, p. 81. A candidate is praised fcr his "Faits heroiguez, sa dexterit<£ au maniment des Armes Bachigues ...«». 42 There are several direct references to the banguet in progress, and many specific mentions of the food and wine being consumed; see for example 1:8,17,23,42,145,216; II: 132,162,236,259, et £assim. .. 43 Rabelais, Garcjantua, (Gamier ed. , I, 9). See also iS Tiers Liyre "Prologue", (I, 398-99): "Icy beuvant ^e delibere, je discours, je resoulz et ccncluds. Apres l'epilogue je riz, j'escripz, je compose, je boy. Ennius beuvant escrivoit, escrivant beuvoit. Aeschylus . . Beuvoit composant, beuvant composoit. Homere jamais n'escrivit a jeun. Caton jamais n'escrivit gue apres boyre." 44 Plato (Sym£osium, c. 384-369 B.C.) recounts in dialogue form the conversation and events at a banguet; among other well known men of the time present is Socrates, also a prominent giiest at Beroalde's banguet. , Xenophon (SyiEosium, c. 350 B.C.) was also inspired by the memory cf Socrates' behaviour at a banguet. The guest list is composed mainly of historical personnages. Plutarch (Sjmjaosiacs, c. 46-120 A.D.) wrote an imaginary prandial conversation between wise men, some of them famous thinkers who lived three centuries before the author. Petronius, d. 65 A.D., composed the Satiricon which includes the famous "Dinner with Trimalcio". The fragment containing the feast scene could have inspired Beroalde if he had access to a copy.of it. (The work was not officially discovered until 1633.) Athenaeus (Dei£noso£hists, c, 200 AD.) gives a lengthy record of banguet conversation touching on every aspect cf the life of his time. Macrobius (Saturnalia, c. 4C0 A.D.) relates the conversation which takes place at an imaginary banquet held during the Saturnalian festival. Though his guests do not behave in saturnalian fashion as do Beroalde's, they give valuable information on the customs 112 surrounding that festival. 45 The loosely woven framework was used by many authors of the XVIth century. Marguerite de Navarre (LJHeptamjron, 1559) causes her speakers to gather due tc a~flccd~which interrupts their various journeys; Jacques Iver (Le Printemjjs, 1572) groups his speakers in a country chSteau. E-lnigne Poissenot (L^Este, 1583) imagines a conversation cf students, Nicolas de Cholieres (Les Matinees, 1585; Les i2£§Sz^iB^§s» 1587) structures his works around a series cf morning and after-dinner conversations, and Guillaume Bouchet (Les Series, 1584-98) records the evening conversations of a group of bourgeois in Poitiers. 46 Lucian, Saturnalia, p. 95, gives an example of festive free talk. The god Cronus reproaches the Priest (the author) for an indiscreet guestion: "If it were net festival-time, my man, and if you weren't allowed to get drunk and cheek your masters with impunity, you would have found out that I'm allowed to be angry at any rate—asking such guestions and showing no respect for a grey-haired old god like me!" 47 1:13-16. 48 See also 1:145, ". . . Je desire me refectienner d'un peu de viande & de ligueur". 49 See also 11:120, "Boivons un bon coup, puis ncus sgaurons cela". 50 Other reminders of the wine being consumed by the banguet guests are scattered throughout the text, 1:140, "boivons, lavons le cou par dedans"; 1:141, "A cela il beut"; 1:145, "Boivons et gay"; 11:251, "Ainsi gue je demandois a boire"; see also 1:155, 1:202, etc. 51 A pointless discussion about the wine consumed at a previous banquet given by Seneca covers a page cf dialogue, 1:142. Another discussion covers the relative merits of wine and water: ". . . Quand un homme entre ou l'on disne, leguel est le plus excellent si on lui present de l'eau ou du vin?" The guests consider this problem seriously, and it is even suggested that it was debated by the Council of Trent: "0 la belle proposition! 0 le beau problesme notable, gui fut debattu au Concile de trois dixaines!" (11:70). 52 Sybiles: ancient prophetesses. 53 "Boire en Theologien" is an expression defined by 113 Bakhtin (Rabelais, p. 216) as an example cf debasing travesty; it means "a good drinking bout". 54 Another short exchange illustrates the olfactory pleasure wine brings: "Vous n'avez point parle de l'odeur du vin? —N'importe, pource gu'il ne peut faillir de sentir ton" (II: 24 8) . 55 See also 11:120, ". . . L'on ne meurt gue de faute de boire & manger, 8 bref de faire les vertus Cardinales". Sf> In the "Institution de Maitre Jean Fachcn" cited by Du Tilliot, M^moires, p. 8 1, the new member is welcomed only after having taken a pledge: "Protestation par lui faite sur le Chaperon de bien vivre, boire, manger 8 rire". 57 See also Rabelais' dedication to the readers of Gargantua, (Gamier ed., I, 3) : Mieulx est de ris que de larmes escripre, Pour ce que rire est le propre de l'homme. 58 Royer edition. Glossary (11:315), "cas: au sens libre". . .. 59 See Le Moyen de Parvenir, Gamier edition, p. 17, note 1, "pauvret£: faire 1'amour". Eeroalde whimsically traces the etymology of this expression, 1:63. . Beroalde promotes the health-giving powers cf wine in another of his works, Le Palais des Curieux, 1612: "Je veux enseigner un beau secret a ceux gui ne sgavent pas: Mettez du sel bien net dans de bon vin . . .ce vin est le plus exguis preservatif gue l'on puisse imaginer contre la peste . . .", p. 514. Wine was promoted as conducive to gocd health much earlier in the history of prandial literature also. A Xlllth century guide to bangueting attributed to Michael Scott, Mensa PhilosojDhica, (trans. Arthur S. Way) quotes ancient authorities in the promotion cf wine. Quoting Isaac, an Arabic-speaking Jewish scholar of the Xth century and Rasis, an Arab medical scholar also of the Xth century, Scott concludes that by wine "health and strength are prolonged", p. 7-8. 61 Rabelais mentions the discovery of truth at the bottom of a well twice, Pantagruel, xvill (Gamier ed., I, 315), and Le Tiers Liy re, XXXVI "(I,~552) , but Eeroalde has added the element of wine^ 62 The theme in vino yeritas is also exploited by Rabelais in his Cinguilme Liy re, XXXVI (Gamier ed., II, 111 425-26). He uses "truth" in a broad sense: "En fin des degrez rencontrasmes un portal de fin Jaspe . . . En la face duguel estoit en letres Ionigues d'cr trespeur, escrite cette sentence . . . 'en vin verite'." The truth alluded to is universal and philosphic, unlike the reduced "truth" found in Beroalde's wine; the latter seems to be mocking the adage, in vino Veritas. 63 Cited above, p. 92 8* See 1:161, 165, 223 and 11:147. In Ie Palais des Curieux (1612), p. 293, Be'roalde lashes out against ignorant alchemists: "Et c'est a fin gue la vanite de ces doctes gui gastent toute notre cabale, ne paroisse, S gue leur fcestise ne soit descouverte, . ils tiennent leurs secrets cachez, lesguels ne sont points, ou bien seront guelgues vetilles importunes, rapetassees des anciennes fclies des premiers fous. . . . Vous cognoistrez aysement les hommes de telles feces, ce seroit dommage de dire farine". He also states in the same work, p. 191, that he highly respects the honest and competent alchemists. 65 Petit de Julleville, La Comedie et les moeurs en France au moyen-age, (1886; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1968), pT75. 66 Another passage also includes terms of divine adoration: "Allez a l'escole, S sgachez, apprenez, entendez S notez, comme Monsieur de Beze me l'a appris, gue la guatriesme clef fondamentale des trcis clefs communes, est la divine, douce, humaine 6 saincte harmonie, est la bonne clef de la cave; c'est la saincte et harmcnieuse clef, c'est la fidelle et parfaite" (1:113). 67 See above pp. 37-38. 68 Other such outbursts can be found throughout the text, for example, 1:106, 11:158. 69 Laurent Joubert, Le Traite du Ris (Paris: N. Chesneau, 1579) , discusses the physiological effects cf laughter and devotes a chapter to "D'ou vient gu'cn pisse, fiante, S sue a force de rire", p. 127 ff. Also p. 139. 70 Beroalde gives a mock scientific description of the effect laughter has on the company: '.'Nous rismes si fcrt S a propos, gue le boyauculier se dilatant en la voye du sphinter gui se relascha . . . " (11:154). The tone also recalls Rableais' attitude towards laughter: see above, notes 44 and 57. 115 71 Joubert, Traite, p. 330, cites cases in which laughter cures patients: in a chapter devoted to the subject, "Quel bien apporte le Bis, 8 si guelgue malade paut guerir a force de rire". He concludes, "comme l'etre joyeus, 8 prompt a rire, signifie un bon naturel, 8 purete de sang, ainsi par contre, cela aide a la sante du ccrs 8 de l'esprit"; he also guotes, "le traessain conseil de Marsile Ficin, ou il exorte ces amis en cette sorte: 'Vive's joyeusement, dit-il. Ie ciel vous ha crees fasson de rire. . . , Il vous conservera aussi par vcttre liesse.»" Joubert also cites Quintilien cn this subject, p. 7: "On ha vu des malades guerir par ce seul remede". 72 The theme of laughter as a remedy was also widespread in popular literature. See for example the fabliaux,"Le Vila in Mire", Becueil general et complet des fabliaux des XIII et XIVe sijicles, finatcle de Mcntaiglon and Gaston Baynaud, eds. , (Paris: Librairie des bibliophiles, 1878) III, 156-69. 73 1:148, cited above, p. 66. 116 CHAPTER IV FESTIVE SACRILEGE IN LE MOYEN DE PARVENIR Carnivalesgue celebrations of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance were characterized by sacrilegious mockery and uninhibited self-indulgence. The free and audacious festive sacrilege was an expression of the unofficial aspect cf religion, and provided a contrast to the formal, "official" religion which inspired awe, respect and obedience in everyday life. The solemn ceremonies, the fear-prcvcking descriptions of Hell, and the exhortations to suffer pain and depravations on earth in preparation for future Paradise were all overturned during the festival. At that time, everything having to do with the formal religion was irreverently inverted to the accompaniment of mocking laughter. Paradoxical as it may appear on the surface, this traditional inversion of religion was deeply rooted in a 117 profound faith. Carnivalesgue sacrilege was part of a carefully balanced tension, and actually served to reinforce the official religion by providing a kind of social safety valve. 1 This concept is formulated by the defender of the Feast of Fools guoted earlier in this study, who compares humans to wine barrels which would burst without the periodical release of pressure provided by festive "folie": "Or nous sommes de vieux vaisseaux S des tonneaux mal reliez, gue le vin de la sagesse feroit rompre si nous le laissions bouillir ainsi par une devotion ccntinuelle au service Divin."2 He then concludes.that after the festival, the celebrants can return to everyday life and worship "avec plus de joye S de ferveur". The spirit of festive sacrilege in evidence during the Feast of Fools and other celebrations described earlier3 carries over into popular speech and into literature. Informal language is filled with examples of such sacrilege in the form of blasphemous eguivocaticns, travesties of the Scriptures and wordplay on the names of saints.* The same spirit also animates many literary works which are either directly or indirectly associated with Carnival. They include for example the many literary accounts cf the battle between Carnival and lent,5 the mock religious rites in the Soman de Renart,6 the blasphemous rejection cf Heaven by the young hero in Aucassin et Nicolette,7 and the liberties cf the sermons jo_yeux. 8 118 Frequently, the agent of sacred inversion is depicted as an ecclesiastic, and this person's failure to live up to his holy vows of self-denial and chastity brings ridicule upon the sacred way of life he represents as well as upon himself. The unfailing laughter which this stereotyped ecclesiastic provokes seems to arise not only from the pleasure inherent in mocking the sacred, but also from a strong aversion felt by the common people for these tren and women pledged to a passive and chaste ecclesiastic life: "A preacher who inveighed against the ecclesiastical state was sure of being applauded. . . There is no more effective means of reviving attention when the congregation is dropping off to sleep, or suffering from heat or cold. Everybody instantly becomes attentive and cheerful.1,9 Thus the comic representation of a monk displaying his base gualities and breaking his sacred vows was met with laughing approval in many fabliaux, farces and satirical works. Marot's "Frere Lubin", Rabelais' "Frere Jean"/ and.many cf Beroalde's worldly ecclesiastics issue from this current cf characterization.10 The portrait of religious life which begins tc emerge from Le Moyen de Parvenir is drawn lightly and with humour, emphasizing the human element in religion. In order to examine the treatment of" the sacred in Le Moyen de Parvenir, this study will first focus on Beroalde's use cf 1 19 traditionally inverted forms: travesties of the Scriptures or of religious rites, amusingly irreverent occurrences in the church, and ridicule of the clergy. The elements of traditional inversion in Le Moyen de lS£v§fiiE» while not presented in an orderly manner, are easily identifiable. These examples of blatant irreverence set the mood of flippant sacrilege which is retained throughout. One of the most obvious exploitations of the tradition of festive sacrilege is the use of travestied Scriptures. In these examples the sacred text is.plunged from the sublime to the ridiculous by a direct reversal cf meaning; Biblical passages are turned to parody and appear to promote the "vices" they were meant_to forbid. A verse from the gospel of St. . Matthew is reversed, urging the opposite of Christian forgiveness: ". . . selcn gue l'Evangile s'enseigne aux gens d'Eglise: si cn vcus frappe en une joue, baillez une belle 8 forte jouee en l'autre" (11:107). 11 After this statement, "Luther" reinforces the revised interpretation, citing the religious brothers, as authorities: "Quand j'estois d'Eglise, je l'oyois ainsi interpreter, inter fratres, £§nes guos est l'intelligence des Escritures" (II:107). Also in parody cf the Scriptures well-known Christian commandments are irreverently reversed in order to accommodate a more worldly morality: "Pere et mere honoreras, afin d'avoir bien de l'argent. L'ceuvre de chair n'accompliras gu'avec les belles seulement. Faux 120 tesmoinage ne diras gu'en mariage seulement" (1: 269), 12 Deliberate misinterpretation of a Biblical . text taken out of context also drastically alters the meaning cf a text while not actually changing the words. The narrator shews that he is well aware of the sacrilege involved in this practice when he states that he cannot tell a certain anecdote containing an inversion of the Scripture because it would be blasphemous; of course, while explaining what it is he must not say, the tale is out: Si je n'avois peur de blasphemer, je dirois guelgue chose des^ cinq Religieuses gui furent baillees a gouverner a frere Notonville, gui les engrossa toutes, 8 comme on l'en tancoit il dit, "Quingue S c, Tu m'as bailie cing talens, j'en ay gaigne cing autres". (11:53)13 . k phrase from Genesis, 1:28, "soyez feconds, multipliez, remplissez la terre . , .", is also taken out cf context and then used to promote amorous indulgence and the natural cycle of life. The new interpretation of the phrase manages to combine festive sacrilege and the popular aversion for monks: Voire ne faut il pas bien s'esbattre, 5 principallement a jeux auxguels il convient: c'est il pas dit: Croissez, multipliez 6 remplissez la terre! Et gu'est-ce sinon qu'il est enjoint par nature aux petitsde croistre, aux forts 8 de bon aage competant de multiplier, & aux vieillards de se laisser mcurir pour emplir la terre? Et cela aussi appartient a ceux gui veulent faire les vieux, a ces idiots vcuez cafards 8 inutiles, gui ne font gue scandalizer le bon monde de Dieu. (11:13) In the latter part of this statement, the vehement disapproval of those who keep their vows of chastity, and 121 repress sensuality, expresses the same kind cf hostility which is directed towards those sober souls whc dc not cr cannot join the Carnival.14 A lighter example of scriptural reversal features a brash youhg monk who is caught with a young girl perpetuating the monkish reputation of concupiscence. When upbraided by his superiors, like Frere Notonville above (p, 120), this young man quotes the Bible. By combining a verse from Isaiah (40:6) with his vow of poverty he manages to justify his behavior while inverting the rules of his order: La nuict passee il y eut un moine dur, gay, S galland, gui fut surpris avec une garce, j'ay quasi dit avec une grace, il n'y a que transposition de lettres; il s'estcit esbatu avec elle, cum commento, 5 la sauce. Ses superieurs lui remonstrerent qu'il avcit offence. En s'excusant il demonstra que non, disant qu'il s'estoit, selon la pauvrete de l'Ordre ccuche sur un boiteau de foin, quia omnis caro feonum, toute chair est foin: concluez. (1:73) 15 • In the same manner,, Beroalde's speakers invert religious texts in Latin. These travestied Latin phrases from the liturgy or the Scriptures recall the spirit of the Feast of Fools during which the lower clergy parodied the Latin texts and phrases which governed their daily life. As mentioned above,16 the Feast of Fools began with a verse in Latin taken from the .Magnificat, "Beposuit potentes de sede et exaltavit humiles", which was chanted and subsequently applied literally. Like Rabelais who exploited this technique before him,17 Beroalde sometimes inverts a Latin 122 text for comic effect and to illustrate the ignorance of the clergy. Various speakers report the speech they have heard from certain ecclesiastics: Le cog de nostre parroisse voulant dire a l'Evengile gloria tibi Domini, faisoit le docteur S disoit, gloria §111 E°iiil§•"111T106) ia Ce Latin est pareil a celui du Vicaire de Chamberi, gui lisoit l'Evangile des cing pains; S au lieu de dire, "Ut guisgue accipiat modicum," il dit: "Accipiat modium. " (11:232) >« Other examples are provided by the ingenuousness of the people who confuse the meaning of a language they do net understand with their own familiar vocabulary. In this way sacred text is brought into focus cn a lower, tangible level, and in the transposition the passage acguires a tint of irony, when an old servant woman misinterprets the Kjrie as "o cul ride" (11:213) , she transfers the sublime to the ridiculous. Similarly a young mother finds a name for her fatherless son through a misinterpretation of the Scripture during mass: . . . Jaguette du Hans . . . fit un enfant sans s§avoir le nom ny le surnom du pere, degucy elle estcit fort dolente; son enfant fut nomine Adam; un jour gu'elle estoit au sermon elle ouyt le prescheur gui s'effiloit d'alleguer l'escriture, S disoit, "Adam ubi es?"ceste fillette sortit tout incontinent de la tres-aise de s^avoir le surnom de son fils: on luy avoit dit gue les prescheurs s^avoient tout, parguoy elle nemma depuis son fils Adam de biais. (1:143) 2<> Along with the Latin liturgy, the Christian saints were travestied. The cult of the saints, which by the late XVth 123 century had succeeded in making the saints real and familiar personages in the contemporary religion,21 also helped to remove them from a position of awe and mystery in the minds of the people even outside the festival. This kind cf familiarity when no longer restricted to festive occasions was bound to cloud the division between the sacred and the profane in some minds. Beroalde cites the case cf a peasant woman, who while receiving the last rites reveals her naive concept of the saints: ". . . la femme se mcurcit, & le Prestre lui disoit gu'elle alloit en Paradis, ou elle verroit les bons saincts, avec lesguels elle seioit: *A ha, dit elle, il n»est gue d'estre parmi le monde gu'cn cognoist'" (11:113). Sacred and profane elements become so close through the cult of the saints that even some members of the clergy who come from humble backgrounds, cannot clearly distinguish between the venerated spirits and living persons. A credulous parish priest at once concludes that the statues of the saints, in company with the figure of the devil under St. Michael, have descended from their places in the church to eat the goose which he had stolen and hidden there. Actually, in his absence, his valet and chambermaid have led their friends in for a feast and then greased the mouths and hands of the statues and put them near the remains of the meal. Upon his return the ignorant and corrupt priest "forgives" all of the saints as he might a wayward 124 parishoner, all but the devil: Il entra en l'Eglise, 6 voyant tant de saincts autour de son coffre a l'oye, H0 ho, dit il, & gui, tous les diables, vous a mis la?" Estant approche S les voyans ainsi, gras par le musle S les mains, S la cuisse en la gorge du diable, la lui arracha, disant, "Vilain que tu es, je ne me souci pas des autres, mais tci, j'en aimerois mieux estrangler gue tu l'eusses, 6 da, jfen tasterai": comme il la savourcit, il se va souvenir de sa faute, si gu'il sonna les cloches pour appeler le peuple a ce grand miracle. (11:109) Familiarity with the saints also led to the more conscious impiety of corrupting their names by coarse puns. The phrase "to honor St. Hamik" came to mean going to see a mistress, and St. Vitus was a phallic reference.22 This casual impiety with saints' names appears in Le Mo^en Je Parvenir in a phallic reference to the "verges de St. Benoist" (1:64),23 and in a deliberate corruption of Saint Luke's name to "Seigneur Luxu" (11:218).2* To make someone into "un vrai Saint Christophe de Pasgues fleuris" (1:142) meant to make a fool of them,2S and St. Gilles is linked to cowardly behaviour, "Faire Gilles" (I:120) meaning to turn and run away.26 The derivation of the expression, "faire Gilles", provokes a discussion on what it would be like to lead a saintly life. The prospect is roundly derided in this conversation of Beroalde's shrewd and worldly guests who consider the elevated attitude of a saint and his voluntary rejection of material wealth and physical comforts to be pure folly, nothing more. "Scaliger" begins the discussion: 125 . . . pourquoy est-ce que quand quelqu'un s'en est fuy on dit "il a fait gilles?" Protagoras. C»est pource que sainct Gilles s'enfuit de son pals, & se cacha de peur d'estre fait Roy. Epaminondas. 0 de par plus de cing cens mille cornes de coguu, j'aimerois mieux n'estre point tant sainct; j * aiuierois mieux estre Roy gu'hermite. Et guoy il y a tant de gens gui se donnent au Diable, pcil S tout, pour devenir grands; S y en a d'autres gui sous le voile de religion, faisant un affront a la Fortune contristent le bonheur! Foin je ne passeray point outre, je ne me rendray jamais en communaute gue de Princes 5 grands Seigneurs, d*autant gue je n'ay point le coeur a la gaymanderie. J'en scay bon gre a ce bon Cordelier frere Hugonis gui au commencement de 1'establissement des Capucins se faschoit de leur future pauvrete, 6 tout en colere nous dit: "Si nous gui avons le diable au corps ne pcuvcns vivre, gue feront en fin ces pauvres gens?" (1:120-21) Other sacrilegious comments in Le Mcyen de Parvenir reflect a carnivalesgue image of the afterlife. The official images of Heaven and Hell, whether represented on church walls or in the sermons, depict the former as a place cf static bliss and the latter as a fiery pit of horror and pain.27 Beth are awe-inspiring and clearly beyond human control. The vivid portrayal of the Underworld in particular exploits the universal fear of the unknown, of death, darkness and evil. During Carnival however, there is a collective effort to counter the fear by comically inverting the official images of Hell and of evil. The diableries for example, introduce devils on the stage, but only as harmless buffoons, and the spectators enthusiastically participate in the collective relief provided by laughter which overcomes the fear.28 Similarly, the devils who figure in Le Mcjen de 126 Parvenir are essentially harmless and comic creatures. Patterned cn human dimensions, they are not at all terrifying. The first mention of a devil for example, supposes him relaxing at play, candid and harmless: "Si un diable jouoit avec vous il ne se pourroit feindre, il vous feroit voir ses cornes" (1:4). Other images of the infernal inhabitants picture them laughing: ". . . la plus part de nos sgavans . ....sont tant veaux, gue les diables aux heures de recreation en font des contes pour rire" (1:129), and merry like "Frostibus", who is allowed to enter and speak with the bangueting company because he is "bon Diable" and comes in "gay S gaillard" (II: 128) . :. The devils are not without malice, but they are mischievous rather than fiendishly evil. Typical of the deeds attributed to them is that cf kneeling beside chambermaids and encouraging them to gossip during mass, but doing so with great care, "de peur de se pccher les yeux" since they reputedly had eyes on their knees (1:19-20). This reduces them to grotesque little creatures whcse physical bodies ludicrously restrict their activites. Another prank of the devil is to mischievously trick a peasant into spoiling his bed (1:219). The devil figures prominently in informal vocabulary also, and this invocation of the devil in informal language parallels the act of jeering him familiarly during the diableries. Saying the name of the devil in conversation cr 127 directly insulting the "devils" cavorting on the stage both constitute a direct confrontation with a source of terror, but under these conditions the individual kncws he will emerge victorious and laughing with the comfort of being surrounded by others who share his experience. Doubtless the invocation of the devil in familiar speech was done at first with a strong feeling of transgression, but as it passed into the popular idiom it lost some of its strength through overuse. Such expressions as "gue Diable" (1:170), "pauvre Diable" (11:131), "de par le Diable" (11:34), "tous les Diables" (11:109), freguently punctuate the dialogue in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The expression is sometimes softened, from "diable" to "diantre", and the way this euphemism is employed indicates there is still some sense cf transgression in the word diable. one character objects to the weakening of the word to "diantre" because it flatters the devil. He affirms that the devil should be directly invoked: "Ne le flattez point, nommez le Diable tout a fait" (1:172). This speaker recognizes that reluctance to say "diable" belies a fear and respect associated with that name. This is the fear and awe which the festive spirit seeks to overcome. The glimpses of Hell which Beroalde allows his reader do not evoke an Underworld of unspeakable horror. Suffering and torture in fact are not even mentioned. Instead, the main inconvenience seems to be that it is overcrowded. 128 According tc "Frostibus" there is hardly room for the devils themselves: "il y a desia tant de damnez en Infer, gue les pauvres diables couchent dehors" (11:129-30). Play and laughter exist in that infernal environment as well. As mentioned above (p. 26), the inhabitants have time to relax, "heures de recreation", which they spend telling funny stories (1:129). Thus both the Underworld and its inhabitants are taken down from their menacing positions and made familiar and laughable. The official image of Paradise is also altered to more familiar proportions. It is a naive peasant who brings the lofty concept down to earth, for he imagines Heaven only as an extension of his terrestial life. The distance created by awe of the supernatural is entirely missing as he makes plans for his activities in Paradise: Le pauvre bon homme des champs estcit au lit de la mort, le Prestre lui preschoit la resurrection, afin gu'il n'eut point de regret a cette vie, 5 suivant son propos lui disoit, gu'apres le jugement il n'y auroit plus ny montagne ny vallee. "0 c, dit le paisan, il sera done beau charfoyer". (11:112) This man's wife judges the advantages cf Heaven in egually familiar and terrestial terms: Un peu apres aussi la femme se mcurcit, S le Prestre lui doit gu'elle alloit en Paradis, ou elle verroit les bons saincts, avec lesguels elle seroit: "a ha, dit elle, il n'est gue d'estre parmi le monde gu'en cognoist". (11:112-13) The static and beautiful celestial world painted by 129 official doctrine actually seems to bore some cf the pecple, who dare to voice their opinion under the protection cf festive privilege. Rejection of the official Paradise for a more worldly concept disagrees with official church dogma, for it concentrates on earthbound joys and allows celebrants to escape from sobering thoughts of the Afterlife. An outstanding example of irreverent inversion cf the.official Paradise is found in the Xlllth century chante-fable, Aucassin et Nicolette in which Aucassin expresses contempt for the Christian Paradise full of old priests and maimed beggars. He prefers ah extension of his aristocratic world which he believes must be in Hell.29 One speaker in Le Moyen de £S£venir is even more audacious. He compares God's world to man's and finds the latter better: "Oe sgay gu'il y a un autre univers gue Dieu a fait: mais nous, id est, ncs peres, les hommes S femmes, en avons bien fait un autre plus accompli . . ." (1:164).*o Invocation of the deity also rings with a certain amount of carnivalesgue laughter. The power cf prayer ironically brings a certain chief almoner the inverse of what he asks. When told that he has unfortunately contracted "la verole", he cries out to his diagnostician: "Helas Maistre Gaspard mon ami, j'avois tousjcurs prie' ce ben Dieu gu'il m'en gardast", to which his companion replies with irony: "Aussi a il fait. Monsieur, il vous a gard^ de la plus fine" (1:143). Another prayer is also ironically 130 answered: Tesmoin le triste Augurel gui se mit en une Eglise pour prier Dieu, gui lui donnast la pierre philesophale. . . II y fut jusgues a l'autre midi sonne, gu'il se depita fort, et va dire "Dieu donne moi du bran!" Et voila un oiseau gui lui va esmentir dans la touche. "A ha, dit il, je n'avois plus gue cet instant gue je n'ay pas bien rencontre." (11:93) Oaths solemnly taken before God as a witness were taken seriously, particularly in a superstitious age, but festive sacrilege touched on these oaths as well. A strong sense cf transgression still hung about them however, as can be sensed in the following anecdote. "Crouet" has stolen a kettle from "Colin" who brings the.case before the judge. "Bodion", the judge, asks for a sworn statement and "Erouet" braves the loss of his soul for the kettle: Bodion lui commande de jurer sur sa part de paradis, s'il a ce chaudron; lui qui n'y pretendcit possible rien, je ne di pas au chaudron, se met en estat de jurer: comme il juroit, le bon Colin luy disoit tout bas, en le tirant par le bras, "He, compere, ne jure pas; he, compere, tu perds ton ame"; 8 Drouet lui respondit en l'oreille, "Et toy, ton chaudron." (11:20) In another anecdote a wife urges her husband to swear falsely before a judge that he did not owe the plaintiff any money. Beroalde's guests cynically agree that he should take the false oath, and then "buy" back his lost soul by giving some of his dishonestly earned money to the peer: Le juge fit jurer maistre Nicolas pour s§avoir la verite; ce pauvre bonne personne d'homme n'escit 8 se faigncit; sa femme estoit derriere, gui lui disoit: "Jure, vilain, jure, puis gu'il y a a gaigner; tu jures 131 si souvent que tu ne gaignes rien." —S'il eust jure gu'eust-ce este? Menot. Il eut gaigne' les dix-sept francs gui lui eussent fait profit; 6 il en eut dcnne cing cu six sols aux pauvres, 8 cela l'eut garenti de la perte de sen ame. (11:21) Irreverence before God does not, however, reach the level of that shown the devil, who is materialized and ridiculed, nor does it match the irreverent familiarity with which the saints were treated, neither God nor Christ appear in caricatured form in Le Moyen de Parvenir, and although the vocabulary contains expressions such as "je prie Dieu" or "remercier Dieu" (11:99), these expressions indicate respect rather than daring as in the use cf a phrase such as "de par le diable". This attitude concurs with the spirit cf Medieval and Renaissance festive sacrilege which was usually, content to invert the sacred through ridiculing the rites and representatives of the church rather than through an attempt to invert the deity as well.31 Strongly blasphemous oaths, such as the Burgundian, "Je renie Dieu",32 are net uttered in Le Moyen de Parvenir, indicating that the author prefers to keep the sacrilege fairly light. Church rites and customs suffer the same irreverent inversion as the Scriptures and the official images cf Heaven and Hell. The distance created between the people and the sacred by the formal and solemn aspect cf religion is breached by laughter in Le Moyen de Parvenir, just as it was 132 during the burlesgue mass of the Feast of Fools or during the sermons joy_eux. Beroalde continues the tradition cf festive inversion in many anecdotes and comments which illustrate a comically eguivocal relationship between the official rites and the laughing people. One anecdote is strongly reminiscent of a ceremony held during the Feast of Fools in which an ass is either introduced into the church or his braying is imitated in the mock mass.33 In Le Moy_en de Parvenir it is chance which introduces the animal into the church, but the event evokes the same image of amusing sacrilege. It occurs on a Sunday, when many people are gathered in the church for mass; a thirsty mule happens by, brazenly enters, and plunges its "horrifigue musle" into the basin of holy water. The tale is told with obvious delight in the act of desecration: ... s'approachant de l'Eglise, elle receut une odeur debonnaire de l'eau benite, qui l'attirant par la conduite magnetigue de sa saveur, la fit en de*pit des chevaucheurs entrer en l'Eglise: il estcit Dimanche, heure de Sermon cu grand monde estoit convenu, 8 nonobstant ce peuple S resistance des baudcuineux, la mule dure de teste, 8 oppressee d"alteration, donna jusgues au benoistier, ou elle mit 8 enfonga sen horrifique musle. (11:25) The unthinkable impiety of this act during a solemn celebration is shown by the congregation's refusal to believe it could be a real mule. They take it for a vision, a transporter of penitent souls, prompting the banqueters (and the reader) to smile indulgently at their gullibility: Le peuple gui void l'effronterie de ce maudit animal, . 133 pense gue ce soit un spectre, portant guelgues ames jadis heretigues, mais ores penitentes, gui viennent chercher le doux refrigeratoire des bien-heureux (laissez-la boire) 8 deja chacun pensoit gu'il se seoit quelgue esmotion (laissez boire la mule) cu autre acte merveilleux de commotion spirituelle: mais la beste fut modeste, si gu'ayant legitimement bien beu, selon sa vacation, se retira sans autre ceremonie. (11:25) Whether Catholic mass or Protestant service, the solemn celebration of the faith centres around the sermon; thus that discourse naturally became an object of festive irreverence. During the Feast of Fools and on other festive occasions, mock sermons enlivened the atmosphere. The satirical tone of these'irreverent monologues can also be found in the sermons joyeux of the comic theatre.3* Eeroalde includes a discourse from the,pulpit similar to a sermon joyeux by its reversal of the usual message and. its parody of the official sermon. The minister of Strasbourg who delivers this sermon urges the people in contradictory terms to continue the carnivalesgue activities cf drinking, dancing, and carrousing. Each exhortation terminates with a tongue-in-cheek plea for moderation: Quand vous dancez il semble gue vous vouliez jetter vostre teste aux cieux 8 vos jambes aux diables, dancez modestement; guand vous boivez, vous gargouillez comme pourceaux; hee pauvres gens enyvrez vous, mais gue se soit sobrement; jurez pieusement, - maudissez flatteusement, battez mignardement, 8 paillardez chastement, vous dormant au diable avec honneur, 8 vous esjouyssez de tous sujets sans en abuser. (IrlUO-^l) This process of inversion brings the pious aspect of the sermon down to the popular festive level by turning the 134 moral code usually promoted by the Church into a mockery cf contradictions. Another anecdote asserts a carnivalesgue preference for irrationality instead of rigid logic and reasoned behaviour. A parish of simple villagers have their minister dismissed because he advocated piety and sobriety, and condemned their "foolish" ways: "gui sans cesse leur reprochoit leur ignorance 5 indecence de moeurs, leur reprochant gu'il n'i avoit ne rime ni raison en leurs affaires" (1:174). .These parishioners receive a new clergyman who meets with their approval because they see in him the right amount of folly: "Monsieur, vous estes agreable a tous ncs autres, tant pource gue vous estes bel homme, gue principalement a cause gu'il n'i a ni rime ni raison a tout vcstre fait" (I: 175). The time spent in required inactivity during the sermon also merits satirical comments. One speaker . complains cf boredom, "la plus longue heure du jour est cells du sermon", and suggests alleviating the problem by enjoying a gccd meal during the sermon. The flagrant irreverence is heightened by his tongue-in-cheek admission that he has rejected the idea of working at that hour because he is a good Protestant and thus must adhere strictly to the rules: "pour l'accourcir cu appetisser sans perte de temps, est de desjeuner tandis gu'on presche; le prescheiir aura fait, S ennuye plusieurs personnes, gue vous n'aurez pas eu le loisir d'achever;S puis a telle heure, je ne voudrois travailler, tant je suis 135 bon reforme" (11:234). A similarly impious viewpoint is reflected in another example of a travestied worship service in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The anecdote focuses cn the indifference and the ignorance displayed both in the pulpit and in the congregation as the "Cure' de Busangcis" addresses his parishioners: Je vous prescherois aujourd'hui, mais ncus n'avcns pas le loisir: toutesfois je vous diray un bout de sermon gue nous diviserons en trois parties. La premiere, je l'entens S vous ne l'entendez pas. La seconde, vous l'entendez S je ne l'entens pas. La troisieme, ni vous ni moy ne l'entendons. La premiere gue j'entens & gue vous n'entendez pas, c'est gue vous faciez rebastir le presbytere. la seconde gue vous entendez S gue je n'entens pas, c'est gue vous entendez gue je chasse ma chambriere, S je ne l'entens pas. La troisieme gue vous ni moy n'entendons, est l'Evangile d 'aujcurd 'hui. Adieu. (1:171) The laughing irreverence of Be'roalde's characters extends to the ridicule of other religious customs also. The idea of Lenten fasting for example, is turned to a time of riotous bangueting and called "le petit exercice de la religion". The custom is described in the host's account cf his last Lenten feast: Or 9a j'ay appose & controclle la juste dispense huguenctigue, ainsi gue nous faisions a Paris le caresme passe*, guand en pleine taverne ncus faisions le petit exercice de la religion. —Qu'est-ce a dire cela? —Vous gui sgavez tous les misteres sacrez estes vous si beste gue vous ne sgavez pas ceci, veu gu'il se practigue en de bons cloistres? C'est gue nous clouons, barrons, bouclons & fermons bien la porte, guand (comme ceux de la Religion) nous voulons manger de la chair aux jour deffendus: tel est le petit exercice, d'autant gue le grand est aller au presche. (1:138) 136 The topic of "le petit exercice", the secretive bangueting practised during Lent, recurs as the conversation progresses. One < of Beroalde's guests, Pighius, likens the practice to the Geneva Protestants' secretive celebration cf Carnival: "Je m'en souviens, nous esticns a Geneve, S folatrans en nostre logis a caresme prenant en cachette, comme on fait en ce pais, lors gu'en caresme l'on fait le petit exercice" (11:153). Luther, musing on his former days as a monk, admits that he too observed "le petit exercice" (11:191). In a statement which expresses the attitude of a typical guest, a juggling of words casually reverses the spirit of the lenten law of abstinence in order to urge indulgence: "mes amis ne mangez point de chair les ,jours deffendus, mais jeusnez, 8 puis toute nuict faites bonne chere, avec de bonne chair morte & vive, les nuits ne sont point des jours, partant point deffendus" (1:138). The Catholic confession too provides material for laughter. One worldly ecclesiastic agrees to conduct a grotesgue confessional for an expiring hcund at the' reguest of its fond and wealthy master: "Or 9a, mon ami chien, voulez vous pas mourir en chien de bien?" 8 lui pressant l'oreille le chien huchoit assez haut, "Ouan, ouan, .ouan. — Demandez vous pas pardon a vostre maistre de 1'avoir trompee mangeant le gibier guelguesfois? — Ouan, ouan, an, an." (11:159) After more in the same vein, the dog is absolved, the monk handsomely rewarded, and the sacred rite turned into a 137 mockery.3S One penitent finds that the rite cf confession excites instead of deters the sin cf lust, as the parish priest confessing him describes the sin of luxure in detail: Ce compagnon un cure confessoit un jour un Maistre des reguestes, 6 lui parloit du peche" de luxure, l'en interrogeant selon les lois de Benedicti;36 S ccmme il lui en parloit exactement, M. Ie maistre des Reguestes lui dit; "Mon Confesseur, mon ami, je vous prie ne me parlez plus de cela, vous me faites arser." (11:179) The sacrament of marriage seems tc have been made only to be broken. As cited above, the Gospel is reversed to accommodate marital infidelity:. "Faux tesmcignage ne diras gu'en mariage seulement".37 The holy aspect of the marriage sacrament is slyly displayed as irrelevant during the ingenuous observation that "le mariage du liable", or unofficial union, produces.children just as dees "le mariage de par Dieu": ". . . ceux gui ne se marient gu'au mariage du Diable, ne se laissent pas d'avoir des enfans" (II:119).38 Financial concerns are put above the sacrament when one speaker recommends avoidance of official marriage and extolls unofficial liaisons such as those enjoyed by the "libres Ecclesiastigues" who are able tc partake of the pleasures of marriage while escaping the financial burden (1:109). This statement again underscores the antagonism between the secular man and the ecclesiastic, and opens the discussion to Beroalde's portrayal of ecclesiastics. Conventional festive sacrilege which comically inverts the church liturgy and dogma is joined by an egually strong 138, mockery of those entrusted with ecclesiastic offices. This traditional ridicule appears in Le Hcyen de Parvenir in irreverent references to the Pope or other high officials and even more freguently, in satirical exposures cf the lower clergy's £§cadillos. The unflagging interest is perhaps due to a combination of vicarious festive sacrilege and of the discovery of human weakness in those who are supposed to set a pious example for the lay society to follow. Beroalde's laughing exposure of the failings cf various ecclesiastics and theologians constitutes a major part of his book, and he himself states that his.writings will cease to exist when human corruption is brought to an end. The human corruption he describes in the following passage originates mainly with ecclesiastics: . . . en verite ces escrits cesseront S ne seront plus guand les vices cesseront, & gue tcutes scrtes de gens ne fercnt plus de fclie. L'ambition & l'impiete des grands, l'ignorance des Prestres, les prescmpticns des Ministres, le descrdre des Koines, l'envie des Chanoines, la fausse science des Dccteurs, les usures des Huguenots, les piperies des Papistes, 6 toute autre contradiction gue fait naitre ces beaux Commentaires . ..(11:165) Some references to the clergy have no purpose ether than the immediate humour of the irreverence, such as in the following unflattering association: ". . . il ne peut avoir en un corps deux culs, non plus gue deux Papes a Rome" (1:39). In others, the facetiousness has more substance. The Pope allegedly delivers a hypocritical promise to a group cf 139 petitioners, pledging to grant their reguest, "moyennant gue les annees auroient vingt S guatre mois" (11:93). A similar verbal hypocrisy shows through another ecclesiastic vestment cf a certain "Monsieur de lusson" who sidesteps the issue of putting his own sermon into.practice. His fcrmer secretary, also a guest at the banguet, reminds him of the event: Voire, Monsieur, il y eust un pauvre gui cuit vcstre sermon guand vous preschastes, gue gui auroit deux robbes gu'il en donnast une au pauvre: le pauvre tout console vous bycit avec grande attention, estant merveilleusement aise; apres gue vous fustes retcurne au logis, le pauvre vousvint voir, vous fit une ample & grande reverence, vous racontant gu'il avcit fort profite a vcstre exortation, dont il se consoloit du tout. "Je suis bien aise, dictes vous, men fils, gue vous soyez si bon Cretien. —Mais Monsieur, dit il, vous avez dit gue gui aura deux robes en denne une au pauvre, je vous supplie me donner la plus meschante gue vous ayez. -r-o ho luy dites vous, as tu este au commencement du sermon?—Hon, dit il, Monsieur. --A ha, repliquastes vous, si vous eussiez este au commencement du sermon vous eussiez ouy, in illc tempore, c'est a dire en ce temps la; je preschcis gue cela se faisoit en ce la jadis, S non pour le present. (1:93-4) This hypocritical clergyman baffles the ignorant pauper with a bit of Latin and then neatly reverses the essence of his message from the pulpit. A sudden exposure of worldliness in those whose thoughts should be directed elsewhere had shocked and delighted the people for many generations before Beroalde, and he recognizes that the convention is already trite. In an example of self mockery, he has one cf his speakers criticize the overuse of clerical tales, charging that it stems from lack of anything better to say: 140 Je vous prie ne parlons ny en bien ny en aial des Ecclesiastigues, laissons les la sans les draper comme les heretigues qui ne sgavent faire un bon conte s'il n'y a quelque Moine, Prestre ou Ministre sur le mestier: si bien je voulois dire sur les rangs; vous voila bien ahuri pour une parole. (1:110-111) These words have little effect on the conversation however, and another speaker quickly jumps in to justify commentaries on the clergy affirming that the assembly does not mean to cause a disturbance, but only intends to correct faults where they occur: "nul ne parle ceans pour scandaliser ains pour edifier S corriger s'il est besoin". In the same passage, yet another voice concurs: "Or la avant n'espargnons personne, aussi bien tous cnt failli" (1:111). Later, "Assuerus" states that the clergy are used as the whipping boy for the sins of others just as if ". . . battant le chien devant le lion" (1:311). Be then praises the clergy: "c'est gue nous galopercns les Ecclesiastigues, gui sont parfaicts en leur vie, afin d'intimider les ames par les choses gu'ils diront", and terminates the justification with a facetious statement in which he explains that since the ecclesiastics are obviously innocent of any blame, they will charitably allow themselves to be used in the present anecdotes: . . . dongues ces bens messieurs fils aisnez de la saincte maison, ne prendront point en mauvaise part gu'on tourne la parabole sur eux, afin gue leur charite soit recogneue, & gu'estans innocens, ils veulent bien estre accusez, S chastiez de ce qu'ils n'ont pas fait; afin que les coeurs vicieux ayent hente, S se ccrrigent voyant la bonte de ceux gui portent leurs iniguitez. (1:311) 141 Thus by touting an elevated purpose behind his lively portrayal of moral failings the author uses the virtue cf edification as a justification for the subject matter of his work. Convention portrays ecclesiastics as lazy, gluttonous; and concupiscent, and Beroalde does not disappoint his reader. Throughout the text gluttonous priests and monks abound, such as the one mentioned above who steals the goose.39 Several descriptive expressions emphasize this stereotyped image; "rigoler comme un pere" is used tc mean lavish feasting, and to drink "comme un bon Theologien" (11:133) is.to consume great guantities. Contrary to the proverb "l'habit ne fait pas le. moine", Eeroalde's celebrants find that the monk's robe is indeed capable cf drastically altering human character, and usually for the worse: ". . . prenez le plus simple homme du monde, . jettez luy un froc sur les espaules, vous le verrez incontinent devenir hagard,. hardy S eff rente"" (1:106). But Beroalde gives a reason for their behaviour; it is the repressed, unnatural life these men are forced tc adept. A mild-mannered young man turns into an.insolent rebel just after entering a monastery. The father of the young man in guestion is called in by the superiors, and the son explains his behaviour by example: II va prendre un petit mouton mignon gui estoit au preau, & l'envelopa de son froc, puis vint a son pere, & luy monstra; ce mouton bondissoit, sautoit, faisoit 142 l'enrage. "Et bien mon pere que dites vous de cela? J'estois jadis un mcuton comme cestui-la, aujourd'huy j'ay le froc qui me fait ainsi petiller, 8 bon jour, pourvoyez y." (1:107) A graphic, vertical inversion plunges the clergy from their divinely inspired holy vows down tc idleness and disobedience, then further down to union with the devil: . il n»y a gens qui soient plus sur leur cul gue moines & gens benis, ministres S S9avans, gui estudient assis, & qui au lieu de conserve! les sainctes ordres gui leur ont este conferer, les guittent S abandonnant l'ordre de Dieu se rangent aux ordres du diable, gui leur confere grace d*estre plus ribaux gue jamais, S plus putain gue les autres gens. (1:278) The sexual licence of the ecclesiastics is also displayed, emphasizing their failure tc observe the chastity vow. An abbess leeringly recounts her many affairs to a young nun (11:10). Another high ranking churchwcman also ignores her vow of chastity. She intercepts a message from a local abbot to three of the nuns in.her charge by pretending it is for herself, while all the time she is well aware that it is not, for she is loved by the bishop, and a mere abbot would not dare to make advances: "elle scavoit bien gue ce n'estoit pas pour elle, d'autant gu'un Abbe n'eut pas ose entreprendre sur les brisees de l'Evesgue de Lomtiers gui l'aymoit" (11:6). Many tales and comments reveal priests living openly with their common law wives, "ces sages et prudens Prestres gui nomment leur breviaire leur femme" (1:52). The domestic 143 normalcy of the situation is humorously illustrated by the comment of one priest's "wife" as she stands before the oven: "Helas! Encore -si ce n'estoit nos messes, je ne sgay que je ferions" (1:291). These women also assume the social status of their churchman: ". . . elles se tiennent si bien pour femmes, que si celles des.Vicaires treuvent celles des messieurs, elles leur feront honneur, S celles des Chanoines suivent la dignite 8 rang de leur monsieur" (1:291). One banquet guest recounts an anecdote illustrating the extent cf such ecclesiastic habits; a young initiate explains that he does not yet have a "wife" because he has not yet been officially instated: Je m'en rapporte a l'antigue de Mair-mcutier, gui se plaignoit gue tous ses moines estoient paillards 8 avoient des garces; 8 voyant passer un jeune dispos gui traversoit vers la boulangerie, "Je gage, dit il, gue. mesme ce petit rustre en a une"; il l'appela, 8 moineau d'approcher; il.lui'dit: "Avez vous pas aussi une garce comme les autres? —Non, monsieur, dit il faisant une grande reverence, je ne suis pas encor in sacris." (1:278) The banguet conversation also touches cn churchmen who covet the wives of their parishioners. The parish priest cf Sainct Clement reveals himself to be a spiritual ancestor cf Holiere's Tartuffe by his comments on the enticing attire of the local women: "en da, ny.moi, ny mes Vicaires ne sommes pas Anges, cela nous tente" (11:145).A0 Some churchmen are more daring and actively pursue the local wives. A Protestant minister twists a rule to conform to his wishes, 144 much like the wayward monks mentioned above,41 tc give his actions an air of legality: Il y avoit un certain Monsieur de la Tour, Ministre en ce Poictou, leguel par hazard, comme le liable est subtil a seduire les enfans de Dieu, ayant advise une belle femme gui ne luy appartenoit pas, S gui avoit pere S mere, il la convoita suivant l'intenticn du canon 17. Du 1174. Ccncile, gui demonstre gue la fille d'autruy n'est point defendue, parguoy il la besogna tcute vive. (1:104) Magdelaine, one of the bangueters, tells cf a certain licentious cure of Toulouse who courted a local wife: "Quand je tenois escole d'escrire a Toulouse, avec les chanoines de S.Sernin, d'entre lesquels il y en avoit un gui estoit Cure la aupres & entretenoit la premiere femme de men mari, laguelle estoit belle" (1:256). Other churchmen described in Le Moyen de Parvenir find their feminine parishioners less willing. After a lively scenario, one hapless parish priest finds himself sitting entirely naked on a rafter in the good wife's house with her husband and all of the. parish standing below gazing curiously upwards. The husband, pointing to the emtarassed clergyman, cries, "Jamais je ne vy un tel Jan avec mes poules" (11:50), and the neighbors, who pretend not to recognize the malefactor, give him a scund beating. In another tale which is wound through the dialogue, a priest is outwitted by a young wife who resists his advances, then appears to yield, only to trick him out cf fcur measures ef 145 grain. All of this takes place with her husband's smiling approval (II: 50-60) . The worldly sons and daughters of the church are also aware of the power of money, and many succumb to its attraction. One bright young cleric recognizes the efficacity of bribery in church affairs and guickly persuades a church official to give him a benefice ever tvio other candidates, not by answering Biblical questions, but by setting gold on the examining table. The senior churchman is overjoyed: "Eh bien mon bon amy, . ,. . il faut gue tu ayes le benefice;.vrayment vous estes decte, vcus estes en danger d'estre un jour Pape . . ." (1:116) Ecclesiastics are also accused of simony, bartering the sacred for personal gain. On this last point, the tone darkens and the broad, indulgent laughter begins to fade. It is as though a cynical smile replaces the author's laugh as one speaker, "Quelgu'un", specifies that the serious problem is not that money is paid out for benefices, but rather that priests are taking money for the distribution cf the sacrements: Vous Prelats ... scachez gue ce volume est fait pour vous jetter la paille en l'oeil, afin gue vous abatiez la Simonie, "He bien, diront-ils, on ne baillera plus d'argent pour les Benefices, on n'entendra plus les Escritures." Ce n'est pas la le mal, il faut faire des Prestres gui ne prennent point d'argent pour distrituer les Sacremens S autres operations Ecclesiastics. (1:174) This statement seems to be a direct and urgent plea fcr 146 reform, which in the process attributes a more serious purpose to the book. However, the futility of such a laudable attempt is demonstrated by the reception this idea receives. It is as if the author turns on his own idealistic intentions of correcting corruption by exposing it in his writings, and mocks himself. Immediately following this eloguent outburst denouncing simony, Socrates breaks in with a nearly incoherent threat of violence: "Or la, fende2, frappez, tirez, faites de belles defonceades d'entendement. Cent mille petits Diablotins de de^a & dela des monts gui vous extravagent, vous puissent casser des noix, gue la gorge vous coupe le cou, il n'i a ni rime ne raison en vostre fait". Thus the suggestion of reform is overwhelmed by violent threats and nonsense. One last mention cf reform in this passage illustrates the futility of such an attempt. Following , Socrates' outburst and a digression cn irrationality a speaker evokes the image of a quixotic reformer, "monsieur le Cotnmissaire, qui estes venu reformer les pavez qui usent trop de souliers" (1:175), which leaves the reader with the impression that the outraged "Quelgu'un" who deplores simony is just such a starry-eyed reformer. The development of this passage demonstrates the fate of the reform movement. The well-intentioned , suggestion for moderate ecclesiastical reform which wculd suppress simony precipitates Socrates' violent, irrational outburst. This in turn generates a digression on irrationality and leads to T47 the final satirical image of futile refcrm: reforming cobblestones which wear cut the scles cf shoes. In the progression of this passage Beroalde demonstrates that even modest and well-intended suggestions cannct be viewed dispassionately because in a time when religious thought is highly polarized even justified alterations in the system ultimately worsen the situation. . This pattern of optimistic suggestion for religious reform followed by negative reaction is repeated in another conversation by Beroalde's guests. In a passage gucted earlier42 the author announces that his book was prompted ty the existence of vice in the society, particularly in religious society. Here, as in other places,43 he sugggests that the purpose of Le Moyen de Parvenir is to expose, and thereby help to correct, social evils. However, the indignant monologue in this passage is followed by the reply of "Hotoman" in which the author's efforts for refcrm are compared to the well-intentioned but naive attempts of a monk to correct a worldly worshipper: Hotoman. Vous me faites souvenir de ce moine de S. Denys en France, gui voulut faire l'entendu, voyant maistre Thierry de Hery a genoux, tourne vers la figure de Charles huictieme. Le Moine lui dit, "Monsieur men ami, vous faillez, ce n'est pas l'image d'un Sainct gue celle devant gui vous priez. —Je le scay bien, dit-il, je ne suis pas si beste gue vous; je cognois gue c'est la representation du Hoy Charles VIII, pour l'ame duguel je prie, parce gu'il a apporte la verole en France; ce qui m'a fait gaigner six cu sept mille livres de rente." Ce Moine-la pensoit estre bien sgavant. (II: 165) 148 The futility of the author's intent tc correct through exposure is emphasized by the smiling irony cf the final comment, "ce Moine-la pensoit estre bien scavant". The mocking reception which greets calls for religious reform in Le Hoyen de Parvenir suggests a disenchantment with the idea of reform in general. This idea is natural in an age which had heard the idealistic arguments cf Protestant and Catholic leaders, and had then suffered the conseguences of the deadly serious religious zealotry of both the Reformists and the Counter-Reformists. The misery resulting from the religious wars (1562-1598) as well as the severity with which both sides attempted to regulate the lives of the people begin to make the former Catholic laxity seem by far the lesser evil. A complaint of recent undesirable changes runs through the book as a continuing leitmotiv, and the speakers usually attach the blame either directly or indirectly to attempted revision of the religious system. This complaint, introduced in the second sentence of the first chapter, alludes to the wars and other troubles brought on by "ces inventeurs de ncuveautez'?, cr the religious reformers.44 The troubles attributed tc these misguided reformers are. reported with burlesque extravagance; they are blamed for all ills, including "guerres", "maux", and "veroles": . confuz sbient les inventeurs de nouveautez, gui gastent la jeunesse, & contre les bonnes ccustumes troublent nos jeux. . . . Beaucoup de maux sont avenus 149 a cause de ce changement, gui troublera 1'intelligence des histoires, 8 gauchira toute la mappe-monde. Vcyez combien desja sont venus de troubles, guerres, maux, veroles 8 telles petites mignardises gui chatouillent merveilleusement les personnes pour les faire rire. (1:4) Among other statements deploring the changes in religious custom is one which wryly notes that the faith cf the French, once so firm, is currently being profoundly shaken: . . . Autrefois j'eusse jure sur mes ceufs de Pasgues, gu'il n'y avoit point de moyen de troubler la foy des Frangois; mais aujourd'hui je ne m'esbahi plus de rien. Si je sgavois gue vous deussiez faire profit de ce gue je dirai, nous autres vieilles gens ne prencns pas plaisir a. parler pour neant, 8 gue vous ne m'accusassiez de ce gue je dirai, je vous alleguerois guelgue chose de rare 8 notable, Certes je desplore la pauvre Eglise Romaine gui se demolit, 8 sur tout pour un point 8 un acte gui se commet en France, (11:94) He continues this statement to implicate "messieurs du grand parti" (the Catholics)*s for the trouble, laments the fact that there are no longer any good Catholics, and then foresees the decline of the Church: ", . . Adieu mere saincte Eglise" (11:95). The irony cf this passage is coloured with humour ("j'eusse jure sur mes oeufs de Pasgues, gu'il n'y avoit point de moyen de troubler la fey des Frangois. . .") which lightens the pessimistic concluding sentence deploring the demise cf the French Catholic Church. Comtemporary corruption of the true faith is described again near the end of the book in a passage which charges 150 that there are no more sincere worshippers; these who appear to take religion seriously are either fools or hypocrites: . . si ce n'est sottise, gue c'est pour la commodite': tenement gue piet£, sainctete, justice, aumosne S toutes telles vertus, ou actions gui en dependent, ne sont practiguees gue par le desir gui tend a la commodite, sous le voile d'hipocrisie" (11:233). The.way tc advance is to exploit religion as do these hypocrites. They have found a way to exploit God himself for their selfish ends, "le moyen de se faire du bien au despens du pauvre homme" (11:233). One of Beroalde's speakers maintains that religion is only a cover for the wars that these depraved men wage to further their own ambitions. . He refers to them as "ceux gui sous ombre de religion font la guerre pour maintenir leur ambition" (11:175). At times the author is content to gently ridicule religious zealots of both sides, as in the description of a great debate on trivia in which both Protestant ministers and Catholic monks appear foolish: ". . . il y avcit grand debat entre les Moines 6 les Ministres pour decider, gui estoit le mieux dit, C'est demie vie gue d'estre scul, cu c'est demie vie gue de rire; sur guoy ils se confondoient, comme heretigues" (1:79-80). At other times, he loses patience with them. Citing the losses of the Protestants at the St. Bartholomew Day massacre and the figurative losses of the Catholics due to the Satire Minipj^e, ne explodes 151 with an exasperated "au Diable le.couillon gui demeurera de ces sortes de gens gui gastent tout" (11:133). He also quietly concludes that there are far better things tc dc in this world than to go to war over religious theory. After the account of a ridiculous "theological" debate in Geneva a sensible bangueter surmises: "Et puis faictes la guerre pour cela; allez vous battre, allez vous damner pour telles gens; j*aimerois mieux aller travailler a ma journee 8 faire un petit de bon fruit en ce monde" (11:208). This attitude is perfectly consistent with a comment in le Palais des curieux in which Beroalde puts the religious debate into perspective: "Je voy aujourd'hui les catholigues 8 les protestans gui debatent, si ce sent .Dccteurs c»est leur estat: il les faut laisser faire, 8 en tirer plaisir . . .". *6 In order to defame a fellow guest, one speaker links him ignominiously to both the reform and the devil at the same time: "Quel satan 8 reformateur es tu?" (11:15). In the same vein, another incident reveals the refoimer, Luther, to be in league with the devil..Addressing luther on familiar terms, "'mon Luther, mon capitaine, men ami", a' devil named Frostibus enters the banguet hall, comes up to the reformer, and directly addresses that bangueter in the presence of the others, explaining how religion can be used to further satanic plans for the world: En guelgue pais cu il y a une des guatre religions 152 establie, je fais declarer heretigue comme frcmage de Milan ceux qui n'en sent point, 5 puis on les grille, S cela vient bien a mon goust, d'autant gue. le frcmage grille est plus vcluptueux au palais gue l'autre. (11:129) The attitude of the bangueters towards religion is to accept either Catholicism or Protestantism, and then to get cn with the pleasure, of living. As the examination of Le Moyen de Parvenir continues, this attitude gains in importance. This idea of tolerance, and even cf indifference, is apparent in the selection of the guests, for only those who have already chesen a religion are admitted. Others must remain outside: ". ... S fut dit gue gui que ce fust qui heurteroit demeurercit dehors, s'il n'estoit de l'une ou de l'autre religion, ex ££ofessc" (11:131). Frostibus is afraid to stay very long for fear cf becoming either "heretigue ou Papiste" (11:130), for his work is better done in the gray zone of conflict between the two. There is no room at Beroalde's banguet for these who agonize over the decision, like the Doctor of Oxford, "gui n'est pas encor resolu s'il se doit faire Cathcligue cu Huguenot" (II:236) . This conscientious and confused person asks the advice of the company on this matter, but they send him away with a mocking message: "afin de lui donner guelgue contentement, on lui fit une paraphrase apostrophique pour son desjeuner, qu'il s'en soulat s'il peut" (11:237). This doctor's major failing is that he takes the matter far tco 153 seriously, and is thus the perfect victim for the grim-faced fanatics whom B&roalde abhors. Reported changes of religious affiliation for frivolous reasons, however, do not upset the bangueters who accept amorous or gastronomic motives for conversion as normal. Certain Huguenots have become Catholic, while monks have turned to Protestantism, and the reason, according to the commentator, has nothing to do with theology: ". . . Ce gue ceux cy en ont fait est pour se mieux entendre en garces" (1:181). This speaker continues on this theme to include another conversion, this one for gastronomic reasons: "Quant au Juif il l'a fait pour avoir conge de manger du lard S du sale, afin de trouver le vin meilleur" (I: 181) . In general the banguet dialogue expresses a feeling cf hostility towards serious Reformers and the Counter-Reformers, because they needlessly ban laughter and innocent pleasure from the lives of others. This attitude is strongly stated in a vehement invective accusing religious dogmatists of hair-splitting, impudence, lack of generosity and a determination to drag others down with them into melancoly: , vous Messieurs gui faites des consciences a prendre mouches, 8 vieux affamez de vaine reputanation? Goulus de folle gloire, gui vous demange? L'impudence a l'ombre de l»eau lemanigue ou Tiberine, tandis gue vous vous tuez le coeur 6 le corps a charrier les ames vers la melancholie, tachant aussi de nous faire payer la voicture guand le diable vous empcrtera, qui sechez de paillarde envie dont vous regorgez, comme le savon des leures des gueux*7 qui bient sur le grand trimard. (I:128) These strong terms denounce the direction which religious revision has taken. Those who guide the movement assume monstrous forms. They are so intent on their own personal glory that they forget human proportions and turn life around them into a sad affair: "vous vous tuez le cceur S le corps a charrier les ames vers la melancholic". One character, who has the name of that ancient drinker, Hercules, criticizes the sober, humourless attitude of the Protestants by accusing Calvin of upsetting the country with his sobriety: "Tu venisti sobrius ad evertendam remputlicam" (11:29), he says to the severe reformer cf Geneva. The innocent playfulness of the bangueters' environment would indeed be upset by an apostle of sobriety and serious thought, and their hostile reaction to such a possibility is understandable. Two other speakers, De Beze and Aeneas Sylvius, both authors of libertine works in their youths, admit in Beroalde's text that they left frivolity, joy and love behind when they began to take religion more seriously.48 This conversation is initiated by the "melancoligue" kill-joy, Genebrad, who addresses the two authors: "Eh bien, leur dit il, vous avez bien fait des folies estans jeunes, vous . avez escrit d'amour 5 de lubricite gue plusieurs ont tourne en sens reprcuve': il est vray gue les bien doctes, S gui ne sont point pedans ont trouve vos escrits bons, mais il y avoit de l'ecces" (11:252). After this condemnation both authors disclaim 155 their youthful works: —Va, dit Silvius, n'estois-je pas jeune S folet, despost de la braguette, S releve de gentillese, guand j'escrivois mes gallanteries? Mais depuis, j'ay condamne tout cela, 6 le desavcue. — Et moy, dit De Beze, je n'ay gue faire de m'en excuser, je suis gentil homme, a ce gue je dis S comme je l'ay tousjours tesmoigne guand les Notaires m'ont demande ou escrit mes gualitez. Et bien, j'ay este gallant en jeunesse, aussi j'estois Prieur, delibere comme un assieur de meuriers; mais depuis gue je fu Reforme, je retranche toutes mes foliettes joyeuses: 5 tout ainsi gu'un bienheureux Jcsu^, je fis une belle circoncision de mes oeuvres juveniles faictes a la Catholigue. (11:252) As they are finishing this protestation of good faith however, the author notices that their confession is undercut by laughter around them: "Tandis gu'ils disoient cela, je voyois les compagnons de Genebrad gui se mocgucient . . ." (11:253). The sober, serious side of religion is not allowed to prevail. Beroalde's condemnation of joyless sobriety and misdirected proselytizing.is illustrated vividly in one cf the most striking tales in.Le Moyen de Parvenir. It involves a religious fanatic, depicted as a wandering penitent, and his unfortunate victim, a village woman. The penitent arrives in a village, announces his religious opinions, and asks one of the villagers to beat him in order tc help expiate his sins: "Madame, estant trebuche en extremite de creuse devotion, j'ay bonne envie d'estre fcuette realement S de fait par guinze matinees consecutives; s'il vous plaist 156 me faire ce bien d'en prendre la peine, je vous dcnneray douze beaux escus, 6 un escu pour les verges" (1:63). This woman refuses, but a neighbor, Madame Laurence, agrees to the task. Then every morning at seven o'clock the penitent arrives and is beaten for half an hour. The author intimates that Madame Laurence, who carries out the punishment, would rather have another kind of relationsip with the penitent, for she is a woman of libertine morals.49 However, the masochistic atonement continues as contracted until it is over: "Le temps 6 la fesserie accomplie, le fesse paya fort bien la fesseuse 6 s'en alia." From the light tone cf the narrative, which stops to comment on the woman's wayward character, and indulges in wordplay such as "fesserie-fesse-fesseuse", this tale appears to.be yet another of Eeroalde's ribald narratives which reflect the carnivalesgue atmcsphere cf the banguet, and the penitent just another of the odd characters who people the pages of Le Mg_yen de Parvenir. The narrative continues amicably in this vein, setting Madame Laurence on her way through the forest tc an amorous tryst with a monk of St. Denys, and comically describing how she loves him: "elle 1 'aimoit de bon foye, de bon coeur, . . . de bonne cuisse, S de bon ventre" (1:65), but then events take a different course. She comes upon the penitent who is waiting for her with a stern, reproachful lcok: Cest homme qui avoit eu la fessee au prix.de son argent vint a elle, S lui dit, "Mettez pied a terre;" S lui faisant une reverence de basse taille, avec un visage 157 dechiguete de mines remonstrantes, passemente de rides de reprehensions, la prit 8 l'empoigne, 8 s'assit sur une pierre de chemin, la met sur son gencuille le cul a. mont, la trousse comme une petite fille qui va a l'escole chez un monstrueux, 8 la fesse a nud avec de bonnes 8 sanglantes verges sur son cul de derriere: elle n'en vid rien, 8 en ceste action lui repcussa fort 6 ferme le fondement. ... Apres la fessade accomplie, le jeune homme remit Madame Laurence sur la beste, . . . recommandant l'ame de Laurence a la bonne grace. La pauvrette revint avec grand frayeur 8 se mit au lict, ou elle ne fut que cinq jours, finis lesquels elle mourut comme une vache gui trepasse. Hee quelle fessee! Quel applicateur de stigmates sensuels! 0 Liable si cela me plairoit, j'aimerois mieux gue tels fciietteurs, foiiettez, fouettans attendissent a naistre apres le jugement. Or le foQtt4 foiiettard ccnduisit la fcuettee de belles benedictions, en luy disant, "Adieu ma douce amie, ci apres soyez sage, bien-heureuses sent les personnes bien-f oiiettantes, 8 bien foiiettees." (1:66-67) The narrative style retains its bantering tone, with asides from the author ("Hee quelle fessee!"), grctesgue comparisons ("elle mourut comme une vache gui trepasse"), and whimsical wordplay ("fouetteurs, fcfiettez, fouettans" etc.). However, the action consists of more than a burlesgue parody of innocent exuberance. The grim-faced wanderer not only practices self-mortification, but forces his self-castigation on others, actually killing Madame Laurence in order to "cure" her. The narrator expresses his opinion cf such fanatics in ironic understatement, saying that he wishes that such "whipped, whipping whippers" would wait to be born until after Judgement Day. Though expressed in a different manner, ,this attitude echoes . the repulsion expressed in the outburst of invective against reformers guoted earlier. s<> That invective, directed at religious 158 enthusiasts who concentrate on the dark, joyless side cf religion could have been made for the grim penitent. Other examples also illustrate the somber side of rigid piety. The cold, otherworldy attitude cf a priest whc tries to console a recently widowed woman prevents any,exchange cf human warmth and compassion for her less. To him the death of her husband is superfluous next to the fact that the man died with the proper rites: "He bien, madame ccmbien vous devez vous consoler, S remercier Dieu de ce gue monsieur vostre mari est mort bon Catholigue, gu'il a eu les droits de l'Eglise! Soyez joyeuse de cela, madame ma chere dame . . ." (11:99). An anonymous voice then asks: "Que pensa ceste pauvre dame?". The answer is direct and laconic: "Que ce Frestre fut insensl" (11:100). Both .cf these cases (the penitent, the recent widow) evoke a concluding comment from an outside observer who points out the cold and rigid side of religion which is demonstrated by the narrative. This severe, unfeeling aspect of religion contrasts sharply with the warm, joyful atmosphere of the banguet where guilt and sin are forgiven and forgotten in favour of innocent pleasures. In these passages Beroalde rejects inhuman piety and promotes a robust enthusiasm for life. A negative reaction appears again in response to a call for reform within the Church. In this case the "offensive" practices could be considered relatively harmless, but the would-be reformer is highly insensed: "It gue tous les mille 159 diables, pourguoi endurez vous gue l'on die la messe paresseuse, la messe seche, 8 ce gui est bien plus joli, gue les Prestres ayent des amies sans fraude?" (11:98). The reaction tc this complaint is quick and angry.51 It seems to come from one who has grown impatient with the excesses committed in the name of reform: "Allez, monsieur, allez dormir, vous n'estes pas assez sage pour renverser ncs bonnes coustumes . ...".(11:98).. The angry rejection of reform is the expression cf a conservative mentality which is at the core of Le Moyen de Parvenir. While the old ways may have their imperfections, the new ones have proven to be.worse. The would-be reformer above is accused of lacking the wisdom to overturn established practices. The many complaints in Le Mcyen de Parvenir about the attempts to revise religious customs suggest that no one has been wise enough yet tc alter the traditional system successfully. In fact, the results of the attempts to suppress "offensive" habits such as those in the passage immediately above (11:98), are the permanent perversion of the faith. The logical extension of this idea is to promote retention of the old customs along with the imperfections. Confronted with the humourless severity cf the Reformers and the Counter-Reformers and the laxity of manners and morals under the old system, the author emphasizes the advantages cf the old ways. His argument concentrates on one aspect cf 160 reform in particular: repression of sexual energy. Both Protestant and Catholic attitudes are criticized. The Protestant attitude is reflected in a comment on the moral strictness in Geneva: ". . . Comme ceux de Geneve gui veulent gue ceux gui vont demeurer en leur ville, ayent lettres d'habitation authentiguee, 6 toutefois ils ne veulent pas gu'on habite"52 (1:230). After the Council cf Trent, efforts to curtail corruption in the religious orders grew stronger. The vow of chastity, one cf the mcst obvious and most vulnerable tc failure, began to be more strictly enforced. Some of the speakers in Le Meyen de Parvenir are in favour of stricter enforcement (for example the one who complains that "des Prestres ayent des amies sans fraude", 11:98), but his opinion is overridden by others who feel that it only exchanges one situation for something more onerous. The problem is, they explain, that when the natural vitality is frustrated, the energy in guesticn is channeled into dangerous thoughts; it is spent searching out vices in others, using the Reformation or Counter-Reformaticn as a cover: . . . sgachez gue Cloistriers gui n'aiment point les femmes, sont tousjours apres a relescher guelgue vieille heresie, sous ombre de degciser sur la reformation, parlant des vices gu'ils imputent aux autres, lesguels sont plus tolerables gue les leurs. He bien, s'accomoder avec femmes n'est pas tant de mal, gue de troubler la Chrestiente. (1:297). The same idea is expressed again by a speaker who links fervent preaching to sexual repression: 161 . . . un homme de conscience, ayant fcule" sous soy la concupiscence, S enfonce le fort de Satan, cu il aura escrase la tentation, elle s'en fera tenement allee gu'il aura les femmes en horreur, tant gu'il en ait affaire, S c'est alcrs gu'il fera rage de prescher. (1:318) A parallel exists between comments such as these and the tale of how the devil lost the ability tc reproduce in the normal manner, and thus was forced to reproduce by the head. In this tale a sculptor is commissioned tc do a scene of St. Michael with the vanquished devil. Hot knowing much about church doctrine, he commits "heresie", for his representation of the nude devil is too literal for the church fathers to accept. The sculptor's work is criticized as a "chose moult honteuse a voir aux yeux delicats de ces pudigues filles" (1:122). A meeting is held during which it is decided to deprive the statue of the offending parts. A latinized order is sent down: "Coupibus cciiillibus rasibus du culibus a Diabolus" (1:123), and the act is carried out, but the results have unfortunate effects on the "diabolic race", and on mankind. This incident, claims the speaker, is the cause of the heresies which presently infest the world, because once deprived of the ability to reproduce normally, the devils' sexual energy is diverted and sent to the head, and they now engender dangerous thoughts in the minds of men and women: Mais de ceci . . . est avenu un grand malheur; c'est gue tels Diables ne peuvent plus rien engendrer par le 162 bas, partant ils engendrent a ceste heure par le haul tcutes les meschantes opinions 8 heresies gu'ils vous font concevoir en vcs testes. (1:123-4) The bangueters concur. Instead cf twisting sexual energy into unhealthy practices and melancoly thoughts, they give indulgent approval to those, like the two ycung monks below, who find a harmless natural outlet for their exuberance and vitality. These exemplary monks meet two young girls in an inn, and as arranged, the girls fellow them upstairs where they all enjoy themselves "en habilite, gayete, vigueur 8 fermete de nature" and not from "infirmite": . . 8 se placerent avec toute humilite aupres des freres gui les attendoient, non tcuchez de l'infirmite naturelle, (aussi ce n'est pas de tel biais gue l'on peche comme certains malotrus de Dccteurs veulent prouver, pour deguiser leur puante ambition, ou triste avarice) mais en habilite, gayete, vigueur, 8 fermete' de nature, . . ..(1:309) 53 The attitude expressed in the above passage rejects the viewpoint of the rigid reformers and instead conforms to the indulgent and natural methods of reestablishing balance promoted by the popular festivals. The natural and healthy joys of the body are set in opposition to the unnatural repression and rigidity which fosters sins of a more serious order. The author stresses this methed as the natural solution, rejecting hypocritical repression and recommending "la belle egalite 6 proportion gue Dieu a ordennee": Il y a plusieurs pauvres 8 guelgues jeuneurs d'amour cu de force, gui ne boivent point, 8 d'autres boivent pour 163 eux, & pissent aussi pour eux. Il y a infinies nonains, plusieurs moines, guelgues filles de bien, gui n'osent, ou ne peuvent, ou ne trouvent a le faire, & il y en a gui suppleent a tel defaut; S notez en charite gue si les lcix estoient fidelles, 8 gu'il n'y eut point tant de contraintes, S d'hypocrisies, gue tels excez n'adviendront pas; 6 je vous prie de prendre garde a ce gue, si vous retournez a vos charges," tout scit remis a la belle egalite S proportion gue Dieu a ordonnee, a ce gue par vos insolences il n'y ait plus tant de causes de pechez 6 de punissions." (11:192) It is better to let the old system be, and to either participate in the Carnival or at least sit back and listen to a few harmless tales of delinguent monks, than tc turn to melancoly thoughts of theology which lead to abuses: . . . l'heresie ... Sera esteinte comme feu de paille sur l'eau, guand on aura tousjours guelgue ccnte de Moine qui fera rire, au lieu de s'aller amuser melancoliguement a esgratigner la Theologie pour en abuser. (1:308) The pragmatic attitude expressed in these guotations echoes the "safety valve" philosophy formulated in defense of the excesses of the Feast of Fools.5* Voices of compromise and reason in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir express the same understanding of a human need to release energy through frivolity and laughter. Beroalde presents a variety of attitudes on the religious question in Le Mojren de Paryenir. Seme voices present the traditional carnivalesgue inversions of the sacred, others call for serious religious reform, and still others satirically refute the would-be reformers with accounts of the Reform and Counter-Reform movements' 164 failures. Finally, there is a call for the return to the old ways in which there is room for human frivolity, self-indulgence and festive sacrilege. A similar attitude permeates Beroalde's presentation of. lay society, which will be examined in the following chapter. As in religious matters, repression and rigidity in secular areas become the objects of mocking laughter, and the kill-joys who represent the anti-carnival world similarly assume the traditional role of festive scapegoats. 165 CHAPTER IV: NOTES 1 See above pp. 40-42. 2 See above p. 41. 3 See above pp. 31-32 for examples. 4 Huizinga, Waning, p. 163, comments on the familiarity with which the saints were treated: "The veneration of the saints has its place among the more outward manifestations of faith. It is subject to the influences of popular fancy rather than of theology, and they sometimes deprive it cf its dignity". Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais, pp. 190-92, notes the freguent travesty of saints1 names in the "unofficial" language of Rabelais' speakers. 5 See for example, B. M. Meon, ed. La Bataille de Karesme et de Charnage in Fabliaux, iv, 8 0-99. Gregoire Lozinski, La Bataille de Caresme et de Charnage, (Paris: Champion, 1933), lists several literary interpretations of the "battle" between Carnival and Lent, including El Libro de buen amor by Juan Ruiz (c. 1350), Le Diable de la chair et de Carmetrant by Jean Mclinet (1485), and Le Testament de Carmetrant by Jehan d'Abundance (c. 1540). See also Careme prenant by Benoet du Lac (1595), listed by Petit de Julleville in Repertoire, pp. 43-44, who describes it as a "tragicomedie facetieuse en guatre langues touchant plusieurs abus de ce temps". 6 See Le Roman de Renart, Branches X-XI, ed. Mario Roques, (Paris: Champion, 1960), p. 75: Dans prestres, il est la feste as fous Si fera on demain des chous Grant departie a Bahieus, Allez et si'verrez les geus. Chambers, Stacje, Vol. I, p. 289, states: "The Roman de Renard is witness to the existence of such a feast, the Feast of Fools with jeux and tippling at Bayeux about 1200." See also John Flinn, The Roman de Renart, (University cf Toronto Press, 1963) , pp. 78-89, who also notes the resemblance between the Feast of Feels and Eranche XII cf the Roman de Renart. 7 Aucassin et Nicolette, critical edition by Hermann Sucher (New~York: G7~E. Stechert S Co., 1936), pp. 8-9. 8 See above p. 96. 166 9 Huizinga, Janing, pp.,172-3. He continues to state that "The soul of the masses , not yet completely christianized, had never altogether forgotten the aversion felt by the savage for the man who may not fight and must remain chaste." 10 See for example the character of "Frere Lubin" drawn by Clement Marot in Ballade III, Oeuvres diverses, critical edition by CA. Mayer, (london: Athlone Fress, 1966), pp. 142-3. 11 hSL §ainte Bible, St. Matthew (5:39) "Eh bien! Mci je vous dis de ne pas tenir tete au mechant: au contra ire, guelgu'un te donne-t-il un soufflet sur la joue droite, tends-lui encore l'autre." 12 Exodus (20:12) "Honore ton pere et ta mere, afin d'avoir longue vie sur terre gue Yahve ton Dieu te donne." (20:16) "Tu ne porteras temoinage mensonger contre ten prochain." The remaining verse adapted by Beroalde is either invented by the author or modeled after verse 20:9 or 20:14 of Exodus which are: ". . . le septieme jour ... tu n' feras aucun ouvrage . . ..", and "Tu ne commettras pas d'adultere." 13 St. Matthew (25:20) "Celui gui avait regu les cing talents s'avanga et presenta cing autres talents: 'Seigneur, dit-il, tu m'as confie' cinq talents: voici cing autres talents gue j'ai gagnes.'" 14 See above pp. 36, 67-68. 15 Isaiah (40:6) "Une voix ordonne: 'Crie!' et je repondis: 'Que crierai-je?' —'Toute chair est comme 1'herbe et sa delicatesse est celle de la fleur des champs. (40:7) L'herbe seche la fleur se fane lorsgue le scuffle de Yahve passe sur elle. (oui, le peuple, c'est l'herbe.) (40:8) L'herbe seche, la fleur se fane, mais la parcle de nctre Dieu demeure toujours.* 16 See above p. 27. 17 Bakhtin, Rabelais, p. 86, remarks that Rabelais incorporates Latin phrases into the speech of his characters to help create an atmosphere of familiarity and festive irreverence; venite apotemus replaces venite adorejus for example, and "sitio" one of Christ's last words cn the cross, is used by an inebriated drinker to ask for more wine. 167 18 "Gloria tibi Domini" (glory be tc God) is changed to "gloria edit homines" (glory produces man). 19 This travesty is taken from the sermon on the mount recounted in St. Matthew (15:19) and St. John (14:9). The crowd assembled to hear the sermon is invited to share the little food that there is, and it is found tc be ample fare. The play on words in Ie Moyen de Parvenir is between "modicum", a scanty amount, and "medium", a full measure. zo Genesis (3:9) "Yahve' Dieu appela l'homme: 'Ou es-tu?' dit-il." 21 Huizinga, Wanincj, p. 161 states that the saints were seen as real and familiar people, and that the church statues were even dressed in costumes of the time and region. 22 See above note 4, and Bakhtin, Rahelais, p. 87. Henri Estienne, L^Aplogie pour Hercdcte, (Paris: Liseux, 1879) I, 171-17" "complains of '"ceux gui applicguerent a leurs chansons de paillardise et la saincte escriture, et les docteurs anciens". 23 See Royer, Glossary ii:355. 24 This passage mocks both the saint and the paratole of the prodigal son (St. Luke, 12): ". . . L'enfant prodigue . . se nommoit le Seigneur Luxu, comme vous voyez en ses portraits, S.Luc XII, c'est a dire, Sire cu seigneur luxu". (11:218-19) 25 "St. Christophe de Pasgues fleuris: c'est un ane", Royer Glossary (11:318). 26 the expression "faire gilles" perhaps originates in the behaviour of a seventh century saint cf that name who fled from the honours the king wished to bestow upon him. 27 The concept of Heaven and Hell in the mind of the faithful is clearly described by Francois Villon in the "Ballade pour prier Nostre Dame", in Le Testament (Paris: Champion, 1932)), pp. 40-41: "Femme je suis pauvrette et ancienne Qui riens ne sgay; oncgues lettre ne lus. Au moustier voy dont suis parcisienne Paradis paint, ou sont harpes et lus, Et ung enter ou dampnez sent bcullus; L'ung me fait paour, I'autre joye et liesse." These images are also crystallized by H. Bosch in his 168 paintings, (c. 1500), "The Last Judgement" and "The Garden of Earthly Delights". 28 See above pp. 38-39. 29 see above note 6. 30 Henri Estienne, Herodote, I, 185, describes a similar irreverence: "Je n'ay point parle* de ceux gui abusent vilainement de ce passage. Caelum cceli Domino, terram autem decit fiiiis hominum (c'est a dire, Les cieux sont au Seigneur: mais il a donnet la terre aux fils des hommes), pour nier la providence de Dieu par laguelle il gouverne les hommes et toutes choses gui sont en ce monde, selon son bon plaisir. ... 'Nous voudrions bien gue Dieu guardast son paradis pour soy, et gu'il ncus laissast demeurer ici a nostre aise.'" 31 Studies by Frazer show that inversion by public reviling and execution of the deity, who inhabited the person of the king, did take place in seme primitive cultures, and developed into mere mocking of temporal authorities later. Frazer, Scapegoat, pp. 1, 5, 59. 32 Huizinga, Waning, p. 257, cites the Eurgundian , "Je renie Dieu", as one of the strongest oaths, 33 see above Chapter II, note 7. 34 See Petit de Julleville, "Catalogue des monologues et des sermons joyeux" in H^ertoire, pp. 259-292. 35 cf. Eutebeuf, Li Testament de 1J.Asne, in which the avidity of a priest leads him to corrupt sacred rites in a similar manner. 36 Jean Benedicti. La Somme des _peches et le remede cPiceux (Lyon: Charles Pesnot, 1584). This work was known for its detailed descriptions of various kinds of sins. See Le Moyen de Parvenir, Garnier ed., p. 309, note 4. 37 see above pp. 119-120. 38 See a similar passage, II:169. 39 see above pp. 123-24. 40 cf. Le Tartuffe (Paris: Larcusse, 1965), Acte III, scene iii, 1.970: "Mais madame, apres tout, je ne suis pas un ange." 169 41 See above pp. 120-21. 42 See above p. 138, (11: 165). 43 See also II:163. 44 Paul Lacroix, in his edition of Le M cjen de Parvenir (Paris: Gosselin, 1841), identifies the "inventeurs de nouveautez" with "les ministres protestants", p. 1, note 4. 45 Gamier edition, p. 286, note 1. 46 1§ Palais des Curieux, p. 53 8. 47 This passage is explained in the Gamier edition, p. 86, note 3: "Les gueux machent du savon pour mieux simuler l'epilepsie par l'ecume gui sortait de leur bouche." 48 Aneas Sylvius, who became Pope Pius II, wrote Eemedio amoris in his youth. Theodore de Eeze was the author of Juyenalia, a collection of bacchic and licentious epigrammes published in an expurgated edition in 1576. See the Gamier edition, p. 101, note 2 and p. 400, note 1. 49 "Laurence le trouvant gras 5 frais, eust tien voulu gu'il l'eust foiiettee de verges de sainct Bencist . . ." (I: 64) . 50 See above p. 153. 51 Royer lists this entire passage under one speaker. The Lacroix and Gamier editions however, separate them into two statements from different speakers, which seems more logical. (See Lacroix and Gamier editions, pages 285 and 288 respectively.) 52 See Royer Glossary, 11:333: "habiter: au sens libre". 53 Sensuality is encouraged in another passage which emphasizes that sexual activity is good and natural, net evil and inspired by the devil (1:243-44). 54 See above p. 41. 170 CHAPTEB V SOCIETY AS CARNIVAL IN LE MOYEN DE PARVENIR The many voices heard in Le Moyen de Paryenir freguently exploit traditional festive privileges in order to mock and ridicule their contemporaries, particularly those above them in the social hierarchy. This is usually accomplished by presenting certain individuals she are respected in everyday life for their social position, wealth, political power, or elevated personal gualities, and then either pointing out incongruous weaknesses or making degrading associations in order to provoke the laughter cf a third person (observer, listener or reader) as witness cf their social descent. Enlisting the mocking laughter cf others against a victim is a civilized form of aggression, one so effective that tc employ it against important people could be dangerous unless under the protective sanctions cf festive privilege. This aggressive humour provides an outlet 171 for hostilities as described by Sigmund Freud in his analysis of wit and jokes in society: Since we have been obliged to renounce the expression of hostility by deeds-:- held back by the passionless third person, in whose interest it is that personal security shall be preserved—we have, just as in the case of sexual aggressiveness, developed a new technigue of invective, which aims at enlisting this third person against our enemy. Ey making our enemy small, inferior, despicable or comic, we achieve in a roundabout way the enjoyment of overcoming him—to which the third person, who has made no efforts, bears witness by his laughter.1 Laughter motivated in this way arises not only from a feeling of superiority, but from the subject's sudden fall from an elevated stance to mediocrity.2 In Carnival, degradation and laughter work together to accomplish the inversion of the social hierarchy and the ridicule cf certain individuals. An affront may take place either literally or verbally, since the forms of festive aggression vary. They may include beatings in the manner of slapstick comedy and attempts to physically degrade or humiliate the victim, while at other times the victim's social reputation is lowered. This may occur either through his own actions which expose him as less virtuous than he would have others believe, or through defaming accusations and insults directed at him by another character. Amid the boisterous laughter there are certain voices, similar to those who plead for religious reform mentioned above,3 who plaintively call for justice, reform, and human 172 kindness, but they are covered by laughter and by other voices, darkly satirical in tone, who announce the failure cf attempts to mend the social system or to improve human nature. Instead of dwelling on the need for institutional reform or merely bewailing the evil which men do, these speakers reject any rigid approach to social problems and encourage a return to carnivalesgue flexibility which promotes a natural resolution of tensions. Through the experience of festive freedoms, people can be shown both the limitations and joys of living in human society. This chapter seeks to determine the ways in which Eeroalde uses the principle of carnivalesgue freedom as a socializing mechanism, first to probe the irrational element, in human nature and then to discover the best way to integrate this element into human relationships. The material of this chapter will be presented . in two parts. The first will examine three forms of social aggression associated with festive liberties (violence, physical humiliation and defamation of character) which appear in Le Moyen de Parvenir. The second part will analyse how this aggression functions as a socializing force against different groups and individuals in society who do not conform to the openly self-indulgent and laughing spirit which ultimately prevails at Beroalde's banguet as it does in Carnival. Among the forms which festive aggressivity assumes the most conspicuous is the traditionally sanctioned violence.* 173 It exists in the carnivalesgue environment both as an accomplished action and as a verbal threat tc carry cut such action. Also included in this category is the expressed wish to cast a victim down to the Underworld where pain and misery await him. Festive beatings differ vastly from violence for profit or vengeance since a particularly ambivalent attitude which is both playful and hostile accompanies them. While the physical abuse often results in reducing the victim to a passive state where he is incapable of retaliating, it is accomplished while laughing. Even the battered victim is laughable, like the victims of beatings in the farces. In Le Moyen de Parvenir this violent yet laughable hostility first appears in the author's relationship with his reader, and then extends to the guests' relationships with each other. The most vivid accounts of violence, however, occur in the tales and anecdotes which are set in the world outside the banguet. The author exposes a violent aspect of his own nature early in the text as he threatens the overly curious reader with bodily injury: "Si vous me pressez je vous defcnceray trois ou guatre ruades toutes , brodees de cremoisy. . ." (1:4). Later in a passage which recalls the teasing abuse and misfortune which Babelais sometimes calls down upon readers who doubt his words,5 Beroalde wishes the incredulous reader further "incommoditez": Que si guelgues mauvais opiniastres, incredules. 174 heretigues, stupides, conscientieux, faussonniers, cu autre ribaudaille ne me veut croire, je parle a vous gui estes de telle gualite; 8 vous dy gue si vous ne me croyez, que je veux S gu'en guise de perscnne demy-saincte, chacun pour soy, vous puissiez recevoir une bonne secouade d'estrapade gui vous dure une semaine, redoublant tousjours pour mignarder vostre Constance, ou une gesne de rage de fondement, ou une cuisson de carnosite intollerable, ou un chatouillement de fines gouttes, ou passion colique, voire tout ensemble avec toutes autres sortes d'incommoditez a la saulce d'allemagne, tant a vostre regueste je vous dcnne remede, S ne vous scandalisiez si en l'exces de mes charitez, je vous souhaite avec si bonne S saincte affection, tel 8 si grande bien." (1:54-55) Beroalde then offers the chastized reader his beck as a consolation, but then ironically discloses its ambiguous value. The reader's condition, he says, ;will be the same, better, or worse for having read the book: "Ainsi ce mal vous reussira en bien, a cause gue vcus scuvenant de ce livre en vos rigueurs, vous y aurez recours, S vous vous en trouverez ou de mesme, ou mieux, ou pis, au grand advantage du salut de vostre ame, si vous en scavez bien user" (1:55). another threat begins with a flattering remark tc the appreciative reader, and then develops into a petulant menace: "ga icy, bons amis du coeur, gens deciles gui savourez le bien gue Dieu donne, voyez, cette analogie d'harmonie parfaicte: si quelgu'un ne prend plaisir a* ce banguet, 8 aux beautez gu'il a produictes, gu'il se fasse fouettez ..." (1:59).6 He not only threatens his imagined critics with bodily injury, but expressly wishes them thrown down tc Hell as a reprisal, all of which he expresses with humour. In one 175 passage he expands on the topic of the devil's costume and then suddenly turns on an imagined disbelieving reader, laughingly sending him down to Hell, ostensibly to locate a devil and bring him back for proof of contradition: ". ,. . 6 si vous ne me croyez, allez en Enfer m'en guerir un vestu a la nouvelle mode, 8 me le monstrez tout vif 8 habille", 8 puis me dementez" (1:19). This teasingly humcrcus antagonism exemplifies the ambivalence of carnivalesgue aggression. It assaults the victim vigourously, but it does sc while laughing, thus managing to sustain an atmosphere which is both playful and hostile. Beroalde retains this ambivalent attitude throughout the book, warning his critics towards the end that "tout ce gui est ici avance, est tenu pour tres-vray sans gu'il y faille, ou soit receu d'y contredire; 8 si guelgu'un y contredit, gu'il s'aille faire caneniser en Enfer" (II:214). Although the undercurrent of violence at the banguet is held to occasional threats and insults, and never develops into actual physical conflict, the banquet guests display a certain amount of hostility among themselves. Incidents in which "Alcibiades", "Uldric", and "Socrates" lose their tempers are cited above.7 In each case their rage passes guickly however, after colouring the atmosphere with potential violence. There seems to be an unwritten agreement to refrain from violence at the banguet table as is illustrated in the dialogue between "Mogenes" and 176 "Alexandre": Diogenes: Tout est permis ici, nous sommes pair S compagnon, on doit faire S dire ici tout ce gu'cn peut & pense. Alexandre: Vous y perdriez, pauvre homme pcurce gue si tout estoit permis je vous battrois bien a ceste heure pour me vanger de l'affront gue l'annee gui vient vcus me fistes en Grece. (1:239) This exchange indicates that "Alexandre" is restraining violent feelings within himself because he is not permitted to attack "Diogenes". Words thus take the place of physical contact, and the desire to attack the victim is satisfied by verbal threats or expressions such as "va, prens . une eschelle, 5 t'en va a tous les diables" (1:13), "le Liable t'emportera" (1:170), or "va a tous les Diables S ncus laisse" (II: 129) . While the author and the banguet speakers manage to avoid physical violence and confine their hostilities to verbal assaults, the characters who people the many tales and anecdotes are not so restrained. Carnivalesgue beatings, injuries and even killings are laughingly carried out cn victims who spring up again reinvigorated, or whose demise is obscured by comic effects,and absurd circumstances.8 Even in the case of the severely chastized "Madame Laurence" described earlier,9 there is. an attempt to undercut the serious consequences with humour. Her death takes on burlesgue overtones due to the incongruities which are associated with it: "La pauvrette revint avec grand frayeur, S se mit au lict, ou elle ne fut gue cing jours, finis 177 lesguels elle mourut comme une vache gui trespasse" (1:66). The juxtaposition of the afflicted woman and a dying cow produces a ludicrous effect. It does, not allow the reader to see the dying person as a truly human being, arousing sympathy and pity. Instead she is depicted as a physically comic object, and the death scene becomes ludicrous. A further incongruity is produced by the way in which the soul leaves her body. It was common belief that the soul escaped upwards from the mouth of the deceased, but in this situation the. exit is explicitly and humorously reversed: "Voila comme la pauvre Laurence a change d'air, & avoit a sa. mort une merveille notable, une chose esmerveilleuse: C'est gue son ame sortit de son corps par l'endroit10 proportionnel & semblable a celuy par leguel tcutes les autres ames s'en vont" (1:67). Playful puns and exaggeration negate the brutality done a long-suffering wife of Geneva by her officer husband. The cruel beatings exceed whatever punishment she may deserve for nagging him. In fact the beatings exist more for the sake of wordplay that for vengeance. Poised ambivalently between animosity and laughter this account of carnivalesgue violence illustrates the possibilities cf interpreting orders literally: Cest officer avoit une femme assez fascheuse, S gui le tourmentoit: il la battit plusieurs fois S a dur; dont elle se contrista, & menaga son mari du Consistoire, gui est le purgatoire des Huguenots. Hemis gu'il fut au consistoire, il y alia; & on lui remcnsta gue cela 178 n'estoit pas beau de battre sa femme. 'llle estoit battable, dit-il.• 'Allez, allez,lui dit le diseur . . . retirez vous, 8 gu'il y ait de la mesure en vos actions, 8 gu'on n'cye plus parler de vcus!' Il retint fort bien ce conge-, 8 guelgues jours apres sa femme soy faisant forte du Consistcire, se mit a faire la meschante, 8 il la battit: mais avec guoy? Avec une aulne, ... 8 la frotta des 8 ventre sur ses habillemens. (11:214-15) After the second beating the wife complains again, and the husband is once more reprimanded, but he excuses himself by claiming to have followed instructions tc the letter: "Monsieur, je ne lui ay fait gue ce gue vous m'avez commande, je l'ay battue par mesure" (11:215). Be is sent away with the suggestion to correct her in another way: "Allez, dit le Eresidant Clerc, remonstrez lui avec l'Escriture saincte, ou bien on vous mettra leans" (11:216). Again taking the advice literally, "il la batit, mais ce fut avec un gros Nouveau Testament convert de bcis 8 ferre'". Gnce again he is scolded and sent away with another order: "en fin lui fut prononce a peine de punition corporelle, gu'il n'eut plus a chastier sa femme gue de la langue" (11:216). He also follows the letter of this command and not the spirit: "A jan, il n'y faillit pas, d'autant gue guand elle le fascha, il prit une.langue de boeuf fumee, dont il la battit tant, gue le diable eut le cul, 8 le Consistcire la teste, 8 leur allez demander gu'ils en ont fait (II: 216) . The blows the wife receives resemble the farcical thrashings of Carnival. There is little attempt tc describe the pain cr 179 to give realistic details about the affair because the beatings exist only to illustrate the literal interpretation of the court's orders. One would not be surprised to hear cf the wife's sudden recovery, as happens in the following case, but since this wife's fafe interests the author as little as the pain she endures, the curious reader is flippantly advised to find out for himself what happens to her, ("S leur allez demander gu'ils en. cut fait"). Another unfortunate woman who antagonizes her husband also becomes the object cf violent physical abuse, but her punishment by injury and "death" is followed by subseguent "ressurrection". This episode fits into the traditional pattern of carnivalesgue violence in which the victim revives like Guignol of the puppet theatre. In Le Mcj^en de Parvenir either the victim's demise is glossed over with comic detail, as in the case of "Laurence" and cf the wife of Geneva, cr there is a guick recovery as in the case below: . La femme du pauvre Aeschines, . . . par despit de son mari ne voulcit manger les pois gu'un h un: son mari vouloit qu'elle les mangeast en guantite', elle ne le vouloit pas; par guoy son mari la battit, dont depuis elle fit la malade, 8 en fin la mcrte. A! Dame, on la porta en terre, S comme on lui jetta la terre sur les genoux, elle eut frayeur, 8 comme demandant pardon, se mit a crier; •Je les mangeray trois a trois.' Les Prestres gui l'ouient, & les autres pensant gu'elle les voulut manger ainsi, s'enfuirent. (11:176) The comic resources employed abcve are those of the farce; the ridiculous situation ("par despit de son mari ne 180 vouloit manger les pois gu*un a un") is coupled with comic overreaction (the beating and feigned death) and the final misunderstanding ("Je les mangeray trois S trcis"). The violence exists mainly for laughter's sake and therefore recedes into the background as interest is focused on the humorous highlights.11 Following violence, the second form cf festive aggression is a physical degradation or humiliation of the victim. Based on the body, the attack almost invariably implies some kind of exchange of head and anus. Sometimes for example, functions normally associated with the head, such as thinking and perceptual interaction with the outside world, exchange position and functions with the lower parts cf the body. Much of the scatological expressions and degrading insults in Le Moyen de Parvenir can be ranged under this category of festive aggression. The exchange of the head and the buttocks is a traditional gesture of debasement and ridicule meant to comically insult the receiver and incite laughter from other observers. In a study of ritual laughter S. Reinach refers to it as "Baubo's gesture'?, in memory of a legendary old innkeeper who performed this gesture in front of the ill and grieving goddess, Demeter. In her astonishment at such audacity, the goddess momentarily forgets the less cf her daughter and laughs, thus curing her illness.12 It is also with this gesture that the Sybil of Panzcust terminates her 181 interview with Panurge in Babelais" Tiers Li-SIf!. »3 jn j,e Moyen de Parvenir an aging vendor performs this comically defiant gesture in front of a group of men who are mocking her: Nous lui demandasmes, 'Madame, avez vcus des brides a veaux? --I1 faut voir, messieurs, s'il vous plaist;' . A la fin estant montee sur une escabelle, S ayant le dos vers nous, elle nous dit, 'Messieurs, j'ay de mauvais enfans qui les ont brcuillees 6 demanchees, si gue je ne les peiix trouver toutes entieres, • 8 disant cela, avec une souplesse prompte & premeditee va lever ses robes 6 sa chemise, 8 nous manifestier son gros cul ample & fessu, nous disant; »Au mcins, messieurs, vcila les mords.' (11:243)' . , . Freguently the physical humiliation involves two persons, one of whom (the victim) is explicitly inverted in relation to the other. Beroalde recounts several anecdotes in which one or more characters inadvertently finds himself in this comically degrading position. One such incident, perhaps inspired by a similar account in Jean Eouchet's Serees,1* concerns a husband and wife, a chamberpot, and a crab all humorously combined to embarass the couple. It begins as the wife rises during the night and goes to the chamberpot in the dark. Unfortunately the crab which was intended for a coming meal has escaped and crawled into the chamberpot, and as the woman takes a position over it, the crab raises its claw and takes hold of her. The husband who attempts to see the problem in the darkness is seized by the nose and held in an embarrassingly.inverted position in relation to his wife, until they are released by the 182 servants who discover them: Cela est si sensible gu'elle s'en escria si haut gu'elle esveilla son mary, gui lui demanda gu'elle avoit: "Helas! Dit elle, je suis perdue"; elle soupiroit 8 n'osoit le dire, toutesfois la douleur lui fit declarer que guelgue fantaisie la mcrdoit au bord de son cas; monsieur ayant fait apporter de la chandelle, 6 veu l'effet e's parties naturelles de sa femme, "pay, ma mie, pay, dit il, je luy feray bien lascher prise, je scay le secret, il ne faut gue soufler contre"; il se mit a soufler, 8 le cancre levant l'autre bras l'empoigna a la leure d'aupres du nez. II faisoit beau voir ceste remembrance, il avoit le nez bien pres du cela de sa femme, il pouvcit bien voir si d'autres y estoient, il n'eut pas este cogu sans son advis. Le valet de chambre gui survins avec des ciseaux coupa les deux bras du cancre, 8 mit monsieur 8 madame en liberte". (1:246-47) In another instance, the highwayman, Eersaut, and his men humiliate a group of traveling priests in a similar manner: Bersaut passant au dessous de la Eennerie, renccntra une nuee de Prestres gui venoient d'un gaiganage; lui bien accompagn4 les environne, 8 leur demanda d'ou ils venoient; Prestres estonnez ne sgavoient presgue gue dire, tant ils avoient peur. "Cr ca ca, dit Eersaut a un page, pied a terre " 8 au ben homme de Cure' de Barace gui estoit for aage", "Sus bon homme, cul bas, la, destachez vos chausses;" il penscit devoir estre escouille. Quand les chausses furent baissees, le page au commandement de son maistre attacha le derriere de la chemise aux reins; adonc il fit baisser le Cure', comme quand on jcue au frapemain cu a la fausse compagnie: puis, "(Ja enfans, a l'ofrande " Tous les autres Prestres vindrent baiser le cul, 8 mirent leur argent au chapeau du page. la ceremonie accomplie, il leur demanda, "Eh bien, enfans, me ccgnoissez vcus? — Ouy, vous estes le bon monsieur Eersaut. —Allez, dit il, allez, 6 faictes vostre devoir scyez gens de bien." (11: 156-57) Many of the verbal insults which punctuate Le Mcyen de Parvenir are derived from variations on the embarrassingly inverted body. Typical of such disrespectful remarks is one 183 character's insulting taunt to another: "Si vostre nez estoit en mon cul, vous ne verriez gue des fesses" (1:224) cr "Frappez de vostre nez en mon cul" (1:317). There is no need to cite the many other expressions for they resemble these in tone and content.15 Correlative to the humiliation produced by physical inversion of the body is scatological degradation which also serves to embarrass or insult the victim. Drawing attention to the victim's physical need to eliminate waste, cr associating him with excrement in some other way is one of the most primitive of comic degradations. The dung-throwing and familiar scatological taunts of Carnival serve as prototypes for the many examples of this degradation in Le Moyen de Parvenir.16 . . . . Beroalde's guests affirm the universal human dependence on the body's digestive system, stressing a kind of human eguality through body functions. "Stadius" informs "Le Mortel" of a need common to all those who posses a mortal body: "0 pauvre animal mcrtel mon amy, ne sgais tu pas bien gu'ayans un corps il faut gu'il se vuide . . ." (11:162). Such associations make dignity or detachment impossible, and subject everyone to the familiar laughter of others. This ridicule also effects a kind of physical "inversion" due to the shift in emphasis. The difference between the thought, speech or moral, attitude of the subject and the automatic physical functions he performs is paralleled by a spacial 184 division between those functions as well, for the more abstract and refined functions are credited to the head and heart located in the upper body, while the lower parts of the body, including the digestive tract and the anus, perform the automatic physical functions. This sudden change in the level of attention from moral tc physical serves to humiliate the victim and to provoke laughter from the observers. 17 In Le Mojjen de Parvenir the same scenario is repeated in two anecdotes, both taking place . in an unfamiliar and unlit house in which two friends have stepped for the night. In one case it is "Plato" and his friend "Perdiac" (1:187), and in the other it is two of the king's gentlemen (11:227). One of the friends arises during the night and goes to what he believes to be the chamber pot; invariably, it is his friend's bedstead, and the resulting, accident accomplishes the latter's degradation, "l'un songecit gu'il se ncycit S l'autre songeoit gu'il pissoit" (11:227), begins the comedy of errors. The sleeper who dreams he is drowning awakes, misjudges the situation, and melodramatically bids farewell to the world, unaware that his elevated stance should be one of humiliation instead: he begins "haletant, 5 s'esveillant, S se trouvant tout mouille, se prit a crier: 'Helas, il est done vray! 0 adieu, tous mes amis de ce monde' (11:227). A similar mistake in judgement also makes Perdiac the object cf mockery, although the laughing witnesses to his case 185 include not only the reader, but a group of young ladies as well (I: 188) . , Similarly, scatological degradation provides material for a variety of insults in Ie Moyen de Parvenir, ranging from direct and crude expressions such as "gue la merde vous puisse baiser" (1:218), to supposedly unintentional but insulting verbal slips, "merde en vcs lipes," in place cf "melancoligue" (1:135) , and include more contorted statements, "c'est un estron gui vous puisse servir de masgue a Caresme-presnant" (1:253).16 It is this procedure that Beroalde uses to laughingly debase his own publisher: "Ainsi ceux gui ont imprint ceci, sont commissaires d'excremens. Ceci est la fiante de mon esprit,.. . ." (11:162). Even the reader does not escape this degradation. The author intimates a rather vaguely stated "secret", and then informs him that, " il m'est eschappe de vous dire cela, le Diable me l'a tire du cul, pour le mettre en vostre bouche ...» (11:133). The lower parts of the body are sometimes shown in control of the entire person, dominating his mind and will. In the manner of Bergscn's , "mechanigue plague sur le vivant", 19 an image which presents the body's domination cf the will, the beauty and dignity of no one in Le M£yj=n de Parvenir escapes potential connection with debasing bcdily functions such as defecation or flatulation. Beroalde offers the reader the spectacle of a formal aristocratic dinner at 186 which an embarrassed churchman tries desperately yet ultimately fails to control his bladder (11:90). In another passage an important Church official suffers a gross indignity: "mais gui fut celui qui rit tant, gu'il en fianta en ses chausses? —Ce fut mon compere le Cardinal mcine" (11:153). An anecdote also depicts a serving girl, Hargot, who becomes so tense while trying tc repress an urge to flatulate in the presence of her employers that she crushes in her hand the egg she was about to serve them, and fails to control her urge as well (11:105). At the same time there is an effort tc emphasize the body's lower parts and functions by mock encomium; the praise lavished on "monsieur le Cul" exemplifies this tendency: Or mon bel ami, sans cul on ne fait rien, sgavez-vcus pas gue c'est la base S le vray milieu du corps, le mignon de l'ame, dautant gue s'il ne se pcrte bien, S gue ses affaires soiertt incommodees, elle s'en desplaist S s'enfuit par la; je parle - pour les doctes. Or done, doctes, venez ici succer la moelle de doctrine, venez apprendre les beaux secrets, sans vous amuser a brider les chevaux au rebours, id est leur mettant le mords au cul; tout ce gui se fait en ce monde est pour exercer monsieur le Cul . . .. (1:19*4-95). One speaker insists that there is a sixth sense: "C'est le sens du cul" (1:132) and others speak out to defend what they believe to be this little appreciated, but necessary part of the body.20 Actions of the lower body are also idealized by a pseudo-scholarly fantasy reminiscent of 187 Fantagruel's flatulent creativity:21 . . . Quand la terre est en chaleur S forte rage d'engendrer, il se faut bien garder de laisser tomber des pets, tesmoin Dioscoride escrit en veau, au livre des herbes nouvelles, leguel dit gue les plantes ont des odeurs differentes selon tels accidens, 6 mesmes les beautez S douceurs des fleurs en sent derivees, comme l'a bien remargue Paracelse en ses Mineurs; S afin gue je vous en embouche, je vous mets devant le nez ceste belle fleur, la couronne imperiale, gui nasguit d'une vesse que fit une grand1 Dame estant fille S belle; apres avoir mange des confitures musquees elle fit une capriolle gui causa ce bel accident. (1:23-24) Scatological associations are also employed to ridicule respected objects and abstract concepts as well as persons. The elevated and abstract connotations of the word liberty also undergo a degrading association in the address cf "Messire Gilles" to the company as he compares liberty to the odour of the privy: ". . . 0 belles pensees, gracieuses cervelles, nous sommes ici comme chez le Rcy Assuerus, la liberte nous sert de guide, comme la senteur pour aller au retraict, chacun dit 6 fait ici ce gu'il veut 5 peut" (I:120). The works of the poet Balf are degraded in this way by Ronsard who characterizes Balf's writings by speaking cf them along with privy paper:22 Tu es un beaufaiseur de mines, je cuidois dire de mimes, tu es un grand Docteur, tu nous en veux conter, & encor l'escrire; va va, j'ay plus use de papier a me torcher le cul gue tu n'en as employe a escrire tout ce gue tu pensois scavoir. (11:15) A similar association degrades Papal Eulls. Far from being treated with reverence, they are casually put into the category of potential swabs, along with the minutes of the 188 Consistory meeting and notes from the religious Chapter: Je vous dirai la raison pourguoy les Turcs ne se torchent point le cul de papier; c'est de peur gue ce papier soit une bulle du tape, ou guelgue relation de consistoire, ou conclusion de Chapitre, deguci si cn s'estoit efflaire' le fondement, sans doute on auroit les hemorroides. (II:102) The author of Le Moyen de Parvenir also muses on the probable fate of his book: "Avisez-y, doctes, parce gue souvent vos labeurs, vos bons livres sent employez a faire des cornets d'espices, ou des mouchcirs de cul, S ne peut advenir pis a cestui-ci . . ."(11:163).. Gn several occasions he impresses upon the reader the scatological guality of the book as though parrying any criticism of it in advance. Should anyone call it scatological, he will be correct, fcr Beroalde claims that "le Diable me l'a tire du cul" (11:133), and "ceci est le fiante de men esprit" (11:162). In the closing verse, he uses a homonymic pun es troncs^estrons, in soliciting scatological ccntributions from the reader towards the completion of the work: Vous gui avez mine d'estre horns, Et gui semblez estre hemroasses: Apportez guatre gros e*s troncs, Afin que l'oeuvre se parface. (II:261) Together with violent attacks and physical degradation, the festive aggression and burlesgue mockery in Le Mc-jen de Parvenir assumes . a third form. This usually takes place as an attack on the victim's reputation. The intellectual, 189 moral, and spiritual qualities which elevate the character of some men and women above others are turned upside-down and shown to be folly, self-indulgence, cr hypccrisy. Again, no one is immune, and in fact the more elevated the attitude or social position of the victim, the mere applauded is his humiliation. The reason for which festive aggression turns against these people is not necessarily because they are part of the upper classes who misuse their power in everyday life. Instead, the "crime" these victims commit tc provoke mocking revenge is one of social rigidity. This phenomenon is described by Bergson in Le Rire: "Un vice scuple serait moins facile a ridiculiser gu'une vertu inflexible. C'est la raideur gui est suspecte a la societe.1,23 These persons in Le Moyen de Parvenir who adopt rigid postures are guickly pulled down to more "human" postures either by their own actions which reveal them to be ridiculously near-sighted or hypocritical, or through the comically defaming allegations of other characters. A money-mad publisher of Geneva reveals how his obsession with wealth has warped his sense cf human proportion. Even when his life is close to ending, his guiding passion, avarice, prevents him from realizing that despite his wealth and "important" work, he is mortal like other men: "Ha, mon amy, dit il au Chyrurgien, si je viens a mourir de ceste maladie, je perdray plus de mille florins a ceste foire de Francfcrt" (11:250). In another moment cf 190 crisis feminine modesty and dignity is guickly exposed as only a pose. The incident begins when a soldier enters the home of a canon during a house-to-house military search. Discovering the lady of the house and her maid asleep, he cries loudly, "Par la double rouge creste du cog, je fouteray tout ceans de par le Roy". The servant dramatically throws herself between the man and her mistress: "Helas, monsieur, pour Dieu ne faites rien a madame, elle se trcuve si mal, je vous prie d'avoir patience". At this the lady in question pulls back the curtain and shatters the image cf her created by the girl's defense: "Voire, mamie, & dea, pourguoi non moy aussi bien gu'a" vous, puis que c'est de par le Roy?" (II: 18) . Defaming epithets and descriptions also turn the honour and reputations of many characters into laughing matter in Le Moyen de Parvenir. Wise men, such as the celebrated scholar Erasmus ("ce fou de Flamand" 1:145), are shown as fools or hypocrites, and the philospher, Socrates is also labelled a fool (11:221). An emissary from the devil detracts from the honour of the reformer, Luther, by addressing him on intimate terms: "mon Luther, men capitaine, mon ami" (11:129), while proud husbands are derided with the ultimate insult: cuckcld. Another derogatory verbal insult freguently used to ridicule a victim is the bestial epithet. "Ceste canaille des sages" (1:171) and "ces grosses bestes de prescheurs" (1:132) refer 191 respectively to intellectuals and members cf the clergy, while all of womankind is condescendingly described as "l'animal de societ4" , (1:288). The psychological satisfaction accomplished by these insults comes frcm exposing the victim as the opposite of what he pretends to be. This is always a degradation of his superior or indifferent attitude, changing it tc an inferior or dependant one through transference of the ideal to the petty, the honest to the dishonest, the intellectual to the physical, and so forth. The three general categories of carnivalized aggression described above, violence, physical humiliation, and moral dishonour, provide the basic patterns for the laughing and aggressive social interaction in le Mo;yen de Parvenir. The remainder of this chapter will examine the way in which these patterns are used to.invert the social hierarchy, to egualize human relationships, and ultimately, tc socialize those who deviate from the festive group. The first element in this presentation of Beroalde's approach will be the display of social inequalities. Most of these inegualities are functions of the class structure, and the validity cf that,structure, otherwise known as the social hierarchy, is abolished by emphasizing universal human traits (body functions, folly, death) which cross class barriers. Finally Beroalde's speakers attack society group by group, a process which leads to the promotion of a common morality based on 192 the predominance of innocent and universally accessible sensual pleasures. Beroalde states that he intends his beck tc contain a comprehensive portrait of the social injustice around him, affirming that Le Moyen de Parvenir ". . . n'est escrit gue pour la juste demonstration de ce gui est; d'autant gue l'cn void ici la bestise des Grands de ce temps, la scttise des habiles gens, l'impudence des doctes, 6 la meschancete des autres" (II:163).24 To this end Bercalde's banguet host urges the guests to accomplish the task before them and satirically expose the ills of the world: "Uscns nostre temps avec la ponce de bien seance, ou le grez de sagesse, & que cependant nostre satire soit perpetuelle, pour decouvrir les affaires du mauvais monde" (1:154). He claims that their efforts will be appreciated by "les bonnes gens gui gemissent sous la tirannie des gros" for whom the book is written. This audience of exploited good people will see the truth in Le Moyen de Parvenir: " ils verront en nos discours comme nous descouvrons le tombeau de la verite" (1:154). Many of the specific social injustices mentioned originate in the class structure. Eeroalde describes the little consideration masters have for their servants in one passage. The servants are cold in the winter and,too hot in the summer, because they are always given their master's cut cf season clothing: "voila comment leur bien va a rebours", he concludes (11:250). He also notes the relative sexual 193 freedom of the upper classes whose amorous exploits are condoned with honour in contrast to the disapproval cast upon the same activities of the lower classes. In the former case, love affairs are called "galantise", while in the latter they are "adultere, ou paillardise, ou rapt": C»est gue les grands, & ceux 8 celles qui ont des Juges leurs amis, si d'avanture vont s'excercer le bout autre part, ou faire amitonner l'ouverture speculative apres nature, cela leur est joliment impute a faire 1»amour en tout honneur & galantise: mais si c*est guelgue pauvre diable, cela sera dit adultere ou paillardise, ou rapt; & puis vous fiez a ces Justinians de tcus les diables. (I:294) Social inegualities of the everyday world are brought into focus in Le Moyen de Parvenir in order that they might be.satirically discredited. This is accomplished in certain passages by stressing the universality of the human condition, and ridiculing the pretense of - superiority upcn which the idea of a social hierarchy rests. These arguments frequently emphasize the universality of body functions which are common to all members of society. One fantasy illustrating this approach represents a bizarre class-structured situation and is narrated with bcth ircny and burlesgue humour. The ridiculous impossibility cf restricting sexual reproduction to the upper class by carefully rationing genitalia becomes even more ludicrous through details of how this was enforced. The passage ends with a tongue-in-cheek explanation of why some great lords resemble valets: 194 Lubec est une ville fort bien pclicee, S ou il n'y a point de pauvres, S la raison occasicnnee en est de ce que toutes les personnes ne font comme icy, S sur tout pour le commun: de sorte que ceux 6 celles qui naissent de bas lieu ou de petites gens n'ont rien entre les jambes, les masles qu'un petit tuyau insensible, 8 les femelles qu'un petit pertuis a pisser y ayant es endroits formels de certaines cicatrices a ressott esquelles on peut appliquer les outils naturels de generation s'il en est besoin; & tels membres sent conservez par la Republigue avec grande diligence & soin; . . . De ces outils lors gu'il en est necessite on les loue, parquoi on les appelle banniers gui servent a la commodite des gens de basse condition, pour avoir des enfans 8 faire des serviteurs, de peur gue l'engence s'en perde, . . , Que s'il avient gue ceux gui les demandent soient si necessiteux gu'ils devenissent gueux, on leur refuse: par ainsi veu l'esgard de cette bonne police, il n'y a point de cagnardiers; mesne, ce gui est bien utile, les valets ne les chambrieres n'en ont point; il est vray gue gratis on leur preste en les mariant apres avoir bien servi, 6 aussi bien souvent avant gue les marier monsieur & madame leur prestent les leurs par plaisir, ce gui est chose gui fait moult bon voir; . . . il advient a cause de ces prests, gu'il y a des grands seigneurs gui ressemblent a des valets. (1:280-81) Another equalizer of the social ranks is vividly illustrated by the danse macabre, a performance.frequently seen on the stage or in pictures cf the XVth and XVIth centuries.?5 It features "le.mort", who grasps the hand cf an actor representing a rank, profession, or stage in life, and pulls him into the dance. Soon a series of people fill the stage, all linked together by hands and by the same movements, thus demonstrating that nc one is above the levelling experience of death. In his first reference to the daE§§ lacabre, Eeroalde stresses the vulnerability cf powerful civil authorities before the greatest egualizer. In contrast to their favoured positions on earth, final justice 195 is done as these once powerful men are led downward to the Underworld, and not upward to Paradise: "Da, da, il est bon, s'il n'y avoit gue les gens de justice gui allassent en paradis! Et c'est le contraire, S je l'ay veu en la Dance Macabree de Fubourg, ou les Presidens, Conseillers, Avocats, Procureurs, S clercs, sont par les sergents conduits en enfer, & t'en guette (11:82-83). Neither good looks nor youth, qualities which enhance social prestige, make any impression on the implacable common enemy as Beroalde shows in an encounter between Death and the young man: . a Dole a la dance Macaber, il y a la Mort gui parle a un beau jeune homme, S lui dit, A, galan, galan. Que tu es fringan, S'il te faut-il meurre. Et il respond: Et, mort arrogan, Prens tout men argean, Et me laisse queurre. (11:257-58) The universality of folly, another familiar carnivalesque theme, also places all men and women in the same category regardless of class or personal traits; The reader of Le Moyen de Parvenir is told that the whole world is in fact a land of fools: "A ce gue je voy le pays des sots n'est pas une isle, c'est le mende mesme, 6 hers d'iceluy" (11:86). This observation is reinforced in a dialogue which connects hypocrisy and folly: Madame. Que dites-vcus la? --Je demandois s'il y avoit des bordeaux en vcstre pays, madame. 196 Madame. Non, dea il n'y en a point, mais il y a des maisons d'hcnneur, ou l'on se resjouyt avec les dames, 8 guelgues dames d'honneur deputees pour cela en tirent rentes pour nourrir des Moines. —C'est done en ce pays-la ou Moine signifie larron, comme. en l'isle des sots sot signifie monsieur; 8 de fait si je vous dirois: "Bon jour, set," ce seroit autant gue vous dire, "Bona dies, monsieur." Savonarola. Mais l'isle des sots est par tout, 8 celle des feus est au dela. (11:168) A monologue on the universality of folly which claims the attention of the bangueters extends the reign of folly net only to different professions, but across international boundaries: Je vous diray pourtant, vous demandant excuse, gu'il y aura icy assez de place pour tous les fous, pourveu gu'on les y mette l'un apres l'autre. En Allemagne les Allemans y mettront leurs fous, en France les Frangois, en Angleterre les Anglois, En Espagne les Espagncls, en Souisse les Italiens, en Turguie le reste; 8 puis gue l'on fasse si grande chere gu'on voudra, scit en droit, soit en musigue, soit en canon, soit en Theologie, soit en gendarmerie ou marchandise, cu medecine, cu tcute telle autre sorte gue vous imaginerez . . ,... (11:199) Along with the effort to egualize the sccial hierarchy through demonstration of universal human traits, Ee'roalde also inverts the social structure group by group. Before describing the treatment of royalty, the aristocracy, and others lower on the social ladder, there is a special category of persons who first become objects of attack in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir. These are the famous guests present at the banguet. As noted above,26 they are identified by the names of famous statesmen, churchmen, scholars and others. There is, however, a great discrepancy between expectations raised by the famous names and the actual performance of the 197 banqueters. From the beginning their behaviour shows them to be foolish and crude. Class barriers which separate them from the servants are overtly destroyed as all ccncerned join in an unsophisticated game of hopscotch in the kitchen.27 Early description of their activities further damages their reputations. "Pliny" behaves in a particularly undignified manner; "Demosthenes", supposedly a great orator, speaks like a peasant and expounds on trivia, and "Aristotle", the great logician, behaves irrationally: Pline s'avanga selon la rente d'honneur gui luy estoit deue, ainsi gu'il paroissoit par un contract passe par dessous les ponts de Rome; c'est un homme notable & de prix, il est le premier inventeur de pisser honorablement contre les murailles des autres. Tandis gue l'on murmuroit le recevant, vcicy arriver le bon Demosthene. "J'y fusmes, dismes nous, j'en fusmes bien aise, dautant qu'il est certain que j'apprendrons beaucoup de bonnes choses, comme desja il y parut." Fn entrant il se mit a discourir, & nous enseigna gue c'est gu'honeste homme, le definissant ainsi gu'il se trouve au Talmud; honneste personne est celle gui ayant fiantl se torche le cul avec un torchoir le tenant de la main gauche. Aristote depit de n'avcir trcuve ceste belle definition se noya . . ..(1:20-21) The guests are .introduced as members cf an exclusive fraternity which is dedicated to the pursuit of knowledge; they are all "ames gui avoient serment a la Sophie", "enfans de la science", "des sages" (1:5), and "scientifigues personnes & discrettes" (I:4 2). It appears that they are to be considered as a group of dignified learned men, gathered together for a noble purpose. However, their foppish and flatulent behaviour upon arrival casts an early doubt upon 198 their quality: Chacun y entrant avisa a son debvoir, par ce moyen nous exercames un notable conflict de reverences, dent les petardes sentoient je ne sgay quoy de la musique ancienne 8 pratiquant mille vetilles d'humilitez, avec une friponne escopeterie de langage courtisannif ie* fismes plusieurs belles entrees 8 rencontres ..(I:9) These famous philosphers, statesmen, and sages are thrown down from their legendary, pedestals and brought to the common, material level. On egual ground with the least celebrated member of society, the guests enjoy food and wine like common men and women. In spite cf statements of the symposium's elevated purpose the notable company does net assume an air of disinterested wisdom, but is instead intensely involved in petty details of the carnival atmosphere around them. Their energetic behaviour reflects the unfettered and disrespectful atmosphere in which these characters move. Eating, drinking, and the babble cf ribald or inconseguentia1 discourse constitute the major activity of the bangueters. The famous personalities eveked are also shown to be fools like anyone else, illustrating the motto of the fool-societies: "stultorum numerus est infinitus". Socrates, a freguent speaker loses all claim to the great respect he inspired,in Renaissance scholars and instead is shown to be among the most foolish in a mad world; "achevez", one speaker urges him, "je vous prie, Socrates, comme le plus fou" (1:221). The guests are sometimes described in degrading bestial 199 terms. In one passage addressed to the reader, enjoining him to honour this work and those in it, the guests are compared to chickens in a coop: ". . .8 prenez garde a ce gue cet honneur soit distribue honnestement aux scientifigues personnes 8 discrettes gui sont en ce banguet, comme poules en mue" (1:42). Their state of awareness is given a canine quality: "Ils avoient les yeux ouverts comme chiens gui chassent aux puces" (I:43), and their laughter is also bestial: "... Toute la belle compagnie se prit a rire comme un trouppeau de fenesseaux" (II:13).28 At other times the author plays on the double meaning of bSte to endow his guests with an air of animalistic stupidity: ". . . Je fais parler les bestes" (11:258). Thus the famous personalities who have distinguished themselves as political and intellectual leaders are brought down into the common fold and even lower. Reversal of the social hierarchy is a familiar convention in Carnival. Through this procedure the class structure is temporarily dismantled as figures cf authority are stripped of power, prestige, and virtue to become the objects of mocking laughter. In place of the dignity and respect which ideally define the ruling aristocracy, the opposite extremes are revealed. Reason is replaced by folly, noble postures are turned to ridicule, and bodily functions dominate the mind and will. The, presence cf a popular mentality can be detected in the following anecdotes which 200 take advantage of the carnivalesgue tradition cf sanctioned revenge on authority. The weapon is neither reason nor force, but laughter. In Le Moyen de Parvenir, the established authorities cf the outside world are either absent, cr present only in travestied forms which project them as foolish or common. Justinian, a mad Soman emperor,29 exemplifies the earthly ruler. He is interchangeable with the feel, as are all emperors, according to the text: ". . . l'empereur Justinian gui gouverne encor le monde fou, est devenu feu durant sa vie, par ainsi les feus sont Empereurs S e converse" (11:257). This ruler's name is also linked tc folly through a pun on Justinian and niais; the composed adjective, "Justiniaisement" (1:155), is used in context as a syncnym for "foolishly". Another speaker alludes to the rumoured madness of the Spanish Emperor, Charles V: "Vous me faictes souvenir, d'un voyage gue nous fismes en Espagne l'annee gue l'Empereur devint fou" (11:69).30 In a statement that would have been dangerous for an author who had net shrouded himself in the variegated colours of the fool, Eeroalde makes a condescending reference to the French king, characterizing him as a sympathetic person, but one who is unable to govern due to his ignorance and susceptibility to unwise counselors, "ces meschans escommuniez qui font tant mettre de daces & imposts sur le peuple au desceu du Roy, le pauvre homme qui ne l'entend pas . . ." (1:48). 201 Traditional fool-kings are mentioned in Le Mgjen de Parvenir also, and their presence, even if only in brief references, adds to the theme of inverted royalty. These mad, mock rulers are the "Hoy des veaux" (11:242) and the "Roy des gueux" (1:130,199). Though undeveloped, these epithets call to mind the traditional inversion of authority simply by repetition of the mock titles. A similar reference not only brings to mind the fool-king, but derisively pulls contemporary royalty further down by reversing the words in the title and irreverently characterizing rulers as "ces gueux de Rois" (1:199). La Heine des jgis-pilees, the mad gueen of the comic theatre, is mentioned on two occasions (1:122,127). Application of this title tc a lady of the court, "Madame des Manigances", inverts aristocratic dignity by juxtaposing the lady and the fool-gueen, even though the reason for the remark has nothing to do with the former's behaviour. She gains the title because "... a la ccurt elle estoit plus chichement habillee gue les autres" (1:127). Another traditional attack on the ruler diverts attention from the king as a superior being tc the image cf him suffering the same dictates and indignities of the body as commoners. Several references depict the king taking mercury treatments, the usual remedy for syphilis.31 The revelation of the king's disease not only illustrates that 202 he is physically vulnerable like anyone else, but focuses attention on the lower parts of the body, thus following the pattern of inversion described above.32 One speaker, while recounting matters having to do with Tours, mentions that the king was also in that city: ". . . a Tours, ou pour lors estoit le Roy gui venoit de fixer le Mercure" (11:135). The same fact comes out in a later passing comment: "Quand le Roy venoit de fixer le Mercure, il vint en cest belle maison" (II:148).33 Charles VIII is subject to a similar association in another anecdote.3* The gueen is also subject to attacks of festive inversion through defamation of character and attempts to show her dominated by lust. The virtue cf the gueenly title undergoes a downward change of status as a lady of the streets vigorously declares her own hcncur tc be abcve that of the Queen of Egypt, ft bystander recounts the incident: Aussi je me souviens gue l'annee gue j'estcis Recteur de 1»Universite de Paris, . Je vy pendre une maguerelle de bourg de Four, la raison estoit gu'elle se battoit avec une autre gui lui dit, "Ha, chienne, tu veux icy faire de la Royne d'Egypte. —Tu as menty, dit elle, je suis femme de bien." (1:202)35 Ingenuous insults also uncrown the ruling class, attributing common minor vices to them with a familiar nod of complicity. A peasant woman compares her husband tc the king and sees no difference: "Foy de damoiselle, disoit ma mere pensant ses pourceaux, mon mari est aussi noble gue le Roy, il aime bien a ne rien faire, 6 se donner du plaisir" 203 (11:203). In another incident, a simple peasant, flattered with the patronizing attentions of the Queen, ingenuously assaults the royal dignity by assuming that the Queen like others has come to seek the amorous favours of the local canon: Madame la Royne de France, . . . allant a Chartres en voyage, pour avoir lignee, S suivant un beau chemin fait expres, parce gu'elle alloit a pied, elle s'assit pour se reposer, gue voici passer une belle grande paisanne des champs, gui cheminoit comme un prestre Breton; la Royne l'arreste, S lui dit, "Bon jour, mamie, ou allez vous? --Oe vay a Chartres, madame. —Que faire? —^Vendre du lait & des herbes. D'ou estes vous, mamie? --Je suis d'icy aupres, madame. —Estes vous mariee? —Ouy, madame, Dieu mercy S la voutre. Mais, madame, ne vous desplaise, dittes mci s'il vous plaist gui vous estes? —Je suis la Royne, mamie. --A ha a, madame la Royne, excusez moi s'il vous plaist, si je ne vous ay fait l'enneur gue je devas: mais, madame la Royne, vous allez a pied; 8 ou allez vous, madame la Royne, mais ne vous deplaise? --Je vay a Chartres, mamie, pour aller en ceste belle Eglise priez Dieu, a ce gui lui plaise gue j'aye des enfans. —Helas, madame la Royne, ne laissez pas de vous en retourner, ce grand Chanoine gui les faiscit est inert, on n'y en fait plus." (11:241.) The ladies and, gentlemen of the court, as well as members of the minor aristocracy, receive the same treatment as royalty. One of a certain duke's servants muses cn a violent fate for his master: ". . . je voudrois gue le Cue mon bon maistre fut en la gueule du loup 5 gue j'en eusse la peau pleine d'escus, gros souppier, j'entens la peau du loup" (1:130-31). Other commentaries are content to malign the nobility by exposing-them as fools, such as "monsieur de Vendosme" whose condition is discussed by a decter and the prior: 204 . . . Monsieur de Vendosme, qui estant malade 5 degouste vouloit manger du ris: ce que disant a son medecin il lui accorda; le Prieur adjousta gu'il eut bien vculu gu'on y eut mis du safran: "Eien, dit le medecin, mais il n'y en faut guere.—Non, respcndit le Prieur, il me feroit mal," Et de fait je vy un jour un cheval gui en estoit trop charge, il en devint feu. Estimez vous pour cela gue ce Seigneur fut fol? —non pas du tout, mais il tenoit un peu de la febve .."36 (11:115) If not by folly, the noble class is degraded by direct insults. A provincial lady is naively insulted by one of her farmer's daughters: "La fille de ce mestayer appcrta des prunes a nostre femme, gui lui dit; 'II n'en falloit point, mamie. —C'est vostre.gresse, madameselle, prenez-les s'il vous plaist, aussi bien ncs pourceaux n'en veulent point.'" (11:71-72) The lady complains to the farmer's wife who only insults her further by confirming the girl's story. A similar kind of ingenuously insulting offering is recounted in the unappetizing anecdote of the valet who absent-mindedly spits in his master's wine before serving it (II: 253) .37 Continuing down the social ladder, the next tc be dislodged from their elevated positions are those individuals and groups of individuals who have power and authority in civil matters. These are the men who are charged with interpreting and enforcing the laws of the country: the governors, judges, lawyers, and even constables. Many of these officials provoke fear and hatred by their corruption and abuse of power. Curing Carnival 205 however, the people have a momentary revenge, and those individuals who normally have sweeping power over the lives of those around them become the helpless objects cf sanctioned mockery. The many cases of such mockery in Le Moyen de Parvenir again demonstrate the accord between Beroalde's work and the carnival tradition. The husband humiliated by the acticns of a crab in a chamberpot,38 happens to be a governor, and this position cf power heightens his fall. Those who occupy the senior pests of Chancellor and President of the realm are alsc ridiculed. They are dismissed as fools who drive others to folly: Toutesfois je vous proteste gue s'il y avoit autant d'honneur gu'aux folies d'estre Chancelier ou premier President, ou de telle, autre gualite de feus gui foussoient les autres fous, il n'y auroit gueres de bons esprits gui ne fissent parcistre, gue, guisgue abundat in suo sensu, c'est a dire, chacun est, sera, ou est dit, ou deviendra, s'il ne l'est, feu par la teste. (I:166) But even worse than those who govern, are those who are associated with the courts. The perversity of judges and their associates is emphasized by the author's mock hesitation to even write about them, alleging them far more dangerous than churchmen: ". ... . encor les ecclesiatigues sont traictables, ils ne font gue excommunier, cela va S vient comme eau claire; mais ces gens de justice font tache d'huile, gue le diable y ait part. Mon ami, laissons-les, achevons ces contes" (II:17). Despite this warning, he does write about them however, taking obvious pleasure in their 206 carnivalesgue humiliations. In a passage cited above they are shown being led not to Paradise, but down into Hell as a final vindication of the people.39 Even the lowly constable, whose duty it was to lead prisoners to jail, merits a punishment of this sort: ". . . il est vray gue guand un sergent se meurt son ame va droit entre les mains de Proserpine Reine d'Enfer" (11:213). Another group in the social system which commands respect, if not fear, in everyday life is made up of the scholars, academicians, philosophers, scientists and poets who comprise the intelligentsia. This group is freguently the target of social inversion which casts them into ridicule for both personal and professional failings. Although far less exalted than a king* these men enjoyed a position of prestige in the society and assumed a superior attitude vis-i|-vis the less educated. The enviably privileged position of the professional scholar is noted by one of Beroalde's speakers. After a scholar, "Durandus", makes a sacrilegious pun, "Marot" complains, "Si j'avois dit cela je serois gaste, ainsi tout est permis aux dccteurs" (1:114). Again, like that of Carnival, the .dominant attitude in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir is a popular, unsophisticated delight in the humiliation of the privileged intellectuals. The narrator establishes that he is not one of this group, "je ne suis pas de ces petits dcctcreaux, dent it est escrit, J'ay une teste de Docteur a disner" (1:58). He is 207 also proud that his book is not pedantic like ethers: ". , . vous ne trouverez point en cecy du truandage de pedentisme, comme es autres, plaines du ravedage de fclle doctrine gui n'apporte point a disner" (1:51). The link he establishes between himself and the common people against the intellectuals is strengthened by his insistence on using French in place of Latin which the common people do not understand: "Bisons en bon Frangois sans gue rien nous eschappe" (I:140). Elsewhere he states: "Par despit, je diray mon histoire en langage gue tout le monde entendra . . ." (1:178). However, the persistence with which he denigrates learned men, both with carnivalesgue mockery and in more serious criticism , leads the reader to suspect that Beroalde's own observation on those who criticize others can be applied to himself, for he too is an intellectual: "Ordinairement ceux gui mesdisent de Prestres ou de Ministres, en ont este, S ce gu'ils en disent de mal, est pour faire croire gu'ils en sont esloignez" (11:189). It is perhaps the scholar in him that makes Beroalde devcte so much of his narrative to them. like Eeroalde, learned men are often churchmen as well, and just as in his capacity as churchman he is able to see the failings of the religious life, he is also able to effectively caricature the weak points in the lives cf intellectuals. Beroalde adopts a traditional carnivalesgue approach to scholars in much cf 208 his workr and in this he assumes the rcle of the common man who regards the sage as foolish, lazy and willfully incomprehensible. One way of mocking the sage is to portray him as a fool, the opposite of what he aspires to be. This may be done by a simple epithet, juxtaposing two contrasting terms, "sage/fou", as is freguently seen in the comic theatre and the fool-societies.*o Scholars in Le Moyen de Parvenir are repeatedly labelled with this traditional oxymoron. They are referred to as "messieurs les gens de lettres, gui sont si tres-sgavans gu'ils en sent tout sots" (1:7); they are made to look so bestial and foolish that even the devils laugh at them: ". . .la plus part de nos scavans . . . sent tant veaux, gue les diables aux heures de recreation en font des contes pour rire" (I:129).41 One exasperated speaker uses the formula to pull the learned men down from their pedestals, and then flippantly .wishes them even futher down cn the vertical plane by sending them to the Devil: "ceste canaille de sages nous fera devenir feus, au Diable 1*importunity de ces pedans!" (I:170). Not only are the learned men degraded by direct insults and epithets which accuse them of incompetence, but they themselves appear in caricatured form tc illustrate the inversion of their reputations. It is as though these personages have been given a rcle to play in a sotie. They enter draped in the robes of wisdom, but soon reveal the 209 variegated costume of the fool beneath. Beroalde reveals the key to this pattern of inversion as he muses, "pensez la belle chose gue c'est de mettre.des igncrans au rang des doctes, c'est pour avoir de belles interpretations" (1:173). This suggestion is brought to life by several examples. Early in the text, learned men attempt to explain the cause of the disastrous times which have befallen the country; their answers reveal them to be totally illogical in their reasoning, and egually as irrational in the resulting explanations. Their pattern of thought reads like a farcical cog.-|-I2|ne_: Voyez combien desja en sont venus de troubles, guerres, maux, veroles & telles petites mignardises gui chatouillent malheureusement les perscnnes pour les faire rire. Tant de sages qui estudient aux avantures attribuent tels effects a d'autres causes, comme au retranchement des dix jours,*2 depuis quoy on n'a fait vendanges que par rencontre de saiscn, aux pullulations d'heresies, depuis lesquelles les bosses n'ont peu estre plattes, aux revoltes des grands gui sent occasion gue fillettes ont hante les cloistres, S les menagers les tavernes, aux haussement des tailles, durant guoy les vieilles gens ne font gue rechigner, & infinitez autres sotises, .... (1:1) An account of an academic debate held by sign language in Geneva lowers a sage far beneath the level of abstract ideas and shows his thoughts to be only threats of physical violence.43 In this debate one of the contestants is a miller dressed in "une robbe ministrale 8 un bonnet consistorial". He assumes the pose of a Protestant intellectual for the occasion. The other is a s^avant in 210 residence at Geneva, They dispute on a platform in front cf an audience, and after a few questions the sage concedes defeat. "Adonc le sgavant tout ravi en admiration se retira, puis dit gu'il avait trcuve le plus docte homme du mcnde:.& tant gue ce bruit a dure", l'escole de Geneve a este' en reputation" (11:207). Scholastic argument must have seemed just so much hocus-pocus to the average man, and even tc the cynically shrewd observer. In this case it turns out to be exactly that, for when the miller is taken aside and asked to explain the proceedings, he confirms any doubts that the debate had high or complex meaning: Voire, c'est un fin homme, il m'a menace de m'arracher les deux yeux, & m'enlever le nez, 6 je lui ay mcnstre' le poing avec guoi je 1'assommerois; & comme il m'a veu en colere, il m'a presente une pomme pour m'appaiser comme un enfant, je lui ay fait voir que je n'avois que faire de lui, & que j'avois du pain qui valloit mieux. (11:207) The "debate" had actually been only a string cf insults and threats to do bodily harm to the other. In lowering himself to the level of common insults, the sage reveals himself to be the inverse of the image expected of him. Pretentious language and academic jargon provide another way to mock the lettered class. The language used ty poets, academicians, theologians and alchemists becomes the object of parody. Again, the author looks at it from the inside, as one who knows how ridiculous and clumsy scholastic style can become in the grasp of some who use it. He views it from the outside, however, posing as an 211 uneducated member of society who cannot understand the jargon, the faulty Latin, nor the complex language, and judges it all to be pretentious and ridiculous. "Allons viste", the host urges, "la scuppe se mange, je pindarise, je cuidois dire on mange la souppe" (1:8). At another moment one speaker announces, "j'entre en fureur poetigue", followed by a doggerel rhyme (11:242). A servant girl's imitation of a verse by Ronsard to Cassandre humorously mocks the poet and his work. It also illustrates the way the uneducated interpret poetry: "L'autre jour nostre servante chantoit un air de Ronsard, ou il y a, D'un gosier, Sc. Ille disoit: 'D'un gosier, mange leurier, j'cy crier dans le coffre ma Calandre.'" (11:232).** The highly refined, jgrecieux manner cf speaking which developed in aristocratic circles and certain poetic groups during the late XVIth century also becomes the cbject cf parody in Le Hoyen de Parvenir. This complex and refined linguistic style is categorized as "poetic", and it is a poet, Jodelle,*5 who initiates the inversion. By criticizing the artificial language of another guest who is also a poet he transfers the description of the language tc a ccrpcral plane and exaggerates the pretentious tone .to make it appear ridiculous. Another speaker, "Tacite", interrupts tc soften this criticism of the "poet" by admitting that while he is unnecessarily indirect, he means well: Jodelle, Quand je vous oy ainsi paillarder sur 212 vcstre outrecuidance de bien dire, il m'est advis gue vous me pissez aux oreilles; gue diable ne parlez vous droit sans aller ainsi leschonnant les frippcnneries du sot langage. Je pense vous oyant, estre aupres du beau sainct Jean, racontant comme il fut a la chasse, "Nous apperceusmes le Lepcre gui s'estoit manifeste": mais pource gu'il se reintegra, ncus ne le peusmes apprehender." C'est comme ces Eadaux de Paris a la bataille de Senlis, gui ayant leurs hastens a feu sur le haut de l'eschine, demandoient: "Ou est l'adverse partie, elle ne comparoistre pas?" Enccr la Gcibaude parla mieux venant a monsieur le Gouverneur pour s'excuser de la taxe ou l'on l'avoit employee pour les fortifications: "Monseigneur, je suis une pauvre femme en veuvesse, je vous prie avoir pitie S compcncticn de moy, on m'a trop cauterisee pour les fornications." Tacite. Laissez dire nostre poete: gue voulez^ vcus, le bon preud'hcmme il savatte nostre langage, toutefois il dit bien, mais il va un peu de coste'. (II:9) The author mocks the language and incompetence cf academicians in an early comment, stating that they are not to be given much attention, although they will be seen about their ridiculous work. "Mais je vous prie ne .vous amusez pas a ces messieurs les gens de lettres, gui sent si tres-sgavans gu'ils en sont tout sots. Vous les verrez hallebardans avec de grands lambeaux de Latin effarcuchans les fauvettes" (1:7-8). In an aside to scholars after he has included a Latin phrase in the text, the author says: "S dea je parle aux doctes s'ils le peuvent entendre" (11:250), thus insinuating that they would not be able tc understand Latin. Travestied bits of scholastic latin are heard from time to time in other conversations as well, sometimes as in the following example where rhyming nonsense words suggesting a variation on cornu (cuckold) replace the Latin: 213 •"cornifetu, cornifetu, mon amy,' c'est a dire, gucd differtur, non aufertur" (II:231).47 This particular example elicits a response from another speaker: "Comme vous parlez Latin" (11:231). The opinion that scholastic Latin hinders rather than facilitates the formulation and communication cf ideas is expressed ty a personnage referred tc as "Nic. Nan." In response to a criticism by "Ramus": Ramus. Que ne dittes-vous cela en Latin? Raphelangius se moguera encores de vous tant vous estes sot. Nic. Nan. C'est assez, mon bon maistre; j'ay, ccmme disoit Ambroise Pare', assez de Latin tout fait, mais je n'en sgaurois faire gu'a fine force. Au Diable le Latin, il m'a tout enmusigue la fessure de 1'entendoire, S parfois je suis vrayement un grand sot. (II: 175) Beroalde conveys by example the dull and ponderous medium in which these men work. The pretention and obscurity which penetrates their language contrasts strangely with the lively and natural dialogue in most of the book. In an illustration of belaboured scholastic style the narrator addresses his public in a harangue overloaded with dependant clauses, unnessesary repetition, and elaborate detail, all of which leads to a final descriptive image of the wisdcm being passed along as akin to a pound of butter: . . La vraye matiere, S la juste guinte essence dont le magifigue usage est tel, gue l'on vient en l'obtenant a bout de toutes entrepfises, on obtient, en l'ayant, ce qu'on pourchasse, & on fait ce gu'cn veut. Parguoy vous avez en sommes succintement tout du long, proportionnement au petit pied 6 sans allegcrie, les elemens, principes, fondemens, raisons, resolutions,evidences, puissances 6 causes de parvenir tout du long a 1'usage de Geneve, imprime a Rome, & 214 sans rien reguerir, comme une gnille de beurre frais. (1:166-67) Beroalde is pleased to be able to offer his work to the people in the language which they can understand, thus reversing the alienation fostered by scholars between the people and knowledge. He even suggests keeping this knowledge from the scholars in an urgent monologue which erupts into a colourful invective against those who hoard and abuse science;.such men are degraded by comparison with fools, animals, and criminals: CE LIVRE EST LE CENTRE DE TOUS LES LIVRES; vcila la parole secrette gui doit estre descouverte au temps . d'Helie, ainsi que disent les Alchemistes; tenez le fort cach4 S vous gardez des pates pelues de ces enf arinez, *** gui gcurmandent la science 8 l'emplissent d'abbus: estrangez vous de ces pifres presomptueux, gui voyans les bonnes personnes desireuses de se calfeutrer le cerveau d'un peu de bonne lecture 8 profitable s'en scandalisent: chassez ces escorcheurs de latin, ces escarteleux de sentences, ces -maguereaux de passages poetiques qu'ils produisent 8 prcstituent a tous venans; gardez-vous de ces entrelardeurs de Theologie alegorique, de ces effondreux d'argumens, 8 de tous ceux gui aiguisent les remonstrances sur la meule d'hypocrisie; fuyez telles bestes, 6 ne leur communiguez point ce rare thresor, ains le commettez a gens de bien, comme gens de bien cnt pris la peine de le vous donner, non pour en abuser . ... (1:51-52) Some of the mockery is directed specifically at the alchemists, with whom Beroalde also had first hand acguaintance.so In an example of physical inversion alchemists are ridiculed as "ces tristes enfumez . desguels le cul paroist pour mieux scuffler" (1:165), cr are dismissed as fools, "fous de haute alkimie" (1:223), and 215 their true motivation is exposed as avarice or lust. Examples of garbled alchemical jargon parody the esoteric terms used by those seekers of the Philosopher's Stcne. Alchemical . expressions such as "guintessentiellement", "la cinguieme essence necessaire", "sopcriferentes" confuse the text during such parodies (I:161). Finally, they are made to mock themselves: "Je reviens a ceste pierre", says an unidentified alchemist, "d'autant gue je suis alguemiste, aussi les alguemistes ont la pierre en la teste" (II: 147) . Criticism of unworthy alchemists can be found elsewhere in Be'roalde's writings as well, although nowhere is it treated with the comic tone of Le Moyen de Parvenir.51 The laughing egualization of the social hierarchy does not stop with the satirical exposure of the famous guests, the political elite, and the intellectuals. There is in fact hardly a group in society which is not touched by some form of mockery. For example the medical profession, with which Beroalde again was associated, is humorously berated. The most typical degradation in their case is cne suggested by the scatological diagnostic procedures of the profession. In these comments the reader's attention is directed from the purpose of the diagnosis to the material the doctor must examine: ". . . Comme les Medecins gui regardent 6 espluchent . les ejections des autres" (1:21); they are similarly associated in a passing comment: ". . . la merde, cela eut bien servi aux medecins" (11:147). Sometimes they 216 are ridiculed in other ways, such as in the following case in which an aged peasant plays a joke on a surgeon: le chirurgien vit un viel paysan gui se plaignoit d'une douleur en la joue', "C, luy dit-il, vien, je te la guariray, je t'arracheray la dent gui te fait mal. --Pargoy vous ne scauriez. --Pardienne si feray. --Je gage demi escu gue non, le vcila. --Je gage gue si. —Or, allons." Quand ils furent en la boutigue, & gue le patient sur la chaire, le barbier se met a regarder en sa bcuche, 8 n'y trouva aucune dent; "Et gu'est-ce, dit-il, gue cela? —C'est gue j'ay gaigne, dit le pied gris, il y a plus de dix ans gue je n'ay pas une dent." (II:84) Neither are the tradesmen neglected; they tco are denounced as dishonest and unworthy, then comically inverted. In some examples complaints are issued against a range of professions at once. Everyone is characterized by the opposite of his profession's ideal virtue: ". . L'infidelite des marchands, la deslcyaute des gens de Justice, les impostures des Medecins, les volleries des Financiers, la tromperie des artisans, la perfidie des Precepteurs . . . Toutes ces sortes ne sont pas gens de bien" (1:215). With the levelling of social class distinctions human relationships are also equalized. Everyone is humorously revealed to be equally susceptible to pretentious posturing, to devious self-advancement and particularly tc the demands and limitations of the human body. Once this universal equality is established, a new permissive morality emerges, following the pattern of festival, as these universal human gualities are being established, the attitude cf Bercalde's 217 prandial group becomes more apparently that cf a Carnival crowd. Consistently, rigidity is the object cf attack, and the weapon of ridicule is employed against those who deviate from the festive norm of flexibility and open gratification cf desires. The treatment of two opposing attitudes towards sexual indulgence typifies the socializing method behind the laughter and mockery. The two opinions, rigid repression cf the body and liberated indulgence, are most clearly presented in the many comments and tales about women, since women in Le Moyen de Parvenir are depicted either as prudes or prostitutes, illustrating the extreme of each attitude. If a woman has a reputation as a "femme de bien", she is derided as foolish and cold, but if she takes a lover she loses any claim to moral virtue and finds herself the object of derision and mockery. If she is discrete about body functions, she is mocked, but if depicted performing them she is comically degraded. The commentary presents both the perversions of those who repress their sensuality and humorous cases of failure to suppress natural impulses. In an effort to separate themselves from bodily functions, some women described in Eeroalde's anecdotes adopt a reserved and discrete attitude. This attitude, which seeks to avoid not only sexual activity, but other functions of the body such as digestion and elimination creates an alienation between mind and body which Carnival seeks to 218 heal. Those who attempt to place themselves above physical necessities are quickly brought down to the common level. They are reminded, as is "Le Mortel" above,52 that their bodies function like all others, human or even animal. Two of the bangueters discuss feminine prudery, and speculate on whether women would like tc be rid of the offending parts cf their bodies: "Vrament voire, pensez-vcus gu'elles seroient aises si elles n'avoient point de cul?" (11:169).33 Other banqueters relate satirically that there are schools in Geneva that help women overcome the shame of such functions. (1:180), and that in Alsace, far from feeling humiliated by such functions, the women gather together to perform them in public: "... & c'est au Vendredi gue elles s'assemblent au matin toutes par bandes. . . E selon leur dignite* s'en vont en pisserie comme on va a la foire" (1:179). The result cf their activity takes on fabulous proportions, reminiscent cf the creation of Pyrenean hot springs by Pantagruel's urine:5* Estant arrivees ces femmes au lieu de la pisscuere cu pissoterie, elles se disposent comme les montagnes d'Angleterre chacune ou elle est, y gardant dignitez, prerogatives £ honneur, ainsi qu'ez actes publics S notables, ne plus ne moins que se mettent les chevaliers en leur rang le jour de leur ceremonie; en ceste commodite abondamment, jcyeusement 6 a la copieuse Benigne decharge des reins, elles vuident leurs vessies & pissent tant gue ceste riviere en est faite S continuee, 6 de la les Alemans, Flamans & Anglais font venir la. bonne eau pour faire la biere, la plus double S de plus haut goust. (1:180) 219 Alienation from the body finds its most typical expression in the image of a proud young woman rigidly warding off any association between herself and physical functions. Such attitudes are incompatible with the festive morality of the book and are either humorously altered cr discredited by mockery. One young woman attending a wedding celebration is even afraid to dance or tc approach the refreshment table for fear of dishonour: "toutes les autres dancoient, S elle point, S ne s'cscit apprccher de la eolation pour faire de la merde avec les dens comme les autres" (1:135). She is not allowed tc maintain this position however, and is tricked into great intimacies with a wily "cousin" (1:135-36). The author mocks the attitude of another young woman as she prudishly tries to protect herself from any suggestion which might associate her with animalistic gualities. He describes her condescendingly as "..... Conscience, belle courtisanne, gui ne vouloit pas gue ma petite chienne fut une creature, 8 ne lui plaisoit pas d'estre animal: 'Hoy, disoit elle, Bichcnne n'est point creature, 6 je ne suis point animal'" (1:266). The narrator clearly finds her disdainful distinction naively amusing. In Le Moyen de Parvenir the' women who attempt to restrain themselves sexually in order tc maintain their reputation of "femme de bien" are ridiculed. Such women are accused cf stupidity: "ces sottes femmes de bien'? (1:257), of frigidity: "vrament elle n'aime point le desduit, aussi 220 je ne prens pas plaisir d'avoir affaire a elle" (1:254), and even of insanity: "... la fille de ncstre Juge, laguelle est si pucelle gue son pucelage lui monte si fort en la teste gu'elle en est fclle" (11:184).ss Such women are freguently ill-humoured: Qu'est-ce gue peut faire une femme de bien gue du bruit en une maiscn? Elles ne font gue rechigner, elles sont ennemies de tout exercice vertueux: bref ces tant femmes de bien seront pour dix escus de mesnage en une maison, S y feront pour cent escus de vilennies, tant elles sont seches de courtoisie. Depuis gu'une femme a jure, "Par la merci-Dieu je suis femme de bien de men corps!" On n'en sgauroit plus chevir, on ne lui cse plus rien dire. (11:35) They are also hypocritical as other accounts reveal. Following the account of a priest's maid who bitterly complains that she has been raped by three men of the town, the honourable wife of a solid citizen coldly displays an attitude of studied hypocrisy: ... la fille se plaignoit gu'elle avoit este' ainsi devergondee; 6 on le contoit a guelgues honnestes femmes: en la compagnie estoit la femme d'un President, gui oyant ce conte de tant de fois, respondit S dit: "flu Diable soit la carogne tant elle estcit aise! Cela n'adviendroit pas si tost a une femme de bien." (1:319) As for the opposite group of women, those who candidly take pleasure in their bodies, they are all classified insultingly under the general label of prostitute. This insult is an aggressive act, attempting to degrade the woman's public image. While the way tc insult a man is through an affront to his virility, a woman is attacked ty accusing her of lax sexual mores. This distinction is noted 221 by one of the speakers: "Pouquoy est-ce gue quand cn nomme un homme sot il s'estime coquu? & si on appelle une femme vesse, elle pensera estre putain?" (II: 168-69)* A name-calling match between husband and wife shews that each is aware of the other's vulnerability: "'Ha putain, fit-il. 'Fa coguu,' fit-elle. 'Ha ha,» fit-il. 'A a,' fit-elle."' (I: 256) . Beroalde's speakers frequently sprinkle their colourful dialogues on the topic of women with this insult. Once the affront has been unleashed, however, the attitude towards these women is surprisingly indulgent. Though this insult is often applied to women in Le Moyen de Parvenir, it begins to lose some of its strength as the attitudes of the narrator and the guests become clearer. Husbands are to blame for the wandering of their wives, argues one speaker who describes the second wife of a bad husband to illustrate the point. Though at first a virtuous woman, the husband's behaviour soon made her no better than any other woman: ".. . . la second estoit une des plus femmes de bien de la terre, 5 elle ne fut pas si tost avec lui, gue l'astre de cet homme ne la rangea au poinct des soeurs"56 (1:258) Women manage to assert themselves , by availing themselves of pleasures . of the body. One newly wedded husband proudly recounts his promiscuous earlier days, but discovers that his new wife's career already equals his. The morning after the wedding many women come tc their house, 222 bringing with them hearth cakes. The wife asks what this can mean, and he replies that "c'estoit un adieu gue lui disoient tcutes les femmes, filles S garces gu'il avoit accolees". She scolds him for not having told her sooner: "He da, dit elle, vous avez grand tort gue vous ne me l'avez dit, j'en eusse averty tous ceux gui me l'cnt fait, ils m'eussent apporte du vin, nous eussions eu a boire S a manger pour d'icy a Pasques" (11:187). Many ether tales cf amorous adventures depict the triumph of women who are not afraid to admit erotic attractions. Even though these women must endure the insults and mockery of their society, the author tacitly approves of their actions, since they are obeying nature rather than putting restrictions on it. The most foolish are those who abstain. Tales of forgiving husbands illustrate the way conjugal relationships can fare when not .too tightly restricted by unnatural constraints and antagonism. Boom for human joys and weaknesses is found in the following passages. They show warmth instead of distrust and hatred between the sexes. A wife on her sickbed fearfully confesses that she.has been unfaithful, but her husband's quick thinking reaction is the opposite of what one would expect:. "Mon ami, je vous ay tousjours este obeissante & douce, je croi gue vous ne vous plaignez point de mci? —Non, mamie, resjouyssez vous 6 revenez au monde. —0 men ami, je suis fort dolente & ennuyee d'une faute gue je vous ay faite; mon cher mari, je ne vous en ay fait gu'une, je vous prie de me la pardenner.—Las, mamie, prenez courage, il n'y a rien que bien. —Mais, men 223 ami, la faute est grande. --C'est tout un, je la vous pardonne. --Helas, mon ami, ce petit gargon n'est pas de vostre fait, c'est Poulet gui me le fit le jour gu'il tailla nostre treille l'annee passee. —0 c, mamie, S dites moi, estoit il nostre jcurnee? —Ouy, mon ami. --0 bien, o bien, mamie, c'est tout un: puis qu'il estoit a nostre journee, 6 gue nous l'avcns paye, l'enfant est a nous, d'autant que ce qu'il faisoit estoit pour nous; reposez en paix & ne vcus affligez plus." (11:209) Another husband reveals that he is pleased with the fact that his wife is "un peu putain" because it means he is treated better, and with good humour: Mais a propcs de putains, il faut que je vous fasse un conte de ma femme qui estoit un peu putain: elle n'estoit pas de ces enormes putains qui en font mestier, mais de ces femmes de bien qui ent un ami d'honneur. Et bien j'estois tousjours le maistre, on me craignoit; quand je venois de la ville, ma femme vencit a moi, me tastoit la teste: "Vous est eschauffe', mon fils. Mon ami, il faut un peu prendre de vin; voici monsieur tel, gui vous estoit venu voir, il prendra la patience avec vous." Et bien j'estois mignarde. Et gui plus est, mes servantes 6 mes vallets le faisoient un petit; cela estoit cause gue je les trouvcis teusjeurs a la maison a faire leur besogne; si cela n'eut point este', ils fussent allez au loin chercher provision, aux despens de tout ce gu'ils m'eussent peu desrober. Tels sont les justes &• bons fruicts de l'hcnneste S chaste paillardise, dont les effects ne succedent gu'aux ames pacifigues 8 qui ont du courage. (11:190-91) These tales reverse insults and restraints by turning them into laughter, and by creating a capacity fcr self-meekery. They infuse an indulgent elasticity into human relationships in a manner not unlike the permissive indulgence granted by Carnival. Regardless of sex, social group, or position in the hierarchy, certain character flaws bring ridicule upon their 224 owners and provoke the implicit laughter of the festive group. These passages usually follow the well-worn theme cf tromrieur trompe, in which a character sets a devious trap for another, but ultimately finds himself caught in it instead.*57 A group of greedy canons are outwitted by a generous, though worldly-wise priest who had offered to give them a bottle of wine to celebrate Saint Genevieve's Day. The canons decide to take advantage of the offer and send an enormous bottle tc be filled: Les compagnons estans a la veille du jour propose', envoyerent un gros vallet a monsieur le Penitencier, le prier gu'il luy pleust, selon sa prcmesse, leur dcnner la bouteille de vin; ainsi dit on. Or ils avoient fait provision d'une opulente bouteille, gui ne tencit gueres moins gue celle des Capucins, ou il entroit presgue un guart de vin. (11:230) Thinking guickly, the precentor sends the valet to find the maid who is to fill the bottle, and then slips a stcne into the bottle,.When the valet .returns the precentor tells him to rinse the bottle to be.filled. The valet does so, but when he shakes the bottle, the stone shatters it. The precentor expresses mock sympathy, and has the maid bring a particular bottle to replace it. However, the replacement only holds a third of a pint! The old priest fills it and sends the valet off with a mocking message to the canons: •"Allez, dit-il, ils en auront une autre fcis cornifetu, cornifetu, mon amy", c'est a dire, quod differtur, non aufertur."s 8 225 The theme of tiompeur^trcmpe arises again in another narrative in which a hypocritical and mercenary hostess receives a just reward for her services to a guest with strange powers. It begins as an old man asks her for a night's lodging, but being of a miserly nature, she refuses, using her husband's disapproval as an excuse. The man gees on until he meets another housewife. The second woman receives him better: "il fut receu fcrt honcrablement, S bien traicte de la pauvre femme gui le mit en un ton lit, ceste bonne femme!" In the morning he thanks his hostess profusely and she renews the offer of hospitality. Ee then grants her a favour through magical powers: Madame, je vous rends graces infinies de tant de bien S d'amitie, je prie le bon Dieu gu'il lui plaise vous benir, si gue la premiere besogne gue vous ferez aujourd'huy lui soit tant agreable gue ne puissiez tout le jour faire autre chose." II partit: 6 elle gui n'y pensoit point, l'ayant recommande' a Dieu, se fit apporter un peu de buee gu'elle avoit estendu le jour precedent, & se mit a ployer son linge, S tant ploya, S encor tant ploya, gue tant plus elle ployoit plus il y avoit a ployer, S ployoit tousjours: tellement gu'elle avoit de grands monceaux de toutes sortes de linge gui multiplioit au touchement de ses mains. Par hazard celle gui avoit refus^ le bon homme vint guerir guelgue chose chez la Gousson, B la voyant empeschee lui dit: "He bien, ma mie la Gousson, gue faictes vous?" Dame, elle lui conta toute d'avanture & cause de ce grand bien: adonques l'autre fut bien estonnee S fort triste d'avoir laisse passer une telle cemmodite; parguci sans faire semblant, elle s'en va E puis se mit au chemin cu elle pensoit trouver ce personnage; S suivant par avis son train, ayant sceu en s'en enquestant qu'il estoit alle vers Vieille-ville, elle faisoit mine de cueillir des herbes pour sa vache; puis l'ayant apperceu elle fait de l'estonnee; elle s'apprcche de lui, S lui dit: "Helas, Monsieur, que je suis aise de vous avoir trouve, que faictes vous icy a vous morfendre? En da, le bon Dieu a bien change mon mari, S je ne le sgavois 226 pas; guand je lui dis hier gue je vous avois esccnduit, il me cuida venir meschef tant il me tanca. Je lcue le bon Dieu de son amendement; je vcus prie ne le prendre point en mauvaise part, mais de nous faire ce bien de venir ce soir loger chez ncus. (1:183-4) He agrees to return with her, spends the night, and grants her the same parting favour in the morning. She prepares to receive a large, free pile of linen, and sends the maid to fetch the dirty laundry so that the multiplication may begin. However, she is soon disappointed. La chambriere ayant tout apporte', vcila gue la Page voulant mettre la main a l'oeuvre, s'avisa d'aller pisser afin de ne se desbaucher point: ainsi tcute en haste elle sort en sa court ou elle s'acroupit pour pisser: mais ce fut icy une efficace terrible, d'autant gu'elle commenca pisserie, gui continua tout le jour. Jan, elle avoit dit gu'elle auroit force linge, mais elle coula force eau, S fit ce ruisseau gui passe au pied des Loges, & va jusgues aux Indes. Although humorous reversals and revelations provide most of the material on the subject of social interaction in Le Mojren de Parvenir, there are some speakers who do net laugh indulgently at human failings, but appear to take them seriously. This same attitude was heard in relation to ecclesiastical wrongdoings.59 They justly claim that people are selfishly aggressive and irrational, sacrificing their own integrity and the well-being of others in the struggle to get ahead: n. . . c'est pitie absolue, gue pour estre grand & gaigner, il faut ruiner la vertu S le prochain. 0 guelle misere! Que les hommes sont diables aux hommes! Quicongue ne croira point gu'il y ait de diables, gui aille au Palais S a la Court" (1:152). This plaintive voice 227 continues to deplore the lack of charity people grant each other in a world where ruthless competition reigns, and where despite the energy expended, faults in the social structure still remain: "ainsi plusieurs sent riches du malheur des autres, desguels jamais la faute n'est cachee cu diminuee ou destournee, ains multipliee abendamment" (I: 154) . Despite the truth and sincerity of the statement, this voice receives little support .from the others, and his tirade is powerless to effect any change in the banguet atmosphere. Instead it is swept away by the laughter which surrounds it. In fact, one speaker observes, it is far better to confront the world as a fool, since it is very rare and unfortunate to see a fool condemned to be hanged. Those who find themselves in serious trouble are the clever people: ". . . ainsi gue ces beaux esprits S tant habiles gens gui se font pendre" (11:164). For this reason Eeroalde concludes that he himself would like tc be considered a fool: He bien, a propos de vous, messieurs, vcus direz gue je suis fou; je voudrois le pouvoir devenir; pource que si tost que je le serois, je serois exempt du feu si cn me disoit heretique; delivre de prison, si je devois; non suject au Consistoire ou a la Mercuriale, cu a la reprimende. (11:257) In summary, Beroalde's text demonstrates a festive attitude towards the release of hostile aggressions, first clothing them in laughter and then using them as a 228 socializing force. Violence, physical humiliation and moral dishonour' are carried out with hostile, though humorous ambivalence. These forms of festive aggression work to accomplish the levelling of social ranks and the deflation cf individual pretensions of superiority. Everyone is revealed to be of the same self-centered morality so that all may indulge openly and without guilt. The most universal human guality is the physical body, which unites all members cf society through common physical characteristics and needs. The functions, limitations and desires of the body are familiar to all. The material aspect of the body (eating, drinking, eliminating) which appears in the festival is welcomed enthusiastically, and the tody is freely indulged in Beroalde's banguet. The universally limiting factor of physical death reminds the participants that physical pleasures cannot be enjoyed forever, and should be exploited immediately. There is a particularly tolerant attitude . towards sexual indulgence and innocent folly in Le Moyen de Parvenir also. This attitude implies a liberation of both mind - and body which is net permitted outside of a festive context. Throughout the banqueters* conversation there are warnings that the festive freedoms which provide for the necessary release of social tensions are being threatened. As in the case of religious reform, the author again seems wary of any social attitudes which imply rigidity because 229 the way cf life they promote has a tendency tc escape the control of those who initiate them and merely replace an imperfect system by a more repressive cne. Instead, he recommends flexible carnivalesgue solutions to problems caused by social tension: the natural cures for social ills, he suggests, are laughter and a return to tangible, sensual pleasures. 230 CHAPTER V: NOTES 1 Sigmund Freud, Jokes and their Relation to the yE£2£scious (New York: Norton, 1960), p. 103. 2 Henri Bergson, Le Rire (Paris: P.U.F., 1940), p. 95, notes A. Bain's analysis of the cause of laughter: "le risible naitralt 'quand on nous pre'sente une chcse, auparavent respectee, comme mediocre et vile'". 3 See above pp. 145-47. * See above pp. 38-38. 5 See Rabelais' "Prologue" to Pantagruel, in Oeuyres com_2letes (Paris:. Gamier, 1962), v. I, pp. 219. 6 Beroalde calls misfortune down upon his critics in another passage: "Moines, Prestres, Ministres Sc. Presidens, Conseillers, Avocats, Sc. Marchands, Ouvriers, Artisans, Sc. De guelgue estat, gualite S condition gu'ils soient, gui diront mal des meraoires du Moyen de Parvenir, seront attaints S convaincus de tous crimes que la sottise embrasse, que 1'impudence couve, S l'hypccrisie ncurrit, Sc." (11:76). 7 See above pp. 98-99. a Bakhtin, pp. 199-206, cites the beatings of the "Chicanous" and the marriage banguet thrashings in Seigneur Basche's castle as examples of this ambivalent violence. See Rabelais, Le Cjuart Livre, XI-XIII and XIV-XVI (Gamier ed., II, 67-74 and 79-88)7 9 See above pp. 155-57. , to "i»anus", Garnier edition, p. 44, note 1. 11 The painful injuries a baron suffers are similarly glossed over by laughter, because the anecdote is told only for the comic details (11:104-5). 12 Salomon Reinach, "Le Rire rituel", in Cultes, jnjthes et religions (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1912), Vol. IV, pp., 115-16. Reinach also cites an incident described by Plutarch in which a group of patriotic women repell both an attacking enemy and a tidal wave by performing this gesture: "he'rcs et 231 flots reculerent, epouvantes", p. 117, Eakhtin, Rabelais, p. 373, discusses this gesture and observes that the greeting of an observer with the buttocks in place of the face has long been a prevalent insult, and is "one cf the most common uncrowning gestures throughout the world", 13 "Ces parolles dictes, se retira en sa tesniere, et sus le perron de la porte se recoursa, robbe, cotte et chemise jusgues aux escelles, et leurs monstroit sen cul". Le Tiers Liy re, XVIII (Gamier ed. , I, 473). 14 Herbert Seiche, Ie Moyen de Parvenir yon Eeroalde de Verville, p. 31, traces this incident tc Guillaume Bcuchet*s Serees, part 6. 15 See for example, 1:206, 245 cr 11:471. 1 * See above p. 32. 17 Bergson, Le Rire, p. 39, states, "Est comigue tout incident gui appelle notre attention sur le pbysigue d'une personne alors gue le moral est en cause". is Further examples can be found in the text: 1:21, 113, 167, 304, and 11:133, 161, 200, 203, etc. 19 See Bergson, Le Rire, pp. 29-39 and p.,43. 20 The narrator for example, claims it as the mark cf his eguality with the other guests: " Je m'assis aussi bien gu'un autre, dautant gue j'ay un cul, joint gue sans cul nul ne pourroit avoir seance entre gens d'henneur" (1:22), and another guests reminds his listeners of its necessity: "Seriez-vous bien aise gue l'on vous ostast le cul pcurce gu'il est puant, S le sera jusgu'a la mort? Vous seriez un bel homme sans cul!" (11:76). 21 cf. Rabelais, P a n tagjc uel, XXVII (Gamier ed,, I, 352). In which Pantagruel's flatus creates little men and women. 22 These characters are probably intended tc be Jean-Antoine Baif (1532-89) and Pierre de Ronsard (1524-85), humanists and poets of the Pleiade group. 23 Bergson, Le Rire, pp. 105-6. 24 This passage is similar to a complaint made to the clergy, (11:165), guoted above p. 138. 232 25 Jchan Huizinga, Waning, p..141, describes the Danse Macabre as a social egualizer: "While it reminded the spectators of the frailty and the vanity of earthly things, the death-dance at the same time preached social equality as the Middle Ages understood it. Death levelling the various ranks and professions". 26 See above p. 76. 27 1:76, cited above p. 81. 28 "Fenesseaux" is interpreted as faons in the Gamier edition of Le Moyen de Parvenir, p. 229, note 2. 29 The speaker is probably referring to Justinian, the controversial Roman emperor (527-565). 30 Charles V of Spain (1500-1558) relinguished the crown and retired to a monastery where it was rumoured, perhaps without foundation, that he had gone mad. See the Gamier edition, p. 267, note 1. 31 This may be a direct allusion to the French king, Francis I, who reportedly suffered from syphilis. See Bakhtin, p. 113. 32 See above p. 185. 33 it is noted in the Gamier edition that "Mercure" refers not only to the treatment for syphilis, but also to the Mercure de France, a journal which began to appear in 1605. This does not significantly alter the original implication however, but does make it more ambivalent. 3* see 11:165. 35 The Queen of Egypte, perhaps Cleopatra, is slighted in another passage. She asks a ccurtier his opinion cf women, and in his general evaluation he replies: "Puis gu'il vous plaist, Madame, par la mordong tcutes femmes sont putains. —0 ho, dit la Reine, S moy? --A ha, Madame, Vous estes la Reine" (1:72). 36 Madness was associated with both saffron and with beans at the time, thus the mention of "safran" and of "la febve" in this passage is used to suggest the man's insane condition. 37 see for example the anecdotes of the four ladies cf the court insulted by a mere magistrate, and cf Rodrigue, an 233 ill-mannered £icaro who insults the king, and is handsomely rewarded, 11:255 and 1:149-51 respectively. 38 See above, pp. 181-82. 39 see above p. 195, (11:82-83). 40 See for example above. Chapter III, note 17, for references to "wise fools". 41 See also 1:39, "un sage conseille bien un fou", and 1:208, "vous estes si sage que vous en estes fou". 42 This refers to the shortening cf the Julian calendar by ten days in 1581. See the Gamier edition, p. 1, note 3. 43 cf. The debate between Fanurge and Thomaste, the English academician, in Rabelais' Pantagruel, XIX, in which Panurge's gestures are all obscene. (Gamier ed., I, 319-21) . 44 See "Chanson" in Les Amours de Cassandre, Oeuvres Completes (Paris:Gallimard,~195077~VolT I,~p7~103~ D'un gosier masche-laurier J'oy crier Dans Lycofron ma Cassandre Qui prophetize aux Troyens Les moyens Qui les reduiront en cendre. ... 45 Etienne Jodelle, poet and playwright (1532-1573). 46 cf. Rabelais, Pantagruel, VI, (Gamier ed., I, 244-47), in which Pantagruel meets a Limousin scholar speaking the pseudo-Latin of contemporary scholars. 47 See below, note 58. 48 Similar parodies can be found on pages 1:50, 227, and 242-3. 49 Carnival clowns and stage fcols often floured their faces as part of their costume. See Welsford, Hasgue, p. 14, note 1. so Be*roalde studied alchemy and had written a treatise on the subject, Recherches de la £ierre £bilcscj:hale (1583) . 51 See above Chapter III, note 65. 231 52 See above p. 183, (11:162). 53 Men are also taunted with this alternative. See above note 20, (11:76). 5* Rabelais, Pantacjruel, ch. XXXIII (Garnier ed., I, 383) . ss Even a remote contact with a woman whc is a virgin at the age of twenty-five and a half is demonstrated tc be mortally dangerous to a young Gascon who has been wounded: "Le pauvre Gascon se vint faire penser a Tours de sa morsure, playe 8 contusion; mais il ne lui servit de rien, parce gu'il en mourut, d'autant gue l'appareil gui fut mis sur sa blessure, avoit este appligue sur la chemise d'une fille, gui estoit pucelle a vingt-cing ans 8 demi, 8 gue de la mesne on avoit fait le charpis gui avoit mis le feu par tout" (11:29-30) . 56 See Royer, Glossary, 11:131, "soeur: garce". The opinion expressed in this statement, that a wife's behaviour depends on the treatment she receives from her husband, repeats the advice Panurge receives from Hippcthadee when he inguires about his prospective wife. Rabelais, Le Tiers Liyre, XXX (Garnier ed., I, 528). 57 Bergson, who analyzes this comic situation, classifies the "dupeur-dupe" or "voleur-vole-" under the rubric of inversion, noting that it involves an exchange cr "interversicn" of roles and circumstances: "II s'agit toujours, au fond, d'une interversion de rdles, et d'une situation gui se retoufne contre celui gui la cree". Le Eire, p. 72. ss The precentor's words, "cornifetu . . .", suggest an insult by the similarity with cornu, or "cuckold", as well as riming with the mocking Latin phrase which means rcughly, "that which has been put into pieces cannot be carried away". 59 see above p. 145. 235 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION Be'roalde's Le Moyen de Parvenir creates an impression of profound disorder and ebullient irreverence. This impression is projected both by the kind of world developed in Beroalde's work and by his presentation of it. While these distracting gualities have confused or annoyed many readers of Le Moyen de Parvenir, they seem tc us tc be cf primary importance in.understanding the work. In attempting to discover the nature of the disorder and irrationality in Le Moyen de Parvenir the socio-literary studies of Chambers, Welsford, Barber and Bakhtin provided the initiative for a comparative study between the literary work and the social phenomenon of the popular festival which it most closely resembles. An examination of the Feast of Feels, Carnival and the fool-societies reveals. a festive, tradition characterized by the special liberties of free speech, 236 blatant sensuality and gratuitous actions. Through these festive freedoms, a traditional representation of chacs is expressed. Symbolic of the free and mocking festive spirit, the figure of the fool who is present throughout Le Mc_yen de Parvenir as in festival personifies the special freedoms. A closer analysis of the festival reveals its paradoxically positive social role, showing that a period of legalized folly actually strengthens the social structure. Festival liberties and a festive attitude also benefit the individual by helping him to maintain an.emotional and mental balance. The relationship between Le Moyen de Parvenir and the festival begins with the elements which contribute to the general atmosphere. Similar to Carnival and tc the Feast cf Fools, Beroalde's banguet takes place in a special festive atmosphere in which time and space lose their everyday meaning and in which the border between reality and illusion disappears. The deliberate disruption of temporal and spacial references is indicative of a break with the usual rules of logic and reason in Le Mo_yen de Parvenir. In this irregular atmosphere suspended in time and space Eeroalde places hundreds of voices belonging tc living and dead personages as well as to allegorical or supernatural creatures. They move in and out of.the dialogue like masked revellers in a Carnival parade. Wine, feasting and peals cf laughter complete the festive atmosphere. Beroalde's characters exploit traditional festive 237 privileges to indulge in a drinking bout accompanied by liberated table talk. In the dialogue everyday objects cf worship, respect or fear are turned upside-down and ridiculed. The Bible is irreverently parodied, Church rites are mocked, and ecclesiastics are humorously characterized as ignorant, greedy and licentious. While the latter are excused for these human, even festive sins by the bangueters, there is sharp condemnation of those who take religion too seriously. These sober sculs are denounced and firmly excluded from Bercalde's banguet where laughter and joy dominate. In addition to religion Beroalde's satire also touches on another mainstay of society, the social hierarchy. Those at the top of that vertical structure are humorously brought down to a common level through festive violence, humiliation and dishonour. Everyone is shown to be of the same self-centered morality and to be egually susceptible tc functions and appetites of the body. By the same token, they are all egually deserving of guiltless and joyous self-fulfilment. Again Beroalde displays a particularly harsh judgement cf those authorities and zealots who would condemn and suppress such warranted enjoyment. In place of the personal repression and social turmoil brought on by the rigidity of those in power, whether earnest reformers or corrupt officials, Bercalde proposes the elasticity of festival which creates an essentially 238 harmless chaos based cn laughter and freedom. The good-natured chaos projected by the book is thus shown to be a purposeful creation based on Beroalde's acguaintance with traditional fools and festivals and on. his sympathetic understanding of the irrational factors in human nature. Faced with the irrationalities of human society and with individual failings, Beroalde's reaction is to accept the disorder and aggression by stressing the creativity of chaos and laughter. In this way he develops a positive and optimistic outlook on life. The carnivalesgue perspective also gives new meaning to the title of Be'roalde's work. The title suggests that the way to succeed, or parvenir, will be discussed in this book, and this promise is reinforced in many passages .throughout the text claiming that one can find "le moyen de parvenir" within its pages. At first one is inclined to join the critics who complain that the book has been.badly misnamed,1 or that the author is mocking the reader, for the means to succeed vary widely. But after closer examination, the title seems aptly formulated, since Beroalde not only provides a "moyen de parvenir" for the individual, but also fcr society as a whole. For the individual the "success" promised is essentially that of self-fulfilment. The way to succeed is by adopting the carnivalesgue attitude towards life demonstrated in the text. Beroalde's work offers the 239 opportunity to indulge in an uninhibited release of inner passions and of tensions which are usually held in check by reason and by social restrictions. Just as upon festive occasions the individual is allowed to throw off inhibitions and to exteriorize the natural, emotional being within himself, the reader of le Moyen de Parvenir is invited to participate in Beroalde's literary recreation cf this event. The word jgarvenir does not necessarily imply material wealth or social status in his text, although they are net discounted as means to an end. Instead, the common goal cf Beroalde's many characters is the attainment cf an emotionally liberated mental state in which the human being can fulfil himself to the greatest extent. This goal is attained by being natural, with nc pretensions, no inhibitions, and no compunction to delay self-gratification. Beroalde's characters are emotionally and sensually open to the world and do not allow themselves to be constrained by religious or social regulations which demand abstract commitments and sobriety. They eat, drink, and laugh heartily, but remain detached from the great issues which tore France apart in Beroalde's time: religion and civil war. The carnivalesgue attitude which Beroalde proposes carries with it immense psychological benefits. Intrcducticn of the irrational into one's psychological framework permits a resigned acceptance of what one cannct change and a will 240 to appreciate the small, but attainable, joys of life. One cf the speakers summarizes this attitude in the .following way: "il n'est gue de faire grand chere S de resjouyr, c'est vivre cela" (11:54). The formula is not unlike the call to enjoy life and the advice to retain a certain detachment which is found in Rabelais' definitions cf "pantagruelisme". Rabelais advises his aspiring "Eantagruelistes" to "vivre en paix, joye, sante', faisans tous jours grande chere", and urges them to adopt a "certaine gayete d'esprit conficte en raespris des choses fortuites".2 The many voices heard in Beroalde's conversation echo this "pantagruelistic" ideal which is also that of the festival. The promise of the author to provide the reader with a "moyen de parvenir" is doubly fulfilled as Beroalde presents his reader with examples of the carnivalesgue attitude, and then he attempts to plunge him into.the unstable, irrational world of the festival. The incoherent style and erratic progress of the text bring the reader into the environment by throwing him off balance in the same ways in which the unfamiliar setting and altered regulations disorient Carnival participants. Once introduced into Be'roalde's world, the reader is further made tc feel a part of the banguet proceedings by the author's numerous asides addressed directly to him. Then the fast tempo of the conversation, the cog^i-i-lis*3. dialogues, the lively tales, and finally the entire atmosphere of liberated sensuality 241 combine to simulate a festive experience for the reader. Beroalde's intent is to draw the reader closer tc the action as though pushing him into the uninhibited Carnival crowd. The reader is surrounded by a large group of individuals all gone slightly mad, for Be'roalde's narrator and the banguet guests represent that irrational, self-indulgent side cf human nature displayed in the traditional fool. By emphasizing the "foolish" aspects of human nature and by pulling the reader and the characters closer together, Beroalde demonstrates that the reader need not be ashamed of the fool and glutton within himself. Enid Welsford summarizes this special role cf the feel in terms that clarify the relationship between Beroalde's personages and the reader: The Fool is an unabashed glutton and coward and knave, he is--as we say— a natural; we laugh at him and enjey a pleasant sense of superiority; he looks at us oddly and we suspect that he is our alter ego; he winks at us and we are delighted at the discovery that we also are gluttons and cowards and knaves. The rogue has freed us from shame. Hore than that, he has persuaded us that wasted affection, thwarted ambition, latent guilt are mere delusions to be laughed away.3 By allowing people to play the fool and indulge the sensual being within each of them, a new flexibility is introduced into their lives. They are permitted tc liberate their "natural" selves without shame, and to laugh at the naturalness in others without malice. Instead cf condoning attempts to repress the aggressive, selfish, and often 242 irrational aspect of human nature, Beroalde advocates the natural release of this energy through traditionally sanctioned excess. In this way frustrated energy can be turned into harmless aggression and laughter in place cf destructive hostilities. Bercalde's attitude not only helps the individual towards fulfilment, but it works to benefit society as a whole. Through le Moyen de Parvenir Eeroalde demonstrates an understanding of the social purpose cf festive disorder which the medieval defender of the Feast of Fools explains in his reference to human beings as "de gros tcnneaux mal reliez".4 The attitude which Beroalde promotes provides a "moyen de parvenir" for the entire social system. Festive release and chaos.paradoxically serve to stabilize the very society they seem to invert, for they function as a kind cf social safety valve. Be'roalde expresses nostalgia for a time in the past during which the church and state were strong enough to allow the people festive liberties instead cf tightening regulations on thought, speech, and action. He voices alarm at the loss cf an elasticity which was present in former days. In the tradition of festival, Bercalde's version of that past "Golden Age" is a carnivalesgue gathering. Through the medium of festival, the promise cf the title is fulfilled, as the voice of a tolerant and conservative observer of the human comedy unveils his "secret" in Le Moyen de Parvenir. Eeroalde's ultimate 243 message converges with the final position adopted by his contemporary, Michel de Montaigne, who also advocates a tolerant and conservative attitude towards affairs cf church and state as an alternative to dangerous social hostility and instability.5 This conclusion also helps to reintegrate Le Moyen de Parvenir with Beroalde's other works, notably with his philosophical treatise, L^Idee de la Jijubligue (1583), in which tolerance and conservatism dominate. While Beroalde offers the wisdom of the festive tradition as the way to succeed in maintaining the emotional balance of the individual and the political stability of the society, this concept also expands beyond the context cf Le Moy_en de Parvenir. By recognizing the importance cf accepting the irrational and of integrating it into toth one's personal outlook and into social relationships, Beroalde reveals a philosophy which has wider applications. Through his festive outlook he sees a way to ccpe with the irrationalities of human nature and with the uncertainties of the human condition. In conclusion, it is through recognition of hew Beroalde the humanist and the artist used the popular festive tradition to express his impression of life around him that the value of these observations becomes clearer. He has fused the social phenomena of festival.and the cult of fools with his own desire to comment on society tc form a colourful and vibrant tapestry which comes into sharper 2<4 4 focus when viewed through the perspective of Carnival. As an artist, he has found a way to deal with the illusive aspects of life such as irrationality and uncertainty. Through his attempts tc express this side of human life he joins other writers, both before and after him, who share his preoccupations. The festive themes and patterns revealed in Le Mo^en de Parvenir may also open up new perspectives on many other works whose authors choose to meet the absurdities of life with an open mind, a sense of humour, and above all with the ambivalent yet effective wisdom cf the fool. 245 CHAPTEB VI: NOTES 1 See above pp. 8-9. 2 See Pantagruel, XXXIV, (Garnier ed., I, 387) and Le Tiers Livre, "Prologue" (II, 11-12). 2 welsford, Fool, p. 322. * See above p. "41. 5 See in particular "De 1"Experience", in Essais, Livre III, ch. 13, (Paris: Garnier, 1962), Vol. II, 516-578. 246 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Primary Sources: Works by Eeroalde consulted in this study l„hoJ.ogie poetigue de Beroalde de Verville. Ed. V.L. Saulnier. Paris: Baumont, 1945. les Apprehensions spirituel1es. Paris: T. Jcuan, 1583. This edition includes: Les Apprehensions spirituelies; Les Cosnoissances necessaires; les Stances de la mort; Les Scuj3irs amoureux; De l^ame et de ses excellences; Dialogue de l^honneste amour; Dialogue de la bonne grace; Du bien de la mort; Recherches de la pierre Pijiiosphale, S du moyen guJJ.il faut tenir, si elle existe ou peut exister; LJ^amour diyin (La Muse coeleste). Les Ayantures de Floride. Iere partie Tours, 1593; lie partie. Rouen, 1594; Hie partie. Rouen, 1594; IVe partie. (L2.Enfante determinee), Lyon et Tours, 1596; Ve partie. (Le Cabinet de Minerve). Tours, 1596. Les Deux Liyres de la Constance de Juste Lipsius. (Trans.). Tours: J. Mettayer, 1592. La Diane. Trans, of Diana enamorada by Jcrge de Mcntemayor. Paris, 159 2. LJ_Id.ee de la Republigue. Paris: Jouan, 1583. Le Moyen de Parvenir. Ed. , P.-L. Jacob (pseud, for Paul Lacroix). Paris: Gosselin, 1841. Le Moyen de Parvenir. (introduction signed Ch. P.). Paris: Garnier, n.d. Contains the "Dissertation" of La Monnoye. . Le Moyen de Parvenir. Ed. Charles Royer. 1896; rpt. 2 vols, in one. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1970. fantastic Tales or the Way to Attain^ A Eook lull cf Pantagruelisme. Trans. Arthur Machen. Carbonnek, privately printed, 1923. Le Palais des Curieux. Paris: Guillemot et Thibcust, 1612, i3. Serodckimasie^ ilhijtcire des vers gui filent la scye. 247 Tours: Sifleau, 1600. Le Tableau des riches inventions couvertes du voile des feintes ampureuses, gui sont representees dans le Songe de Poljphile (de Fr. Colon n a)". (Trans.) Paris: Guillemot, 1600. ~ Le Voyage des Princes fortunez, ceuvre steganogra£higue. Paris: Chevalier: Guerin, 1610. B. Secondary Sources: Alter, Jean. Les Origines de la satire anti-bourgeoise en France. 2 vol. Geneva: Droz, 1966? ~ ~ ~ ~ Athenaeus. The Dei£ngso£hists. Tr. C. E. Gulic.k, Hew York: G.P. Putnam's Sons,~1927-41. D'Aubigne, Agrippa. Les Avantures du Baron de Fceneste. Ed. Prosper Me'rimee, Paris: Jannet, 1855. ~ . La Confession cathcligue du Sieur de Sancj, in Oeuvres completes. Paris: Lemerre, 1873-92. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Rabelais and his World. Tr. Helene Iswolsky, Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T? PressT 1968. Ball, George. A Studjjr of S_yntax in the .IMojjen de Parvenir^, Phd. DissT ,~Univ. ~0f Calif .7" 1938-9" Balzac, Honore de. Contes drolatigues. In Oeuvres completes, XI. Paris: Gallimard, 1964. ~ Barber, C.L. Shakespeare^s Festive Comedy A Study of Dramatic Form and its Relations to Social Custom. Cleveland: World Publishing Co77~19637 ~ Baroja, Julio Caro. El Car neyalj, analisis historicg-cultural. Madrid: Taurus, 1965. ~ Easier, Roy P. Sex, Sy_mbclism and Ps^chclcg^ in Literature. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Oniv. Press,"1948. ~ Bataille, Georges. L'Erotisme. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1957. Bedier, Joseph. Les Fabliaux,: etudes de littjrature £2£ulaire et dj.histgire litter a ire du moyen age. Paris: 248 Champion, 1925. Bergson, Henri. Le Eire. 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