UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The image of Canada in the literature of the United States Doyle, James 1974

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1975_A1 D69_5.pdf [ 13.71MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0100044.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0100044-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0100044-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0100044-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0100044-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0100044-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0100044-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0100044-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0100044.ris

Full Text

THE IMAGE OF CANADA IN THE LITERATURE OF THE UNITED STATES by JAMES DOYLE B.A., Laurentian University, 1965 M.A., University of Toronto, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of ENGLISH We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard 1?HE UNIVERSITY" OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November, 1974 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f E n g l i s h T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a i ABSTRACT This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s a study of the extent, nature, and signi f i c a n c e of the image of Canada i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the United States, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the nineteenth century. A f t e r a preliminary chapter on Colonial American writing, the di s s e r t a t i o n traces the development of various ideas about Canada as evinced i n the work of obscure or "popular" writers as well as authors of acknowledged l i t e r a r y reputation, from 1776 to 1900, and concludes with a summary chapter on twentieth-century achievements and prospects. To the B r i t i s h American authors of various journals and ca p t i v i t y narratives i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Canada i s mainly the stronghold of French Roman Catholic heresy and Indian barbarism. To post-revolutionary authors, Canada becomes the l a s t enclave of B r i t i s h imperialism i n the New World, although a few L o y a l i s t dissenters view Canada more favorably. Some writers of tr a v e l narratives and of anti-Catholic novels express t h e i r aversion to the French Canadians, and a few authors compare unfavorably the e x i l e d Canadiens on the American p r a i r i e s to American frontiersmen. James Fenimore Cooper evokes an i n d i r e c t but symbolically suggestive conception of Canada i n the Leatherstocking Tales, but most subsequent h i s t o r i c a l romancers emphasize the alleged r e l i g i o u s decadence and r a c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y of French Canadians. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, i n Evangeline (1847) , expounds a more sympathetic—but very i d e a l i z e d — v i e w of the French i n North America. Pre-eminent among the many nineteenth-century American narratives of t r a v e l i n Canada i s Henry Thoreau's "A Yankee i n Canada" (written 1850). Thoreau postulates an i r r e c o n c i l a b l e c o n f l i c t between the c i v i l i z e d s e n s i b i l i t y and the northern wilderness, and suggests that Canadians have f a i l e d to meet the unique challenge of t h e i r geographical and h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . Francis Parkman's epic history, France and England  i n North America (1865-92) attributes the f a l l of New France pa r t l y to the savagery of the northern wilderness, but primarily to the decadence of the anti-democratic French regime. William Dean Howells suggests i n Their Wedding Jour- ney (1872), and other novels, that the great age which Parkman depicted has given way to a tr a n q u i l period when American t o u r i s t s use Canada to test t h e i r o p timistic view of New World society. In the f i c t i o n and essays of various " l o c a l color" writers, Canada serves s i m i l a r l y as a vast t o u r i s t resort where Americans can reassess t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l values, which are usually revealed as superior to those of Canada. One writer who expresses a completely favorable reaction to Canada i s Walt Whitman. The exuberant optimism of his Diary i n Canada (1880) i s echoed by various American authors who discovered the Canadian northwest i n the l a s t two decades of the century, but i s q u a l i f i e d by Hamlin Garland, whose T r a i l of the Gold Seekers (1899) i s a nostalgic lament for the disappearance of the "wild places" i n America. In the early twentieth century, Jack London sees Canada mainly as the s e t t i n g of a stark and elemental struggle for s u r v i v a l . The successors of London include James Oliver Curwood, who wrote many novels of northern adventure, and S i n c l a i r Lewis, whose Mantrap (1926) i s an i r o n i c treatment of the "back-to-nature" theme. Other twentieth-century no v e l i s t s , including W i l l a Cather i n Shadows on the Rock (1936), have turned back to Canadian h i s t o r y . Eminent twen-tieth-century American writers who have written about Canada include Ernest Hemingway, William Faulkner, and Edmund Wilson, but none of these writers seem to have been very interested i n the country. In general, i t appears that twentieth-century writers have continued to express basic attitudes about Canada which were defined and a r t i c u l a t e d i n the nineteenth century by such writers as Thoreau, Parkman, and Howells. iv C O N T E N T S I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 I C a n a d a i n t h e L i t e r a t u r e o f C o l o n i a l A m e r i c a . . . . 9 I I C a n a d a i n t h e L i t e r a t u r e o f t h e E a r l y R e p u b l i c . . . 2 3 I I I C o o p e r a n d t h e H i s t o r i c a l R o m a n c e 4 9 I V T h e A c a d i a n T r a g e d y : L o n g f e l l o w a n d O t h e r s 70 V " A Y a n k e e i n C a n a d a " a n d O t h e r T r a v e l e r s 8 8 V I T h e N o r t h e r n F r o n t i e r . 1 2 4 V I I P a r k m a n : F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . . . . 1 4 4 V I I I T h e S u c c e s s o r s o f P a r k m a n : H o w e l l s a n d O t h e r s . . . 1 6 5 IX F a r n h a m . , B u r r o u g h s , t h e R e g i o n a l R e a l i s t s 2 0 3 X W h i t m a n a n d t h e N o r t h w e s t e r n F r o n t i e r 2 2 7 X I C o n c l u s i o n : t h e K l o n d i k e a n d A f t e r 2 4 1 A S e l e c t e d B i b l i o g r a p h y 2 6 2 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to express my gratitude to the s t a f f of the Special Collections D i v i s i o n of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library, for t h e i r help i n my consultation of the Colbeck C o l l e c t i o n of t r a v e l l i t e r a t u r e . I also received v i t a l assistance from the Library's Microfilm and Inter-Library Loan Divisions. I am very grat e f u l to the s t a f f of the Rare Book Di v i s i o n of the New York Public Library f o r th e i r courteous and e f f i c i e n t assistance during my consulta-tion of the Beadle C o l l e c t i o n of Dime Novels. I would l i k e to o f f e r my p a r t i c u l a r thanks to Professor Bruce L. Grenberg of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Department of English, who f i r s t suggested t h i s topic, and who provided invaluable advice and encouragement throughout the research and writing. 1 INTRODUCTION In the imaginative l i t e r a t u r e of the United States, Canada has always been a vague, peripheral, and extremely ambiguous concept. Those authors who have looked northward beyond the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence and forty-ninth p a r a l l e l , whether i n a c t u a l i t y or imagination, have reported an almost kaleidoscopic variety of images involving strange-ness and f a m i l i a r i t y , h o s t i l i t y and amiability, primitive wildness and highly developed c i v i l i z a t i o n . To the early inhabitants of the colonies which ultimately comprised the United States, Canada was a remote stronghold of French "popery" and Indian barbarity. This i s the image projected, for instance, by the Reverend John Williams of Deerfield, Massachusetts, i n his personal narrative of c a p t i v i t y i n Canada, The Redeemed Captive (1707). To many post-revolutionary authors, such as the Georgia humorist William Tappan Thompson (Major Jones's Sketches of Travel, 1848), Canada was the l a s t r etreat of decadent B r i t i s h imperialism i n the New World; while i n Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's Evangeline (1847) part of the northern regions appeared as a nostalgic and i d y l l i c v i s i o n of prelapsarian peace and contentment. Henry Thoreau, af t e r v i s i t i n g Quebec City and environs i n 1850, wondered i n "A Yankee i n Canada" (1866) whether he had found a grim sub-a r c t i c region of exploration and adventure or some fantasy 2 world of medieval romance; while Francis Parkman, in his epic history France and England i n North America (1865-92), constantly struggled to reconcile or explain the ambiguities and contradictions of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century New France. "Neither a republic nor a monarchy, but merely a languid expectation of something undefined," announced Charles Dudley Warner a f t e r a v i s i t to Cape Breton Island i n 1874; and William Dean Howells, writing of Quebec province i n 1871, frankly acknowledged his i n a b i l i t y to comprehend the incongruities of the region, with the bemused comment " I t i s not America; i f i t i s not France, what i s it?""'" This variety of response i s obviously related not only to the fact that the writers usually saw or contemplated a small part of a vast t e r r i t o r y , but also to the extraordinary process of change and development that has characterized the hi s t o r y of the New World as a whole. Both the "United States" and "Canada" are r e l a t i v e terms which have been applied at various times to widely d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l and geographical e n t i t i e s . Before 1761, the term "Canada" was applied with geographical imprecision to the widely scattered French settlements and outposts on the St. Lawrence River. After the B r i t i s h conquest, Canada was successively an i l l - d e f i n e d agglomeration of the former French possessions, a B r i t i s h colony consisting of two provinces, a large united province i n central B r i t i s h America, and a confederation of provinces which grew steadily to encompass a l l the t e r r i t o r y north of 3 the great lakes and the forty-ninth p a r a l l e l , from A t l a n t i c to P a c i f i c . S i m i l a r l y , the region which eventually became the United States has embodied a small group of B r i t i s h colonies on the A t l a n t i c coast, a loose union of states, and f i n a l l y a strongly centralized, r i c h and powerful nation extending from A t l a n t i c to P a c i f i c and from the A r c t i c to the Gulf of Mexico. And yet i n thi s context of constantly s h i f t i n g objective conditions and subjective viewpoints, i t i s possible to d i s -cern considerable form and substance. The following chapters are concerned with demonstrating i n d e t a i l the form, sub-stance, and extent of the image of Canada i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the United States. "Canada" i n the subsequent discussion refers to a l l those regions of North America, regardless of th e i r p o l i t i c a l status or t h e i r l o c a l appellation at any given time i n his t o r y , which constituted the nation a f t e r Newfound-land joined Confederation i n 1949. The "image of Canada" i s also understood to include the inhabitants and e x i l e d former inhabitants as well as the land; so Canadian emigres i n the United States w i l l occasionally be the object of consideration. This study, a f t e r a b r i e f review of some representative works of the pre-revolutionary period, w i l l concentrate primarily on the nineteenth century, and w i l l conclude with a summary of some achievements and prospects a f t e r 1900. This emphasis i s not intended to suggest that nothing of value has been written about Canada i n the twentieth-century United States. Rather, i t represents a general agreement with the assumptions propagated by such scholars as F.O. Matthiessen, Leslie Fiedler, Charles Feidelson, and others, that the nine-teenth century was a crucial formative period for American literature, and that subsequent developments are in large measure outgrowths of achievements and possibilities which appeared within a relatively brief extent of time. It has to be acknowledged at the outset that Canada is not a large topic in the profusion of imaginative and i n t e l -lectual matters which occupied the writers who contributed to a distinctive national literature in the United States. William Dean Howells, who maintained a life-long interest in Canada, commented in 1907 that "the cultivated American who is keenly alive to the existence of a dominion bordering us beyond the seas, i s comparatively dead to the presence of a 2 Dominion bordering us beyond the lakes and rivers." And a modern Canadian historian has observed that "Americans, caught up in their own vibrant l i f e , are not noted for their readiness to devote sustained attention to any other society 3 . for i t s own sake." But this lack of interest in Canada is not nearly so extensive as an uninformed assumption is likely to make i t . It would have been very unusual i f imaginative Americans had not expressed some response to the vast north-ward extension of the continent and to the various contrasts and parallels with their own society which the northern settlements presented. Besides the authors previously men-tioned, prominent American literary figures who have written 5 about Canada have included Richard Henry Dana, Walt Whitman, Henry James, Hamlin Garland, Jack London, Wil l a Cather, and Edmund Wilson. In terms of mere quantity, without regard to qua l i t y of l i t e r a r y achievement, the b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l record i s f a i r l y s ubstantial. Lyle H. Wright's three-volume American  F i c t i o n 1775-1900 (1965-69) l i s t s about f i f t y novels with Canadian settings. Harold F. Smith's American Travelers  Abroad: A Bibliography of Accounts Published Before 1900 (1969) l i s t s about forty t r a v e l narratives p a r t i a l l y or e n t i r e l y concerned with Canada. And Joseph-Delphis Gauthier's Le Canada francpis et le roman americain (1948), covering the period 1826-1948, l i s t s over one hundred novels i n i t s b i b l i o -graphy of primary sources. But with the exception of Gauthier's study, there has been v i r t u a l l y no c r i t i c a l and a n a l y t i c a l attention devoted to t h i s minor but s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of American l i t e r a t u r e . Gauthier's work i s a valuable introduction to a neglected subject; but besides imposing geographical and generic l i m i t -ations as indicated i n his t i t l e , the author expresses much more i n t e r e s t i n le_ Canada fran^ais than i n le roman ame*ricain, and his c r i t i c a l observations are almost e n t i r e l y confined to demonstrating how the " r e a l " French Canada d i f f e r s from American misrepresentations. "Un roman," says Gauthier rather dogmatically, " . . . est . . . un document qui depose un t^moinage sur une epoque et f a i t revivre 1'atmosphere d'un milieu. . . . Avant d'etre romancier aimable, i l faut §tre 6 4 chroniqueur f i d e l e . " Consequently, those novels are pro-nounced good or s i g n i f i c a n t which are most f a i t h f u l to what Gauthier defines as the discoverable r e a l i t i e s of French-Canadian l i f e , and those novels are declared bad or t r i v i a l which d i s t o r t these r e a l i t i e s . I t should not be necessary to enter into a discussion of the complex rela t i o n s h i p between a r t and empirical r e a l i t y i n order to demonstrate the l i m i t a t i o n s and f a l l a c i e s of Gauthier's approach to the subject. The image of Canada presented by writers who have seen the country very b r i e f l y and p a r t i a l l y (or i n some cases not at a l l ) and whose main inter e s t s are i n t e n s i v e l y directed towards t h e i r own national experience w i l l i n e v i t a b l y be s o c i o l o g i c a l l y unreliable. The l i t e r a r y c r i t i c ' s main concern should not be with how well the image of Canada i n American l i t e r a t u r e conforms to what-ever propositions are accepted as facts about the country. Rather, he needs to consider such questions as these: what kind of imaginative impulse has Canada given to those r e l a t i v e l y few American writers who have turned t h e i r atten-ti o n northward? How s i g n i f i c a n t and valuable are the resultant a r t i s t i c creations? The answers to such questions i n e v i t a b l y involve some concern with s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l factors, and with the degree of d i s t o r t i o n between imaginative construct and discoverable fact; but primarily they should involve a detailed c r i t i c a l and a n a l y t i c a l consideration of the l i t e r a r y works with reference to the development of 7 imaginative l i t e r a t u r e i n the United States. The development of l i t e r a t u r e i n the United States i s conventionally assumed to begin with the journals, d i a r i e s , and h i s t o r i e s of the early Puritan s e t t l e r s of New England. The seventeenth-century B r i t i s h colonists who l e f t l i t e r a r y records of t h e i r experience i n the New World were f a r too busy struggling with the harsh climate and wild forest land-scape of t h e i r own part of the continent to pay much attention to a forbidding northern wilderness inhabited by h o s t i l e Indians and French h e r e t i c s . They were not, however, e n t i r e l y s i l e n t on the subject of Canada. With the f i r s t s t i r r i n g s of l i t e r a r y consciousness i n Colonial America, writers began to make some acknowledgement of the mysterious regions to the north. I t i s i n these f i r s t f a i n t s t i r r i n g s that the American l i t e r a r y image of Canada begins to emerge and take form. 8 Notes to Introduction "^Charles Dudley Warner, Baddeck, and that Sort of Thing (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1874), p. 29; William Dean Howells, Their Wedding Journey, ed. John K. Reeves (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1968), p. 158. 2 Howells, "Editor's Easy Chair," Harper's Monthly, 114 (Jan., 1907), 317. 3 Gerald M. Craig, The United States and Canada (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 9. Joseph-Delphis Gauthier, Le Canada francais et l e roman  am^ricain, Diss. Laval 1948 (Paris: Tolra, 1948), pp. 7, 149. CANADA IN THE LITERATURE OF COLONIAL AMERICA The B r i t i s h American colonists were bound to become involved with t h e i r French counterparts to the north, for the two races were t r a d i t i o n a l enemies and both considered them-selves the r i g h t f u l owners of the New World north of Mexico. In 1613, a ship from V i r g i n i a made a p i r a t i c a l foray against a peaceful French settlement i n Acadia. In 1633, a group of Plymouth men set up a trading post i n t e r r i t o r y which nomin-a l l y belonged to the French. But the French . . . came i n t h e i r beginning before they were well s e t t l e d and displanted them, slew two of t h e i r men and took a l l t h e i r goods to a good value.1 Thus William Bradford, who was not i n sympathy with the traders' e x p l o i t s , b r i e f l y depicts i n Of Plymouth Plantation one of the e a r l i e s t encounters between B r i t i s h Americans and the inhabitants of Canada. A more extensive encounter i s described i n the Journal of John Winthrop. The governor of Massachusetts Bay was drawn into the quarrels of Charles d'Aulnay and Charles de l a Tour, the r i v a l French proprietors of Acadia, and the f a s c i n -ating account of the Englishman's attempts to play one side of f against the other while arranging matters to the best advantage of his own colony weaves i n and out of the journal l i k e a r e f r a i n . La Tour coming now to us, and acquainting us how i t was with him . . . though we thought not f i t to give him aid, as being unwilling to intermeddle i n the wars of any of 10 our neighbors, yet considering his urgent d i s t r e s s , we could not i n C h r i s t i a n i t y or humanity deny him l i b e r t y to hire for his money any ships i n our harbour, eit h e r such as came to us out of England or others.2 C h r i s t i a n i t y , humanity, and money: the d'Aulnay-La Tour a f f a i r , as recorded i n Winthrop's Journal, indicates the extent to which the Puritan attitude to French North America was governed by economic, rather than r e l i g i o u s and r a c i a l considerations. As long as the French were intent upon fi g h t i n g among themselves, the New Englanders were quite w i l l i n g to stand back and reap whatever p r o f i t the s i t u a t i o n might y i e l d . In the long run, however, Winthrop's repeated attempts to avoid commitments with the r i v a l s of Acadia suggest that he would have preferred to have no contact with his northern "neighbors" whatever. And he almost succeeded i n keeping Massachusetts Bay aloof from New France; but by the beginning of the eighteenth century, such is o l a t i o n i s m was impossible. On the twenty-ninth of February, 1703-4, not long before the break of day, the enemy came i n l i k e a flood upon us. . . . They came to my house i n the beginning of the onset, and by t h e i r v i o l e n t endeavors to break open the door and windows, with axes and hatchets, awaked me out of sleep,;, on which I leaped out of bed, and running toward the door, perceived the enemy making t h e i r entrance i n t o the house.3 The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion ( f i r s t published 1707), by the Reverend John Williams of Deerfield, Massachusetts, i s one of the e a r l i e s t and most e x c i t i n g " c a p t i v i t y narratives" written by a New Englander ca r r i e d prisoner by the French and Indians to Canada. Unlike Winthrop, who was involved only i n 11 b r i e f negotiations with the a r i s t o c r a t i c proprietors of Acadia, Williams traveled (albeit with considerable reluc-tance) to Quebec, where he mingled with a wide representation of the population, including rough canadien militiamen, erudite Jesuit p r i e s t s , and even the Governor of New France. The image of the country i n Williams' narrative i s disappoint-ingly vague, however, for he was not r e a l l y interested i n observing and analyzing the northern society. His overriding concern during his c a p t i v i t y i n Canada was to avoid contamin-ation from the "papist" h e r e t i c s ; and his narrative subsequent to the gripping story of the winter march from Deerfield to Montreal i s almost e n t i r e l y devoted to arguments with the Jesuits and accounts of his attempts to save fellow prisoners from damnation. Nevertheless, The Redeemed Captive provides a few glimpses of representative inhabitants of early eight-eenth-century New France, through the eyes of an intransigent but d i g n i f i e d and charitable New England C a l v i n i s t . There are, for instance, the bon vivant Jesuits at Quebec who regale the distinguished Deerfield preacher at t h e i r table, and are subsequently reduced to confusion by his s k i l l f u l arguments and superior b i b l i c a l knowledge. There are also the "Macquas," the Canadian Indians who are l a t e r to become the incarnations of treachery and cruelty i n James Fenimore Cooper's f i c t i o n , but for whom Williams i s able to express some admiration even a f t e r experiencing and witnessing unspeakable c r u e l t i e s at t h e i r hands. And there are the 12 Canadian habitants, such as the woman at Chambly who defies the Indian captors to o f f e r .the wretched prisoners food and shelter. "The French were very kind to me," says the Deer-f i e l d pastor. "Wherever we entered i n t o houses, the French were very courteous."^ The kindness and h o s p i t a l i t y of the Canadian s e t t l e r s i s further commended i n another early eighteenth-century New England c a p t i v i t y narrative, John Gyles' Memoirs of Odd  Adventures (published 1736). Gyles was abducted i n 1689 from his farm on the Penobscot, and ca r r i e d by the Abenaki Indians into the French-controlled wilderness which was l a t e r to become New Brunswick. Like Williams, Gyles t e l l s of Indian c r u e l t i e s and of Jesu i t d e c e i t — o r , at least what seemed deceit to a seventeen-year-old brought up i n the s t r i c t C a l v i n i s t t r a d i t i o n and taught to prefer death to eternal damnation: The Jesuit gave me a b i s k i t , which I put into my pocket and dared not eat, but buried i t under a log, fearing that he had put something i n i t to make me love him: for I was very young, and had heard much of the Papists to r t u r i n g the Protestants.5 And at f i r s t , he i s s i m i l a r l y r e p e l l e d by the prospect of l i v i n g with a "papist" family: S o l d ! — t o a Frenchman!—I could say no more!—went [sic] into the woods and wept t i l l I could scarce see or stand! The word sold, and that to a people of that persuasion which my dear mother so much detested and i n her l a s t words manifested so great fears of my f a l l i n g into!** As events develop, however, Gyles finds himself gradually becoming quite fond of the habitant couple to whom he i s enslaved. "Monsieur" and "madam" [sic]—he apparently could never grasp the exotic sound of their name—treat him with kindness and trust, the woman providing him with homespun clothing, and the man allowing him to help in the operation of his trading post. Finally, Gyles has the opportunity to repay their generous treatment: the English invade the region while his master i s away, and instead of deserting the French-woman he helps her escape, in return for which he is granted his freedom. The narratives of Williams and Gyles c a l l particular attention to the a f f i n i t i e s between the British and French in North America. In spite of the foreign language and customs, in spite of the "popish" menace of Jesuits and half-Christian-ized Indians who force their religion on the captives, Canada appears as a frontier society remarkably similar to the English settlements, populated by sturdy and energetic pioneers trying to transform the wilderness into an outpost of European c i v i l i z a t i o n . Not a l l the American colonists who wrote of their experiences in Canada presented such a balanced view of the country, however. The Narrative of the Captivity  of Nehemiah How in 1745-1747 is mainly devoted to accounts of torture and murder, and concludes with a cryptic and pathetic note by another prisoner t e l l i n g of the author's miserable death in a Quebec prison. There i s also the narrative poem by a soldier named John Maylem, Gallic Perfidy (Boston, 1758), which i s supposedly based on f i r s t hand experience of the 14 massacre at Fort William Henry, where hundreds of the author's cohorts succumbed (in the words of the poem) to " f e l l Canadian rage," and whence Maylem was c a r r i e d prisoner to Quebec. In general, the l i t e r a r y effusions of c o l o n i a l American m i l i t a r y prisoners i n Canada tend to be rather chauvinistic and melodramatic, compared to the narratives of non-combatants who are caught up i n the struggle against t h e i r w i l l . While writers l i k e Williams and Gyles can look upon the Canadians with sympathy as people much l i k e themselves, the s o l d i e r -authors attribute to the French a l l the treachery and r a c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y which the rhe t o r i c of war has bestowed on "the enemy" from time immemorial. This point of view i s promin-ently i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Memoirs of Robert Stobo (1727-1770), a V i r g i n i a o f f i c e r taken hostage to Quebec afte r Major George Washington surrendered to the French at Fort Necessity i n 1754. Stobo, a shamelessly vain i n d i v i d u a l , describes himself as the " l i t t l e hero of the following memoirs, whose dauntless courage, constant zeal, and s t i l l greater sufferings, well 7 deserve the attention of every lover of his country," and represents himself at Quebec l y i n g " i n a dungeon, . . . on a bag of straw, with a morsel of bread and a pan of cold water Q by h i s side. . . . " In a c t u a l i t y , as h i s o f f i c e r ' s commission guaranteed, most of his c a p t i v i t y was spent on parole, which he v i o l a t e d at the f i r s t opportunity because "he was h e a r t i l y convinced of the f a i t h l e s s regard paid by [the French] to any 15 t r e a t y . " 9 Stobo i s too occupied with his own dashing figure to devote much attention to Quebec or i t s inhabitants, who are merely "Britain's f a i t h l e s s enemies," but he does mention his exploits i n various salons, where he learned French, " i n which pursuit he was greatly assisted by the ladies. . . . As he had very l i t t l e other employment at that time, he endeavored to make himself as agreeable as he could with the ladies . . . . One lady i n p a r t i c u l a r he describes i n a rhythmical prose s t y l e which he apparently mistakes for elegant writ i n g : There dwelt, by lucky fate, i n thi s strong c a p i t a l , a lady f a i r , of chaste renown, of manners sweet, and gentle soul; long had her heart confessed for thi s poor prisoner, a flame best suited for the s p i r i t of the times to smother. . . . 1 1 Salons and dungeons, charming Frenchwomen and v i l l a i n o u s Frenchmen, courtly conversation and e x c i t i n g pursuit over the dark Canadian countryside, and as a flamboyant climax, a meeting with Wolfe just before the bat t l e of the Plains of Abraham: Stobo's narrative of his c a p t i v i t y i n Canada, clumsily written though i t may be, i s a s t a r t l i n g prefigura-t i o n of the nineteenth-century romantic adventure novel. I t i s not surprising that the Canadian writer of h i s t o r i c a l romances, S i r G i l b e r t Parker, should adapt Stobo 1s memoirs int o a novel of adventure and i n t r i g u e , The Seats of the Mighty (1896). Stobo's romantic and over-simplified image of Canada i s an early version of the picture of New France during the French and Indian wars which subsequent authors were to . 16 ex p l o i t i n a long t r a d i t i o n of American f i c t i o n . Stobo's Memoirs end with the f a l l of Quebec. The ba t t l e of the Plains of Abraham takes place off stage because Stobo admits that he was not present; but he makes up for t h i s loss by claiming to have given Wolfe secret information which enabled him to take the c i t y , and by describing his own exploits while carrying dispatches to Louisbourg. He probably regretted the loss of a magnificent opportunity, however, for the f a l l of Quebec subsequently proved to be a very popular l i t e r a r y theme. In c o l o n i a l America the event was commemorated i n a noteworthy blank verse drama by George Cockings (d. 1802) 12 e n t i t l e d The Conquest of Canada (published 1773). In the preface to h i s play, Cockings declares h i s intention to write "an h i s t o r i c a l tragedy" which w i l l present the exploits of the B r i t i s h army i n Canada "as r i v a l actions of those p a t r i o t i c deeds of the so much admired ancient Greeks and Romans." As analogues of his subject matter he mentions "the siege of Calais" and "the gallant defense of the Thermo-pylaean pass"; for a l i t e r a r y model, he refers to the popular eighteenth-century c l a s s i c a l imitation, Joseph Addison's 13 Cato. Cockings t r i e s to make General Wolfe a t r a g i c hero on the c l a s s i c a l pattern/ i n ominous scenes where he takes his farewell of his mother and his fiancee, and i n scenes where Wolfe expresses forebodings about his own fate. But a closer analogue to the play as a whole (although Cockings* preface does not mention Shakespeare) i s Henry V, with i t s 1-7 p a r a l l e l scenes i n the two opposing camps the night before the b a t t l e , i t s chorus of low characters to comment on the main action, and the on-stage presentation of crowded and vi o l e n t b a t t l e s . The important point about The Conquest of Canada, how-ever, i s not that i t imitates any s p e c i f i c l i t e r a r y work, but that i t i s one of the e a r l i e s t attempts i n American l i t e r a -ture to relate the French-English c o n f l i c t i n North America to a c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n of tragedy, epic, and myth. Before the f a l l of Quebec, the l i t e r a r y chronicles of t h i s c o n f l i c t are for the most part b r i e f and prosaic first-hand reports by writers who have few l i t e r a r y pretensions and whose main purpose i s to i n t e r p r e t t h e i r experience i n the l i g h t of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and n a t i o n a l i s t i c presuppositions. Robert Stobo's crude narrative draws attention to the romantic and melo-dramatic p o t e n t i a l of the French and Indian wars and the Canadian setting; but Cookings' play d e l i b e r a t e l y t r i e s to elevate the c o n f l i c t and i t s s e t t i n g to a higher l e v e l of l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . The attempt i s not very impressive, for Cockings i s not a great author; his play i s f u l l of r h e t o r i -c a l bombast and noisy spectacle. But the idea that the French-English c o n f l i c t constitutes a d i s t i n c t i v e North American myth with elements of epic and tragedy i s s i g n i f i -cant; i t w i l l be developed l a t e r , i n greater d e t a i l and with much greater s k i l l , i n the h i s t o r i e s of Francis Parkman. Another important and more d i r e c t precursor of Parkman 18 i s Alexander Henry (1739-1824), author of Travels and Adven- tures i n Canada and the Indian T e r r i t o r i e s between the Years 14 1760 and 1776. Henry, born i n New Jersey, " f i r s t came to Canada with the B r i t i s h forces that i n 1760 completed the mopping up of French resistance af t e r the f a l l of Quebec. " ^ Attracted by the economic prospects of the fur trade, he set out to make his fortune, and soon f e l l completely under the s p e l l of the northwest wilderness. Reaching Michilimackinac i n the summer of 1761, he found himself the f i r s t B r i t i s h trader to enter the region, and the object of intense sus-picion on the part of the Indians who had been the a l l i e s of the French during the war. Caught up i n an Indian uprising, he narrowly escaped death through the grudging intervention of the French-Canadian s e t t l e r s . Undaunted by t h i s setback, he went on with his trading and exploring expeditions, which kept him i n the B r i t i s h northwest for more than f i v e years and eventually took him almost as far as Lake Athabasca. Henry's book i s the acknowledged source for Parkman's version of the massacre at Michilimackinac i n The Conspiracy 1 fi of Pontiac. But i n more general terms, Parkman's professed admiration for Henry i s related to the fact that Henry found in northwestern Canada the same kind of opportunity to l i v e a l i f e of rugged adventure among Indians and plainsmen as the h i s t o r i a n found on the Oregon T r a i l . Parkman's American p r a i r i e and Henry's B r i t i s h northwest are s o c i o l o g i c a l l y as well as geographically s i m i l a r : both regions were largely inhabited i n the late eighteenth and early nineteenth cen-tur i e s by nomadic Indian tribes and French-Canadian hunters and trappers. Like Parkman, Henry expresses ambivalent feelings towards these denizens of the plains. On the one hand, he admires t h e i r capacity to survive i n an i n t o l e r a b l y cruel environment where a severe climate and almost barren topography seem to conspire to keep the inhabitants on the edge of starvation. On the other hand, he deplores the Indians' ignorance and the French-Canadians' lack of i n i t i a -t i v e which keep them attached to t h i s environment. In a s i m i l a r way, Henry's attitude toward the wilderness i s divided between his love of unspoiled nature and his i n t e r e s t i n the prospects f o r economic development of the B r i t i s h northwest. Henry does not, however, express any awareness of a contradiction between progress and primitivism: there i s no reason, as far as he i s concerned, why one cannot enjoy both the primitive l i f e and the advantages of wealth derived from the fur trade. But i n subsequent years the tension between the two poles of wilderness and c i v i l i z a t i o n i s to become increasingly evident i n American l i t e r a t u r e , and numerous writers w i l l look northward to the region of Henry's explorations and beyond, i n search of a f r o n t i e r to replace the one being gradually eroded by i n d u s t r i a l and mercantile development. In the meantime, Henry's account of his tra v e l s and adventures stands poised at a c r u c i a l point i n both American history and American l i t e r a t u r e . A f t e r more than a century of r i v a l r y and warfare between B r i t i s h and French North America, during which the English-speaking colonies looked upon t h e i r northern counterparts as l i t t l e less than the Babylon or the Carthage of the new world, almost the whole continent was u n i t e d — a t le a s t i n administrative t h e o r y — i n one vast empire of i n f i n i t e p o t e n t i a l i t y . Henceforth "Canada" should have been a v e s t i g i a l and u n o f f i c i a l name for the northern regions formerly under French control. But as Henry unobtrusively points out at the end of his narrative, a new alignment of l o y a l t i e s was about to give new meanings to old p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l concepts, and bring new concepts into being. Notes to Chapter 1 1William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647, ed. Samuel E l i o t Morison (New York: Alfred A. Knopf , 1952), p. 245. 2 John Winthrop, Journal, 16 30-1649, ed. J.K. Hosmer (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908), II, 12 7. 3 John Williams, The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion (1908; rpt. New York: Kraus, 1969), pp. 9-10. 4Ibid., pp. 35-36. 5 John Gyles, Memoirs of Odd Adventures, Strange Deliver- ances, &c, in the Captivity of John Gyles, Esq. (Boston: S. Kneeland & T. Green, 1736), p. 5. ^Ibid., p. 33. 7 Robert Stobo, Memoirs of Major Robert Stobo, of the  Virginia Regiment (Pittsburgh: John S. Davidson, 1854), p. 1. 8Ibid., p. 19. 9 I b i d . 1 0 I b i d . , pp. 20-21. i : LIbid., p. 32. 12 The Conquest of Canada was one of only two plays by native-born playwrights produced in the thirteen colonies before the Revolution (the other was Thomas Godfrey's The  Prince of Parthia). See Frank P. H i l l , American Plays Printed, 1714-1830: A Bibliographical Record (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1934), p. 17. 13 George Cockings, The Conquest of Canada: or, the  Siege of Quebec (Albany: Alexander & James Robertson, 1773), pp. iv-v. 14 Henry's Travels were written several years after the events they describe, and were f i r s t published in 1809. But the journalistic immediacy of the narrative and the dramatic reference in almost the last sentence to the crucial events of 1776 render uniquely appropriate the discussion of Henry's work at the conclusion of a chapter on pre-revolutionary writing. L.G. Thomas, ed., "Introduction to the New Edition," 2 2 Travels and Adventures i n Canada and the Indian T e r r i t o r i e s  between the Years 1760 and 1776, by Alexander Henry (Edmonton: M.G. Hurtig, 1969), p. v i i . "^Francis Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac, Frontenac ed. (New York: Charles Scnbner's Sons, 1915), I, 321-67. 23 II CANADA IN THE LITERATURE OF THE EARLY REPUBLIC 1. Alexander Henry set out on his return journey from the B r i t i s h Northwest on the fourth of July, 1776. On an i s l a n d i n the Lake of the Woods, we saw several Indians, toward whom we made, i n hopes to purchase pro-visions, of which we were much i n want; and whom we found f u l l of a story, that some strange nation had entered Montreal, taken Quebec, k i l l e d a l l the English, and would c e r t a i n l y be at the Grand Portage before we arrived there.1 The Indians' fears proved extravagant, for when Henry reached Montreal on the f i f t e e n t h of October, the Continental army had long since withdrawn from Canada, having l o s t one of i t s generals i n a reckless assault on Quebec, and having f a i l e d to e n l i s t either the support or the sympathy of the northern c o l o n i s t s . Almost a year before Henry reached the Lake of the Woods, a young American s o l d i e r from Pennsylvania whose name, c o i n c i -dentally, was John Joseph Henry, had emerged with the ragged and exhausted remnants of the army led by Benedict Arnold from the forest wilderness into the St. Lawrence Valley. On the morning of the 6th Nov. we marched i n straggling p a r t i e s , through a f l a t and r i c h country . . . decorated by many low houses, a l l white washed, which appeared to be the warm abodes of a contented people. Every now and then a chapel came i n sight; but more frequently the rude, yet pious imitations of the sufferings of our Savior, and the image of the v i r g i n . These things created surprise, at lea s t i n my mind, for where I expected there could be l i t t l e other than barbarity, we found c i v i l i z e d men, i n a comfortable state, enjoying a l l the benefits a r i s i n g from the i n s t i t u t i o n s of c i v i l 24 society. Henry's surprise at finding an oasis of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the remote northern wilderness i s echoed by another member and chronicler of the expedition, a s o l d i e r named Abner Stocking: The French people received us with a l l the kindness we could wish, they treated our sick with much tenderness, and supplied us with every thing they could for our com-f o r t . They seemed moved with p i t y for us and to greatly admire our patriotism and resolution, i n encountering such hardships for the good of our country.3 At the same time, the invading Americans have serious reser-vations about the northern colony and i t s people. The French Canadians, says Stocking, "were too ignorant to put a just estimate on the value of freedom." And Henry hastens to explain that his remarks are intended only as . . . a description of our sensations, entertained i n our minds by the conveniences we now enjoyed, i n opposi-ti o n to our late p r i v a t i o n s . We had just arrived from a dreary and inhospitable wild, half-starved and t h i n l y clothed, i n a land of plenty, where we had f u l l rations and warm quarters; consequently our present feelings, contrasted with former sufferings, might have appreciated i n too high a degree the happiness of the Canadian—What i s now said, ought not to be taken i n anywise as an a l l u s i o n to the p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , but be confined s o l e l y to the apparent prosperity and economy of families.4 Like numerous subsequent authors, Henry finds to his surprise that Canada presents an i n v i t i n g image of domestic contentment and s p i r i t u a l refinement set against the "dreary and inhospi-table" wilderness, an image which seems to be a close r e f l e c -tion of the American s o c i a l experience. On closer inspection, however, Canada i s found to be populated by a suspiciously a l i e n race of people, who do not share the American zeal for such abstractions as "freedom" and "patriotism" and " p o l i t i -c a l r i g h t s . " A more uncompromising republican view of Canada—a view based, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , on imagination and hearsay rather than experience, and expressed i n consciously l i t e r a r y r h e t o r i c — i s featured i n another work inspired by the 1775 invasion. Hugh Henry Brackenridge, l a t e r to become famous as the author of Modern Chivalry (published i n parts between 1792 and 1815), was an Episcopalian clergyman and schoolmaster i n Philadelphia when the news of the defeat at Quebec reached the American settlements, and he immediately set to work on a commemorative blank verse drama e n t i t l e d The Death of General Montgomery (published 1777). Brackenridge had never seen Quebec, and his representation of the northern colony i s consequently b r i e f and generalized; but i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t as an attempt to e x p l o i t the semi-legendary implications of both the se t t i n g and the events. With his mind running on the medieval romances which are to form part of the i n s p i r a t i o n for Modern Chivalry, Brackenridge has Montgomery say to his aide: I t seems to me, MacPherson, that we tread The ground of some romantic f a i r y land, Where knights i n armour, and high combatants Have met i n war. This i s the p l a i n where Wolfe, Victorious Wolfe, fought with brave Montcalm; And even yet, the dreary, snow-clad tomb, Of many a hero, slaughter'd on that day, Recalls the memory of the bloody s t r i f e . 5 To Brackenridge, Wolfe's vic t o r y was the climax of a long chronicle of c o n f l i c t and heroism forming the basis of a North American mythology, the main theme of which i s the r i s e of the New World as an e n t i t y d i s t i n c t i v e from the Old. Ideally, the Revolution should form an even more important climax by conclusively detaching North America from i t s European roots. But the main theme of The Death of General Montgomery i s the trag i c f a i l u r e of the revolutionary army and i t s leader: Canada i s apparently destined to remain a bastion of European decadence i n America. Brackenridge was too infused with the prevalent optimism of the early stages of the Revolution to consider i n d e t a i l the implications of Montgomery's f a i l u r e for the v i s i o n of a triumphant republican North America; but the s u r v i v a l of Canada as a vestige of the Old World was to haunt the American imagination for many generations. While Brackenridge was commemorating the t r a g i c attempt to f o r c i b l y extend republicanism to Canada, another author was arguing that the northern colony represented an i d e a l which the rebellious colonies would do well to emulate. Hector St. John de Crevecoeur, the famous "American farmer," had chosen the l o y a l i s t side i n the Revolution, and was t r y i n g to i l l u s t r a t e the advantages of preserving the status quo by presenting an i d y l l i c picture of the peace-loving French-Canadian habitants: Before t h e i r conquest . . . no society of men could exh i b i t greater s i m p l i c i t y , more honesty, happier manners, less l i t i g i o u s n e s s ; nowhere could you perceive more peace and t r a n q u i l i t y . . . . England has found them the best of subjects. I f the influence of r e l i g i o n was more v i s i b l e here than i n any other of the English colonies, i t s influence was salutary; . . . for what else do we expect 27 to gain by the precepts of religion but less ferocious manners and a more upright conduct?^ To Crevecoeur, both the Conquest of 1761 and the American Revolution are disruptions of the "peace and tranquility" which the New World citizen has the unique opportunity of achieving, and which has been the particular attainment of the French Canadians. "Had they been slaves before [the Con-quest]," he continues, "this change would have improved them, but they perhaps were happier than the citizens of Boston, perpetually brawling about liberty without knowing what i t ..7 was. " Crdvecoeur i s probably the most famous of the American anti-republican writers of the Revolutionary period. But his interest in Canada was extremely limited; in spite of his experiences at Quebec as an officer in the army of Montcalm; and when conditions in America became intolerable during the Revolution, he fled to his native France. Other writers, meanwhile, joined the thousands of loyalists who took refuge in the northern provinces. The English-born poet Joseph Stansbury (1743-1809), who had settled in Philadelphia in 1767, regarded Canada as an abhorrent region of exile and wildness, as he makes clear in the opening stanza of his lament, "To Cordelia": Believe me, Love, this vagrant l i f e O'er Nova Scotia's wilds to roam, While far from children, friends, or wife, Or place that I can c a l l a home Delights not me;—another way 8 My treasures, pleasures, wishes lay. 28 In contrast to Stansbury, another l i t e r a r y e x i l e e n t h u s i a s t i -c a l l y embraced Nova Scotia as "the retreat of freedom and security from the rage of tyranny and the cruelty of oppres-9 sion." Jacob Bailey (1731-1808), a Massachusetts-born Episcopal clergyman, was hounded from his backwoods mission on the Kennebec by v i g i l a n t e s acting as representatives of the Continental Congress, and took up a new charge i n the remote wilderness of Nova Scotia. His journal of these exper-iences, covering the years 1775 to 1808, was edited some fort y years a f t e r his death by William S. B a r t l e t and pub-li s h e d as The Frontier Missionary (1853). Bailey's i n i t i a l enthusiasm for Nova Scotia gradually gives way to discourage-ment, as the preacher describes the re l e n t l e s s ignorance and poverty i n the TAnnapolis Valley, where "there i s not a buil d i n g equal to the houses of the middling farmers of New England.""^ But he remains o p t i m i s t i c and firm i n h i s b e l i e f that B r i t i s h North America w i l l eventually surpass the United States i n prosperity and c u l t u r a l development. The authors who stayed i n the United States a f t e r the Revolution, whether l o y a l i s t or republican i n sympathies, were inev i t a b l y too busy with the concerns of t h e i r new nation to pay much attention to Canada. Among the few writers who had occasion to comment on the northern provinces was the eminent Pennsylvania-born Moravian missionary John Heckewelder (1743-1823). Heckewelder was the author of various t r e a t i s e s on the Delaware and Mohegan Indians (his Account of the 29.-. History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations who Once  Inhabited Pennsylvania and the Neighboring States [1819] was the main source of James Fenimore Cooper's knowledge of Indians), and he kept detailed journals and diaries of his many expeditions both as missionary and government emissary to the Indian settlements on the western and northern fron-tie r s . He visited Canada twice, in 1793 and 1798, mainly to inspect the Moravian mission in the village of F a i r f i e l d in Upper Canada, and on the earlier occasion he made a side-trip to Montreal. Having decided in favor of supporting the new republican government in his own country, he was gratified to find in Canada some evidence of the wisdom of his choice. At the village of Queenston, "we were visited at our camp by many people of this neighborhood, some of which were very sensible that they had changed better for worse, in coming from the United States to these p a r t s . " ^ At Montreal, he found some indication of mercantile progress comparable to that in his own country, but he found the French Canadians rather ignorant and unenergetic, and he was repelled by des-criptions of the harsh winters of the region. Another early republican notice of Canada i s The History  of Maria Kittle (1797), by Mrs. Ann Eliza Bleecker (1752-1783). Maria Kittle is a brief epistolary romance about a New York g i r l who is carried off to Montreal by Indians during the French and Indian war. Very l i t t l e is said about Canada in the course of the narrative, the author's main interests 30 being i n v i v i d descriptions of Indian a t r o c i t i e s and drama-t i z e d discussions of various topics of presumable i n t e r e s t to contemporary female readers. But there i s an i n t e r e s t i n g development towards the end of the novel, when one of the English prisoners, rather l i k e her t r u e - l i f e counterparts who wrote c a p t i v i t y narratives i n the early part of the century, declares her new-found sympathy for the French inhab-i t a n t s of Canada. I now r e j e c t a l l prejudices of education. From my infancy I have been taught that the French were a cruel and perfidious enemy, but I have found them quite the reverse.12 Towards the end of the century, another noteworthy author expressed a more emphatic and uncompromisingly favor-able view of Canada. John Cousens Ogden (1751-1800) was a New Jersey-born Episcopal clergyman who, unlike many of his professional colleagues, refused to abandon his native country aft e r the Revolution. The f a c t that he was not f o r c i b l y ejected during the waves of a n t i - l o y a l i s t enthusiasm i s sur-p r i s i n g , for Ogden was a vehement opponent of the independence movement. In 1799, he published A Tour Through Upper and  Lower Canada, describing his recent excursion to Kingston, Montreal, and Quebec Cit y . I t i s clear that Canada represents for him a p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i d e a l which the United States has w i l l f u l l y and i l l - a d v i s e d l y forsaken. Of Lower Canada he comments: An happy harmony pre v a i l s among a l l orders of the inhab-i t a n t s . . . . An urbanity, h o s p i t a l i t y , and i n t e r e s t i n g g e n t i l i t y of manners pervades most classes of people. . Lower Canada appears upon examination to enjoy as many of the blessings of l i f e as are needful to make men happy.13 And of the more recently s e t t l e d , predominantly English-speaking Upper Canada, he says: People of every language and nation have come hither and formed prospering colonies. Heaven has blessed t h e i r labors, industry, and enterprize. Few have experienced greater success. The nation of England has fostered them with great care. . . .14 He i s es p e c i a l l y p a r t i a l to the French-Canadian people, and even approves of t h e i r r e l i g i o n : A decent, r e s p e c t f u l , a f f a b i l i t y of manners prevails among the French peasantry. . . . Religion appears t r u l y venerable, not only i n i t s temples and other e d i f i c e s , but i n the h o s p i t a l i t y , politeness, and genteel deportment of most of i t s pro-fessors . 15 The basic object of Ogden's approbation i s the order and s t a b i l i t y which he believes the Catholic church creates i n Lower Canada, and which he opposes to the s i t u a t i o n i n his own country: The people of the States are divided into parties about r e l i g i o n , and are not at unity among themselves—Union, order, harmony, and prosperity universally extend among the Catholics i n Canada.16 "Few conquered countries have been better protected or governed," Ogden continues. P o l i t i c a l l y , Canada has achieved at l e a s t as much as, and perhaps more than, the United States, without resorting to revolution: In the year 1790, the wisdom of the B r i t i s h government 32 was eminently evinced i n d i v i d i n g t h i s large country into two separate governments, and granting to each a constitution, on the most l i b e r a l and disinterested p r i n c i p l e s , a constitution for freedom and the rights of man, perhaps unequalled i n the h i s t o r i c a l page, with a l l the advantages enjoyed by the B r i t i s h colonies i n America previous to the revolution, and with many a d d i t i o n s . . . . 17 But Ogden i s obviously i d e a l i z i n g Canada, just as Crevecoeur i d e a l i z e d the French Canadians, i n order to place i n bold r e l i e f what he sees as the defects of American republicanism. His book i s f u l l of such abstractions as "harmony," "order," "prosperity," and "happiness," but he seldom i l l u s t r a t e s these abstractions with reference to s p e c i f i c individuals and s i t u -ations. Nor does he mention such problems as French-English r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s r i v a l r y ; indeed, he would have the reader believe that the Churches of England and Rome i n Lower Canada e x i s t side by side i n perfect accord. Ogden was not unique i n his extravagantly favorable attitude to Canada. In 180 8 another Episcopal clergyman, William Jenks of Boston, published a Memoir of the Northern  Kingdom which purported to be a history written i n 1901 describing the ultimate dis i n t e g r a t i o n of the American union. While the New England and V i r g i n i a of Jenks's book decline economically and founder p o l i t i c a l l y , the "Northern Kingdom" with i t s mercantile metropolis of "Quebeck" flourishes under the benevolent paternalism of the B r i t i s h crown. Like London, Quebec was now the mart not only of trade, but of l i t e r a t u r e ; the "Royal American Board" of which, under the fostering patronage of a discerning Prince, ..g became highly instrumental i n the promotion of science. 3 3 Eventually, New England forms a union with the Northern King-dom; V i r g i n i a i s annexed by France; and republicanism, degenerating to a licence for r i o t and self-indulgence, makes a l a s t stand among the ignorant frontiersmen of I l l i n o i s . The war of 1812 ine v i t a b l y aroused further American i n t e r e s t i n Canada, although during and immediately a f t e r the war ideas about the northern colonies tended to be subordinated to the strong partisan feelings provoked by the contention with England and by opposing attitudes within the United States. A New York pamphleteer named Jacob Bigelow r i d i c u l e d the war hawks' notions of continental conquest by having the f i c t i t i o u s commander of "The Gulls" (the U.S. i n the a l l e g o r i -c a l context of his pamphlet The Wars of the Gulls, published 1812) make plans for a "viceroy of Labrador" and "mi l i t a r y governor over the fragments of Quebec." Most of Canada, says the author contemptuously, can be captured at any time, "for 19 the ice never breaks up." Typical of the more vociferous pro-war propaganda are Samuel Woodworth's f i c t i o n a l i z e d history The Champions of Freedom (1816), i n which the oppressed Canadian colonists are eager to j o i n the American invaders, and Mordecai Noah's extravagant stage spectacle She Would Be  a Soldier; or the Plains of Chippewa (1819), which suggests that the s e t t l e r s of Upper Canada are r u s t i c Jacksonian demo-crats, i n t r i n s i c a l l y superior to the B r i t i s h a r i s t o c r a t s who govern them. A much more detailed l i t e r a r y consideration of Canada 34 which r e f l e c t s the experience of the 1812 war i s Joseph Sansom's Sketches of Lower Canada (1817). Sansom, a r e t i r e d s o l d i e r , traveled to Quebec City and Montmorency, and l i k e many of his countrymen had both blame and praise for t h i s curious region of North America. Seen as a part of the archetypal New World experience of creating a new c i v i l i z a t i o n out of the wilderness," the northern settlements are i n f e r i o r to those of the United States: I t i s only on the banks of i t s r i v e r s , that Canada pre-tends to any population, or improvement, whatever; whereas with us the cheering " t r a c t and b l e s t abode of man," i s scattered . . . over the whole surface of the s o i l , by hardy Adventurers. . . . And we have inland towns l i t t l e i n f e r i o r i n population to the C a p i t a l of Canada. 2 0 But i n some other respects, Canada i s u n i f i e d with i t s southern neighbor i n opposition to Europe: There are no beggars i n Canada, any more than i n the United States. The stranger i s nowhere importuned for money, or disgusted by the shameless display of natural or acquired deformity with which European roads and c i t i e s u niversally abound.21 Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , Sansom believes that the p o l i t i c a l t i e s with B r i t a i n are the p r i n c i p a l cause of Canada's i n f e r i o r i t y to the United States, and he predicts that the northern provinces w i l l eventually be absorbed i n t o the republic by a combined process of assimilation and m i l i t a r y conquest: I l e f t Quebec with a confirmed opinion that . . . i t s c i t a d e l , reputed the strongest f o r t i f i c a t i o n i n America . . . might possibly, i n future wars between the two countries . . . f a l l a prey to American enterprise and i n t r e p i d i t y . . . . I say not the same of Upper Canada, whose population i s , or w i l l be, e s s e n t i a l l y American, and whose attach-ment to the government of Great B r i t a i n must in e v i t a b l y y i e l d to the habits and opinions of t h e i r continental neighbors.22 Sansom has mixed feelings about the French-speaking people. On the one hand, he admires t h e i r honesty and garrulous f r i e n d l i n e s s , which q u a l i t i e s he i l l u s t r a t e s by contrasting two individuals he met on his t r a v e l s , a candid young French Canadian and a haughty English-speaking c o l o n i s t . On the other hand, he di s t r u s t s the European decadence i m p l i c i t i n the foreign language and r e l i g i o n . His ambivalent feelings are r e f l e c t e d i n the uncertainty with which he envisages the ultimate d i s p o s i t i o n of the French i n Canada: By the next competition between England and America . . . Upper Canada w i l l be nearly Americanized. Montreal i t -s e l f w i l l have become to a l l e f f i c i e n t purposes an American town; the French population there, w i l l grad-ually assimilate, or disappear; unless, indeed, French Canada should be consolidated by national independence. • • a I t i s clear from the repeated denunciations of Roman Catholicism i n Sketches of Lower Canada that Sansom would much prefer the French to "assimilate or disappear." Fear and d i s t r u s t of the habitants' r e l i g i o n i s an almost obsessive feature of early nineteenth-century American accounts of t r a v e l i n Lower Canada. Sometimes i t i s related to the general idea of a decadence i n i m i c a l to American p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i d e a l s : Despotism seems to have stamped a feature of low sub-mission upon the plodding, unambitious peasantry, whose minds are, moreover, awed into s u p e r s t i t i o n by the d i s -played c r u c i f i x of t h e i r Catholic p r i e s t s . . . .24 But usually i t i s presented as a very serious q u a l i f i c a t i o n to the appealing q u a l i t i e s of a people who "appear to be very temperate, honest, industrious, and hospitable, but remark-25 ably ignorant, and zealously devoted to t h e i r p r i e s t s . " An American guidebook, The Northern Tr a v e l l e r (1825, and several subsequent- e d i t i o n s ) , informs i t s readers that The French Canadians, notwithstanding the common pre-judices against them, appear on acquaintance to be an i n t e l l i g e n t people. They c e r t a i n l y are amiable, cheer-f u l , and gay, and t h e i r backwardness i n improvements i s attributable to the system under which they l i v e . They are generally brought up i n great ignorance, and they are taught to d i s l i k e and avoid not only Protestant p r i n c i p l e s , but Protestants themselves.26 The Northern Tr a v e l l e r i s attributed i n the Library of Congress catalogue to Theodore Dwight (1796-1866), son and namesake of one of the "Connecticut Wits." Dwight has also been i d e n t i f i e d as the author of one of the most notorious best s e l l e r s i n the history of American publishing, the Awful Disclosures of "Maria Monk" (1836), which purports to be the true revelations of a former inmate of the Hotel-Dieu 27 nunnery i n Montreal. Four years before the appearance of Awful Disclosures, an Episcopal clergyman from New York named George Bourne published a s i m i l a r work, e n t i t l e d Lorette. The History of Louise, Daughter of a Canadian Nun, i n which the habitants are portrayed as degenerate beings who indulge i n every kind of vice with the assurance of even-t u a l l y receiving absolution from t h e i r p r i e s t s . The se t t i n g of Lorette moves from an i n f e r t i l e , perpetually snowbound landscape of r u r a l Lower Canada, featuring gloomy forests, 37 lonely granges and s i n i s t e r monasteries, to the grottoed i n t e r i o r of a convent where the innocent heroine i s held prisoner while repeated assaults are made on her chastity by vicious p r i e s t s abetted by ugly and dissolute nuns. In Dwight's Awful Disclosures the same kind of Gothic trappings are evident: lecherous p r i e s t s , mad nuns, subterranean passages and dungeons, infant corpses buried i n quicklime, and an innocent narrator-heroine who describes her ordeal with a suitable combination of gruesome ex p l i c i t n e s s and t i t i l l a t i n g suggestion. In both Lorette and Awful Disclosures there are obvious s i m i l a r i t i e s to M.G. Lewis's famous tale of seduction and murder, The Monk; and Bourne's use of the North American forest as a scene of t e r r o r r e c a l l s the innovative novels of Charles Brockden Brown. As Gothic romances, the works of Bourne and Dwight are h i s t o r i c a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g and even mildly entertaining to the twentieth-century reader, who i n e v i t a b l y discovers a pervasive unintentional humor i n the extravagances of p l o t and character. As s o c i o l o g i c a l t r e a t i s e s on the actual state of a f f a i r s i n French Canada, i t i s hardly necessary to say, they are obvious l i b e l s . Even the unsophis-t i c a t e d element of the American reading public to which they were o r i g i n a l l y addressed very quickly l o s t i n t e r e s t i n them, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the crusading New York j o u r n a l i s t , William Leete Stone, published his expose" Maria Monk and the Nunnery  of the Hotel Dieu (1836). But Lorette and Awful Disclosures 38 were only extreme expressions of a set of stereotyped ideas about Canada which were being formed i n the American imagina-tion and propogated by authors of various degrees of a b i l i t y and influence. 2. Another unfavorable view of French Canadians was being presented i n early nineteenth century American l i t e r a t u r e , i n a series of semi-h i s t o r i c a l writings. The true (or i n some cases, purportedly true) narrative of exploration and adven-ture on the American western f r o n t i e r often featured the expatriate yoyageur who wandered down from Canada or remained i n i s o l a t e d communities of I l l i n o i s , Missouri, and Louisiana a f t e r the f a l l of New France. One of the e a r l i e s t notable appearances i n American l i t e r a t u r e of t h i s exotic figure i s in Washington Irving's history of the i l l - f a t e d attempt to develop an independent American fur trade, A s t o r i a (1836). Irving's purpose i n Ast o r i a i s to g l o r i f y American i n i t i a t i v e and energy, p a r t i c u l a r l y as they are manifested i n the execution of far-sighted c a p i t a l i s t enterprise, and to i l l u s t r a t e the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of the expansion of American i n d u s t r i a l and commercial c i v i l i z a t i o n . The individuals involved i n thi s view of American destiny are set forth i n a very c l e a r l y delineated hierarchy, i n which the French Canadians are relegated to a decidedly i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n . The "hero" of Asto r i a , although he appears very b r i e f l y i n the book, i s the i n i t i a t o r and guiding s p i r i t of the enterprise, 39 John Jacob Astor; below him are the managers and leaders of the expedition. Next i n precedence come the Kentucky back-woodsmen who do most of the hunting and trapping for the party: they are dead shots with a r i f l e , i n t r e p i d and resourceful i n a l l the s k i l l s necessary for s u r v i v a l i n the wilderness. F i n a l l y , at the bottom rank of the organization come the cheerfully inept and unambitious voyageurs: The Canadians proved as patient of t o i l and hardship on the land as on the water; indeed, nothing could surpass the patience and good-humour of these men upon the march. They were the cheerful drudges of the party, loading and unloading the horses, pitching the tents, making the f i r e s , cooking; i n short, performing a l l those household and menial o f f i c e s which the Indians usually assign to the squaws; and l i k e the squaws, they l e f t a l l the hunting and f i g h t i n g to others. A Canadian has but l i t t l e a f f e c t i o n for the exercise of the r i f l e . 2 8 S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Irving associated the Canadians not simply with the Indians, who throughout Astoria are represented as a brutish and v i o l e n t race doomed to extinction, but with the Indian women. The Canadians are thus seen as passive, almost i r r e l e v a n t appendages to the great American experience of taming the western f r o n t i e r : they are the v i r t u a l antithesis of the resourceful, active, unmistakably masculine American pioneer. The Canadians' inadequacies as frontiersmen, p a r t i c u l a r l y as compared to t h e i r American counterparts, are e x p l i c i t l y set forth i n another of Irving's t r u e - l i f e s t o r i e s of the p r a i r i e s , The Adventures of Captain Bonneville (1837): Here we would remark a great difference, i n point of character and q u a l i t y , between the two classes of trappers, 4 0 the "American" and "French" as they are c a l l e d i n contra-d i s t i n c t i o n . The l a t t e r i s meant to designate the French Creole of Canada or Louisiana; the former; the trapper of the old American stock, from Kentucky, [Tennessee, and others of the western States. The French trapper i s represented as a l i g h t e r , softer, more self-indulgent kind of man. He must have his Indian wife, h i s lodge, and his petty conveniences. He i s gay and thoughtless, takes l i t t l e heed of landmarks, depends upon his leaders and companions to think for the common weal, and, i f l e f t to himself, i s e a s i l y perplexed and l o s t . The American trapper stands by himself, and i s peer-less for the service of the wilderness. Drop him i n the midst of a p r a i r i e , or i n the heart of the mountains, and he i s never at a lo s s . He notices every landmark; can retrace his route through the most monotonous p l a i n s , or the most perplexed labyrinths of the mountains; no danger nor d i f f i c u l t y can appal him, and he scorns to complain under any p r i v a t i o n . In equipping the two kinds of trappers, the Creole and Canadian are apt to prefer the l i g h t fusee; the American always grasps his r i f l e ; he despises what he c a l l s the "shot-gun." We give these estimates on the authority of a trader of long experience, and a foreigner by b i r t h . "I consider one American," said he, "equal to three Canadians i n point of sagacity, aptness at resources, self-dependence, and fearlessness of s p i r i t . In fact, no one can cope with him as a stark tramper of the wilderness."29 I t must be noted that Irving's adverse judgement on the "Creole and Canadian" i s not e n t i r e l y a matter of race or national o r i g i n . The hero of Captain Bonneville, who i s an i n t r e p i d frontiersman equal or superior to the Kentuckians, i s of French descent. Bonneville, however, comes from a family which emigrated d i r e c t l y from France to the United States. I t might be thence i n f e r r e d that the alleged i n f e r -i o r i t y of the French Canadians i s related to t h e i r association with the collapse of the French empire i n the New World: the voyageurs are supposedly the vestiges of a defeated race and of a departed imperial glory, whereas Bonneville, as the descendant of comparatively recent immigrants, to the New World, i s associated with the r i s i n g glory of the American republic. It must also be pointed out that Irving was simply echoing i n good f a i t h the sources he consulted for his h i s t o r i e s , which represented the Canadians of the A s t o r i a and Bonneville expeditions as good-natured, unambitious, inept drudges. In any case, he contributed to the development of a l i t e r a r y stereotype of a f r o n t i e r character who was i n various ways distinguished from a l l other white men involved i n the opening of the American west. Further contributions to the stereotype were made by Edgar A l l a n Poe i n his unfinished novel of westward explora-t i o n , "The Journal of J u l i u s Rodman" (1840). Something of a l i t e r a r y hoax, "Julius Rodman" purported to be (according to the s u b t i t l e ) "an account of the f i r s t passage across the Rocky Mountains of North America ever achieved by man," but was actually a d i s t i l l a t i o n of d e t a i l s from several sources, including Captain Bonneville and the journals of Lewis and 30 Clark. The members of Poe's imaginary expedition include f i v e boatmen from the Missouri v i l l a g e of Petite C 6 t e , where "there are about a hundred inhabitants, mostly Creoles of 31 Canadian descent." The f i v e r e c r u i t s , says Poe's t i t l e character and narrator, are . . . good boatmen, and excellent companions, as f a r as singing French songs went, and drinking, at which they were pre-eminent. . . . They were always i n good humor, and always ready to work; but as hunters I d i d not think them worth much, and as f i g h t i n g men I soon discovered they were not to be depended upon.32 Poe goes on, l i k e Irving, to compare the Canadians unfavor-ably with s i x Kentuckian members of the expedition, who are t a l l , powerful, experienced hunters, and dead shots with the r i f l e . The Canadians are once again placed very low on the f r o n t i e r hierarchy; Poe barely grants them precedence over the Negro slave Toby, the b r u t i s h l y s e r v i l e and indefatigably good-natured clown of the story. Poe does, however, make a d i s t i n c t i o n between the voyageurs and Pierre Jun6t, one of the leaders of the party, who i s also a "Creole of Canadian descent." Jun6t's superiority to the Canadian voyageurs, and his r e l a t i o n s h i p of v i r t u a l equality with the American narrator, suggest that the primary basis of Poe's d i s t i n c t i o n between individuals i s not r a c i a l or national, but s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l . Ultimately, however, the comparative brevity of the "Julius Rodman" fragment makes i t d i f f i c u l t to o f f e r more than tentative generalizations about the author's attitudes to the various characters. A more detailed picture of the French Canadian on the p r a i r i e and of his r e l a t i o n s h i p to other denizens of the region i s given i n The Oregon T r a i l (1847) by the eminent h i s t o r i a n Francis Parkman. Unlike Irving, Parkman was not p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n the nineteenth-century westward movement. His "Boston Brahmin" s e n s i b i l i t i e s i n c l i n e d him to r e c o i l from the easy f a m i l i a r i t y and rude inquisitiveness of the f r o n t i e r democrats i n the wagon t r a i n s , who were "for the most part . . . the rudest and most ignorant of the f r o n t i e r population." The historian's main purpose i n going to the p r a i r i e s was not to have dealings with white Americans at a l l , but to do f i e l d research i n the Indian character. By 1846 (the year of Parkman's expedition), the plains Indians constituted almost the l a s t remnants of North American aborigines s t i l l l i v i n g i n conditions comparable to those of the early days of European exploration and settlement i n the New World. Parkman, at this time contemplating his vast h i s t o r i c a l epic France and England i n North America, hoped to apply by analogy and inference his observations of the plains Indians to an imaginative recreation of the v i r t u a l l y vanished Iroquois and Hurons of New France. Unavoidably, however, he had considerable contact with the white inhabi-tants of the p r a i r i e s , and p a r t i c u l a r l y with the many French Canadians who served as attendants and guides to emigrant trains and to hunting or exploring p a r t i e s . His own group was accompanied for most of i t s expedition by two individuals of French descent, a muleteer named Deslauriers, and a hunter and guide named Henry C h a t i l l o n . In spite of his a r i s t o c r a t i c background, his devotion to scholarly pursuits, and his distaste for ce r t a i n f r o n t i e r types, Parkman had a l i f e - l o n g enthusiasm for the hearty out-door l i f e of strenuous a c t i v i t y . Several years a f t e r the Oregon T r a i l expedition, he expressed his admiration for the resourceful and energetic wilderness pioneer i n a tribu t e to Alexander Henry i n his f i r s t published h i s t o r y , The Conspiracy 44 of Pontiac (1851). On the Oregon T r a i l he found another representative of the virtues and ideals which he associated with the f r o n t i e r . Henry C h a t i l l o n , unlike Alexander Henry, was i l l i t e r a t e and uninterested i n economic success; but he more than compensated for these d e f i c i e n c i e s by his i n t u i t i v e honesty and by a kind of native i n t e l l i g e n c e displayed i n his hunting and tracking and r i d i n g s k i l l s . Parkman's tr i b u t e to Ch a t i l l o n presents an extremely i d e a l i z e d picture of a "natural nobleman": His age was about t h i r t y ; he was s i x feet high, and very powerfully and gracefully moulded. The p r a i r i e s had been his school; he could neither read nor write, but he had a natural refinement and delicacy of mind, such as i s rare even i n women. His manly face was a mirror of up-rightness, s i m p l i c i t y , and kindness of heart; he had, moreover, a keen perception of character, and a tact that would preserve him from flagrant error i n any society. Henry had not the r e s t l e s s energy of an Anglo-American. He was content to take things as he found them; and his chief f a u l t arose from an excess of easy generosity, not conducive to t h r i v i n g i n the world. . . . His bravery was as much celebrated i n the mountains as his s k i l l i n hunting. . . . He was a proof of what unaided nature w i l l sometimes do. I have never, i n the c i t y or i n the wilderness, met a better man than my true-hearted fri e n d , Henry Chatillon.34 C h a t i l l o n i s not, however, described as a "French Canadian" or with the careless indifference of Irving or Poe as a "Creole or Canadian." He i s e x p l i c i t l y i d e n t i f i e d as a Franco-American, a native c i t i z e n of the United States, "born in a l i t t l e French town near St. Louis." He i s contrasted, furthermore, to the muleteer Deslauriers, who i s . . . a Canadian, with a l l the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the true Jean Baptiste. Neither fatigue, exposure, nor hard labor could ever impair his cheerfulness and gayety, or h i s p o l i t e n e s s t o h i s b o u r g e o i s ; a n d w h e n n i g h t c a m e , h e w o u l d s i t down b y t h e f i r e , s m o k e h i s p i p e , a n d t e l l s t o r i e s w i t h t h e u t m o s t c o n t e n t m e n t . 3 5 I n t h e c o u r s e o f t h e n a r r a t i v e , D e s l a u r i e r s i s r e p r e s e n t e d a s c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s c a p a b l e t h a n t h e F r a n c o - A m e r i c a n . L i k e I r v i n g ' s v o y a g e u r s , h e i s c h e e r f u l a n d o b e d i e n t , c a p a b l e o f f o l l o w i n g o r d e r s , b u t a c o m p a r a t i v e l y i n f e r i o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e f r o n t i e r s p i r i t . I t i s w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g i n p a s s i n g t h a t a s e m i n e n t a c o m m e n t a t o r o n The O r e g o n T r a i l a s H e n r y N a s h S m i t h c a r e l e s s l y i g n o r e s P a r k m a n ' s e m p h a t i c d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o 3 6 c h a r a c t e r s a n d r e f e r s t o C h a t i l l o n a s a " F r e n c h C a n a d i a n . " Y e t P a r k m a n m a k e s a p o i n t o f c a l l i n g a t t e n t i o n t o t h e h u n t e r ' s A m e r i c a n b i r t h , a n d o f c o m p a r i n g h i m f a v o r a b l y w i t h h i s C a n a d i a n u n d e r s t r a p p e r . He t h u s r e l a t e s h i s c h a r a c t e r s o f F r e n c h d e s c e n t n o t t o a r a c i a l o r s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , b u t t o a n i m p l i c i t d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d C a n a d a . I n s p i t e o f h i s a r i s t o c r a t i c i n c l i n a t i o n s , P a r k m a n o b v i o u s l y b e l i e v e s i n c e r t a i n a b s t r a c t i d e a l s r e l a t e d t o t h e A m e r i c a n c o n c e p t o f d e m o c r a c y . B y i m p l i c a t i o n , t h e f r e e a i r o f t h e r e p u b l i c i s m o r e c a p a b l e o f p r o d u c i n g a s u p e r i o r b r e e d o f human b e i n g t h a n C a n a d a , w i t h i t s l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f c o l o n i a l d e p e n d e n c e . I n T h e O r e g o n T r a i l , t h e s e i d e a s a r e g i v e n o n l y t e n t a t i v e a n d p e r h a p s b a r e l y i n t e n t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n ; b u t l a t e r , i n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , t h e y a r e t o b e c o n s i d e r e d i n m u c h g r e a t e r d e t a i l . 46 Notes to Chapter 2 "'"Henry, Travels and Adventures, p. 336. o March to Quebec: Journals of the Members of Arnold's  Expedition, ecL Kenneth Roberts (Garden City, N.Y.: Double-day, 1947), p. 346. 3 I b i d . , p. 557. 4 I b i d . , p. 364. 5 Hugh Henry Brackenridge, The Death of General Montgomery  i n the Storming of the City of Quebec (Philadelphia: Robert B e l l , 1777), p. 15. J. Hector St. John de Crevecoeur, Sketches of Eighteenth-Century America: More "Letters from an American Farmer," ed. H.L. Bourdin, R.H. Gabriel, and S.T. Williams (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1925), p. 172. 7 I b i d . , p. 174. o Joseph Stansbury, "To Cordelia," Canadian Poetry i n  English, ed. B l i s s Carman, Lome Pierce, and V.B. Rhodenizer (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1922), p. 8. 9 . . . William S. Ba r t l e t , The Frontier Missionary: A Memoir of the L i f e of Jacob Bailey, A.M. (Boston: Ide and Dutton, 1853), p. 154. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 216. ^ T h i r t y Thousand Miles with John Heckewelder, ed. Paul A.W. Wallace (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1958) , p. 304. 12 Ann E l i z a [Schuyler] Bleecker, The History of Maria  K i t t l e , i n a Letter to Miss Ten Eyck (Hartford: E l i s h a Babcock, 1797), p. 56. 1 3 [John Cousens Ogden], A Tour Through Upper and Lower  Canada ( L i t c h f i e l d , Conn.: [n.p.], 1799), pp. 15, 35. 1 4 I b i d . , p. 51. 1 5 I b i d . , pp. 18, 22. 1 6 I b i d . , p. 88. 1 7 I b i d . , pp. 106-07. 47 2 4 P h i l i p Stansbury, A Pedestrian Tour of 2,300 Miles i n 18 [William Jenks], Memoir of the Northern Kingdom ([Boston: n.p., 1808]), p. 46. 19 [Jacob Bigelow], The Wars of the Gulls: an H i s t o r i c a l  Romance (New York: The Dramatic Repository, 1812), pp. 4-5. 20 Joseph Sansom, Sketches of Lower Canada (New York: Kirk & Mercein, 1817), p. 54. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 110. 2 2 I b i d . , pp. 136-37. 2 3 I b i d . , pp. 137-38. ^Philip Stansbury, North America (New York: J.D. Myers & W. Smith, 1822), pp. 159-60. 25 Moses Guest, Poems on Several Occasions. To Which are  Annexed Extracts from a Journal (Cincinnati: Looker & Reynolds, 1823), p. 141. 2 6 [Theodore Dwight], The Northern T r a v e l l e r , new ed. (New York: J. & J. Harper, 1831), p. 214. 27 For a discussion of the popularity of Awful Disclosures, see Frank Luther Mott, Golden Multitudes: the Story of Best  Sel l e r s i n the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1947), pp. 245-46. For the authorship question, see Ralph Thompson, "The Maria Monk A f f a i r , " The Colophon, Part Seventeen (1934), No. 6. 2 8 Washington Irving, A s t o r i a , or Anecdotes of an Enter- prise Beyond the Rocky Mountains, 1836 ed. unabridged with an introduction by W.H. Goetzmann (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippin-cott, 1961), I, 187. 29 . Irving, The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A. i n the Rocky Mountains and the Far West, ed. E.W. Todd (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), p. 19. 30 For demonstrations of Poe's indebtedness to these sources, see H. A r l i n Turner, "A Note on Poe's 'Julius Rodman,'" University of Texas Studies i n English, 10 (July, 1930), 147-51, and P.P. Crawford, "Lewis and Clark's 'Exped-i t i o n ' as a source for Poe's 'Julius Rodman,1" University of  Texas Studies i n English, 12 (July, 1932), 158-70. 31 Edgar A l l a n Poe, "The Journal of J u l i u s Rodman," Complete Works of Edgar A l l a n Poe (1902; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1965), IV, 23. 48 3 2 I b i d . , 25. 33 Francxs Parkman, The Oregon T r a i l : Sketches of P r a i r i e  and Rocky Mountain L i f e (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1894), p. 107. 3 4 I b i d . , pp. 12-13 35 Ibid., p. 12. 3 6 Henry Nash Smith, V i r g i n Land: The American West i n  Symbol and Myth (1950; rpt. New York: Vintage, 1967), p. 51. 49 III COOPER AND THE HISTORICAL ROMANCE 1. The adverse picture of Canada and Canadians i n the l i t e r -ature of the early republic was p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the h i s t o r i c a l romances of the period. As has been seen, Canada figured i n the American h i s t o r i c a l romance at least as early as 1797, when Mrs. Bleecker sent her imaginary heroine into northern c a p t i v i t y i n The History of Maria K i t t l e . The c o l o r f u l and v i o l e n t chronicle of warfare and adventure i n the northern forest constituted an inevitable theme for Amer-ican romancers, and although these writers were mainly interested i n e x p l o i t i n g the strong n a t i o n a l i s t i c feelings associated with the early history of t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y , they very early discovered that t h e i r history was inseparable from that of the New World as a whole. In f a c t and i n legend, the French and Indian wars had irrevocably welded together the two main regions of North America, and had made i t v i r -t u a l l y impossible to consider i n d e t a i l the past of one region without r e f e r r i n g to the past of the other. This discovery was d e f i n i t i v e l y expressed i n the works of the chief innovator and p r a c t i t i o n e r of the h i s t o r i c a l romance i n America, James Fenimore Cooper. In spite of the ostensible vastness of his f i c t i o n a l canvas, which usually conveys an impression of the v i r t u a l l y i n f i n i t e expanse of the North American wilderness, Cooper was 50 basically a regional writer of comparatively narrow geograph-i c a l and historical interests. Almost a l l his important novels, including three of the four Leatherstocking tales and the Littlepage trilogy, are concerned with a relatively limited section of his native New York state. Furthermore, Cooper never traveled widely in North America. His farthest expedition westward was a trip to Michigan to research back-ground material for The Oak Openings (1848); the setting of The Prairie (1827) was created entirely from his reading and imagination; and of Canada he knew practically nothing at a l l . Although he visited Niagara Falls in 1809, he appar-ently did not cross the river. For the necessary historical information relating to the French and Indian wars, he relied on his reading. His conception of the French in eighteenth-century Canada was derived from incidental information in such works as Carver's Travels Through the Interior Parts of  North America (1778) and Trumbull's History of the United  States (1810), and his notions of the northern Indians (as has been noted previously) were based on the ethnological reports of John Heckewelder. His ignorance—or indifference— concerning the British provinces as they existed in his own time i s reflected in his cryptic and contemptuous reference in The Pioneers (182 3) to "that polar region of royal sun-shine.""'" Regarding the social and p o l i t i c a l organization of eighteenth-century Canada and the French settlers of the period he was almost completely indifferent. Throughout his 51 novels he i n s i s t e d on r e f e r r i n g to New France anachronisti-c a l l y as "The Canadas," a term belonging properly to Cooper's own l i f e t i m e but not to the e a r l i e r period about which he was usually writing, for i t did not come into use u n t i l 1791, when the B r i t i s h administration divided the former French colony into an upper and lower province. Yet the image of Canada i n Cooper's novels of the French and Indian wars has a suggestiveness which i s more impressive than that of detailed and factual accounts of the country. In The Last of the Mohicans (1826), The Pathfinder (1840) and The Peerslayer (1841), the mysterious region to the north has an oppressive power over the imaginations of Cooper's B r i t i s h American characters. The action of these novels never moves north beyond the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence, which form an ominous natural b a r r i e r between New France and the English colonies (the Thousand Islands scenes of parts of The" Path- finder probably constitute Cooper's most northerly s e t t i n g ) , but there are frequent references to the remote northern fastnesses of the "Frenchers" and t h e i r Indian a l l i e s . Leatherstocking i n p a r t i c u l a r frequently evokes an image of the northern country as the stronghold of barbarism and e v i l , the source of a dark and primitive p r i n c i p l e i n d i r e c t a n t i -thesis to the i l l u m i n a t i n g c u l t u r a l forces which are a r i s i n g i n the colonies to the south. This image i s repeatedly associated with the "Mingos" or "Maquas," the Indians of Canada, who are the s p e c i a l object of Leatherstocking's hatred and contempt. The Indians of Canada i n Cooper's novels are not the semi-Christianized tools of the Jesuits which the eighteenth-century c a p t i v i t y narratives frequently described. Rather, they constitute the negative term i n a d u a l i s t i c moral concep-tion of the primitive world. Cooper's obvious b e l i e f i n the ultimate superiority of the white European-derived c i v i l i z a -t i on over the primitive Indian way of l i f e did not prevent him from making moral d i s t i n c t i o n s within his representations of the respective races. But paradoxically, he tended to state the moral r e l a t i v i t y of c i v i l i z a t i o n and primitivism i n f a i r l y s i m p l i f i e d and v i r t u a l l y absolute terms. Thus, he demonstrates his b e l i e f that there are both good and bad q u a l i t i e s i n primitivism by creating almost i n c r e d i b l y good and irredeemably bad Indians. Cooper derived his notions about Indians mainly from Heckewelder, who became convinced (possibly through a misunderstanding of Delaware o r a l trad-i t i o n s ) that the Delaware were the epitome of Indian bene-volence, while the Iroquois and several related tribes were 3 unregenerate savages. Cooper not only followed Heckewelder i n t h i s p o l a r i z a t i o n of the Indian character, but with a few unimportant q u a l i f i c a t i o n s he associated the good Indians with c o l o n i a l America and the e v i l "Mingoes" with New France. Magua i n The Last of the Mohicans i s from Canada, as are Arrowhead i n The Pathfinder and the Iroquois war party i n The Deerslayer who besiege the fortress on Lake Otsego. S i m i l a r l y , the French of Canada i n Cooper's novels are opposed to the B r i t i s h Americans from the southern colonies. There i s a certain dramatic effectiveness related to the image of Canada as the stronghold of ominous e v i l i n the description of the anonymous phalanxes of ghostly white-clad troops who have descended from the north to besiege Fort William Henry i n The Last of the Mohicans. But Cooper did not know the French character very w e l l , and i n his represen-tations of individuals (which he wisely kept to a minimum) he r e l i e d on what appears to be a stereotype from comic folk t r a d i t i o n . Captain Sanglier i n The Pathfinder i s a wily and unctious v i l l a i n , with a heavy accent clumsily produced i n phonetics ("'Monsieur l e Pathfindair'; ' he said, with a f r i e n d l y smile, '. . . une b a l l e from your honorable hand be 4 sartain d e a f . You k i l l my best warrior on some i s l a n d 1 " ) , and with a cyn i c a l fondness for i n c i t i n g the "Mingoes" to murder: In short, he was an adventurer whom circumstances had thrown into a s i t u a t i o n where the callous q u a l i t i e s of men of his class might read i l y show themselves. . . . As his name was unavoidably connected with many of the excesses committed by his p a r t i e s , he was generally considered, i n the American provinces, a wretch who delighted i n bloodshed and who found his greatest happi-ness i n tormenting the helpless and innocent. . . . 5 There i s considerably more substance, on the other hand, to Cooper's most detailed picture of a Frenchman from Canada, that of the Marquis de Montcalm i n The Last of the Mohicans. The Marquis of Montcalm was, at the period of which we write, i n the flower of his age, and, i t may be added, i n the zenith of his fortune. But, even i n that enviable s i t u a t i o n , he was affable, and distinguished as much for his attention to the forms of courtesy as for that chivalrous courage which, only two short years afterward, induced him to throw away his l i f e on the plains of Abraham.6 The author subsequently condemns Montcalm for his f a i l u r e to prevent the massacre at Fort William Henry, and describes him as "a man who was great i n a l l the minor attributes of char-acter, but who was found wanting when i t became necessary to 7 prove how much p r i n c i p l e i s superior to p o l i c y . " But i n spite of th i s ultimately negative judgement, the b r i e f scenes of the French general magnanimously conferring with his defeated enemies, and d r i f t i n g incognito through his army encampment i n the early morning (rather l i k e Shakespeare's Henry V), make him one of Cooper's more i n t e r e s t i n g minor characters. The allusions to his "courtesy" and "chivalrous courage," furthermore, when compared with the s l i g h t i n g reference to "the callous q u a l i t i e s of men of [Sanglier's] c l a s s , " r e f l e c t an admiration for the idea of aristocracy which the class-conscious American author obviously f e l t , even as he claimed to reject i t i n i t s European forms. Cooper's success with e x p l o i t i n g the events and scenery of the French and Indian wars inevitably i n s p i r e d a number of imitators, many of whom were more interested i n creating a d i r e c t and detailed picture of early Canada than he had been. But these imitators and successors, i n spite of the. ostensible concern for h i s t o r i c a l and geographical fact which they some-times displayed, most often merely succeeded i n demonstrating the triteness and narrowness of t h e i r ideas, without endowing t h e i r images of North America with any suggestion of meta-physical and moral profundity, as Cooper had done. Unlike Cooper, they were not usually interested i n considering i n any d e t a i l the significance of the wilderness, or the poss-i b l e virtues of primitivism as compared with c i v i l i z a t i o n . E s s e n t i a l l y , they saw the events of the French and Indian wars and the people and places of early Canada i n terms of a narrow range of prejudices involving the three basic subjects of s o c i a l class, n a t i o n a l i t y (often confused with certain r a c i a l presuppositions), and r e l i g i o n . A l l three of these subjects are of central concern i n one of the e a r l i e s t h i s t o r i c a l romances to appear i n the wake of Cooper's tremendous success. The Rivals of Acadia (1827), by Mrs. Harriet Vaughn Cheney, deals with the seventeenth-century feud between d'Aulnay and La Tour. The author i s p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n the r e l i g i o u s controversy involved in the episode, and while the h i s t o r i c a l La Tour (as John Winthrop's Journal indicates) was suspected of only pretending to be a Protestant to ensure the support of Massachusetts Bay, Mrs. Cheney represents the defenders of Fort St. John as enlightened spokesmen for the f a i t h which w i l l eventually dominate the New World and serve as a bulwark against the decadence of Roman Catholic Europe. Her rebel l i o u s Acadians are, i n short, prefigurations of Americans, with a firm 56 devotion to Protestantism and p o l i t i c a l independence. Mrs. Cheney also exalts a kind of middle-class democracy i n the exploits of her heroine, Lucie [ ;sic] de Courcy, who r i s e s from obscure origins to a position of confidence and v i r t u a l equality with Madame La Tour. But the fact that the author raises her heroine to t h i s l e v e l instead of suggesting that class d i s t i n c t i o n s are i r r e l e v a n t to i n d i v i d u a l worth suggests that l i k e Cooper she i s unable to avoid a c e r t a i n deference to the European i d e a l of aristocracy. She i s also apparently unable to r i d h e r s e l f of a predisposition against the French n a t i o n a l i t y . The v i l l a i n of her story i s a cruel and vicious hypocrite, l i k e Cooper's Sanglier. Her heroine i s matched romantically not with a French hero, but with a B r i t i s h American conveniently introduced into the Acadian set t i n g as an envoy from Massachusetts Bay; and at the end of the novel the author reveals that Lucie herself i s h a l f English. The same sort of predispositions against the French of Canada are more e x p l i c i t l y dramatized by another female successor to Cooper. Delia Salter Babon was the author of the novella "Castine" (published i n her Tales of the Puritans, 1831), involving a young Puritan g i r l who i s kidnapped by Indians at the outbreak of war between the French and English i n 1702 and c a r r i e d into the northern wilderness to be sold in t o the household of the wicked Baron Castine. Not a l l the French characters i n the story turn out to be as unregenerately e v i l as Castine or his murderous henchman, Hertel de Rouville. Castine's daughter befriends the New England captive, and his son eventually helps her to escape. But the baron's daughter i s a pathetic figure who v o l u n t a r i l y remains immured i n her father's stronghold because of her conviction that her strong Roman Catholic f a i t h w i l l eventually bring about her father's conversion to ri g h t and j u s t i c e . The New England heroine f a l l s i n love with the baron's son, and i t appears temporarily that the author i s contemplating a mixed marriage between French Catholic and English Protestant. At the l a s t moment, however, young Castine reveals to his bride that his mother was English and he was secretly raised a Protestant. The Eagle of the Mohawks (1841) and i t s sequel The Scout (1844) by the New York author J.L.E.W. Shecut, also focus on the r e l i g i o u s and national c o n f l i c t s . The f i r s t of these works i s set i n the seventeenth century and i s a reversal of the t r a d i t i o n a l c a p t i v i t y narrative p l o t , for i t involves a French-Canadian g i r l who i s kidnapped from Montreal and ca r r i e d by Indians into the New England wilderness. When the Dutch-American hero of the story undertakes to restore her to her home, he discovers to his surprise that her countrymen are a reasonably decent and kindly people. Their Catholicism, however, i s intole r a b l e to him, as i t obviously i s to the author; the French-Canadian g i r l ' s conversion to Protestantism i s an e s s e n t i a l prerequisite to her becoming the hero's wife. But i n a s t a r t l i n g concluding development (a development which 5 8 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e a u t h o r ' s o b j e c t i o n s t o t h e m a t c h a r e r a c i a l a s w e l l a s r e l i g i o u s ) , t h e h e r o r e j e c t s t h e C a n a d i e n n e i n f a v o r o f a D u t c h - A m e r i c a n g i r l whom h e l e f t b e h i n d i n New Y o r k . I n T h e S c o u t , w h i c h i s a r a t h e r t i r e s o m e s e r i e s o f c o n v e r s a t i o n s t i e d t o g e t h e r w i t h a t h i n s t o r y o f a c o l o n i a l A m e r i c a n m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n t o C a n a d a , S h e c u t s e t s f o r t h e x p l i c i t l y s o m e o f h i s r a c i a l a n d r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , a n d F r e n c h C a t h o l i c C a n a d a i s p r e d i c t a b l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n a r a t h e r u n f a v o r a b l e l i g h t . T h e e x p r e s s i o n o f a n t i - F r e n c h s e n t i m e n t s d e s c e n d s t o e x t r e m e l y s i m p l i s t i c t e r m s i n a f e w p r e c u r s o r s o f t h e d i m e n o v e l o b v i o u s l y a i m e d a t m u c h t h e s a m e a u d i e n c e w h o r e a d w i t h c r e d u l i t y t h e A w f u l D i s c l o s u r e s a n d L o r e t t e . I n L u c e l l e o r t h e Y o u n g I r o q u o i s ! ( 1 8 4 5 ) b y O s g o o d B r a d b u r y , t h e i m a g e o f F r e n c h C a n a d a i s p r e s e n t e d e x p l i c i t l y i n r a c i a l t e r m s . T h e F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n h e r o i n e " s o m e t i m e s d r e a m e d o f h a v i n g a B r i t i s h o f f i c e r o f h i g h r a n k a n d w e a l t h f o r h e r h u s b a n d , i n p c a s e s h e c o u l d n o t o b t a i n a F r e n c h o n e " ; b u t i n t h e e n d s h e n o t o n l y f a i l s t o a t t r a c t a F r e n c h o r E n g l i s h h u s b a n d , b u t s h e i s u n i t e d w i t h a n I r o q u o i s b r a v e , i n a d a r i n g c o n s u m m a t i o n o f t h e m i s c e g e n a t i o n t h e m e w h i c h C o o p e r c o u l d o n l y r e s o l v e i n T h e L a s t o f t h e M o h i c a n s b y k i l l i n g o f f t h e p o t e n t i a l t r a n s -g r e s s o r s o f t h e r a c i a l b a r r i e r . B u t t h e m a r r i a g e o f L u c e l l e a n d t h e I n d i a n i s p r e s u m a b l y a c c e p t a b l e s i n c e , i n t h e e y e s o f t h e a u t h o r a n d p e r h a p s o f l a r g e p o r t i o n s o f h i s a u d i e n c e , a l o w e r c l a s s F r e n c h C a n a d i a n i s s o c i a l l y a n d r a c i a l l y a l m o s t 5 9 i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e f r o m a n I n d i a n . T h e e m p h a s i s i s v e h e m e n t l y a n d c r u d e l y o n r e l i g i o n r a t h e r t h a n r a c e o r n a t i o n a l i t y i n B e n j a m i n B a r k e r ' s C e c e l i a , o r T h e W h i t e N u n o f t h e W i l d e r n e s s ( 1 8 4 5 ) a n d J u s t i n J o n e s ' s J e s s i e M a n t o n , o r t h e N o v i c e o f S a c r e - C o e u r ( 1 8 4 8 ) , w h i c h a r e s o v i o l e n t i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d i a t r i b e s a n d s o c l u m s y i n t h e i r w r i t i n g s t y l e t h a t t h e y a r e h a r d l y r e f e r a b l e e v e n o n t h e b a s i s o f h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t t o t h e l e v e l o f A w f u l D i s -c l o s u r e s . B y c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e s e s p e c i m e n s , t h e r e i s c o n s i d -e r a b l e l i t e r a r y v a l u e i n J a m e s M c S h e r r y ' s P e r e J e a n o r T h e  J e s u i t M i s s i o n a r y ( 1 8 4 7 ) . W r i t t e n b y a R o m a n C a t h o l i c M a r y -l a n d a u t h o r , P e r e J e a n i s ( a c c o r d i n g t o t h e p r e f a c e ) b a s e d o n t h e r e a l - l i f e e x p l o i t s o f F a t h e r J o g u e s , a n d i s q u i t e p o s s i b l y t h e o n l y A m e r i c a n p r o - C a t h o l i c , p r o - F r e n c h C a n a d i a n n o v e l i n t h e C o o p e r t r a d i t i o n . M c S h e r r y t a k e s C o o p e r a s h i s m o d e l , b u t r e v e r s e s t h e l a t t e r ' s v a r i o u s r a c i a l a n d m o r a l e q u a t i o n s . T h e t i t l e c h a r a c t e r i s a c c o m p a n i e d o n h i s m i s s i o n b y a F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n s c o u t n a m e d P i e r r e , k n o w n a s l ' E s p i o n  h a r d i , a n o b v i o u s a v a t a r o f L e a t h e r s t o c k i n g . P i e r r e i s i n t u r n f o l l o w e d b y a f a i t h f u l C h r i s t i a n H u r o n , a n e x a c t o p p o s i t e t o t h e s a t a n i c H u r o n s w h i c h C o o p e r d e p i c t e d . P e r e J e a n i s a f a i r l y s i m p l i s t i c a t t e m p t t o r e f u t e C o o p e r ' s s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t C a n a d a a n d i t s i n h a b i t a n t s b y a d a p t i n g C o o p e r ' s own c h a r a c t e r s a n d s i t u a t i o n s t o a s e r i e s o f c o n t r a d i c t o r y p r o p o s i t i o n s . B u t i n s p i t e o f i t s l a c k o f o r i g i n a l i t y a n d i t s f r e q u e n t d i d a c t i s m , P e r e J e a n i s o n e o f t h e b e t t e r e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h -6 0 century American h i s t o r i c a l romances about Canada. As previously indicated, Cooper and his successors were interested i n r e l a t i n g Canada to certain propositions about society, as well as about r e l i g i o n and n a t i o n a l i t y or race. Cooper's ambivalent admiration for the French aristocracy was shared by Harriet Vaughn Cheney, but not by Delia Salter Bacon, who makes her French a r i s t o c r a t s the v i l l a i n s of "Castine." Most authors of t h i s period, however, seemed to have been i n c l i n e d to follow Cooper and attempt to present a f a i r l y sympathetic picture of the upper class leaders of Canada under the French regime. The eminent poet John Greenleaf Whittier, for instance, t r i e d to make a kind of tragic hero out of Charles de l a Tour, i n a narrative poem e n t i t l e d "St. John" (1841). In this hypothetical character sketch, Whittier dramatizes the Acadian proprietor's boldness and devotion to his conception of the truth; but there i s also an implied condemnation of the impetuosity and passion associated with excessive r e l i g i o u s zeal. La Tour, resolutely s e t t i n g forth to seek a new fortune a f t e r his fortress has been l a i d waste and his wife murdered, might be taken for a type of the indomitable American pioneer, i f i t were not for the fact that his desire for revenge presages nothing but further destruction and death: 0, the l o v e l i e s t of heavens Hung tenderly o'er him, There were waves i n the sunshine, And green i s l e s before him: But a pale hand was beckoning The Huguenot on; And i n blackness and ashes Behind was St. John!^ A s i m i l a r but considerably less p o e t i c a l l y s k i l f u l p i c -ture of the Canadian French a r i s t o c r a t as t r a g i c hero was attempted by the popular poetaster A l f r e d B. Street, i n his long, j i n g l i n g narrative poem Frontenac (1849). As he appears i n the early part of the poem, the seventeenth-century governor of New France i s a grand figure who brings some of the best q u a l i t i e s of European culture and sophistication to the barbarous North American wilderness. But subsequently he i s involved i n an improbable p l o t of miscegenation and r e t r i -bution, when a f a t a l attachment to an Indian woman ends i n his witnessing the murder and suicide of his half-breed daughter and Indian concubine. The Count Frontenac of A l f r e d B. Street, the La Tour of Whittier and Mrs. Cheney, and preeminently Cooper's Montcalm, a l l indicate that some nineteenth-century American authors, i n spite of a professed devotion to democratic i d e a l s , tended to defer to a t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a r y a t t r i b u t i o n of superior q u a l i t i e s to the a r i s t o c r a t i c European. But th e i r a r i s t o -crats, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , are a l l seriously flawed, so that the way i s l e f t clear for the implied or e x p l i c i t preference over them of the democratic B r i t i s h American hero. Thus Canada and i t s French inhabitants, i n the early nineteenth-century h i s t o r i c a l romance, was i n general a remote retreat of rather s i n i s t e r "foreignness" and of a seemingly irredeemable barbarism 62 which made the country f a r i n f e r i o r to the American colonies. 2. By 1850, h i s t o r i c a l romancers who were interested i n writing about Canada could choose from two extensive and sharply d i s t i n c t periods: the century and a h a l f of warfare between France and England, and the almost one hundred years of B r i t i s h rule since the f a l l of Quebec. The f i r s t period, with i t s elements of epic c o n f l i c t and ultimate triumph for the English-speaking people was a perennially favorite l i t e r a r y subject throughout the nineteenth century; but the second period yielded less promising p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Warfare, the staple ingredient of the h i s t o r i c a l romance, was an almost i n c i d e n t a l feature of post-Conquest Canadian history. There were the Montgomery-Arnold expedition of 1775 and several border clashes i n 1812-14 and again i n 1838; but apart from these episodes, there was very l i t t l e to i n t e r e s t an American n o v e l i s t . There was no protracted c o n f l i c t with Indians, no large scale westward movement u n t i l f a i r l y l a t e i n the century, no r e v o l u t i o n — n o t h i n g but a rather tame chronicle of settlement and a g r i c u l t u r a l development. Nevertheless, a few authors t r i e d to adapt recent Canadian history to the f i c t i o n of adventure. In the 1850's, three American f i c t i o n writers turned t h e i r attention to the Upper Canada r e b e l l i o n of 1837—or more p r e c i s e l y , to the belated attempts of i r r e g u l a r bands of armed Americans to support the r e b e l l i o n with forays across the border i n 1838. The exploits of the "hunters' lodges"—as the in t e r v e n t i o n i s t s c a l l e d themselves when they pretended, for the benefit of U.S. Marshalls stationed at the border, that they were bent on hunting expeditions—were the subject of Jedediah Hunt's An Adventure on a Frozen Lake ( 1 8 5 3 ) , George S. Raymond's The Empress of the Isles ( 1 8 5 3 ) , and P. Hamilton Myers' The  Prisoner of the Border ( 1 8 5 8 ) . Of these three works, only the l a s t i s of any consequence. A l i t e r a t e and fast-paced narrative, The Prisoner of the Border i s p a r t i c u l a r l y remark-able for i t s level-headed and objective consideration of a f a i r l y recent c o n f l i c t which had aroused intense partisan fee l i n g s . John Lesperance ( 1 8 3 8 - 9 1 ) turned to the Montgomery-Arnold expedition with The Bastonnais: Tale of the American  Invasion of Canada i n 1 7 7 5 - 7 6 ( 1 8 7 7 ) . It i s perhaps stretch-ing a point to relate t h i s novel to the l i t e r a t u r e of the United States, since the author's l i t e r a r y career was pursued e n t i r e l y i n Canada, and the one ed i t i o n of The Bastonnais was published i n Toronto. But Lesperance was born and raised i n Missouri, served with the Confederate army, and emigrated to Montreal at the close of the C i v i l War. Although he wrote i n English, he was of Franco-American descent, and was par t l y educated i n France."^ With t h i s background, he was uniquely q u a l i f i e d to write about the 1 7 7 5 invasion, for he had national or r a c i a l a f f i n i t i e s with the American, B r i t i s h Canadian, and French Canadian p a r t i c i p a n t s . The Bastonnais employs the s i m p l i s t i c characters and overblown rhetoric t y p i c a l of nineteenth-century popular adventure f i c t i o n : "Too l a t e , too l a t e ! " exclaims a bereaved lover at one point, "She i s gone, never to return. Farewell to a l l my dreams of happiness, to a l l my hopes and aspirations. . . . Oh fate, oh fate!" 1"*' But l i k e Myers 1 Prisoner of the Border, i t i s a remarkably balanced and impartial consideration of a contro-v e r s i a l h i s t o r i c a l episode. In contrast to these reasonably l i t e r a t e f i c t i o n s , James McCarroll's Ridgeway: An H i s t o r i c a l Romance of the Fenian Invasion of Canada (186 8) i s an almost h y s t e r i c a l effusion of the author's p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l prejudices. This e f f o r t hardly deserves to be c a l l e d a novel, since almost h a l f the book i s devoted to an expository polemic against the B r i t i s h , and much of the narrative i s taken up with dialogue i n the same vein. Even the actual "invasion" i s not dramatized, but i s described i n an epilogue e n t i t l e d "authentic report of the invasion of Canada and the Battle of Ridgeway." An author named James Shrimpton t r i e d to make f i c t i o n a l use of the chronicle of Canadian settlement i n The Black  Phantom: or Women's Endurance (1867), which involves L o y a l i s t homesteaders i n the Bay of Quinte* region of Upper Canada. But Shrimpton runs up against exactly the same problem which (as Henry Nash Smith has described i n V i r g i n Land) vexed the f i c t i o n - w r i t i n g chroniclers of the a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement i n the American middle west. Anecdotes of plowing and barn-r a i s i n g may have minor h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t , but they cannot sustain an extended f i c t i o n a l narrative. Shrimpton, l i k e h i s colleagues who dealt with the a g r i c u l t u r a l west, f i n a l l y has recourse to contrived melodramatic incident borrowed from the Cooper t r a d i t i o n of adventure f i c t i o n . The Cooper t r a d i t i o n , related s p e c i f i c a l l y to e a r l i e r stages of Canadian history, was revived b r i e f l y and sporadi-c a l l y during the 1860's and 70's. Charles W. H a l l wrote Twice-Taken (1867), a well researched and e x c i t i n g narrative concerning the two B r i t i s h sieges of Louisbourg fortress i n the eighteenth century. In addition, early Canada was the set t i n g for several "dime novels." The romance of the northern forest proved to be quite popular with readers of th i s genre (although not so popular as tales of the "wild west"), but the strong n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n c l i n a t i o n s of both writers and readers were r e f l e c t e d i n a preference for s p e c i f i c a l l y American settings such as Pennsylvania and New York. The d e f i n i t i v e history and bibliography, Albert Johannsen's The House of Beadle and Adams and i t s Dime and  Nickel Novels (1950) conveniently s p e c i f i e s the settings of the hundreds of works l i s t e d , and less than twenty are described as set i n Canada. Of these works, very few are extensively involved with the d i s t i n c t i v e elements of the Canadian se t t i n g . Edward S. E l l i s ' s The Forest Spy (1861) i s nominally set i n Canada during the war of 1812, but the 66 country i s very vaguely characterized as a land of forests, Indians, and "Tories." N. William Busted 1s King Barnaby: or The Maidens of the Forest (1861) i s more s p e c i f i c i n i t s descriptions of Halifax and Quebec i n the late eighteenth century, but the focus of attention i s on the Bostonian romantic hero and on a family of European French emigre's which he guides through the forest during an Indian uprising. Two dime n o v e l i s t s , Ann Stephens and C. Dunning Clark, made a minor specialty of writing about early Canada, both producing t r i l o g i e s based on h i s t o r i c a l and legendary events i n New France before the conquest. Ann Stephens exploited the legend of Count Frontenac's half-breed c h i l d i n Ahmo's  Plot (1863), Mahaska (1863), and The Indian Queen (1864). Clark presented a Gothicized chronicle of urban French Canada, reminiscent of Awful Disclosures but with an emphasis on p o l i t i c a l intrigue rather than r e l i g i o u s controversy, i n The  S i l e n t Slayer; or The Maid of Montreal (1869), Despard the  Spy, or The F a l l of Montreal (1869), and Graybeard the  Sorcerer, or the Recluse of Mount Royale (1874). Thus throughout most of the nineteenth century, a rather s i m p l i f i e d and derogatory conception of Canada persisted i n the American imagination. In spite of the fact that i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the century, B r i t i s h North America had a large English-speaking population which was as devoted to demo-c r a t i c ideals and to material progress as i t s southern neigh-bor, many American writers continued to represent the country a s a p o l i t i c a l l y r e a c t i o n a r y B r i t i s h c o l o n y , o r a s a n e n c l a v e o f F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g R o m a n C a t h o l i c p e a s a n t s , o r a s t h e p r i m i -t i v e w i l d e r n e s s s c e n e o f I n d i a n w a r f a r e o r o f d e c a d e n t F r e n c h i m p e r i a l i s m . T h e r e h a d b e e n a f e w c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f t h e s e v i e w s , b y l o y a l i s t w r i t e r s a t t h e t i m e o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , o r b y s y m p a t h e t i c a n d c u l t u r a l l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d t r a v e l e r s , b u t t h e s e d i s s e n t e r s w e r e f e w a n d t h e i r w o r k s o b s c u r e . B u t b y 1 8 5 0 t h e r e w a s o n e p a r t i c u l a r l y p r o m i n e n t c o u n t e r - i n f l u e n c e a t w o r k . T h i s c o u n t e r - i n f l u e n c e w a s n o t , h o w e v e r , c o n c e r n e d w i t h c o r r e c t i n g t h e d i s t o r t i o n s o f t h e h i s t o r i c a l r o m a n c e o r t h e p r e j u d i c e s o f t r a v e l n a r r a t i v e s . I t i n v o l v e d , r a t h e r , a v e r y i d e a l i z e d c o n c e p t i o n o f o n e p a r t i c u l a r e p i s o d e i n e a r l y F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n h i s t o r y . 68 Notes to Chapter 3 "'"James Fenimore Cooper, The Pioneers (New York: New American Library, 1964), p. 29. Cooper's journeys to Niagara and Michigan are outlined i n The Letters and Journals of  James Fenimore Cooper, ed. James F. Beard (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960-68), I, 10-14 and V, 219-20. Some of his researches for his novels of the French and Indian wars are described i n Thomas P h i l b r i c k , "The Sources of Cooper's Knowledge of Fort William Henry," American L i t e r a - ture, 36 (May, 1964), 209-14. 2 The frequency of Cooper's references to Canada i n the Leatherstocking t a l e s , and the s i n i s t e r connotations which often characterize these references are i l l u s t r a t e d by S.B. L i l j e g r e n , The Canadian Border i n the Novels of J.F. Cooper, Upsala Canadian Studies, No. 7 (Upsala: A.-B. Lundequistska, 1968). The main subject of th i s monograph, however, i s Cooper's representation of the northern New York f r o n t i e r region. 3 Cooper's indebtedness to Heckewelder i s c l e a r l y evident from a b r i e f perusal of Heckewelder's Account of the History  . . . of the Indian Tribes Who Once Inhabited Pennsylvania  and New York (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, [1819]), and i s i n d i r e c t l y acknowledged i n the author's pre-face to the 1850 e d i t i o n of the Leatherstocking t a l e s . There i s a detailed discussion of the subject by Paul A.W. Wallace, "Cooper's Indians," JFC: A Re-Appraisal, ed. Mary Cunningham (Cooperstown: New York State H i s t o r i c a l Association, 1954), pp. 55-78. 4 Cooper, The Pathfinder (New York: New American Library, 1961), p. 384. 5 I b i d . , p. 382. Cooper, The Last of the Mohicans (New York: New American Library, 1962), p. 180. 7 I b i d . , p. 212. o [Osgood Bradbury], Lucelle, or The Young Iroquois! A  Tale of the Indian Wars (Boston: Henry L. Williams, 1845), p. 28. q John Greenleaf Whittier, Poet i c a l Works, Household ed. (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1857), p. 33. See Norah Story, The Oxford Companion to Canadian  History and Literature (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 453. ^ J o h n L e s p e r a n c e , T h e B a s t o n n a i s : T a l e o f t h e A m e r i c a n  I n v a s i o n o f C a n a d a i n 1 7 7 5 - 7 6 ( T o r o n t o : B e l f o r d B r o t h e r s , 1 8 7 7 ) , p . 3 3 5 . S e e V i r g i n L a n d , p . 2 1 1 f f . IV THE ACADIAN TRAGEDY: LONGFELLOW AND OTHERS 1. In 1837, the distinguished h i s t o r i a n George Bancroft described i n the second volume of his History of the United States the 1755 expulsion of the French-speaking inhabitants of Acadia. Bancroft's whole history i s strongly a n t i - B r i t i s h , having as a pervasive theme the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the American p o l i t i c a l system and of American independence. Hence the events of the Seven Years War are treated primarily as a prologue to the American Revolution, and great emphasis i s placed on the cruel and arbit r a r y actions of the English government and army, not only towards the French, but towards the American c o l o n i a l governments and m i l i t i a forces. Obviously, the Acadian episode i s of p a r t i c u l a r value to Bancroft's a n t i - B r i t i s h thesis; and he t e l l s the story with a tone of indignation, with strong emphasis on the suff e r i n g of the e x i l e s . Before the expulsion, says Bancroft, the Acadians l i v e d i n i d y l l i c pastoral s i m p l i c i t y , i n a kind of Golden Age of peace and contentment: No tax-gatherer counted t h e i r f o l d s , no magistrate dwelt i n t h e i r hamlets. . . . The pastures were covered with herds and flocks; . . . the meadows . . . were covered with grasses, or f i e l d s of wheat. . . . With the spinning wheel and the loom, t h e i r women made, of f l a x from t h e i r own f i e l d s , of fleeces from t h e i r own fl o c k s , coarse but s u f f i c i e n t clothing. . . . Happy i n th e i r n e u t r a l i t y , the Acadians formed, as i t were, one great family.1 Then suddenly and without reason (so Bancroft suggests) t h i s i d y l l i c existence was v i o l e n t l y disrupted. Conveniently suppressing the fact that the expulsion involved the conni-vance of the New England administrators and was ca r r i e d out by c o l o n i a l m i l i t i a , Bancroft excoriates the B r i t i s h "lords of trade, more merciless than the savages and the wilderness i n winter," who "wished very much that every one of the Acadians should be driven out." Most of his narrative involves s i m i l a r extravagant rhetoric and categorical denun-ciat i o n s of the B r i t i s h motives and methods. Families were separated, says Bancroft, the refugees were subjected to i n d i g n i t i e s at the hands of the s o l d i e r s , and l a t e r , i n the English colonies, the Acadian e x i l e s "were cast ashore with-out resources." A b e a u t i f u l and f e r t i l e t r a c t of country was reduced to a solitude. There was none l e f t round the ashes of the cottages of the Acadians but the f a i t h f u l watchdog, vainly seeking the hands that fed him.3 As t h i s fervent peroration indicates, Bancroft's version of the Acadian expulsion i s not an h i s t o r i c a l narrative i n the modern sense of a recreation of facts and an analysis of cause and e f f e c t . I t i s a highly charged effusion of emotion, i n which v i r t u a l l y a l l facts are subordinated to the central theme of B r i t i s h cruelty. Bancroft not only ignores the B r i t i s h motives and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the American colon-ies i n the expulsion; he also temporarily suspends the perennial American suspicion of Roman Catholicism, a suspicion which he c l e a r l y expresses elsewhere i n his h i s t o r y , i n his b r i e f summations of early French a c t i v i t y i n the New World. 72 A s i m i l a r emotional and n a t i o n a l i s t i c response to the Acadian expulsion i s represented i n a novel by a Rhode Island author named Mrs. Catherine Williams. The Neutral French: or The Exiles of Nova Scotia (1841) follows the Acadian e x i l e s to Massachusetts, and takes a central group of charac-ters on through the American Revolution and down as far as the eve of the French Revolution. In a long introduction, the author expands her h i s t o r i c a l context i n the other d i r e c t i o n by summarizing the c o n f l i c t i n North America between the English and French from the time of the e a r l i e s t explorations and settlements. Using this vast h i s t o r i c a l context Mrs. Williams makes the Acadian expulsion, as Bancroft did, a p a r t i c u l a r l y heinous crime i n a long chronicle of B r i t i s h i n j u s t i c e against the s e t t l e r s of North America. In the course of the novel, the Acadians are seen from two points of view. In the introduction and early chapters, the author follows the suggestion of her acknowledged source, Thomas Chandler Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia (1829), and represents them as l i v i n g i n "a state of s i m p l i c i t y and 4 s o c i a l happiness" which i s disrupted by the tyrannical agents of the B r i t i s h crown. The pathos of t h e i r s i t u a t i o n i s underscored by gruesome descriptions of the murder of children and the persecution of helpless old men. Set i n contrast to t h i s picture of passive endurance and su f f e r i n g i s the defiant self-possession of the two main characters, Pauline St. Pierre and her s i s t e r Josephine. Separated from 73 her family and f o r c i b l y expelled from her native province, Pauline s e t t l e s i n Boston, where her career follows an arche-typal American pattern of economic and s o c i a l success. Josephine becomes involved i n the events of the American Revolution, and i n a climactic scene devastatingly reduces the B r i t i s h General Howe to confusion i n p o l i t i c a l argument. As t h i s summary suggests, The Neutral French i s essen-t i a l l y a t r a c t celebrating the r i s e of the American republic. The Acadians are used mainly to i l l u s t r a t e the tyranny of the B r i t i s h , and i n the process of serving t h i s function they are v i r t u a l l y transformed i n t o Americans. The transformation i s made p a r t i c u l a r l y evident not only i n the heroine's ready acceptance of American p o l i t i c a l and economic i d e a l s , but also i n her r e l i g i o u s conversion. Unlike Bancroft, Mrs. Williams obviously cannot bear to think of her Acadians as adherents of Roman Catholicism, so she represents them as continually expressing r e l i g i o u s doubts; eventually everyone of any significance i n the n o v e l — i n c l u d i n g the parish p r i e s t — i s converted to Protestantism. Bancroft's b r i e f lament for the Acadians and Mrs. Williams' s h r i l l defense of the republic represent s i g n i f i c a n t developments i n the American imaginative conception of Canada. Heretofore, t h i s conception has been rather i n c i d e n t a l and unfavorable; the northern country and i t s French-speaking inhabitants have been remote and rather d i s t a s t e f u l shadows on the fringes of the American consciousness. But the story 74 of the Acadians represents the p o s s i b i l i t y of a more sympath-e t i c attitude. Neither Bancroft nor Mrs. Williams gave s i g n i -f i c a n t l i t e r a r y embodiment to th i s material, however. The most impressive expression of the Acadian theme—perhaps not large i n the t r a d i t i o n which produced Moby-Dick and The  Scarlet Letter, but undeniably worth serious a t t e n t i o n — i s Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's Evangeline (1847). 2 . I t i s a noteworthy fact of American l i t e r a r y history that Evangeline—or rather, a transmuted version of the same story —was almost written by the author of The Scarlet Letter. In 1838, the Reverend Horace Conolly of Salem narrated to Nathaniel Hawthorne a legend which he had heard from a French-Canadian woman l i v i n g i n Boston concerning an Acadian g i r l who i s separated from her betrothed by the expulsion, and after years of wandering finds him l y i n g on his deathbed. Although th i s anecdote, with i t s irony and pathos, i s not unlike some of Hawthorne's t a l e s , the author decided that i t 5 was "not i n his vein." Eventually he included a b r i e f narra-tive of "The Acadian E x i l e s , " dealing with the expulsion and the a r r i v a l of a group of the e x i l e s at Boston, i n Grand- father 's Chair (1841), a history of New England for children. In the absence of any further authorial comments on the subject, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to speculate as to why Hawthorne found the story of the wandering Acadian g i r l uncongenial. His handling of the children's version suggests that the connection with New England history was the aspect of the story which most interested him. As for the wanderer's t a l e , he may have f e l t that i t involved too passive an experience, for his usual i n c l i n a t i o n was towards plots involving the deliberate commission of s i n and the consequent burden of g u i l t . There are obvious exceptions to t h i s generalization, but i f i t was the character's p a s s i v i t y to which Hawthorne objected, he rejected the story for pr e c i s e l y the same reason that Longfellow e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y took i t up. When the Reverend Conolly, a mutual f r i e n d of the poet and the romancer, t o l d the story once again i n the presence of both writers, Longfellow i s reported to have remarked " I t i s the best i l l u s t r a t i o n of faithfulness and the constancy of woman that g I have ever heard of or read." As thi s comment suggests, Longfellow was ostensibly even less interested than Hawthorne i n the h i s t o r i c a l and geographical background of the Acadian expulsion. His o r i g i n a l conception of Evangeline involved a prominent central figure who would be the pe r s o n i f i c a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r v i r t u e . The virtue e x t o l l e d i n the fini s h e d poem, however, i s not "faithfulness and constancy," but the more general qu a l i t y of patience. The word "patience" occurs repeatedly throughout the poem, and the impassive figure of Evangeline wandering over the American continent becomes a symbol of the serene and single-minded acceptance of circum-stances over which the i n d i v i d u a l has no control. But with a l l the emphasis on the central story of 76 Evangeline, Longfellow does not neglect the h i s t o r i c a l and geographical background of the poem. Like Mrs. Williams (whose novel, i n c i d e n t i a l l y , he had not read when he wrote 7 his poem), he consulted Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia, where he found descriptions of the landscape and early settlements of the province, as well as an account of the expulsion. His preparation for writing the poem did not, however, include a v i s i t to Nova Scotia, even though the t r i p from Boston to Halifax could be made with r e l a t i v e convenience by packet boat, and i t was his frequent custom to v i s i t and scr u t i n i z e the American and European regions relevant to his o other writing and teaching. Presumably, he wanted to avoid any i r r e l e v a n t or inconsistent d e t a i l s which an examination of nineteenth-century Nova Scotia might intrude on his i d y l l i c image of eighteenth-century Acadia. In any case, he r e l i e d e n t i r e l y on his reading and imagination, with the r e s u l t that the l i t e r a l truth of his picture of Acadia has been c a l l e d into question. Longfellow had never been to Nova Scotia, and i t has been said that [the] opening l i n e . . . i s the most untruthful of the whole poem. For the great s a l t marshes washed by the s i x t y - f o o t tides of the Bay of Fundy, dotted with a few willow trees (the e a r l i e r growth having been destroyed by forest f i r e s ) had i n 1755 l i t t l e to suggest eit h e r "the forest primeval" or "the murmuring pines."9 But t h i s objection overlooks the fact that the "forest prime-v a l " i n the Prologue i s e x p l i c i t l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the v i l l a g e of Grand Pre", where Part I of the poem i s set. In the opening l i n e s of Part I, the scenery around Grand Pre" i s presented, accurately enough, as "vast meadows," " f i e l d s of fl a x , and orchards and cornfields/Spreading afar and unfenced o'er the p l a i n . " In the distant background, "away to the northward," are "the forests old" (Evangeline, p. 13). "^ Longfellow i s here presenting a fa m i l i a r feature of the North American scene: i t i s the same feature, i n e f f e c t , that so f o r c e f u l l y struck the. men of Arnold's army when they stumbled out of the forest onto the neatly c u l t i v a t e d f i e l d s of the St. Lawrence Valley. The image of an a g r i c u l t u r a l oasis on the edge of a forest wilderness i s , of course, a fundamental and pervasive expression of the New World experience. Its l i t e r a r y mani-festations include (to mention a few prominent examples) William Bradford's account of Plymouth Plantation, St. John de Crevecoeur's picture of the "s i t u a t i o n " of the American farmer, and de Tocqueville's admiring description of the rude but energetic attempts at c u l t i v a t i o n to be suddenly d i s -covered i n the midst of the forest of northern New York.'*"''' By the 1840's, however, th i s image was being supplanted i n the American mind by the new image of the western f r o n t i e r , and the notion of the a g r i c u l t u r a l oasis i n the forest was becoming a nostalgic i d e a l . This i s how Acadia appears i n Evangeline: as an epitome of the youth of the American con-tinent, as a kind of "golden age" of moral innocence and s o c i a l perfection. This conception of Acadia i s by no means o r i g i n a l with 7 8 Longfellow. In Halliburton's History of Nova Scotia he found the following description, based on an imaginative account by the eighteenth-century French encyclopedist, Abbe" Raynal: Hunting and f i s h i n g , which had formerly been the delight of the Colony, and might have s t i l l supplied i t with subsistence, had no further a t t r a c t i o n for a simple and quiet people, and gave way to agriculture, which had been established i n the marshes and low lands, by r e p e l l i n g with dikes the sea and r i v e r s which covered these p l a i n s . These grounds yielded f i f t y for one at f i r s t , and afterwards f i f t e e n or twenty for one at least; wheat and oats succeeded best i n them, but they likewise produced rye, barley and maize. . . . At the same time these immense meadows were covered with numer-ous fl o c k s . They computed as many as si x t y thousand head of horned c a t t l e ; and most families had several horses. . . . Their habitations, which were constructed of wood, were extremely convenient, and furnished as neatly as substantial farmers' houses i n Europe. They reared a great deal of poultry of a l l kinds, which made a variety i n t h e i r food, at once wholesome and p l e n t i -f u l . . . . Real misery was wholly unknown, and benevolence anticipated the demands of poverty. Every misfortune was r e l i e v e d as i t were before i t could be f e l t , without ostentation on the one hand, and without meanness on the other. I t was, i n short, a society of brethren; every i n d i v i d u a l of which was equally ready to give, and to receive, what he thought the common r i g h t of mankind. x 2 Catherine Williams, as has been mentioned, also followed Haliburton; and Bancroft's b r i e f description of Acadia before the expulsion r e f l e c t s a probable debt to ei t h e r Haliburton or Raynal. But i n both Bancroft and Williams, the image of Acadia as a prelapsarian paradise i s subordinated to the vehement statement of anti-English and pro-republican ide a l s ; and i n The Neutral French, the pastoral i d y l l i s severely q u a l i f i e d by the author's anti-Roman Catholicism. Longfellow, by contrast, i s not interested i n condemning English actions almost a hundred years i n the past. His description of the actual expulsion i s comparatively b r i e f , with only a s l i g h t and unemphatic condemnation of the o f f i c e r s and so l d i e r s who carri e d out the order. Nor has he any p a r t i c u l a r objections to Roman Catholicism. His account of the Acadians and t h e i r sad fate i s directed towards other purposes. An important i n d i c a t i o n of the thematic d i r e c t i o n of Longfellow's poem i s provided i n a generalized description of evening i n the v i l l a g e of Grand Pre": There i n the tr a n q u i l evenings of summer when br i g h t l y the sunset Lighted the v i l l a g e s t r e e t , and gilded the vanes on the chimneys, Matrons and maidens sat i n snow-white caps and i n k i r t l e s Scarlet and blue and green, with d i s t a f f s spinning the golden Flax for the gossiping looms, whose noisy shuttles within doors Mingled t h e i r sound with the whir of the wheels and the songs of the maidens. Solemnly down the street came the parish p r i e s t , and the children Paused i n t h e i r play to ki s s the hand he extended to bless them. Reverend walked he among them; and up rose matrons and maidens, Hailing h is slow approach with words of affectionate welcome. Then came the labourers home from the f i e l d , and serenely the sun sank Down to his re s t , and t w i l i g h t prevailed. Anon from the b e l f r y Softly the Angelus sounded, and over the roofs of the v i l l a g e Columns of pale-blue smoke, l i k e clouds of incense ascending, Rose from a hundred hearths, the homes of peace and contentment. Thus dwelt together i n love these simple Acadian farmers Dwelt i n the love of God and of man. Alike were they free from 80 Fear, that reigns with the tyrant, and envy, the vice of republics. Neither locks had they to t h e i r doors, nor bars to t h e i r windows; But t h e i r dwellings were open as day and the hearts of the owners; There the r i c h e s t was poor, and the poorest l i v e d i n abundance. (Evangeline, pp. 13-14) Longfellow, l i k e Haliburton, associates the happiness of the Acadians with t h e i r economic success as an a g r i c u l t u r a l community. They have achieved the i d e a l of prosperity and contentment such as Crevecoeur attributed to his American farmer. Longfellow associates t h i s i d e a l not merely with the d i s t i n c t i v e New World s i t u a t i o n , however, but with the con-tinuance of certain Old World t r a d i t i o n s . In the quoted passage and throughout Part I of the poem the European costumes, language, and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s of the Acadians are repeatedly emphasized: the "matrons and maidens" dress as t h e i r ancestors have done for centuries; the parish p r i e s t i s the central figure of the community, and the hours of r e l i g -ious observance mark the hours of the day. Furthermore, the r e l i g i o u s imagery of the description of e v e n i n g — p a r t i c u l a r l y the references to the s o f t sounds of the Angelus and the smoke " l i k e clouds of incense ascending"—give an almost hypnotically sensuous q u a l i t y to the Acadians 1 Roman Cathol-icism, and show how far the poet i s from expressing the petty objections of an American Protestant. In subsequent cantos, the v i l l a g e r s are represented as following t h e i r accustomed Old World amusements, t e l l i n g the 81 folk tales and singing the songs brought over from Normandy."'" Longfellow's Acadians have the best of both worlds, for they have the economic prosperity of America and the s p i r i t u a l refinement of Europe, and yet have escaped the p o l i t i c a l decadence of Europe and the ungoverned s p i r i t of competition which Longfellow suggests i s one of the major drawbacks of North American c i v i l i z a t i o n : " . . . Alike were they free from/Fear that reigns with the tyrant, and envy, the vice of republics." I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that the eighteenth-century trav e l e r John Cousens Ogden s i m i l a r l y saw i n Lower Canada an i d e a l amalgamation of America and Europe; but unlike Ogden's r i g i d l y h i e r a r c h i c a l society, Longfellow's Acadia i s communistic: Every house was an inn, where a l l were welcomed and feasted; For with t h i s simple people, who l i v e d l i k e brothers together, A l l things were held i n common, and what one had was anothers. (p. 24)14 The strength and d u r a b i l i t y of t h i s society i s corroborated by descriptive d e t a i l and related metaphor: the houses are "Strongly b u i l t . . . with frames of oak and of hemlock" (p. 13), and Evangeline's father i s "Hearty and hale, . . . an oak that i s covered with snowflakes" (p. 14). S i m i l a r l y , Evangeline i s associated with the pot e n t i a l f r u i t f u l n e s s of apple trees (p. 16); the h a i r of the old notary public i s compared to a f i e l d of maize (p. 21); and throughout Part I the Acadians are associated by juxtaposition of descriptive 82 d e t a i l with the permanence and i n f i n i t e productiveness of nature. Ultimately, however, the association i s i r o n i c . Evan-geline's father soon dies; and s i g n i f i c a n t l y , Evangeline her s e l f eventually dies unmarried and barren. For Acadia represents the nostalgic i d e a l of a golden age that no longer e x i s t s ; the central event of the poem i s the expulsion of the simple and innocent people from t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l paradise, and the long second part of the poem i s devoted to the wander-ings of Evangeline i n search of her l o s t love. Part II also relates the loss of Acadia to a large mythological context involving the whole North American continent. Forced to move south into the regions which are to become the United States, the e x i l e s yearn to regain t h e i r l o s t happiness. Father F e l i c i a n , the parish p r i e s t of Grand Prd, consoles Evangeline by holding before her the v i s i o n of a "new Eden" where she w i l l be reunited with her l o s t Gabriel: . . . not far away to the southward On the banks of the T§che are the towns of St. Maur and St. Martin. There the long-wandering bride s h a l l be given again to the bridegroom, There the long-absent pastor regain his flock and his sheepfold. Beautiful i s the land, with i t s p r a i r i e s and forests of f r u i t trees; Under the feet a garden of flowers, and the bluest of heavens Bending above, and re s t i n g i t s dome on the walls of the forest. They who dwell there have named i t the Eden of Louisiana, (pp. 39-40) In Louisiana, Evangeline and the p r i e s t f i n d Gabriel's father 83 living in circumstances of prosperity and pastoral content-ment which seem to be a duplication of the old l i f e in Acadia. But the "new Eden" is imperfect, because Gabriel i s not there; "moody and restless grown," he has moved on toward the western frontier, whither Evangeline decides to follow him. The American west, with i t s connotations of vast h i s t o r i -cal migrations involving cruel hardships and disappointment, provides the appropriate setting for the part of the poem devoted to Evangeline's search. The image of the "great American desert," reflecting Evangeline's desolation and pre-figuring the f u t i l i t y of her search, i s introduced early in Part I I : Fair was she and young: but, alas! before her extended, Dreary and vast and silent, the desert of l i f e , with i t s pathway Marked by the graves of those who had sorrowed and suffered before her, Passions long extinguished, and hopes long dead, and abandoned, As the emigrant's way o'er the Western desert is marked by Campfires long consumed, and bones that bleach in the sunshine. (p. 34) And in Louisiana Evangeline stands at the edge of the farm of Gabriel's father, where the calm and the magical moonlight Seemed to inundate her soul with indefinable longings, As through the garden gate, and beneath the brown shade of the oak trees, Passed she along the path to the edge of the measureless prairie. Silent i t lay, with a silvery haze upon i t , and f i r e f l i e s Gleamed and floated away in mingled and i n f i n i t e numbers. (p. 45) 84 Concomitant with the geographical background of the p r a i r i e with i t s i n f i n i t e v i stas i s an h i s t o r i c a l panorama which includes the American Revolution and the spread of urban c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the United States: Thus did the long sad years glide on, and i n seasons and places Divers and distant far was seen the wandering maiden; Now i n the Tents of Grace of the Meek Moravian missions. Now i n the noisy camps and the b a t t l e f i e l d s of the army. Now i n secluded hamlets, i n towns and populous c i t i e s , Like a phantom she came, and passed away unremembered. (p. 51) Appropriately, Evangeline's quest comes to an end i n one of the "populous c i t i e s , " the ultimate development of the h i s t o r -i c a l and geographical movements depicted i n the poem. The nostalgic i d e a l of an innocent, prelapsarian past has been replaced i n the American imagination by a prospective i d e a l of an urbanized i n d u s t r i a l Utopia; the s t a t i c image of primi-t i v e s i m p l i c i t y and perfection has given way to a dynamic and complex image of progress toward a goal which continually recedes into the i n f i n i t e p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the future. Super-f i c i a l l y , the c i t y to which Evangeline g r a v i t a t e s — P h i l a d e l -p h i a — i s reminiscent of Acadia: Something at least there was i n the f r i e n d l y streets of the c i t y , Something that spoke to her heart, and made her no longer a stranger, And her ear was pleased with the Thee and Thou of the Quakers, For i t r e c a l l e d the past, the old Acadian country, Where a l l men were equal, and a l l were brothers and s i s t e r s . (p. 52) But i t s inadequacy as a substitute for the l o s t pastoral 85 paradise i s underscored by the onslaught of a "pestilence" (possibly Longfellow has i n mind the yellow fever epidemic of 1793) which serves as a dramatic reminder of the hardships and setbacks involved i n the process of development towards the prospective i d e a l of s o c i a l perfection. In terms of Evangeline's quest, the epidemic also serves as an emphatic seal to the loss of her i d y l l i c Acadian youth and the love associated with i t : for she finds Gabriel l y i n g i n a hospi-t a l at the point of death. The pathos of Evangeline's s i t u a t i o n i s somewhat m i t i -gated by a f i n a l reference to the heroine's "patience" and by the introduction of a rather conventional C h r i s t i a n consolation, but the larger implications of the story are emphasized by a return, i n the concluding l i n e s , to the "forest primeval" and by the evocation of a desolate image of the depopulated or transformed Acadian settlements of Nova Scotia: S t i l l stands the forest primeval; but under the shade of i t s branches Dwells another race, with other customs and language. Only along the shore of the mournful and misty A t l a n t i c Linger a few Acadian peasants, whose fathers from e x i l e Wandered back to t h e i r native land to die i n i t s bosom. In the fisherman's cot the wheel and the loom are s t i l l busy; Maidens s t i l l wear t h e i r Norman caps and t h e i r k i r t l e s of homespun. And by the evening f i r e repeat Evangeline's story, While from i t s rocky caverns the deep-voiced, neighbouring ocean Speaks, and i n accents disconsolate answers the wail of the forest. (p. 56) Longfellow envisaged Evangeline primarily as a story of 86 the sufferings and virtues of a single i n d i v i d u a l ; but the repeated emphasis on s e t t i n g i n the poem, and on the connec-ti o n between the s e t t i n g and the development of North American his t o r y , results i n a large mythological conception i n which Acadia becomes an image of a l o s t and lamented golden age. The myth i s c l e a r l y marred by over-sentimentalization, by Longfellow's inorganic method of composition ( i . e . , his incorporation of d e t a i l s for t h e i r i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t rather than for t h e i r relevance to eit h e r the story of Evangeline or the story of the expulsion), and perhaps by his rather dim awareness of the implications of his material. Nevertheless, th i s image of Acadia and the Acadians constitutes an important development i n the American l i t e r a r y conception of Canada. 87 Notes to Chapter 4 "'"George Bancroft, History of the United States of  America from the Discovery of the Continent (1885; rpt. Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1967), I I , 426. 2 I b i d . , 434. 3 I b i d . , 433. 4 Catherine Williams, The Neutral French; or The Exi l e s  of Nova Scotia (Providence: The Author, 1841), I, 54. 5 Manning Hawthorne and H.W.L. Dana, The Origin and  Development of Longfellow's "Evangeline" (Portland, Me.: The Anthoensen Press, 1947), p. 11. 6 I b i d . , p. 12. 7 I b i d . , pp. 15-16. For accounts of Longfellow's research methods, see Newton Arvin, Longfellow: His L i f e and Work (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1962), passinu 9 Hawthorne and Dana, p. 17. X^A11 quotations are from the unlineated e d i t i o n of Evangeline (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1962). x ±See Alexis de Tocqueville, Journey to America, trans. George Lawrence, ed. J.P. Mayer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960), pp. 128-29. 12 Thomas Chandler Haliburton, An H i s t o r i c a l and S t a t i s - t i c a l Account of Nova-Scotia (Halifax: Joseph Howe, 1829), I, 170-72. 13 The o l d world antecedents of Longfellow's Acadians are less d i r e c t l y revealed i n the fac t that the poet based his description of them p a r t l y on his observations of European peasants and on descriptions adapted from Scandinavian saga. See Hawthorne and Dana, p. 17. 14 Longfellow i s not e n t i r e l y consistent on thi s point, however; cf. the following: "Somewhat apart from the v i l l a g e , and nearer the Basin of Minas,/Benedict Beliefontaine, the wealthiest farmer i n Grand Pre"/Dwelt on his goodly acres." (p. 14) 88 V "A YANKEE IN CANADA" AND OTHER TRAVELERS 1. While Cooper, Irving, Longfellow and others were incor-porating t h e i r notions of Canada and Canadians into a romantic, retrospective image of the North American f r o n t i e r , some of t h e i r countrymen were developing a more prosaic and contemporary view of the northern provinces. Nineteenth-century Americans were indefatigable travelers and i r r e p r e s -s i b l e writers of t r a v e l narratives; and although Canada did not exert as great an appeal to t o u r i s t s as Europe, i t was by no means overlooked."'" In the 1830's and 40's, several works were published dealing p a r t l y or e n t i r e l y with tours to Quebec and Montreal v i a Lake Champlain, and to the more recently s e t t l e d Upper Canada (or as i t was known afte r 1841, Canada West) v i a Niagara and Lake Ontario. Some of these works, l i k e the previously mentioned Northern T r a v e l l e r of Theodore Dwight, were merely guidebooks; some, l i k e Nathaniel Parker W i l l i s ' s elaborately i l l u s t r a t e d two-volume Canadian  Scenery (1842), were part guidebook and part personal memoir; and there were a few s e m i - f i c t i o n a l narratives such as Jesse Walker's Queenston and Fort Niagara (both 1845), and William Tappan Thompson1s Major Jones's Sketches of Travel . . . from  Georgia to Canada (1848). With minor variations r e l a t i n g to the author's s p e c i f i c purpose or to the p a r t i c u l a r section of the provinces he has 89 s e e n , t h e s e w o r k s e x p r e s s s u b s t a n t i a l l y s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s C a n a d a . T h e r e i s a g e n e r a l e n t h u s i a s m f o r t h e s c e n e r y , a n d f o r t h e p i c t u r e s q u e n e s s o f t h e o l d e r s e t t l e m e n t s . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l a n t i p a t h y t o R o m a n C a t h o l i c i s m i s o f t e n a d o m i n a n t f e a t u r e o f w o r k s d e a l i n g w i t h F r e n c h C a n a d a , a s i n t h e r a t h e r b i a s e d g u i d e b o o k P i c t u r e o f Q u e b e c ( 1 8 3 0 ) , b y G e o r g e B o u r n e , t h e a u t h o r o f L o r e t t e . B u t t h e f a v o r i t e t a r g e t s o f A m e r i c a n l i t e r a r y v i s i t o r s t o e i t h e r o r b o t h l i n g u i s t i c r e g i o n s a r e t h e c u s t o m s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s r e l a t i n g t o B r i t i s h s e t t l e m e n t a n d B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s m . O . L . H o l l e y , i n T h e P i c t u r e s q u e T o u r i s t ( 1 8 4 4 ) , f o r i n s t a n c e , c o m p l a i n s o f t h e c i t i z e n s o f T o r o n t o : T h e p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t t h e A m e r i c a n s , o r Y a n k e e s , i s e a s i l y p e r c e i v e d a n d e a s i l y a c c o u n t e d f o r , a s m o s t o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s a r e e x c e e d i n g l y l o y a l , h a v e n e v e r v i s i t e d " T h e S t a t e s , " a n d l o o k u p o n t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s a s a s e t o f l a w l e s s r e p u b l i c a n s o r d i s o r g a n i z e r s . . . . 2 I n Q u e e n s t o n a n d F o r t N i a g a r a , J e s s e W a l k e r s e t s o u t t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e s u p e r i o r i t y o f t h e r e p u b l i c a n o v e r t h e c o l o n i a l s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t . I n t h e s e t w o f i c t i o n a l e x c u r -s i o n s , b o t h s u b t i t l e d " a t a l e o f t h e N i a g a r a f r o n t i e r , " a n o l d s e a c a p t a i n a n d h i s t w e l v e - y e a r - o l d n e p h e w r a m b l e o v e r t h e N i a g a r a p e n i n s u l a a n d d i s c u s s i n S o c r a t i c d i a l o g u e t h e h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s o f t h e r e g i o n . I n Q u e e n s t o n , t h e t w o t o u r i s t s c l i m b t o t h e t o p o f B r o c k ' s m o n u m e n t t o a d m i r e t h e v i e w : O n t h e e a s t w a s t o b e s e e n t h e w e l l c u l t i v a t e d f i e l d s o f t h e w e s t e r n p a r t o f New Y o r k , a n d t o t h e w e s t t h e e y e 90 f e l l upon the domain of the B r i t i s h king. A s t r i k i n g difference was to be observed between these portions of the two countries. On the west there was less improve-ment than on the east, though the s o i l was equally f e r t i l e . "This difference may be owing," said the Captain, "to the d i f f e r e n t form of government and the d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t i n g i n the two countries." "How," said Harry, "does the government have any e f f e c t on the c u l t i v a t i o n of the f i e l d s ? " "Because," said the captain, "men are not s a t i s f i e d with the c u l t i v a t i o n of the f i e l d s alone. They do that as a means of subsistence, but the most enterprising have some other purpose i n view as the chief object to be accomplished. In the United States the highest o f f i c e s are open to a l l , while i n Canada t h e i r governors and many other o f f i c e r s are appointed by the government of a distant country, separated from them by thousands of miles of ocean. And though a man may never expect or hope to obtain any high st a t i o n , yet he prefers to l i v e i n a country where he i s not excluded from i t by custom, or by the organization of government."3 This s i m p l i f i e d comparison hardly does j u s t i c e to the c o n s t i -t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l complexities of eit h e r country, and e s p e c i a l l y misrepresents the s i t u a t i o n i n the united province of Canada, which by 1845 was well along i n the evolution towards self-government. But t h i s misrepresentation involves more than mere ignorance of s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l f a c t . Many nineteenth-century Americans were anxious to demonstrate the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r revolution-based p o l i t i c a l system i n the face of external c r i t i c i s m and i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s over such questions as slavery and states' r i g h t s . I f Canada were able to achieve by peaceful means a greater degree of prosperity, freedom, and unity than the United States had achieved by revolution, the whole American system would be seriously 9 1 discredited. But the observable evidence suggested that the northern provinces were i n these respects i n f e r i o r to the republic; and American l i t e r a r y observers were quick to point out t h i s i n f e r i o r i t y . The retarded economic and p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n of the provinces as compared to the republic i s one of the main themes of Major Jones's Sketches of Travel. A vehement advo- • cate of slavery, states' rights and the ideals of Jeffersonian democracy, Thompson takes h i s plantation owner persona on a c r i t i c a l tour of the northern states, and f i n a l l y to Niagara, Montreal, and Quebec. North of the Mason-Dixon l i n e , Major Jones finds that Jefferson's i d e a l of a well-ordered society i s being dangerously threatened by the a b o l i t i o n i s t movement; but his f a i t h i n the ultimate s o l i d i t y of the republic i s restored by his glimpse of conditions i n the B r i t i s h province. In the f i r s t of his two chapters on Canada, Thompson's narrator assures h i s readers of his o b j e c t i v i t y and r e l i a -b i l i t y : If I was t r a v e l i n l i k e Mr. Dickens or Captain Marryatt, or any of them English t r a v e l l e r s , j e s t to make a book for a people who i s so blinded with prejudice that they can't see any thing but f a u l t s , i t wouldn't make no difference whether I know'd much about the things I described or not; a l l I'd have to do would je s t be to go ahed and f i n d a l l the f a u l t I could with everybody, and with every thing I heard of or seed sot down i n the gide-books; and the further I cum from the truth, so I went on the black side of i t , the better I would please. But I a i n ' t a w r i t i n for no sic h people, and I'm not gwine to f i n d f a u l t with what I don't know nothin about, j e s t for the sake of f a u l t - f i n d i n . 4 I t i s soon clear, however, that Thompson i s only concerned, 92 l i k e Jesse Walker, with using the s u p e r f i c i a l features of Canadian society i n a running demonstration of the su p e r i o r i t y of American customs and i n s t i t u t i o n s . As Major Jones sets out from Niagara to Montreal, he expresses the same opinion about the two sides of the r i v e r as Walker's Captain: None of these towns along here on the Canady side a i n ' t no great shakes, and a l l of 'em makes a monstrous bad contrast with the smart bisness-lookin towns on the American side, showin p l a i n enuff that our i n s t i t u t i o n s i s best calculated to promote the prosperity of the people.5 In Montreal, Major Jones v i s i t s "the Parlyment House, whar the Canady people make sich laws as ther masters over the water don't care about t r o u b l i n themselves with." And also i n Montreal, he takes note of the ubiquitous signs of B r i t i s h m i l i t a r i s m . "Sogers [ s o l d i e r s ] , " says the major, are the " s t r i k i n feater of Canady—and one can't help but wonder what upon yeath England can want of t e r r i t o r y what takes sich a g t e r r i b l e l o t of money and sogers to keep i t . " Thompson, l i k e so many of his countrymen, i s suspicious of the Roman Catholic French-speaking Canadians; but his objections to B r i t i s h imperialism take precedence over his r e l i g i o u s pre-judices. In Quebec City, Major Jones meditates on the monument to Wolfe and Montcalm; subsequently he imaginatively conceives the French Canadians as an oppressed and l i b e r t y -loving race and the vic t o r y of Wolfe as an " i n j u s t i c e " which the B r i t i s h government w i l l never s a t i s f a c t o r i l y redress: I t was a hard piece of bisness, that contest, i n which France l o s t her General and her cause; and though the 93 English may try t i l l dooms-day to make the French Canadians f o r g i t the i n j u s t i c e they have suffered, by gi v i n t h e i r Catholic church a l l sorts of p r i v i l e g e s , and by b i l d i n monuments, l i k e they have i n the Palace Gardin with Wolfe's name on one side and Montcalm's on the other, t r y i n to make the honors of that day easy between 'em,—they never can make l o y a l , contented subjects out of 'em as long as Cape Diamond stands where i t does.^ Thompson's Canada i s thus plagued by i r r e c o n c i l a b l e r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s , by rampant and i r r a t i o n a l B r i t i s h m i l i t a r -ism, and by retarded economic development stemming from the i l l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l system. Canada, i n short, i s a negative alternative to the U.S.—j u s t as i n the h i s t o r i c a l perspective of the Cooper-inspired romancers, New France was often the negative alternative to the B r i t i s h American colonies. In this r e f l e x i v e view of Canada, i t i s not surp r i s i n g that only the most s u p e r f i c i a l features of the society are involved, or that the French Canadians are rendered as stereotypes whose attitudes and b e l i e f s are dependent upon the interests of the American commentator. I t i s somewhat surprising, however, that Thompson neglects one of the most predominant observable features of the northern provinces: the ominous proximity of the vast northern forest. To Cooper and his successors, and to Longfellow, the contrast between the settlements and the wilderness was the central physical fact of the New World sett i n g , a fact which was p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the sparsely s e t t l e d northern regions of the continent. In the works of many of the early nineteenth-century l i t e r a r y t o u r i s t s , however, the Canadian wilderness i s v i r t u a l l y ignored. This neglect i s possibly a r e f l e c t i o n of the impor-tance which these t o u r i s t s place on the s o c i a l comparison between Canada and the United States. Canada's geographical s i t u a t i o n , on the southern fringe of an almost incomprehen-s i b l y vast and barely habitable wilderness, i s the most important physical d i s t i n c t i o n between that country and.the United States with i t s immense stretches of arable land; but Thompson and s i m i l a r writers wish to emphasize the physical s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two regions, i n order to demonstrate that Canada's i n f e r i o r i t y i s e n t i r e l y a matter of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l factors. The lack of i n t e r e s t i n the northern wilderness might also r e f l e c t a more general feature of the American national character, a feature which Alexis de Tocqueville claimed to have discovered i n his t r a v e l s : In Europe people talk a great deal of the wilds of Amer-i c a , but the Americans themselves never think about them; they are insensible to the wonders of inanimate nature and they may be said not to perceive the mighty forests that surround them t i l l they f a l l beneath the hatchet. Their eyes are fixed upon another sight: the American people views i t s own march across these wilds, draining swamps, turning the course of r i v e r s , peopling solitudes, and subduing nature.^ And of course, the l i t e r a r y t o u r i s t ' s neglect of the wilder-ness may merely be a r e f l e c t i o n of his confinement to the comparatively populous t o u r i s t routes, where his attention i s almost continually directed to the signs of c i v i l i z a t i o n . In any event, the only acknowledgement of the northern f r o n t i e r i n these books seems to be quite perfunctory and generalized. 95 Thompson, for instance, has only t h i s conventionally worded meditation: A l l together, Quebec i s a curious and i n t e r e s t i n place. I t looks l i k e i t belonged to another continent and to another age of the world; and when one looks upon i t s power and i t s buty, and remembers that i t stands on the boundry of c i v i l i z a t i o n , close to the edge of the wild unexplored wilderness that extends northward to the regions of e v e r l a s t i n freeze-to-death, he i s apt to exclaim with the poet—"Time's noble empire i s the l a s t . " 9 The same indifference to the Canadian wilds i s evident in the t r a v e l account of Richard Henry Dana, J r . , who v i s i t e d Montreal, Quebec, Montmorency and the Saguenay region i n the summer of 1853. Except for his youthful voyage to C a l i f o r n i a , Dana was not widely traveled. In 1853 his f i r s t v i s i t to Europe was s t i l l three years i n the future; most of his early manhood had been spent looking a f t e r a busy law practice and working strenuously i n the cause of Emancipation. As his association with the Emancipation movement suggests, his p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s were considerably more l i b e r a l than Thomp-son's. He was not, however, committed to the e g a l i t a r i a n form of democracy t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated with Andrew Jackson and the western f r o n t i e r . On the contrary, he was firmly attached to the semi-aristocratic p r i n c i p l e s of the "Boston brahmin" society i n which he l i v e d most of his l i f e . Accord-ingly, the impression of a B r i t i s h m i l i t a r i s t i c oligarchy i n Quebec did not trouble him as i t had troubled Thompson; nor was he i n c l i n e d to exalt American progress and enterprise over the ostensible economic backwardness of Canada. On the 9 6 whole, the b r i e f (approximately eight thousand word) account of his Canadian v i s i t which he committed to his / journal pre-sents a very favorable view of Canada. As i n Thompson's experience, one of the f i r s t features of Canada which attracts Dana's attention i s the ubiquitous presence of the B r i t i s h army. But his reaction to the spec-tacle of so l d i e r s on parade i s quite unlike Thompson's: [Montreal, Aug. 17] The 26th Reg., Lt. Col. Hemphill, i s here. Saw them parade at 11 o'ck. Excellent d i s c i p l i n e . Col. Hemphill has the most elegant m i l i t a r y a i r I ever saw i n a commanding o f f i c e r , with a noble voice. (p. 572)10 His f i r s t reaction to the other prominent feature ( i . e . , Roman Catholicism) of Canada i s s u p e r f i c i a l l y s i m i l a r to that of most nineteenth-century American tr a v e l e r s . He acknow-ledges the i n s p i r a t i o n a l e f f e c t of such structures as Notre Dame Cathedral i n Montreal: It i s huge, & to my unaccustomed eye, gigantic. There i s a very impressive a i r of devotion about these open churches . . . with people always about engaged i n prayer or other acts of worship. (pp. 572-73) But he i s suspicious of the Roman Catholic r i t u a l : [Aug. 18] Before br[eakfast] walked to the R.C. Cathedral & attended mass. . . . A l l was Chaunted, & there was the constant dingling of b e l l s , & putting o f f & on of caps, ducking up & down, taking s n u f f — , robing & unrobing wh. encumbers & b e l i t t l e s the Roman service so much. (p. 573) Nevertheless, he i s impressed by the Catholic church as a powerful and e f f i c i e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s t a f f e d by a c u l t u r a l l y superior class of i n d i v i d u a l s , just as for s i m i l a r reasons he admires the B r i t i s h army and c o l o n i a l administration. With 97 an unmistakable consciousness of his s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , Dana r e s t r i c t s his contacts i n Canada almost e n t i r e l y to such representatives of the administrative and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l aristocracy as Lord E l g i n (the B r i t i s h governor-general), the Roman Catholic archbishop of Quebec, and members of the o f f i c e r s ' mess at the C i t a d e l . Occasionally, he remembers to play the role of American democrat among B r i t i s h a r i s t o c r a t s : " I t i s a great advantage," he writes of his dinner with Lord E l g i n , "to be an American among people of rank. If you are only p o l i t e & not obtrusive & act na t u r a l l y , you may do as you please" (p. 580) . But elsewhere he confides quite frankly, "I cannot but record the pleasure I receive from the voices of educated Englishmen of good society" (p. 589). He does not e n t i r e l y ignore the French Canadians, but his attitude toward them i s extremely condescending. On a b r i e f walk i n the countryside near Quebec City, he talks to a number of farmers and v i l l a g e r s , and reports: I am delighted with the manners of the French Canadians of the middle and lower c l a s s , — t h e r u r a l population. There i s a native & indes t r u c t i b l e politeness and grace about them which charms me. . . . 1 believe them to be a moral, r e l i g i o u s , honest & kind people. (pp. 590-91) Yet the Boston Brahmin who dines with Lord E l g i n and who passes among the habitants l i k e a European nobleman among peasants i s also the man who wrote i n Two Years Before the Mast: We must come down from our heights, and leave our str a i g h t paths for the byways and low places of l i f e , i f we would learn truths by strong contrasts; and i n hovels, 98 i n f o r e c a s t l e s , a n d among o u r own o u t c a s t s i n f o r e i g n l a n d s , s e e w h a t h a s b e e n w r o u g h t among o u r f e l l o w -c r e a t u r e s b y a c c i d e n t , h a r d s h i p , o r v i c e . H He i s a l s o t h e same s o c i a l r e f o r m e r a n d h u m a n i t a r i a n who s t r e n u o u s l y c a m p a i g n e d a g a i n s t t h e w r e t c h e d w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f A m e r i c a n s e a m e n a n d H a w a i i a n l a b o r e r s i n C a l i f o r n i a , a n d who d o n a t e d h i s l e g a l s e r v i c e s i n r e p e a t e d a t t a c k s o n t h e F u g i t i v e S l a v e L a w . B u t i f D a n a w a s t h e e n e m y o f o p p r e s s i o n a n d t y r a n n y , h e was a l s o a f i r m b e l i e v e r i n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f s o c i a l o r d e r . I n Two Y e a r s B e f o r e t h e M a s t h e d e n o u n c e s t h e i n c o m p e t e n c e a n d c r u e l t y o f m e r c h a n t m a r i n e o f f i c e r s — b u t h e a l s o e m p h a s i z e s t h e i l l e g a l i t y o f m u t i n y . H i s o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e F u g i t i v e S l a v e L a w i n v o l v e d c h a l l e n g i n g t h e l a w i n c o u r t — b u t n o t t h e o p e n d e f i a n c e o f i t . He w o u l d a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y h a v e d i s a g r e e d w i t h H e n r y T h o r e a u ' s a r g u m e n t i n " C i v i l D i s -o b e d i e n c e " t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l h a s a r i g h t a n d d u t y t o d i s o b e y u n j u s t l a w s , f o r D a n a p l a c e d t h e s t a b i l i z i n g p o w e r o f l a w a n d g o v e r n m e n t a b o v e a l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . I n C a n a d a , t h e m a i n f e a t u r e o f s o c i e t y w h i c h a t t r a c t s h i s a t t e n t i o n i s t h e s e m b l a n c e o f s t a b i l i t y : r e f i n e d , a r i s t o c r a t i c a d m i n i s t r a t o r s r u n n i n g t h e p r o v i n c e ' s a f f a i r s w i t h e v i d e n t e f f i c i e n c y , w e l l -t r a i n e d t r o o p s m a i n t a i n i n g a d i s p l a y o f m a r t i a l r e a d i n e s s , a p o w e r f u l c h u r c h e x e r c i s i n g s p i r i t u a l d i s c i p l i n e o v e r c h e e r f u l a n d s u b s e r v i e n t h a b i t a n t s , a n d n o o u t w a r d a p p e a r a n c e o f s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e t o d i s t u r b a m o r a l s e n s i b i l i t y w h i c h a p p a r e n t l y c o u l d b e a f f e c t e d b y o n l y t h e m o s t o b v i o u s e v i l . H i s b a s i c a t t i t u d e t o C a n a d a i s r e m i n i s c e n t o f t h e a t t i t u d e o f J o h n 99 Cousens Ogden, the American clergyman who i n 1799 was so well pleased with the h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l structure of Lower Canada. Dana i s not quite l i k e Ogden, however, for Ogden*s ultimate purpose was to i l l u s t r a t e the s u p e r i o r i t y of the c o l o n i a l system over republicanism, whereas Dana makes almost no e x p l i c i t comparison (beyond the reference to his "demo-c r a t i c " table manners) between the two systems. In the same way, he d i f f e r s from such defenders of republicanism as William Tappan Thompson, who come to Canada with a store of prejudices against the c o l o n i a l system. On the whole, Dana i m p l i c i t l y acknowledges the t h e o r e t i c a l v a l i d i t y and p r a c t i c a l e f f i c i e n c y of both the Canadian and American s o c i a l struc-tures. With no emphatic opinions or comparative judgements underlying i t , Dana's account of Canada i s mainly valuable for i t s objective report of certain observable features of the country. His choice of features, as has been suggested, r e f l e c t s the narrowness of his p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l attitudes; but within the obvious l i m i t a t i o n s of these attitudes, his perceptive and comprehensive descriptions have a d e f i n i t e h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t . Some of these descriptions, furthermore, involve quite respectable prose work which commendably r e f l e c t s Dana's writing a b i l i t y , considering the fact that the journal was merely a personal memorandum not intended for publication. Primarily, he avoids the pseudo-poetic c l i c h e s which other writers frequently r e l y on when rendering the 100 picturesque or spectacular features of Canadian scenery. With a good eye for d e t a i l , he i s able to introduce a con-creteness to his pictures which make for a v i v i d recreation of nineteenth-century Canada. This q u a l i t y i s evident, for instance, i n his f i r s t impressions of Quebec: I was surprised to f i n d so many v i l l a g e s along the banks of the r i v e r , & such an appearance of populousness & c u l t i v a t i o n as far as we cd. see into the i n t e r i o r . At length, a l i n e of shipping along the l e f t bank, large wood-yard, & vessels at anchor i n the stream, denoted the approach to Quebec. In a few minutes, the gallant l o f t y c i t a d e l , with i t s ba t t e r i e s , & royal f l a g , burst upon us, & snuggling at i t s feet the town, g l i t t e r i n g with i t s t i n roofs, i n the morning sun. As we drew nearer, red coats on guard, o f f i c e r s & men i n undress, denoted the mental and physical power which possesses & controls t h i s i n e r t material might. On the bank about half-way up, a monument marks the spot where Montgomery f e l l i n his desperate attempt. A l i t t l e lower than the c i t a d e l , stands the Terrace, & lower & s t i l l lower, at the water's edge, under the h i l l & looking l i k e the mop-board to the wall of a room stands the trading town, the soldie r s on guard & the v i s i t o r s walking along the ram-parts looking down at the chimney tops of the t a l l e s t houses as from a dizzy height. How strange! How d i f f e r -ent from everything American i s Quebec! The winding narrow gateway, thro 1 which our omnibus t o i l e d up to the upper town, attainable by horses only by means of long deflections & c i r c u i t s of the path, and hard struggles of the beast. For the f i r s t time i n my l i f e I entered a w a l l e d - t o w n — l i t e r a l l y a walled town, into or out of which no one can go save thro 1 a guarded gate-way. (p. 574) To William Tappan Thompson and others, the signs of "populous-ness and c u l t i v a t i o n " would be contemptuously dismissed by comparison with the United States, and the sentinels on the walls and heights would be taken as symbols of malevolent B r i t i s h m i l i t a r i s m . Dana, however, merely reports what he sees, with no comment other than the wide-eyed exclamations 101 of the inexperienced t o u r i s t , or b r i e f and tentative r e f l e c -tions on the "i n e r t material might" of the f o r t i f i e d c i t y . As a p a r t i a l but r e l i a b l e r e f l e c t i o n of what a nine-teenth-century American saw and experienced on the most popular t o u r i s t route i n Canada, Dana's t r a v e l notes have indisputable value. In the context of the history of imaginative l i t e r a t u r e , however, they are considerably less important than the almost exactly contemporary t r a v e l narra-tive of Henry Thoreau. 2. "A Yankee i n Canada" (published p a r t i a l l y , 1853, and 12 e n t i r e l y , 1866) can j u s t i f i a b l y be placed among Henry Thoreau 1s s i g n i f i c a n t minor works. I t i s at lea s t as impor-tant to an understanding of his a r t i s t i c and i n t e l l e c t u a l development as i t s companion t r a v e l essays, The Maine Woods and "Cape Cod" (portions of which were published i n p e r i o d i -cals i n the 1850's and which appeared i n book form a f t e r the author's death). The man who prided himself on' having "traveled a good deal i n Concord" and yet who was fascinated by t r a v e l books and by visions of remote corners of the world was bound to be strongly affected by the one foreign journey of his l i f e , even i f t h i s journey was only a ten-day railway and steamship excursion to Montreal, Quebec and Montmorency. As Sherman Paul has observed, "Thoreau's t r i p to Canada . . . was the equivalent, for one who made much of l i t t l e , of a 13 tour to Europe." Yet with the exception of Paul's detailed 102 and perceptive discussion, "A Yankee i n Canada" has received very l i t t l e serious c r i t i c a l attention. Thoreau*s modern biographer H.S. Canby seems to have set the course of subse-quent judgement when he dismissed the work as " r e l a t i v e l y simple . . . factual and d i r e c t , but useful and suggestive."*'' Modern denigrators of the work, i t i s true, are following the author's own lead. "I do not wonder that you do not l i k e my Canada story," Thoreau wrote his f r i e n d Harrison Blake i n 1853; " i t concerns me but l i t t l e , and probably i s not worth the time I took to t e l l i t . " But t h i s comment i s c l e a r l y an expression of annoyance rather than a considered c r i t i c a l judgement, for Thoreau had been concerned enough with his "Canada story" to withhold the l a s t three chapters from Putnam's rather than submit to the e d i t o r i a l censorship of 15 certain allegedly "pantheistic" statements. Indeed, almost a l l the i n t e r n a l and external evidence indicates that the imaginative experience involved i n the excursion to Canada concerned him a great deal. In the f a l l of 1850, when he took the t r a i n from Boston to Montreal, Thoreau was i n the early stages of thinking and research for an ambitious history (which he did not l i v e to complete) of the North American Indian and the early a r r i v a l and settlement of Europeans i n the New World. After his return from Canada, he set to work accumulating a mass of material r e l a t i n g to the geographical and h i s t o r i c a l background of the northern country. And for at least two years afterward, he continued 103 to make random notes i n his journal r e l a t i n g to his foreign 16 excursion. The statements to Blake, including his further comment that "I had no other design whatever i n my mind, but simply to report what I saw," thus have to be placed i n the context of a creative mind that was v i r t u a l l y incapable of casual or s u p e r f i c i a l e f f o r t . I t i s true that "A Yankee i n Canada," The Maine Woods, and "Cape Cod" represent Thoreau's attempt to break into the lu c r a t i v e market of the quarterly magazines by catering to the current popularity of t r a v e l narratives. But i t i s also true that these books represent part of hi s attempt to comprehend i n l i t e r a r y terms the com-plex theme of the meaning of the New World experience. Thoreau's conception of the American continent i s not r i g i d l y n a t i o n a l i s t i c l i k e William Tappan Thompson's, nor inadequately concerned with the wilderness f a c t , l i k e Thomp-son's and Dana's. For Thoreau, the New World i s the symbol of certain s p i r i t u a l ideals as well as an agglomeration of geographical and h i s t o r i c a l facts. The vast and apparently i n f i n i t e p o t e n t i a l of the North American forest and the western f r o n t i e r o ffers a, unique opportunity to pursue moral and s o c i a l perfection, while the pattern for some of the virtues which must be cu l t i v a t e d i n the pursuit of t h i s i d e a l can be found i n the study of the early h i s t o r y of the con-tinent, and i n the d i r e c t experience of f r o n t i e r l i f e . In his three late t r a v e l books, Thoreau describes both his h i s t o r i c a l studies and his quest for related experience. In 104 The Maine Woods, he goes deep into the northern forest, into the pre-Columbian world of the Indian and the primeval world of nature; i n "Cape Cod," he takes the search to the A t l a n t i c shore of the continent, where English-speaking settlement i n America began; and i n "A Yankee i n Canada" he goes to the region of early French colonization, on the edge of a wilder-ness even more remote and forbidding than the woods of Maine. Each of these expeditions involves the search for a kind of "representative man." Of course, Thoreau i s not so naive as to expect to f i n d Rousseau's noble red man i n the Maine Woods, or a seventeenth-century explorer on Cape Cod, or a coureur de bois i n Canada. But he hopes to f i n d i n these f r o n t i e r s certain individuals whose l i v e s might convey intimations of a simpler and purer l i f e which can provide imaginative contrast (in the words of Walden) to "the r e s t l e s s , nervous, bustling, 17 t r i v i a l Nineteenth Century." In Maine, his quest ends with the discovery of Joe P o l i s , the Penobscot Indian guide whose si m p l i c i t y of character and a f f i n i t y with nature have not been e n t i r e l y obscured by his contact with the white man's c i v i l i -zation. On Cape Cod, he finds the W e l l f l e e t Oysterman, who i n spite of his comical piety and contempt for his "young" wife and daughter i s an admirable representative of the American c o l o n i a l period. In Canada, however, Thoreau i s not so successful. Although he meets and talks with many inhabi-tants of the northern province, he does not f i n d any i n d i v i d u a l who appears to be an adequate representative of the great age 105 of northern exploration and adventure. But i f Thoreau was disappointed with nineteenth-century Canada, i t i s p a r t l y because his expectations associated with the country were unusually high. Perhaps he did not l i t e r -a l l y expect to f i n d a world of coureurs de bois and voyageurs, but the great northern wilderness of Canada seems to have s t i r r e d him to p a r t i c u l a r l y extravagant f l i g h t s of poetic fancy. In a meditation on reading i n A Week on the Concord  and Merrimack Rivers (1849), he thinks of the l i t e r a t u r e of early North American exploration: We naturally remembered Alexander Henry's Adventures here, as a sort of c l a s s i c among books of American t r a v e l . I t contains scenery and rough sketching of men and incidents enough to ins p i r e poets for many years, and to my fancy i s as f u l l of sounding names as any page of h i s t o r y , — Lake Winnipeg, Hudson's Bay, Ottawa, and portages innumerable; Chippeways, Gens de Terres, Les P i l l e u r s , The Weepers; with reminiscences of Hearne's journey, and the l i k e ; an immense and shaggy and sincere country, summer and winter, adorned with chains of lakes and r i v e r s , covered with snows, with hemlocks, and f i r - t r e e s . There i s a naturalness, an unpretending and cold l i f e i n th i s t r a v e l l e r , as i n a Canadian winter, what l i f e was preserved through low temperatures and f r o n t i e r dangers by furs within a stout heart.18 The object of Thoreau's northern excursion was the s e t t l e d region of Canada East, not the solitudes of Lake Winnipeg and Hudson Bay; but the repeated meditations on the wilderness i n "A Yankee i n Canada" suggest that Thoreau 1s expectations of the northern province involved elements which were at l e a s t analogous to the imaginative ideals represented by Henry's great northwest. Thoreau's early writing contains another important 106 intimation of what he might have expected to f i n d i n Canada. In his journal for July 14, 1845, while he was l i v i n g i n a hut on the shore of Walden Pond, he wrote: "Who should come to my lodge just now but a true Homeric boor, one of those Paphlagonian men? Alek Therien he c a l l e d himself; a Canadian 19 now, a woodchopper, a post-maker. . . . " The woodchopper i s the one "representative man" i n a l l Thoreau 1s writings who receives the highest praise. "A more simple and natural man i t would be hard to f i n d , " Thoreau concluded i n Walden. The admiration for Therien i s by no means unqualified, for at times the author "did not know whether he was as wise as 20 Shakespeare or as simply ignorant as a c h i l d . " But on the whole, Thoreau was i n c l i n e d to see the woodchopper 1s ignorance as a primitive naturalness. As he appears i n Walden, he i s the epitome of native i n t e l l i g e n c e and vi r t u e , a man who lacks and has no need for l i t e r a r y culture beyond a vague f a m i l i a r i t y with the names of poets and a few fragments of poetry, and who i s able to experience a d i r e c t and unaffected response to nature. Surprisingly, i n his lengthy consideration of French-Canadian manners and customs i n "A Yankee i n Canada" Thoreau makes not the least i n d i c a t i o n that he i s acquainted with an in d i v i d u a l who might serve as a pattern for the race. Nor, conversely, i n Walden or i n the various journal entries con-cerning Therien written a f t e r 1850 does he suggest how the woodchopper compares with his countrymen i n t h e i r native 107 element. But i t i s d i f f i c u l t to believe that Thoreau would not think of Therien during his v i s i t to Canada. And i f , as the tone of "A Yankee i n Canada" repeatedly suggests, he found the French Canadians disappointing, i t may have been partly because his experience with Therien had given him an exaggerated notion of t h e i r v i r t u e s . I t i s misleading, however, to suggest that Thoreau was t o t a l l y unhappy with nineteenth-century Canada and i t s inhabitants. "A Yankee i n Canada" r e f l e c t s , rather, a constant ambivalence of attitude, expressed i n repeated q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , exceptions, and frank contradictions. Perhaps nowhere else i n Thoreau's writing i s the Transcendentalist penchant for d i a l e c t i c a l tension more evident. Throughout the narrative, his fascination with the great northern wilderness i s modified by his c r i t i c i s m of Canadian society; his admiration for the great age of New France i s opposed to his annoyance with modern Canada East; his approval of some of England's achieve-ments i n the New World i s opposed to his d i s l i k e of B r i t i s h imperialism; and there are many other c o n f l i c t i n g attitudes i n his observations of s p e c i f i c features of the c i t i e s and countryside. Perhaps the most important c o n f l i c t i s that involved i n the pervasive comparison between Canada and the United States. Unlike such biased commentators as Thompson, Thoreau struggles to be f a i r and open-minded about Canadian society; but he cannot look at i t u n c r i t i c a l l y , as Dana does, and f i n a l l y , his d i a l e c t i c a l tensions are resolved i n a 108 general conclusion which involves some of the highest praise that Thoreau expresses anywhere for his native country. This conclusion i s prefigured i n the almost contemp-tuously i r o n i c tone of the opening sentence. "I fear that I have not got much to say about Canada, not having seen much; 21 what I got by going to Canada was a cold" (p. 3). In sp i t e of the brevity and geographical l i m i t a t i o n s of his t r i p , he actually saw a great deal .more than most American v i s i t o r s , for unlike Thompson and Dana (for instance), he made a p a r t i -cular point of c u l t i v a t i n g the acquaintance of a wide repre-sentation of the inhabitants. He was far more conscious than other t o u r i s t s of the physical s i t u a t i o n of Canada, on the edge of the wilderness; but the expectations aroused by t h i s s i t u a t i o n led to what was probably his f i r s t disappointment i n the country. Instead of approaching something analogous to Alexander Henry's great northwest, he found himself on the t r a i n and boat to Montreal "being whirled toward some foreign vortex" (p. 8); and shortly afterward he was i n Montreal, i n a se t t i n g that appeared completely divorced from the world of gens de terre and coureurs de bois. Like other American v i s i t o r s to Montreal and Quebec, Thoreau i s unfavorably impressed by the ubiquitous manifesta-tions of Roman Catholicism. The f i r s t t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n he v i s i t s i s Notre Dame Cathedral, which s t r i k e s him as a large "cave" of ambiguous value: "I saw that i t was of great size and s i g n i f i e d something" (p. 12). The Roman Catholic r i t u a l 109 appears to him to reduce i t s devotees to the l e v e l of brutes: Presently came i n a troop of Canadians, i n t h e i r home-spun, . . . and one and a l l kneeled down i n the a i s l e before the high a l t a r to t h e i r devotions, somewhat awkwardly, as c a t t l e prepare to l i e down. . . . (pp. 12-13) And the e c c l e s i a s t i c s are grotesque l i v i n g symbols of a morbid solemnity: We also met some Sisters of Charity, dressed i n black, with Shaker-shaped black bonnets and crosses, and cada-verous faces, who looked as i f they had almost c r i e d t h e i r eyes out, t h e i r complexions parboiled with scalding tears; i n s u l t i n g the daylight by t h e i r presence, having taken an oath not to smile. (p. 15) But he i s not t o t a l l y unsympathetic to Roman Catholicism. In one of the few comparisons between French Canada and New England which presents his native region i n the less favorable po s i t i o n , he declares: I t i s true, these Roman Catholics, p r i e s t s and a l l , impress me as a people who have f a l l e n far behind the significance of t h e i r symbols. I t i s as i f an ox had strayed into a church and were tr y i n g to bethink himself. Nevertheless, they are capable of reverence; but we Yankees are a people i n whom th i s sentiment has nearly died out, and i n t h i s respect we cannot bethink ourselves even as oxen. (p. 13) The second prominent feature of Montreal which attracts his attention e l i c i t s his unqualified antipathy. Unlike William Tappan Thompson, however, he attacks B r i t i s h m i l i t a r -ism not with the righteous indignation of the convinced republican, but with the i r o n i c scorn of the man of common sense and good will:. The s o l d i e r here, as everywhere i n Canada, appeared to be put forward, and by his best foot. They were i n the proportion of the sol d i e r s to the laborers i n an A f r i c a n a n t h i l l . The inhabitants evidently r e l y on them i n a 110 great measure for music and entertainment. (p. 16) Like Roman Catholicism, m i l i t a r i s m i n Thoreau"s view reduces men to the l e v e l of brutes, but does not i n s p i r e even such a s u p e r f i c i a l virtue as the appearance of reverence. In a more serious passage, Thoreau describes the soldiers on parade, comparing them i n c i d e n t a l l y to the congregation which he observed i n Notre Dame: In a large graveled square or parade ground, c a l l e d the Champ de Mars, we saw a large body of soldiers being d r i l l e d . . . . But they did not appear to notice us any more than the devotees i n the church. . . . I t was one of the most i n t e r e s t i n g sights which I saw i n Canada. The problem appeared to be how to smooth down a l l i n d i -vidual protuberances or idiosyncrasies, and make a thousand men move as one man, animated by one central w i l l ; and there was some approach to success. . . . They made on me the impression, not of many in d i v i d u a l s , but of one vast centipede of a man, good for a l l sorts of p u l l i n g down. . . . (pp. 16-17) In Quebec City, his distaste for Canada i s aggravated further by the anachronistic walls and battlements. The f o r t i f i c a t i o n s provoke thoughts of the diminutive, straitened, and rather f a n t a s t i c world of medieval Europe—not as i t i s understood by history, but as i t i s represented i n the t r a d i t i o n of romance, the t r a d i t i o n of "Skip of the Tip-Toe-Hop, a Romance of the Middle Ages" which he r i d i c u l e s i n the 22 chapter on "Reading" i n Walden. Passing through the Pres-cott gate, which i s ominously "defended by cannon, with a guard-house over i t , a sentinel at his post," Thoreau comments: I rubbed my eyes to be sure that I was i n the Nineteenth Century, and was not entering one of those portals which I l l sometimes adorn the frontispieces of new editions of o l d b l a c k l e t t e r volumes. I thought i t would be a good place to read F r o i s s a r t ' s Chronicles. I t was such a reminis-cence of the Middle Ages as Scott's novels. Men apparently dwelt there for security! Peace be unto them! As i f the inhabitants of New York were to go over to Castle William to l i v e ! (p. 23) Yet Thoreau i s not e n t i r e l y discouraged by the unexpected incongruities of urban Canada East. A f t e r a hurried day of viewing some of the more prominent features of Quebec City, he sets out on a walking tour to the F a l l s of Montmorency and Ste. Anne de Beaupre\ In the countryside, where a l l trace of B r i t i s h imperialism vanishes, he i s much more aware of the proximity of the sub-arctic f r o n t i e r : We had only to go a quarter of a mile from the road, to the top of the bank, to f i n d ourselves on the verge of the uninhabited, and f o r the most part, unexplored wild-erness stretching towards Hudson's Bay. (p. 42) And i n farmhouses and v i l l a g e s by the way, he i s able to meet and talk with a class of habitants whose way of l i f e ought to be closer to the early period of French settlement i n North America, and who might display some of the s i m p l i c i t y and i n t u i t i v e virtue of his f r i e n d Therien. The great St. Lawrence River which borders the road, the vast wilderness beyond, and the exotic place names, a l l con-tribute to an imaginative recreation of the heroic age of New France. Near Ste. Anne, Thoreau crosses La Riviere au Chien, . . . which brought to my mind the l i f e of the Canadian voyageur and coureur de bois, a more western and wilder Arcadia, methinks, than the world has ever seen; for the Greeks, with a l l t h e i r wood and r i v e r gods, were not so q u a l i f i e d to name the natural features of a country as the ancestors of these French Canadians; and i f any 112 people had a r i g h t to substitute t h e i r own for the Indian names, i t was they. They have preceded the pioneer on our f r o n t i e r s and named the p r a i r i e for us. (p. 56) But at the same time, he i s aware of an influence which runs counter to the exuberant pioneering s p i r i t represented by the coureur de bois, and which i s as evident i n r u r a l Canada East as i t was i n Montreal and Quebec. On the road to Ste. Anne he sees so many wayside crosses and shrines that he "could not look at an honest weathercock . . . without mistrusting that there was some covert reference i n i t to St. Peter" (p. 46). And on the walk back from Ste. Anne, he notices place names with associations quite d i f f e r e n t from those of La Riviere au Chien, associations which bring him back to the circumscribed world of the middle ages: To a traveler from the Old World, Canada East may appear l i k e a new country, and i t s inhabitants l i k e c o l o n i s t s , but to me, coming from New England and being a very green traveler withal . . . i t appeared as old as Nor-mandy i t s e l f , and r e a l i z e d much that I had heard of Europe and the Middle Ages. Even the names of humble Canadian v i l l a g e s affected me as i f they had been those of the renowned c i t i e s of antiquity. . . . St,. Fereol or Ste. Anne . . . Bdlange or St. Hyacinthe! As soon as you leave the States, these s a i n t l y names begin. . . . I began to dream of Provence and the Troubadours, and of places and things which have no existence on the earth. They v e i l e d the Indian and the primitive forest, and the woods toward Hudson's Bay were only as the forests of France and Germany. (pp. 56-57) In a similar way, his encounters with the farmers and v i l l a g e r s are disappointing. The habitants are self-centered and narrow-minded, uninterested i n anything beyond t h e i r immediate environment, and seem to Thoreau to be more c l o s e l y related to the medieval European peasant than to the pioneers 1 1 3 of New France. In accordance with his pervasive i n t e r e s t i n the habitation as the epitome or symbol of a culture, he c a l l s attention to the Canadians' circumscribed and i n t r o -spective l i v e s by describing t h e i r unusually constructed farmhouses, which he compares with t h e i r New England counter-parts . The comparison inspires some exceptionally high, unqualified praise for his "fellow townsmen": These Canadian houses have no front door, properly speak-ing. Every part i s for the use of the occupant exclu-s i v e l y , and no part has reference to the t r a v e l l e r or to t r a v e l . Every New England house, on the contrary, has a front and p r i n c i p a l door opening to the great world, though i t may be on the cold side, for i t stands on the highway of nations, and the road which runs by i t comes from the Old World and goes to the far West; but the Canadian's door opens int o his back yard and farm alone, and the road which runs behind his house leads only from the church of one saint to that of another. (p. 5 9 ) The respective situations of Canada and the United States i n the nineteenth century lead him to reconsider t h e i r h i s t o r -i c a l backgrounds. S u p e r f i c i a l l y , the world of the voyageur, the coureur de bois, and the J e s u i t missionary was romantic and e x c i t i n g ; but i n the long run, the s e t t l e d and p r a c t i c a l l i f e of the American c o l o n i s t was more conducive to the creation of an enduring and s i g n i f i c a n t society i n the New World: The impression made on me was that the French Canadians were even sharing the fate of the Indians, or at l e a s t gradually disappearing i n what i s c a l l e d the Saxon current. The English d i d not come to America from a mere love of adventure, nor to truck with or convert the savages, nor to hold o f f i c e s under the crown, as the French to a great extent did, but to l i v e i n earnest and 1 1 4 with freedom. . . . In no part of the Seventeenth Century could the French be sai d to have a foothold i n Canada; they held only by the. fur of the wild animals which they were exterminating. . . . The New England youth, on the other hand, were never coureurs de bois nor voyageurs, but backwoodsmen and s a i l o r s rather. Of a l l nations the English undoubtedly have proved hith e r t o that they had the most business there. (pp. 66-67) And yet, the imaginative appeal of the French Canadian past i s i r r e s i s t i b l e . In the continuation of the above passage, Thoreau reverts to his admiration for the early French explorers: . . . I am not sure but I have most sympathy with that s p i r i t of adventure which distinguished the French and Spaniards of those days, and made them e s p e c i a l l y the explorers of the American continent,—which so early c a r r i e d the former to the Great Lakes and the M i s s i s s i p p i on the north, and the l a t t e r to the same r i v e r on the south. I t was long before our f r o n t i e r s reached t h e i r settlements i n the West. So far as inland discovery was concerned, the adventurous s p i r i t of the English was that of s a i l o r s who land but for day, and the enterprise the enterprise of traders. (pp. 67-68) Yet i n spite of his fascination with the early days of New France and his preference for the earnest and free l i f e of New England, Thoreau finds c e r t a i n admirable q u a l i t i e s i n nineteenth-century French Canada. In comparison to some of his ancestors, the modern habitant i s perhaps a rather d u l l i n d i v i d u a l ; i n comparison to the New Englander, he i s narrow-minded and p r o v i n c i a l ; but considered sympathetically i n the context of his own peculiar society he can provide c e r t a i n lessons for the American observer. There i s even a c e r t a i n poetry to his l i f e , although i t i s not the epic of the voyageur, but rather the l y r i c of "Provence and the Trouba-dours." The names of saints and ancient European c i t i e s 115 may " v e i l " the Indian and the forest, and make the Canadian wilderness seem l i k e the forests of France and Germany, but they have an undeniably evocative beauty of t h e i r own: "I could not at once bring myself to believe that the inhabitants who pronounced d a i l y those b e a u t i f u l , and to me, s i g n i f i c a n t names led as prosaic l i v e s as we of New England" (p. 57). Concomitantly, although the Old World manners of the habitants suggest the s e r v i l i t y of a feudal age, they also invoke a more courteous and l e i s u r e l y way of l i f e than that of the nineteenth-century United States. Noting the universal salutation of the French Canadians, "bon jour, at the same time touching the hat," Thoreau wryly remarks " I t would, indeed, be a serious bore to touch your hat several times a day. A Yankee has not l e i s u r e for i t " (p. 47). S i m i l a r l y , he observes that i f the habitants are lacking i n the progres-sive s p i r i t of the American frontiersman, they are not so devoted to the material wealth which i s too commonly the object of progress i n the United States. Invoking the r a i l -road, the symbol of irresponsible i n d u s t r i a l i s m i n Walden, Thoreau observes of the farmers and v i l l a g e r s of Montmorency County: It was evident that they had not advanced since the settlement of the country, that they were quite behind the age, and f a i r l y represented t h e i r ancestors i n Nor-mandy a thousand years ago. Even i n respect to the common arts of l i f e , they are not so far advanced as a f r o n t i e r town i n the West three years old. They have no money invested i n r a i l r o a d stock, and probably never w i l l have. I f they have got a French phrase f o r a r a i l -road, i t i s as much as you can expect of them. They 116 are very f a r from a revolution, have no quarrel with Church or State, but t h e i r vice and t h e i r virtue i s content. (p. 64) As the ambivalent tone of t h i s paragraph suggests, Thoreau considers the habitant's easy-going existence to be preferable i n many ways to the New Englander 1s l i f e of quiet desperation: " I f the Canadian wants energy, perchance he possesses those v i r t u e s , s o c i a l and others, which the Yankee lacks, i n which case he cannot be regarded as a poor man" (p. 68). But at the same time, i t i s possible to be too lacking i n energy; i n his introverted concern with family, farm, and church, the Canadian may eventually share the fate of the Indian or disappear i n the "Saxon current." Having made his discovery of r u r a l French Canada and reassessed his h i s t o r i c a l conception of North America i n the l i g h t of t h i s experience, Thoreau returns to Quebec. Once again, the main object of his attention i s B r i t i s h m i l i t a r -ism; and i n the l a s t two chapters of "A Yankee i n Canada" he continues his c r i t i c a l and s a t i r i c a l attack on t h i s archaic phenomenon. To Thoreau, the stones of the c i t y walls and the c i t a d e l i n Quebec are the symbols of an unthinking reliance on force as the mainstay of a decadent and anachronistic regime. Huge stone structures of a l l kinds, both i n t h e i r erection and by t h e i r influence when erected, rather oppress than l i b e r a t e the mind. They are tombs for the souls of men, as frequently for t h e i r bodies also, (p. 78) Richard Henry Dana saw the f o r t i f i c a t i o n s of Quebec as the 117 awe-inspiring manifestation of " i n e r t material might"; but Thoreau sees them as absurd vestiges of the least valuable t r a d i t i o n s transplanted from the Old World to the New. The extreme of absurdity i s the spectacle of a benumbed B r i t i s h sentinel s t a l k i n g the heights of Cape Diamond i n the midst of a freezing Canadian winter night: What a natural or unnatural f o o l must that s o l d i e r b e — to say nothing of his government—who, when q u i c k s i l v e r i s freezing and blood i s ceasing to be quick, w i l l stand to have his face frozen, watching the walls of Quebec, though, so far as they are concerned, both honest and dishonest men a l l the world over have been i n t h e i r beds nearly hal f a century. . . . I s h a l l never again wake up i n a colder night than usual, but I s h a l l think how rapidly the sentinels are r e l i e v i n g one another on the walls of Quebec, . . . as i f apprehensive that some h o s t i l e Wolfe may even then be scal i n g the Heights of Abraham, or some persevering Arnold about to issue from the wilderness; some Malay or Japanese, perchance, coming round by the northwest coast, have chosen that moment to assault the c i t a d e l ! (pp. 79-80) In the countryside, during his walks to Ste. Anne and Montmorency, he can forget about th i s ludicrous aspect of Canada and concentrate on studying the habitant i n his native element, on his farm on the edge of the wilderness, where he appears as a lethargic but not unattractive figure. In the c i t i e s , however, and es p e c i a l l y i n the heavily garrisoned Quebec, the French Canadian appears p a r t i c u l a r l y contemptible for submitting so d o c i l e l y to m i l i t a r y r u l e . His submission to the church can be p a r t i a l l y excused by reference to the aesthetic appeal of Roman Catholic symbolism; but his t o l e r -ance of a m i l i t a r i s t i c government i s an inexcusable r e f l e c t i o n of his s e r v i l i t y . "They are a nation of peasants," Thoreau 118 remarks abruptly; " . . . How could a peaceably, freethinking man l i v e neighbour to the Forty-ninth regiment?" (p. 82). Once again, the author's countrymen come i n for some compara-ti v e praise: "A New-Englander would naturally be a bad c i t i z e n , probably a rebel, t h e r e — c e r t a i n l y i f he were already a rebel at home" (p. 82). And i n a f i n a l summary of the differences between the two countries, he condemns the m i l i t a r i s t i c government of Canada i n terms which r e c a l l his assertion of the sanctity of the i n d i v i d u a l i n " C i v i l Dis-obedience" : Give me a country where i t i s the most natural thing i n i n the world for a government that does not understand you to l e t you alone. . . . What makes the United States government, on the whole, more t o l e r a b l e — I mean for us lucky white men—is the fact that there i s so much less of government with us. Here [ i . e . , i n the U.S.] i t i s only once a month or a year that a man needs remember that i n s t i t u t i o n : and those who go to Congress can play the game of Kilkenny cat's there without f a t a l consequences to those who stay at home, t h e i r term i s so short; but i n Canada you are reminded of the government every day. I t parades i t s e l f before you. I t i s not content to be the servant, but w i l l be the master; and every day i t goes out to the Plains of Abraham or to the Champ de Mars and exhibits i t s e l f and toots. (pp. 83-84) Paradoxically, considering i t s p o s i t i o n on the edge of a v i r t u a l l y l i m i t l e s s wilderness, Canada East p e r s i s t e n t l y s t r i k e s Thoreau as oppressively narrow and confined. Every-where he turns there are v i s i b l e or i n v i s i b l e walls and fences, surrounding the c i t y which b r i s t l e s with cannons and s o l d i e r s , defining the r i d i c u l o u s l y narrow farms with t h e i r backward-facing houses, i s o l a t i n g i n t h e i r convents or i n t h e i r gloomy t a c i t u r n i t y the " s h u f f l i n g p r i e s t s " and "Sisters 119 of Charity gone into mourning for t h e i r deceased r e l a t i v e " (p. 84). For r e l i e f from t h i s oppressive atmosphere, Thoreau turns to the contemplation of the wilderness. But unexpect-edly, he finds that the Canadian wilds can have an e f f e c t on the imagination quite d i f f e r e n t from that of the Concord Woods. In the clos i n g chapter of "A Yankee i n Canada" he describes his reaction to the view from Cape Diamond, where he .discovers 'that the immense wilderness stretching north to Hudson Bay does not evoke a sense of man's a f f i n i t y with nature, but rather reveals the fact of man's diminutiveness, and leads ultimately to thoughts of an n i h i l a t i o n : . . . The c i t a d e l under my feet, and a l l h i s t o r i c a l associations, were swept away . . . by an influence from the wilds and from Nature, . . . an influence which, l i k e the Great River i t s e l f , flowed from the A r c t i c fastnesses and Western forests with i r r e s i s t i b l e tide over a l l . (p. 89) As on Mount Ktaadn i n the Maine Woods where he f e l t him-2 3 s e l f i n the grip of "vast T i t a n i c , inhuman Nature," Thoreau i s overwhelmed by the incomprehensible vastness of the North American wilds, and i s reminded of the human necessity of building a home i n thi s environment. As he declares i n Walden, the animal i n s t i n c t i n man i s drawn to the Wild, but there are higher laws which require the c u l t i v a t i o n of the divine s p i r i t , both i n the i n d i v i d u a l and i n society. Canada, set precariously on the edge of an a l l - e n g u l f i n g wilderness where the need to c u l t i v a t e the higher laws ought to be p a r t i c u l a r l y great, i s a petty church- and military-dominated society c l i n g i n g stubbornly to anachronistic customs and i n s t i t u t i o n s and steadfastly refusing to acknowledge the requisites of i t s geographical and h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . With evident r e l i e f , Thoreau turns back to the r e l a t i v e l i b e r t y of his own country. 121 Notes to Chapter 5 *"Some idea of the r e l a t i v e popularity of Canada as a subject for nineteenth-century American travelers with l i t e r a r y i n c l i n a t i o n s may be had from Harold F. Smith's American Travellers Abroad: A Bibliography of Accounts  Published Before 1900 (Carbondale, 111.: Southern I l l i n o i s University, 1969). 2 O.L. Holley, The Picturesque Tourist (New York: J. D i s t u r n e l l , 1844), p. 219. 3 Jesse Walker, Queenston: A Tale of the Niagara Frontier (Buffalo: Steele's Press, 1845), pp. 110-11. 4 [William Tappan Thompson], Major Jones's Sketches of  Travel: Comprising the Scenes, Incidents and Adventures, i n his Tour from Georgia to Canada (Philadelphia: T.B. Peterson, 1848), p. 180. 5 Ibid., p. 175. 6 I b i d . , p. 181. 7 I b i d . , p. 183. o Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy i n America, ed. P h i l l i p s Bradley (New York: Vintage, 1958), I I , 78. 9 [Thompson], p. 184. " ^ A l l quotations from Dana's journal r e f e r to v o l . 2 of The Journal of Richard Henry Dana, J r . , ed. Robert F. Lucid (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, 1968). **Two Years Before the Mast (New York: Washington Square Press, 1968), p. 239. 12 The f i r s t three chapters appeared i n Putnam's Monthly  Magazine, Jan.-March, 1853, under the t i t l e "An Excursion to Canada." The complete five-part work, with i t s ultimate t i t l e , was included i n the posthumous volume Anti-Slavery and  Reform Papers (1866). In the 1893 Riverside e d i t i o n of The Writings of Henry David Thoreau, i t was included i n the volume e n t i t l e d Excursions"^ 13 Sherman Paul, The Shores of America: Thoreau's Inward  Exploration (Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1958), p. 370. 14 H.S. Canby, Thoreau (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1939), 122 pp. 369-70. Edmund G. Berry, i n "Thoreau i n Canada," Dalhousie Reyiew, 23 ( A p r i l , 1943), 68-74, v i r t u a l l y repeats Canby's wording i n a s u p e r f i c i a l summary and appreciation of "A Yankee," which he describes as "a simple piece of narra-t i v e writing, d i r e c t and matter-of-fact." Max Cosman, attempting a psychological approach i n an essay e n t i t l e d "A Yankee i n Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, 25 (March, 1944) , 33-37, suggests that Thoreau went to Canada primarily to recover from the double shock of the deaths of his s i s t e r Helen i n 1849 and Margaret F u l l e r Ossoli i n 1850, and that his rather negative reaction to the northern country might have had something to do with his morbid state of mind. Walter Harding, i n A Thoreau Handbook (New York: New York University Press, 1959), p. 57, dismisses even Canby's tentative approval, and pronounces the book (without o f f e r i n g any i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n support of his comments) as "one of Thoreau 1s le a s t i n s p i r e d 'Excursions'. . . . Even the sentence structure and vocabulary of the essay are a t y p i c a l , staccato, pedestrian journalese." John A. C h r i s t i e , i n Thoreau as  World Traveler (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965) , attributes some pot e n t i a l significance to "A Yankee," but he concludes his b r i e f discussion with the unsupported declara-tion that the work lacks "the immediacy of Thoreau 1s keen observation and involvement that gave v i t a l i t y to his l a t e r accounts of Maine and Cape Cod" (p. 100). 15 A summary of the controversy with Putnam's, and the relevant correspondence, i s i n The Correspondence of Henry  David Thoreau, ed. Walter Harding and Carl Bode (New York: New York University Press, 1958), pp. 293-94. The l e t t e r to Blake i s i n the same volume, p. 299. 1 6 The Journal version of the 1850 excursion, consisting of some eighty-five pages, i s missing; presumably Thoreau used i t as a rough draft. Lawrence Willson has made an admirably thorough study of the manuscript f a i r copy of "A Yankee" (now i n the Huntington Library) and of the large amount of background material on Canada which Thoreau accumulated aft e r returning to Concord. Willson's documen-tation of Thoreau's reading notes and compilations of b i b l i o -graphies demonstrates conclusively that Canada occupied his i n t e l l e c t and imagination quite intensively for at least f i v e or s i x years aft e r the excursion. See Lawrence Willson, "Thoreau"s Canadian Notebook," Huntington Library Quarterly, 22 (May, 1959), 179-200; and "Thoreau and the French i n Canada," Revue de 1'University d'Ottawa, 29 (July-Sept., 1959), 281-97. Henry Thoreau, Walden, Walden ed. (1906; r p t . New York: AMS Press, 1968), p. 363. 123 X°A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, Walden ed. (1906; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1968), p. 230. 19 The Journal of Henry David Thoreau, (1906; rpt; New York: Dover, 1962), I, 365. 2 0Walden, pp. 160, 164. 21 A l l quotations from "A Yankee i n Canada" r e f e r to Excursions and Poems, Walden ed. (1906; r p t . New York: AMS Press, 1968). 2 2Walden, p. 117. 23 The Maine Woods, Walden ed. (1906; r p t . New York: AMS Press, 1968), p. 71. 124 VI THE NORTHERN FRONTIER In his excursion to Canada, Thoreau followed the w e l l -worn route of the "fashionable tour" (as one contemporary guide-book c a l l e d the t r i p through Canada East), but his exceptional imaginative powers were able to conjure up from this b r i e f , circumscribed journey an immense h i s t o r i c a l and geographical v i s i o n which ultimately encompassed the i n f i n i t e a r c t i c vistas of B r i t i s h North America as seen i n the context of the entire New World. Many of his contemporaries, as has been noted, were not interested i n contemplating any more of Canada than the narrow populated fringe along the eastern United States border which could be conveniently (and often adversely) compared with t h e i r own country. There were others, however, who were drawn l i k e Thoreau towards the vast northern regions beyond the settlements. By mid-century, i t was becoming increasingly easier to experience these regions d i r e c t l y . The d i s t r i c t of Canada West (formerly the province of Upper Canada, and i n 1867 to become the province of Ontario) was rapidly opening to exploration, settlement, and tourism, while cer t a i n remote outposts on the northern A t l a n t i c coast were a t t r a c t i n g the p a r t i c u l a r l y hardy and adventurous breed of t r a v e l e r . One r e s u l t of t h i s i n t e r e s t i n the expanding Canadian f r o n t i e r was a small but noteworthy succession of novels and t r a v e l narratives by various minor American authors, dealing with the northern wilderness. 125 As historians of American culture have long recognized, two opposing concepts of the wilderness developed almost simultaneously i n the American imagination. On the one hand, there i s the negative idea (which de Tocqueville found par-t i c u l a r l y noticeable) of the wilderness as something to be feared and destroyed, an idea stemming from Puritanism and ultimately from attitudes as old as western c i v i l i z a t i o n . On the other hand, there i s the concept of nature as a place of s p i r i t u a l rejuvenation and of refuge from the e v i l s of society, a t r a d i t i o n deriving p a r t i c u l a r l y from eighteenth-and nineteenth-century romanticism, but traceable back at least as far as the pastoral mythology of the ancient Greeks. Nineteenth-century American notions of the Canadian f r o n t i e r , as expressed i n certain minor works of mid-century, involve both these t r a d i t i o n s , sometimes running i n c o n f l i c t with each other, and sometimes complicated by p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l b e l i e f s . A c o n f l i c t of attitudes towards the Canadian wilderness i s evident i n a novel by Owen Duffy, published i n 1854, e n t i t l e d Walter Warren, or the Adventurer of the Northern  Wilds. Most of t h i s novel i s set i n and around the f r o n t i e r v i l l a g e of Hamilton " i n that part of the American continent now known as Canada West, formerly Upper Canada," whither young Walter's father has immigrated (like a latter-day Leatherstocking or Daniel Boone) " i n his desire to get as far as possible from the prying c u r i o s i t y of his neighbours.""'' 126 The basic c o n f l i c t i n Walter Warren derives from the f a m i l i a r Cooper-inspired contrast between forest and settlements. The Canadians who befriend Walter a f t e r his father i s murdered by Indians are rough musket-toting Indian-hating backwoodsmen, indistinguishable from t h e i r American counterparts of l i t e r -ary and folk t r a d i t i o n . The town of Hamilton, on the other hand, where the orphaned Walter i s taken by an evangelical preacher, i s an enclave of i n i q u i t y and hypocrisy. After s u f f e r i n g the preacher's tyrannical abuse and subsequently f a l l i n g prey to sensual temptations i n the I r i s h slum of "Corktown," Walter follows the example of his father (and of Boone and Leatherstocking), and escapes to a more remote f r o n t i e r , i n t h i s case the region northwest of Lake Superior. But the author of Walter Warren, whether i n deference to conventional formulas of popular f i c t i o n or because of a basic c o n f l i c t i n his own b e l i e f s , does not f i n a l l y uphold the exaltation of the wilderness. At the end of the story, the hero i s reunited with his long-lost wealthy uncle, there-by gaining the means to return to c i v i l i z a t i o n and enter a s o c i a l stratum where he w i l l presumably not encounter the problems which drove him into the wilderness. The formulaic p l o t and setting of Walter Warren are e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r to a number of nineteenth-century American novels dealing with the western f r o n t i e r of the United 2 States. The author has chosen the Canadian se t t i n g because "Canada" would automatically suggest "wilderness" to the 127 popular imagination, and perhaps because he was t r y i n g to s a t i s f y the appetite for s u p e r f i c i a l novelty of a rapidly growing American reading public. In any case, the people and places of Canada West i n t h i s novel are l i t t l e more than northerly versions of f a m i l i a r American l i t e r a r y and folk conventions. A s i m i l a r approach to Canada i s evident i n another novel of mid-century, The Renegade: A Tale of Real L i f e (1855) by John B. Coppinger. This work, however, i s a more ambitious attempt to a r t i c u l a t e some of the ideas and attitudes towards the wilderness which were current i n the United States at the time of writing, and to dramatize and j u s t i f y the retreat to the wilderness and the subsequent return to c i v i l i z a t i o n . Set mostly i n the forest wilderness north of Lake Ontario, the novel concerns two young Americans who have come to Canada to t e s t certain ideals and b e l i e f s associated with nature and the primitive l i f e . Frank Bramley believes that the retreat to nature i s valuable only insofar as i t affords the opportunity for contemplation i n solitude and t r a n q u i l -i t y , so that one can return to c i v i l i z a t i o n with increased self-understanding and renewed r e l i g i o u s s e n s i b i l i t i e s . His f r i e n d Dick Wood, on the other hand, has come to Canada to get away from the "selfishness and ingratitude of man" and to study the Indians, whom he takes to represent human beings 3 "as they were created . . . i n t h e i r primitive s i m p l i c i t y . " To s e t t l e t h e i r disagreement about the respective value of 128 primitive and c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t i e s , the two Americans j o i n a nomadic t r i b e of Indians who are just about to set of f into the wilderness. The rest of the novel i s a compound of didactic colloquy, crude allegory, and fantasy, wherein the wanderers meet on a " p r a i r i e " near Lake Muskoka a band of mounted Indians apparently misplaced from the western p l a i n s , and eventually pursue t h e i r researches to the remote retreat of an a r t i c u l a t e Indian prophetess north of Lake Superior. The prophetess expounds the moral which i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the career of the t i t l e character, an Indian who i s the p e r s o n i f i -cation of Wood's misogyny c a r r i e d to i t s l o g i c a l conclusion. No i n d i v i d u a l or race i s innately good or e v i l ; but pro-tracted solitude and resentment against mankind w i l l eventu-a l l y pervert the moral nature. With the sermon of the prophetess and the object lesson of the renegade fresh i n his memory, Dick Wood returns to the United States, determined to follow the more optimistic philosophy of his fr i e n d . In The Renegade, as i n Walter Warren, Canada West i s not primarily a p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l e n t i t y . I t i s , i n e f f e c t (with due regard for the dangers of comparing widely diverse l i t e r a r y accomplishments) an immense Walden Pond, a temporary retreat from and test i n g ground for the values of American society. In nineteenth-century American l i t e r a t u r e , the withdrawal to the primitive environment i s almost always temporary. The re a l or f i c t i o n a l t r a v e l e r eventually acknow-ledges , as Thoreau acknowledged on the summit of Mount Ktaadn 129 and on the ramparts of Quebec, that there i s some sort of incompatibility between the c i v i l i z e d s e n s i b i l i t y and absolute wildness. Even the most unreflective and casual nature-seeker recognizes t h i s incompatibility, by revealing (as Alexander Henry did much e a r l i e r ) his ultimate dependence on the economic and moral values of modern society. This c o n f l i c t between c i v i l i z a t i o n and primitivism i s c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n Adventures i n the Wilds of the United  States and B r i t i s h American Provinces (1856) , by Charles Lanman. The author (who i d e n t i f i e s himself i n the preface as a friend and associate of Washington Irving and William Cullen Bryant) included i n his peregrinations Canada East and New Brunswick, and the portions of h i s book dealing with these regions mostly involve an enthusiastic celebration of the great outdoors. "I hate c i t i e s , " he says rather t e s t i l y ; "I have not v i s i t e d Canada for the purpose of exam-ining i t s c i t i e s , but s o l e l y with a view of hunting up some new scenery and having a l i t t l e sport i n the way of salmon 4 f i s h i n g . " Like Alexander Henry and Francis Parkman, Lanman i s obviously a devotee of what Theodore Roosevelt was even-t u a l l y to l a b e l "the strenuous l i f e . " But l i k e Henry and Parkman, Lanman i s not able to suppress completely his b e l i e f i n cer t a i n values associated with c i v i l i z a t i o n . His admiration for the enterprise of great North American c a p i t a l i s t s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y notable, and r e c a l l s Washington Irving*s i d e a l i z a t i o n of John Jacob Astor. Of William Price, 130 the Saguenay "lumber king," he declares: ". . . did I not know the fact to be otherwise, I should set him down . . . 5 as a Yankee." There are also nineteenth-century American authors completely devoted to the concepts of c i v i l i z a t i o n and pro-gress who regard the remote outposts of B r i t i s h North America with the same attitude of invidious condescension as some of t h e i r compatriots regard the more se t t l e d regions. In A Tr i p to Newfoundland (1855) a j o u r n a l i s t named John Mullaly describes the laying of the t r a n s a t l a n t i c cable from Newfoundland to Cape Breton Island, and takes the opportunity to point out the contrast between American progress (as symbolized by the technological advance of the telegraph) and the retarded state of society i n the provinces. The people of Halifax are lazy and unambitious; the inhabitants of Newfoundland are far behind the age. "The day may not be f a r distant," observes the author, "that w i l l see Newfound-land bound i n closer connection with our republic than can be accomplished by the e l e c t r i c telegraph." Mullaly's attitude to the inhabitants of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland r e c a l l s Thoreau's attitude to the Indians and the French Canadians, for both authors assume that the primi-t i v e people w i l l eventually be absorbed into the "Saxon current." But Mullaly obviously does not have Thoreau's sympathy for primitive people, and he i s c e r t a i n l y unwilling to acknowledge (as Thoreau does) that t h e i r way of l i f e might 131 have ce r t a i n unique virtues which can provide valuable lessons for the c i v i l i z e d observer. A more posit i v e and sympathetic attitude toward the North A t l a n t i c region and i t s inhabitants i s evident i n the writings of Robert T r a i l l Spence Lowell (1816-91). The brother of James Russell Lowell and grandfather of the twentieth-century poet, Lowell served as Episcopal missionary from 1843 to 1847 i n the f i s h i n g v i l l a g e of Bay Roberts, New-foundland. This experience inspired some poetry, a short story, and a novel, The New P r i e s t i n Conception Bay (1858). Although the poetry i s undistinguished, i t i s perhaps remarkable for i t s prefiguration of some of the less a t t r a c -t i v e affectations of Walt Whitman. Lowell attempts to imitate by means of apostrophes and unusual verse forms the rough and v i o l e n t features of the A t l a n t i c landscape. The opening stanza of "Newfoundland" (written 1847) exclaims: 0 rugged land! Land of the rock moss! Land whose drear barrens i t i s woe to cross! Thou rough thing from God's hand! 0 Stormy land! Land where the tempests roar! Land where the unbroken waves rave mad upon the shore: Thine outwalls scarce withstand!^ But The New P r i e s t i n Conception Bay i s a more subtle and detailed attempt to present both the landscape and the society of Newfoundland. The novel begins with a prefatory chapter which unites t e r r a i n and inhabitants i n a comprehen-sive picture of primeval starkness and elemental struggle: 132 Up go the surges on the coast of Newfoundland, and down again, into the sea. The huge i s l a n d , i n which the scene of our story l i e s , stands, with i t s sheer, beet-l i n g c l i f f s , out of the ocean, a monstrous mass of rock and gravel, almost without s o i l , l i k e a strange thing from the bottom of the great deep, l i f t e d up, suddenly, into sunshine and storm, but belonging to the watery darkness out of which, i t has been reared. The eye, accustomed to riche r and softer scenes, finds something of a strange and almost s t a r t l i n g beauty i n i t s bold, hard outlines, cut out on^  every side, against the sky. In March or A p r i l almost a l l the men go out i n f l e e t s to meet the ice that f l o a t s down from the northern regions, and to. k i l l the seals that come down on i t . In early summer a t h i r d part or a half of a l l the people go, by fam i l i e s , i n t h e i r schooners, to the coast of Labrador, and spend the summer, f i s h i n g there; and i n the winter, half of them are l i v i n g i n the woods, . . . to have t h e i r f u e l near them. At home or abroad, during the season, the men are on the water for seals or cod. The women sow, and plant, and tend the l i t t l e garden, and dry the f i s h : i n short, they do the land-work; and are the better for i t . 8 Lowell p a r t i c u l a r l y succeeds i n presenting a sympathetic and convincing picture of the Newfoundland fishermen and v i l l a g e r s with t h e i r naive piety and t h e i r u n c r i t i c a l acceptance of the stern natural conditions of t h e i r l i v e s . Some of the charac-t e r s — p a r t i c u l a r l y the garrulous Skipper George with his i n t u i t i v e moralizing and dogged acceptance of C h r i s t i a n p r i n -c i p l e s — a r e perhaps too heavily i d e a l i z e d . But Lowell q u a l i f i e s some of t h e i r v irtues by pointing out that t h e i r s i m p l i c i t y of character can occasionally be united with abysmal ignorance, and by introducing a comic "Yankee" named Elnathan Bangs (an avatar of Thomas Chandler Haliburton's Sam S l i c k — o r perhaps of James Russell Lowell's Hosea Bigelow) who c a l l s attention to the Newfoundlanders' alleged lack of 133 i n i t i a t i v e and energy. The Newfoundland fishermen and t h e i r struggle with nature are not, however, the central focus of The New P r i e s t . The plo t involves the v i o l e n t quarrels between the Anglo-Newfoundland Protestants and the Catholics of I r i s h descent which p e r i o d i c a l l y shook the island i n the nineteenth century. This theme was perhaps not an unwise choice for Lowell, who as a missionary would have detailed first-hand knowledge of the island's r e l i g i o u s controversies, while his experience of the fishermen's professional l i v e s would necessarily be l i m i t e d . Certainly the detachable episode "Skipper George's Story," which concerns a tragedy i n the f i s h i n g f l e e t , suggests that an extended sea narrative i n Lowell's hands, might have been in t o l e r a b l y sentimental and d i d a c t i c . It i s worth mentioning, on the other hand, that Lowell also wrote a very compelling and dramatic short story about the Newfoundland seamen, a story which suggests that he might have been capable of something far more impressive than the d o c t r i n a l controversies of The New P r i e s t . "A Raft That No Man Made" (published i n the A t l a n t i c Monthly, March, 1862) t e l l s the suspenseful story of a Newfoundland seal hunter cast away on an ice f l o e , whose harrowing experience leads to a resolution to forsake his cruel and v i o l e n t occupa-t i o n . The hunter's discovery i n a barren world of ice and sea that the moral p r i n c i p l e of the universe i s love rather than the survival of the f i t t e s t unmistakably r e f l e c t s the 134 author's debt to "The Ancient Mariner," and indicates that Lowell was capable of successfully amalgamating and e x p l o i t -ing his l i t e r a r y background, his observations of the Newfound-land inhabitants, and his d i r e c t experience of t h e i r environ-ment. In The New P r i e s t , however, he chose to focus more exclusively on matter related to his c l e r i c a l pursuits, and the r e s u l t s are far from s a t i s f y i n g . U t t e r l y incapable of r e l i g i o u s o b j e c t i v i t y , he depicts his Catholics as d e v i l s , weaklings, or f o o l s , while his Protestants are mostly para-gons of v i r t u e and patience. An even more serious flaw i n the novel i s the central love story involving two "genteel" characters obviously derived from the t r a d i t i o n of domestic sentimental f i c t i o n . In addition, the p l o t of the novel i s carried along almost e n t i r e l y by melodramatic contrivances such as kidnapping, mysterious apparitions, and midnight rendezvous. Nevertheless, i n spite of the conventional characters and events which dominate the foreground, The New  P r i e s t (as one of Lowell's very few modern commentators has declared) "should have honorable mention . . . as a d i s t i n -guished study of character and environment i n a time when one could count the f i r s t - r a t e productions of American f i c t i o n on 9 his two hands." There i s some f a i n t praise for Lowell's work i n the f a c t that i t i s not as bad as a si m i l a r novel by Mrs. Mary L. Savage, e n t i t l e d Miramichi (1865), which involves the e f f o r t s of a New England missionary to bring the " l i g h t " of Methodism 135 to the backwoods of New Brunswick. The r u s t i c prospective proselytes are brainless and swinish drunkards and r o i s t e r -ers; the only admirable v i l l a g e r s i n the Miramichi v a l l e y are the s o c i a l l y superior Landsdowne family (who are o r i g i n a l l y from the United States) and the ubiquitous comic "Yankee," an ind i v i d u a l named Micah Mummeychog who has immigrated to the New Brunswick backwoods for no apparent reason except to provide the author with the means of making s a t i r i c a l comments on the p r o v i n c i a l s . The plot i s mainly a series of arguments i n which the author upholds Methodism against Calvinism, Anglicanism, and Roman Catholicism. Prayer and repentance rather than predestination are seen as the way to salvation. In the end, however, the unregenerate New Brunswickers are made to see the l i g h t by the intervention of a catastrophic forest f i r e which the Methodist preacher (in spite of his denial of predestination) has foreseen i n a dream. The author of Miramichi pretends an intere s t i n the primitive New Brunswick s e t t l e r s and i n the forest-covered scenery of the province. But i t i s evident throughout the novel that she i s equally antipathetic to the people and to the forest. Living so close to the wilderness, the New Brunswickers are no better than beasts, and th e i r regeneration can only be accomplished when the wilderness has been v i r t u a l l y destroyed. Their salvation l i e s , i n e f f e c t , i n the ultimate conflagration of the primitive environment and the rearing up of an urban society similar to that of the New 1 3 6 England which the Methodist preacher repeatedly praises. Miramichi i s f i n a l l y not a tribute to the wilderness and the primitive l i f e at a l l , but i s rather a defense of c i v i l i z a -t i o n and progress much l i k e Mullaly's T r i p to Newfoundland. The preference for modern c i v i l i z a t i o n and culture i s also evident i n a t r a v e l narrative by an American clergyman named Louis L. Noble, After Icebergs with a Painter: A  Summer Voyage to Labrador and Around Newfoundland ( 1 8 6 1 ) . Noble admires the rugged Labrador coast, and makes frequent allusio n s to the sublime i n nature obviously based on his reading of English romantic poetry. But as his t i t l e suggests, his main i n t e r e s t i s i n the p i c t o r i a l q u a l i t i e s of the region, and his involvement with the inhabitants does not go beyond a few tentative speculations as to t h e i r s p i r i t u a l welfare. Like Richard Henry Dana at Quebec, he confines his s o c i a l encounters to the l o c a l aristocracy: at St. John's, Newfound-land, he spends the evening with the Anglican bishop, "where the conversation was about Oxford, and Keble, English parson-ages, and C h r i s t i a n a r t . " ± ^ In contrast to Noble's work i s a fiv e - p a r t account of a t r i p to Labrador by David A. Wasson ( 1 8 2 3 - 8 7 ) e n t i t l e d "Ice and Esquimaux," published s e r i a l l y i n the A t l a n t i c Monthly of 1 8 6 4 - 6 5 . Wasson has been described as a neglected genius of the Transcendentalist movement, "a corrective to Emerson and Thoreau," x x and i f his writings do not e n t i r e l y j u s t i f y t h i s praise, his i n t e l l e c t u a l intercourse with Emerson, 137 Thoreau, and others i s c e r t a i n l y of h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t . P a r t i c u l a r l y noteworthy i s his i d e o l o g i c a l debate with Thoreau, which was stimulated by personal acquaintance while Wasson l i v e d i n Concord i n the 1850's. The basic terms of t h i s debate are outlined i n the f i r s t chapter of "Ice and Esquimaux," where Wasson describes the appeal which Labrador holds for him: The mystic North reached forth the wand by which i t had fascinated me so often, and renewed i t s s p e l l . Who has not f e l t i t ? Thoreau wrote of "The Wild" as he alone could write; but only i n the North do you f i n d i t , - -unless you make i t , as he did, by your imagination. And even he could i n t h i s but p a r t i a l l y succeed. Talk of finding i t i n a ten-acre swamp! Why, man, you are just from a c o r n f i e l d , the echoes of your s i s t e r ' s piano are s t i l l i n your ears, and you c a l l e d for a ' l e t t e r as you came! Verdure and a mild heaven are above; clunking frogs and plants that keep company with man are beneath. But i n the North Nature herself i s wild. Of man she has never so much as heard. She has seen, perchance, a biped atomy creeping through her snows; but he i s not Man, lording i t i n power of thought and performance; he i s a muffled imb e c i l i t y , that can do nothing but hug and hide i t s existence, l e s t some careless breath of hers should blow i t out; his pin-head taper must be kept under a bushel, or cease to be even the covert pettiness i t i s . The wildness of the North i s not scenic and p i c t o r i a l merely, but goes to the very heart of things, immeasurable, immitigable, i n f i n i t e ; deaf and b l i n d to a l l but i t s e l f and i t s own, i t p r e v a i l s , i t i s , and i t i s a l l . 1 2 Wasson i s presumably thinking of Walden i n his a l l u s i o n to the "ten-acre swamp." Perhaps he had not read The Maine  Woods, which was just published i n 1864 (although parts of i t had appeared e a r l i e r i n p e r i o d i c a l s ) , and which might have more adequately s a t i s f i e d his c r i t e r i a for the retreat to the Wild. In any case, he i s hardly being f a i r to Thoreau, who 138 d e l i b e r a t e l y chose Walden Pond rather than some more remote retreat because an important part of his purpose was to juxtapose and compare c i v i l i z a t i o n and the Wild. To explore t h i s comparison he would inevitably have to r e l y on his imagination, and most readers of Walden would argue that he more than " p a r t i a l l y " succeeded. Indeed, i t might be argued that Thoreau's imaginary wild i s more c l e a r l y r e a l i z e d than Wasson's actual one. Wasson phy s i c a l l y retreats to one of the most is o l a t e d and primitive regions on the continent, but he i s unable to project himself imaginatively into t h i s strange environment. There i s a suggestion of irony i n the fact that he was accompanied on his expedition not only by a painter, as Louis L. Noble was, but by a photographer as well. His view of Labrador, i n spite of the implied promise of metaphysical explorations i n the reference to the "immeasur-able . . . i n f i n i t e , " i s l a r g e l y "scenic and p i c t o r i a l . " His i n a b i l i t y to probe beyond a s u p e r f i c i a l p i c t o r i a l l e v e l i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n his contemplations of the inhabitants of Labrador. While on a bird-hunting expedition, he observes c l o s e l y the physiognomy of his French-Canadian guide: It was a strangely a t t r a c t i v e , and yet strangely impene-tr a b l e , a rare out-door face, clean and firm as naked granite a f t e r a r a i n , healthful as balsam-fire, and so honestly weather-beaten that one could not help regard-ing i t as a feature of natural scenery. A l l out-of-doors was implied i n i t , and i t belonged as much to the horizon as to the nearest objects. The eye, with i t s unceasing, imperturbable search, never an instant relax-ing i t s intentness, and never seeming to make an e f f o r t any more than the sky i n looking blue, asserted t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , for by the same glance i t seemed to take i n equally the farthest and the nearest; only over us i n the boat i t passed always as over vacant space. . . . I found i t out of my power to rel a t e myself to him as an i n d i v i d u a l . In most faces you study special character; but i n him i t was somewhat older.and more p r i m i t i v e , — somewhat which seemed to be rather existence i t s e l f than any special form of i t . One f e l t i n him that same ' world-old secret which haunts ancient woods, and would have asked him to utter i t , were not i t s presence the only utterance i t can have. x^ This i s ultimately only a verbose apology for his i n a b i l i t y to i n f e r the French Canadian's personality from his physical appearance. Thoreau was unable to get as close as he might have wished to the St. Lawrence Valley habitants and his friend Therien; but by frank and unaffected s o c i a l encounter v i v i d l y reported i n dialogue form, he at lea s t made a move-ment towards understanding and exposition. Wasson, by con-t r a s t , stands at a distance, looks at the French Canadian as i f he were no more than an object i n the landscape, then resorts to the same kind of pretentious metaphysical general-i t i e s ("rather existence i t s e l f , " "the world-old secret") as he e a r l i e r applied to Labrador as a whole. The same l i m i t a -tions are evident i n his attempts to study the Eskimo. The aborigine of Labrador i s an " o r i g i n a l , pre-Adamite man," whom Wasson envisages as an enigmatic and rather inhuman figure, indistinguishable from the landscape, and hardly aware of the difference between himself and the objects around him. In his contemplation of the Eskimo, Wasson reveals e x p l i c i t l y his b e l i e f i n the superiority of c i v i l i z a t i o n and 140 progress over the "pre-Adamite" world: So long as man i s merely responding to outward and physical circumstances, so long he i s l i v i n g by bread alone, and has no history. I t i s when he begins to respond to h i m s e l f — t o create necessities and supplies out of his own s p i r i t , — . . . to l i v e by bread which grows not out of the s o i l , but out of the s o u l — i t i s then, then only, that history b e g i n s . 1 4 And elsewhere he recognizes that he himself belongs irrev o c -ably to the world of history and s p i r i t u a l development. The t h i r d instalment of his narrative, e n t i t l e d "Birds and Boys' Play" describes how he found himself one day bounding about on the rocky Labrador coast i n search of birds, and was f o r c i b l y struck by the incongruity of his po s i t i o n . The idea of a c i v i l i z e d , cultured man chasing a f t e r a bi r d which he has neither the desire nor the physiological stamina to eat reduces his a c t i v i t y to the l e v e l of a c h i l d i s h game. It i s a game which takes f u l l possession of his senses while i t l a s t s , but he recognizes that i t belongs to a primitive part of himself, a part which c o n f l i c t s with the c u l t u r a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l values which are his true and proper pursuits. Wasson might have been interested i n a novel published just a few years af t e r his own narrative, e n t i t l e d Left on  Labrador (1872) by the p r o l i f i c dime novelist Charles A. Stephens. This novel e x p l i c i t l y transforms the northern excursion into "boy's play," when a group of American youths make a schooner excursion into the North A t l a n t i c and encounter a l l sorts of fa n t a s t i c adventures on the coast of Labrador. Stephens' e f f o r t , and perhaps Coppinger's The 141 Renegade, indicate that the far North i s beginning to take on the same sort of mythical dimensions i n the American imagina-t i o n as the far West. But the North remains farther removed from the American experience than the West. For even i n fantasy (as i n Stephens' and Coppinger's novels) the North i s a place of only temporary retreat: the r e a l , important world i s back i n c i v i l i z a t i o n , i n American society. Wasson recog-nizes the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of the return to c i v i l i z a t i o n a l l through "Ice and Esquimaux." In every chapter there i s a s p e c i f i c reminder of the C i v i l War, which invokes for Wasson a whole network of obligations and connections related to his i d e n t i t y as a c i v i l i z e d man and an American. F i n a l l y , l i k e Thoreau, and l i k e Coppinger's and Stephens' characters, he returns to the society to which he irrevocably belongs. Thus most of the American writers of the mid-nineteenth century who turned t h e i r attention to the Canadian North were ultimately repelled by the remoteness and irreclaimable wild-ness of the region. By the end of the C i v i l War, Americans were p a r t i c u l a r l y intent on looking ahead, toward the future growth of New World c i v i l i z a t i o n , and had l i t t l e desire to look toward a part of the continent where nature and man seemed v i r t u a l l y locked i n an implacable s t a s i s of primitive c o n f l i c t , r e c a l l i n g the very e a r l i e s t and most barbaric stages of the continent's history. But t h i s revulsion against the primitive North did, not imply a complete r e j e c t i o n of the Past. Canada as an a r c t i c or sub-arctic wilderness 142 was an intimidating, even frightening prospect; but Canada as the scene of some of the e a r l i e s t attempts of Europeans to transform wilderness into c i v i l i z a t i o n was an important part of the progressive American concept of the New World. H i s t o r i c a l romancers throughout the nineteenth century con-tinued to explore t h i s conception of Canada; but th e i r t r e a t -ment of i t was frequently s u p e r f i c i a l and dist o r t e d . As the C i v i l War drew to a close, however, there appeared a very ambitious and l i t e r a r i l y impressive attempt to rel a t e the Canadian past to the American present and future. In 1865— the same year that "Ice and Esquimaux" was s e r i a l i z e d i n the A t l a n t i c Monthly—Francis Parkman published the f i r s t volumes of his France and England i n North America. 143 Notes to Chapter 6 xOwen Duffy, Walter Warren, or the Adventurer of the  Northern Wilds (New York: Stringer & Townsend, ,[1854]), pp. 3, 5. 2 See Henry Nash Smith's account of popular f i c t i o n using the westward retreat formula i n V i r g i n Land: The American  West as Symbol and Myth (1950; r p t . New York: Vintage, 1970), chapters 5-9. 3 John B. Coppinger, The Renegade: A Tale of Real L i f e (New York: Sherman & Co., 1855), p. 4. 4 Charles Lanman, Adventures i n the Wilds of the United  States and B r i t i s h American Provinces (Philadelphia: John W. Moore, 1856), I, 327, 265. 5 I b i d . , 275. John Mullaly, A Tr i p to Newfoundland: i t s Scenery and  Fis h e r i e s ; with an Account of the Laying of the Submarine  Telegraph Cable (New York: T.W. Strong, 1855), p. 62. 7 The Poems of Robert Lowell (Boston: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1864) , p. 72. Q Robert Lowell, The New P r i e s t i n Conception Bay (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp. 6-7. 9 Harold Blodgett, "Robert T r a i l l Spence Lowell," New  England Quarterly, 16 (Dec, 1943), 578. x^Louis L. Noble, After Icebergs with a Painter: A  Summer Voyage to Labrador and around Newfoundland (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1861), p. 74. l x C h a r l e s H. Foster, "A Study of David A. Wasson," Beyond Concord: Selected Writings of David Atwood Wasson (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965), p. 3. 12 David Wasson, "Ice and Esquimaux," The A t l a n t i c  Monthly, 14 (Dec, 1864), 728. 1 3 I b i d . , 15 (Feb., 1865), 204. 1 4 I b i d . , 15 ( A p r i l , 1865), 438. 144 VII PARKMAN: "FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA" "The early history of Canada," wrote Francis Parkman to a Canadian acquaintance i n 1856, " i s so f u l l of dramatic incident and noble examples of devoted heroism, that i t i s a matter of wonder that American writers have, u n t i l l a t e l y , so l i t t l e regarded i t . " * " This history, as has been seen, figured occasionally i n the works of various American novel-i s t s throughout the nineteenth century. Although Parkman had an eager i n t e r e s t i n n o v e l s — i n 1856 he wrote one of his own, Vassal Morton, an autobiographical melodrama set i n New England and Europe—he f e l t that they f a i l e d to do j u s t i c e to the size and complexity of the subject which was his primary i n t e r e s t . James Fenimore Cooper, whose Leatherstocking ta l e s Parkman admired immensely, had conveyed something of the geographical and h i s t o r i c a l sweep of the so-called "French and Indian war"; but Cooper had only a peripheral and i n d i r e c t i n t e r e s t i n Canada, and i n Parkman's view (as expressed i n a c r i t i c a l essay on the no v e l i s t written i n 1852) his primary achievement had been the r e a l i s t i c recreation of the forest 2 and a few American f r o n t i e r characters. It was by means of the narrative history, a genre being developed with new d i s t i n c t i o n i n the United States by such author-scholars as George Bancroft, John Lothrop Motley and William H. Prescott, that Parkman hoped to do f u l l j u s t i c e to his chosen subject. Bancroft had included a b r i e f account of the French regime i n 145 Canada i n his History of the United States (1834-76), but Parkman had i n mind a project which would t e l l the story of New France i n exhaustive d e t a i l . The r e s u l t was a seven-part series involving more than forty years of research, and published between 1865 and 1892, e n t i t l e d France and England  i n North America. Parkman's t i t l e implies an equal d i v i s i o n of i n t e r e s t between the French and English colonies; but i n fact the over-whelming emphasis, as i s suggested by the author's working t i t l e "France i n the New World" (given i n his introduction to the f i r s t volume), i s on New France. This disproportion r e c a l l s the attitude of Thoreau, who also contemplated an epic work on early North American history. "Of a l l nations," Thoreau wrote i n "A Yankee i n Canada," "the English undoubt-edly have proved hitherto that they had the most business [in North America]. . . . Yet I am not sure but I have most sympathy with that s p i r i t of adventure which distinguished 3 . . . the French." I t i s u n l i k e l y that Parkman was f a m i l i a r with Thoreau's writing, least of a l l with the obscure "Yankee i n Canada," but Thoreau's comment i s a noteworthy prefiguration of Parkman's basic response to Canadian history. Throughout France and England i n North America the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of English hegemony i n the New World i s repeatedly stated i n expository passages, while the dramatic focus i s almost con-t i n u a l l y on the great heroes and adventurous exploits of French-Canadian history. 146 Parkman accounted for the English triumph by reference to a very simple set of concepts. The basic formative p r i n c i p l e of North American c i v i l i z a t i o n , he declared, was the c o n f l i c t between Liberty and absolutism, New England and New France. The one was the of f s p r i n g of a triumphant government; the other, of an oppressed and f u g i t i v e people; the one, an unflinching champion of the Roman Catholic reaction; the other, a vanguard of the Reform. Each followed i t s natural laws of growth, and each came to i t s natural r e s u l t . (Pioneers of France, I, x c v i ) ^ Modern historians have complained that "Parkman was more con-cerned with t e l l i n g a story than with understanding the 5 underlying reasons" for the f a l l of New France, and the statements from the Introduction to his f i r s t volume tend to j u s t i f y t h i s complaint. Instead of giving some intimation of the immensely complex s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic factors involved i n the prevalence of New England over New France, he of f e r s very s i m p l i f i e d and conventional theories. The reduction of p o l i t i c a l systems to simple a n t i t h e t i c a l p r i n -c i p l e s , the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Roman Catholicism with p o l i t i c a l reaction, the determinism inherent i n the assumption that events follow "natural laws" and i n the organic metaphor which implies that s o c i e t i e s follow a t e l e o g i c a l development com-parable to that associated with plants: these are a l l common nineteenth-century American ideas about history i n general and the history of the New World i n p a r t i c u l a r . Furthermore, Parkman's commitment to these ideas remains s u b s t a n t i a l l y unmodified throughout the whole extent of his study of early 147 Canada. In t h i s deterministic conception of New World history, the emergence of the United States as an independent country became the ultimate "natural r e s u l t " of the c o n f l i c t between France and England i n North TAmerica. Although his h i s t o r i c a l series ends with the f a l l of Canada i n 1761, Parkman empha-sizes i n his concluding volumes the r i s e of a s p i r i t of independence and a sense of national unity i n the B r i t i s h American colonies, and suggests that the collapse of New France removed the main ba r r i e r to American, independence. Freed from the menace of northern invasion, the colonies were able to concentrate on t h e i r own domestic i n t e r e s t s , and these interests seemed to be increasingly incompatible with B r i t i s h imperialism. And yet, although he saw the emergence of the United States as the inevitable climax to early North American history, Parkman was by no means an u n c r i t i c a l believer i n contemporary American society. To his close friend the Abb£ Casgrain, professor of history at Laval University, he thus outlined his p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s : I have always declared openly my detestation of the unchecked rule of the masses, that i s to say of universal suffrage, and the corruption which i s sure to follow i n every large and heterogeneous community. I have also always declared a very c o r d i a l d i s l i k e of Puritanism. I recognize some most respectable and valuable q u a l i t i e s i n the s e t t l e r s of New England, but do not think them or t h e i r system to be praised without great q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . . . . Nor am I at a l l an enthusiast for the nineteenth century, many of the tendencies of which I deplore, while admiring much that i t has accomplished. I t i s too democratic and too much given to the pursuit of material interests at the expense of i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral 148 greatness. . . J And i n the f i n a l paragraph of one of the l a s t segments of his history, he declares: The s t r i n g of discordant communities along the A t l a n t i c coast has grown to a mighty people, joined i n a union which the earthquake of c i v i l war served only to compact and consolidate. . . . [The United States] has tamed the savage continent, peopled the solitude, gathered wealth untold, waxed potent, imposing, redoubtable; and now i t remains for her to prove, i f she can, that the rule of the masses i s consistent with the highest growth of the i n d i v i d u a l ; that democracy can give the world a c i v i l i -zation as mature and pregnant, ideas as energetic and v i t a l i z i n g , and types of manhood as l o f t y and strong, as any of the systems which i t boasts to supplant. (Mont- calm and Wolfe, II, 413-14) Thus the story of France and England i n North American-involves more than a bare c o n f l i c t , with a foregone conclusion, between " l i b e r t y " and "absolutism." The r i s e of B r i t i s h America i s a triumphant drama, q u a l i f i e d by grave character defects on the part of the protagonist. And conversely, the f a l l of New France i s a tragedy, involving f a i l u r e and defeat i n spite of c e r t a i n unmistakable v i r t u e s . It i s the tragedy of New France which mainly interests Parkman, and which provides the main unifying p r i n c i p l e for the series as a whole. In the l a t e r volumes, p a r t i c u l a r l y those dealing with the eighteenth-century wars, the attention s h i f t s more and more to the B r i t i s h American colonies, as the author prepares for the inevitable conclusion of the story. But through a l l the volumes, the main emphasis i s on the decline of the French American empire. It was an empire, Parkman i n s i s t s , more impressive i n cert a i n ways than any the 149 world had ever seen, and b u i l t by individuals of unmistakable i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral superiority; but almost from the beginning, i t was plagued by severe i n t e r n a l and external d i f f i c u l t i e s . "The story of New France opens with a tragedy," he announces i n an ominous prefatory note to the f i r s t part, Pioneers of France i n the New World (1865). The sixteenth-century Spanish massacre of Huguenot s e t t l e r s i s the f i r s t of a succession of bleak anecdotes from early French North American history which provide an ominous counterpoint to the chronicle of exploration and settlement: Champlain's provo-cation of the Iroquois who eventually brought Canada near to rui n , the wretched f a i l u r e of the f i r s t Acadian colony, the French defeat i n the f i r s t armed c o n f l i c t with the English i n the New World, and as a climactic prefiguration of ultimate disaster, the temporary loss of Quebec to England i n 1629. The second part of the series, The Jesuits i n North America  i n the Seventeenth Century (1867), continues i n the same vein, with the story of the t r a g i c a l l y f u t i l e mission to the Hurons. In The Discovery of the Great West (1869; revised i n 1878 as La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West) the emphasis i s less on the ultimate significance of French westward explora-t i o n than on the f r u s t r a t i o n and disaster that marked the career of the i l l - f a t e d Robert Cavelier de l a S a l l e . The Old  Regime i n Canada (1874) and Count Frontenac and New France  Under Louis XIV (1877) describe the i n t e r n a l corruption and s t r i f e which contributed to the downfall of the French 150 c o l o n i a l empire. Count Frontenac also focuses on the r i v a l r y with New England, which even i n the seventeenth century was beginning to surpass New France i n wealth and power. This r i v a l r y , repeatedly f l a r i n g into open war, i s followed to i t s catastrophe i n one of the longest and most ambitious seg-ments of the series, Montcalm and Wolfe (1888). And f i n a l l y , i n the only part written out of chronological order, Parkman goes back to consider c e r t a i n c r u c i a l events of the r i v a l r y during the early eighteenth century i n A Half-Century of  C o n f l i c t (1892). The ambivalent q u a l i t i e s of New France and its-heroes which made them both magnificent and doomed to defeat are related p a r t i c u l a r l y to one motif running a l l through France  and England i n North America. Thoreau, i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , was struck by the vestiges of medievalism i n the society of Canada East. These vestiges he contrasted to the great age of French exploration and adventure, which seemed to him more modern than nineteenth-century Canada, i n the sense that the explorers and coureurs de bois were comparable to the modern pioneers of the western United States. Parkman, who was more fa m i l i a r than Thoreau with the d e t a i l s of Canadian history, understood that medievalism had been pervasive i n New France from the beginning. As a retrospective and regressive influence, i t worked against the "natural" progress of the New World c i v i l i z a t i o n and contributed to the downfall of the French empire i n North America. But.at the same time (as 151 Thoreau also had recognized), i t had an undeniable aesthetic appeal. This d u a l i s t i c attitude towards medievalism i s evident i n Parkman"s description of Samuel de Champlain: A true hero, aft e r the chivalrous medieval type, his character was dashed largely with the s p i r i t of romance. Though earnest, sagacious, and penetrating, he leaned to the marvelous; and the f a i t h which was the l i f e of his hard career was somewhat prone to overstep the bounds of reason and invade the domain of fancy. (Pioneers, II, 61) S i m i l a r l y , although the devotion to archaic ideals and b e l i e f s led i n the long run to s o c i a l decadence and collapse, such devotion could contribute i n a l o c a l i z e d or temporary way to the cause of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n . This i s the case with the J e s u i t missionaries i n Canada, who were "thoroughly and vehemently reactive" i n t h e i r devotion to "the medieval type of C h r i s t i a n i t y with a l l i t s attendant superstitions"; Yet, on the whole, the labors of the missionaries tended greatly to the benefit of the Indians. Reclaimed . . . from t h e i r wandering l i f e , s e t t l e d i n habits of peaceful industry, and reduced to a passive and c h i l d l i k e obed-ience, they would have gained more than enough to compen-sate them for the loss of t h e i r ferocious and miserable independence. (Jesuits, II, 2 57) The medieval s p i r i t of r e l i g i o u s zeal could also occasionally inspire enterprises of extraordinary boldness and resolution which produced far-reaching and durable r e s u l t s . In 1660, a small band of.adventurers ultimately known to Canadian t r a d i t i o n as "the heroes of the Long Sault," led by a young nobleman named Adam Daulac (or Dollard), devoted themselves to a s u i c i d a l expedition against the Iroquois, an expedition which v i r t u a l l y saved the l i t t l e colony from 152 extinction. Daulac, says Parkman, "was a knight of the early crusades among the forests and savages of the New World" (Old Regime, I, 129). Equally remarkable were the r e l i g i o u s zealots who defied the Iroquois to create i n the wilderness a medical mission which evolved into one of the most unusual c i t i e s i n North America. "In many of i t s aspects," Parkman comments, "this enterprise of Montreal belonged to the time of the first.crusades" (Jesuits, I I , 23). Ultimately, Parkman i s unable to make any conclusive judgement on the medieval impulse which inspired the founders of Montreal, the Jes u i t martyrs, and the heroes of the Long Sault. The New England historian's Unitarian upbringing and his personal agnosticism are unsympathetic to the mystical enthusiasm of the early Canadian Roman Catholic missions; yet some of the achievements of the church i n New France make an i r r e s i s t i b l e appeal to his imagination. Parkman e x p l i c i t l y reveals h i s ambivalent feelings i n his comment on the founding of Montreal: What s h a l l we say of these adventurers of Montreal, of these who bestowed t h e i r wealth, and far more, of these who s a c r i f i c e d t h e i r peace and risked t h e i r l i v e s , on an enterprise at once so romantic and so devout? Surrounded as they were with i l l u s i o n s , f a l s e l i g h t s , and f a l s e shadows,—breathing an atmosphere of miracle,—compassed about with angels and devils,--urged with stimulants most powerful, though u n r e a l , — t h e i r minds drugged, as i t were, to preternatural e x c i t e m e n t , — i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to judge of them. High merit, without doubt, there was i n some of t h e i r number; but one may beg to be spared the attempt to measure or define i t . To estimate a vi r t u e involved i n conditions so anomalous demands, perhaps, a judgement more than human. (Jesuits, I I , 22-23) 153 The medievalism of New France also had an important secular manifestation, about which Parkman i s equally incon-c l u s i v e . The feudal system established i n Canada i n the seventeenth century and consolidated under Louis XIV and his governor Frontenac tended to promote the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power at the expense of individualism and freedom. Yet, as Parkman p a r t i c u l a r l y demonstrates i n The Old Regime i n Canada, such a system was not inappropriate to a wilderness colony constantly threatened by Indians and by unfriendly colonies to the south. The ancient t r a d i t i o n s which bound the s e t t l e r s to seigneur and king were of inestimable value as a general source of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y , and could be put to advantage during the frequent m i l i t a r y c r i s e s which beset the colony, when an armed force could be quickly raised by indisputable order from the central government at Quebec. This s i t u a t i o n , as Parkman frequently points out i n l a t e r volumes, d i f f e r e d s t r i k i n g l y from that i n the more l i b e r t a r i a n American colonies, where attempts to rai s e troops were always accompanied by wrangling and dissension. In the long run, however, Canadian feudalism f a i l e d to create a durable and stable society. The a r i s t o c r a t i c c o l o n i a l administrators i n France were bent on establishing i n North America a miniature r e f l e c t i o n of the mother country; but such a r i g i d and a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l structure proved to be completely inappropriate to the New World s i t u a t i o n . The Canadian s e t t l e r s rejected the t i t l e of peasant and i n s i s t e d on reserving to themselves the neutral 154 appelation habitant. They refused to take up the backwoods farms arranged i n European fashion around the manoir, but defied authorities to homestead on the more valuable land fronting the St. Lawrence River, even though the l a t t e r arrangement rendered communal defense against Indian,attacks very d i f f i c u l t . In extreme instances—which became a l l too common as the population of the colony grew—they rejected the feudal society altogether and took to the woods, becoming coureurs de bois engaged i n the outlawed independent fur trade. With even more f a t a l consequences for the feudal society of Canada, many c o l o n i a l a r i s t o c r a t s also responded to the appeal of the wilderness and preferred a l i f e of bushranging or. exploring or g u e r i l l a warfare to the sedentary role of seigneur or administrator. The famous Baron Saint-Castin, for instance, directed a huge i l l e g a l fur trade operation from his stronghold i n the woods of what ultimately became the state of Maine. Even the governors themselves, notably the i r r e p -r e s s i b l e Frontenac, were prone to neglect administrative duties i n order to engage i n clandestine fur trade operations, or to lead hit-and-run raids against the Mohawks or the Eng-l i s h , or to engage i n exploration of the western f r o n t i e r . The r e s u l t , says Parkman i n A Half-Century of C o n f l i c t , was that Canada was divided between two opposing influences. On the one side were the monarchy and the hierarchy, with t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s of order, subordination, and obedience. 155 . . . On the other side was the s p i r i t of l i b e r t y , or licence, which was i n the very a i r of t h i s wilderness continent, reinforced i n the chiefs of the colony by a s p i r i t of adventure inherited from the Middle Ages, and by a s p i r i t of trade born of present opportunities; for every o f f i c i a l i n Canada hoped to make a p r o f i t , i f not a fortune, out of beaver-skins. Kindred impulses, i n ruder forms, possessed the humbler c o l o n i s t s , drove them into the forest, and made them hardy woodsmen and s k i l -f u l bush-fighters, though turbulent and lawless members of c i v i l i z e d society. (Half-Century, I, 347) As i n his portrayal of the medieval r e l i g i o u s zeal which inspired the Huron missions and the founding of Montreal, Parkman does not o f f e r a conclusive moral judgement on either Canadian feudalism or i t s l i b e r t a r i a n reaction. He d i s -approves of the lawlessness of the coureurs de bois, but his own fondness for the strenuous l i f e i n the wilderness i n c l i n e s him to view t h e i r way of l i f e sympathetically: Though not a very valuable member of society, and though a thorn i n the side of princes and r u l e r s , the coureur de bois had his uses, at least from an a r t i s t i c point of vTew; and his strange figure, sometimes b r u t a l l y savage, but oftener marked with the l i n e s of a dare-devil courage, and a reckless thoughtless gayety, w i l l always be joined to the memories of that grand world of woods which the nineteenth century i s fa s t c i v i l i z i n g out of existence. (Old Regime, II, 113) Conversely, he finds much to deplore i n the tyranny and cor-ruption of the landowners and c o l o n i a l administrators of New France. But at the same time, he cannot r e f r a i n from admiring t h e i r e f f o r t s to create a regulated and stable society, even though t h e i r achievements were eventually swept away i n the collapse of the entire colony. Parkman's sympathy with the feudal system of New France i s notably evident i n his version of the famous Acadian war between d'Aulnay and La Tour. This episode of French North American history, as has been seen, attracted the attention of other nineteenth-century American writers, including the poet Whittier. Its appeal lay, no doubt, i n the fact that La Tour, as a bourgeois and ostensible Protestant who rebelled against the French government and against the a r i s t o c r a t i c Roman Catholic d'Aulnay, seemed to prefigure the revolution-ary s p i r i t of the United States. This i s the interpretation followed by one of Parkman's most devoted l i t e r a r y d i s c i p l e s , the Ohio-born h i s t o r i c a l romancer Mary Catherwood (1847-1902), i n The Lady of Fort St. John (1892). But i n t h i s instance Mary Catherwood departed from her l i t e r a r y mentor, for Park-man comes down firmly on the side of d'Aulnay. Although he admits candidly that "throughout t h i s a f f a i r one i s perplexed by the French o f f i c i a l papers, whose entanglements and con-tr a d i c t i o n s i n regard to the Acadian r i v a l s are past unravel-l i n g " (Old Regime, I, 28), Parkman proceeds to impugn La Tour as a dissembler and opportunist, and to praise his r i v a l as a sincere and l o y a l devotee to the cause of French colonialism. He [d'Aulnay] seems to have been a favorable example of his clas s ; l o y a l to his f a i t h and his king, tempering pride with courtesy, and generally true to his cherished ideal of the gentilhomme f ranc,ais. In his q u a l i t i e s , as i n his b i r t h , he was far above his r i v a l , and his death was the ruin of the only French colony i n Acadia that deserved the name. (Old Regime, I, 49) In view of the fact that Parkman admits the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of conclusively judging the respective claims of the Acadian r i v a l s , his preference for d'Aulnay might be interpreted as 157 the class-conscious bias of a Boston "brahmin." It i s very d i f f i c u l t , however, to erect such i n c l i n a t i o n s of the h i s t o r -ian into a thoroughly consistent system. In general, his basic attitude to most of the protagonists of French-Canadian history i s scrupulously objective. If he has a s l i g h t prefer-ence for the a r i s t o c r a t i c hero, he i s always careful to support his preference with convincing evidence or reasonable inference. With one notable exception (to be considered presently), there are i n France and England i n North America no " l a r g e r - t h a n - l i f e " a r i s t o c r a t i c protagonists on the Shakespearean pattern. His representation of Frontenac, for instance, studiously avoids the exaggerations and legends which attracted the attention of such mass-circulation writers as A l f r e d B. Street (Frontenac, 1850) and dime nov e l i s t Ann Stephens (Ahmo's Plot, 1863). Even at the conclusion of Count Frontenac and New France Under Louis XIV, where a h i s t o r i a n might j u s t i f i a b l y indulge i n speculative generali-zations, Parkman of f e r s no judgement of Frontenac. Instead, he presents a seventeenth-century eulogy of the governor, side-by-side with a refutation of the eulogy by one of Fron-tenac "s enemies. F i n a l l y , Parkman remarks succinctly, "His own acts and words best paint his character, and i t i s need-less to enlarge on i t " (Count Frontenac, pp. 458-59). Conversely, there are no "natural noblemen" i n France  and England i n North America comparable to the Franco-American guide of Parkman's youthful work The Oregon T r a i l . Parkman 158 avoids, furthermore, the recurrent tendency among his con-temporary countrymen to i d e a l i z e the Acadians who were expelled by the B r i t i s h i n 1755. Instead, he emphasizes the extreme ignorance of the peasants, the nefarious influence of i n t r i g u i n g p r i e s t s , and the nerve-fraying e f f e c t of an interminable g u e r i l l a war which exasperated the B r i t i s h administrators of Acadia and f i n a l l y provoked them to sudden and v i o l e n t reaction (Montcalm and Wolfe, chapter 8). Unlike the s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of Bancroft, Parkman's version thus d i s -perses the g u i l t , i n an extremely vexed h i s t o r i c a l question, among a l l parties involved. There i s one segment of France and England i n North  America, however, i n which the author's o b j e c t i v i t y gives way to a very personal point of view. The central character of La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West i s compared to other prominent figures i n the history of Canada, and singled out for unusual d i s t i n c t i o n : The enthusiasm of the disinterested and chivalrous Champlain was not the enthusiasm of La Sall e ; nor had he any part -in the self-devoted zeal of the early J e s u i t explorers. He belonged not to the age of the knight-errant and the saint, but to the modern world of p r a c t i -c a l study and p r a c t i c a l action. (La Sa l l e , pp. 430-31) It i s understandable that the story of French exploration of I l l i n o i s and the M i s s i s s i p p i should be of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to a United States h i s t o r i a n , and that Parkman should be personally attracted to the early history of a region which he knew well from his youthful experiences on the Oregon 159 T r a i l . But i t i s not so immediately obvious why he should center his story of these explorations on the biography of Robert Cavelier de l a Sa l l e , who was only one of many.notable French adventurers who contributed to the opening of the great west. Certainly La Salle was a very c o l o r f u l figure, and his eventual discovery of the mouth of the M i s s i s s i p p i i s an indisputably c r u c i a l event i n North American history. Bancroft represented La Salle as the central character i n his b r i e f account of French westward exploration i n The History  of the United States. But as Parkman frequently indicates, achievements at le a s t as important as La Salle's M i s s i s s i p p i explorations are associated with such names as J o l i e t t e and Marquette, Daniel Du Lhut, La Verendrye and his sons, and Henri de Tonti. La S a l l e , furthermore, was almost ludicrously unfortunate i n most of his attempts to fi n d the mouth of the great r i v e r . After two expeditions which were plagued by Indian attacks, mutiny of his men, mysterious disappearance of supply ships, and withdrawal of the support of the c o l o n i a l administration, he made a f i n a l attempt by s a i l i n g through the Gulf of Mexico, a voyage which ended f i n a l l y i n shipwreck hundreds of miles from his goal, at the s i t e of Galveston, Texas. Yet Parkman i n s i s t s on presenting La Salle as a t r a g i c hero whose resolution and s e l f - r e l i a n c e elevate him from his pseudo-medieval environment and i d e n t i f y him with the nineteenth century. It seems evident that Parkman1s exaltation of La Salle 1 6 0 s t e m s f r o m t h e h i s t o r i a n ' s t e n d e n c y t o i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f p e r s o n a l l y w i t h t h e e x p l o r e r . I n g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , L a S a l l e a p p e a r s t o b e a m a n v e r y m u c h l i k e P a r k m a n h i m s e l f : a l o o f , s c h o l a r l y , o f d i s t i n g u i s h e d f a m i l y , f o n d o f t h e w i l d e r n e s s a n d o f a d v e n t u r e — a n d , p e r h a p s m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t o f a l l , p r o n e t o p e r i o d i c a l m e n t a l i m b a l a n c e . A l t h o u g h P a r k m a n w a s u s u a l l y e x t r e m e l y c o n s c i e n t i o u s i n h i s h a n d l i n g o f p r i -m a r y s o u r c e m a t e r i a l s , h e s e e m s i n h i s s t u d y o f L a S a l l e t o h a v e s u p p r e s s e d a n d e v e n d i s t o r t e d c e r t a i n e v i d e n c e i n o r d e r t o m a k e h i s s u b j e c t a n s w e r t o a p r e c o n c e i v e d t r a g i c i m a g e . N e g l e c t i n g t h e a c c o u n t s o f L a S a l l e w r i t t e n b y t h e e x p l o r e r ' s r i v a l s a n d a s s o c i a t e s , P a r k m a n r a t h e r n a i v e l y t a k e s L a S a l l e ' s o w n a c c o u n t o f h i m s e l f a t f a c e v a l u e , a n d r e p o r t s ( i n a p a r a p h r a s e o f L a S a l l e ' s o w n w o r d s ) t h a t " t h i s s o l i t a r y b e i n g , h i d i n g h i s s h y n e s s u n d e r a c o l d r e s e r v e , c o u l d r o u s e n o e n t h u s i a s m i n h i s f o l l o w e r s " ( L a S a l l e , p . 3 4 0 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , " P a r k m a n . . . c o n s i d e r a b l y i m p r o v e d t h e l i t e r a r y q u a l i t y . . . o f L a S a l l e ' s l e t t e r s i n t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s h e g m a d e o f t h e m f r o m F r e n c h d o c u m e n t a r y s o u r c e s , " i n o r d e r t o p r o v e t h a t L a S a l l e " w a s n o r u d e s o n o f t o i l , b u t a m a n o f t h o u g h t , t r a i n e d a m i d a r t s a n d l e t t e r s " ( L a S a l l e , p . 1 9 8 ) . B u t i f P a r k m a n b e c a m e i m a g i n a t i v e l y i n v o l v e d w i t h t h e c h a r a c t e r o f L a S a l l e t o t h e p o i n t o f d i s t o r t i n g h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e , t h e i n s t a n c e i s e x c e p t i o n a l . A s a h i s t o r i a n , P a r k -m a n w a s c o n s c i e n t i o u s a n d t h o r o u g h , a n d e v e n m o r e o b j e c t i v e t h a n m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d o f a s c h o l a r w h o l i v e d i n a n a g e w h i c h 161 valued moral didacticism more highly than s c i e n t i f i c detach-ment. But inevitably, i n common with v i r t u a l l y every author who ever l i v e d , he put into his writing many of the common assumptions of his h i s t o r i c a l period and n a t i o n a l i t y and s o c i a l c l a s s , as well as many aspects of his unique person-a l i t y and experience. His b e l i e f i n progress, c i v i l i z a t i o n , and the republican form of government, as has been shown, i s made e x p l i c i t i n the introduction to his opening volume. But, on the other hand, his q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of these b e l i e f s are demonstrated i n v i r t u a l l y every chapter of France and  England i n North America. His int e r e s t i n the French-Canadian aristocracy and the feudal system i s repeatedly made evident. But his a b i l i t y to sympathize with more primitive individuals and more l i b e r t a r i a n ways of l i f e i s equally c l e a r . Perhaps, f i n a l l y , the most prominent bias i n his image of early Canada i s a very natural tendency to neglect people, places and experiences of which he had l i t t l e d i r e c t know-ledge, while over-emphasizing c e r t a i n features of French-Canadian history which evoked personal associations for him or which were of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to the United States. The many m i l i t a r y campaigns around Lakes George and Champlain, for instance, are always described i n great d e t a i l , with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the exhausting progress of the armies through a wilderness which the author knew intimately. But one of the boldest and most extraordinary expeditions i n the history of Canada, the French overland march to James Bay and the attack on the English trading posts there in 1686 (Count  Frontenac, chapter 7) is told very briefly—presumably because Parkman had no knowledge of the region involved. Similarly, the explorations of La Verendrye in the "Oregon T r a i l " country are described at great length; but his equally significant fur-trading expeditions north of Lake Superior and to the site of modern Winnipeg are passed over f a i r l y quickly (Half-Century, chapter 16). But these few illustrations of some principles of emphasis in Parkman's histories might also be related to the fact that he saw the rise and f a l l of New France as essent-i a l l y a prologue to the emergence of the United States. His indifference to nineteenth-century Canada as a social and p o l i t i c a l entity, evident from the cryptic references in his letters and journals, has been developed by at least one commentator into an accusation of excessive romanticization of the Canadian past. "He assumed," says Canadian historian George M. Wrong, "something which a deeper knowledge of the present in Canada would have shown him to be not quite true, that the dominion of the French in America had vanished and 9 was only a memory." But this is clearly a twentieth-century judgement. Parkman, like Thoreau before him, and like most nineteenth-century Americans, believed that the French and the Indians were doomed to disappear in "the Saxon current." He also probably b e l i e v e d — i f he gave the matter any thought at a l l — t h a t Canada would eventually be absorbed into the 163 American union. The remarkable feature of France and England  i n North America i s the fact that within t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l context of h i s t o r i c a l i n e v i t a b i l i t y i t portrays the trag i c f a l l of a supposedly doomed nation with great sympathy and narrative power. 164 Notes to Chapter 7 '''The Letters of Francis Parkman, ed. Wilbur R. Jacobs (Norman! University of Oklahoma Press, 1960), I, 119. 2 "The Works of James Fenimore Cooper," Francis Parkman: Representative Selections, ed. Wilbur L. Schramm (New York: American Book Company, 1938), pp. 202-17. 3Henry Thoreau, "A Yankee in Canada," Excursions and  Poems, Walden ed. (1906; rpt. New York: AMS Press), p. 67.-4 A l l quotations from France and England in North America refer to the Frontenac Edition of Francis Parkman's Works, 16 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915). 5 William R. Taylor, "Francis Parkman," Pastmasters: Some Essays on American Historians, ed. Marcus Cunliffe and Robin W. Winks (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 4. Taylor cites a few specific historians who have expressed this view in various ways. ^For a detailed discussion of the intellectual back-ground of the American "romantic" historians, see David Levin, History as Romantic Art: Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, and  Parkman (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), especially chapter two, "Nature, Progress, and Moral Judge-ment . " 7 The Letters of Francis Parkman, II, 82. Q William R. Taylor, "Francis Parkman," p. 34. 9 George M. Wrong, "Francis Parkman," Canadian Historical  Review, 4 (Dec, 1923), 289-303. 165 VIII THE SUCCESSORS OF PARKMAN: HOWELLS AND OTHERS 1. Although Parkman's h i s t o r i e s had considerable popular and c r i t i c a l success i n the United States and Canada, and provided a strong impetus to both French- and English-Canadian scholars i n the study of t h e i r country's past, they did not inspire historians i n the nineteenth-century United States to pursue si m i l a r intensive researches into the subject of New France. Those historians who specialized i n North American studies continued to devote t h e i r attention to the o r i g i n and development of t h e i r own country, and Parkman's suggestion that the collapse of New France led d i r e c t l y to American independence was apparently considered too much of an over-s i m p l i f i c a t i o n to warrant further study of early Canada. There was, furthermore, some f e e l i n g a f t e r the seven segments of France and England i n North America had appeared that Parkman had exhausted the subject e n t i r e l y . In any case, by 1893—just one year a f t e r the publication of A Half-Century  of Conflict—American historiography was impelled i n a new d i r e c t i o n , both i d e o l o g i c a l l y and geographically, with the western f r o n t i e r hypothesis of Frederick Jackson Turner, and with the advent of the new " s o c i a l science" approach to history, of which Turner was a leading exponent. Parkman, unlike other so-called "romantic" historians such as Bancroft 166 and Prescott, continued to be read and admired for both his scholarly accuracy and narrative power; but there was a growing popular and academic tendency to associate him with the authors which he himself placed among his primary i n f l u -ences, the h i s t o r i c a l novelists Cooper and S c o t t . 1 But i n spite of his a f f i n i t i e s with writers of f i c t i o n , Parkman's influence on the l a t e nineteenth-century American h i s t o r i c a l romance seems to have been minimal. Comparatively few authors of the p o s t - c i v i l war period looked back to a subject which had been thoroughly exploited by Cooper and his imitators, and those few often preferred a simpler and less scholarly approach to the material than Parkman's example provided. Edward P. Tenney (1835-1916) c i t e s Parkman among other sources i n Constance of Acadia (1886), which r e t e l l s the story of Madame de l a Tour and her defense of Fort St. John. Tenney echoes Parkman's analogy between New France and medieval Europe, but rejects the historian's a r i s t o c r a t i c bias, to make his heroine and her followers prefigure the democratic s p i r i t of the American revolution. William H.H. Murray (1840-1904) ignores Parkman completely and goes back to Cooper for two quaint and s t i l t e d imitations of the Leatherstocking t a l e s , Mamelons (1888) and Ungava (1890), which involve a r a c i a l l y conscious Homeric hero "The Trapper" and various doomed t r i b e s of Indians and Eskimos i n northern Quebec and Labrador. John R. Musick (1848-1901) was the author of a series of novelizations of North American history, 167 adapted from various sources, probably including Parkman. Braddock: A Story of the French and Indian Wars and Sustained  Honor: A Story of the War of 1812 (both 1893) are undistin-guished r e c i t a l s of the prominent facts of t h e i r respective h i s t o r i c a l periods, as seen through the eyes of two young American protagonists. James K. Hosmer (1833-1927) wrote How  Thankful was Bewitched: A Story of Cotton Mather's Day (1894), which deals with New England Puritans carried captive to Canada. Hosmer was a distinguished scholar of New England history (he edited John Winthrop's Journal i n 1908), and probably constructed his story from his study of primary sources. On a more "popular" l e v e l , and probably derived from h i s t o r i e s of North America considerably less r e l i a b l e and scholarly than Parkman's, are Joseph A. Altsheler's A • Soldier of Manhattan and his Adventures at Ticonderoga and  Quebec (1887), and The Boy O f f i c e r s of 1812 (1898), by E.T. Tomlinson. Parkman's only d i s c i p l e of any consequence i n the f i e l d of the h i s t o r i c a l romance was Mary Catherwood, who i n the l a s t decade of the century drew on France and England i n  North America for background information to produce a series of novels set i n Canada. Parkman was impressed enough with the f i r s t of these works, The Romance of Pollard (1889), to write a preface for i t , i n which he suggested that the author had surpassed Cooper, at le a s t i n her d i r e c t and comprehen-sive treatment of the Canadian theme: 1 6 8 The author i s a pioneer i n what may be c a l l e d a new departure i n American f i c t i o n . Fenimore Cooper, i n his fresh and manly way, sometimes touches Canadian subjects and introduces us to French soldiers and bush-rangers; but he knew Canada only from the outside, having no means of making i t s acquaintance from within, and i t i s only from within that i t s quality as romance can be appreciated. The hard and p r a c t i c a l features of English colonization seem to frown down every excursion of fancy as p i t i l e s s l y as puritanism i t s e l f did i n i t s day. A feudal society, on the other hand, with i t s contrasted l i g h t s and shadows, i t s r i v a l r i e s and passions, i s the natural theme of romance; and when to l o r d and vassal i s joined a dominant hierarchy with i t s patient martyrs and i t s s p i r i t u a l despots, side by side with savage chiefs and warriors j o s t l i n g the representatives of the most gorgeous c i v i l i z a t i o n of modern times,—the whole strange scene set i n an environment of primeval forests,--the spectacle i s as s t r i k i n g as i t i s unique. 2 This description of the romance of Canadian feudalism seems, however, to refer more to Parkman's own concrete and v i v i d treatment of the subject than to the f i c t i o n of Mary Cather-wood. Except for a few descriptive and narrative passages obviously adapted from Parkman, The Romance of Poll a r d hardly deals with Canadian feudalism at a l l . The author's concern i s with love and marriage and female virtue and f i d e l i t y : experiences and q u a l i t i e s which throughout the nineteenth century were staple ingredients of the so-called "domestic sentimentalist" school of f i c t i o n . As a l i t e r a r y pioneer, Mary Catherwood directed her main e f f o r t s toward the m i l i t a n t feminism of the late nineteenth century, which she represents through a series of aggressive and independent heroines. In The Romance of Poll a r d she provides the leader of the Long Sault expedition with an imaginary wife who zealously follows her husband to martyrdom; i n The Story of Tonty ( 1 8 9 0 ) she 1 6 9 p r o v i d e s L a S a l l e ' s l i e u t e n a n t w i t h a r e s o u r c e f u l y o u n g f e m a l e c o m p a n i o n ; i n T h e L a d y o f F o r t S t . J o h n ( 1 8 9 1 ) s h e d e p i c t s i n i m a g i n a t i v e d e t a i l t h e l e g e n d a r y A m a z o n i a n q u a l i t i e s o f M a d a m e d e l a T o u r ; a n d i n T h e C h a s e o f S t . C a s t i n a n d O t h e r  S t o r i e s ( 1 8 9 4 ) s h e f o l l o w s t h e c a r e e r s o f v a r i o u s h i s t o r i c a l a n d m y t h i c a l h e r o i n e s o f New F r a n c e . I r o n i c a l l y , P a r k m a n w a s a d e v o t e d a n t i - f e m i n i s t , a s h e r e v e a l e d i n a n a r t i c l e d e n o u n c i n g f e m a l e s u f f r a g e ( " T h e Woman Q u e s t i o n , " p u b l i s h e d i n t h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n R e v i e w , 1 8 7 9 ) , a n d i n h i s n o v e l V a s s a l M o r t o n , w h o s e h e r o f i n a l l y p r e f e r s t h e m e e k l y s u b m i s s i v e h e r o i n e o v e r a m o r e a g g r e s s i v e " l i b e r a t e d " f e m m e f a t a l e . T h e h i s t o r i a n e i t h e r c o n s c i o u s l y o r u n c o n -s c i o u s l y c l o s e d h i s e y e s t o M a r y C a t h e r w o o d ' s f e m i n i s m , i n h i s g r a t i f i c a t i o n a t ' f i n d i n g a t l e a s t o n e n o v e l i s t w h o d e a l s w i t h t h e r o m a n c e o f C a n a d i a n f e u d a l i s m i n a m a n n e r r o u g h l y c o m p a r a b l e t o h i s o w n c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e s u b j e c t . A n e a r l i e r a n d s l i g h t e r f i c t i o n a l a d a p t a t i o n o f P a r k m a n i s " L e C o u r e u r d e B o i s , " a s h o r t s t o r y p u b l i s h e d i n S c r i b n e r ' s f o r M a y , 1 8 7 6 . T a k i n g a s a n e p i g r a p h a q u o t a t i o n a b o u t t h e c o u r e u r s d e b o i s f r o m T h e O l d R e g i m e i n C a n a d a , t h e a u t h o r t e l l s h o w a y o u n g F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n g i r l i s l u r e d f r o m h e r h o m e b y a t r a p p e r , whom s h e f o l l o w s i n t o t h e n o r t h e r n w i l d e r n e s s . I n s t e a d o f c e l e b r a t i n g t h e s t r e n u o u s l i f e i n t h e f o r e s t , h o w -e v e r , t h e s t o r y i n v o l v e s a c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n t w o o p p o s i n g w a y s o f l i f e : t h e " f e m i n i n e " v i r t u e s o f d o m e s t i c i t y a n d m a r i t a l f i d e l i t y a r e c o n t r a s t e d t o t h e m a s c u l i n e i n c l i n a t i o n t o w a r d 170 independence and licentiousness. F i n a l l y , a f t e r a c r i s i s i n which the two lovers narrowly escape a freezing death in. the wilderness, the hero i s won o v e r — l i k e innumerable heroes of the "domestic sentimentalist" t r a d i t i o n — t o the virtues of home and f i r e s i d e . This story would probably have struck Parkman as a per-version of his ideas about the "manly" l i f e — a l t h o u g h he presumably would have approved of the Canadian setting and characters. The author of "Le Coureur de Bois" was Ohio-born Annie Howells Frechette, who s e t t l e d i n Ottawa with her Canadian husband and pursued a part-time career writing stories and a r t i c l e s for the American and Canadian q u a r t e r l i e s . That Parkman's very masculine image of Canada should appeal to the "domestic sentimentalists" i s a notable irony of l i t e r a r y history; and the s i t u a t i o n i s made even more incon-gruous by the fact that t h i s author was the younger s i s t e r of the chief exponent of realism i n late nineteenth-century American l i t e r a t u r e , William Dean Howells. The vagaries of l i t e r a r y a f f i n i t i e s are further demonstrated i n the fact that Howells and other devotees of the r e a l i s t movement ultimately provided the most s i g n i f i c a n t d i r e c t l i t e r a r y sequel to Park-man's h i s t o r i e s . Parkman knew Howells and l i k e d the young westerner personally, but found his l i t e r a r y tastes decidedly uncongen-i a l , as he confided i n a l e t t e r to a friend i n 1890: I regard [Walter Scott] as an educational force of the 1 7 1 f i r s t v a l u e , i n a l l t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e m a n a n d t h e g e n t l e m a n ; a n d i f , a s M r . H o w e l l s t e l l s u s , h i s i n f l u -e n c e i s u n d e m o c r a t i c , t h e n s o m u c h t h e w o r s e f o r d e m o -c r a c y . F o r my p a r t I w o u l d r a t h e r my s o n s h o u l d t a k e l e s s o n s f r o m G u y M a n n e r i n g t h a n f r o m T h e R i s e o f S i l a s  L a p h a m . 3 T h e a u t h o r o f S i l a s L a p h a m w a s n o t , h o w e v e r , c o n v e r s e l y a n t i -p a t h e t i c t o F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d i n N o r t h 7 A m e r i c a . Y o u n g e r h i s t o r i a n s t u r n e d a w a y f r o m P a r k m a n t o w a r d s n e w s u b j e c t s a n d i d e o l o g i e s , a n d o n l y o n e o r t w o m i n o r w r i t e r s o f f i c t i o n s h o w e d i n t e r e s t i n t h e r o m a n c e o f C a n a d i a n f e u d a l i s m ; b u t H o w e l l s a n d a f e w " r e a l i s t " c o l l e a g u e s d i s c o v e r e d i n P a r k m a n ' s h i s t o r i e s s e v e r a l i m p o r t a n t s u g g e s t i o n s f o r t h e i r c o n t i n u i n g a t t e m p t t o a n a l y z e a n d d e f i n e N o r t h A m e r i c a n c i v i l i z a t i o n . 2. H o w e l l s w a s o n l y o n e o f s e v e r a l n o t a b l e A m e r i c a n a u t h o r -t r a v e l e r s o f t h e p o s t - c i v i l w a r p e r i o d who e x p r e s s e d a n i n t e r e s t i n C a n a d a . T h i s i n t e r e s t c a n , o f c o u r s e , b e r e l a t e d t o t h e g e n e r a l p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e a g e a n d t h e r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f A m e r i c a n t o u r i s m , a s w e l l a s t o P a r k m a n ' s i n f l u e n c e . I n T h e I n n o c e n t s A b r o a d ( 1 8 6 9 ) M a r k T w a i n c o n c l u d e d f r o m t h e h o r d e s o f A m e r i c a n s r u s h i n g t o g e t p a s s a g e o n t h e t r a n s -4 A t l a n t i c s t e a m e r s t h a t " e v e r y b o d y w a s g o i n g t o E u r o p e " ; b u t a s a l w a y s t h r o u g h o u t t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a s i g n i f i c a n t s e g m e n t o f t h e t r a v e l i n g p o p u l a t i o n — i n c l u d i n g , e v e n t u a l l y , M a r k T w a i n h i m s e l f — w e r e m a k i n g t h e m o r e e c o n o m i c a l t o u r o f t h e n o r t h e r n p r o v i n c e s . I n t h e c l o s i n g m o n t h s o f t h e w a r , o n e o f M a r k T w a i n ' s l i t e r a r y p r e d e c e s s o r s , " A r t e m u s W a r d " ( C h a r l e s F . B r o w n e ) r e p o r t e d t h a t h e w a s " t r a v e l l i n a m o n g t h e 172 crowned heads of Canady," and went on through several para-graphs i n Artemus Ward: His Travels to poke clumsy fun at the usual subjects of i n t e r e s t to Americans, such as the c o l o n i a l status of Canada ("Altho' t h i s i s a monikal form of Gov'ment, I am onable to perceive much moniky. I t r i e d to g i t a piece i n Toronto, but f a i l e d to succeed"), and the f o r t i f i c a t i o n s of Quebec ("Quebec i s f u l l of stone walls, and arches, and c i t a d e l s , and things. It i s said no foe could get into Quebec, and I guess they couldn't. And I don't see 5 what they'd want to get i n there f o r . " ) . In 1874, Mark Twain's fri e n d and one-time collaborator Charles Dudley Warner published a l i t t l e book e n t i t l e d Baddeck, describing a b r i e f v i s i t to a remote settlement on northern Cape Breton Island. The in s u l a r , Gaelic-speaking population and the various signs of economic and p o l i t i c a l retardation led him to pronounce the whole nation "a foggy land . . . which i s neither a republic nor a monarchy, but merely a languid expectation of something undefined." And i n 1880, Mark Twain devoted two b r i e f pages of his notebook to light-hearted observations on his v i s i t to Montreal, Quebec, and Montmorency: Drove halfway to the F a l l s of Montmorency, then came back and bought a photograph. The wind down on the low ground was mighty cold. The photograph i s very satisfactory.? A more serious attempt to convey impressions of Canada i s the essay "French Canada" by E.L. Godkin (1831-1902), the i n f l u e n t i a l owner and editor of the Nation, who v i s i t e d Quebec City and environs i n the summer of 1868. An erudite s o c i a l 173 c r i t i c and h i s t o r i a n , Godkin was a fri e n d and i n t e l l e c t u a l associate of both Howells and Parkman, and almost c e r t a i n l y must have read the two volumes of France and England i n North  TAmerica which had appeared by 1868. In spite of the suggestion of his t i t l e , Godkin divides his attention f a i r l y equally between the two l i n g u i s t i c com-munities of Quebec province. The English Canadians he finds objectionable for t h e i r lack of c u l t u r a l independence: One has hardly set foot i n the country when one i s struck by the well-known c o l o n i a l tendency to out-Herod Herod. They [the English Canadians] are considerably more Eng-l i s h , i n a l l things i n which resemblance to the English i s possible, than the English themselves. ("French Canada," 128). 8 This deliberate imitation of foreign customs, Godkin i n s i s t s , i n e v i t a b l y impedes the natural development of the country: One cannot remain very long i n Canada without having the idea very strongly presented to one that even a s l i g h t p o l i t i c a l connection between a colony and "the mother country" i s a curse to the colony. As long as they are bound together, even by the l i g h t s i l k e n t i e of a l l e g -iance, r e a l l y healthy p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e seems to be impossible for the l a t t e r . A people whose manners are not the natural r e s u l t of i t s own character and c u l -ture, but a laborious copy of those of another people, d i f f e r e n t l y situated and i n a d i f f e r e n t stage of develop-ment, of course suffers much both morally and mentally, no matter what amount of p o l i t i c a l freedom i t may enjoy. (128) The main ambition of the English-Canadian businessman, Godkin continues, i s to make a fortune and r e t i r e to England, while large segments of the laboring classes aspire to immigrate to the United States. The movement southward "has even reached the French, to whom the United States has been hitherto a 174 land as far o f f as when the Indians came down from the St. Lawrence to harry the New England her e t i c s " (129). In contrast to his rather contemptuous view of the English, Godkin's attitude to the French Canadians i s quite sympathetic. Claiming to have "a respectable knowledge of French," he implies that he has conversed with various representatives of the population i n Quebec C i t y and the v i l l a g e s of the lower St. Lawrence. A lack of fluency i n the language, he remarks i n passing, "makes Thoreau's account of his Canadian t r i p as nearly worthless as anything emanating from so close an observer could well be" (129). But Thoreau, for a l l his d i f f i c u l t y with the language, met and conversed with a f a i r l y representative cross-section of habitants i n the i r f a m i l i a r home environment. Godkin, l i k e Richard Henry Dana, l i m i t s h is contacts to a s l i g h t l y higher s o c i a l l e v e l . Indeed, the only Canadian he s p e c i f i c a l l y mentions ta l k i n g to i s a wealthy lawyer and landowner. Nevertheless, he does not hesitate to generalize about the French Canadians, whom he finds superior to t h e i r European counterparts: Priest-ridden and seigneur-ridden though he has been, the free a i r of the wilderness has given the Canadian a dignity and self-respect i n which the French peasant, i n spite of the Revolution, i s s t i l l wanting. (147) "The French Canadians," he goes on to report, "instead of declining before the Anglo-Saxons, gain on them rapidly, and bid f a i r before many years to have the lower province almost e n t i r e l y to themselves" (147). In spite of t h i s population 175 growth, however, Godkin assumes with Thoreau and Parkman that the French Canadians w i l l eventually disappear i n the "Saxon current": [They] w i l l probably preserve th e i r language and manners int a c t t i l l the whole country i s annexed to the United States. Both w i l l probably then disappear rapi d l y before the t e r r i b l e solvent of American ideas and i n s t i t u t i o n s . With them w i l l disappear the l a s t r e l i c of old France, and probably, outside of the Tyr o l , the purest and simplest, most prosperous and most pious Catholic commun-ity, on the globe. (148) As these concluding remarks reveal, Godkin views the fate of modern French Canada with an ambivalence comparable to that i n Parkman's retrospective view of New France. The " t e r r i b l e solvent" of American democracy w i l l eventually engulf the whole continent, i n that i r r e s i s t i b l e h i s t o r i c a l process which decrees a constant development towards s o c i a l perfection. But i n t h i s process, something of value w i l l regrettably be l o s t . The unfortunate aspects of a possible American annexation of Canada was one concern of another b r i e f t r a v e l essay o r i g i n a l l y written for the Nation. Henry James, just at the beginning of his b r i l l i a n t and i n f l u e n t i a l l i t e r a r y career, v i s i t e d Quebec City and Montmorency i n 1871. After describing various features of the c i t y and neighboring countryside as seen by- a hypothetical "sentimental t o u r i s t , " he concluded I suppose no p a t r i o t i c American can look at a l l these things, however i d l y , without r e f l e c t i n g on the ultimate p o s s i b i l i t y of t h e i r becoming absorbed into his own huge state. Whenever, sooner or l a t e r , the change i s wrought, the sentimental t o u r i s t w i l l keenly f e e l that a long str i d e has been taken, rough-shod, from the past to the 1 7 6 p r e s e n t . T h e l a r g e s t a p p e t i t e i n m o d e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n w i l l h a v e s w a l l o w e d t h e l a r g e s t m o r s e l . W h a t t h e c h a n g e m a y b r i n g o f c o m f o r t o r o f g r i e f t o t h e C a n a d i a n s t h e m -s e l v e s , w i l l b e f o r t h e m t o s a y ; b u t , i n t h e b r e a s t o f t h i s s e n t i m e n t a l t o u r i s t o f o u r s , i t w i l l p r o d u c e l i t t l e b u t r e g r e t . T h e f o r e i g n e l e m e n t s o f e a s t e r n C a n a d a , a t l e a s t , a r e e x t r e m e l y i n t e r e s t i n g ; a n d i t i s o f g o o d p r o f i t t o u s A m e r i c a n s t o h a v e n e a r u s , a n d o f e a s y a c c e s s , a n a m p l e s o m e t h i n g w h i c h i s n o t o u r e x p a n s i v e s e l v e s . H e r e we f i n d a h u n d r e d m e m e n t o e s o f a n o l d e r c i v i l i z a t i o n t h a n o u r o w n , o f d i f f e r e n t m a n n e r s , o f s o c i a l f o r c e s o n c e m i g h t y , a n d s t i l l g l o w i n g w i t h a s o r t o f a u t u m n a l w a r m t h . ( " Q u e b e c , " p p . 3 6 2 - 6 3 ) 9 F o u r y e a r s b e f o r e h i s v i s i t t o Q u e b e c , J a m e s w r o t e f o r t h e N a t i o n a r e v i e w o f T h e J e s u i t s i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , i n w h i c h h e i n d i c a t e d h i s g e n e r a l a g r e e m e n t w i t h P a r k m a n a b o u t t h e h i s t o r y o f F r a n c e i n t h e New W o r l d . T h e F r e n c h , J a m e s o b s e r v e d , w a s t e d t h e i r t i m e r a n g i n g t h e w i l d e r n e s s a n d t r y i n g t o c o n v e r t m o r a l l y u n r e g e n e r a t e s a v a g e s , w h i l e i n t h e A m e r i c a n c o l o n i e s " p r o l i f i c D u t c h f a r m e r s a n d P u r i t a n d i v i n e s w e r e b u i l d i n g u p t h e s t a t e o f New Y o r k a n d t h e c o m m o n w e a l t h o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e " f a i t h , p a t i e n c e , a n d c o u r a g e " o f s u c h z e a l o t s a s t h e J e s u i t m i s s i o n a r i e s " f o r m a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g c h a p t e r i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e h u m a n m i n d . " " ' " ^ B u t i n s p i t e o f J a m e s ' s a g r e e m e n t w i t h P a r k m a n , a n d i n s p i t e o f h i s d e c l a r e d i n t e r e s t i n Q u e b e c a s a r e m i n d e r o f " s o c i a l f o r c e s o n c e m i g h t y , " i t i s w i t h t h e e y e o f t h e a r t i s t r a t h e r t h a n t h e m o r a l i s t o r s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n t h a t h e v i e w s t h e C a n a d i a n c i t y . T h e e s s a y o n Q u e b e c i s m a i n l y a s e r i e s o f p i c t u r e s q u e t a b l e a u x w h i c h c a l l a t t e n t i o n t o t h e q u a i n t n e s s o f t h e c i t y a n d s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t r y s i d e , r a t h e r t h a n t o t h e v e s t i g e s o f t h e p o w e r f u l a n d g l o r i o u s F r e n c h c o l o n i a l e m p i r e . 177 As James approaches the c i t y , he sees through the misty window of the railway carriage "a huge monotony of most unstoried wilderness"; then suddenly, as Quebec comes into view, "the Old World r i s e s i n the midst of the New i n the manner of a change of scene on the stage" (p. 351). In the c i t y , he takes note of the "foreign architecture," the "foreign pinks, greens, and yellows p l a s t e r i n g the house-fronts," and " a l l the pleasant crookedness, and narrowness, and duskiness, the quaint economised spaces" (p. 352). After thus cataloguing various d e t a i l s at close view, he imagin-a t i v e l y draws back and contemplates the c i t y . . . perched on i t s mountain of rock, washed by a r i v e r as free and ample as an ocean-gulf, sweeping from i t s embattled crest the v i l l a g e s , the forests, the blue undulations of the imperial province of which i t i s warden. (p. 355) Quebec appears to James, as i t appeared to Thoreau, a diminutive and f i c t i v e world set down in incongruous juxta-p o s i t i o n to the vast North American wilderness. And where Thoreau was reminded of F r o i s s a r t ' s Chronicles, of Scott's medieval romances, and of Provence and the troubadours, James also thinks of c e r t a i n l i t e r a r y antecedents. In "the l i t t l e r e s i d e n t i a l streets . . . some of the houses have the s t a l e -ness of complexion which Balzac loved to describe." S t r o l l i n g through these streets, James encounters " l i t t l e old Frenchmen who look as i f they had stepped out of Balzac" (pp. 357-58). Subsequently, he finds that the appearance of modest prosperity, domestic comfort, and naive piety remind him of another 178 l i t e r a r y analogue: " I t i s , perhaps, not Longfellow's 'Evan-geline' for chapter and verse, but i t i s a tolerable prose t r a n s c r i p t " (p. 3 5 9 ) . Besides r e l a t i n g Quebec to l i t e r a t u r e , James inev i t a b l y considers the c i t y i n the l i g h t of his experience of Europe. Like Thoreau, he vaguely disapproves of the attempt to create the facade of Old World c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the New World wilder-ness, and he represents Quebec as a deliberate deception:-"The place, after a l l , i s of the s o i l on which i t stands; yet i t appeals to you so cunningly with i t s l i t t l e stock of t r a n s a t l a n t i c wares that you overlook i t s flaws and lapses, and swallow i t whole" (p. 3 5 1 ) . In the countryside near Que-bec, he finds the reminiscence of Europe rather appealing: The rows of poplars, the heavy stone cottages, seamed and cracked with time i n many cases, and daubed i n coarse bright hues, the l i t t l e bourgeois v i l l a s , r i s i n g middle-aged at the end of short v i s t a s , the sunburnt women i n the f i e l d s , the old men i n woollen stockings and red nightcaps, the l o n g - k i r t l e d c u r l nodding to doffed hats, the more or less bovine stare which greets you from cottage-doors, are a l l so many touches of a l o c a l color r e f l e c t e d from over the sea. (p. 360) And i n the v i l l a g e of Chateau-Richer he i s so f o r c i b l y reminded of r u r a l France that he finds himself looking for the "elderly manor which might have baptised i t . " "But of course," he adds, " i n such p i c t o r i a l e f f o r t s as t h i s Quebec breaks down; one must not ask too much of i t " (pp. 3 6 1 - 6 2 ) . On the whole, James's impressions of French Canada are rather inconclusive. He finds "a palpable* atmosphere, a rare physiognomy" which he vaguely recognizes as unique, but which 1 7 9 h e i s a b l e t o d e f i n e o n l y t e n t a t i v e l y , b y r e f e r e n c e t o l i t e r -a t u r e a n d t o h i s e x p e r i e n c e o f E u r o p e . Q u e b e c p r e s e n t s a v e s t i g i a l i m a g e o f t h e m i g h t y s o c i a l f o r c e s w h i c h f o r m e d t h e m a i n t h e m e o f P a r k m a n ' s New W o r l d e p i c , a s w e l l a s a d i s -t o r t e d r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e O l d W o r l d t o w h i c h J a m e s w a s s o d e v o t e d . B u t i n t h i s i n c o n g r u o u s j u x t a p o s i t i o n h e c a n f i n d n o f o r m a l u n i t y , n o d i s t i n c t i d e n t i t y . T h e c i t y a n d s u r r o u n d -i n g c o u n t r y s i d e c o n s t i t u t e a c u r i o u s a n d m i l d l y i n t e r e s t i n g a n o m a l y w h i c h , a s J a m e s r a t h e r p e r f u n c t o r i l y a s s e r t s , w i l l p r o b a b l y b e e v e n t u a l l y a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e m a i n c u r r e n t o f N o r t h / A m e r i c a n l i f e , w i t h t h e r e g r e t t a b l e l o s s o f a p i c t u r e s -q u e t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n . 3. I n c o n t r a s t t o J a m e s ' s b r i e f a n d r a t h e r s u p e r f i c i a l i m p r e s s i o n s o f C a n a d a , W i l l i a m D e a n H o w e l l s ' p e r s o n a l a n d l i t e r a r y i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e c o u n t r y w a s f a i r l y e x t e n s i v e . He m a d e h i s f i r s t v i s i t t o t h e n o r t h e r n p r o v i n c e s i n J u l y , 1 8 6 0 , a s a s i d e - t r i p t o t h e f a m o u s f i r s t v i s i t t o New E n g l a n d d e s c r i b e d i n L i t e r a r y F r i e n d s a n d A c q u a i n t a n c e ( 1 9 0 0 ) . H i s i m p r e s s i o n s o f N i a g a r a F a l l s , T o r o n t o , M o n t r e a l , a n d Q u e b e c w e r e i n c l u d e d i n t w o s e r i e s o f t r a v e l l e t t e r s , " G l i m p s e s o f Summer T r a v e l " a n d " E n P a s s a n t , " p u b l i s h e d i n 1 8 6 0 i n t h e C i n c i n n a t i G a z e t t e a n d t h e O h i o S t a t e J o u r n a l r e s p e c t i v e l y . M u c h o f t h e m a t e r i a l g a t h e r e d f o r t h e s e a r t i c l e s , s u p p l e m e n t e d b y f u r t h e r n o t e s f r o m a n o t h e r t r i p m a d e i n 1 8 7 0 , w a s i n c o r -p o r a t e d i n t o h i s f i r s t t w o f i c t i o n a l e f f o r t s , T h e i r W e d d i n g 180 Journey (1872), and A Chance Acquaintance (1873). He used his r e c o l l e c t i o n s of northern t r a v e l for f i c t i o n on two further occasions, i n The Quality of Mercy (1892), which includes a b r i e f but s i g n i f i c a n t Canadian episode, and i n the considerably less important sentimental novella, "A Pair of Patient Lovers" (1901), the opening chapters of which involve American t o u r i s t s on the St. Lawrence. F i n a l l y , he v i s i t e d his s i s t e r Annie at her Ottawa home i n 1906, and recorded his observations on the Canadian c a p i t a l i n "The Editor's Easy Chair" column of Harper's Monthly for January, 1907.*""'" Between the time of his f i r s t v i s i t to Canada and the writing of Their Wedding Journey, Howells encountered the h i s t o r i e s of Parkman. In the context of the best known features of Howells' c r i t i c a l theories, his admiration for Parkman appears anomalous, for there would seem to be very l i t t l e common ground between the exotic and spectacular romance of Canadian feudalism and the "ordinary t r a i t s of 12 American l i f e " which the younger writer aspired to record. Indeed, i n C r i t i c i s m and F i c t i o n (1892) , Howells i n s i s t e d that novelists should confine themselves to "the things that they have.:observed and known" and avoid any dependence on "the 13 things that some other a r t i s t or writer has done." Even i n the l i g h t of the reasonable assumption that Howells was not urging writers to avoid reading altogether, t h i s statement might be interpreted as a re j e c t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , which of necessity i s at two or more removes from d i r e c t 181 experience. But as i s well known, i t was the extravagant h i s t o r i c a l romance rather than h i s t o r i c a l writing in general that aroused Howells' antipathy and prompted many of the sweeping generalizations and over-simplifications of his c r i t i c a l essays. In the c l o s i n g years of the nineteenth century, the American reading public was r a p i d l y forsaking the r e a l i s t i c l i t e r a t u r e which Howells had fondly hoped would provide the means of conveying culture to "the common, average man, who always 'has the standard of the arts i n his power'," and was turning to the cheap t h r i l l s of the "swash-14 buckler swashing on his buckler." In the more optimistic and enthusiastic early years of his writing career, when realism appeared to be the i r r e s i s t i b l e l i t e r a r y wave of the future, Howells unhesitatingly looked i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s — t o history, to romantic poetry, even to the superior class of h i s t o r i c a l romance of which Hawthorne's work was the pre-eminent example—for formal and i d e o l o g i c a l i n s p i r a t i o n . x ^ In the 1860's and 70's, Howells was p a r t i c u l a r l y recep-t i v e to the influence of Parkman, for his i n t e r e s t i n the "ordinary t r a i t s of American l i f e " tended to expand outward to the comprehensive h i s t o r i c a l theme of the development of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the New World. Inevitably, Howells thought of New World history primarily i n terms of the development of his own country, and his early reactions to Parkman included an expression of regret that the h i s t o r i a n had not taken his subject matter from "the tougher and knottier f i b r e s of our 182 16 own annals." Howells r e a d i l y granted the i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t of the story of the French i n America, and agreed with Parkman that t h i s story involved "an attempt so grand and generous that i t s most comical and most ruinous conse-17 quences are never less than heroic." But subsequently he began to see, as Parkman had seen, that the early history of Canada formed an inextricable part of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l background of the United States. Howells r e a l i z e d further that the c o l o r f u l panorama of warfare and adventure i n the northern wilderness had a v i t a l relevance to the supposedly commonplace chronicle of modern American l i f e which was to be the main subject of his own writing. The explora-t i o n of t h i s relevance forms an important part of Their  Wedding Journey. In presenting the chronicle of commonplace events i n the wedding journey of B a s i l and Isabel March, Howells attempted what was perhaps the purest and most thorough application of his theories of l i t e r a r y realism. As i n l i t e r a t u r e the true a r t i s t w i l l shun the use even of r e a l events i f they are of an improbable character, so the sincere observer of man w i l l not desire to look upon his heroic or occasional phases, but w i l l seek him i n his habitual moods of vacancy and tiresomeness. To me, at any rate, he i s at such times very precious; and I never perceive him to be so much a man and a brother as when I f e e l the pressure of his vast, natural '.ttnaf-fected dulness. (TWJ, p. 5 5 ) I 8 This "dulness," which was by no means a pejorative term for Howells, was i n his view the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of l i f e i n the nineteenth-century United States. Stories of 1 8 3 w a r a n d h e r o i s m a n d m a s s s u f f e r i n g w e r e o u t s i d e t h e o r d i n a r y c o u r s e o f r e a l l i f e . O r , a s h e s u g g e s t e d l a t e r i n C r i t i c i s m  a n d F i c t i o n , s u c h s t o r i e s b e l o n g e d t o t h e d e c a d e n t , u n d e m o -c r a t i c O l d W o r l d . E v e n a f t e r t h e C h i c a g o H a . y m a r k e t a f f a i r o f 1 8 8 6 , w h i c h o p e n e d h i s e y e s t o t h e f a c t t h a t s e v e r e i n j u s t i c e c o u l d e x i s t i n h i s o w n c o u n t r y , H o w e l l s c o u l d s t i l l s a y t h a t . . . i n a l a n d w h e r e j o u r n e y m e n c a r p e n t e r s a n d p l u m b e r s s t r i k e f o r f o u r d o l l a r s a d a y t h e s u m o f h u n g e r a n d c o l d i s c o m p a r a t i v e l y s m a l l , a n d t h e w r o n g f r o m c l a s s t o c l a s s h a s b e e n a l m o s t i n a p p r e c i a b l e . ( " T h o u g h a l l t h i s , " h e a d d e d i n a t e r s e r e f l e c t i o n o n r e c e n t 19 e v e n t s , " i s c h a n g i n g f o r t h e w o r s e . " ) T h u s t h e e a r l y c h a p t e r s o f T h e i r W e d d i n g J o u r n e y a r e d e v o t e d t o a d i s c u r s i v e a n d l e i s u r e l y a c c o u n t o f t r a v e l i n t h e m o d e r n U n i t e d S t a t e s , w i t h a l l i t s m i n o r i n c o n v e n i e n c e s a n d o c c a s i o n a l d e l i g h t s : t h e M a r c h e s r e s i g n e d l y a c c e p t i n g t h e r u d e n e s s o f r a i l w a y a n d h o t e l e m p l o y e e s , s u f f e r i n g t h e t e r r i b l e h e a t w a v e o f 18 70 i n New Y o r k C i t y , i n d u l g i n g t h e m -s e l v e s w i t h t h e e x t r a v a g a n t s p l e n d o r o f a s t a t e r o o m o n a H u d s o n R i v e r s t e a m b o a t . O c c a s i o n a l l y , t h e a u t h o r c a l l s i n d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n t o w h a t m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d a m o r e s e r i o u s o r e v e n t r a g i c a s p e c t o f l i f e . A s t h e M a r c h e s p r o c e e d o n t h e i r j o u r n e y , t h e y c a t c h b r i e f g l i m p s e s o f u r b a n s l u m s , w i t h " r o w s o f a s h b a r r e l s , i n w h i c h t h e d e c r e p i t c h i l d r e n a n d m o t h e r s o f t h e s t r e e t s w e r e c l a w i n g f o r b i t s o f c o a l " ( T W J , p . 1 7 ) ; t h e y w i t n e s s t h e t e m p o r a r y m i s e r y o f a v i c t i m o f h e a t p r o s t r a t i o n o n a New Y o r k s t r e e t ; a n d t h e y d i s c u s s w i t h 1 8 4 momentary solemnity the enigmatic cataclysm of a small boat rammed and sunk i n the night on the Hudson River. But t h i s background of extraordinary or exceptional circumstances does not seriously disturb the orderly and leis u r e d progression of Howells 1 two characters along the commonplace course of t h e i r unremarkable journey, which i n i t s p l a c i d routine of domestic d e t a i l interrupted by only b r i e f inconvenience or by the impersonal spectacle of misfortune might be considered Howells' metaphor for the course of middle-class l i f e i n the 2 0 late nineteenth-century United States. At Niagara F a l l s , a new thematic element i s introduced into the story of the Marches' t r a v e l s . Here, at what i s perhaps the most famous geographical phenomenon i n North America and i s c e r t a i n l y the most famous border point between the United States and Canada, B a s i l March r e f l e c t s on the h i s t o r i c a l associations evoked by the natural s e t t i n g : [Niagara's] beauty i s relieved against an h i s t o r i c a l background as gloomy as the lightest-hearted t o u r i s t could desire. The abominable savages, revering the cata-ract as a kind of august d e v i l , and leading a l i f e of demoniacal misery and wickedness, whom the f i r s t Jesuits found here two hundred years ago; the ferocious Iroquois bloodily d r i v i n g out these squalid devil-worshippers; the French planting the f o r t that yet guards the mouth of the r i v e r , and therewith the seeds of war that f r u i t e d afterwards i n murderous s t r i f e s throughout the whole Niagara country; the struggle for the m i l i t a r y posts on the r i v e r , during the wars of France and England; the awful scene i n the conspiracy of Pontiac, where a detachment of English troops was driven by the Indians over the precipice near the great whirlpool; the sorrow and havoc v i s i t e d upon the American settlements i n the Revolution by the savages who prepared t h e i r attacks i n the shadow of Fort Niagara; the b a t t l e s of Chippewa and of Lundy's Lane that mixed the roar of t h e i r cannon with 185 that of the f a l l ; the savage forays with tomahawk and scalping-knife, and the blazing v i l l a g e s on either shore i n the War of 1812; these are the memories of the place, the l i n k s i n a chain of t r a g i c a l i n t e r e s t scarcely broken before our time since the white man f i r s t beheld the mist-veiled face of Niagara. (pp. 88-89). As Howells goes on to state, t h i s meditation has been pa r t l y inspired by his reading of Parkman. "Those precious books," he says of the four h i s t o r i c a l volumes which Parkman had published by 1870, " . . . make our meagre past wear something of the r i c h romance of old European days, and illumine i t s savage solitude with the splendor of medieval c h i v a l r y , and the glory of medieval martyrdom" (p. 89). Howells' basic l i t e r a r y ideal i s the celebration of the common man i n modern America, but he does not r e j e c t the epic and romance t r a d i -tions of Europe, with t h e i r emphasis on the preeminent hero and on extraordinary incident. Indeed, he i s g r a t e f u l to Parkman for having shown that North America has a h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n comparable to the epic and romance mythology of Europe. But the important point about t h i s t r a d i t i o n as i t concerns America i s the fact that i t belongs to the past. The Indians have vanished, or appear to be dwindling to the point of extinction; French m i l i t a r y power has disappeared from the continent; and i n place of the savage war parties along the border i n 1812, peaceable American t o u r i s t s come to view the natural and a r t i f i c i a l vestiges of an e a r l i e r era. The most extensive and s i g n i f i c a n t vestige of the past i s , of course, Canadian society. Unlike Parkman, who took no 186 in t e r e s t i n nineteenth-century Canada beyond the opportunities the country offered for on-the-spot research, Howells i s curious to explore the country with i t s large French popula-t i o n and i t s B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l connections, to see how i t has fared i n i t s pursuit of a p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l development d i s t i n c t from that of the United States and more closely t i e d to the past and to Europe. In l i n e with his r e a l i s t i n c l i n a t i o n to define experience i n terms of the commonplace and routine elements of everyday l i f e , Howells forms his conception of modern Canada from encounters with service people or anonymous bystanders and from the various landmarks which happen to come within his observation. . In general, he claims to find a more amiable and l e i s u r e l y manner i n the Canadian people as compared to the Americans. The porter on the St. Lawrence boat . . . was so c i v i l that he did not snub the meekest and most vexatious of the passengers, and B a s i l mutely blessed his s e r v i l e soul. Few white Americans, he said to himself, would behave so decently i n his place; and he could not conceive of the American steamboat clerk who would use the politeness towards a waiting crowd that the Canadian purser showed when they a l l wedged themselves i n about his window to receive t h e i r state-room keys. (p. 107) At Kingston, Howells travelers f e e l "a sense of English s o l i d -i t y " i n the pervasive stonework of the buildings, and observe "a healthful bloom of the Old World" on the faces of the c i t i z e n s , "so that one must wonder i f the l i n e between the Dominion and the United States did not also sharply separate good digestion and dyspepsia" (pp. 110-11). 187 But these casual observations r e f l e c t l i t t l e more than the fact that the English-Canadian population of 1870 included a large element of comparatively recent B r i t i s h immigrants, and that the highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d and commercial-ized economy of the United States with i t s inevitable bureau-cracy and impersonality had not yet evolved i n Canada. Howells does not discover the es s e n t i a l foreignness of the country u n t i l he takes his f i c t i o n a l travelers to Montreal. The f e e l i n g of foreign t r a v e l for which our t o u r i s t s had st r i v e n throughout t h e i r journey, and which they had known i n some degree at Kingston and a l l the way down the r i v e r , was i n t e n s i f i e d from the f i r s t moment i n Montreal. . . . At breakfast the next morning they could hardly t e l l on what country they had f a l l e n . The waiters had but a.thin varnish of English speech upon t h e i r native French, and they spoke t h e i r own tongue with each other; but most of the meats were cooked to the English taste, and the whole was a poor imitation of an American hotel. During t h e i r stay the same commingling of usages and races bewildered them; the shops were English and the clerks were commonly French; the carriage-drivers were often I r i s h , and up and down the streets with t h e i r pious old-fashioned names, t i n k l e d American horse-cars, (p. 121) Gradually, the chaotic heterogeneity of Montreal resolves into a series of related patterns. Like other American t r a v e l e r s , Howells notes the rather awkward zeal with which urban English Canadians try to imitate B r i t i s h manners, and customs, and he also notes the c l e a r l y observable d i s t i n c t i o n s between the two l i n g u i s t i c groups i n Canada: Our friends . . . knew [the other American t o u r i s t s ] at a glance from the native populations, who are also e a s i l y distinguishable from each other. The French Canadians are nearly always of a peasant-like commonness, or where they r i s e above t h i s , have a bourgeois commonness of face and manner; and the English Canadians are to be known 188 from the many English sojourners by the e f f o r t to look much more English than the l a t t e r . (p. 124) In spite of the large French-speaking population, the most prominent feature of Montreal from the American t o u r i s t ' s perspective i s the ubiquitous evidence of the p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l attachment to England. "At dinner [the Marches] spent the in t e r v a l s of the courses . . . i n wondering i f the Canadians did not make i t a matter of conscientious l o y a l t y to out-English the English even i n the matter of pale-ale and sherry, and i n rotundity of person and freshness of face, just as they emulated them i n the cut of t h e i r clothes and whiskers" (p. 134). This attachment i s not, however, always unfavorable i n i t s r e s u l t s : The Irishmen who drove the public carriages were as c i v i l as our own Boston hackmen, and behaved as respect-f u l l y under the shadow of England here, as they would have done under i t i n Ireland. The problem which vexes us seems to have been solved pleasantly enough i n Canada. It i s because the Celt cannot brook equality; and where he has not an established and recognized caste above him, longs to trample on those about him; and i f he cannot be lowest, w i l l at le a s t be highest? (p. 135) On the basis of these random observations of public l i f e i n Montreal, Howells offers a general summary of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l status of Canada, a summary which reveals his devotion to the ideal of North American independence from Europe. After making his comment on the I r i s h cabmen of Montreal, he continues: Our friends did not suffer t h i s or any other advantage of the c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n to dive r t them from the opinion to which t h e i r observation was gradually bringing them, that i t s overweening lo y a l t y placed a great country l i k e 189 Canada i n a very s i l l y a ttitude, the attitude of an over-grown, unmanly boy, c l i n g i n g to the maternal s k i r t s , and though s p o i l t and w i l f u l , without any character of his own. The constant reference of l o c a l hopes to that remote centre beyond seas, the test of success by the c r i t e r i o n s of a necessarily d i f f e r e n t c i v i l i z a t i o n , the s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l dependence implied by t r a i t s that meet the most hurried glance i n the Dominion, give an e f f e c t of meanness to the whole f a b r i c . Doubtless i t i s a l i f e of comfort, of peace, of i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y they l i v e there, but i t lacks the grandeur which no sum of material prosperity can give; i t i s ignoble, l i k e a l l v o l u n t a r i l y subordinate things. Somehow, one feels that i t has no basis i n the New World, and that t i l l i t i s shaken loose from England i t cannot have. (p. 135) Unlike Henry James, however, Howells does not assume that American annexation of Canada i s inevitable. There i s good hope, he f e e l s , for Canada to find a d i s t i n c t i v e national i d e n t i t y independent of both England and the United States: It would be a p i t y . . . i f [Canada] should be parted from the parent country merely to be joined to an unsym-pathetic half-brother l i k e ourselves; and nothing, fortunately, seems to be further from the Canadian mind. There are some experiments no longer possible to us which could s t i l l be t r i e d there to the advantage of c i v i l i z a -t i o n , and we were better two great nations side by side than a union of discordant t r a d i t i o n s and ideas. (p. 135) P o l i t i c a l independence, Howells r e c a l l s , i s by no means a magical guarantee of s o c i a l perfection. The United States continues to be plagued by a profusion of d i f f i c u l t i e s p a r t l y or wholly derived from i t s status as a democratic republic. But none the less does the American t r a v e l l e r , swelling with forgetfulness of the shabby despots who govern New York, and the swindling r a i l r o a d kings whose word i s law to the whole land, f e e l l i k e saying to the hulking giant beyond St. Lawrence and the Lakes, "Sever the apron strings of allegiance, and try to be yourself, whatever you are." (pp. 135-36) As Howells 1 travelers proceed down the St. Lawrence, they 190 f i n d themselves moving away from the incongruities of modern Canada towards an unambiguous vestige of the c o l o n i a l empire and romantic h i s t o r i c a l era which Parkman wrote about. "Come out," says B a s i l March to his wife from the deck of the steam-boat as i t approaches Quebec, "—come out into the seven-teenth century" (p. 141). Even i n the routine sightseer's round of a place which has degenerated from a great imperial c a p i t a l to a "show c i t y " (p. 145), the American t o u r i s t s are able to evoke the splendid chronicle of discovery and adven-ture through the buildings and monuments associated with C a r t i e r , Champlain, the Jesu i t s , Wolfe and Montcalm. But even as Howells' travelers immerse themselves i n the r e l i c s of French imperial history and of the epic c o n f l i c t between France and England, they f i n d themselves again t r y i n g vainly to reconcile an incongruity i n th e i r surroundings. Quebec, much more than Montreal, i s a French c i t y ; but the presence of the French race i n t h i s outpost of the northern wilderness seems somehow contradictory: The Frenchmen, who expected to f i n d there the climate of t h e i r native land, and ripen her wines i n as kindly a sun, have perpetuated the image of home in so many things, that i t goes to the heart with a p a i n f u l emotion to f i n d the sad, oblique l i g h t of the North upon them. Quebec, i n fact, i s but a pantomimic reproduction of France; i t i s as i f two centuries i n a new land, amidst the primeval silences of nature and the long hush of the Northern winters, had s t i l l e d the tongues of the l i v e l y folk and made them t a c i t u r n as we of a graver race. They have kept the ancestral v i v a c i t y of manner; the elegance of the shrug i s i n t a c t ; the t a l k i n g hands take part i n dialogue; the agitated person w i l l have i t s share of expression. But the loud and eager tone i s wanting, and 191 t h e i r dumb show mystifies the beholder almost, as much as the Southern architecture under the slanting Northern sun. I t i s not America; i f i t i s not France, what i t i t ? (pp. 155, 158) Ultimately, Quebec, l i k e Canada as a whole, eludes Howells' attempts at f i n a l d e f i n i t i o n . Repeatedly throughout Their Wedding Journey his descriptions of the people and places become involved i n ostensible contradictions and enigmas, which end i n statements of uncertainty (". . . t r y to be yourself, whatever you are"), or i n questions (". . . i f i t i s not France, what i s i t ? " ) . Howells makes better l i t e r a r y use of Canada i n A Chance  Acquaintance, his second work of f i c t i o n and the beginning of a series of novels involving emotional c o n f l i c t and domestic c r i s i s (a series climaxed by his f i r s t important achievement, the "divorce novel" A Modern Instance, 1882). A Chance  Acquaintance i s set e n t i r e l y i n the Quebec City and Saguenay regions; but instead of getting involved i n the subtle and elusive question of the northern country's d i s t i n c t i v e i d e n t i t y , he uses the Canadian scene as a backdrop for a s l i g h t but subtle tale of American t o u r i s t s i n a f l e e t i n g s i t u a t i o n of infatuation and disillusionment. In depicting the b r i e f romantic interlude involving young and inexperienced K i t t y E l l i s o n of Eriecreek and the rather world-weary and snobbish Miles Arbuton of Boston, Howells deals with a theme which i s prominent throughout his work, the c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t between New England and the western American f r o n t i e r . If i t were not for the care which Howells devotes to the minute 192 d e t a i l s of in d i v i d u a l character, his two lovers would be almost a l l e g o r i c a l representations of t h e i r respective regions: K i t t y , the daughter of a m i l i t a n t a b o l i t i o n i s t , has been brought up i n an atmosphere of " f i e r c e democracy"; Arbuton, educated i n New England and Europe, i s u n r e f l e c t i v e l y a r i s t o c r a t i c , "an exclusive by t r a i n i n g and by i n s t i n c t " (pp. 39-40). 2 1 The contrast between these two Americans and the regional viewpoints they represent i s mainly developed i n terms of t h e i r respective responses to Canada. To K i t t y , who has seen very l i t t l e of the world beyond Eriecreek, the province of Quebec appears simultaneously as a foreign country and an epitome of what she has read and thought about North America as a whole. On the boat t r i p up the Saguenay, she i s impressed by "the sad great r i v e r of the awful north," whose ominous and desolate grandeur evokes visions of the whole continent as i t must have been before the coming of the Euro-peans. The f i r s t feeble attempts of the white man to gain a foothold on the continent are subsequently evoked by the towns and v i l l a g e s , l i k e Tadoussac, "where early i n the sixteenth century the French traders fixed t h e i r f i r s t post, and where s t i l l the oldest church north of F l o r i d a i s standing" (p. 16). These geographical and h i s t o r i c a l associations appear to K i t t y , fresh from her reading of Parkman and the guidebooks, part of a common heritage of both Canada and the United States, a heritage which i s worthy of comparison to the more venerable 193 t r a d i t i o n s and the more famous scenery of the Old World. Subsequently, i n her encounters with the inhabitants of the St. Lawrence and Saguenay regions, and i n her observa-tions of the exotic costumes and architecture of Quebec C i t y , K i t t y discovers further connections, and some d i s t i n c t i o n s , with her own country. A voluble caleche driver at Ha-Ha Bay suggests by his manner and conversation that the Canadians are devoted to the same ideals of individualism and material success as th e i r southern neighbors; but on the other hand, the view from Kitty's window i n Quebec C i t y of s i l e n t nuns i n a convent garden suggests an image of t r a n q u i l i t y and order which seems u t t e r l y d i s t i n c t from the bustling f r o n t i e r s p i r i t of her own native region. Miles Arbuton, by contrast, i s generally d i s d a i n f u l of the scenery and c i v i l i z a t i o n i n Quebec province. "I should l i k e to see an American landscape that put one i n mind of anything," he t e l l s K i t t y when she praises Quebec City and the surrounding countryside (p. 21). Like K i t t y , Arbuton sees the Quebec and Saguenay regions as representative of North America as a whole, but unlike her, he refuses to acknowledge that the New World has either scenery or h i s t o r i c a l associations to compare with those of the Old. "The great drawback to t h i s sort of thing i n America," he complains to K i t t y as t h e i r boat moves down the Saguenay, " i s that there i s no human in t e r e s t about the scenery, fine as i t i s " (p. 43). And even when Ki t t y repeats to him the legend she has learned from Parkman of the party of French explorers who " l e f t t h e i r comrades at Tadoussac, and came up the Saguenay three hundred years ago, and never were seen or heard of again," '-he p e r s i s t s i n his preference for "famous r i v e r s abroad" (p. 43). He acknow-ledges the magnificence of Cape Eternity with only grudging admiration; "Mr. Arbuton," the narrator confides s l y l y , had "an objection to the exaggerations of nature on t h i s continent, and secretly thought them i n bad taste" (p. 44). As for the " l o c a l color" of the settlements and the inhabitants, Arbuton i s bored and embarrassed by the i n t e r e s t which his companions show i n them, and endures the encounter with the t a l k a t i v e caleche driver i n strained silence. The more Arbuton sees of Canada, the more his h o s t i l i t y to the scenery increases; and although he extends his stay at Quebec i n order to see more of the charmingly naive g i r l from Eriecreek, there i s l i t t l e doubt about the ultimate outcome of the f l i r t a t i o n . K i t t y ' s enthusiastic response to Canada reveals her to be more cosmo-p o l i t a n than the closed-minded Bostonian whose travels have only served to confirm a r i g i d l y narrow set of prejudices. The Quality of Mercy (1892) presents quite a d i f f e r e n t image of Canada, r e f l e c t i n g the development of Howells 1 ideas and techniques i n the l a t e r part of his career. Written immediately aft e r A Hazard of New Fortunes, The Quality of  Mercy reveals the author's increasing revulsion against the e v i l s of modern capitalism and his adoption of a kind of semi-Christian socialism based on i n t e l l i g e n c e and the golden 195 rule . In A Hazard of New Fortunes, he attempted a panoramic view of modern urban America, with a story involving two great American c i t i e s and many individuals of widely d i v e r s i -f i e d backgrounds and s o c i a l classes. In The Quality of Mercy he narrows the focus considerably, to t e l l the pathetic story of J.M. Northwick, an aging businessman who impulsively f l e e s to Canada rather than face the personal and public consequences af t e r he has been exposed as an embezzler of his company's funds. Most of the novel i s devoted to revealing the e f f e c t of Northwick's action on his family and fellow c i t i z e n s of the v i l l a g e of Hatboro. A b r i e f opening episode portrays d i r e c t l y Northwick's weakness and lack of i n t e l l i g e n c e , then his personality and motivation are seen through the distorted perspective of his h y s t e r i c a l family, his v i n d i c t i v e enemies, and his skeptical friends, who gradually begin to recognize the falseness of the absconder's facade of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . But when the accumulated e f f e c t of these responses begin to make Northwick appear as a s e l f i s h and stupid v i l l a i n , Howells abruptly s h i f t s the narrative from Hatboro to Canada, to follow Northwick1 i n his aimless f l i g h t from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . With a vague notion of investing i n a gold mine to regain the money he has l o s t , Northwick sets out northward from Quebec City i n mid-winter, towards Chicoutimi i n the Saguenay region. In the long, s i l e n t sleighride along the banks of the St. Lawrence and Saguenay r i v e r s , he finds him-s e l f obsessively preoccupied with thoughts of his past l i f e 196 and present s i t u a t i o n . The f i n a l i t y of his break with the past i s emphasized by the strangeness of his surroundings and his growing f e e l i n g of i s o l a t i o n and loneliness. In Hatboro, his i d e n t i t y and s o c i a l p o sition were perpetually acknow-ledged by the obsequious respect of his servants and the v i l l a g e r s . To the French-Canadian sleigh drivers and inn-keepers, however, he i s only the object of mild c u r i o s i t y and vague h o s t i l i t y ; an anonymous American whose unexpected a r r i v a l out of the t o u r i s t season and whose mysterious nor-thern journey suggest that he i s a f u g i t i v e from the law i n his own country. As Northwick advances further into the sparsely populated snow-covered northern wilderness, he begins to f e e l d i s o r i -ented, to lose his sense of purpose and i d e n t i t y : At f i r s t his mind worked c l e a r l y but disobediently; then he began to be aware of a dimness i n i t s record of pur-poses and motives. At times he could not t e l l where he was going, or why. He reverted with d i f f i c u l t y to the fact that he had wished to get as far as possible, not only beyond pursuit, but beyond- the temptation to return v o l u n t a r i l y and give himself up. He knew, i n those days before the treaty, that he was safe from extradition; but he feared that i f a detective approached he would y i e l d to him, and go back, e s p e c i a l l y as he could not always keep before himself the reasons for not going back. As his c a r r i o l e slipped l i g h t l y over [the snow], North-wick had a fantastic sense of his own minuteness and remoteness. He thought of the photograph of a lunar landscape that he had once seen greatly magnified, and of a f l y that happened to traverse the expanse of p l a s t e r -l i k e white between the ranges of extinct volcanoes.2 2 Gradually, he begins to recognize that his i d e n t i t y consists of the multifarious relationships of his l i f e i n Hatboro. 197 Outside of those relationships, he i s a cipher, as empty and desolate as the snow-covered Canadian landscape which i s absorbing and v i r t u a l l y a n n i h i l a t i n g him. But Northwick keeps on with his aimless northward f l i g h t ; and just when he has been almost completely overwhelmed by the feelings of l o s t i d e n t i t y and l o s t purpose, he encounters a f i n a l . b i t t e r irony which adds absurdity to the pathos of his s i t u a t i o n . . At the remote outpost of Ha-Ha Bay he i s taken i n hand by a t a l k a t i v e English-speaking s e t t l e r named Oiseau. "Bird," as he c a l l s himself—recognizable as the caleche driver who appears i n A Chance Acquaintance—assumes co r r e c t l y that Northwick i s an American defaulter, and t r i e s to entice his v i s i t o r into a questionable mining speculation. Northwick has f l e d as far as possible from his proper environ-ment, retreated into a wilderness whose lonely barrenness has taken him almost to the edge of insanity, and has come face to face at l a s t w i th—himself, or at lea s t his a l t e r ego, another schemer whose outward show of charity and mercy do not conceal his s e l f i s h dreams of personal aggrandisement. "What would you do?" the parish p r i e s t asks Oiseau, when the l a t t e r speaks i n Northwick's hearing of the great fortune he w i l l make from his gold mine. " "What I do?" Bird struck the table with his f i s t . "Leave HaHa Bay to-morrow morning!" "And where would you go?" "Go? To Quebec, to London, to Paris, to Rome, to the d e v i l ! Keep going!"23 Northwick i s too oppressed by misery and homesickness to 198 see i n Oiseau 1s words the r e f l e c t i o n of his own s i t u a t i o n , but Howells has l e f t l i t t l e doubt of the f a l l a c y inherent i n the pursuit of material wealth. The s e l f i s h search for money and power i s a pointless journey to nowhere—like Northwick's winter journey into the barren North—which ends at l a s t i n confrontation with the ugly, mocking Self. The image of Canada i n The Quality of Mercy involves a f a i r l y subtle and symbolic conception of the northern land-scape and i t s inhabitants, a conception which seems far removed from the straightforward realism of Their Wedding  Journey or the t e n t a t i v e l y a l l e g o r i c a l c u l t u r a l confrontations of A Chance Acquaintance. But i n a l l three novels there i s a consistency of attitude stemming from Howells' general i n c l i n -ation to use Canada as a means of assessing the moral quality of l i f e i n the modern United States. Howells i s obviously intrigued by the fact that Canada i s both l i k e and unlike his own country. The wild northern landscape evokes visions of the struggle with the wilderness which engaged the pioneers of a l l regions of the continent; but as i n the writings of Thoreau and other American tr a v e l e r s , the wildness of Canada seems unbearably intense, i n i m i c a l , and ultimately destructive to the c i v i l i z e d s e n s i b i l i t y . The people of Canada, both French- and English-speaking, seem at times to be v i r t u a l l y indistinguishable from Americans, and at times to be d i s t i n c -t i v e l y and enigmatically foreign. Accordingly, Howells' American i n Canada i s simultaneously the t y p i c a l "American 199 a b r o a d " w h o m e a s u r e s h i s own c o u n t r y ' s a c h i e v e m e n t s o r f a i l -u r e s a g a i n s t t h o s e o f t h e f o r e i g n e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d t h e c i v i l i z e d N o r t h A m e r i c a n c o n f r o n t e d b y t h e p r i m i t i v i s m w h i c h i s o n e o f t h e m o s t p e r v a s i v e a n d i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e s o f t h e New W o r l d l a n d s c a p e . B a s i l M a r c h i n T h e i r W e d d i n g J o u r n e y , K i t t y E l l i s o n i n A C h a n c e A c q u a i n t a n c e , a n d J . M . N o r t h w i c k i n T h e Q u a l i t y o f M e r c y , a l l d i s c o v e r i n C a n a d a a n e w p e r s p e c t i v e o n t h e i r n a t i v e c o u n t r y , b y e n c o u n t e r w i t h t h e s o c i a l c u s t o m s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h a r e b o t h d i f f e r e n t f r o m a n d s i m i l a r t o t h e i r o w n , a n d b y p r o x i m i t y t o t h e n o r t h e r n w i l d e r n e s s . B a s i l M a r c h c o n c l u d e s ( m u c h a s T h o r e a u c o n c l u d e d ) , t h a t C a n a d a , u n l i k e t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , h a s f a i l e d t o d e v e l o p a d i s t i n c t i v e i d e n t i t y a p p r o p r i a t e ^ t o i t s u n i q u e g e o g r a p h i c a l a n d h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . K i t t y E l l i s o n f i n d s i n C a n a d a b o t h a f a s c i n a t i n g e v o c a t i o n o f E u r o p e a n d a l i n k w i t h p i o n e e r i n g p a s t o f t h e New W o r l d . A n d J . M . N o r t h w i c k d i s c o v e r s a b i z a r r e r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e s o c i a l a n d p e r s o n a l w e a k n e s s e s w h i c h have b r o u g h t a b o u t h i s o w n t r a g e d y . 2 0 0 N o t e s t o C h a p t e r 8 1 I n f o r m a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g P a r k m a n ' s p o p u l a r i t y , i n f l u e n c e , a n d p o s i t i o n i n A m e r i c a n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y i s a v a i l a b l e i n a w i d e s e l e c t i o n o f s o u r c e s . S a m u e l E l i o t M o r i s o n , T h e P a r k m a n  R e a d e r ( B o s t o n : L i t t l e , B r o w n , 1 9 5 5 ) , p p . 5 2 3 - 2 4 , c i t e s n i n e t e e n t h - a n d t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y s a l e s f i g u r e s o n P a r k m a n ' s w o r k . M a s o n W a d e ' s b i o g r a p h y F r a n c i s P a r k m a n : H e r o i c H i s t o r - i a n (New Y o r k : V i k i n g , 1 9 4 2 ) , d i s c u s s e s ( i n c h a p t e r s 1 4 - 1 5 ) P a r k m a n ' s r e c e p t i o n i n C a n a d a . W i l b u r L . S c h r a m m , i n h i s I n t r o d u c t i o n t o F r a n c i s P a r k m a n : R e p r e s e n t a t i v e S e l e c t i o n s , p . c i x , d e s c r i b e s P a r k m a n ' s p o s i t i o n " b e t w e e n t h e o l d e r g r o u p o f A m e r i c a n m o r a l h i s t o r i a n s . . . a n d t h e n e w h y b r i d h i s t o r y o f t h e s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . " S e e a l s o A l l a n N e v i n s , " P r e s c o t t , M o t l e y , P a r k m a n , " A m e r i c a n W r i t e r s o n A m e r i c a n L i t e r a t u r e , e d . J o h n M a c y (New Y o r k : H o r a c e L i v e r i g h t , 1 9 3 1 ) , p p . 2 2 6 - 4 2 ; W i l l i a m R. T a y l o r , " F r a n c i s P a r k m a n , " P a s t m a s t e r s : Some  E s s a y s o n A m e r i c a n H i s t o r i a n s , p p . 1 - 3 8 . 2 F r a n c i s P a r k m a n , P r e f a c e , T h e R o m a n c e o f P o l l a r d b y M a r y C a t h e r w o o d (New Y o r k : C e n t u r y , 18 8 9 ) , p . 2 . 3 T h e L e t t e r s o f F r a n c i s P a r k m a n , I I , 2 4 0 . 4 [ S a m u e l L . C l e m e n s ] , T h e I n n o c e n t s A b r o a d ( 1 8 6 9 ; r p t . New Y o r k : H a r p e r & B r o t h e r s , 1 9 0 6 ) , I, 5 5 . 5 [ C h a r l e s F . B r o w n e ] , A r t e m u s W a r d : H i s T r a v e l s (New Y o r k : C a r l e t o n ; L o n d o n : S . L o w , 1 8 6 5 ) , p p . 4 1 , 4 4 . g C h a r l e s P u d l e y W a r n e r , B a d d e c k , a n d T h a t S o r t o f T h i n g ( B o s t o n : J a m e s R. O s g o o d , 1 8 7 4 ) , p . 2 9 . 7 M a r k T w a i n ' s N o t e b o o k , e d . A l b e r t B i g e l o w P a i n e (New Y o r k : H a r p e r & B r o t h e r s , 1 9 3 5 ) , p . 1 6 0 . g A l l q u o t a t i o n s f r o m G o d k i n ' s a r t i c l e r e f e r t o " F r e n c h C a n a d a , " T h e N a t i o n , 7 ( A u g . 1 3 - 2 0 , 1 8 6 8 ) , 1 2 8 - 2 9 , 1 4 6 - 4 8 . g A l l q u o t a t i o n s f r o m J a m e s ' s a r t i c l e r e f e r t o H e n r y J a m e s , " Q u e b e c , " P o r t r a i t s o f P l a c e s ( 1 8 8 4 ; r p t . F r e e p o r t , N . Y . : B o o k s f o r L i b r a r i e s P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 3 5 1 - 6 3 . " ^ H e n r y J a m e s , " F r a n c i s P a r k m a n : T h e J e s u i t s i n N o r t h  A m e r i c a , " L i t e r a r y R e v i e w s a n d E s s a y s o n A m e r i c a n , E n g l i s h  a n d F r e n c h L i t e r a t u r e , e d . A l b e r t M o r d e l l (New Y o r k : T w a y n e 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 2 2 2 . W i l l i a m M . G i b s o n a n d G e o r g e A r m s ' s e x h a u s t i v e B i b l i o - g r a p h y o f W i l l i a m P e a n H o w e l l s (New Y o r k : New Y o r k P u b l i c L i b r a r y , 1 9 4 8 ) , a l s o m e n t i o n s a p a m p h l e t e n t i t l e d T r i b u t e s t o 2 0 1 Canada, possibly published i n Boston i n 1 9 1 6 , but no copies of t h i s pamphlet have been found. William M. Gibson describes the rel a t i o n s h i p between the 1 8 6 0 t r a v e l a r t i c l e s and Howells' f i r s t two novels i n "Mater-i a l and Form i n Howells' F i r s t Novels," American Li t e r a t u r e , 1 9 (May, 1 9 4 7 ) , 1 5 8 - 6 6 , and reports that much of the journal-i s t i c material i s reproduced verbatim i n the f i c t i o n . The same conclusion i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n d e t a i l i n John K. Reeves' Introduction to Their Wedding Journey (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1 9 6 8 ) . 1 2 Howells, Their Wedding Journey, ed. Reeves, p. 3 . 1 3 .-Howells, C r i t i c i s m and F i c t i o n , ed. Clara M. Kirk and Rudolf Kirk (New York: New York University Press, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 1 2 . 1 4 Howells' f a i t h i n the common reader i s expressed i n C r i t i c i s m and F i c t i o n , p. 1 3 . His attack on "swashbucklers" i s i n "The New H i s t o r i c a l Romances," The North American Review, 1 7 1 (Dec, 1 9 0 0 ) , 9 3 6 . 1 5 Howells' early debt to a l l kinds of romantic l i t e r a t u r e i s discussed f u l l y by Olov W. Fryckstedt, In Quest of America: A Study of Howells' Early Development as a Novelist (Cam-bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1 9 5 8 ) . Howells' l a t e r anti-romantic attitudes, and his consequent p r o c l i v i t y for aggressively dogmatic (and sometimes inconsistent) c r i t i c a l d i c t a , i s described by Everett Carter, Howells and  the Age of Realism (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1 9 5 4 ) . Howells, rev. of The Discovery of the Great West, by Francis Parkman, A t l a n t i c Monthly, 2 5 (Jan., 1 8 7 0 ) , 1 2 2 . 1 7 Howells, "Mr. Parkman's Hi s t o r i e s , " A t l a n t i c Monthly, 3 4 (Nov., 1 8 7 4 ) , 6 1 0 . 1 8 A l l quotations from Their Wedding Journey r e f e r to the ed i t i o n previously c i t e d . 1 9 C r i t i c i s m and F i c t i o n , p. 6 2 . 2 0 Jerome Klinkowitz has suggested that i n Their Wedding  Journey Howells i s s a t i r i z i n g American middle-class compla-cency and i n s e n s i t i v i t y to s o c i a l problems ("Ethic and Aesthetic: The B a s i l and Isabel March Stories of William Dean Howells," Modern F i c t i o n Studies, 1 6 [Autumn, 1 9 7 0 ] , 3 0 3 - 2 2 ) . It seems more l i k e l y , however, that Their Wedding  Journey i s intended to show the r e l a t i v e l y serene and fortun-ate condition of the t y p i c a l American, as opposed to c e r t a i n 202 at y p i c a l situations i n the country. 21 A l l quotations from t h i s novel re f e r to W.D. Howells, A Chance Acquaintance, ed. Jonathan Thomas, David J. Nordloh, and Ronald Gottesman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971). 22 Howells, The Quality of Mercy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1892), pp. 234-35; 237-38. 2 3 I b i d . , pp. 251-52. 203 IX FARNHAM, BURROUGHS, THE REGIONAL REALISTS 1. The image of Canada i n Howells* The Quality of Mercy involves the restatement of a fa m i l i a r theme i n the American imaginative contemplation of Canada. The vast stretches of barren whiteness which engulf J.M. Northwick and make him yearn for his home i n Hatboro are l i k e "the influence from the wilds and from nature" which almost overwhelmed Thoreau on the ramparts of Quebec, and prompted him to see Concord as the imperfect but necessary assertion of the higher laws of the human s p i r i t against the savagery of the wilderness. This c o n f l i c t between c i v i l i z a t i o n and primitivism, as has been seen repeatedly, underlies much of what Americans thought and wrote about Canada. Thoreau, Howells, Parkman, v i r t u a l l y a l l r e f l e c t i v e Americans from the time of the e a r l i e s t expres-sions of an emerging d i s t i n c t i v e culture, were simultaneously attracted and repelled by the wildness of the New World, and they simultaneously accepted and deplored the advance of c i v i l i z a t i o n . As the nineteenth century drew to a close other American writers, devoted l i k e Howells to the comprehensive-ness and f i d e l i t y to observable d e t a i l of realism, turned t h e i r attention northward. Their l i t e r a r y responses r e f l e c t t h e i r ambivalent feelings toward the wilderness and the i r intense i n t e r e s t i n the human beings who de l i b e r a t e l y chose 204 to inhabit i t . Among these l i t e r a r y explorers of Canada was another d i s c i p l e of Parkman, a New York j o u r n a l i s t and essayist named Charles Haight Farnham (1841-1929). Although his l i t e r a r y output was small and perhaps unimportant by comparison to the achievements of his greatest contemporaries, Farnham deserves something better than the almost t o t a l obscurity i n which he now re s t s . He i s ignored by a l l but the most exhaustive encyclopedias of American l i t e r a t u r e , and even the e s s e n t i a l facts of his l i f e are d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h . He was born i n Connecticut, "the son of Thomas Jefferson and E l i z a W.F. Farnham, both authors and travellers.""'" In 1885, Farnham became associated with the aging Francis Parkman as a compan-ion and secretary, and a f t e r the historian's death he was named by the Parkman family as o f f i c i a l biographer. A L i f e  of Francis Parkman (1901) was his primary contribution to l i t e r a t u r e . His only other published work consists of about a dozen a r t i c l e s written for Harper's, the Century, and the New York Times i n the 1880's. But these a r t i c l e s are quite distinguished and praiseworthy treatments of the subject of Canada. Like Howells, Farnham was interested i n the subject which Parkman had larg e l y ignored, the modern remnant of the French empire i n North America. But i n contrast to the random and s u p e r f i c i a l t o u r i s t ' s notes of Their Wedding Journey, Farnham's a r t i c l e s constitute a detailed and intimate study 205 of French-Canadian l i f e and character. Ultimately, Farnham perhaps came closer to his s u b j e c t — a t l e a s t i n terms of quantity of d e t a i l — t h a n any American of the nineteenth century. He spoke French f l u e n t l y , was an ardent canoeist and woodsman (a better woodsman perhaps than Parkman, whose various physical and psychological ailments often interfered with h i s expeditions into the New England and Canadian wilder-ness) , and was prepared to devote a great deal of time and e f f o r t to the exploration of French Canada. Thus he not only made the standard excursions to the two major c i t i e s of Quebec province ("The Gi b r a l t a r of America," The Century, Oct. 1882; "Quebec," Harper's, Feb. 1888; "Montreal," Har-per 's, June, 1889); he went beyond the usual American tour-i s t ' s routine to spend "A Winter i n Canada" (Harper's, Feb. 18 84), and made strenuous canoe expeditions along both the north shore of the St. Lawrence ("Labrador," Harper's, Sept.-Oct. 1885) and the south shore ("The Lower St. Lawrence," Harper's, Nov. 1888). His patient and tolerant i n t e r e s t i n people resulted i n sympathetic p o r t r a i t s of the French-Canad-ian s e t t l e r s ("The Canadian Habitant," Harper's, Aug. 1883), of the modern counterparts of the coureurs de bois ("Canadian Voyageurs on the Saguenay," Harper's, March 1888), and of the remnants of Indian t r i b e s i n the wilderness once dominated by the Huron and Iroquois ("The Montagnais," Harper's, Aug. 1888). "Canada," says Farnham, "with an a r c t i c winter and the greater part of i t s s o i l almost s t e r i l e , seems designed by 2 0 6 2 nature to be the Norway of America, a land of forests." Throughout his narratives of t r a v e l i n the North, he empha-sizes the cold, barren h o s t i l i t y of the Canadian landscape: the Saguenay region i n winter i s "an expanse of cold white 3 death," and the vast wilderness l y i n g just beyond the ram-parts of Quebec City i s "a penetration of desolation into the 4 very heart of man." Like other sensitive observers of nature, such as Parkman and Thoreau, Farnham i s capable of a p o s i t i v e response to the spectacle of wildness: The surroundings of Quebec have become fa m i l i a r to me with years of observation, and s t i l l I always look abroad with pleasure from the Citadel or the Terrace, at the great St. Lawrence Valley, walled i n with mountains, cloven by a vast arm of the sea, and s t i l l watched over by primeval f o r e s t s . 5 And l i k e Thoreau, he i s i n c l i n e d to use e c c l e s i a s t i c a l or r e l i g i o u s imagery i n his descriptions of the wilderness, which suggests a sort of romantic pantheism: "Nowhere has nature spoken to me more d i r e c t l y , both i n the majestic storm service and i n the unutterable peace of t h i s vast and rugged temple." But ultimately, he echoes Thoreau i n his b e l i e f i n the impor-tance of c i v i l i z a t i o n as a counteraction to the oppressive and destructive force of wildness. "In looking across t h i s immense flood," says Farnham as he t e l l s of his canoe cruises in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, ". . . I am glad to be ashore among a people l i v i n g close together for shelter and warmth 7 under an a r c t i c winter." Thus i n Farnham1s essays, as i n "A Yankee i n Canada," 207 the inhabitants and the habitations of the North constitute with nature an equally important subject of study. In the remote outposts of "Labrador" (Farnham applies the name loosely to the north shore of the St. Lawrence, including that part of the region belonging to Quebec province), he finds an e x o t i c a l l y varied population of outcasts and devotees of the wilderness, including an Irishman who has l i v e d i n New York, a French-Canadian monarchist p r i e s t , a European French emigrd, and an I t a l i a n jeweller. In the less distant region of the Saguenay, he observes the modern descendants of the coureurs de bois, who are mostly tame and conventional loggers and boatmen. But to get a close and familiar view of the " t y p i c a l " French Canadian—i.e., a presumed representative i n economic and professional status of the majority of the Quebec population—Farnham v i s i t s (again, as Thoreau did) the farm-houses of the St. Lawrence Valley. Inevitably, Farnham i s e s p e c i a l l y interested i n the Canadian attitude to the United States, and he reports the suspicion and h o s t i l i t y with which the habitants regard the country to the south. In a household where he has found lodging, One of the sons had passed two years working i n a brick-yard at Haverstraw, and l i k e many of his countrymen, he had returned with some h e r e t i c a l admiration of our more progressive c i v i l i z a t i o n . Emigration to the United States i s energetically opposed by church and state, so i n p raising the wonders of New York I became an emissary of the d e v i l , which increased the i n t e r e s t of my p o s i -t i o n . 8 2 0 8 He goes on to describe the habitants' devotion to religious charms and ritual s , their subservience to the parish priests, and their tendency to subordinate individual personality to the customs of the community: "The whole parish dresses as one man and one woman; you feel the extraordinary unity of 9 Canadian l i f e in this external monotony of the people." In this atmosphere of conformity, superstition, and a continuous cycle of cruel physical labor, "there is not even the begin-ning of intellectual l i f e . " x ^ Canada is our twin brother in chronology and geography; and yet no other contiguous land,'differs more widely. You can scarcely.believe yourself in this age when you pass from our luxurious, elaborate, and practical exis-tence to the poor, primitive and poetic l i f e of Canada. 1 1 But as the conjunction of "primitive" and "poetic" suggests, Farnham is by no means completely negative in his criticism of French Canada. This c i v i l i z a t i o n has many attractive features. . . . [It] rests on the labor of the hand alone, unaided by mechanical powers; and i t s narrow, slow, economical, but self-supporting l i f e thus acquires something of the dignity of manhood. It is a very human c i v i l i z a t i o n , as distinguished from a mechanical and commercial one. Here you come in direct contact with human needs and human efforts. This phase of l i f e , where man stands out as in the old hand-to-hand encounter, is a strange contrast to our existence, where man seems to retire behind his engines and improvements.12 Finally, however, Farnham is unable to grant that the theoreti-cal dignity of the primitive l i f e is more valuable than the intellectual and cultural advantages of a c i v i l i z a t i o n based on belief in material progress: The Canadian is an excellent pioneer up to a certain 209 p o i n t ; n o o n e s u r p a s s e s h i m i n e n d u r i n g h a r d s h i p s , l a b o r , w a n t ; h e l i v e s a n d i n c r e a s e s w h e r e o t h e r s w i l l n o t r e m a i n . B u t w h e n h e h a s c l e a r e d a f e w a c r e s a n d w o n h a l f a l i v i n g h e f e e l s s a t i s f i e d , a n d g e n e r a l l y f a i l s t o c a r r y h i s c i v i l i z a t i o n t o t h e h i g h e r p l a n e o f c o m f o r t , c l e a n l i n e s s , a n d t a s t e . 1 3 T h u s F a r n h a m a r r i v e s a t t h e f a m i l i a r c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n p r i m i t i v i s m a n d p r o g r e s s w h i c h r e p e a t e d l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y A m e r i c a n ' s c o n c e p t i o n o f C a n a d a . L i k e m a n y o f h i s c o u n t r y m e n ( i n c l u d i n g h i s m e n t o r P a r k m a n ) , h e i s c a u g h t b e t w e e n t h e p o l a r a t t r a c t i o n s o f h i s o w n t e c h n i c a l l y a d v a n c e d c u l t u r e a n d a l i f e o f o s t e n s i b l e s i m p l i c i t y c l o s e t o n a t u r e , a n d h i s r a t i o n a l m i n d c a n o n l y r a n g e b a c k a n d f o r t h b e t w e e n t h e m . S i m i l a r l y , h e i s b o t h a t t r a c t e d a n d r e p e l l e d b y t h e v a s t n o r t h e r n w i l d e r n e s s , w h i c h a p p e a l s t o s o m e v i t a l a s p i r a t i o n i n m a n ' s s p i r i t u a l b e i n g , w h i l e a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h r e a t e n i n g t o o p p r e s s o r d e s t r o y t h e p u n y h u m a n c o n s t i t u t i o n . A s i m i l a r a m b i v a l e n c e t o w a r d s C a n a d a i s e v i d e n t i n a l o n g e s s a y b y a c o n t e m p o r a r y o f F a r n h a m , J o h n B u r r o u g h s . (1837-1921). B u r r o u g h s w a s a d e v o t e e o f E m e r s o n a n d T h o r e a u , a f r i e n d a n d b i o g r a p h e r o f W a l t W h i t m a n , a n d i n l a t e r y e a r s b e c a m e a n a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r o f T h e o d o r e R o o s e v e l t i n b o t h h i s c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s a n d h i s a d v o c a c y o f t h e " s t r e n u o u s l i f e . " A s t h e s e l i t e r a r y a f f i n i t i e s m i g h t s u g g e s t , t h e r e w e r e s t r o n g r e g i o n a l i s t a n d n a t i o n a l i s t i n c l i n a t i o n s i n B u r r o u g h s ' n a t u r e w r i t i n g s ; a l m o s t a l l h i s w o r k s a r e b a s e d o n o b s e r v a t i o n s a n d e x p e r i e n c e s i n t h e C a t s k i l l s a n d A d i r o n d a c k s o f h i s n a t i v e New Y o r k s t a t e . In. .1877, h o w e v e r , h e s e t o u t 2 1 0 o n a w a l k i n g a n d s t e a m s h i p t o u r o f Q u e b e c p r o v i n c e , t h e l i t e r a r y r e s u l t o f w h i c h w a s " T h e H a l c y o n i n C a n a d a , " f i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n S c r i b n e r ' s M o n t h l y ( F e b . , 1 8 7 8 ) , a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y c o l l e c t e d i n L o c u s t s a n d W i l d H o n e y ( 1 8 7 9 ) . B u r r o u g h s e x p r e s s e s i n t e r e s t i n b o t h t h e m a g n i f i c e n t n a t u r a l s c e n e r y a n d t h e i n c o n g r u o u s c i v i l i z a t i o n o f Q u e b e c p r o v i n c e . L i k e T h o r e a u , h e i s f a s c i n a t e d b y t h e S t . L a w r e n c e , w h i c h i s " a c h a i n o f H o m e r i c s u b l i m i t i e s f r o m b e g i n n i n g t o 14 e n d . " A n d Q u e b e c C i t y , h e r e p o r t s , " p r e s e n t s t h e a n o m a l y o f a m e d i e v a l E u r o p e a n c i t y i n t h e m i d s t o f t h e A m e r i c a n l a n d s c a p e . " * " ^ B u t t h e s t a n d a r d t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n s , a l t h o u g h h e d u t i f u l l y m a k e s t h e r o u n d o f t h e m , a r e n o t t h e m a i n o b j e c t o f B u r r o u g h s ' v i s i t t o C a n a d a . He i s n o t i n t e r e s t e d i n m e r e 16 " s c e n e r y h u n t i n g " o r i n c o n t e m p l a t i n g t h e i n c o n g r u i t i e s o f C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . He d e p a r t s f r o m t h e u s u a l t o u r i s t r o u t e s , a n d e m b a r k s o n a r i g o r o u s w a l k i n g t o u r a l o n g t h e u n f i n i s h e d r o a d n o r t h o f Q u e b e c C i t y t o w a r d t h e S a g u e n a y r e g i o n , . to h a v e 17 " a l o n g , s i l e n t l o o k i n t o t h e f a c e o f t h e w i l d e r n e s s . " B u t i n s p i t e o f B u r r o u g h s ' p r o f e s s e d d e v o t i o n t o t h e w i l d e r n e s s , t h e r e i s a c o n f l i c t o f t o n e a n d i d e a r u n n i n g a l l t h r o u g h " T h e H a l c y o n i n C a n a d a , " w h i c h s u g g e s t s t h a t h e i s i n t i m i d a t e d b y t h e v a s t n e s s a n d p r i m i t i v e s a v a g e r y o f t h e N o r t h . On t h e o n e h a n d , t h e e s s a y i s a n e x a m p l e o f a p o p u l a r t y p e o f i n f o r m a l a r t i c l e ( s u c h a s S c r i b n e r ' s , H a r p e r ' s , a n d o t h e r A m e r i c a n m a g a z i n e s p u b l i s h e d w i t h i n c r e a s i n g f r e q u e n c y i n t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) , c e l e b r a t i n g t h e l e i s u r e l y outdoor recreations of f i s h i n g and b i r d watching. But on the other hand, there are repeated allus i o n s to the sense of lone-l i n e s s and desolation which haunts the traveler i n t h i s wilderness. In The Maine Woods, Thoreau described how he "most f u l l y r e a l i z e d " a sense of "primeval, untamed, and forever untamable Nature," while passing through a hugh t r a c t 18 of burnt land near Mount Ktaadn. In very similar terms, Burroughs describes l a grande brfilure, the devastated s i t e of a huge forest f i r e i n the Saguenay region. "For three hours 19 we rode through t h i s v a l l e y and shadow of death." Although he professes to f e e l the "presence and magnetism" of the 20 " s p i r i t of the forest-bound lakes," Burroughs obviously f e e l s somewhat out of place i n t h i s vast wilderness so unlike his native region. The ubiquitous spruce trees, the Lauren-t i a n boulders, and p a r t i c u l a r l y the s t e r i l i t y of the s o i l a l l suggest an implacable h o s t i l i t y to man. "The s o i l seemed as i f made up of decayed and pulverized rock, and doubtless con-tained very l i t t l e vegetable matter. It i s so barren that i t 21 w i l l never repay clearing and c u l t i v a t i n g . " Like most of his countrymen, Burroughs thinks of the wilderness i n terms of i t s subordination to the gradual spread of c i v i l i z a t i o n ; and i n t h i s context northern Canada presents a disturbing image of unyielding and barbarous wildness, where c i v i l i z a t i o n w i l l never penetrate except i n the rude settlements of habitant loggers and trappers. 2 1 2 2 . T h e e x o t i c a n d p r i m i t i v e q u a l i t i e s o f C a n a d a a n d i t s i n h a b i t a n t s , w h i c h c a u g h t t h e a t t e n t i o n o f F a r n h a m a n d B u r r o u g h s , a l s o a p p e a l e d t o c e r t a i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w r i t e r s o f f i c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n t h e " l o c a l c o l o r " o r " r e g i o n a l r e a l i s t " m o v e m e n t . B u t m o s t o f t h e c o n -s e q u e n t f i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , a l t h o u g h t h e y p u r p o r t e d t o r e v e a l t h e a c t u a l i t i e s o f C a n a d i a n l i f e , s e l d o m r o s e a b o v e t h e m i x t u r e o f s e n t i m e n t a l i t y , c o n d e s c e n s i o n , a n d r a c i a l s u s -p i c i o n w h i c h p e r v a d e d t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y A m e r i c a n v i e w o f C a n a d a . T h e r e g i o n a l r e a l i s t " O c t a v e T h a n e t , " ( i . e . , A l i c e F r e n c h [ 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 3 4 ] ) , f o r i n s t a n c e , w a s t h e a u t h o r o f a s t o r y e n t i t l e d " T h e O g r e o f Ha Ha B a y , " f i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n t h e A t l a n t i c  M o n t h l y f o r O c t o b e r , 1 8 8 5 , a n d l a t e r c o l l e c t e d w i t h s e v e r a l s t o r i e s a b o u t h e r n a t i v e A m e r i c a n m i d d l e w e s t i n K n i t t e r s i n  t h e S u n ( 1 8 8 7 ) . " T h e O g r e o f Ha H a B a y " p r e t e n d s t o c h a l l e n g e c e r t a i n p r e c o n c e p t i o n s o f C a n a d a b y r e c o r d i n g t h e " e d u c a t i o n " o f a p a i r o f A m e r i c a n t o u r i s t s w h o h a v e o b v i o u s l y f o r m e d t h e i r n o t i o n s o f F r e n c h C a n a d a f r o m E v a n g e l i n e . G r a d u a l l y , t h e t o u r i s t s d i s c o v e r t h e t r u e c o n d i t i o n s o f l i f e i n t h e S a g u e n a y r e g i o n : t h e p o v e r t y , t h e c o n t i n u a l l a b o r f o r a b a r e s u b s i s -t e n c e i n a h a r s h c l i m a t e , a n d a b o v e a l l , t h e p e t t y r i v a l r y a n d j e a l o u s y w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e s r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n a s m a l l a n d c l o s e l y k n i t c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e p u l s i v e a s p e c t s o f F r e n c h -C a n a d i a n l i f e a r e c e n t e r e d i n a n o l d m a n , t h e " o g r e , " w h o i s 213 a pariah to his neighbors because of his s e l f i s h and tyranni-c a l behavior. F i n a l l y , however, the story i s resolved i n a happy ending involving the reformation of the ogre and the general imposition of an i d y l l i c peace and t r a n q u i l i t y com-parable to that i n Longfellow's Acadia. A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t , but again ultimately sentimental, view of French Canada i s involved i n the work of Rowland E. Robinson (1833-1900). Robinson was the author of several c o l l e c t i o n s of d i a l e c t tales and sketches mostly published i n the 1890's but set before the C i v i l War, about the northern backwoods of his native Vermont where "Yankees" and "Canucks" mingle with easy amiability. The two n a t i o n a l i t i e s are v i r t u a l l y personified i n two recurrent characters, Sam L o v e l l , a shrewd but generous Vermonter, and his "Canuck" companion Antoine Bissette. Antoine i s an almost c l a s s i c stereotype, with his constant cheerfulness, his singing, and his stock of t a l l t a l e s about his native country. But he i s also devious and untrustworthy, as Robinson i l l u s t r a t e s i n Uncle Lisha's  Outing (1897), when Sam t r i e s to help a f u g i t i v e slave to cross the Canada border and Antoine plots to turn him i n for the reward. Perhaps more seriously, Antoine lacks the American's respect for the wilderness: he wantonly k i l l s animals without purpose, while the Vermonter i s an outspoken conservationist who i n s i s t s that hunting and trapping must always be aligned with legitimate human need. Interestingly, however (and perhaps without the author's complete awareness 2 1 4 o f t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s ) , A n t o i n e ' s m o r a l s h o r t c o m i n g s s e e m t o h a v e s o m e t h i n g t o d o w i t h h i s e x i l e f r o m h i s n a t i v e c o u n t r y . T h r o u g h o u t t h e Sam L o v e l l s t o r i e s , C a n a d a i s a v a g u e a n d i d y l l i c r e g i o n o f f r e e d o m a n d n a t u r a l i n n o c e n c e . T h i s c o n -c e p t i o n o f t h e c o u n t r y i s r e l a t e d n o t o n l y t o t h e f a c t t h a t i t i s t h e g o a l o f f u g i t i v e s l a v e s ; R o b i n s o n e v o k e s a s o r t o f g o l d e n a g e e x i s t e n c e i n t h e d i a l e c t r e m i n i s c e n c e s o f A n t o i n e . " B a h g o s h , s e h , " t h e C a n a d i a n t e l l s Sam i n U n c l e L i s h a ' s  O u t i n g , A h ' 1 1 r e ' m b l e r d a t l e e t l y b o y i n C a n a d a w i d h e e s f a d e r a n 1 m u d d e r , y o u n g f o l k s d a t d a n c e a l l n a g h t . . . a n 1 d e s u m m e r l a s ' m o s ' a l l d e y e a r a n 1 d e w i n t e r a n t n e v e r t o o l o n g ' c a u s e A h ' 1 1 h a p p y e v e r y d a y . 2 2 F r e n c h C a n a d a a s a k i n d o f A r c a d i a i s t h e b a s i c i m a g e p r o p o g a t e d b y H e n r y V a n D y k e ( 1 8 5 2 - 1 9 3 3 ) . V a n D y k e , a P r e s b y -t e r i a n m i n i s t e r n o w p r i m a r i l y r e m e m b e r e d f o r s u c h C h r i s t m a s s e n t i m e n t a s " T h e S t o r y o f t h e O t h e r W i s e M a n , " w r o t e m a n y s h o r t s t o r i e s a n d s k e t c h e s b a s e d o n h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s d u r i n g r e g u l a r f i s h i n g a n d c a m p i n g e x p e d i t i o n s t o Q u e b e c a n d New B r u n s w i c k . T h e s e e f f o r t s w e r e p u b l i s h e d i n v a r i o u s p e r i o d i -c a l s i n t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s , a n d c o l l e c t e d u n d e r s u c h t i t l e s a s L i t t l e R i v e r s ( 1 8 9 5 ) , T h e  R u l i n g P a s s i o n ( 1 9 0 1 ) , a n d T h e U n k n o w n Q u a n t i t y ( 1 9 1 2 ) . V a n D y k e ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s f o l l o w s r e c o g -n i z a b l e s t e r e o t y p e s , e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i r j o v i a l i t y , t h e i r l o v e o f m u s i c a n d d a n c i n g , t h e i r i n d i f f e r e n c e t o p r o g r e s s a n d m a t e r i a l s u c c e s s , a n d t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e f o r r u r a l o r w i l d e r n e s s 2 1 5 l i v i n g o v e r c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h e c o n v e n t i o n a l i z e d c h a r a c t e r s a n d s i t u a t i o n s c o m p r i s e a v e r y s e n t i m e n t a l p i c t u r e o f F r e n c h C a n a d a ; b u t o c c a s i o n a l l y V a n D y k e s u g g e s t s t h a t h e i s a w a r e o f m o r e s e r i o u s t h e m a t i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n h i s m a t e r i a l . " A B r a v e H e a r t " s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e b a c k w o o d s l i f e o f t h e h a b i t a n t m a y b e a c r u e l a n d p r i m i t i v e e x i s t e n c e , r a t h e r t h a n a p a s t o r a l i d y l l — a l t h o u g h i n t h e e n d s e n t i m e n t a n d d o m e s t i c i t y w i n o u t , e v e n o v e r t h e m u t i l a t e d b o d y o f a g i g a n t i c w o o d s m a n w h o i s a l m o s t k i l l e d i n a b r u t a l a n d m e a n i n g l e s s q u a r r e l . A n d i n " T h e K e e p e r o f t h e L i g h t , " V a n D y k e d e p i c t s t h e c l a s h b e t w e e n t h e p a r t y o f p r o g r e s s a n d t h e p a r t y o f r e a c t i o n w h e n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b e g i n s t o p e n e t r a t e t o a t i n y a n d r e m o t e s e t t l e m e n t i n t h e G u l f o f S t . L a w r e n c e . B u t a g a i n t h e c o n -f l i c t i s r e s o l v e d b y a s e n t i m e n t a l h a p p y e n d i n g , w i t h t h e o p p o n e n t s o f p r o g r e s s c o n v e r t e d , a n d i t s e x p o n e n t s v i n d i c a t e d . " A l l o v e r t h e w o r l d , " t h e a u t h o r e d i t o r i a l i z e s s o a s t o l e a v e n o d o u b t a b o u t h i s own a t t i t u d e t o t h e c o n f l i c t , " f o r t h e l a s t h u n d r e d y e a r s , p e o p l e h a v e b e e n k i c k i n g a g a i n s t t h e s h a r p n e s s o f t h e p r i c k s t h a t d r o v e t h e m f o r w a r d o u t o f t h e o l d l i f e , t h e w i l d l i f e , t h e f r e e l i f e g r o w n d e a r t o t h e m 23 b e c a u s e i t w a s s o e a s y . " T h e u l t i m a t e p r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e p r o g r e s s i v e u r b a n l i f e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s i s a f e a t u r e o f a g e n i a l a n d m i l d l y e n t e r t a i n i n g n o v e l , B o r d e r C a n u c k s , O u r F r i e n d l y R e l a t i o n s ( 1 8 9 0 ) , b y a D e t r o i t a u t h o r n a m e d G e o r g e C . R a n k i n . R a n k i n a c k n o w l e d g e s t h e i m m e n s e c u l t u r a l a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e s 216 taking place i n North America i n the late nineteenth century by s t r i v i n g to evoke the unique s o c i a l patterns of a region before these patterns pass completely out of l i v i n g memory. Border Canucks deals with "the French settlement on either bank of the Detroit River twenty-five or t h i r t y years ago," where . . . the contaminating influence of modern methods and pending s o c i a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s have larg e l y robbed the present generation of descendants of a noble race, i n the d i s t r i c t s referred to, of that charm, and easy, s e l f -possessed grace of manner which, by comparison, made of an i l l i t e r a t e peasant a d i g n i f i e d courtier i n the days gone by.24 As a unifying device for his rather episodic novel, Rankin t e l l s the story of Jack Rathbone, who i s caught between the opposing attractions of two worlds. His father, a wealthy Detroit fur merchant, draws him toward the world of American commerce and i n d u s t r i a l progress, while his French-Canadian mother introduces him to the simpler and more carefree world of the habitant. In a series of i l l u s t r a t i v e anecdotes and episodes, the French Canadians are revealed to be i n d e f a t i -gably cheerful, fond of drinking and gambling, i n c l i n e d to raise large f a m i l i e s , and content to extract no more than a bare subsistence from t h e i r farms. Rankin depicts the exuber-ant gaiety of th e i r l i v e s with obvious a f f e c t i o n ; but his ultimate sympathies, as hi s hero's f i n a l choice makes c l e a r , are with the more progressive society of the United States. Some int e r e s t i n g variations on a similar theme are developed i n The Lady of the Flag-flowers (1899), the one 217 novel of a now largely forgotten American poetess named Florence Wilkinson Evans. As Van Dyke did i n "The Keeper of the Light," t h i s author takes as her theme the c o n f l i c t between the old, wild, and free l i f e and the modern world of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n . She draws the c o n f l i c t e x p l i c i t l y along n a t i o n a l i s t i c and r a c i a l l i n e s , by dealing with the tragedy of a young half-French, half-Indian g i r l from northern Quebec, who i s enticed and f i n a l l y destroyed by urban c i v i l -i z a t i o n i n the United States. In the course of the novel the author i s careful to e s t a b l i s h the complexity and moral r e l a t i v i t y involved i n the contrast between the two ways of l i f e . The northern wilderness which her heroine leaves behind i s not a sylvan i d e a l , but a half-savage world of b r u t a l i z i n g poverty and superstition, i n which, however, the Indian and half-breed natives have developed a simple code of honor and f i d e l i t y . Conversely, the United States i s not an inferno of decadence and immorality, but a society of diverse i n d i v i d -uals struggling to assimilate rapid c u l t u r a l and technological changes and to r e s i s t the tide of crime and p o l i t i c a l corrup-t i o n which i s the inevitable by-product of an age of swift national expansion. But i f the northern forests of Canada and the c i t i e s of the United States do not constitute absolute moral concepts, they do represent i r r e c o n c i l a b l e ways of l i f e . The young American hero of The Lady of the Flag-flowers, Pierce Willoughby, spends a summer vacation i n the Quebec wilderness, 2 1 8 a n d d r e a m s o f l i v i n g t h e r e p e r m a n e n t l y , " w h e r e , l i k e T o l s t o i , h e c o u l d l i v e s i m p l y , a n d l a b o r a l i k e w i t h h i s h a n d s a n d h i s 25 h e a d . " B u t h e r e t u r n s t o h i s o w n c o u n t r y t o p u r s u e h i s c a r e e r i n j o u r n a l i s m a n d p o l i t i c s , f o r h e c a n n o t r e v e r t t o t h e p r i m i t i v e l i f e a n y m o r e t h a n h i s n a t i o n c a n r e v e r s e i t s p r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t t o w a r d s u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d i n d u s t r i a l -i s m . T h e C a n a d i a n h a l f - b r e e d g i r l , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , d o e s r e m o v e t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , w h e r e s h e r e a d i l y p i c k s u p t h e l a n g u a g e a n d s u p e r f i c i a l p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o r , a n d e v e n t u a l l y a c h i e v e s r e m a r k a b l e s u c c e s s a s a s t a g e a c t r e s s . B u t u l t i m a -t e l y , h e r s i m p l e a n d n a i v e p e r s o n a l i t y i s a n t i p a t h e t i c t o l i f e i n s o p h i s t i c a t e d s o c i e t y ; a n d h e r s u c c e s s — l e a d i n g f i n a l l y t o h e r m u r d e r — i s o n l y t h e w o r k i n g o u t o f a n i r r e s i s -t i b l e a n d f o r t u i t o u s c h a i n o f c i r c u m s t a n c e i n w h i c h s h e i s a p a s s i v e o b j e c t . P u b l i s h e d a y e a r b e f o r e S i s t e r C a r r i e , F l o r e n c e E v a n s ' n o v e l h a s i n t e r e s t i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s t o D r e i s e r ' s , i n i t s p o r -t r a y a l o f a y o u n g a n d i n n o c e n t g i r l w h i r l e d a l o n g b y f o r c e s o v e r w h i c h s h e h a s o n l y p a r t i a l c o n t r o l , t o w a r d s a g o a l o f q u e s t i o n a b l e v a l u e . T h e m a i n w e a k n e s s e s o f T h e L a d y o f t h e  B l a g - f l o w e r s a r e t h e m a n y m e l o d r a m a t i c p l o t c o n t r i v a n c e s — u s u a l l y f a r m o r e o u t r a g e o u s t h a n t h e w o r s t o f D r e i s e r ' s — a n d a v e r y a w k w a r d p r o s e s t y l e . A t b e s t , i t o f f e r s s o m e s u g g e s -t i o n s a s t o w h a t t h e r e a l i s t - n a t u r a l i s t l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n m i g h t d o w i t h " C a n a d i a n " m a t e r i a l . A s a l w a y s t h r o u g h o u t t h e h i s t o r y o f A m e r i c a n i m a g i n a t i v e i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h C a n a d a , Q u e b e c p r o v i n c e a n d i t s F r e n c h -s p e a k i n g i n h a b i t a n t s c l a i m t h e l a r g e s t s h a r e o f a t t e n t i o n . A f e w " l o c a l c o l o r " a u t h o r s d i s c o v e r e d o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y , b u t t h e i r l i t e r a r y r e a c t i o n s a d d e d f e w s i g n i f i c a n t c o m p l i c a t i o n s t o t h e A m e r i c a n l i t e r a r y i m a g e o f C a n a d a . H e n r y V a n D y k e w r o t e , i n a d d i t i o n t o s t o r i e s a b o u t t h e Q u e b e c h a b i t a n t s , e s s a y s a b o u t h i s f i s h i n g e x p e r i e n c e s o n t h e R e s t i -g o u c h e r i v e r i n t h e b o r d e r r e g i o n b e t w e e n New B r u n s w i c k a n d t h e G a s p e p e n i n s u l a . A n o t h e r v i s i t o r t o t h e R e s t i g o u c h e r e g i o n w a s R o b e r t G r a n t ( 1 8 5 2 - 1 9 4 0 ) , a d i s t i n g u i s h e d New Y o r k l a w y e r , a f r i e n d o f E d i t h W h a r t o n , a n d t h e a u t h o r o f s e v e r a l r e a l i s t i c n o v e l s d e a l i n g w i t h v a r i o u s A m e r i c a n s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l t o p i c s . I n 1 8 8 8 , G r a n t p u b l i s h e d h i s s e c o n d n o v e l , J a c k i n t h e B u s h , a s l i g h t b u t l i t e r a t e b o y ' s b o o k d e p i c t i n g t h e v i r t u e s o f m a s c u l i n e c a m a r a d e r i e a n d s p o r t s m a n s h i p . G r a n t ' s f i c t i o n a l g r o u p o f r e d - b l o o d e d a i l - A m e r i c a n b o y s e a g e r l y p u r s u e t h e m a n l y l i f e i n t h e C a n a d i a n w o o d s , b u t a r e r i g h t e o u s l y i n d i g n a n t w i t h t h e b a c k w a r d n e s s o f t h e C a n a d i a n p e o p l e t h e y e n c o u n t e r . T h e v i l l a i n o f t h e s t o r y , P e t e L a b o u i s s e , i s a s i l e n t h a l f - F r e n c h , h a l f - I n d i a n s q u a t t e r , w h o i g n o r e s t h e r u l e s o f s p o r t s m a n s h i p a n d s h o o t s s i t t i n g d u c k s a n d s p e a r s s a l m o n a t n i g h t . B y i m p l i c a t i o n , h i s v i l l a i n o u s a n d u n s p o r t s m a n l i k e c h a r a c t e r i s r e l a t e d t o h i s r a c i a l i n f e r -i o r i t y ; a t l e a s t t h e A m e r i c a n b o y s a r e n o t s u r p r i s e d b y h i s 2 2 0 b e h a v i o r . T h e y a r e s u r p r i s e d , h o w e v e r , b y t h e E n g l i s h C a n a d i a n s t h e y e n c o u n t e r . T h e y a r e i n t r i g u e d ( a s t h e i r c r e a t o r o b v i o u s l y w a s ) t o l e a r n t h a t t h e R e s t i g o u c h e r e g i o n i s p o p u l a t e d b y t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f U n i t e d E m p i r e L o y a l i s t s , a n d t h a t m a n y o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s c a r r y s u c h r e s p e c t a b l e o l d New E n g l a n d n a m e s a s P a t t e r s o n a n d C o f f i n . . O n e o f t h e i r g u i d e s , G e o r g e C o f f i n , i s e x p l i c i t l y d e s c r i b e d a s h a v i n g 2 6 " m u c h o f t h e Y a n k e e i n h i s b u i l d a n d m a n n e r . " T o t h e b o y s ' d i s g u s t , h o w e v e r , G e o r g e a n d h i s h e l p e r s h a v e n e v e r e v e n h e a r d o f t h e f o u r t h o f J u l y . A s w o o d s m e n , t h e y a r e e q u a l t o t h e b e s t o f A m e r i c a n s ; b u t p o l i t i c a l l y , t h e y a r e b e n i g h t e d C a n a d i a n s w h o h a v e n o t h a d t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f A m e r i c a n d e m o -c r a c y . T h e R e s t i g o u c h e r e g i o n a n d i t s i n h a b i t a n t s a r e g i v e n m o r e s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n a n o v e l b y t h e e m i n e n t P h i l a d e l p h i a p h y s i c i a n a n d p r o l i f i c a u t h o r , S. W e i r M i t c h e l l ( 1 8 2 9 - 1 9 1 4 ) . W h e n A l l t h e W o o d s A r e G r e e n ( 1 8 9 4 ) i s o n e o f a s e r i e s o f " c o n v e r s a t i o n " n o v e l s b y M i t c h e l l ( t h e o t h e r s i n c l u d e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s [ 1 8 9 2 ] a n d D r . N o r t h a n d h i s F r i e n d s . [ 1 9 0 0 ] ) i n w h i c h v a r i o u s c h a r a c t e r s d i s c u s s m o r a l a n d m e t a p h y s i c a l t o p i c s , a n d o c c a s i o n a l l y b e c o m e i n v o l v e d i n s l i g h t s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h s e r v e t o i l l u s t r a t e o r c o m p l e m e n t t h e d i s c u s s i o n s . L i k e H e n r y V a n D y k e , w h o i n c l u d e d a n e s s a y o n T h e C o m p l e a t  A n g l e r i n T h e R u l i n g P a s s i o n , M i t c h e l l h a d p e r h a p s b e e n r e a d i n g I s a a c W a l t o n , f o r t h e i m a g i n a r y c o n v e r s a t i o n s o f W h e n  A l l t h e W o o d s A r e G r e e n o f t e n t a k e p l a c e i n t h e l a n g u i d 221 a t m o s p h e r e o f f i s h i n g e x c u r s i o n s , a n d t h e s u b j e c t d i s c u s s e d i s o f t e n t h e s p i r i t u a l v a l u e o f f i s h i n g . M o r e g e n e r a l l y , t h e n o v e l i s a b o u t l i f e i n t h e w i l d e r n e s s a n d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f n a t u r e o n t h e human p e r s o n a l i t y . M i t c h e l l a c c e p t s t h e common a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t t h e r e - c r e a t i o n a l v a l u e o f a t e m p o r a r y w i t h d r a w a l t o t h e w i l d e r n e s s : l i k e T h o r e a u , h e h a s d i s c o v e r e d t h a t g o i n g t o t h e w o o d s i s a v a l u a b l e p r o c e s s o f s i m p l i f i c a -t i o n , w h e r e b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l c a n d i v e s t h i m s e l f o f a l l t h e t r i v i a a n d i m p e d i m e n t a h e a p e d u p o n h i m b y c i v i l i z a t i o n . I n t h e w o o d s [ M i t c h e l l e d i t o r i a l i z e s ] , a w a y f r o m men a n d t h e i r s t r u g g l e s a n d a m b i t i o n s , w i t h t h e a b s e n c e o f n e e d t o b e t h i s o r t h a t , a s d u t y , w o r k , o r s o c i a l c l a i m s d e m a n d , we l o s e t h e r e s u l t a n t s t a t e o f t e n s i o n , o f b e i n g o n g u a r d . I t i s r e a d i l y p o s s i b l e t o n o t i c e t h i s e f f e c t i n t h e r a p i d e r a s u r e f r o m t h e f a c e s o f t h e c o n s t a n t l y s t r a i n e d , i n t e l l e c t u a l w o r k m a n o f t h e l i n e s o f c a r e w h i c h m a r k t h e f e a t u r e s o f t h o s e o n whom, i n o n e o r 2' a n o t h e r p o s i t i o n , t h e w o r l d r e l i e s t o c a r r y i t s b u r d e n s . -B u t i n s p i t e o f t h i s t r i b u t e t o t h e s a l u t a r y e f f e c t s o f l i f e i n t h e w o o d s , M i t c h e l l c o m e s t o t h e u l t i m a t e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t c i v i l i z a t i o n a n d p r o g r e s s p r o v i d e a m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e s i t u a t i o n f o r h u m a n i t y t h a n p r i m i t i v i s m a n d w i l d n e s s . T h e n a t i v e C a n a d i a n p o p u l a t i o n , M i t c h e l l ' s t o u r i s t s a g r e e , p r e s e n t c e r t a i n a d m i r a b l e q u a l i t i e s i n w h i c h t h e u r b a n i z e d A m e r i c a n i s p o s s i b l y d e f i c i e n t ; b u t t h e r e i s some a m b i g u i t y a b o u t t h e v a l u e o f t h e s e q u a l i t i e s : " Y e s , " s a i d L y n d s a y , " t h e s e Gaspe" men a r e m o s t i n t e r e s t -i n g . T h e y a r e c l e v e r , c o m p e t e n t , a n d i n h e r e n t l y k i n d l y , r e a l l y g o o d f e l l o w s ; b u t t h e i r t r o u b l e i s , a n d i t d o e s n o t t r o u b l e t h e m , t h a t t h e y h a v e n o p e r s i s t e n t e n e r g y . I c o n f e s s t h a t , ^ b e ' i n g m y s e l f , a t l e a s t w h i l e h e r e , w i t h -o u t e n e r g y , I l i k e i t s a b s e n c e . " 222 "Isn't i t a vast r e l i e f , a f t e r a l l the endless restlessness of our people," said Anne, "to f a l l among folks who are contented, and home loving, and uncompli-cated?" "I c e r t a i n l y think so," said Carington. "and what a surprise i t i s to meet the stray descendants of l o y a l -i s t s hereabouts. . . . Some of the best of the Canadians are descendants of those people; but, for the most part, those who set t l e d i n ce r t a i n quarters of Lower Canada are down again to the l e v e l of mere laborers and f i s h e r -men ."28 Mi t c h e l l i l l u s t r a t e s the disadvantages of a l i f e of unrelieved primitivism with the story of the Colketts, a s h i f t l e s s middle-aged couple who have never l i v e d anywhere but i n Canadian backwoods settlements. Brutishly u n c i v i l i z e d i n t h e i r manners and speech, the Colketts are dishonest, sus-picious, and s e l f i s h , completely lacking i n those q u a l i t i e s of s e l f - r e l i a n c e and "persistent energy" which (according to Mitchell) characterize the American backwoodsman, who i s more l i k e l y to have derived some benefit from the advanced urban culture of the United States. The l a t t e r contention i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the person of Dorothy Maybrook, a Quaker woman who has migrated from Pennsylvania to the backwoods s e t t l e -ment on the Restigouche. Although uneducated and r u s t i c i n habits, Dorothy i s i n most respects a complete an t i t h e s i s to the Colketts. Her s e l f - r e l i a n c e i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the f a c t that her small backwoods farm prospers, while the Colketts, with a sim i l a r portion of land and v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l opportunities, are unable even to sustain themselves. Further-more, she i s almost i n s t i n c t i v e l y charitable, and p e r s i s t s i n 223 o f f e r i n g to help the indigent Colketts, even when they d i s -play boorish ungratefulness. And f i n a l l y , unlike the Canad-ians, she i s i n t e l l e c t u a l l y curious: hearing about Shakes-peare from the American t o u r i s t s , she eagerly reads the play about "Mrs. Macbeth." There are fa m i l i a r p o l i t i c a l implications i n the contrast between the Colketts and Dorothy Maybrook. M i t c h e l l , l i k e many American writers, implies that the supposedly freer and more progressive society of the United States produces a superior breed of human being than the northern country with i t s c o l o n i a l heritage and i t s slower rate of development. But M i t c h e l l i s not so interested i n demonstrating the advan-tages of American democracy as i n expounding his theories on the influence of environment on personality. For many years, he was engaged i n an intermittent controversy on t h i s subject with another eminent American n o v e l i s t and physician, Oliver Wendell Holmes. In 1861, Holmes sent M i t c h e l l a copy of his novel E l s i e Venner, which argues by means of an incredible Gothic p l o t that personality can be formed almost e n t i r e l y by hereditary factors. In the 1880's, M i t c h e l l was engaged i n cer t a i n b i o l o g i c a l experiments which may have reminded him of Holmes's novel; and while there i s no conclusive evidence that When A l l the Woods Are Green i s intended as a "refuta-t i o n " of E l s i e Venner, Mitchell's strong emphasis on the theme of environment suggests that he probably had the contro-29 versy with Holmes i n mind. 2 2 4 A l t h o u g h M i t c h e l l ' s n o v e l h a s a d e f i n i t e i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t a s a c o m p e t e n t n a r r a t i v e b y a t a l e n t e d m i n o r a u t h o r , i t s u g g e s t s t h a t b y t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e A m e r i c a n l i t e r a r y i m a g e o f C a n a d a w a s d e g e n e r a t i n g i n t o t r i t e n e s s a n d r e d u n d a n c y . T h e a p p e a l i n g b u t i n t i m i d a t i n g f o r e s t w i l d e r n e s s , t h e r e a c t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e , t h e u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d a n d u n a m b i t i o u s i n h a b i t a n t s , a n d t h e s u p e r i o r i t y o f A m e r i c a n i n i t i a t i v e a n d e n t e r p r i s e : a l l t h e s e a s p e c t s o f C a n a d i a n -A m e r i c a n r e l a t i o n s w e r e i n t r o d u c e d a g a i n a n d a g a i n , a n d w e r e i l l u s t r a t e d b y v e r y c o n v e n t i o n a l i z e d s e t t i n g s , c h a r a c t e r s , a n d i n c i d e n t s . Some s o r t o f n e w i m p u l s e o r n e w p e r s p e c t i v e w a s o b v i o u s l y n e e d e d , i f t h e A m e r i c a n l i t e r a r y i m a g e o f C a n a d a w a s n o t t o d e g e n e r a t e i n t o a r e p e t i t i v e r e c i t a l o f p l a t i t u d e s . I n t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e c e n t u r y , o n e i m p o r t a n t A m e r i c a n w r i t e r r e v e a l e d i n h i s own e c c e n t r i c a n d i n i m i t a b l e f a s h i o n t h a t t h e r e m i g h t b e m o r e t o C a n a d a t h a n t h e f a m i l i a r s t e r e o t y p e s a n d c o n v e n t i o n a l i t i e s . W a l t W h i t m a n ' s w r i t i n g s o n C a n a d a a r e o b s c u r e a n d u n p o l i s h e d , a n d h a d n o d i r e c t i n f l u -e n c e o n h i s c o n t e m p o r a r y c o u n t r y m e n ; b u t t h e y r e p r e s e n t a n i m p o r t a n t i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e i m a g i n a t i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s w h i c h t h e c o u n t r y o f f e r e d t o t h e c r e a t i v e m i n d . 2 2 5 N o t e s t o C h a p t e r 9 " ' " W i l b u r R. J a c o b s , L e t t e r s o f F r a n c i s P a r k m a n , I I , 1 9 0 ( n . ) . 2 C h a r l e s H a i g h t F a r n h a m , " T h e C a n a d i a n H a b i t a n t , " H a r p e r ' s New M o n t h l y M a g a z i n e , 67 ( A u g . , 1 8 8 3 ) , 3 8 1 . 3 F a r n h a m , " C a n a d i a n V o y a g e u r s o n t h e S a g u e n a y , " H a r p e r ' s , 76 ( M a r c h , 1 8 8 8 ) , 5 4 9 . 4 F a r n h a m , " Q u e b e c , " H a r p e r ' s , 76 ( F e b . , 1 8 8 8 ) , 357.. 5 I b i d . 6 F a r n h a m , " L a b r a d o r , " H a r p e r ' s , 71 ( O c t . , 1 8 8 5 ) , 6 5 1 . 7 F a r n h a m , " A W i n t e r i n C a n a d a , " H a r p e r ' s , 68 ( F e b . , 1 8 8 4 ) , 3 9 4 . 8 " T h e C a n a d i a n H a b i t a n t , " 3 7 8 . 9 I b i d . , 3 7 9 . 1 0 I b i d . , 3 8 4 . i : L I b i d . , 3 8 7 . 1 2 I b i d . , 3 8 4 . 13 " C a n a d i a n V o y a g e u r s o n t h e S a g u e n a y , " 5 4 1 . 14 J o h n B u r r o u g h s , " T h e H a l c y o n i n C a n a d a , " L o c u s t s a n d  W i l d H o n e y ( 1 8 7 9 ; r p t . B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f f l i n , 1 9 0 7 ) , p . 2 0 8 . 1 5 I b i d . , p . 2 0 9 . 1 6 I b i d . , p . 2 4 0 . 17 I b i d . , p p . 2 2 7 - 2 8 . 18 T h o r e a u , T h e M a i n e W o o d s , W a l d e n e d . ( 1 9 0 6 ; r p t . New Y o r k : AMS P r e s s , 1 9 6 8 ) , p . 7 7 . 19 B u r r o u g h s , " T h e H a l c y o n i n C a n a d a , " p . 2 1 9 . 2 0 I b i d . , p . 2 2 8 . 2 1 I b i d . , p . 2 1 7 . 2 2 6 22 R o w l a n d E . R o b i n s o n , U n c l e L i s h a ' s O u t i n g ( B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f f l i n , 1 8 9 7 ) , p . 2 9 . 23 H e n r y V a n D y k e , " T h e K e e p e r o f t h e L i g h t , " T h e R u l i n g  P a s s i o n : T a l e s o f N a t u r e a n d Human N a t u r e (New Y o r k : C h a r l e s S c r i b n e r ' s S o n s , 1 9 0 1 ) , p . 2 6 2 . 24 G e o r g e C . R a n k i n , B o r d e r C a n u c k s : O u r F r i e n d l y  R e l a t i o n s ( D e t r o i t : G . C . R a n k i n , 1 8 9 0 ) , p p . 2 5 0 - 5 1 . 25 F l o r e n c e W i l k i n s o n E v a n s , T h e L a d y o f t h e F l a g - f l o w e r s ( C h i c a g o : H e r b e r t S. S t o n e , 1 8 9 9 ) , p . 5 5 . 2 6 R o b e r t G r a n t , J a c k i n t h e B u s h ; o r A Summer o n a  S a l m o n R i v e r ( B o s t o n : J o r d o n , M a r s h & C o . , 1 8 8 8 ) , p . 2 5 . 2 7 S . W e i r M i t c h e l l , W h e n A l l t h e W o o d s A r e G r e e n ( 1 8 9 4 ; r p t . New Y o r k : C e n t u r y , 1 9 0 5 ) , p . 3 3 4 . 2 8 I b i d . , p . 2 1 1 . 29 M i t c h e l l ' s d e b a t e w i t h H o l m e s i s b r i e f l y t r a c e d b y E r n e s t E a r n e s t , i n h i s b i o g r a p h y S . W e i r M i t c h e l l : N o v e l i s t  a n d P h y s i c i a n ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n i a P r e s s , 1 9 5 0 ) , p a s s i m . 227 X WHITMAN AND THE NORTHWESTERN FRONTIER 1. In the summer of 1880, Walt Whitman v i s i t e d Canada at the i n v i t a t i o n of Dr. Richard M. Bucke, a p s y c h i a t r i s t and clergyman of London, Ontario. In company with Dr. Bucke (who, from t h i s v i s i t and other experiences wrote the f i r s t f u l l - l e n g t h biography of the poet), Whitman made a few rambling excursions i n southwestern Ontario, then took the standard tour by r a i l r o a d and lake steamer to Toronto, Mont-r e a l , Quebec, and the Saguenay region. The poet reported his b r i e f impressions of t r a v e l i n two a r t i c l e s published i n the London Advertiser, "Summer Days i n Canada" (June 22, 1880), and "Letter From Walt Whitman" (Aug. 26, 1880). These two a r t i c l e s , with a few digressions omitted and some other minor changes, were included i n Whitman's c o l l e c t i o n of autobio-graphical notes, Specimen Days (1882). In addition, Whitman kept a completely d i f f e r e n t and somewhat longer account of his Canadian travels i n a diary, and made various fragmentary notes which he may have intended to work up into poems or essays. The diary and notes were edited by William Sloane Kennedy and published i n 1904 as Walt Whitman's Diary i n  Canada. In various parts of Leaves of Grass, Whitman refers with orthographic e c c e n t r i c i t y to "Kanada" and "Kanadians." One 228 of the catalogues i n "Song of Myself," for instance, envis-ages the poet "at home on Kanadian snow-shoes"; and "Our Old Feuillage" refers vaguely to "Kanada, the snows," along with other features of the American continent. These references are obviously intended as evocations of a poetic or mythologi-c a l image, a part of Whitman's i n f i n i t e l y o p t imistic v i s i o n of the New World, i n the context of which any "facts" about nineteenth-century Canada are v i r t u a l l y i r r e l e v a n t . S i g n i -f i c a n t l y , Whitman's notes and essay fragments about the actual Canada which he f i n a l l y v i s i t e d i n 1880 do not contra-d i c t t h i s poetic image. The d i s t i n c t i v e feature of his comments on Canada i s the consistent enthusiasm about the natural and s o c i a l phenomena of the North. Whitman does not have ambivalent feelings about the northern wilderness, nor does he have any reservations about the various ambiguities and contradictions involved i n the b i c u l t u r a l society. Indeed, he seems to d e l i b e r a t e l y d i s t o r t or suppress c e r t a i n observable aspects of the country—or more pre c i s e l y , he seems to look at the country from a highly subjective point of view — i n order to create an image of Canada which accords with his u n i f i e d and optimistic v i s i o n of America. Throughout Whitman's Canada writings one of his f a v o r i t e words, "amplitude," occurs again and again: the country as a whole has " i t s own charms and amplitudes" (SJD, 345);"'" even the summer a i r i n Canada has an "amplitude and heavenly perfection" (Diary, p. 2); and the Thousand Islands region of t h e S t . L a w r e n c e h a s " a n a m p l i t u d e a n d p r i m a l n a t u r a l n e s s " ( D i a r y , p . 2 3 ) . I n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h e s e s u g g e s t i o n s o f l i m i t l e s s n a t u r a l v i s t a s , W h i t m a n r e p e a t e d l y u s e s s u c h s e n -s u o u s l y o r i e n t e d w o r d s a s " v o l u p t u o u s , " " d e l i c i o u s , " " g l o r -i o u s , " " r e f u l g e n t , " a n d " m a g n i f i c e n t " t o i n d i c a t e t h e p r i m e v a l b e a u t y a n d p u r i t y o f t h e C a n a d i a n s c e n e r y . I n s o u t h w e s t e r n O n t a r i o t h e " v e r d u r e " i s s u p e r i o r t o a n y t h i n g h e h a s e v e r s e e n ; a n d t h e r e i s " a m e l l o w , r i c h , d e l i c a t e , a l m o s t f l a v o r e d a i r " ( D i a r y , p . 2 ) . T h e T h o u s a n d I s l a n d s a r e " t h e m o s t b e a u t i f u l e x t e n s i v e r e g i o n o f l a k e s a n d i s l a n d s o n e c a n p r o b a b l y s e e o n e a r t h " ( D i a r y , p . 2 4 ) . " L a n d o f p u r e a i r ! " W h i t m a n e x c l a i m s a t o n e p o i n t i n t h e D i a r y . " L a n d o f u n n u m b e r e d l a k e s ! L a n d o f t h e i s l e t s a n d t h e w o o d s ! " ( D i a r y , p . 2 5 ) . I n a d d i t i o n t o s u c h e f f u s i o n s o v e r t h e c l i m a t e a n d s c e n e r y , h e m a k e s o c c a s i o n a l p a s s i n g r e f e r e n c e t o p e o p l e h e h a s o b s e r v e d o n h i s t r a v e l s . B u t t h e s e r e f e r e n c e s a r e i m p e r s o n a l , o b j e c t i v e , a n d f r e q u e n t l y h y p e r -b o l i c , l i k e t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s o f n a t u r e . A g r o u p o f s c h o o l c h i l d r e n i n t h e O n t a r i o t o w n o f S a r n i a a r e " h e a l t h i e r , h a n d -s o m e r , m o r e i n t e l l i g e n t o r d e c o r o u s " t h a n a n y h e h a s e v e r s e e n ( D i a r y , p . 9 ) ; f r o m t h e s h o r e o f t h e ' S t . C l a i r r i v e r h e r e p o r t s t h e " h a n d s o m e , i n s p i r i n g s i g h t " o f b o a t - r a c i n g c r e w s o u t p r a c t i s i n g ( D i a r y , p . 3 ) ; i n t h e f a r m l a n d a r o u n d L o n d o n h e w a t c h e s " g r o u p s o f t a n - f a c e d m e n g o i n g f r o m w o r k " ( D i a r y , p . 1 4 ) . A n d l a t e r , i n Q u e b e c , h e u s e s s t a g e i m a g e r y t o d e s -c r i b e t h e F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s : 2 3 0 T h e i n h a b i t a n t s p e c u l i a r t o o u r e y e s ; m a n y m a r k e d c h a r -a c t e r s , l o o k s , b y - p l a y s , c o s t u m e s , e t c . , t h a t w o u l d m a k e t h e f o r t u n e o f a c t o r s w h o c o u l d r e p r o d u c e t h e m . ( D i a r y , p . 3 2 ) U n l i k e s u c h o b s e r v e r s a s H o w e l l s o r F a r n h a m , who h a v e t h e r e a l i s t ' s c o n c e r n f o r t h e c l o s e a n d c a r e f u l d e p i c t i o n o f o b s e r v a b l e d e t a i l , W h i t m a n s e e m s d e l i b e r a t e l y t o s t a n d b a c k f r o m t h e s p e c t a c l e o f C a n a d a , t o p r e s e n t i t s v a r i o u s f e a t u r e s i n v e r y b r i e f a n d g e n e r a l i z e d d e s c r i p t i o n s , t h e n m o v e o n q u i c k l y t o a c o m p r e h e n s i v e s u m m a t i o n o f t h e c o u n t r y , a s u m -m a t i o n r e l a t e d t o h i s c o n c e p t i o n o f N o r t h A m e r i c a a s a w h o l e . T h u s v e r y e a r l y i n t h e f i r s t a r t i c l e o r i g i n a l l y w r i t t e n f o r t h e L o n d o n A d v e r t i s e r , h e o f f e r s h i s r e m a r k s o n t h e C a n a d i a n p o p u l a t i o n : F r o m w h a t I a l r e a d y s e e , I s h o u l d s a y t h e y o u n g n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n o f C a n a d a w a s g r o w i n g u p , f o r m i n g a h a r d y , d e m o c r a t i c , i n t e l l i g e n t , r a d i c a l l y s o u n d , a n d j u s t a s A m e r i c a n , g o o d - n a t u r e d a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c r a c e , a s t h e a v e r a g e r a n g e o f b e s t s p e c i m e n s a m o n g u s . (SD_, 2 4 0 ) . A n d s h o r t l y a f t e r w a r d , h e r e l a t e s t h i s i m a g e t o a n e x p l i c i t a n d r a d i c a l l y s i m p l e p o l i t i c a l p r o p h e c y : I t s e e m s t o me a c e r t a i n t y o f t i m e , s o o n e r o r l a t e r , t h a t C a n a d a s h a l l f o r m t w o o r t h r e e g r a n d S t a t e s , e q u a l a n d i n d e p e n d e n t , w i t h t h e r e s t o f t h e A m e r i c a n U n i o n . - T h e S t . L a w r e n c e a n d l a k e s a r e n o t f o r a f r o n t i e r l i n e , b u t a g r a n d i n t e r i o r o r m i d - c h a n n e l . ( S D , 2 4 1 ) . T o o t h e r A m e r i c a n w r i t e r s , s u c h a s H o w e l l s a n d H e n r y J a m e s a n d E . L . G o d k i n , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f A m e r i c a n a n n e x a t i o n o f C a n a d a i s n o t a n e n t i r e l y p l e a s a n t o r d e s i r a b l e p r o s p e c t , b e c a u s e i t w o u l d i n v o l v e t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f c e r t a i n u n i q u e a n d v a l u a b l e s o c i a l t r a d i t i o n s . W h i t m a n , h o w e v e r , d o e s n o t suggest that the d i s t i n c t i v e elements of Canada would d i s -appear with the f u l f i l m e n t of h i s v i s i o n of a pan-continental United States. On the contrary, some of these elements are an i n t e g r a l part of the v i s i o n . Observing along the St. Lawrence the seemingly endless rows of narrow farms and neat farmhouses (the same farmhouses which Thoreau represented as symbols of Canada's parochialism), Whitman merges a v i s i o n of Arcadia with a prophecy of an i n f i n i t e l y evolving North American Utopia: I see, or imagine I see i n the future, a race of two m i l l i o n farm-families, ten m i l l i o n people—every farm running down to the water, or at l e a s t i n sight of i t — the best a i r and drink and sky and scenery of the globe, the sure foundation-nutriment of heroic men and women. (Diary, p. 42) Although Whitman speaks e x p l i c i t l y about annexation, his reactions to Canada cannot be judged i n simple p o l i t i c a l terms. His Canada notes are e s s e n t i a l l y an emotional and aesthetic reaction to the sense of vast and v i r t u a l l y l i m i t -less space which the northern country seems to o f f e r to the imaginative observer. Even h i s most prosaic j o t t i n g s , such as a r e c i t a l of s t a t i s t i c s , emphasize t h i s aspect of Canada: "Total Dominion, 3,500,000 square miles. . . . Area equal to the whole of Europe. Population, 1880, four to f i v e m i l l i o n s " (Diary, p. 42). Other l i t e r a r y Americans, such as Thoreau and Howells and James, comment on the vastness of the Canadian wilderness, but what usually s t r i k e s them i s i t s ominous s o l i d i t y , i t s oppressiveness, which crowd the puny human 2 3 2 c o m m u n i t i e s u p a g a i n s t t h e , r i v e r s a n d l a k e s a n d o c e a n . W h i t -m a n ' s C a n a d a , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , o p e n s o u t e n d l e s s l y t o t h e n o r t h a n d w e s t , o f f e r i n g y e t a n o t h e r f r o n t i e r f o r h i s h e r o i c N o r t h A m e r i c a n s i n t h e i r p u r s u i t o f t h e p e r f e c t d e m o c r a t i c s o c i e t y . 2 . W h i t m a n , l i k e T h o r e a u , i s a b l e t o c r e a t e a n i m a g i n a t i v e c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e C a n a d i a n f r o n t i e r w h i l e f o l l o w i n g t h e w e l l -w o r n t o u r i s t r o u t e s o f e a s t e r n C a n a d a . B u t w h i l e T h o r e a u e v o k e d v i s i o n s o f t h e i m p e n e t r a b l e f o r e s t s t r e t c h i n g n o r t h t o H u d s o n B a y , W h i t m a n ' s e x u b e r a n t a n d p r o p h e t i c t o n e s c o n s t a n t l y b r i n g t o m i n d t h e v a s t a n d o p e n v i s t a s o f t h e W e s t . A n d j u s t a s T h o r e a u h a d h i s l e s s i m a g i n a t i v e s u c c e s s o r s w h o t r a v e l e d t o L a b r a d o r i n s e a r c h o f t h e " W i l d , " s o i n t h e l a s t t w o d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y s e v e r a l l i t e r a r y A m e r i c a n s h e a d e d f o r t h e C a n a d i a n n o r t h w e s t i n s e a r c h o f a n e w f r o n t i e r . O n e o f t h e f i r s t A m e r i c a n b o o k s t o c e l e b r a t e t h e C a n a d -i a n w e s t w a s a w o r k w i t h t h e e v o c a t i v e t i t l e D a y l i g h t L a n d ( 1 8 8 8 ) . T h e a u t h o r , W . H . H . M u r r a y (who h a s b e e n p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d a s t h e a u t h o r o f t w o h i s t o r i c a l r o m a n c e s i n i m i t a -t i o n o f J a m e s F e n i m o r e C o o p e r ) , o r i g i n a l l y a c h i e v e d b r i e f l i t e r a r y f a m e w i t h A d v e n t u r e s i n t h e W i l d e r n e s s ( 1 8 6 9 ) , a s e m i - c o m i c w o r k o f t r a v e l i n f o r m a t i o n a n d p e r s o n a l n a r r a t i v e w h i c h i n i t i a t e d a r u s h o f a m a t e u r c a m p e r s a n d h u n t e r s t o t h e 2 A d i r o n d a c k r e g i o n o f New Y o r k . D a y l i g h t L a n d a p p a r e n t l y r e p r e s e n t s a n a t t e m p t t o i n s p i r e a s i m i l a r d e g r e e o f i n t e r e s t 2 3 3 among Americans i n the Canadian west, by describing a t r i p on the new Canadian P a c i f i c railway from Toronto to Vancouver. As l i t e r a t u r e , the book i s almost without value. It i s pro-bably modeled on Mark Twain's The Innocents Abroad, for i t s th i n narrative involves a group of j o v i a l American t o u r i s t s who spend most of t h e i r time t e l l i n g jokes and t a l l t a l e s . But buried within the interminable digressions and s t a l e humor i s an image of Canada which i s a v i r t u a l sequel to the v i s i o n which Whitman conceived while following the well-worn routes of the eastern t o u r i s t regions. In Ontario and Quebec Whitman found "room enough for the summer recreation of a l l 3 North America," and had envisaged a nation of "ten m i l l i o n farm fa m i l i e s , " constantly growing and expanding into the i n f i n i t e v i s t a s of the future. Murray makes more s p e c i f i c but no less extravagant prophecies about the Canadian west: Port Arthur, at the head of Lake Superior, w i l l eventually be "one of the largest c i t i e s on the continent"; "a m i l l i o n of American wheat farmers" w i l l eventually occupy the Canadian p r a i r i e s ; the northwest wilderness "from Calgary . . . to the great Mackenzie basin" w i l l provide an inexhaustible source of game for American sportsmen; and B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l y i e l d "a lumber supply for the whole world for centuries to ..4 come. As these references suggest, Murray assumes (like Whit-man) that p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l differences between the two countries w i l l eventually be rendered i r r e l e v a n t as t h e i r 234 r e s p e c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s m e r g e i n a g r a d u a l p r o c e s s o f n o r t h w a r d a n d w e s t w a r d e x p a n s i o n . A s a n i n t e r e s t i n g c o r o l l a r y t o t h i s a s s u m p t i o n , h o w e v e r , M u r r a y r e p e a t e d l y i m p l i e s t h a t t h e e x p a n s i o n i n t o C a n a d a w i l l b e p a r t l y t h e c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e g r a d u a l d e c l i n e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . A m e r i c a n s w i l l m o v e i n t o t h e C a n a d i a n n o r t h w e s t b e c a u s e t h e i r o w n a g r i c u l t u r a l r e g i o n s a n d w i l d e r n e s s f r o n t i e r s a r e s h r i n k i n g . " A s t h e s o i l t o t h e s o u t h [ s a y s o n e o f M u r r a y ' s c h a r a c t e r s ] u n d e r o u r s i l l y s y s t e m o f a g r i c u l t u r e b e c o m e s e x h a u s t e d . . . t h e w h e a t 5 g r o w e r s m u s t a n d w i l l m o v e n o r t h w a r d . " I n h i s t w o f i n a l c h a p t e r s o n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , M u r r a y l a m e n t s t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e g i a n t f i r t r e e s i n a n d a r o u n d t h e n e w c i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , a n d h i n t s t h a t t h e w a n t o n d e s t r u c -t i o n o f n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s w h i c h h a s t a k e n p l a c e i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s m a y b e r e p e a t e d i n C a n a d a u n t i l t h e r e i s n o w i l d e r n e s s l e f t i n N o r t h A m e r i c a a t a l l . B u t t h e p r e v a i l i n g t o n e o f D a y l i g h t L a n d i s o p t i m i s t i c . T h e a u t h o r l a m e n t s " t h a t l i f e m u s t f o r e v e r f e e d i t s g r o w t h o n d e a t h , a n d h u m a n p r o g r e s s a d v a n c e o n l y o v e r t h e r u i n s o f t h e p e r f e c t , a n d h e a c k n o w -l e d g e s t h a t n a t u r e h a s b e e n g r i e v o u s l y r a v a g e d i n h i s own c o u n t r y ; b u t h e i s c o n f i d e n t t h a t N o r t h A m e r i c a i s l a r g e e n o u g h a n d r i c h e n o u g h i n n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s t o s u p p o r t a v i r t u a l l y l i m i t l e s s e x p a n s i o n o f c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h e s a m e k i n d o f o p t i m i s m i s e v i d e n t i n " C o m m e n t s o n C a n a d a " ( 1 8 9 0 ) , a l o n g e s s a y b y C h a r l e s D u d l e y W a r n e r , who a l s o r o d e t h e C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c f r o m e a s t e r n C a n a d a t o V a n c o u -ver. Warner, who so contemptuously dismissed the slow and backward c i v i l i z a t i o n of Cape Breton i n Baddeck (1874), was delighted with the bustling energy and "free independent 7 s p i r i t " of the Canadian west. He did not, however, conclude that western Canadian society i s merely the northern extension of i t s /American counterpart. "One can mark already with tolerable distinctness a Canadian type which i s neither Eng-l i s h nor /American." There i s i n the western regions of the new Dominion "a d i s t i n c t f e e l i n g of n a t i o n a l i t y , and i t i s g increasing." In Warner's view, Canada's westward expansion i s an admirable r e f l e c t i o n of the e a r l i e r experience of the United States, and an in d i c a t i o n of the younger country's ultimate a b i l i t y to e x i s t i n a state of independence and equality with i t s southern neighbor. Inevitably, the Canadian west attracted the attention of the l i t e r a r y d i s c i p l e s of Theodore Roosevelt. In the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century, many leading American maga-zines regularly presented feature a r t i c l e s about "roughing i t " i n the northern p r a i r i e s and mountains by young and a t h l e t i c j o u r n a l i s t s who sought l i k e t h e i r "rough r i d e r " i d o l to achieve a well-balanced l i f e of i n t e l l e c t u a l and physical a c t i v i t i e s . Roosevelt himself does not seem to have had much int e r e s t i n Canada: i n a l l his many volumes of essays dealing with hunting and camping, there i s no mention of expeditions across the northern border; and as for Canadian society and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , his essay on "The Monroe 2 3 6 D o c t r i n e " ( o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n t h e B a c h e l o r o f A r t s , 1 8 9 6 ) , c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s t h a t h e r e g a r d e d t h e " c o l o n y " w i t h c o n t e m p t . Some o f h i s f o l l o w e r s , h o w e v e r , w e r e n o t s o i l l d i s p o s e d t o w a r d s C a n a d a ; a n d e s p e c i a l l y a s t h e y g r e w i n c r e a s -i n g l y c o n s c i o u s o f t h e i r o w n r a p i d l y s h r i n k i n g f r o n t i e r s , t h e y l o o k e d e a g e r l y n o r t h w a r d t o t h e v a s t u n p o p u l a t e d s p a c e s w h i c h s e e m e d t o o f f e r l i m i t l e s s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t h e p u r s u i t o f t h e " s t r e n u o u s l i f e . " T y p i c a l o f s u c h w r i t i n g i s a c o l l e c t i o n o f a r t i c l e s b y t h e New Y o r k j o u r n a l i s t J u l i a n R a l p h ( 1 8 5 3 - 1 9 0 3 ) , o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n H a r p e r ' s , a n d c o l l e c t e d u n d e r t h e t i t l e O n  C a n a d a ' s F r o n t i e r ( 1 8 9 2 ) . R a l p h , a c c o m p a n i e d b y F r e d e r i c R e m i n g t o n (who i l l u s t r a t e d t h e b o o k ) , p r o c e e d e d p a r t l y b y r a i l a n d p a r t l y o n h o r s e b a c k a c r o s s t h e p r a i r i e s a n d t h r o u g h t h e R o c k y M o u n t a i n s t o V a n c o u v e r . R e m i n g t o n , a w o u l d - b e n o v e l i s t a n d e s s a y i s t a s w e l l a s a n a r t i s t , a l s o w r o t e a b o u t • C a n a d a i n M e n w i t h t h e B a r k O n ( 1 9 0 0 ) , a c o l l e c t i o n o f a r t i c l e s a b o u t l i f e o n t h e C a n a d i a n a n d A m e r i c a n f r o n t i e r s . A n o t h e r a u t h o r b e l o n g i n g t o t h i s t r a d i t i o n i s C a s p a r W h i t n e y , a p e r s o n a l f r i e n d a n d H a r v a r d c l a s s m a t e o f R o o s e v e l t , w h o w r o t e a b o u t h u n t i n g i n N o r t h e r n A l b e r t a a n d t h e N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s i n On S n o w - S h o e s t o t h e B a r r e n G r o u n d s ( 1 8 9 6 ) . A l l t h e s e a u t h o r s s e e t h e C a n a d i a n n o r t h w e s t a s t h e l a s t g r e a t u n d e v e l o p e d f r o n t i e r i n A m e r i c a . L i k e R o o s e v e l t , t h e y a r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e p r o b l e m s o f a d m i n i s t e r i n g a n d s e t t l i n g w i l d e r n e s s a r e a s , a n d w i t h t h e c o n s e r v a t i o n o f w i l d l i f e a n d 2 3 7 natural resources. Ralph has some cr i t ic i sm of the Canadian treatment of the Indians ("the policy of the Canadian govern-ment has been to make treaties with the dangerous tribes and 9 to let the peaceful ones starve"), and Whitney expresses fear that the musk-oxen of the Northwest Territories may shortly be hunted to extinction. But l ike most TAmericans of their time, they accept as inevitable the processes of c i v i l -ization and progress. On the whole, they tend to express grat i f icat ion that they have l ived early enough to experience frontier l i f e in North 7America, rather than regret that the frontier is disappearing. A more sensitive reaction to the Canadian northwest is expressed in a neglected but l i t e r a r i l y distinguished personal narrative by the eminent rea l i s t of the American middle west, Hamlin Garland. The T r a i l of the Gold Seekers (1899) t e l l s of Garland's unsuccessful attempt to join the Klondike gold rush by means of the notoriously d i f f i c u l t overland route through Br i t i sh Columbia. Beginning at the town of Ashcroft, Garland proceeded on horseback through the immense and sparsely settled wilderness, f ina l ly reaching A t l i n Lake in the northwest corner of the province. After investigating a small gold strike in the latter region, he abandoned his ambitions to reach the Klondike, and proceeded to Wrangell in the Alaskan panhandle, where he took steamship passage down the coast to Seattle. Early in his narrative, Garland explains why he undertook 238 t h i s a r d u o u s t e s t o f p h y s i c a l e n d u r a n c e a n d s k i l l : I b e l i e v e d t h a t I w a s a b o u t t o s e e a n d t a k e p a r t i n a m o s t p i c t u r e s q u e a n d i m p r e s s i v e m o v e m e n t a c r o s s t h e w i l d e r n e s s . I b e l i e v e d i t t o b e t h e l a s t g r e a t m a r c h o f t h e k i n d w h i c h c o u l d e v e r c o m e i n A m e r i c a , s o r a p i d l y w e r e t h e w i l d p l a c e s b e i n g s e t t l e d u p . I w i s h e d , t h e r e -f o r e , t o t a k e p a r t i n t h i s t r a m p o f t h e g o l d s e e k e r s , t o b e o n e o f t h e m , a n d r e c o r d t h e i r d e e d s . I w i s h e d t o r e t u r n t o t h e w i l d e r n e s s a l s o , t o f o r g e t b o o k s a n d t h e o r i e s o f a r t a n d s o c i a l p r o b l e m s , a n d c o m e a g a i n f a c e t o f a c e w i t h t h e g r e a t f r e e s p a c e s o f w o o d s a n d s k i e s a n d s t r e a m s . I w a s n o t a g o l d s e e k e r , b u t a n a t u r e h u n t e r , a n d I w a s e a g e r t o e n t e r t h i s , t h e w i l d e s t r e g i o n y e t r e m a i n i n g i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . 1 0 G a r l a n d w a s h a r d l y i n t e r e s t e d a t a l l i n n o r t h w e s t e r n C a n a d a a s p a r t o f a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l e n t i t y . M o s t o f t h e t o w n s a n d e v e n m u c h o f t h e l a n d s c a p e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a r e m i n d e d h i m o f h i s o w n " m i d d l e b o r d e r " c o u n t r y o r o f o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h e t o w n o f A s h c r o f t " r e s e m b l e d a n o r d i n a r y c o w - t o w n i n t h e W e s t e r n S t a t e s " ; t h e t e r r a i n a r o u n d A s h c r o f t " s e e m e d d r y a s a s h e s , a n d t h e h i l l s w h i c h r o s e n e a r r e s e m b l e d t h o s e o f M o n t a n a o r C o l o r a d o . " L a t e r i n t h e t r i p , " w e c a m p e d a t n i g h t j u s t o u t s i d e t h e l i t t l e v i l l a g e c a l l e d C l i n t o n , w h i c h w a s n o t u n l i k e a t o w n i n V e r m o n t . " A g a i n , t h e v i l l a g e o f S o d a C r e e k i s " n o t u n l i k e a s m a l l M i s s o u r i R i v e r t o w n " ; a n d a s i d e - t r i p t h r o u g h t h e o l d C a r i b o o m i n i n g d i s t r i c t " c a l l e d u p i n my m i n d v i s i o n s o f t h e h o t s a n d s , a n d t h e s u n - l i t b u t t e s a n d v a l l e y s o f A r i z o n a a n d M o n t a n a . . . . " x ± A s t h e s e c o n s t a n t l y r e c u r r i n g a l l u s i o n s s u g g e s t , T h e T r a i l o f t h e G o l d S e e k e r s i s a p r o l o n g e d n o s t a l g i c l a m e n t , n o t o n l y f o r t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e " w i l d p l a c e s " o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , b u t f o r t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e p i o n e e r e r a i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . I s h a l l n o t s o o n f o r g e t t h e s h i n i n g v i s t a s t h r o u g h w h i c h we r o d e , . . . n o r t h e m e a d o w s w h i c h p o s s e s s e d a l l t h e a l l u r e m e n t a n d m y s t e r y w h i c h t h e w o r d " s a v a n n a " h a s a l w a y s h a d f o r m e . I t w a s l i k e g o i n g b a c k t o t h e p r a i r i e s o f I n d i a n a , I l l i n o i s , a n d I o w a , a s t h e y w e r e s i x t y y e a r s a g o . . . .12 I n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t t o W h i t m a n ' s e n t h u s i a s t i c v i s i o n o f C a n a d a a s a v i r t u a l l y i n f i n i t e f r o n t i e r f o r f u t u r e A m e r i c a n p r o g r e s s a n d s e t t l e m e n t , G a r l a n d ' s n o r t h w e s t s e r v e s m a i n l y a s a r e m i n d e r t h a t a n o l d e r a n d s i m p l e r w a y o f l i f e , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e f r o n t i e r w h i c h p r o d u c e d i t , h a s a l m o s t v a n i s h e d f r o m h i s own c o u n t r y . 2 4 0 N o t e s t o C h a p t e r 10 X A 1 1 q u o t a t i o n s f r o m W h i t m a n ' s C a n a d i a n w r i t i n g s r e f e r t o S p e c i m e n D a y s , e d . F l o y d S t o v a l l (New Y o r k : New Y o r k U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 3 ) , o r t o W a l t W h i t m a n ' s D i a r y i n C a n a d a , w i t h E x t r a c t s f r o m O t h e r o f h i s D i a r i e s a n d L i t e r a r y N o t e - b o o k s , e d . W i l l i a m S l o a n e K e n n e d y ( B o s t o n : S m a l l , M a y n a r d , 1 9 0 4 ) . 2 A d e t a i l e d a n d w e l l d o c u m e n t e d o u t l i n e o f M u r r a y ' s l i f e a n d l i t e r a r y c a r e e r i s p r o v i d e d b y W a r d e r H . C a d b u r y i n h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n t o a r e c e n t r e p r i n t o f A d v e n t u r e s i n t h e W i l d e r - n e s s ( S y r a c u s e : T h e A d i r o n d a c k M u s e u m / S y r a c u s e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) . 3 W a l t W h i t m a n ' s D i a r y i n C a n a d a , p . 2 6 . 4 W . H . H . M u r r a y , D a y l i g h t L a n d ( B o s t o n : C u p p l e s a n d H u r d , 1 8 8 8 ) , p p . 9 5 , 1 4 7 , 1 4 0 , 3 1 2 . 5 I b i d . , p p . 1 4 6 - 4 7 . 6 I b i d . , p . 3 1 4 . 7 C h a r l e s D u d l e y W a r n e r , S t u d i e s i n t h e S o u t h a n d W e s t , w i t h C o m m e n t s o n C a n a d a ( L o n d o n : T . F i s h e r U n w i n , 1 8 9 0 ) , p . 4 3 7 . 8 I b i d . , p p . 4 5 3 , 4 5 5 . 9 J u l i a n R a l p h , On C a n a d a ' s F r o n t i e r (New Y o r k : H a r p e r & B r o t h e r s , 1 8 9 2 ) , p . 1 6 . x ^ H a m l i n G a r l a n d , T h e T r a i l o f t h e G o l d S e e k e r s : A  R e c o r d o f T r a v e l i n P r o s e a n d V e r s e (Ne