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John Vardill: a loyalist’s progress Wigely, Steven Graham 1975

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JOHN VARDILL: A LOYALIST'S PROGRESS by STEVEN GRAHAM WIGELY .A., U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a at I r v i n e , 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1975 In presenting this thesis i n partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History The University of Bri t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT This t h e s i s i s a study of a l o y a l i s t of the American Revolution named John . V a r d i l l . A n a t i v e of New York who went to England i n 1774, he was an Anglican clergyman, a pamphlet-eer, a p r o f e s s o r at King's College (New Y o r k ) , and a spy f o r the B r i t i s h . The purpose of the t h e s i s i s : 1. to t e l l h i s s t o r y , and 2. to argue that h i s l o y a l i s m was a p e r f e c t l y r e a -sonable consequence of h i s environment and experiences. The t e x t begins with an I n t r o d u c t i o n (Chapter I) which places V a r d i l l i n c o l o n i a l and E n g l i s h s o c i e t y , and j u s t i f i e s studying one who was n e i t h e r among the very powerful nor the very weak. I t then proceeds to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the circum-stances and substance of h i s c l a i m f o r compensation from the , B r i t i s h government a f t e r the war (Chapter I I ) . F o l l o w i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the c l a i m , the subsequent Chapters f i l l i n the d e t a i l s , and remark upon the roots of l o y a l t y . These Chapters begin with h i s b i r t h and education (Chap-t e r I I I ) , showing that becoming a t u t o r and prospective c l e r g y -man at King's College was an easy path to f o l l o w . Chapter IV considers the e p i s c o p a l debate of 1768 to 1770, which i n i t i a t e s V a r d i l l i n t o A n g l i c a n - P r e s b y t e r i a n warfare, and defines f o r him a r e l i g i o u s - p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . Chapter V i n s p e c t s h i s w r i t i n g s of 1772 against Dr. John Witherspoon of the College of New J e r s e y , and against the Tea Act o p p o s i t i o n of 1773, both of which s t r e n g t h -en h i s i n c i p i e n t l o y a l i s m before h i s departure f o r England f o r i i i o r d i n a t i o n . Chapter VI has him i n England, where he becomes Involved with the government's m i n i s t e r s through promoting a c h a r t e r f o r King's C o l l e g e , and advocating the establishment of an American episcopate. With the b a t t l e of Lexington, h i s v i s i t becomes an e x i l e , and he continues employment wi t h government (Chapter VII) as a w r i t e r , a d v i s e r , and spy, i n which capacity he per-forms one of the espionage "coups"of the war. A f t e r Saratoga and h i s a s s i s t a n c e w i t h p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the C a r l i s l e Peace Com-mission of 1778j h i s usefulness wanes; a f t e r w r i t i n g some pieces against the Yorkshire movement i n England i n 1780, he disappears. Chapter V I I I therefore p i c k s up where Chapter I I l e f t o f f , and regards the judgement of h i s c l a i m . This Chapter continues to V a r d i l l ' s death i n l 8 l l . The conclusion (Chapter IX) reviews the t h e s i s , and states the argument that l o y a l i s m was not unusual f o r V a r d i l l , and hence was not unusual f o r h i s l o y a l contemporaries.The conclu-s i o n r e j e c t s the notion that men l i k e V a r d i l l were at "odds" with t h e i r times, and argues i n s t e a d t h a t , p e r f e c t l y i n tune wi t h t h e i r times, they became in v o l v e d i n an argument which they l o s t ; and that t h e r e f o r e i t i s only h i n d s i g h t which makes them out to be narrowminded or unperceptive. Speculating on that premise, i t i s found that V a r d i l l perceived some of the problems of p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y America. i v CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION: A RATIONALE 1 I I NOVEMBER, 1784 6 I I I EARLY YEARS 13 IV APPRENTICE LOYALIST 29 V JOURNEYMAN LOYALIST 67 VI MASTER LOYALIST 89 V I I 'SERVANT OF THE CROWN 103 V I I I DEPENDENT OF THE CROWN 126 IX CONCLUSION 131 FOOTNOTES 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . 167 Chapter I INTRODUCTION: A RATIONALE The p r e s e n t work I s a study of the a c t i v i t i e s o f an American l o y a l i s t i d e n t i f i e d , i n the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , as "the Pope, M i l t o n , A d d i s o n , & S w i f t o f our Continent,""'" and 2 i n the t w e n t i e t h as "a r a t h e r unsavory c h a r a c t e r . " H i s name was John V a r d i l l . He was a man o f some o b s c u r i t y , and no g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e . Why, t h e n , a study o f what he d i d ? H i s r e l a t i v e o b s c u r i t y and unimportance are as oppo-s i t e s i d e s o f a c o i n . Had he been more i m p o r t a n t he would no doubt be l e s s o b s c u r e . But he o c c u p i e d a s t a t i o n i n the ranks of American l o y a l i s t s below the h i g h e s t l e v e l , and above the l o w e s t . And h i s p o s i t i o n i n England as the M i n i s -t r y ' s s e r v a n t , w h i l e p r i v i l e g e d compared t o o t h e r e x i l e s , was b l a n k e t e d beneath the numerous s t r a t a of government, and shared w i t h o t h e r p e r s o n a l i t i e s — l i k e Dr. Edward B a n c r o f t and P a u l W e n t w o r t h — o f g r e a t e r n o t o r i e t y . He h e l d , i n o t h e r words, i n America and i n E n g l a n d , a p l a c e of m i d d l i n g fame or consequence; and h i s a c t i o n s were such t h a t they but f e l l w i t h i n the bounds of a p o l i c y s e t by o t h e r s . He was n o t , t h e n , among t h a t g a l l e r y of e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y s t a t u e s t h a t 1 2 h i n d s i g h t sees surmounting the mists of time; he was not among the great heroes, nor among the great v i l l a i n s . Nor was he a part of that amorphous mass condescen-d i n g l y c a l l e d "the common people." The masses of men, women, and c h i l d r e n who held r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the success or f a i l -ure of government p o l i c y , who were i n some respects the government's and r e v o l u t i o n ' s j u s t i f i c a t i o n , who indeed forged p o l i c y by i t s execution, are together perhaps the most f i t f o r study. A great hero or a great v i l l a i n i s but t h e i r r e f l e c t i o n , " . . . l i k e a c h i l d h o l d i n g on to the straps i n -side a c a r r i a g e and imagining that he i s d r i v i n g i t . " But V a r d i l l was no more among the "masses" than he was a giant of h i s times. He probably saw l e s s a connection w i t h the f o r -mer, i n f a c t , than with the l a t t e r . A h i s t o r y from the "bottom up" w i l l not f i n d him. So w i t h i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l schema of c o l o n i a l or E n g l i s h s o c i e t y , V a r d i l l cannot be j u s t i f i e d by reference to a top or a bottom, f o r both of which h i s t o r y provides an I m p l i c i t l e g i t i m a c y . Why, then, to ask a second time, a study of what he did? The answer should already be evident: because to portray him as a l a r g e r man's puppet i n a con-s i d e r a t i o n of the l a r g e r man, or as a l e s s e r l o r d i n a study of h i s s u b j e c t s , d i s t o r t s what meaning he might have had, cramming him i n t o a b i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of h i s t o r y where there are only Great Rulers and "Miserable Pawns, wi t h 3 nothing but automatons i n between; and because V a r d i l l , w i t h many others, was n e i t h e r an h i s t o r i c a l giant nor an h i s t o r -i c a l midget, but in s t e a d shared c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both which combined to mark him away from e i t h e r . He was, i n the f i r s t p l a c e , a member of an i n t e l l i -g e n t s i a . He l i v e d as the b e n e f i c i a r y of an idea made per-vasive by the enlightenment: that there i s something e s p e c i a l l y v i r t u o u s , and deserving of p r i v i l e g e about making one's way with the mind. He was a t u t o r , a p r o f e s s o r , and a w r i t e r . He was a d i l e t t a n t e of philosophy, a member of a sel f - i m p o r t a n t I n t e l l e c t u a l c o t e r i e . He was an observer, an an a l y s t , who set h i s p l a t e and b u i l t h i s roof with the labours of the mind. This f a c t d i s t i n g u i s h e s him from the greater part of c o l o n i a l or E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . But even w i t h i n the world of i n t e l l e c t s he f e l l some-where close to the bottom, j u s t above c l e r k s , s e c r e t a r i e s , and students. He could not r e t a i n h i s place by h i s own d e c i s i o n . He was a dependent. A whole s e r i e s of o f f i c i a l s e x i s t e d above him, most of whom were ignorant of h i s e x i s -tence; but of the r e s t he re q u i r e d a t a c i t approbation. His were the exigencies of a bureaucrat, an i n t e l l e c t u a l and pub-l i s h e d one to be sure, but p o l i t i c a l l y s i m i l a r . He depended upon a r o y a l l y and parliamentary sanctioned p o l i t i c a l economy f o r the b a r t e r of i n t e l l e c t . He depended equ a l l y on a p o l i t i c a l attachment of a 4 sort d i f f e r e n t from the bureaucrat b u s i l y s c r i b b l i n g away i n some neglected o f f i c e who i s safe so long as the government s u r v i v e s . For h i s own advancement, i f he would have any, and f o r h i s own s e c u r i t y , V a r d i l l needed a usefulness. He needed a place i n the periphery of power. He found t h i s by w r i t i n g p o l i t i c a l l y expedient (though no doubt sin c e r e ) defences of i m p e r i a l and c o l o n i a l p o l i c y , and by attachment to more powerful p e r s o n a l i t i e s . Put another way, i t was i n -s u f f i c i e n t to be an employee of an i n s t i t u t i o n — K i n g ' s C o l l e g e — w h i c h i t s e l f depended on p o l i t i c a l t o l e r a n c e . He had as w e l l to be p e r s o n a l l y connected with the powerful. n Y e t another aspect of t h i s bureaucrat cum i n t e l l e c -t u a l attached to government was h i s membership i n the h i e r -archy of that r e l i g i o u s , s p i r i t u a l , s o c i a l , economic, evan-g e l i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , t r a n s a t l a n t i c o c t o p u s - l i k e would be c o l o n i a l juggernaut, the Anglican church. The impact of s p i r i t u a l i t y and r i g h t theology on the minds of men i s always hard to gauge, and presents a p e c u l i a r spec-t a c l e of irony and paradox i n the Age of Reason. But f o r V a r d i l l i t was al s o a more e a s i l y discussed aspect of h i s environment, completing, as i t were, the p o r t r a i t of the l o y a l i s t that l o y a l i s t h i s t o r i a n s have been t r y i n g to r e p a i n t f o r the l a s t decade. And i t i s i n h i s Anglican connection that a f u r t h e r p e c u l i a r i t y emerges. S a i l i n g to England f o r o r d i n a t i o n i n 5 177^, V a r d i l l s h o r t l y became one of the e a r l i e s t e x i l e s of the war. Spending the d u r a t i o n i n England, he was spared the v i o l e n c e , the witch hunting, and the d e c i s i o n s which forced others to f l y , and was given the opportunity of f i t -t i n g h i mself i n t o the E n g l i s h environment, which he d i d with a l a c r i t y , i n a way l a t e r e x i l e s were estopped from doing. And by v i r t u e of these circumstances he escaped much of what i t i s supposed to have meant to be a l o y a l i s t . So V a r d i l l f a l l s without most l o y a l i s t c l a s s i f i c a -t i o n s or c a t e g o r i e s . He was somewhere between the powerful and the weak, and o f f to one side away from mechanics and merchants. And since h i s place was n e i t h e r highest nor lowest, and o f f to one s i d e , he does not stand surmounting any mists of time. Leaving a middling record of h i s r a t h e r middling a c t i v i t i e s , he i s that much harder to see, i . e . , h i s i s a place of "some o b s c u r i t y . " What t h i s study attempts to do, i n s o f a r as i t seeks an o b j e c t i v e j u s t i f i c a t i o n , i s to peer below the highest echelons of the eighteenth century without going a l l the way to the "bottom," and to consider the experiences of John V a r d i l l as an i n d i c a t i o n of what went on w i t h at l e a s t a p o r t i o n of the l e s s powerful; h i s t o r y , as i t were, from the middle out. Chapter I I NOVEMBER, 1784 V a r d i l l awoke on the morning of the 9th i n a Norton Street London f l a t . Nearly a year e a r l i e r he had f i l e d a memorial and supporting documents with the Commission of Inquiry i n t o the losses and s e r v i c e s of the American l o y a l -i s t s . Now, at l a s t , h i s claim would be heard. He would make h i s appearance to give testimony and be cross-examined, h i s witnesses would appear ( i n h i s absence) and give t h e i r testimony and be cross-examined, and, i f everything went w e l l , he would be the happy r e c i p i e n t of government's t a n g i b l e r e c o g n i t i o n of i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the l o y a l refugees of the American Revolution; that i s , he would re c e i v e money. 1 Despite the a n t i c i p a t i o n , however, i t must a l s o have been a morning of nervousness f o r V a r d i l l , f o r i t was no l e s s an important than portentous occasion. The war was over, h i s ser v i c e s done; i t was e s s e n t i a l that he make good h i s c l a i m . And while h i s case was good, i t could not be p e r f e c t . Hence as he made h i s way from Norton Street to L i n c o l n ' s Inn F i e l d s , where the Commission was s i t t i n g , he no doubt r e f l e c t e d on h i s memorial, considered the case that he and h i s witnesses 6 7 would present, and, drawing on what remained of a f a i l e d p o l i t i c a l acumen, weighed h i s chances. He was able to conclude that h i s chances were good. In the f i r s t p l a c e , he knew l i t t l e about the Commission, and assumed a great d e a l . What l i t t l e he knew probably cen-t r e d on the Commission members. John Wilmot ( l a t e r Eardley-Wilmot) and D a n i e l Parker Coke were two independent members of parliament who had been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r an e a r l i e r money saving i n q u i r y concerning temporary l o y a l i s t pensions and who, i r o n i c a l l y enough, had voted against the war. Wilmot, moreover, was w i l l i n g to c r e d i t the l o y a l i s t s w ith t h e i r f a i r share i n the war's p r o t r a c t i o n and l o s s . Then there was the mystery Commissioner, John Marsh, known only as a c i v i l s e r -vant l a t e l y returned from I r e l a n d . The two others were m i l i t a r y men, Colonels Thomas Dundas and Robert Kingston, and they too shared an i r o n i c a l experience. They had both served i n America to p r o t e c t Great B r i t a i n and her l o y a l i s t s from the s i t u a t i o n they were now i n , and both had been messengers from the c a p i t u l a t i n g Generals to the p r e - c a p i t u l a t i o n cere-monies at B r i t a i n ' s most important American defeats: Dundas 2 at Yorktown and Kingston at Saratoga. That much V a r d i l l probably knew. He a l s o knew that parliament, the King, the House of Lords, the Commission, h i s f r i e n d s , i n s h o r t , everyone of any importance, recognized that the l o y a l i s t s deserved compensation. And he knew that 8 he himself deserved compensation. But what he d i d not know concerned the Commission's a t t i t u d e toward the deserving sup-p l i c a n t s . Along with most other claimants, V a r d i l l shared a kind of innocent optimism. The p r e v a i l i n g assumption among the claimants was that the most important part of t h e i r claims was the t o t a l value of the property and income they averred they had l o s t . They thought that the Commission would, a f t e r a perfunctory reading and a perfunctory standard deduction, make use of a rubber stamp. The l o y a l i s t s ' idea of a standard deduction flowed n a t u r a l l y from t h e i r pervasive f a i t h i n t h e i r own dishonesty, a f a i t h they thought the Com-mission shared. As a consequence they d i d two t h i n g s . F i r s t they i n f l a t e d t h e i r c l a i m s , without a c t u a l l y committing fraud, so that a l a r g e r amount would be l e f t a f t e r the deduc-t i o n . Then they l i s t e d losses they d i d not c l a i m to give the appearance of honesty, since they knew everyone suspected them. The Commissioners, i n f a c t , had a d i f f e r e n t i d e a . They d i d not need to suspect the claimants of dishonesty, f o r no matter how many losses the claimant d i d not c l a i m , he s t i l l had to prove the l o s s of the things he d i d c l a i m . And more im p o r t a n t l y , he had to show that the l o s t , claimed items were l o s t s p e c i f i c a l l y i n consequence of l o y a l t y . That, of course, was why the Commission r e q u i r e d witnesses and 9 supporting documents, why they e s t a b l i s h e d d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s of l o y a l i s t s depending on the nature of t h e i r l o y a l t y , and why they excluded c e r t a i n kinds of l o s s e s . And t h i s approach, turned around, was why some claimants, whose cheating t a c t i c s had f a i l e d to convince the Commission of t h e i r honesty, dubbed i t the " I n q u i s i t i o n " and f e l t the v i c t i m s of some i n -j u s t i c e . A f t e r a l l , l i s t i n g losses f o r which no c l a i m was made seemed persuasive evidence of good f a i t h , despite the f a c t that unclaimed losses were the e a s i e s t to i n f l a t e or i n v e n t , since no one would bother determining t h e i r l e g i t i -macy. In any event, V a r d i l l followed s u i t and l i s t e d losses he d i d not c l a i m , since he was an honest man. He even went a few steps f u r t h e r i n t h i s c l e v e r strategy and played down the importance of things he d i d not c l a i m , which gave the impression of candour; and he may have been the only claimant to l i s t unclaimed losses he d i d not l o s e , meaning h i s s t i l l l i v i n g f a t h e r ' s land i n New York, which i n the f i r s t place belonged to h i s f a t h e r , and which i n the second, f o r a l l V a r d i l l knew, as he t o l d the Commissioners, had not been con-f i s c a t e d . And with the r e s t , he gave a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s l o y a l t y and s e r v i c e s . He e n t i t l e d the f i r s t part of t h i s s t o r y "Loyalty and Services i n America," and began by i d e n t i f y i n g h imself as a "Native of Newyork & . . . l a t e Professor of N a t u r a l 10 Law & Moral Philosophy i n King's C o l l e g e , & a s s i s t a n t Min-i s t e r & Lecturer i n the Ep i s c o p a l Churches and Chapels i n that C i t y . " This was a good s t a r t , since i t sounded impor-t a n t , and as s o c i a t e d him with a number of other unfortunate notables who sprang from l i k e circumstances. He then went on to declare that he "had long been obnoxious to the Rebels from h i s uniform o p p o s i t i o n to t h e i r measures," which was something of an exaggeration, since V a r d i l l l e f t America before there were any r e b e l s . As a r e s u l t , perhaps, and be-cause the only things he could point to i n h i s American experience were " h i s w r i t i n g s In defence of the B r i t i s h Church & Government," he reached as f a r back as he could to produce examples of behaviour that the Commissioners might read as l o y a l i s m or, at l e a s t , i n c i p i e n t l o y a l i s m . Hence he c i t e d h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Whip f o r the American Whig (1768-69), when he was only nineteen or twenty years o l d , h i s pamphlet i n 1772 p r o t e c t i n g " E n g l i s h U n i v e r s i t i e s & Edu-c a t i o n i n general" from the attacks of Dr. John Witherspoon, h i s p u b l i c a t i o n s against the op p o s i t i o n being made to the Tea Act i n 1773, and various other l i t e r a r y i n v e n t ions which he and h i s witnesses would swear "had a great E f f e c t . " ^ S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r he "Came to London f o r O r d i n a t i o n . " At t h i s point h i s "Loyalty and Services i n England" began which, judging by the amount of space he a l l o t s to them, were more to the p o i n t . For a time he was something of a t o u r i s t on o f f i c i a l business. In a d d i t i o n to h i s o r d i n a t i o n , he promoted a charter f o r King's C o l l e g e , pursued a number of other e p i s c o p a l p r o j e c t s , attempted to corrupt the p a t r i -otism of two American congress members "by the promise of the o f f i c e of Judges," and continued h i s published defences of government. A l l of t h i s brought him i n t o contact w i t h persons i n the M i n i s t r y , and bought him the assurance that "He should be no Loser by h i s Zeal & S e r v i c e s . " V a r d i l l found himself i n a more important p o s i t i o n i n London than he had l e f t i n New York, and i t may have been without d i s s a t i s -f a c t i o n that he discovered, a f t e r prolonging h i s stay, that "He could no longer r e t u r n to Newyork with s a f e t y . " As a consequence "He devoted h i s time, from 1775 to 1781, to the s e r v i c e of Government," which now paid him E200 per annum f o r not being able to r e t u r n home. His devo-t i o n kept him busy. He proposed plans and procured persons, gathered i n t e l l i g e n c e and convinced American agents to "unbosom" themselves i n f a r f l u n g spy a c t i v i t i e s . His advice, "from an extensive American Correspondence," was sought a f t e r . He l i v e d on Downing S t r e e t . B r i t i s h Peace Commissioners consulted him. He found p u b l i s h e r s amenable, and the Yorkshire A s s o c i a t i o n a f i t object of p u b l i c a t i o n . In s h o r t , the war was k i n d to V a r d i l l , and provided t h i s p r ofessor with an excitement he was not l i a b l e to encounter i n h i s "Chambers, . . . C e l l a r , Yard & Garden" at King's 12 College. And the grand plum toward which he moved was a s p e c i a l l y created "Regius P r o f e s s o r s h i p of D i v i n i t y " i n s e r -ted by a g r a t e f u l King i n h i s c o l l e g e ' s c h a r t e r . A l l he needed f o r a s u c c e s s f u l war experience that would enable him to r e t u r n triumphantly to New York, take h i s Regius Profes-sor's c h a i r , and t e l l spy s t o r i e s i n h i s garden, was a B r i t i s h v i c t o r y . But these v i s i o n s went u n r e a l i z e d . His promising f u t u r e began f a d i n g at Yorktown, and he was ren-dered i n t o one of many l o y a l i s t s seeking compensation from an unimpressionable Commission which could have only l i m i t e d 7 sympathy f o r the V a r d i l l s of the Revolution. Hence he made h i s way on November 9th toward L i n c o l n ' s Inn F i e l d s . The optimism of the preceding ten years had passed; but s t i l l , h i s chances f o r compensation, he was able to conclude, were good. The b r i e f memorial with which he made h i s l a s t sanguine gamble with the B r i t i s h government was a remarkable d i s t i l l a t i o n of t h i r t y - f i v e 8 years whose estimated worth came to E500. On paper i t appeared very simple and concise, i f not reasonable; t h i r t y -f i v e years equal E500. But of course i t was not that simple. The memorial was not a dynamic c u l m i n a t i o n , i t was a s t a t i c sketch. The r e f l e c t i o n s and conjectures which could have occupied V a r d i l l ' s a t t e n t i o n on the way to the Commission, as with the spaces between the l i n e s of the memorial, were f i l l e d w ith d e t a i l s unwritten, motivations unrevealed, par-t i c u l a r s unrecorded. Chapter I I I EARLY YEARS He i s a Native of Newyork. . . . — M e m o r i a l of John V a r d i l l New York. " I t was a mercantile community," w r i t e s L. P. S. Upton, whose ". . . tone of l i f e was undoubtedly urban English."" 1" In 17^9 the c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n , white and black , hovered above 1 3 , 0 0 0 , packed i n t o a small area near 2 the t i p of Manhatten I s l a n d , growing s l o w l y . The immediate surroundings of the embryonic metropolis were pleasant. I t could s t i l l boast a n a t u r a l s h o r e l i n e , clean a i r and water, v i r g i n f o r e s t , open space. Manhattan was a geographical phenomenon i n those days, i n s t e a d of a human accident. But as a mercantile community, the paraphernalia of commerce was pervasive. "Innumerable small ships p l i e d the c o a s t a l waters," and l a r g e r ones the ocean, i n search of p r o f i t s to be d i s p l a y e d i n huge land holdings. Urban E n g l i s h , New York had l o s t no time i n importing the f a n t a s t i c a l n o t i o n of " r e a l property." Urban E n g l i s h , New York was a c l a s s i f i e d s o c i e t y . Rich important men went w e i g h t i l y about t h e i r petty businesses while the r e s t eked out va r y i n g degrees of 13 14 q u a s i - c i v i l i z e d subsistence. New York. Urban E n g l i s h , m e r c a n t i l e ; but equally fundamentally i t was an enlightenment community. Men owned slaves and punished p i c k p o c k e t i n g w i t h death. P i l l o r i e s , s t o c k s, whips, and the stake were s t i l l instruments of j u s -t i c e . God had e l e c t e d a c e r t a i n Hanoverian fa m i l y to the great B r i t i s h throne to r u l e a l l i t could grab by His D i v i n e Grace, and had s e n s i b l y given New Yorkers a r e a l l y remark-able t r a c t of Indian lands and the mission there to prosper. The Enlightened H y s t e r i a of the Great Awakening was j u s t passed; the d e v i l , presumably, s t i l l e x i s t e d . At the same time, i n t e l l e c t u a l New York b e l i e v e d p i e t i s t i c a l l y i n the e f f i c a c y of reason with a l l the fervour e a r l i e r generations had embraced w i t c h c r a f t , s i g n s , and p o r t e n t s . R a t i o n a l i s m formed the f e r t i l e ground f o r the growth of new dogmas and s u p e r s t i t i o n s : n a t u r a l r i g h t s , s o c i a l c o n t r a c t s , human improv-a b i l i t y , d i v i n e c l o c k s . C e r t a i n laws of nature and s o c i e t y had been discovered; the remainder l a y hidden by an a r t f u l 5 d e i t y , promising a panacea i f they could be found. The con-f l i c t and .intercourse of R a t i o n a l i s m and P i e t i s m meant that New York e x i s t e d i n a phantasmagoria of l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s -t e n c i e s where "the Holy S c r i p t u r e s teach the only true system of n a t u r a l philosophy as w e l l as the only true r e l i g i o n . " Poised between the Middle Ages and the modern world, New 7 York was at l e a s t as despicable as other human communities. 15 Into t h i s environment came John V a r d i l l on or about 5 J u l y 17^9, the son, a p p r o p r i a t e l y , of a c a p t a i n of one of the innumerable New York s h i p s , Thomas, and h i s wife Hannah 8 (nee T i e b o u t ) . The V a r d i l l f a m i l y was not p a t r i c i a n , but n e i t h e r was i t p e n n i l e s s . Captain V a r d i l l e v e n t u a l l y owned a house and separate l o t i n the c i t y , and l a t e r became, with h i s f r i e n d Joseph Jauncey (also a "mariner" and whose wife Thomas would subsequently i n h e r i t ) , a Port Warden. While nothing of f i n a l i t y can be s a i d of h i s s o c i a l connections, the Captain was on a f o o t i n g of s u f f i c i e n t intimacy w i t h an inn-keeper to be named executor of h i s w i l l . Hannah, the wife and mother, d i d not b r i n g any expensive s o c i a l or economic c r e -d e n t i a l s to the f a m i l y . The V a r d i l l s appear decidedly 9 middle c l a s s . But they were attuned to the p o t e n t i a l s of a son, and capable of seeing them pursued. In an urban E n g l i s h , m e r c a n t i l e , enlightenment community, education represented one important method of upward s o c i a l movement. I f the V a r d i l l s had not already considered t h i s f a c t i n regard to t h e i r son, the v i o l e n t controversy concerning the e s t a b l i s h -ment of a p r o v i n c i a l c o l l e g e to which they were now witness s u r e l y forced i t upon t h e i r a t t e n t i o n . New York d i d not have an i n s t i t u t i o n of higher l e a r n i n g i n 17^9 although, as with Anglican bishops, there 16 had been t a l k of one since the beginning of the century. The f i r s t p o s i t i v e step was taken i n 1746 when the P r o v i n c i a l Assembly r a i s e d more than E 2 , 0 0 0 f o r the p r o j e c t by means of a p u b l i c l o t t e r y . 1 ^ 1 A s e r i e s of s i m i l a r l o t t e r i e s followed u n t i l by 1 7 5 3 , with the a d d i t i o n of a d i v e r s i o n of excise taxes, more than E 6 , 0 0 0 had been vested i n a board of t r u s -tees composed of seven Anglicans, two Dutch Reformed, and Pre s b y t e r i a n W i l l i a m Livingston. 1" 1" But by 1753 the issue had al s o grown more complicated. A year e a r l i e r Anglican T r i n i t y Church had o f f e r e d " . . . any 12 Reasonable Quantity of [ i t s ] Farm" to the e n t e r p r i s e . Tainted by i t s ownership, the farmland so o f f e r e d was al s o o r i g i n a l l y intended f o r a church seminary, and the recentl y . a r r i v e d Anglican. W i l l i a m Smith h i n t e d at as yet unspoken con-13 d i t i o n s to the g i f t . Hence a Pr e s b y t e r i a n vanguard— t r u s t e e L i v i n g s t o n and h i s brethren i n ink W i l l i a m Smith, J r . , and John Morrin S c o t t — " r a i s e d a hideous clamor" at the scent 14 of a damnable scheme of Anglican enslavement. The pages of the Independent R e f l e c t o r , a " l i t e r a r y magazine" produced by the L i v i n g s t o n , Smith, and Scott " t r i u m v i r a t e , " blazed with the voice of offended reason and P r e s b y t e r i a n r i g h t e o u s -ness: a s e c t a r i a n c o l l e g e would be "A Cage as the S c r i p t u r e speaks, of every unclean B i r d . . . .—A Fountain whose p u t r i d and i n f e c t i o u s Streams w i l l overflow the Land, and poison a l l 15 our Enjoyments." Such noxious s c r i p t u l t i m a t e l y wrote the R e f l e c t o r out of p r i n t . 17 The Anglicans, perhaps l e s s maniacal, were no more p u b l i c s p i r i t e d . 1 ^ A c t i n g as though there were a dearth of open space, they championed the church proposal. The R e f l e c t o r ' s fears were p a r t i a l l y confirmed when two condi-t i o n s were attached to T r i n i t y ' s ten acres and i n s e r t e d i n the charter: that the President and prayer s e r v i c e s be f o r -ever Anglican. This posed a problem to a c t i n g Governor James DeLancey, who had to weigh h i s own Anglicanism against 17 that r e l i g i o n ' s small m i n o r i t y among the pop u l a t i o n . Anglicanism proved h e a v i e r , and the cha r t e r was approved by him and h i s c o u n c i l on October 31, 1754, l a t e r r e a f f i r m e d 18 by Governor Hardy. So f a r the controversy was r e l i g i o u s with p o l i t i c a l overtones: Anglican pro-Anglicans against mainly P r e s b y t e r i a n a n t i - A n g l i c a n s with Dutch Reformed and h e r e t i c s i n the middle. The question of the money, however, which s t i l l sat i n Assembly c o n t r o l l e d c o f f e r s , made the issue p o l i t i c a l w ith r e l i g i o u s overtones, and i t became subsumed i n a L i v i n g s t o n -DeLancey r i v a l r y . The net e f f e c t f o r King's C o l l e g e , as i t was c a l l e d , was nearly three years of w a i t i n g f o r an end to the Assembly deadlock, which refused money to a c o l l e g e whose charter i t d i d not approve, and refused to approve the c h a r t e r . 1 ^ The issue ended " f o r peace' s a k e " ^ i n 1756, when a compromise sent h a l f the funds to the c o l l e g e , and h a l f to the purchase of land and the " B u i l d i n g and E r e c t i n g 18 there on a proper Pest House," any remaining money to go f o r . 21 a new j a i l . While the c o l o n i a l government turned i t s a t t e n t i o n 22 to other matters e q u a l l y m i l i t a n t , Thomas V a r d i l l turned h i s a t t e n t i o n to h i s son, now nearly e i g h t . The p o s s i b i l i t y of a future connection between the son and the new n a t i v e c o l l e g e could not have been long i n coming to mind. But such a connection r e q u i r e d p r e p a r a t i o n . The c o l l e g e ' s f i r s t p r e s i d e n t , Samuel Johnson, had made i t c l e a r i n h i s i n i t i a l advertisement that candidates f o r admission must possess 23 c e r t a i n q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . Hence, despite what other courses the Captain might have thought agreeable f o r h i s son—some-t h i n g to do.with the sea perhaps—John was introduced to a regimen which would make him acceptable to Johnson's t u t e -lage . The nature of John's p r e - c o l l e g i a t e education i s hazy, but i t was probably Inadequate: Johnson remarked "that 24 our grammar schools are miserable." V a r d i l l might have studied at one of New York's own "miserable" grammar schools, or with any of a number of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s i n the c i t y 25 or elsewhere. In e i t h e r case he was subjected to the neces-sary i n c u l c a t i o n of L a t i n and Greek, the c l a s s i c s being of importance to any a s p i r i n g a p p l i c a n t . In 1754 Johnson hoped h i s e n t e r i n g students would have, i n a d d i t i o n to the a b i l i t y 19 to read and w r i t e and a knowledge of "the Five f i r s t Rules i n A r i t h m e t i c , " . . . a good Knowledge of the Grammars, and be able to make grammatical L a t i n , and . . . to give a good Account of two or three of the f i r s t s e l e c t Orations of T u l l y , and of the f i r s t Books of V i r g i l ' s A?rieid, and some of the f i r s t Chapters of the Gospel of St. John, i n Greek. 2 But boys of John's age, and t h e i r parents, were warned that 27 "higher Q u a l i f i c a t i o n s must h e r e a f t e r be expected." They were a l s o warned that the s u c c e s s f u l candidate would be more than a budding creature of i n t e l l e c t . Johnson was as w e l l l o o k i n g f o r students who had been t r a i n e d " . . . from t h e i r Cradles under s t r i c t Government, and i n a l l Seriousness, V i r t u e and Industry, that they may be q u a l i f i e d to make 2 8 o r d e r l y and t r a c t a b l e members of t h i s S o c i e t y , " an admoni-t i o n hardly l i k e l y to have been l o s t on V a r d i l l ' s t u t o r s . So from an e a r l y age Master V a r d i l l experienced t r a i n i n g i n the a r t s of the i n t e l l e c t and of v i r t u o u s , o r d e r l y , above a l l , p l e a s i n g behaviour. Education, however, was even then a r e c i p r o c a l a f f a i r , and V a r d i l l proved to be a student who, when lead to the water of knowledge and proper conduct, would d r i n k . In f a c t he probably showed r e a l promise, inasmuch as he showed r e a l promise a l l h i s l i f e , and by the age of t h i r t e e n he had learned the i n s u l a r language and sober decorum of the almost educated w e l l 29 enough to gain admission. 20 V a r d i l l ' s four years at King's spanned the l a s t year of Johnson's presidency, and the f i r s t three of Myles Cooper's. Although Johnson "was a l l along consulted" i n the establishment of the c o l l e g e , and had penned some pieces i n i t s favour, he was l u r e d away from Connecticut and h i s Anglican m i n i s t r y only with d i f f i c u l t y . He complained of h i s age ( f i f t y - s e v e n years) a f e a r of New York smallpox, 30 and he could not see any m a t e r i a l advantage i n moving. However, the p r e s t i g e and p o s s i b i l i t y of p u b l i c s e r v i c e with a r e l a t i v e l y free hand helped him accept the o f f e r , as w e l l as h i s appointment as a s s i s t a n t m i n i s t e r of T r i n i t y 31 Church. In form, h i s curriculum was based on the E n g l i s h model through i t s m a n i f e s t a t i o n at Yale, where he had r e -ceived h i s own education; but i n substance i t owed more to Johnson's personal preoccupations. The object of a Johnson-King's education had been c l e a r l y set f o r t h i n the adver-tisement of 1754: "The c h i e f Thing that i s aimed at i n t h i s College i s , to teach and engage the C h i l d r e n to know God i n Jesus C h r i s t , and to love and serve him . . . ; and to t r a i n them up i n a l l v i r t u o u s H a b i t s , . . . and u s e f u l Knowledge."~ Moreover, i t i s c l e a r he saw i t as King's mission to extend the moral and e t h i c a l t r a i n i n g he hoped the students would 33 have r e c e i v e d at home. What t h i s meant i n p r a c t i c e , and f o r t h i r t e e n - y e a r -21 o l d V a r d i l l , was a succession of i n c r e d i b l y f u l l days, wherein almost every waking moment was accounted f o r , a feat 34 made e a s i e r by i n - c o l l e g e residence. Since most students a r r i v e d i n t e l l e c t u a l l y i l l - p r e p a r e d , the f i r s t two years were taken up, under Johnson, with L a t i n and Greek. Even here the moral dose was heavy. Johnson expected to teach h i s students "languages and r e l i g i o n and m o r a l i t y at the 35 same time." When the student was not i n c l a s s , he was l i k e l y to be doing one of four t h i n g s : e a t i n g , s l e e p i n g , studying, or praying. The most l i k e l y was the l a s t , f o r while the c o l l e g e promised not to i n d o c t r i n a t e Anglicanism, i t was dedicated to C h r i s t i a n i t y , and students found them-selves "engaged i n p u b l i c prayer every s e v e r a l hours" and under the requirement to pray p r i v a t e l y i n t h e i r rooms. In a normal twenty-four hour day, V a r d i l l could look forward 37 to having about two hours to hi m s e l f . N a t u r a l l y , even these two hours were not r e a l l y h i s own. I f the p u r i t y of h i s f u l l schedule prevented him from c u l t i v a t i n g any healthy v i c e s , Johnson's e f f o r t s to make hi s students " p e r p e t u a l l y upon [ t h e i r ] guard against a l l 3 8 temptations" completed h i s i n s u l a t i o n from humanity. The panoply of a t t a i n t e d behaviour i n c l u d e d , not s u r p r i s i n g l y , most of the things a c o l l e g e student might want to do: "Drunkenness, F o r n i c a t i o n , L y i n g , Theft, Swearing, . . . f i g h t [ i n g ] Cocks, p l a y [ i n g ] at Cards [or] Dice, . . . 22 s l a n d e r i n g , or Grievously Abusing any person . . . or keep[ing] Company with any persons of known scandalous be-39 haviour." V a r d i l l ' s f i r s t two years of c o l l e g e , then, were spent i n a s t r i c t l y ordered existence from sunrise to sunset which, f o r a l l i t might have seemed s e n s i b l e i n the eigh-teenth century, i s no l e s s remarkable. This p i c t u r e of King's College l i f e , i n f a c t , i s so r i g i d l y pure that i t i s impossible to b e l i e v e anyone, even V a r d i l l who worked hard at being the model student, could have survived four years without t r a n s g r e s s i o n , a f a c t confirmed by the i n t r o d u c t i o n 40 of the Black Book some years l a t e r . One m i t i g a t i n g c i r -cumstance, however, was that under Johnson the student could look to h i s l a s t two years f o r a p a r t i a l escape from the c l a s s i c s , where the study of mathematics and the p r a c t i c e 4' of experimental philosophy would at l e a s t represent a change. But t h i s expectation faded w i t h the a r r i v a l of Myles Cooper, an event of importance to V a r d i l l no l e s s than to the c o l l e g e . Cooper was born i n England, educated at Oxford, and an ordained Anglican. He had been r e c r u i t e d through Dr. Thomas Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, to f i l l Johnson's request f o r a new professor and prospective self-replacement. A f t e r an e x c i t i n g passage, Cooper and h i s ship a r r i v e d i n 42 America i n 1762. By that date, Johnson's o r i g i n a l com-p l a i n t s against New York had grown acute. He was now 23 s i x t y - s i x , h i s f i r s t wife had di e d , and he had been forced to leave New York and the c o l l e g e twice—amounting to about two y e a r s — o n account of smallpox. In 1763, h i s second w i f e , whom the unromantic Johnson had married from "want of a 43 c a r e f u l and d i s i n t e r e s t e d housekeeper," and whom the un-heroic president had deserted on her death bed to avoid her contagion, died of h i s dreaded bane; Johnson's r e l a t i o n w i t h 44 smallpox appearing almost as one with the supernatural. In any case, age, weariness, smallpox, and the lo s s of a housekeeper, coupled with l e s s than f e l i c i t o u s r e l a t i o n s with the King's College Governors, opened the way f o r Cooper's e a r l y ascension to pr e s i d e n t . A f t e r some haggling, 45 he also received Johnson's s a l a r y at T r i n i t y Church. Cooper's curriculum was, i f anything, more backward f a c i n g than Johnson's, based wholeheartedly on h i s own Oxford. His educational plan c a l l e d f o r students l i k e V a r d i l l — a sophomore i n Cooper's f i r s t year as p r e s i d e n t — t o continue with c l a s s i c s , e t h i c s , r h e t o r i c , and l o g i c , i n s t e a d of the 46 expected a t t e n t i o n to more modern su b j e c t s . At the same time, he shared Johnson's preoccupation with r i g h t and v i r -tuous conduct. In f a c t he was even more c a r e f u l of i t , " p r e f e r r i n g , " he wrote l a t e r , "to plague myself r a t h e r than 47 not carry t h i s necessary p o i n t . " He was as good as h i s word. In the case of a c e r t a i n "D." f o r i n s t a n c e , who had refused "to open h i s Door when repeatedly c a l l e d upon by the 24 President," Cooper caused "four Doors to be broke open be-fore he could be l a i d hold of . . . found, at l a s t , i n the 48 Room opposite to h i s own, where he had h i d h i m s e l f . " One of the new president's f i r s t changes had to do with a new fence and the appointment of a guard f o r the c o l l e g e gates, 49 to more e f f i c i e n t l y deal with wandering or tardy students. Even so, Cooper's y o u t h — a f a c t that had o r i g i n a l l y 50 caused some d i f f i c u l t y — h e l p e d make him more personable. The intense d i s c i p l i n a r i a n i s described as one who enjoyed the combination of good l i q u o r and conversation. He a l s o wrote E n g l i s h verse, owing no doubt to h i s e a r l y a s s o c i a t i o n with an " e c c e n t r i c poet," and introduced t h i s t a s t e to the c u r r i c u l u m , along w i t h a new a t t e n t i o n to w r i t i n g d i s p u t a -t i o n s i n E n g l i s h . I t was probably Cooper who sparked 51 V a r d i l l ' s p o l i t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d p o e t i c a l nature. Younger and more personable, Cooper was undoubtedly more approachable, given the r i g h t demeanour. I t was only a short time before V a r d i l l became a f a v o u r i t e . The means by which t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p took shape probably had to do with V a r d i l l ' s choice of a career. The vast m a j o r i t y of h i s f e l l o w students were i n t e n t on becoming lawyers or b u s i -nessmen. Johnson and other Anglicans had complained of t h i s , n o ting w i t h Samuel Auchmuty that "The Church of C h r i s t i s 52 s t a r v i n g f o r want of s p i r i t u a l Teachers." Cooper was no l e s s concerned with f i l l i n g gaps i n Anglican ranks, and kept 25 a l e r t f o r promising prospective clergymen. V a r d i l l was one of few to move toward the m i n i s t r y , a d e c i s i o n l i k e l y made 5 3 w e l l before graduation. Together w i t h h i s a b i l i t i e s , " h i s assiduous a p p l i c a t i o n to study," and perhaps as w e l l h i s 54 "most engaging sweetness of d i s p o s i t i o n , " t h i s f a c t s i n g l e d him out to Cooper's eye. I t was probably thus that V a r d i l l entered upon a r e l a t i o n s h i p that would introduce him to the inner c i r c l e s of the c o l o n i a l Anglican h i e r a r c h y . The acquaintanceship a l s o had the immediate advantage of p r o v i d i n g employment upon graduation. I f V a r d i l l had worked hard at being a proper student, from 1766 to 1773 he worked at being the model t u t o r and prospective churchman. An anonymous supporter l a t e r s a i d of him during t h i s p e r i o d that "His character has been ever c l e a r of even the s u s p i c i o n of v i c e or l e v i t y : on the cont r a r y , he i s , and always has been remarkably grave and s e r i o u s . " The same supporter de-c l a r e d that i t was "a devout r e l i g i o u s t u r n of mind, which 55 s o l e l y induced him to enter holy orders." Perhaps so, but then i t i s u n l i k e l y one would profess some other reason f o r the choice. V a r d i l l h i mself l a t e r remembered that "he formed and d i r e c t e d h i s studies c h i e f l y with a view to h i s 56 Appointments i n the Church & College at Newyork." These studies continued a f t e r graduation. In prepar-a t i o n f o r h i s church appointment, he pursued a course of independent t h e o l o g i c a l reading, probably w i t h the a i d of President Cooper. For h i s c o l l e g e appointment, he under-went a kind of apprenticeship as a t u t o r , and "gave up h i s time as a "Volunteer, i n the promotion of L i t e r a t u r e i n the . . . College," and devoted "every Day, Vacations excepted, to Teaching the C l a s s i c k s , Ancient & Modern H i s t o r y , R h e t o r i c , Moral Philosophy & Nat u r a l Law to the Students." In f a c t , he expansively discharged "every laborious Duty of a Profes-sor or Tutor, without any Fee or Reward whatsoever from the ^8 C o l l e g e . " D At the same time he a s s i s t e d Dr. Samuel Clossy i n h i s 59 anatomical l e c t u r e s . This must have been of great i n t e r e s t . The nascent clergyman learned more than the ordinary p r i e s t was l i k e l y to know from f i r s t hand experience about at l e a s t one unarguable aspect of the true nature of man. Clossy de-s c r i b e s one of h i s l e c t u r e s : I d i s s e c t e d a Male Black f o r the Sake of the Skeleton, he belonged to a f r i e n d of mine and died of gripes and a Jaundice, i n the lower b e l l y I found the small I n t e s -t i n e s pale Yellow, Carneous, t h i c k as the Colon, the diameter of my l i t t l e f i n g e r , and f i l l e d w ith nought but Yellow b i l e , the G a l l bladder very large and t u r g i d w i t h green b i l e . . . .60 For nearly seven years, then, u n t i l h i s e l e c t i o n as a bona  f i d e p rofessor of n a t u r a l law and moral philosophy, V a r d i l l was thus occupied: an o f f i c i a l l y unpaid t u t o r (though Clossy paid him about E30 currency per annum out of h i s own pocket)^ 1 reading theology. 27 This steady movement from student to t u t o r to candi-date f o r orders was so smooth, so apparently premeditated, that i t v i r t u a l l y leads to c a l l i n g V a r d i l l a l o y a l i s t i n 1766. But by that date the deeper p o l i t i c a l and r e v o l u t i o n -ary i m p l i c a t i o n s of h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with Cooper, Anglicanism, and King's were hidden; only the more immediate inferences were v i s i b l e . At the s t a r t of h i s career V a r d i l l could under-stand the h i s t o r y of h i s c o l l e g e and the r o l e played t h e r e i n by h i s r e l i g i o n , to both of which he was developing a f i r m attachment. Moreover, as Upton w r i t e s , "no.'literate c i t i z e n of the colony could f a i l to acquire a p o l i t i c a l education," a f a c t assured by the spectacle of c o l o n i a l Stamp Act oppo-s i t i o n . But i f V a r d i l l understood the "toryism" of h i s tendencies, there i s nothing unusual i n t h a t . Even without a close a s s o c i a t i o n with Anglican Cooper, King's seems to have been capable of e x e r t i n g a conservative i n f l u e n c e upon i t s students. Johnson had been engaged i n a s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y conservative, i n f a c t , r e a c t i o n a r y , program of i n d o c t r i n a -t i o n , convinced, as he was, that he l i v e d i n a "wicked s t u p i d 6 3 age." Cooper's changes d i d nothing to e r a d i c a t e t h i s i n i t i a l conservative b i a s ; i f anything he strengthened i t . While the r o l e of King's i n making l o y a l i s t s i s n e c e s s a r i l y moot, the overwhelming m a j o r i t y of i t s graduates became l o y a l i s t s . And among those who d i d n o t — l i k e V a r d i l l ' s f r i e n d and classmate John Jay—some at l e a s t remained 28 64 "p r o t e s t a n t s " (torys) to the r e v o l u t i o n . King's was poor s o i l f o r s e d i t i o n . S t i l l , V a r d i l l ' s p o l i t i c a l sense was maturing. And p o l i t i c s i s foremost a matter of power arrangements; power arrangements having to do with men, not wit h mysterious, e t h e r e a l " f o r c e s " that f l o a t l i k e clouds to r a i n upon one party or another. In 1766, V a r d i l l could comprehend that Myles Cooper and h i s Anglican a s s o c i a t e s represented a cer-t a i n kind of power, and as such a means of advancement. P o s s i b l y the primary c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n " j o i n i n g " Cooper, be-coming a t u t o r , studying theology, and ev e n t u a l l y becoming an Anglican advocate, was not so much that that i s what he wanted to do (though apparently he d i d ) , but that Cooper would l e t him do i t . I t can ther e f o r e be no wonder that V a r d i l l should have taken the opportunity presented and hitc h e d h i s wagon to an Anglican team. Chapter IV APPRENTICE LOYALIST He has long been obnoxious to the Rebels . . . from h i s Writings i n defence of the B r i t i s h Church & Government against the P e r i o d i c a l Papers c a l l e d The American Whig — M e m o r i a l of John V a r d i l l Although V a r d i l l graduated i n 1766, h i s education at the hands of Johnson and Cooper had s c a r c e l y commenced. As a p o t e n t i a l c l e r i c , V a r d i l l had a personal understanding of h i s p r o f e s s o r s ' primary e c c l e s i a s t i c a l preoccupation: o b t a i n -i n g bishops f o r America. Johnson had been advocating such a move since the 1750's. Cooper, though l a t e l y a r r i v e d on the continent, q u i c k l y learned that a middle-colony Anglican leader must be a champion of episcopacy. The same lesson was impressed upon V a r d i l l by a s e r i e s of events beginning i n h i s graduating year. His con-tinued close a s s o c i a t i o n with Cooper as a t u t o r and theology student at King's soon brought him i n t o a p r o t r a c t e d pamphlet war over the e p i s c o p a l question, which together h i s former mentors could j u s t l y claim a large measure of the c r e d i t f o r s t a r t i n g . I t was a debate which i n four years would t r a n s l a t e 29 30 V a r d i l l ' s vague ideas of the p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of A n g l i -canism i n New York, i n t o an e x p l i c i t r e l i g i o u s and c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l stance already c a r r y i n g the seeds of l o y a l t y . The need of bishops had only l a t e l y been r e a f f i r m e d . For want of an American episcopate, Mr. G i l e s of New York and Mr. Wilson of P h i l a d e l p h i a met untimely death when t h e i r ship was "dashed to pieces near Cape Henlon." With no American bishops, c o l o n i a l Anglicans were forced to go to England f o r o r d i n a t i o n . F i f t y - o n e had gone. The l o s s of G i l e s and Wilson brought to ten the number "who had l o s t t h e i r precious l i v e s i n going from hence f o r Holy Orders, e i t h e r by sea or s i c k n e s s . " 1 I t was a worse than clumsy way to run a r e l i g i o n . With the c o s t , inconvenience, and d i s -suading odds of one i n f i v e , no wonder, indeed, that the Church of England i n America starved f o r s p i r i t u a l teachers. And i f the need pressed, the time seemed r i p e . The New Jersey Anglican convention of 1765 had been c h a s t i s e d by Bishop T e r r i c k of London f o r i t s unseasonable request. But by l a t e 1766 the c o l o n i e s were s l i d i n g down the near side of the Stamp Act watershed, appearing to r e l a p s e i n t o quiescence. The obnoxious l e g i s l a t i o n repealed, Parliament paused before i t s attempted c i r c u m l o c u t i o n v i a Townshend's formula f o r e x t e r n a l taxes. A f a l s e sense of s t a b i l i t y per-vaded the imaginative p o l i t i c a l p erception of many American 31 Anglicans, and set the stage f o r Thomas Bradbury Chandler's p u b l i c appeal.^ The idea f o r an appeal to the p u b l i c on behalf of episcopacy o r i g i n a t e d with Samuel Johnson. He thought i t "hi g h l y expedient that a pamphlet should be w r i t t e n p r o f e s -sedly on the s u b j e c t , f o r the information of a l l p a r t i e s , showing that the Episcopate proposed was of such a nature as not to i n t e r f e r e with the c i v i l or r e l i g i o u s r i g h t s of people of any rank or denomination whatever." The sugges-t i o n f o r such a " j u d i c i o u s t r a c t " was tr a n s m i t t e d to Chandler by Myles Cooper j u s t before the E p i s c o p a l Convention of 1766, over which Chandler would p r e s i d e , held at Shrewsbury, New Jersey. Chandler agreed to attempt the task, although he thought "The Doctor himself would have been the proper person to execute h i s own proposal" i f not prevented from so doing by a tremor i n h i s hand. Once committed, Chandler persuaded the convention, which represented f i v e c o l o n i e s , to commis-s i o n the pamphlet's production as part of a c l e a r and f o r c e -f u l plan f o r an episcopacy. A f t e r working on the p u b l i c address f o r the b e t t e r part of a year, "urged and a s s i s t e d " by Johnson, the i r r e p r e s s i b l y o p t i m i s t i c Chandler was f u l l of hope at the end of summer, 1767: "as soon as a f f a i r s w i l l admit of i t , bishops w i l l be granted us." F u l l of confidence, he published h i s Appeal to the P u b l i c i n Behalf of the Church of England i n America. 32 I t was an important p u b l i c a t i o n . B r i n g i n g together most of the serious arguments i n favour of bishops, i t could be taken as an o f f i c i a l , or q u a s i - o f f i c i a l , statement of an i n t e r - c o l o n i a l Anglican convention which appeared to d e l i n -eate the p o s i t i o n of a l l e p i s c o p a l supporters. But i t s impor-tance to V a r d i l l was not merely so general". I t not only set events i n motion which would i n v o l v e him i n a b i t t e r news-paper controversy; i t s arguments represented a system of thought to which V a r d i l l would e x p l i c i t l y a t t a c h himself i n h i s own w r i t i n g . And since h i s eventual p o s i t i o n arose as w e l l from the arguments of e p i s c o p a l o p p o s i t i o n , both the Appeal and i t s answers mark the s t a r t i n g point f o r an under-standing of V a r d i l l ' s p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p h i l o s -ophy . Chandler stayed close to Johnson's o r i g i n a l d i r e c -t i v e . He struggled w i t h p a r t i a l success to maintain a low and i n o f f e n s i v e p r o f i l e which would a l l o w reason, despite h i s complaint that "we l i v e i n an Age, i n which the Voice of 7 Reason w i l l not be heard," to do i t s work. A f t e r a some-what extraneous attempt to e x p l a i n why bishops should e x i s t i n the f i r s t p l a c e — e x t r a n e o u s because t h e i r existence hinged on an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of s c r i p t u r e which ended up amounting to an a r t i c l e of f a i t h — C h a n d l e r proceeded to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e i r f u n c t i o n s and, t h e r e f o r e , why g they were needed i n America. 33 These fu n c t i o n s f e l l under three heads: government, co n f i r m a t i o n , and o r d i n a t i o n . Without bishops to perform these three e s s e n t i a l s , the American church was i n a p i t i -able c o n d i t i o n . F i r s t , because i t was the bishop.'.s province to s i t at the head of the church o r g a n i z a t i o n . He was the c h i e f a d m i n i s t r a t o r , the fount of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . Without him there could be but l i t t l e u n i t y w i t h i n the church; Anglican conventions, which suppl i e d what l i t t l e cohesion there was, were only a stopgap i n n o v a t i o n . Nor could there be proper d i s c i p l i n e . Even though the church i n America operated according to the same laws as i n England, that f a c t d i d not obviate the need. With a statement r e a d i l y a p p l i c a b l e to p o l i t i c s or i m p e r i a l r e l a t i o n s , ' C h a n d l e r drew a f i n e l i n e : a f t e r a l l , Men's governing themselves by c e r t a i n Rules and Laws, and t h e i r being governed by others, who have a proper A u t h o r i t y , although according to the same Laws, are Things that w i l l ever be found to be d i f f e r e n t . . . . [ I ] t i s only i n the l a t t e r case, that Health and Vigor and Permanency can be reasonably expected.9 Chandler q u i c k l y reassured h i s readers that t h i s governing power would not extend over the l a i t y , who were i n any case unimpressed with a s p i r i t u a l bishop's u l t i m a t e power of excom-munication. The a u t h o r i t y would i n s t e a d be d i r e c t e d at mis-creant clergymen, with whom i t was p r e s e n t l y d i f f i c u l t to de a l . The mere presence of the symbol'of d i s c i p l i n e , thought Chandler, would make the c l e r g y more r e g u l a r i n t h e i r 34 behaviour. D e r i v a t i v e of the f i r s t power were the second two: confirma t i o n and o r d i n a t i o n . None but a bishop could perform the necessary ceremony whereby a baptised member of the church v o l u n t a r i l y confirmed h i s baptismal promise of f a i t h and membership. 1 1 Chandler ignored the i m p l i c a t i o n that the vast m a j o r i t y of American Anglicans must t h e r e f o r e have been of a very i n f e r i o r nature i n the eyes of the church. He was anxious to get on to h i s c e n t r a l p o i n t : o r d i n a t i o n . The absence of t h i s power was the bane of c o l o n i a l Anglicanism. Only a bishop, of course, could perform the r i t e c r e a t i n g new c l e r g y , and Chandler took i t as a matter of r i g h t that new c l e r g y should be created. The inconven-ience, and bad l u c k , consequent to an A t l a n t i c voyage f o r holy orders was cons i d e r a b l e , and Chandler c i t e d again the r a t i o of one i n f i v e l o s t . He al s o remarked on the cost: £100. The net e f f e c t , and t h i s was the f o c a l point of the argument's l o g i c , was an acute shortage of m i n i s t e r s . There were only ten m i n i s t e r s f o r twenty-one New Jersey churches; i n Pennsylvania t h e . f i g u r e s were s i x and twenty-nine. I f these f i g u r e s were caused by the problems i n c i d e n t to o r d i n -a t i o n , as Chandler and many others b e l i e v e d , then a removal of the problems, and inconveniences by the a r r i v a l of a bishop would induce a l l of those who had been p r e v i o u s l y d e t e r r e d , and those who would have been deterred i n the f u t u r e , to rush 35 i n and s w e l l the numbers of the c o l o n i a l c l e r g y . Small numbers, however, were not the only problem of the present system. Although small i n q u a n t i t y , the e x i s t i n g c l e r g y were not n e c e s s a r i l y of the highest q u a l i t y . Bishops i n London could have but a poor knowledge of the candidates, despite l e t t e r s of recommendation. On the c o n t r a r y , i t was lamentably p o s s i b l e f o r "wretches, as are not only a scandal to the Church, but a Disgrace to the human Species," to be 12 " f r a u d u l e n t l y and s u r r e p t i t i o u s l y " ordained. At t h i s point Chandler switched to a more general -i z e d j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the proposal to strengthen the church. Indeed, what he j u s t i f i e d now was l e s s the i m p o r t a t i o n of bishops, than the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r o l e of the church i t s e l f . The impulse to extend r e l i g i o n , he argued, stemmed not only from a n a t u r a l d e s i r e of people "to exert them-s e l v e s , f o r the P r e s e r v a t i o n and S e c u r i t y of whatever they esteem and hold to be v a l u a b l e , " but a l s o from a fundamental P r i n c i p l e of sound and c o n s i s t e n t P o l i c y , which n e c e s s a r i l y r e q u i r e s the P r o t e c t i o n and S e c u r i t y of the n a t i o n a l R e l i g i o n . For as some R e l i g i o n has ever been thought, by the wisest L e g i s l a t o r s , to be necessary f o r the S e c u r i t y of C i v i l Government, and a c c o r d i n g l y has always been interwoven i n t o the C o n s t i -t u t i o n of i t ; so, i n every Nation, that R e l i g i o n which i s thus d i s t i n g u i s h e d , must be looked upon as, i n the Opinion of the L e g i s l a t u r e , the best f i t t e d f o r t h i s great purpose.13 Thus the Anglicans, bound by the "sacred Ties of . . . r e l i g -ious P r i n c i p l e s and C h r i s t i a n Duty, to support, to the 36 utmost, the N a t i o n a l C i v i l C o n s t i t u t i o n , " formed a bulwark 14 f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of the C o n s t i t u t i o n . Since "no Trumpet of S e d i t i o n was ever heard to sound from our P u l p i t s , " the church was "a f u l l S e c u r i t y to the Government f o r our hon-ouring the King, and not meddling w i t h them that are given 15 to change." I t therefore followed that t h i s c o n s e r v a t i v e , s t a b i l i z i n g i n s t i t u t i o n should be granted every opportunity I t to grow u n f e t t e r e d , i . e . , American bishops should be landed. F i n a l l y , Chandler returned to the more moderate th r u s t of Johnson's o r i g i n a l d i r e c t i v e : that bishops, though obviously supportive of c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , would nonetheless be s p i r i t u a l i n nature, and n e i t h e r a r e l i g i o u s nor a p o l i t i -c a l t h r eat to any D i s s e n t e r . His o f t e n quoted assurance i s e n t i r e l y c l e a r : That the Bishops to be sent to America, s h a l l have no A u t h o r i t y , but purely of a S p i r i t u a l and E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Nature, such as i s derived a l t o g e t h e r from the Church and not from the S t a t e — T h a t t h i s A u t h o r i t y s h a l l oper-ate only upon the Clergy of the Church, and not upon the L a i t y nor Dissenters of any Denominations—That the Bishops s h a l l not i n t e r f e r e w i t h the Property or P r i v i -l e ges, whether c i v i l or r e l i g i o u s of Churchmen or D i s -s e n t e r s — T h a t , i n p a r t i c u l a r , they s h a l l have no Concern with the Probate of W i l l s , L e t t e r s of Guardianship and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , or Marriage-Licenses, nor be Judges of any cases r e l a t i n g thereto.17 Despite t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n , there was much i n the pam-phlet to be argued w i t h , not the l e a s t of which was i t s s i n -c e r i t y and candour. But at f i r s t i t produced l i t t l e reac-t i o n , owing p a r t l y , perhaps, to a poor c i r c u l a t i o n , but a l s o 37 t o a p r e c e d e n t event a c r o s s the w a t e r . When C h a n d l e r ' s a p p e a l f i r s t appeared, i t was but the second p a r t o f an un-c o o r d i n a t e d two-pronged t r a n s - a t l a n t i c A n g l i c a n advance. Of t h i s o t h e r "prong," C a r l Bridenbaugh w r i t e s : "No A n g l i c a n p r e l a t e o f the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y committed as g r e a t an i n -d i s c r e t i o n as d i d John Ewer, B i s h o p o f L l a n d a f f , when he preached the a n n u a l sermon b e f o r e the S.P.G. [ S o c i e t y f o r 18 the P r o p a g a t i o n of the G o s p e l ] on F e b r u a r y 20, 1767-" T h i s v i v a c i o u s address momentarily p r e v e n t e d c o l o n i a l a t t e n -t i o n from c e n t e r i n g on C h a n d l e r ' s work, and w i t h good r e a s o n . I n s e n s i t i v e t o the s l i g h t e s t p r e c a u t i o n and u n c a r i n g whether h i s p r o f i l e be h i g h or low, o f f e n s i v e or p l e a s i n g , B i s h o p Ewer s l a n d e r e d Americans i n g e n e r a l , and gave D i s s e n t e r s p e c u l i a r r e a s o n f o r c o m p l a i n t . H i s message was c l e a r from the s c r i p t u r e on which he spoke (Romans X, 14): How s h a l l they b e l i e v e i n him, of whom they have not heard? And how s h a l l t h ey hear w i t h o u t a P r e a c h e r ? ! 9 W i t h more c o n f i d e n c e t h a n a c c u r a c y , the b i s h o p c h a r a c t e r i z e d Americans as a d v e n t u r e r s "Who, w i t h t h e i r n a t i v e s o i l , aban-doned t h e i r n a t i v e manners, and r e l i g i o n ; and e'er l o n g , were found i n many p a r t s l i v i n g w i t h o u t remembrance or know-ledge of God, w i t h o u t any d i v i n e w o r s h i p , i n d e s o l u t e w i c k e d -20 n e s s , and the most b r u t a l p r o f l i g a c y o f manners." R e v i s i n g 38 h i s t o r y , he maintained that " t h e i r neglect of r e l i g i o n was contrary to the pretences and c o n d i t i o n s , under which they obtained r o y a l grants and p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y to t h e i r adven-t u r e s . I f the Americans were to escape t h e i r barbarism, and amend the broken promise, they should have m i n i s t e r s of " t h e i r n a t i v e r e l i g i o n . " And f o r such m i n i s t e r s , they should have bishops. In company wit h Chandler, Ewer discovered the cost and inconvenience of o b t a i n i n g holy orders to be a power-f u l d i s s u a s i o n to new m i n i s t e r s , and that removing the d i s -22 suasion would r e p a i r the m i n i s t e r i a l shortage. Neither Ewer nor Chandler seemed to recognize that p o r t r a y i n g t h e i r m i n i s t e r s as so e a s i l y dissuaded made them out to be men of e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y l i t t l e f a i t h . This fundamental argument placed the issue of r e l i g i o u s competition i n America on an e s s e n t i a l l y m a t e r i a l b a s i s : i f i t were not so "inconvenient," more young c o l o n i a l s would be w i l l i n g to become Anglican clergymen. Such i m p l i c a t i o n s were not l o s t on t h e i r opponents. The answers to Ewer appeared f i r s t , emanating from the pens of Charles Chauncy of Boston, and New Yorker W i l l i a m L i v i n g -ston. Just as Ewer's sermon a n t i c i p a t e d parts of Chandler's appeal, so the answers to Ewer were a n t i c i p a t o r y answers to Chandler. Chauncy and L i v i n g s t o n could attack Ewer on both h i s f a c t s , and h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . He was p e c u l i a r l y 39 vulnerable to the f i r s t k i nd of d i s p u t a t i o n . L i v i n g s t o n , f o r whose wit Ewer represented a s i n g u l a r l y appropriate t a r -get, remarked that he was unsure "whether there be a pam-phlet i n the n a t i o n , that i n p r o p o r t i o n to the length of the sermon, contains so great a number of aberrations from 2 ^  the t r u t h . " Concerning the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of Americans and t h e i r manners, L i v i n g s t o n r e f l e c t e d : " I am almost tempted to t h i n k , that your l o r d s h i p hath mistaken some h i s t o r y of 24 the Cape of Good-Hope, f o r that of New-England." Moreover, Ewer's r e v i s i o n i s t account of the e a r l y s e t t l e r s , which d i d i n j u r y to a n a t i v e American myth, proved double edged: the c o l o n i s t s had not only not come to America to spread " t h e i r n a t i v e r e l i g i o n , " they had i n f a c t come, to New England at 25 l e a s t , to escape i t and i t s bishops. This was an issue deeply f e l t . The primary argument against bishops derived at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y from the paranoid legend of the f l i g h t i n t o the wilderness. I t was feared t h a t , as i n the seventeenth century, so i n the eighteenth, bishops would be more than simple machines of o r d i n a t i o n . Chauncy came to t h i s c onclusion by an examination of the reasons given f o r the e p i s c o p a l requirement. The problem of the cost of o r d i n a t i o n he found c h i m e r i c a l . A c t u a l l y , he maintained, the burden of cost f e l l upon the S.P.G., not the candidate f o r orders. "Inconvenience," a f l i m s y premise, could w i t h a l be r e d e f i n e d . Chauncy would consider the 40 necessary voyage to England, financed by the S.P.G., a great opportunity "to v i s i t the land of our f o r e - f a t h e r s ' n a t i v i t y , " r a t h e r than an onerous d i s s u a s i o n . ^ These i s s u e s , however, were almost i n c i d e n t a l to the seminal contention that a want of m i n i s t e r s proceeded from a want of bishops. Chauncy u t t e r l y refused that cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p . The r e a l reason f o r a m i n i s t e r i a l shortage among the A n g l i c a n s , he revealed, was that the e p i s c o p a l churches i n America were so "small i n number, weak i n a b i l i t y , and i n s u f f i c i e n t to maintain t h e i r own m i n i s t r y " without S.P.G. a i d , that young men were l u r e d away by more promising 27 p r o f e s s i o n s - - o r denominations. Hence the idea that the Church of England i n America operated under a l i a b i l i t y was untrue. Instead i t was a g u t l e s s i n s t i t u t i o n , s u b s i s t i n g on S.P.G. funds, and as such i n a p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n , not a handicapped one. No other church i n America was financed 2 8 from abroad. I f , then, the problems of the church would not be corrected by bishops, i f the f r a g i l e reasons advanced i n t h e i r support were not only e a s i l y broken, but misleading and f a l s e , what was the true m o t i v a t i o n behind the a g i t a t i o n f o r t h e i r importation? Since the presence of a purely s p i r -i t u a l bishop would not, by i t s e l f , create the growth pro-j e c t e d by e p i s c o p a l supporters, Chauncy apprehended t h a t , sooner or l a t e r , the bishops would become p o l i t i c a l , and, 41 e n l i s t i n g the a i d of c o l o n i a l and B r i t i s h government, force the growth of the American church. The r e a l m o t i v a t i o n , then, was to "EPISCOPIZE the c o l o n i e s . " 2 9 This c o n c l u s i o n , the Dissenter's c e n t r a l answer to the Anglican's c e n t r a l argument, inflamed the imagination and r a i s e d the spectre of a threat to r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i -c a l l i b e r t y . For i f , as Chauncy wrote, the reasons given f o r an episcopate were f a l s e , and i f coercive "episcopizarr. t i o n " formed the r e a l motive, a conspiracy e x i s t e d ; and with or without the v i s i b l e p o l i t i c a l a i d of Great B r i t a i n , such a r e l i g i o u s conspiracy was dangerously c o i n c i d e n t a l with c o l o n i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of post-1763 i m p e r i a l p o l i c y . With Ewer's sermon, and Chauncy's and L i v i n g s t o n ' s r e p l i e s , the renewed e p i s c o p a l movement was becoming a hot i s s u e . When at l a s t a t t e n t i o n d r i f t e d to the greater menace, or hope, of Chandler's appeal, emotions were already s t i r r e d . Although Chandler and Chauncy would go on to hold t h e i r own p a r a l l e l debate, serious e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d i s p u t a t i o n was 30 nearing an end. L i v i n g s t o n , perhaps s a t i s f i e d with h i s answer to Ewer, f e l t that Chandler's pamphlet needed separate r e b u t t a l , e s p e c i a l l y as'the l a t t e r had concluded h i s essay with the suggestion that s i l e n c e be taken as approbation. Hence, arousing the T r i u m v i r a t e — h i m s e l f , Smith, and S c o t t — L i v i n g s t o n determined on a course of "Noise and Clamour" to serve as Chandler's answer. His new l i t e r a r y c r e a t u r e , 42 dubbed the American Whig, began making i t s weekly appearances i n New York on March 14, 1768.^ 1 Those New York Anglicans, and the po p u l a t i o n i n gen-e r a l , who could remember or imagine the King's College con-tr o v e r s y must have s u f f e r e d an acute sensation of deja. vu. But t h i s time the P r e s b y t e r i a n attack was expected, though i t s abusive i n t e n s i t y was not. The time l a g between the Appeal's i n i t i a l appearance, the summer of 1767, and the appearance of the f i r s t Whig may have l u l l e d some Angl i c a n s , h o p e f u l l y s u b s c r i b i n g to Chandler's c l o s i n g suggestion, i n t o t h i n k i n g that they would escape the kind of o p p o s i t i o n which now developed. Samuel Johnson, f o r i n s t a n c e , had thought the Appeal s u c c e s s f u l u n t i l the New York newspapers b e l a t e d l y went w i l d against i t , and Chandler remarked i n h i s L i f e of  Johnson, "that although i t seemed to be s a t i s f a c t o r y to a l l p a r t i e s at f i r s t , yet afterwards i t was repeatedly attacked."' Stung, perhaps, but not sundered, Chandler was a c e n t r a l f i g u r e i n the Anglican counterattack, and he set about m a r s h a l l i n g the e p i s c o p a l f o r c e s . I r r e p r e s s i b l y o p t i -m i s t i c , he appears i n t h i s matter i r r e p r e s s i b l e g e n e r a l l y , and h i s correspondence makes i t sound as though he enjoyed t h i s new r o l e , at l e a s t at f i r s t . As he wrote e x c i t e d l y to Samuel Johnson: "The f u r i o u s and outrageous attack of the American Whig and h i s f e l l o w laborers proclaims my e x i s -tence." He found h i s troops, however, i n need of encour-agement . In the f i r s t p l a c e , he was i n v o l v e d i n a m u l t i - f r o n t war. Besides p u b l i c a t i o n s i n London, an American Whig coun-t e r p a r t , The C e n t i n e l , had taken up p o s i t i o n i n P h i l a d e l p h i a . " Chandler expected l i t t l e help from the Pennsylvania c l e r g y : " I suspect they would l e t me and my Appeal and the episco-pate go to purgatory before they would move a f i b r e of t h e i r 3 5 tongues or t h e i r f i n g e r s to prevent i t . " - ^ Though an exag-gerated s u s p i c i o n , he w e l l knew the reasons of i t s founda-t i o n . W i l l i a m Smith, Provost of the College of P h i l a d e l p h i a and p r o v i n c i a l Anglican l e a d e r , had been defeated at the New Jersey convention which adopted Chandler's vigorous e p i s c o p a l program and authorized the very Appeal which now wanted Pennsylvania support. Smith's more moderate proposal had been f o r a renovation of the commissary system. R e t r e a t i n g a f t e r the l o s s , Chandler's ungenerous remark r e f l e c t e d the f a c t that Smith would make, at best, a r e c a l c i t r a n t sup-p o r t e r . I t was, however, simply a matter of a slow s t a r t . Despite past d i f f e r e n c e s , Smith f e l t constrained to support 3 7 the church during the present s t r i f e . Though c a r e f u l to d i s t i n g u i s h what he was a i d i n g — " i s Dr. Chandler the Church of England?"—he was e v e n t u a l l y capable of some sympathy f o r the amount of abuse being heaped upon the New Jersey c l e r g y -man: "he s h a l l not be l e f t to stand alone, f o r the v i r u l e n c e O Q of h i s antagonists i s now not to be borne." The C e n t i n e l ' s answer, Smith's Anatomist, began i t s P h i l a d e l p h i a run i n September. 44 The home f r o n t a l s o stood, i n need of enthusiasm. Samuel Seabury, the Westchester m i n i s t e r who would l a t e r prove himself one of the a b l e s t l o y a l i s t p o l i t i c a l penmen, had begun the year l e t h a r g i c a l l y : "he appears to be so d u l l and i n a c t i v e , " wrote Chandler i n January, "that I almost despair of h i m . " j y Samuel Auchmuty, Rector of New York's T r i n i t y Church, had h i s doubts even about Chandler's t r a c t , and had foreseen the r e s u l t s . " I s i n c e r e l y wish that my Advice concerning Chandler's Appeal had been fo l l o w e d , " he wrote during the heat of the controversy, "which was not to begin with a Nest of Hornets ' t i l l we were assured of o tt40 Success ." In s p i t e of somewhat unready coadjutors, and a "pro-found s i l e n c e " among Bostonian Anglicans, Chandler was able to organize an answer to the American Whig. A f t e r a confer-ence with Cooper, Seabury, and I n g l i s i n New York, he sent Samuel Johnson "a general sketch of my l i t e r a r y s i t u a t i o n . " The f i r s t Whig was w r i t t e n by L i v i n g s t o n , the second by Smith, the t h i r d by , and the f o u r t h by Smith, as f a r as to the Thunder-gust, and then L i v i n g s t o n went on i n h i s high prancing s t y l e . * I went over to New York, a f o r t n i g h t ago, and then the Whip [ f o r the American  Whig] was agreed upon. C...p...r, S...y, I . . . s , &c. are to be the p r i n c i p a l managers. The 1st No. i s by I . . . S , the 2nd by Do. both confined to the f i r s t Whig; I have prepared a t h i r d Whip, to be a p p l i e d to the pos-t e r i o r s of Whig the second; and so i t w i l l go round.4l This i s a reference to the f i r s t sentence of an "Advertisement" f o l l o w i n g the t e x t of Whig No. IV, and signed "The American Whig." 45 In a d d i t i o n . Chandler, Seabury, I n g l i s , p o s s i b l y Cooper, and perhaps even V a r d i l l determined to "watch a l l p u b l i c a t i o n s e i t h e r i n newspapers or pamphlets and to obviate the e v i l i n f l u e n c e s of such as appeared to have a bad tendency by the <- "42 speediest answers." Thus not only the controversy i t s e l f , but the centre of pro-episcopal a c t i v i t y was i n New York C i t y . While some older c l e r g y may have despised a renewed newspaper war wi t h the Triumvirate and t h e i r D i s s e n t i n g a l l i e s , younger A n g l i -cans were apparently anxious to t r y out t h e i r hands at 43 p u b l i c debate. V a r d i l l was among the eager. His r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Cooper had placed him near the controversy's b i r t h , and now i t put him i n the vortex of Anglican a g i t a t i o n . Throughout 1766 to 1768 he had watched the Chandler-Ewer/Chauncy-Livingston controversy with more than simple i n t e r e s t . The Appeal defined the point of take-o f f f o r the subsequent debate, and defined f o r V a r d i l l a p o s i t i o n he became not only o b l i g a t e d , but qu i t e w i l l i n g , to defend. Though h i s thoughts on h i s own futu r e voyage f o r o r d i n a t i o n , which proved a p r o p i t i o u s journey, are l a r g e l y indeterminable, he wholeheartedly supported Chandler's ren-44 d i t i o n of the e p i s c o p a l need, and abhorred i t s o p p o s i t i o n . The new development, b r i n g i n g the argument to the popular press, r e q u i r e d "many hands," and V a r d i l l was e a s i l y e n l i s t e d . I t i s unfortunately impossible to know which of 46 the Whips were h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , or which of the polemi-c a l verses appearing concurrently may have come from h i s pen. As a Whipper, however, he i d e n t i f i e d h i mself with the whole of the anti-Whig p o s i t i o n , a f a c t which would prove of per-sonal , no l e s s than c o l o n i a l , s i g n i f i c a n c e . A c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the Whig-Whip debate, then, i s a l s o an i n s p e c t i o n of 45 V a r d i l l ' s own brand of p o l i t i c o - A n g l i c a n i s m . H o s t i l i t i e s opened with the f i r s t Whig, which gained an immediate and inestimable advantage by s e t t i n g the tone of the controversy. Sarcasm, i n v e c t i v e , and a paranoid comingling of episcopacy with Anglo-American i m p e r i a l r e l a -t i o n s formed i t s p r i n c i p a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . L i v i n g s t o n and the other Whig c o n t r i b u t o r s were engaged i n a s e l f - c o n s c i o u s war of propaganda—Livingston himself had c a l l e d i t "Noise and Clamour"—and the "debate" q u i c k l y devolved i n t o a s e r i e s of charges, counter-charges, and r e c i p r o c a l name c a l l i n g . The Whig's great aim was to defeat the e p i s c o p a l p r o p o s i t i o n ; the means were not r e s t r a i n e d by c onsiderations of e t h i c s , morals, or t r u t h . By s t i r r i n g up enough popular resentment, or what appeared to be popular resentment as r e f l e c t e d i n the press, L i v i n g s t o n hoped to dissuade c o l o n i a l Anglicans or E n g l i s h statesmen from pursuing American episcopacy. The e s s e n t i a l f a c t of the controversy was that i t was a contest which the more s k i l f u l propagandist would win. Only the 47 appearances of t r u t h f u l n e s s or righteousness were necessary. And i n such a contest, L i v i n g s t o n held the stronger ground. He had only to r a i s e what seemed—not what was--a reasonable doubt. He needed only give a convincing p e r f o r -mance of f e a r i n g f o r h i s l i b e r t y . As the lawyer i n him no doubt foresaw, the burden of proof r e s t e d w i t h the Anglican innovators, j u s t as i t had r e s t e d w i t h the defenders of that other i n n o v a t i o n , the Stamp Act. Therefore paranoia, whether r e a l or pretended, was L i v i n g s t o n ' s most u s e f u l t o o l . A combination of mindless fear and s a r c a s t i c r e c e p t i o n obviated the v a l i d i t y of Anglican arguments, whereas a d i s -d a i n f u l treatment of Whig charges d i d nothing to prove the Anglican case. I t was L i v i n g s t o n ' s great success that he was able to render the controversy i n t o an unreasoning argu-ment, and the Anglicans' great f a i l i n g that they met him on 47 h i s own ground. The Whig's s t r a t e g y , then, while c l e v e r l y executed, was e s s e n t i a l l y simple. I t began with the e a s i e s t premise imaginable: a r e f u s a l to b e l i e v e . A l l the pamphlets and appeals of which i n t e r n a t i o n a l Anglicanism was capable would not make the Whig b e l i e v e that the proposed bishop would be-g i n , or remain, r e s t r i c t e d l y s p i r i t u a l . To accept the idea that "the Doctor and the Convention would content themselves with a Bishop, so l i m i t e d and c u r t a i l e d " was possible' to no 48 man "above the capacity of an Ideot [ s i c ] . " 48 I m p l i c a t i o n s were obvious. I f the Anglicans p r e v a r i -cated, i t seemed as obvious to the Whig as i t had to Chauncy that they were covering something. And what could they be covering but some despotic conspiracy? Just as one who adamantly refuses to b e l i e v e cannot be convinced, so one who i n s i s t s on seeing p l o t s cannot be made not to see them. Chandler had c o u n t e r f e i t e d "the voice of a sheep" i n h i s Appeal because, i n s t e a d of a p r i m i t i v e , s p i r i t u a l bishop, " I t i s the modern, s p l e n d i d , opulent, court favoured, "law-d i g n i f i e d , superb, magnificent, powerful p r e l a t e , on which 49 [the Anglicans'] hearts are i n t e n t . " The evidence f o r t h i s covert d e s i r e was purely c i r -c umstantial and l a r g e l y I r r e l e v a n t , but the attempt at proof was made. The Church of England had o r i g i n a l l y been e s t a b l i s h e d "from no very r e l i g i o u s motive." The ensuing v a c i l l a t i o n between C a t h o l i c i s m and Anglicanism brought p a p i s t s i n t o the church from s e l f - i n t e r e s t , and created a c l a s s of High Church c l e r g y more a t t e n t i v e to the d i r e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l breezes and the p r o t e c t i o n of t h e i r own power than to e c c l e s i a s t i c a l duty or matters s p i r i t u a l . Those who now advocated c o l o n i a l episcopacy had evolved d i r e c t l y from that suspicious o r i g i n , and "are the t r u e , i f not the only, descendants and approvers of Arch-Bishop Laud's p r i n c i p l e s and measures." Moreover, the o f f i c e of the bishop i t s e l f i n c l uded c i v i l powers, and the contention that an American 49 bishop would d i f f e r i n t h i s respect from an E n g l i s h one was simply impossible. But mainly the premise was true because of the m y s t i c a l p r o p e r t i e s of s e l f - e v i d e n c e . The A n g l i c a n s , i n a word, were e v i l . "To t h i s day, inhuman s e v e r i t y has mark'd t h e i r character; and f o r aught I see, i t i s so deeply r a d i c a t e d i n t h e i r very c o n s t i t u t i o n , that they w i l l not cease to be savages, t i l l they cease to e x i s t , without pas-si n g through some wonderful metamorphosis." In sum, both by preference, and by d e f i n i t i o n , the present e p i s c o p a l a g i -t a t o r s could not be sincere i n requesting a p r i m i t i v e bishop, and by the same l o g i c s e c r e t l y coveted one w i t h powers 50 equally p o l i t i c a l , as e c c l e s i a s t i c a l . But such reasoning was t a n g e n t i a l . L i v i n g s t o n d i d not need to prove that the Anglicans wanted a c i v i l l y empow-ered bishop, much l e s s e x p l a i n why; a l l he needed to do was suspect i t . Hence the reader was not p a r t i c u l a r l y encour-aged to wonder on the l e g i t i m a c y of the premise; he was encouraged to imagine the consequences i f i t were t r u e . Seeming to adopt the i m p l i c i t assumption that the worse the consequences, the more convincing they appear, the Whig never t i r e d of a i d i n g the reader's imagination. And here the issue could be married to the general B r i t i s h conspiracy against c o l o n i a l l i b e r t y . Confusing chronology s l i g h t l y , the Whig found i t suspicious that the "seeds of u n i v e r s a l d i s c o r d " were sown 50 contemporaneously with the Townshend Du t i e s , lending a "helping hand to i n v o l v e us i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l bondage i n t o the bargain." The t i m i n g , of course, i m p l i e d the i n t e n t . . While parliament encroached upon American commercial freedom, and therefore i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l freedom, Anglicans pursued a plan of domestic enslavement, f o r "With Bishops, we s h a l l n a t u r a l l y have the i n t r o d u c t i o n or establishment of s p i r i t u a l or e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c o u r t s . " This i n s i d i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n would eve n t u a l l y enable a bishop to usurp a l l l e g i t i m a t e c o l o n i a l power, f o r , independent of c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , and s t a f f e d by clergy-"dupes," they would u l t i m a t e l y put a bishop's power "beyond any governor upon the continent." And since "no l a y characters i n t h i s country w i l l be a match f o r the Bishop's," no one " w i l l mount the ladder of perferment [ s i c ] , without h i s Lordship's a i d . " Times would be unkind to non-Anglicans, whom i t was feared would have to finance the a b d i c a t i o n of t h e i r own l i b e r t y by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of t i t h e s and taxes, themselves an u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e p r i v a t i o n of property. With t h i s form of support, Chandler's and Ewer's prophesied 51 growth of the e p i s c o p a l church would f o l l o w n a t u r a l l y . The scenario f o r New York was somewhat d i f f e r e n t . Here, i n a d d i t i o n to the dangers of the i n e v i t a b l e courts and taxes, an a l l i a n c e would be forged between p r o v i n c i a l government and the episcopate. The Whig painted a happy p i c -ture of New York r e l i g i o u s l i f e and l i b e r t y , which "depend 51 upon the p a r t i t i o n of power, among our various denomina-t i o n s . " But: With two of the three branches of the l e g i s l a t u r e [the governor and c o u n c i l ] , i n favour of e p i s c o p a l i a n s ; . . . and with the power of the crown and the n a t i o n , to pro-t e c t them; that sect [the Anglicans] hath such a bulwark of defence, that every step taken to increase t h e i r s e c u r i t y , ought to be considered as a demonstration, that not t h e i r own s a f e t y , but mi s c h i e f to other, i s the true end i n view. The only i n h i b i t i o n to r e l i g i o u s monopoly was non-episco-p a l i a n c o n t r o l of the Assembly. This d e l i c a t e balance would s u r e l y be upset " I f ever a bishop d r i v e s h i s g u i l d e d equipage i n our s t r e e t s , and shares i n the p u b l i c c o u n c i l s of the colony," since h i s stupendous power would at l a s t e n t a i l con-t r o l of Assembly e l e c t i o n s . And i t was apprehended that the s i t u a t i o n would become worse i n America than i t had ever been i n England, f o r with a subservient c i v i l government, the bishop would e x e r c i s e more power "than that of a l l the 5 2 [ E n g l i s h ] bishops put together."^ These dark v i s i o n s gained added weight by reference to that same emotional memory Chauncy had played upon: the Di s s e n t e r s ' escape from England. The reader was reminded more than once that "those brave sons of r e l i g i o n and l i b e r t y , chose r a t h e r to run the risqu e of the rage and malice of the Indian savages, than of the p e r f i d i o u s and persecuting 5 3 bishops," and that t h i s "asylum i n the w i l d s of America, among Indians and r a t t l e - s n a k e s , [was] more h o s p i t a b l e to 52 them than Bishops." A l l would be f o r nothing i f , more than a century of hard work l a t e r , an episcopate pursued them across the A t l a n t i c to perpetrate Laud's "execrable 55 designs." Thus spake the Whig i n h i s pose as defender of the legend, p r o t e c t o r of l i b e r t y . And while c e r t a i n l y there were other i s s u e s , some more b l a t a n t l y personal, some more purely e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , the major t h r u s t was to represent Anglicans as i n s i d i o u s proponents of an enslaved America. Paranoia, from the legend of the f l i g h t , to the h a l f crazed p r o j e c t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e , was the key. The Whippers were appalled and d i s d a i n f u l . I n g l i s c a l l e d the f i r s t Whig "an i n s o l e n t , audacious attack on Dr. Chandler, on h i s -appeal & our united Convention, . . . s t u f f e d with low W i t t i c i s m s , Buffoonery, Falsehoods & 56 Blunders." Chandler himself threw up a smoke screen while the Whips were prepared, f e i g n i n g to d e c l i n e to "enter the l i s t s , i n a match of f l i n g i n g d i r t , w i t h scrubs and savages." As the f i r s t Whig was " t h i c k l y bespangled with d r o l l e r y , " Chandler excused himself f o r the moment by observing that "serious answers to funny w r i t e r s , l i k e throwing p e a r l s be-fore a c e r t a i n kind of animals, are looked upon as improperly 57 a p p l i e d . " But while seriousness was out of p l a c e , answers were not. The Whig's u n f a i r , animadverting approach made "Verdicus" ask: 53 What the deuce i s the matter? What daemon of l a t e , Has awaken'd the fury of s t r i f e and debate?58 The Anglicans thought they knew, and t h e i r answer represented t h e i r p o t e n t i a l l y most e f f e c t i v e counter-attack. I n g l i s devoted the f i r s t Whip to the Whig's motiva-t i o n s and, f i g h t i n g f i r e w i t h f i r e , l a i d the groundwork f o r the discovery of a counter-conspiracy. Hunting the Whig's motives was j u s t i f i e d by the reasoning t h a t , " i f i t happens that t h i s attack [Whig No. I ] comes from an ambitious, disap-pointed f a c t i o n , . . . who made r e l i g i o n a p o l i t i c a l engine to accomplish t h e i r designs; the unprejudiced reader, upon knowing t h i s , w i l l t r e a t i t with that neglect and contempt i t deserves." Support f o r the idea was ready at hand. The Appeal was nearly a year o l d ; why was "the f u r y of s t r i f e and debate" not awakened sooner? "The reason was, no ambi-t i o u s attempts were then opposed,—no towering expectations 5 9 were b l a s t e d . " The knowledgeable reader caught the d r i f t . I t was widely known that the American Whig was a L i v i n g s t o n -Triumvirate production, and t h e i r r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s were no s e c r e t . I t was a l s o w e l l known that L i v i n g s t o n had l a t e l y s u f f e r e d two s i g n i f i c a n t defeats. The f i r s t was the f a i l u r e , due to t r a n s - a t l a n t i c Anglican lobbying, of a p e t i -t i o n f o r the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of New York's P r e s b y t e r i a n churches i n which L i v i n g s t o n had been i n v o l v e d . The second was the 54 more recent (March 7-11) defeat at the p o l l s , wherein the L i v i n g s t o n party succeeded i n r e t a i n i n g only one of four con-t e s t e d Assembly sea t s , and. had been stung by p o l i t i c a l l y i n s p i r e d a n t i-lawyer p u b l i c a t i o n s . These two setbacks, coupled with a strange DeLancy (conservative)-Sons of L i b e r t y ( " r a d i c a l " ) c o a l i t i o n which threatened to leave him with a vapid middle ground, brought a sense of urgency and despera-t i o n to L i v i n g s t o n ' s (momentarily) waning p o l i t i c a l f o r t u n e s . A modern w r i t e r agrees with I n g l i s that these problems "spurred [him] . . . to a more determined attack on the pro-posed American b i s h o p r i c . " ^ I n g l i s q u i c k l y pointed out the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s c o nclusion. "Now that t h e i r blooming hopes are withered," he wrote, "the f a c t i o n i s enraged to a degree of phrenzy; and the poor church, t h r o ' the Appeal, must f a l l the devoted v i c t i m of t h e i r vengeance." Hence p o l i t i c s , more e s p e c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l s p i t e a r i s i n g from dashed hopes, explained the Whig attack. I t had nothing to do with a concern f o r r e l i g -61 ious l i b e r t y , much l e s s l i b e r t y of any other k i n d . When i t came to a p p r e c i a t i o n of l i b e r t y , i n f a c t , the Anglicans d i d not f e e l themselves bested. They were "warm f r i e n d s to l i b e r t y , and enemies to s l a v e r y of every k i n d . " And they d i d not oppose w e l l considered defences of American c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s from parliamentary i n f r i n g e -ment. Echoing the Whig's own words, the Whip observed 55 p o i n t e d l y that i t was not the Anglicans, a f t e r a l l , who had begun a d i v i s i v e newspaper controversy to c o i n c i d e w i t h the Townshend Duties; i t was the Whig who had chosen "to promote u n i v e r s a l d i s c o r d throughout the continent" at such a time, 6 2 long a f t e r the Appeal had f i r s t appeared. P r e v a r i c a t i o n , i t seemed, was not something r e s t r i c t e d to the Anglican camp, and served the same ends i n the pens of P r e s b y t e r i a n s : i t covered a p l o t . I t was the P r e s b y t e r i a n T r i u m v i r a t e , not the A n g l i c a n s w h o from " t h e i r i n t o l e r a n t p r i n c i p l e s , . . . d e s i r e to enslave others, amidst clamourous outcrys f o r l i b e r t y . " Behind the mask of hypocrisy the Whig c o n t r i b u t o r s were " i n r e a l i t y f o r g i n g chains f o r t h e i r f e l l o w -s u b j e c t s . " Newspaper warfare was i n s t i g a t e d because i t was: an admirable v e h i c l e to propagate those p r i n c i p l e s , by which the minds of a v i r t u o u s , and as yet l o y a l people, are i t seems to be t a i n t e d , and t h e i r a f f e c t i o n s to t h e i r mother country, debauched. S e d i t i o n , then, was the phantom behind the o u t c r i e s of the "Independents." And the church was t h e i r target because " i n i t s very frame, as w e l l as d o c t r i n e s , [ i t ] i s unfavourable to r e p u b l i c a n , l e v e l i n g p r i n c i p l e s i n government." So ran the counter-charge. I t was l a r g e l y i n e f f e c -t i v e , and the Whig d i d not f e e l compelled to r e p l y . For while both p l o t s were equa l l y i m p l a u s i b l e , L i v i n g s t o n ' s was by f a r the vaguer of the two, and bore no r e l a t i o n to an i n -grained t r a d i t i o n of a n t i - r e p u b l i c a n i s m . As w e l l , L i v i n g s t o n 56 was not suggesting anything, only opposing. The A n g l i c a n s , on the other hand, were hampered by the r e a l i t y , or t a n g i -b i l i t y , of t h e i r scheme: an impending p h y s i c a l presence and the establishment of a new c o l o n i a l i n s t i t u t i o n . They were equal l y hindered by t h e i r f o r t h r i g h t notion of church-state symbiosis, which had been made c l e a r i n Chandler's pamphlet. They were l e f t , t h e r e f o r e , with the unenviable t a c -t i c s of r e i t e r a t i o n and d e n i a l . They h i t again most of the arguments i n the Appeal: that t h e i r ' s was but a reasonable, harmless pro p o s a l , meant to elevate the church to a status of mere e q u a l i t y , not s u p e r i o r i t y ; that they s u f f e r e d from the lack of domestic o r d i n a t i o n , c o n f i r m a t i o n , and e p i s c o p a l government; that the bishop would be s p i r i t u a l l y empowered only; that Dissenters would i n c u r no f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to support the o f f i c e ; and that episcopacy, i f not e c c l e s i -a s t i c a l l y s uperior to D i s s e n t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n , was i n any case not repugnant to "the Government s e t t l e d i n and f o r the Church by the Apostles," and was c e r t a i n l y "compatible w i t h 65 the reformation of e v i l . " Regardless of what innocence these contentions may have held f o r some readers, the only way to meet the Whig's i n s i s t e n c e that they covered a conspiracy was by d e n i a l . "The whole of i t , " I n g l i s wrote concerning Whig a t t a c k s , " I aver to be u t t e r l y f a l s e . " Unfortunately f o r I n g l i s , the de n i a l s of an accused l i a r were a poor form of insurance. 57 When L i v i n g s t o n refused Chandler's celebrated assurance against e p i s c o p a l p o l i t i c a l involvement, and c a l l e d f o r an un s p e c i f i e d b e t t e r one, there was nothing that could be done. To deny a t h i n g does not prove i t s opposite, a f a c t which both the Whig and Whip seemed to understand. The l a t t e r r e a l i z e d that i t s arguments were being d i s p e l l e d by contempt and attack. And the more ofte n attacked, the more i t was forced to deny u n t i l at l a s t , no doubt, i t assumed to the reader the aspect of one who "p r o t e s t e t h too much." The Whig, meanwhile, r a r e l y f e l t constrained to deny anything, and when i t d i d , the u n d i g n i f i e d chore was more l i k e l y to be releg a t e d to a separate organ, A Kick f o r the Whipper. Matters of evidence were s i m i l a r l y dispensed. When Seabury challenged L i v i n g s t o n to produce something b e t t e r than hear-say, L i v i n g s t o n r e p l i e d that the Whig's hearsay was every b i t as good as Seabury's. I t was l i k e arguing w i t h a c l e v e r c h i l d . The best method f o r r e f u t i n g t,he charges, and hence f o r s u b s t a n t i a t i n g the proposed bishop's s p i r i t u a l i t y , was to contend that c i v i l powers d i d not inhere i n the o f f i c e , but were i n s t e a d appended by parliament. This was poor i n -• A A 66 surance indeed. While the contest went badly f o r the Whip, i t pre-sented to V a r d i l l a time l y opportunity f o r e x e r c i s i n g b l o s -soming a b i l i t i e s . In the waning months of the controversy (January, 1769), at the age of nineteen, he ventured out on 58 h i s own i n a s e r i e s of a n t i - P r e s b y t e r i a n broadsides. The immediate cause of h i s w r i t i n g was a scheme by W i l l i a m L i v i n g -ston, the Whig h i m s e l f , to u n i f y the P r e s b y t e r i a n and Congre-g a t i o n a l churches. I l l - t i m e d , the proposal f e l l apart of i t s e l f . But i t posed to V a r d i l l the excuse f o r a general attack which would b o l s t e r the beleaguered Whip. These essays s u b s t a n t i a t e the f a c t that V a r d i l l had adopted Chand-l e r ' s Appeal, and that the Whip's s t y l e of w r i t i n g and 61 t h i n k i n g had become h i s own. The three major elements of Whip strategy were a l l found i n V a r d i l l ' s production: r e i t e r a t i o n of the e p i s c o p a l p o s i t i o n , discovery of a p l o t motivated by p o l i t i c a l ambition, and d e n i a l of Whig charges. E x p l i c i t l y r e f e r r i n g to the Appeal, V a r d i l l found the request f o r bishops as reasonable as had Chandler. The Anglican church simply wanted to be r e l i e v e d of t h e i r present " i n t o l e r a b l e burden" stemming from a lack of the powers of o r d i n a t i o n , c o n f i r m a t i o n , and proper church government. The clamour against so s e n s i b l e a proposal was sus-p i c i o u s , and not, on i t s face, to be taken s e r i o u s l y . "The Whig papers are j u s t l y held i n low esteem," he wrote hope-f u l l y , " — t h e y are F a c t i o u s , but not i n s t r u c t i v e . " With the Whip, he had no t r o u b l e f i n d i n g the motive f o r f a c t i o u s n e s s . The o p p o s i t i o n proceeded from the Presbyterians'' r e a l i z a t i o n "that.the Bishop could be made a f i n e p o l i t i c a l Engine, to 59 serve t h e i r Ambition, and administer to t h e i r M a l i c e . " And t h e i r ambition was f o r nothing h e a l t h y to Anglicans or l i b e r t y . M e d i t a t i n g Anglican " D e s t r u c t i o n , " the Presbyter-ians "would subject them to a l l the Rigours of I n t o l e r a n c e . " While V a r d i l l d i d not venture f a r i n t o the purely p o l i t i c a l consequences to be expected of P r e s b y t e r i a n power, he made h i s inference c l e a r by r e f e r r i n g to them throughout as "Independents," almost without exception i n i t a l i c s . And since they opposed the church of England, the same which the King swore at h i s coronation to p r o t e c t , i t was a simple, but as yet uncompleted, l o g i c a l step to read d i s l o y a l t y i n the 69 "Independents'" o p p o s i t i o n . But i n the end, V a r d i l l was al s o saddled w i t h the p o l i c y of d e n i a l . The charge of Anglican conspiracy was "the mere E f f u s s i o n of M a l i c e , unsupported by Reason or Proof. . . . I defy them to produce a Spark of Evidence of our Inten-t i o n . . . to i n f r i n g e the R e l i g i o u s Rights of any Denomina-t i o n . " The d e n i a l s were no more e f f e c t i v e f o r V a r d i l l than they had been f o r I n g l i s , and he knew i t . The Presbyterians were not open to reason; they were not s e n s i b l e men. The Appeal had been brought f o r t h r i g h t l y to the p u b l i c , only to be d i s t r a c t e d l y opposed by outrageous, unsupported accusa-t i o n s . Denying accusations would have no more e f f e c t upon madmen than reasoning. V a r d i l l already saw i n the Presby-t e r i a n " u n f o r g i v i n g Temper," " P r i d e , " and "Violence," a form 6 0 of i n s a n i t y ; and i n s a n i t y i s f r i g h t e n i n g . "The Independents," 70 he wrote, "we f e a r . " The debate raged f o r more than a year, and the scene created was not pleasant. " P a c i f i c u s " complained p u b l i c l y of both p a r t i e s : I expect to hear one of you saying to the other, 'your mother i s a t y r a n t whore'; and the other r e p l y i n g , 'your mother i s a b a s t a r d , a h y p o c r i t e and a f a n a t i c . ' I ad-v i s e you both to forbear and be s i l e n t . I t i s not pru-dent f o r the pot to c a l l the k e t t l e names.71 Even Chandler could w r i t e that "The scene i n New York of whigging, whipping, e t c . , i s not p l e a s i n g to me . . ." and Auchmuty remarked to Johnson that "You w i l l f i n d that the wig [ s i c ] and Whip are s t i l l e x i s t i n g to the scandal of 72 R e l i g i o n and disgust of the p u b l i c . " Though the war continued beyond i t s u s e f u l n e s s , i t could not go on f o r e v e r . The Whig l e f t o f f i n May, 1 7 6 9 , the Whip s h o r t l y a f t e r , while the Kick f o r the Whipper struggled on i n t o 1 7 7 0 . By the end, some Anglicans were t i r e d and l o s i n g hope; Samuel Johnson wrote i n l a t e 1 7 6 9 , " I now despair of bishops." But not Chandler, who i f not pleased with the v i s i o n of "whigging and whipping," could r e -t a i n optimism. At the height of the controversy he t o l d Johnson: "In my o p i n i o n , the prospect was never more favour-a b l e , i f we look beyond the present p o l i t i c a l confusion." 61 And at the close of the controversy, he was s t i l l e n e r g e t i -c a l l y w r i t i n g pamphlets at Bostonian Chauncy. The Whig, how-ever, could c l a i m the v i c t o r y . Bishops were a p r o j e c t f o r e -s t a l l e d . Those few ze a l o t s i n England who had thought of pushing the p l a n , were convinced by the outrageous o p p o s i t i o n mounted i n New York that such a move, p r e s e n t l y , would be 73 i l l - a d v i s e d . V a r d i l l ' s postgraduate p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n the classroom of the New York press had brought him a great distance i n four years. What d i d he learn? How g r e a t l y could he suspect that the h o s t i l i t y of new currents In American thought to h i s e s t a b l i s h e d church p o s i t i o n presen-ted e r r o r s to be set a r i g h t not merely i n pamphlet debate, but e v e n t u a l l y i n war i t s e l f ? C e r t a i n l y the stage had been set. V a r d i l l ' s r e l i g i o n , connections, and ambitions, so e a s i l y adopted as a King's graduate i n 1766, now placed him 74 squarely on one side of b a t t l e l i n e s c l e a r l y drawn. The fundamental i s s u e between Whip and Whig, and be-tween V a r d i l l and the "Independent" P r e s b y t e r i a n s , was not that the former r e a l l y d i d despise l i b e r t y and harbour a covert d e s i r e f o r c o l o n i a l enslavement, as i t has sometimes been 75 presented. In a d d i t i o n to c o n f l i c t i n g r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i -c a l motives, and sheer emotionalism, the c o n f l i c t arose from incompatible notions of church-state r e l a t i o n s . For the Whig, 62 the n e c e s s i t y of the c l e a r and absolute separation of church and s t a t e was becoming a l u c i d d o c t r i n e . "Nothing can be more dangerous to church and s t a t e , " the Whig had pronounced, "than the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the c l e r g y i n the power of the magistrate." Such a s i t u a t i o n was becoming, to some Dissen-t e r s , and perhaps to some Anglicans, threatening by d e f i n i -t i o n . Waxing u n i v e r s a l , the Whig went on to proclaim: " c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y i s the foundation of p u b l i c happiness, and the common b i r t h - r i g h t of mankind." This was a novel conception. V a r d i l l and h i s co-Whippers were more l i k e l y to f i n d such l i b e r t i e s the p e c u l i a r possessions of B r i t i s h subjects l i v i n g i n a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y protected s o c i e t y . C l e a r l y there must be a connection between church and s t a t e , i f only one of studied i n d i f f e r e n c e . But the conservative Anglicans went f u r t h e r . Chandler was ex-p l i c i t i n presenting the promotion of an e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n 7 7 as an element of "sound p o l i c y . " And p r i v a t e l y , he allowed that bishops would have a p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t In American bene-f i c i a l to Great B r i t a i n , a sentiment he h i d from h i s readers, but which was probably the most powerful argument f o r c e r t a i n 7 8 of the London audience. E n t e r i n g r a t h e r too g r e a t l y i n t o the mind of the eighteenth century D i s s e n t e r , some treatments l a b e l Chandler's hidden expectations "admissions," implying that what was good f o r England was bad f o r America, and implying a l s o that such p o l i t i c a l expectations tended to prove the existence of a conspiracy of enslavement. Hence D i s s e n t i n g w r i t e r s were "seeing through" Anglican moderate p r o t e s t a t i o n s . But i t seems more l i k e l y they perceived a r e f l e c t e d phantom of t h e i r own f e a r , or an a p p a r i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l expediency. Only the wholehearted acceptance of the Whig's premise of church-state separation as a p r e r e q u i s i t e to the existence of l i b e r t y can l e a d , unexamined, to the conclusion t h a t , there-f o r e , the Anglicans were i n t e r e s t e d i n e n s l a v i n g America, or 79 would endanger i t s l i b e r t y . T heir hope was that a bishop would act as the cement i n a stronger bond between c o l o n i a l America and Great B r i t a i n a hope that i m p l i e d no necessary e v i l save to a r e v o l u t i o n a r y Independence had not been proclaimed, was not openly avowed; i t can be no aspersion on the Anglicans that they would wish f o r such a bond. V a r d i l l was not alone i n p r o f e s s i n g l o y a l t y and l o y a l t y to a continued c o l o n i a l connection was supposed to be mutually b e n e f i c i a l to England and America, as i t had so f a r been, and not a one-sided s l a v e h o l d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . The dates of the controversy were 1768 to 1770, not 1776 to 1783; what was good f o r Great B r i t a i n c a r r i e d no necessary threat to America. Even f u r t h e r , i t was simple f a l l a c y to assume that the Anglicans were i n s e n s i b l e to the idea of " l i b e r t y . " As V a r d i l l wrote: 64 I t , i s absurd to suppose, that i f the I n t r o d u c t i o n of a Bishop could be productive of the e v i l Consequences, which the [ P r e s b y t e r i a n s ] p r o c l a i m , that churchmen would be l e s s alarmed than Themselves—Can i t be conceived that we have not equal Tenderness f o r our Consciences, equal dread of s p i r i t u a l Domination, and equal Attach-ment to our Property? or, must i t be taken f o r granted, that we have no D i s c e r n m e n t , and that a l l Wisdom and Pene-t r a t i o n are concentrated i n the clamourous Juncto."0 But the churchmen perceived l i b e r t y ' s proper environment d i f -f e r e n t l y than d i d the Whig. A major element of what became V a r d i l l ' s l o y a l i s t ideology was the idea that l i b e r t y was safe only under some form of the B r i t i s h s tatus quo. He could reasonably expect i t s e x t i n c t i o n under " r e p u b l i c a n , l e v e l i n g " forms of government. An episcopate, which would strengthen the "native r e l i g i o n , " cement the c o l o n i a l connec-t i o n , perhaps e q u i l i b r a t e imbalanced c o l o n i a l c o n s t i t u t i o n s , was an i n s t i t u t i o n which would a i d i n the c r e a t i o n of a more nearly p e r f e c t copy of a properly ordered, E n g l i s h p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y ; and i t was only w i t h i n such a properly ordered s e t -t i n g , as h i s t o r y and contemporary governments proved, that l i b e r t y could f l o u r i s h . V a r d i l l and the other Whips, sup-p o r t i n g church-state i n t e r a c t i o n , could see t h e i r advocacy as f r i e n d l y to l i b e r t y , not i n i m i c a l to i t . The Anglican p o s i t i o n , then, i m p l i e d no d i s r e g a r d f o r l i b e r t y . I t was only when the b e l i e f i n the n e c e s s i t y of church-state separation became a s e l f - e v i d e n t premise to p o l i -t i c a l or r e l i g i o u s freedom, where the very mention of p o l i t i c a l consequences to a r e l i g i o u s development c a r r i e d necessary 65 i m p l i c a t i o n s of s l e e p i n g tyranny, that the Anglican p o s i t i o n was viewed as a t h r e a t . This way of t h i n k i n g , e n t i r e l y dog-matic and u n i v e r s a l i s t i c , was evident i n the controversy, and i t held a f u r t h e r inference which acted as a wedge d r i v e n between the two p a r t i e s . I f absolute church-state s e p a r a t i o n , and absolute c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s freedom as " b i r t h - r i g h t s , " were novel conceptions, they were becoming as w e l l a.native product of the American c o l o n i e s . L i v i n g s t o n ' s and Chauncy's emphasis on the f r i g h t e n e d escape i n t o the w i l d s of New England was s u c c e s s f u l not only as a t o o l f o r the debate; i t has become i r r e v o c a b l y imbedded i n American ideology, l a s t i n g r i g h t down to the twentieth century. "Proper" church-state r e l a t i o n s of the type Chandler, I n g l i s , and V a r d i l l advocated were incompatible with t h i s American i n v e n t i o n . The Whig's case bespoke a ki n d of i n c i p i e n t n a t i o n a l i s m , t h e r e f o r e , where a p o s i t i o n was j u s t i f i e d by reference to American c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y , not the s t a t e of the a r t i n England. Thus could V a r d i l l be puzzled, even f r i g h t e n e d , at such a departure from c o r r e c t s o c i a l o r d e r i n g ; l i b e r t y had been proven safe i n a B r i t i s h system—an American a b e r r a t i o n c a r r i e d no s i m i l a r 81 guarantee. Hence V a r d i l l ' s r e l i g i o u s commitment came to imply a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l commitment. The Anglican s e l f - p r e s e n t a t i o n of undoubted l o y a l t y and attachment to the B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n was a conscious element i n t h e i r argument f o r a bishop. They n a t u r a l l y thought that B r i t a i n would help those who behaved p r o p e r l y , and punish those who d i d not, a s i t u a t i o n to the b e n e f i t of everyone, but e s p e c i a l l y to the former at the expense of the l a t t e r . Just as t h i s had been as assumption i n t h e i r e p i s c o p a l reasoning, so now i t began to d i r e c t t h e i r behaviour. V a r d i l l and the Whippe.rs had i n t e r n a l i z e d t h e i r l o y a l t y . Chapter V JOURNEYMAN LOYALIST . . . a Pamphlet, 1772, i n answer to Dr. Witherspoon 1s Address; & . . . some P u b l i -c a t i o n s , i n 1773 3 signed P o p l i c o l a . . . . — M e m o r i a l of John V a r d i l l There can be few things so t r i c k y as h i n d s i g h t . Looking back, the greatest s u r p r i s e can become i n e v i t a b l e ; the b i z a r r e , normal; the a b e r r a t i o n a l , commonplace. In 1770, John V a r d i l l would have been l i t t l e l e s s than astounded to l e a r n that the American col o n i e s were speeding headlong down a h i l l at independence. I t s advocates lurke d about, of course, but V a r d i l l was p e r s p i c a c i o u s enough to suspect that every s o c i e t y contains elements only m a r g i n a l l y sane. And, i n any case, these independents were not such madmen as yet. In f a c t , they were r a t h e r too understandable. I f the n o t i o n that they were pushed by the inexorable engines~;of h i s t o r y , by some s u r p r i s i n g i n e v i t a b i l i t y which i t was p a t e n t l y beyond the c a p a b i l i t i e s of most contemporary witnesses to p e r c e i v e , i s momentarily suspended, and the idea that the road to inde-pendence was more l i k e l y a convenient medium of p o l i t i c s which e v e n t u a l l y turned to a s e l f - f e d madness, i s considered, 67 68 then i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e to see that V a r d i l l could understand the independents very w e l l . They were a f a c t i o n . And at the beginning of the seventies i n New York, i t may have seemed that t h e i r i n e v i t a b i l i t y had run i t s course. Their import-export barricade against Great B r i t a i n crumbled with the r e p e a l of the Townshend Duties (save that on t e a ) . This could be claimed a v i c t o r y ; but i t a l s o ended an i s s u e . The Anglicans had l o s t t h e i r e p i s c o p a l hope, or so i t could be thought, and t h a t , too, was a v i c t o r y ; but again an issue ended. Indeed, i t was a horse flogged so dead f o r nearly two years that i t had perhaps become a nauseous " a n t i -i s s u e . " And the L i v i n g s t o n p a r t y , whom r a d i c a l Anglicans i d e n t i f i e d as "independents," had l o s t another e l e c t i o n (1769). So while New York was never fr e e of i n t e n s e , even p h y s i c a l , p o l i t i c a l warfare, how close could the c i t y seem to r e v o l u t i o n ? 1 How much more a temporary f a c t i o n could the " P r e s b y t e r i a n independents" appear? And f o r a l l that t h e i r " r e p u b l i c a n " p r i n c i p l e s were v o l a t i l e , to men l i k e V a r d i l l they were more nearly an expedient object of hatred and con-tempt than, at t h i s p o i n t , an inexorable t h r e a t . V a r d i l l had used that expediency to e f f e c t . By 1770 he had almost completed h i s f i r s t metamorphosis. Prom a King's graduate of no account i n 1766, he had become a known f i g u r e i n New York: a r a b i d A n g l i c a n , e p i s c o p a l z e a l o t , and a n t i - r e p u b l i c a n . But h i s r e p u t a t i o n d i d not hinge only on h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Whip f o r the American Whig. In 1769, h i s grave and serious demeanour, and h i s s e c u r i t y from h i n t s of v i c e or l e v i t y , e n t i t l e d him to a King's M.A. He was a standing acquaintance of a number of other King's graduates whose presence i n the c i t y was beginning to be f e l t : Egbert 2 Benson, John Jay, Peter Van Schaack. He had tut o r e d many a King's undergraduate, thus making h i s name an ornament i n more than a few c i t y households. And he was about to embark upon a new ap p r e n t i c e s h i p , t r y i n g out h i s " c l e a r , s trong, manly v o i c e " i n the churches of Jamaica (Long Island) and the c i t y . His p o s i t i o n , then, d i d not r e s t s o l e l y on the Whip or episcopacy, but h i s fame, such as he could c l a i m , owed most to l i t e r a r y productions d e a l i n g with those kinds of t o p i c s . He understood t h i s w e l l . W r i t i n g against the Whig had been a means of d i s c o v e r i n g the way to h i s patrons' applause at the expense of a ready e v i l . Three years l a t e r , h i s pen sharpened, and the motive c l e a r , he watched f o r new game. The quarry appeared on the continent i n 1768, a r r i v e i n g from Scotland, preceded by r e p u t a t i o n . Dr. John Wither-spoon was h i s name, a devoted c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s t , and " c a l v i n -i s t i c a l " P r e s b y t e r i a n , who had turned down the impressive c a l l s to Rotterdam and Dublin i n order to take the p o s i t i o n 4 of President of the College of New Jersey at Pr i n c e t o n . 70 Chandler had noted h i s coming: "The celebrated Dr. Wither-spoon i s a r r i v e d ; but a l l I hear of him i s that he makes but 5 an i n d i f f e r e n t f i g u r e i n the p u l p i t . " While he q u i c k l y became a p r o v i n c i a l P r e s b y t e r i a n l e a d e r , the Doctor j u d i c i o u s l y r e s t r a i n e d h i s c o n t r o v e r s i a l p r e d i l e c t i o n s f o r the f i r s t few years of h i s American r e s i -dence, and attended to h i s c o l l e g i a t e d u t i e s . I t was appar-e n t l y an innocent move, then, to p u b l i s h i n 1772 a promotional pamphlet e n t i t l e d An Address to the Inhabitants of Jamaica, And Other West-India I s l a n d s , In Behalf of the College of New Jersey;. I t s o s t e n s i b l e purpose was to s o l i c i t "Benefactions from the wealthy and generous" of those places f o r h i s "College of considerable standing." "Benefaction" could no doubt have a l s o meant an o u t r i g h t g i f t , but the primary aim was to a t t r a c t sons of wealthy and generous Anglo-Jamaican 7 parents. In promoting h i s own i n s t i t u t i o n , however, he found i t necessary to denigrate other American seminaries, and at the same time convince h i s audience to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to America i n s t e a d of England. While he c a u t i o u s l y r e f r a i n e d from s l a n d e r i n g E n g l i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s — h i s c r i t i c i s m s were harsh e n o u g h — i t appeared that an i n v i d i o u s comparison of h i s "Seminary" i s used i n the pamphlets, and w i l l be so used here, synonymously w i t h " c o l l e g e . " 71 c h i e f competitorsj P h i l a d e l p h i a and King's, to P r i n c e t o n , was a motive equal to a t t r a c t i n g Jamaican students; or per-haps he thought of i t as a means there t o . Whatever h i s t h i n k i n g , the net r e s u l t was that a dry, d u l l , plodding pam-p h l e t , with a great a i r of reasonableness, reserve, and modesty, i n a word, everything to be expected from a c o l l e g e p r e s i d e n t , became as w e l l a cover f o r what can j u s t l y be c a l l e d "snide" remarks. And an i n s p e c t i o n of h i s l o g i c leads to the conclusion that the piece would have been s a f e r i n other hands. The arguments against B r i t i s h schools are i l l u s t r a -t i v e . F i r s t , England was too f a r away f o r proper p a r e n t a l s u p e r v i s i o n , whereas the College of New Jersey was i n p r e c i s e l y the r i g h t l o c a t i o n , n e i t h e r too d i s t a n t , nor so close as to allow feigned sickness and a t r i p home at every exam. New Jersey's c o l l e g e was a l s o a much more healthy place than Great B r i t a i n , s i t u a t e d i n the midst of a near magical climate. And i t was, of course, a good school. But on the other hand, u n l i k e the famous B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s whose g u i l d e d reputa-t i o n s bred p r o f e s s o r i a l complacency, the College of New Jersey prudently attended to producing learned graduates. I t s r e p u t a t i o n was not so great that i t could expect not to s u f f e r by c o n f e r r i n g degrees on those "coming out of c o l l e g e almost as ignorant as they went i n . " F u r t h e r , Witherspoon's c o l l e g e was s a f e r than England f o r r i c h c h i l d r e n : l o c a t e d i n 72 the country, there was v i r t u a l l y nothing on which to squander money, and t h e r e f o r e a b e t t e r chance of moral p u r i t y . In England, however, such students r i s k e d a present danger of " c o n t r a c t i n g v i c i o u s h a b i t s . " . . . i t i s w e l l known t h a t , i n a l l the great towns i n B r i t a i n , a set of p r o f l i g a t e boys, and sometimes a r t f u l persons f a r t h e r advanced i n l i f e , a t t a c h themselves to such as are w e l l supplied w i t h money, impose upon t h e i r youth and s i m p l i c i t y , g r a t i f y them i n every i r r e g u l a r d e s i r e , and lead them both i n t o i d l e n e s s and v i c e . There was as w e l l to be feared the a v a i l a b i l i t y of " B a l l s , Concerts, P l a y s , Races," and other entertainments "Highly p e r n i c i o u s to youth i n the f i r s t stages of t h e i r education," a l l of which.was notably absent i n r u r a l New Jersey. And appealing to North American p a t r i o t i s m , Witherspoon reminded h i s readers that Americans w i t h American educations would Q more l i k e l y become much needed American teachers. But as he then changed to e x t o l l i n g h i s c o l l e g e ' s v i r t u e s i n the American context, he a l s o began i n s u l t i n g King's and the College of P h i l a d e l p h i a . The e v i l s found i n B r i t i s h schools were endemic to any c i t y seminary, and hence missing from New Jersey. But more important, the College of New Jersey was "altogether independent." Owing no favours a r i s i n g from government l a r g e s s , there was no danger of pro-f e s s o r s or t u t o r s being chosen by " M i n i s t e r i a l " suggestion. The College Governors were as " f a r removed as the s t a t e of numan nature w i l l admit, from any Temptation to a fawning, 73 c r i n g i n g s p i r i t and mean s e r v i l i t y i n the hope of Court favour or promotion." On the c o n t r a r y , at New Jersey "the s p i r i t of l i b e r t y has breathed high and strong i n a l l the Members," su r e l y p r e f e r a b l e to "the dead and vapid s t a t e of one whose very existence depends upon the nod of those i n power." And New Jersey had been able to grow to i t s present educational opulence without "pompous d e s c r i p t i o n s , or r e -peated recommendations i n the p u b l i c papers." F i n a l l y , w i t h a regard f o r r e l i g i o u s freedom, and no attachment to any p a r t i c u l a r s e c t , "there i s n e i t h e r i n c l i n a t i o n nor occasion to meddle with any controversy whatever."^ The references were obvious. P h i l a d e l p h i a and King's were headed by Anglicans, Provost Smith and President Cooper. And i t was w e l l known on which side of the Whig-Whip fence they had stood. The i m p l i c a t i o n that the c i t y schools' Anglican connections precluded r e l i g i o u s freedom, while n e i t h e r f a i r nor t r u e , was c l e a r . And both schools had r e -ceived government f i n a n c i a l a i d which, i f involvement i n con-tro v e r s y d i d not already demonstrate, i n d i c a t e d a good reason f o r the discovery of a " c r i n g i n g , s e r v i l e " a t t i t u d e . V a r d i l l and Cooper could not l e t such innuendo pass. V a r d i l l l a t e r saw t h e i r response as a " V i n d i c a t i o n of the E n g l i s h U n i v e r s i t i e s & Education i n general," the t h i r d e l e -ment of h i s defence of the " B r i t i s h " i n " B r i t i s h North America" ( i . e . , church, s t a t e , and now, education). While 74 i t was probably h i n d s i g h t which provided t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and the needs of the moment, obviously V a r d i l l was coming to l i v e i n a world peopled h e a v i l y with enemies; paranoia "breathed high and strong" elsewhere than i n New England. And as w e l l , d i s p u t i n g "independents" and p r o t e c t i n g things E n g l i s h was a rewarding formula. The v e h i c l e t h i s time out was c a l l e d Candid Remarks on Dr. Witherspoon's Address 11 The pamphlet i s a s t y l i s t i c hodgepodge. I t i s d i v i -ded i n t o so many Roman numbered sections that probably the authors even confused each other. What must have been the hand of Cooper echoed a proper P r e s i d e n t i a l d u s t i n e s s , while the energetic and s t i l l clumsy V a r d i l l "bespangled" i t w i t h a pretence of wit and sharp i n v e c t i v e . The i n f l u e n c e s of ad  hominem b e l l i c o s i t y from h i s formative l i t e r a r y years would apparently not wear o f f . But the pamphlet's importance here i s not so much i t s s t y l e , although that i s an i n d i c a t o r of V a r d i l l ' s development, or even i t s confutations of Wither-spoon' s e a s i l y confuted a s s e r t i o n s . I t s importance i n s t e a d i s that i t gives an i n t e r i o r , view o f ' V a r d i l l ' s (and Cooper's) perception of the purposes of education, and g e n e r a l i z e s pre-c i s e l y that road which he had so f a r t r a v e l l e d . I t can be no exaggeration to presume that the pamphlet i s a s e l f -The quotation i s from h i s Memorial to the L o y a l i s t Claims Commission; see chapter two. 75 c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n . I t began by dispensing with Witherspoon's more i n -s i p i d a s s e r t i o n s . Princeton's climate was not charmed; i f anything, i t s nearness to uncleared swamps posed a h e a l t h hazard. I t s p r o p i n q u i t y to Jamaica was a l s o unimportant ex-cept to those of middle income, f o r whom i t would be a d i f -f i c u l t y to send sons to England. The argument that a B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t y ' s r e p u t a t i o n would prevent a proper education was simply backwards. V a r d i l l "would deem a P h y s i c i a n who had perform'd many b e n e f i c i a l Cures, more f i t to be entrusted w i t h h i s Health, than a Stranger . . . whose Reputation was not yet e s t a b l i s h ' d . " The E n g l i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s would ob-v i o u s l y h e s i t a t e to l a v i s h t h e i r precious rep u t a t i o n s on "the Indolent and Undeserving." And as to p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of v i c e , such entertainments e x i s t e d i n America; a New Jersey student w i t h s u f f i c i e n t d e s i r e could f i n d the means of s e l f -12 c o r r u p t i o n . But Witherspoon had made a great point of h i s c o l -lege's s e c l u s i o n , which he thought would tend to provide a motivation f o r study, since there was l i t t l e e l s e to do. V a r d i l l a l s o found t h i s turned around, and i n ignorance of a proper method f o r i n s t i l l i n g a s s i d u i t y . With no l i t t l e i n -s i g h t , he maintained that there were four common reasons f o r V a r d i l l w i l l be c i t e d i n the t e x t as author. 76 a student to do h i s work. The f i r s t came from a fe a r of punishment. But t h i s was only to be used on those whom " P r i n c i p l e s of Honour and Duty cannot reach," and would i n any case tend "to create an Aversion t o , r a t h e r than a love of Science." Another was the "Prospect of Subsistence." A r a t h e r unseemly motive, i t could be of l i t t l e impact on s t u -dents supported by r i c h parents. Next came the " S p i r i t of I n v e s t i g a t i o n . " But t h i s was a r a r i t y even among men, who "are very r a r e l y strenuous Students from a mere Desire of  Knowing." The most e f f e c t u a l p r i n c i p l e f o r prodding students, V a r d i l l found, was the " S p i r i t of Emulation." By t h i s a t t i -tude the student would attempt to i m i t a t e h i s p r o f e s s o r s , and the members of h i s prospective p r o f e s s i o n , out of the "Pros-pect of Applause, of Eminence, and D i s t i n c t i o n . " The i n s t i n c t to seek such p r i z e s represented the u n i v e r s a l w e l l - s p r i n g of 13 i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s c i p l i n e . A seminary i n the c i t y would most e a s i l y i n s t i l such a d e s i r e , and nurse i t to greatest advantage. The reasons were simple: the audience was l a r g e r , more important, pro-bably more a t t e n t i v e , and the media to the audience more a v a i l a b l e and e f f i c i e n t . An audience moreover was e s s e n t i a l , f o r i t prevented the s i t u a t i o n where "opening Genius [would] expand i t s Flowers, and waste i t s Sweets unnoticed and unad-mired." The press, f o r i n s t a n c e , was a great inducement to production: "The S a t i s f a c t i o n of having met with p u b l i c 77 Approbation on past, rouses the Ambition of higher Applause on t h e i r f u t u r e attempts"; and again, w i t h equal relevance: "Casual Applause of a lame and uncouth ^Stanza has perhaps 14 blessed the World with many an e x c e l l e n t Poet." But the c i t y audience served more than an observer's r o l e ; i t was the f u t u r e m i l i e u of the student, and as such i t should be both courted and understood. A seminary i n the c i t y allowed "Intercourse with Mankind." The V a r i e t y of D i s p o s i t i o n s , I n c i d e n t s , and Occasions i n L i f e , which r e q u i r e our Prudence, are too v a s t , v a r i a b l e , and numerous, to be crouded [ s i c ] i n t o any D e s c r i p t i o n of A r t ; they can only be a c c u r a t e l y s t u d i e d i n the grand O r i g i n a l i t s e l f . . . . Hence i t i s , that we so often see the Man of profound E r u d i t i o n , who bends under a Load of learned Lumber, h e s i t a t i n g , and miserably stumbling, i n executing the most common O f f i c e s of L i f e . Only with a knowledge of men could the "Art of p l e a s i n g " be properly l e a r n e d . 1 ^ Learning t h i s adulatory a r t , V a r d i l l had proved, was of the f i r s t importance to the ambitious. The c i t y c o l l e g e enjoyed the advantage of men at the tops of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s . This was u s e f u l not only f o r t h e i r knowledge; " I f only w i t h a View to t h e i r Patronage, t h i s Circumstance i s momentous." In more d e t a i l , V a r d i l l explained the manner of ascent: I f he [the student] has a t t r a c t e d the Notice of those around him, las Merit w i l l i n f a l l i b l y do when i t has so many Witnesses, and so many whose I n t e r e s t w i l l lead them, and who have such O p p o r t u n i t i e s , to proclaim i t ) he w i l l have the s u p e r i o r B e n e f i t of e n t e r i n g on Business 78 with the good Opinion of h i s F e l l o w - C i t i z e n s ; of being perhaps pa t r o n i z e d by some Persons of Eminence and Gener-o s i t y , acquainted w i t h h i s A b i l i t i e s , or of r e t u r n i n g Home preceded by a s h i n i n g Reputation.16 A proper s p i r i t of emulation, then, augured w e l l i n -t e l l e c t u a l l y and p r o f e s s i o n a l l y ; but al s o morally. V a r d i l l had an understanding of what would now be c a l l e d " s o c i a l i z a -t i o n , " or the means by which learned values, due to various environmental pressures, are i n c u l c a t e d . The most b a s i c b e l i e f s d i d not a r i s e "from C o n v i c t i o n by Reasoning," but by experience. Thus, "Had Locke or Bacon been born i n Lapland or Egypt, the one would probably have i d o l i z e d a Stone, and the other a Monkey." A s p i r i t of emulation would t h e r e f o r e guide the student i n value formation, and have a n a t u r a l tendency to obviate other, wicked, y o u t h f u l passions. With an evident comprehension of s u b l i m a t i o n , V a r d i l l described how these passions would be p r o d u c t i v e l y channelled: Passions themselves are on the Wing f o r some Object of G r a t i f i c a t i o n . . . . The Prospect of Fame, of Eminence and Applause, i s an Object which w i l l most probably succeed, as i t h i g h l y agrees with the Violence of Pas-s i o n , V i v a c i t y and P r i d e , n a t u r a l to Youth; and from the Extent, V a r i e t y , and Beauty of i t s F a i e r y Scenes, tends most f o r c i b l y to engage the j u v e n i l e Imagination. In t h i s way, then, the student would l e a r n that " e x t r a o r d i -nary Devotion and S a n c t i t y , [are] the surest Road to Applause, and P r o f l i g a c y of Manners, the keenest to Reproach." Thus had King's and P h i l a d e l p h i a , Witherspoon's l o g i c a l webs 79 notwithstanding, produced, i n the sat a n i c urban environment, 17 graduates "remarkable f o r the P u r i t y of t h e i r Morals." F i n a l l y , the Candid Remarks proceeded to rebut Witherspoon's more p o l i t i c a l i n f e r e n c e s . And here the cracks of the Whip were remembered: that attachment to government breeds l i b e r t y . "The O b l i g a t i o n they are under to Govern-ment, w i l l undoubtedly induce Members of [King's and P h i l a -d elphia] to propagate no P r i n c i p l e contrary to i t s S p i r i t and I n t e r e s t . . . " V a r d i l l admitted; but "how w i l l t h i s i n t e r -f e r e with t h e i r c h e r i s h i n g a S p i r i t of L i b e r t y ? " The Doctor had been more than confused i n h i s i n s i n u a t i o n that "minis-t e r i a l i n t e r p o s i t i o n would be u n f r i e n d l y to the S p i r i t of L i b e r t y " ; he had been more nearly s e d i t i o u s , f o r Pr i n c e t o n was under the i n f l u e n c e of "the Independent F a c t i o n . " Hence, an attachment to government, while not i n i m i c a l to l i b e r t y , despised independence from Great B r i t a i n ; and independence, and here the c r u c i a l point i s manifest, was " e s s e n t i a l l y d i f -f erent from that of L i b e r t y , and dangerous to S o c i e t y . " With p e r f e c t conscience, then, V a r d i l l could f i n d that the co r r e c t f u n c t i o n of King's and P h i l a d e l p h i a , was "dissemi-n a t i n g a S p i r i t of R e l i g i o n , Learning and P a t r i o t i s m , by i n c u l c a t i n g a Love of our happy C o n s t i t u t i o n , Obedience to 18 the Laws, and Zeal f o r the Welfare of our Country." V a r d i l l ' s co-author and employer, President Cooper, 80 could e a s i l y be impressed with the Candid Remarks on Wither-spoon' s imprudence. In proof of the pamphlet's d e s c r i p t i o n of the advantages of a c i t y c o l l e g e , l i t t l e more than a year a f t e r i t s p u b l i c a t i o n V a r d i l l was e l e c t e d Professor of Na t u r a l Law and Moral Philosophy at King's. The Governors a l s o voted him a hundred pounds f o r p r i o r s e r v i c e , which would enable him, with h i s nearly two years of preaching experience, to go to England f o r o r d i n a t i o n . But before he l e f t a new s e r i e s of events began i n v o l v i n g the "independents" i n yet another scheme of o p p o s i t i o n to parliament, t h i s time 19 founded i n tea. To some Anglicans, the Tea Act of 1773 provided a very remarkable reason f o r working the engines of r e b e l l i o n : i t introduced high q u a l i t y tea to the c o l o n i e s at lower p r i c e s than poor q u a l i t y t e a . Those who e n t e r t a i n e d t h i s uncomplicated p i c t u r e seemed to forget that the beverage was s t i l l an i r r i t a n t to some u n f o r g i v i n g Americans. A v e s t i g e of the Townshend Du t i e s , i t s three pence per pound "tax" represented a t a n g i b l e reminder of parliament's d e c l a r a t i o n 20 of l e g i s l a t i v e supremacy. The new l e g i s l a t i o n was a sop f o r the East I n d i a Com-pany. A i l i n g from the expense of m i l i t a r y adventures i n I n d i a , the company courted bankruptcy. Under the Tea Act, parliament authorised the use of North America as a dumping ground f o r 17,000,000 pounds of excess tea. I t d i d so by 81 g r a n t i n g the company a s p e c i a l l i c e n c e f o r d i r e c t importa-t i o n at a low p r i c e made p o s s i b l e by a r o l l b a c k of company d u t i e s . When the plan was f i r s t announced i n America, i t was greeted w i t h a yawn. Not u n t i l the t e x t of the law was p r i n t e d i n October, and smugglers began to understand what cheap, l e g a l , " E n g l i s h " tea would do to p r o f i t s derived from cheap, smuggled, "Dutch" t e a , d i d o p p o s i t i o n commence. To V a r d i l l , the importation of good, inexpensive tea c o n s t i -tuted a weak premise f o r r e s i s t a n c e , and he f e l t compelled to say so i n a s e r i e s of New York broadsides signed " P o p l i -n it 21 c o l a . " The essays appeared a month before the Boston Tea Part y , where the issue was changed from one of c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l commerce to mal i c i o u s m i s c h i e f and the s a n c t i t y of property. Hence t h e i r t o p i c a l elements were q u i c k l y made obsolete. A f t e r the tea had been destroyed at Boston, argu-ments concerning where the "tax" was p a i d , whether i t c o n s t i tuted a l e g a l - e x t e r n a l or i l l e g a l - i n t e r n a l impost, whether i t was a tax at a l l , whether i t was p a t r i o t i c or s i n i s t e r to drin k "Dutch" Chinese or " E n g l i s h " Chinese t e a , whether the one t a s t e d b e t t e r than the other, and whether or not smuggle deserved the sympathy or d i s d a i n of f e l l o w c i t i z e n s , became even more empty than they had already been. Reliance on These " i s s u e s " a l l appear i n " P o p l i c o l a . " 8 2 these arguments f o r anything but r h e t o r i c a l f l o u r i s h before the Tea Party had been In ignorance of the f a c t that a f i n a l determination of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l problems a r i s i n g from commercial r e g u l a t i o n would, i n the "Age of Reason," cer-t a i n l y not proceed "from C o n v i c t i o n by Reasoning." I t was coming much more to the point where one set of c o l o n i s t s " i d o l i z e d a Stone, and the other a Monkey." A f t e r the Tea Pa r t y , nice l o g i c and s p e c i f i c i l l u s t r a t i o n s (e.g., that three pence per pound i s very l i t t l e to pay) were b a t h e t i c i n t r u s i o n s having no e f f e c t on complaints of f a i t h . V a r d i l l ' s f a i t h persevered. The notions of l i b e r t y , s e c u r i t y , freedom, and proper government, and who were t h e i r f r i e n d s and who enemies, forged i n the heat of the Whig-Whip war, r e s t a t e d i n the educational connection as an answer to Witherspoon, could be no d i f f e r e n t i n the present circum-stances. Those who opposed parliament over tea were r e l a -t i v e s of the same "independent" f a c t i o n which had opposed bishops. Their motives, then and now, were s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d . In 1 7 6 8 to 1 7 6 9 , they had attempted i n New York to r e g a i n a disappearing p o l i t i c a l power by b e w a i l i n g the e v i l s of bishops; now they hoped to prote c t i l l e g a l p r o f i t s by b e w a i l -i n g the e v i l s of parliament and the East I n d i a Company. Whether V a r d i l l thought the Independent f a c t i o n r e a l l y wanted independence i s a d i f f i c u l t question; but that he found them c r y i n g f o r measures which would promote i t s attainment as a means to power, i s c e r t a i n . And since s e l f -i n t e r e s t , not p u b l i c d i s i n t e r e s t , was the motive, as s u r e l y as Chauncy had "seen" i n Ewer, and I n g l i s had "seen" i n L i v i n g s t o n , as sur e l y as Anglicans had been seeing i n Pres-b y t e r i a n s and Presbyterians i n Anglicans since 1754, so V a r d i l l now saw i n the smugglers' supporters a reawakening of the p l o t against American l i b e r t y . His f e l l o w c i t i z e n s , e n i g m a t i c a l l y "deluded by passionate Exclamations f o r L i b e r t y , " were f a l l i n g v i c t i m s to "Measures i n t r o d u c t i v e of the most imperious TYRANNY."22 2 V a r d i l l came to t h i s conclusion v i a the same route that the celebrated " P a t r i o t s " discovered i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s to mate w i t h t h e i r then e i g h t - y e a r - o l d r e l i g i o u s " b i r t h -r i g h t s . " He came to i t with reference to Locke, Montesqieu, and the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . I t i s an ofte n overlooked f a c t of r e v o l u t i o n a r y h i s t o r y that the l o y a l i s t pamphleteers i n general, and V a r d i l l , that most i n v e t e r a t e l o y a l i s t , i n par-t i c u l a r , d i d not r e j e c t the r i g h t to r e v o l u t i o n , d i s r e s p e c t l e g i t i m a t e American cl a i m s , ignore the idea of n a t u r a l r i g h t s , or view the b a s i c s of c i v i l s o c i e t y "fundamentally" d i f f e r e n t l y than the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . In t h i s r e s p e c t , V a r d i l l i s a "conservative estimate" of the p o s i t i o n s of the l e s s r a d i c a l l y l o y a l . And even he was w i l l i n g to proclaim t h a t , "should oppression s t a l k openly f o r t h , recourse must be had to those l a t e n t powers of s o c i e t y , which no precedents, 84 no s o c i a l c o n t r a c t s , can destroy." In such a s i t u a t i o n , "the i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s of humanity would j u s t i f y " v i o l e n c e . But the moaning of a smuggler's pocket book was no example of s t a l k i n g oppression. Without some s u f f i c i e n t cause to invoke the d i s c l a i m e r , men i n c i v i l s o c i e t y held r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . They had made t h e i r powers " l a t e n t " as c o n s i d e r a t i o n to the co n t r a c t , i n exchange f o r which, as i n a l l c o n t r a c t s , they re c e i v e d a t h i n g of value: s e c u r i t y . The manner of render-ing t h e i r power l a t e n t was to submit to the r u l e of law; and the r u l e of law was made p o s s i b l e by the r e s u l t i n g contrac-t u a l s t a b i l i t y . Hence, f r a g i l i t y was not the only funda-mental of the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t , which i s the emphasis a r i s i n g from an i n s p e c t i o n of the " P a t r i o t s " ; s e c u r i t y of person and property from the act i o n s of others, through obedience to the law, which together form the premise to l i b e r t y , were equa l l y fundamental. In V a r d i l l ' s words: " I t i s obvious, t h e r e f o r e , that C i v i l L i b e r t y can be nothing e l s e but n a t u r a l l i b e r t y so f a r r e s t r a i n e d by human laws, as i s necessary 24 and expedient f o r the general b e n e f i t of the p u b l i c k . " As to V a r d i l l , as to the Whip, the B r i t i s h system o f f e r e d the saf e s t c o n t r a c t . He q u i t e recognized that there were problems i n the present i m p e r i a l arrangement, that a more e f f e c t u a l method of c o l o n i a l parliamentary representa-t i o n should be discovered. But the way of f i n d i n g the 85 s o l u t i o n to such problems depended upon a " c o r d i a l union," not h o s t i l i t y . Indeed, h o s t i l i t y was c o n t r a p o s i t i v e to the s o l u t i o n , a f a c t so obvious i t p e r s u a s i v e l y argued that the "independents" were not at a l l i n t e r e s t e d i n succouring American l i b e r t i e s , but i n destroying them. And here he could launch i n t o the metaphor of i n f a n -t i l i t y . Just as the Anglicans d i d not f i n d r e l i g i o n ' s proper r o l e from an examination of New England P u r i t a n e x i l e s , but r a t h e r w i t h reference to the "Mother Country"; so now V a r d i l l d i d not look to a r e s p o n s i b l e , i n n o v a t i v e America f o r a discovery of the o r i g i n s or p r o t e c t i o n of c i v i l l i b e r t y . On the contrary, a l l signs t o l d him that the Americans were not r e s p o n s i b l e , and that t h e i r "innovations" would l e a d , as another l o y a l i s t phrased i t l a t e r , to "such a system of lawless tyranny, as a Turk would s t a r t l e a t . " V a r d i l l t h e r e f o r e looked i n s t e a d to p a r e n t a l Great B r i t a i n . America's hope was to r e t a i n a symbiotic i m p e r i a l connection: "The a u t h o r i t y [of parliament] should be the b e n e f i c i a l author-i t y of a parent; the obedience of the other, the l i b e r a l obed-ience of a child.:" Where, he might ask, was the c o l o n i a l s p i r i t of emulation? In a departing, lamenting summation, V a r d i l l sought to r e k i n d l e that s p i r i t by a c o n j u r a t i o n of i t s i n s t r u c t o r s , and a restatement of i t s lessons: SPIRITS of immortal Worthies! that expired i n the b r i g h t Cause of Freedom, teach us, 0 teach us by your Example— 86 that a Love of L i b e r t y i s a Love of our C o u n t r y — . . . That genuine L i b e r t y can only be found i n C i v i l S o c i e t y — t h a t without L a w s C i v i l Society cannot s t a n d — t h a t Laws are of no B e n e f i t , i f they may be transgressed at  P l e a s u r e — t h a t i f one Part of the Community transgresses them, another may a l s o — t h a t where a l l are f r e e from the  r e s t r a i n t s of Law, there i s no SECURITY f o r ANY.25 But the immortal worthies stayed hidden i n t h e i r netherworld. Tea Act r e s i s t a n c e i n t e n s i f i e d i n s t e a d of abat-i n g . By January, 1 7 7 4 , when V a r d i l l was ready to leave f o r England, r e f u s a l of t e a at American ports was commonplace, and d i s t r a c t e d o p p o s i t i o n was again i n f u l l swing. One wonders i f V a r d i l l despaired. The existence of the "independents" posed three questions which might lead to an answer. F i r s t , d i d they r e a l l y want independence from Great B r i t a i n ? V a r d i l l ' s response would probably have been ambiguous. I f the independent f a c t i o n succeeded i n a c h i e v i n g power through r e s i s t a n c e to l e g a l government, they would probably drop t h e i r independent pose. Nothing so g r e a t l y engenders a f f e c t i o n f o r the way things are than a personal stake i n the status.quo. But the independents could not be granted l e g i t i m a t e p o l i t i c a l power, any more than they could be granted the continent, simply to soothe t h e i r ambitions or to avoid nasty scenes. So whether they r e a l l y wanted to end the i m p e r i a l connection or not, they could be r e l i e d upon to continue to act as though they d i d . 87 But s t i l l , suppose that a few deluded enthusiasts s i n c e r e l y wished f o r independence, and the r e s t became car-r i e d away and r a s h l y made the attempt. What then? Would they succeed? The answer was a d e f i n i t e negative. The l o y a l i s t s had i m p l i c i t f a i t h i n what they thought was t h e i r own, and Great B r i t a i n ' s , overwhelming numerical and m i l i -t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y . There was, however, a t h i r d question. Granted that the independents r e a l l y wanted independence, or might stumble i n t o wanting i t ; and granted that they would s u r e l y f a i l i n the event; would they a c t u a l l y make the attempt? A f t e r a l l , men have been known to t r y the impossible. But even i f they could not be dissuaded by the u t t e r f u t i l i t y of such an endeavour, the d i f f e r e n c e between r i o t s and war was great, and the l a t t e r was necessary f o r independence. The idea of an American army to contest a B r i t i s h one, w i t h cannons and uniforms (where would they get them?), o f f i c e r s , even Generals, and perhaps a c a v a l r y , was absurd; and how much more unreal to formulate a challenge to B r i t i s h sea power. More l i k e l y a r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e , i f i t ever came i n t o being, would be a motley assortment of r i f f - r a f f and low-l i f e s , lead by a few power hungry (but otherwise p o t e n t i a l l y respectable) p o l i t i c i a n s who could not compete s u c c e s s f u l l y i n a l e g a l government. There would be r i o t s , perhaps, even a k i n d of r e b e l l i o n was p o s s i b l e . But an organized, armed 88 attempt to e s t a b l i s h a new and independent government? Ten months before the F i r s t C o n t i n e n t a l Congress i t was too f a n t a s t i c to imagine with any sense of r e a l i t y . Chapter VI MASTER LOYALIST Came to London f o r O r d i n a t i o n , 1774 . . . . — M e m o r i a l of John V a r d i l l London. C i v i l i z a t i o n at l a s t . Huzza, happy B r i t o n s , whom Neptune secures, The high Car of c r e s t - b l e s s i n g Glory i s yours! Let Spain boast the Treasures that glow i n her Mines, Let G a l l i a r e j o i c e i n her O l i v e s and Vines; In b r i g h t - s p a r k l i n g Jewels l e t I n d i a p r e v a i l ; And her odours Arabia d i f f u s e i n each Gale: Tis A l b i o n alone that i s b l e s t w i t h a S o i l , ^ Where the f a i r F r u i t s of V i r t u e and L i b e r t y smile. V a r d i l l ' s e x u l tant verse was p r e d i c t a b l e . He had been con-v i n c i n g h imself f o r at l e a s t eight years that the centre of God's c r e a t i o n and Man's greatness, agents of which had only i m p e r f e c t l y i n f e c t e d America, would be found i n the i m p e r i a l c a p i t a l , London. He a r r i v e d with the expectant awe of the co-l o n i a l whpse v i s i o n of the Mother Country r e s t e d on hearsay. One of those whom V a r d i l l had heard before h i s depart-ure was Myles Cooper, who had gone to London i n 1771 on a number of errands f o r the church and C o l l e g e . The two most important of these had been l e f t undone: securing a r o y a l c h a r t e r f o r making King's a u n i v e r s i t y , and convincing government to 89 90 e s t a b l i s h an American episcopate. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r com-p l e t i n g the work commenced by Cooper devolved on V a r d i l l when he l e f t f o r England. A f t e r r e c e i v i n g o r d i n a t i o n at the hands of the Bishop of London i n A p r i l , 1774, the Reverend V a r d i l l could concentrate on o b t a i n i n g approval f o r the ch a r t e r . Cooper had succeeded i n g a i n i n g general approbation f o r the idea i n 1772. He was prevented from e l i c i t i n g e x p l i c i t approval because he was cham-pioni n g an unwritten document, and was a f r a i d to w r i t e i t w i t h -out the c o n s u l t a t i o n of the College Governors. V a r d i l l , however, 2 possessed the d e t a i l s . The proposed u n i v e r s i t y was to have been modelled on Cooper's alma mater, Oxford. The charter concerned i t s e l f mainly with the complicated governing s t r u c t u r e which would oversee the expanded i n s t i t u t i o n , c r e a t i n g a board of regents and an "academical" senate. As w e l l , the p o l i t i c a l r o l e of the u n i v e r s i t y would have been g r e a t l y enlarged. The ch a r t e r c a r r i e d the u n l i k e l y recommendation that a large body composed of the regents, the f a c u l t y , and a l l holders of a u n i v e r s i t y or King's M.A.or higher degree, be empowered to e l e c t two mem-bers to the New York Assembly. Of more importance to V a r d i l l , the charter a l s o suggested the establishment of Regius P r o f e s -s o r s h i p s , the type and occupants of which were c o r d i a l l y l e f t to His Majesty's good sense. When V a r d i l l a r r i v e d , then, he was h i s College's 91 advocate. The way had been w e l l paved by Cooper. The general approbation he had obtained came from Lord H i l l s b o r o u g h , then President of the Board of Trade and Secretary of State f o r the Americas. A f t e r r e t u r n i n g home, Cooper sought a i d f o r h i s pro-j e c t from New York's new Governor, W i l l i a m Tryon. I t was not unexpected when the l a t t e r agreed to a s s i s t . Anglicans had great f a i t h i n the Governor's attachment to t h e i r church, and by a s s o c i a t i o n to t h e i r College. Chandler had w r i t t e n to Samuel Johnson before Tryon's instalment: "We ea r n e s t l y wish f o r Mr. Tryon i n New York; such a governor, North America has hardly ever seen. He has already done more f o r the church than any governor ever d i d . " He was given the added inducement of an honorary LL.D. As i t happened, Lord H i l l s b o r o u g h was one of Tryon's more important London acquaintances; i n f a c t he was a fa m i l y connection through Tryon's w i f e . But i t a l s o happened that H i l l s b o r o u g h was replaced by W i l l i a m Legge, E a r l of Dartmouth, i n 1772. The Secretary of State f o r the Americas, however, was s t i l l the l o g i c a l o f f i c e through which to proceed, and Tryon corresponded w i t h Dartmouth on the matter. The consequence of these various circumstances was that V a r d i l l had a ready and important contact i n government. With Dartmouth's a s s i s t a n c e , the cha r t e r was promoted. Progress was slow. The government was preoccupied w i t h other more p r e s s i n g matters. But some a t t e n t i o n was given to the 92 p l a n , since V a r d i l l T s advocacy proved at l e a s t p e r s o n a l l y e f f e c t i v e . Perhaps there had been some agreement on the subject before he l e f t New York, or perhaps i t was a momentary i n s p i r -a t i o n on h i s p a r t , i n e i t h e r case V a r d i l l could w r i t e James Duane, one of the College Governors, i n September, 1774: h i s Majesty has been pleased to appoint me h i s Royal  Professor i n the C o l l e g e , f o r the purpose of defending the C h r i s t i a n , & maintaining the grand P r i n c i p l e s of N a t u r a l , R e l i g i o n , by annual Lectures on those Subjects. The s a l a r y was E200 per annum. Although he asked Duane not to broadcast the news, word of the appointment appeared i n R i v i n g -7 ton's New York Gazetteer i n December. The same day, Rivington's Gazetteer c a r r i e d the report of s t i l l another promotion f o r V a r d i l l . Now that he was o r d a i n -ed, and a Royal Professor i n t o the b a r g a i n , he was e l i g i b l e f o r e c c l e s i a s t i c a l advancement i n the American church. In Novem-ber, the A s s i s t a n t M i n i s t e r of T r i n i t y Church i n New York C i t y , Dr. John O g i l v l e , had d i e d , l e a v i n g h i s post vacant. With the superfluous help of Thomas Bradbury Chandler, V a r d i l l Q was unanimously e l e c t e d O g i l v i e ' s successor. With the d e c i s i o n on the r o y a l charter pending, Var-d i l l pursued the second part of h i s mission. His advocacy i n London f o r the establishment of an American episcopate represent-ed h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to secret agency. The Whig-Whip debate had not ended p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n of bishops, and any popular 93 support Anglicans could create through the press was welcome. But the consequences of Chandler's Appeal had demonstrated that b r i n g i n g t h e i r case to the judgement of p u b l i c reason would not achieve the g o a l . What could not be done openly should t h e r e f o r e be accomplished c o v e r t l y . The Whig had d r i v e n the E p i s c o p a l i a n s underground. Knowledge of the new attempt to obta i n a bishop f o r America was even kept from V a r d i l l ' s f r i e n d s . They were t o l d to expect a r e l a t i v e l y long absence, since V a r d i l l was to study " I r i s h p u l p i t o r a t o r y , " and view the speaking s t y l e of I r i s h b a r r i s t e r s . New York acquaintances t h e r e f o r e understood when h i s stay was lengthened, though they were confused when they heard no word of h i s preaching. Edward Laight was f r a n k l y wor-r i e d : "people t e l [ s i c ] us they dont [ s i c ] hear of your preaching i n England as they expected, and I must Confes [ s i c ] I am a f r a i d e [ s i c ] you dont [ s i c ] apply you S e l f [ s i c ] to i t as you propposed [ s i c ] before you went away."9 They,.could not know the true reason. V a r d i l l and h i s correspondents on episcopacy enjoined each other to secrecy. As Chandler r e p l i e d to one of V a r d i l l ' s admonitions; "You have no need to caution me against e n t r u s t i n g any Person now, with an Account of our N e g o t i a t i o n s . I am s u f f i c i e n t l y guarded." 1^ 1 V a r d i l l again worked through Dartmouth, who was con-sidered a warm f r i e n d of episcopacy. He was a former p u p i l of the Reverend Dr. George Berkeley, an E n g l i s h A n g l i c a n who had 94 decided i n 1772, from s e l f - i n t e r e s t , to "devote [ h i s ] l i f e to the s e r v i c e of the E p i s c o p a l i n t e r e s t " i n America.1"'" Their confidence i n Dartmouth was w e l l founded. He agreed with V a r d i l l ? s o p i n i o n that "the Equity and U t i l i t y of such a Measure seems no longer doubted," so f a r as to arrange a meeting to 12 discuss i t with the Bishop of London. The e q u i t a b l e and u t i l i t a r i a n "Measure" had changed i n four years. The present proposal d i d not vaguely c a l l f o r send-in g bishops across the ocean, as Chandler's Appeal had seemed to suggest. The scheme had grown more s p e c i f i c . For a s t a r t , i t c a l l e d f o r the promotion of American clergymen i n s t e a d of the i m p o r t a t i o n of E n g l i s h ones. Chandler expounded on the t o p i c to V a r d i l l : I have conversed w i t h s e v e r a l Gentlemen of Figure among the L a i t y , by way of sounding out t h e i r Sentiments; and i t i s t h e i r Opinion, that i f some of our own Clergy were i n -vested w i t h the e p i s c o p a l Character f o r America i t would leave no Room f o r Jealousy, and they would be c o r d i a l l y r e c e i v e d by a l l Members of our Church, and not be opposed by the D i s s e n t e r s . I f the Matter were once put i n to t h i s Channel, i t would be l i k e l y to continue i n i t ; and t h i s i s a Co n s i d e r a t i o n which would have great Weight with our Clergy i n g e n e r a l , e s p e c i a l l y the younger Set, and make them ambitious of l i t e r a r y Eminence that they may become i n Time Candidate f o r t h i s Preferment. H i t h e r t o we have had i n t h i s Country no Premium to animate us, no Stimulus to e x c i t e us, excepting what was to be discovered by the Eye of F a i t h i n another World; and the Consequence has been, as might be expected, that we have been i n d o l e n t and torpid.13 Chandler could e a s i l y wish f o r the speedy a r r i v a l of the i n s t i -t u t i o n which would have such good e f f e c t s : he and Cooper were the designated candidates f o r the o f f i c e . I t was t h i s f a c t which explained Chandler's co u r t s h i p of V a r d i l l ' s good o f f i c e s i n h e l p i n g h i s e l e c t i o n to replace O g i l v i e at T r i n i t y Church, and which accounted f o r such remarks as: Your Connexion with [Cooper] has been much greater than i t has been wi t h me; and You must be under greater personal O b l i g a t i o n s to serve him than me. But the only Reason of t h i s D i f f e r e n c e i s , that h i s Opportunities to o b l i g e You have been greater than mine, but not h i s D i s p o s i t i o n and Desire.14 He not only hoped V a r d i l l could have him made a bishop, he even put i n h i s b i d f o r a diocese. Under the new p l a n , America would be d i v i d e d i n t o a northern and'a southern diocese. The southern s e c t i o n would incl u d e the West I n d i e s . This was the diocese f o r which Chand-l e r was intended, w h i l e , o b v i o u s l y , Cooper would be I n s t a l l e d i n the northern one. But the proposal was not so f i n a l i z e d that i t was not s t i l l subject to haggling. Chandler wrote V a r d i l l that " i t i s my candid Opinion that he [Cooper] i s f i t -t e r f o r the Southern D i s t r i c t than I am, and that I could do as w e l l i n the n [ o r ] t h e r n one as he can, and should be as agree-able both to the Clergy and People. A hot Climate to me would be i n t o l e r a b l e , and a t r i e n n i a l Tour through the West Indian 15 Islands would be much more s u i t a b l e f o r " the bachelor Cooper. Such were the d e t a i l s of the scheme f o r which V a r d i l l r e t a i n e d "the p u b l i c Character of P l e n i p o t e n t i a r y . C h a n d l e r could expect him to r e a l i z e that he was as yet only an agent, not a present candidate. He could a l s o understand that V a r d i l l ? s f a i t h f u l advocacy would cost more than k i n d words. Hence he t o l d him that i f "American Clergymen should have the Superin-tendency of the American Church, there i s but l i t t l e danger, i f you l i v e , of your f a i l i n g to have a Share i n t h i s Superin-17 tendency." V a r d i l l could see the relevance of the o f f e r . I t was he, a f t e r a l l , who was i n London conversing w i t h the powerful, meeting with Dartmouth and Bishop Lowth of Oxford. Indeed, the y o u t h f u l V a r d i l l was at the moment the d r i v i n g force of the e p i s c o p a l movement. But when v i c t o r y seemed nearest, the movement f e l l to pie c e s . Just when the supporters of the ambitious plan could convince themselves that i t s implementation was at hand, Bishop Lowth, though i n favour of the i d e a , recommend-ed caution. He wanted, w i s e l y , to see how the business over 18 Boston's port would end. I t ended at Lexington. I f the pl a n f o r an American bishop had been again f o r e -s t a l l e d , and the charter remained to be approved, i t had s t i l l been a fort u n a t e year f o r V a r d i l l . In the course of l e s s than twelve months he had become the Reverend V a r d i l l , a Regius Pro-fe s s o r designate, and A s s i s t a n t M i n i s t e r of the p r e s t i g i o u s T r i n i t y Church. Coming to England had indeed proved p r o p i t i o u s . He could j u s t l y conclude that a nearness to the c o r r i d o r s of power increased the l i k e l i h o o d of preferment, and r a i s e d him i n the e s t i m a t i o n of those at home. But where, r e a l l y , d i d t h i s succession of accolades leave him? While i n England he had no congregation. The appointment as A s s i s t a n t M i n i s t e r would do him l i t t l e good u n t i l h i s r e t u r n to New York. And the most a t t r a c t i v e possession was yet to be f i r m l y grasped: the Regius P r o f e s s o r s h i p of D i v i n i t y i n a nonexistent u n i v e r s i t y was as yet only a mirage. In consequence, he could by no means r e l a x i n s e l f -c o n g r a t u l a t i o n . U n t i l the charter was f i n a l l y granted, govern-ment's sympathy remained e s s e n t i a l . A f t e r the war he r a t h e r confused t h i s matter before the L o y a l i s t Claims Commission. He contended then that the Pr o f e s s o r s h i p had been granted i n r e c o g n i t i o n of h i s s e r v i c e s to government. In f a c t , the Profes sorship was held out to him before h i s s e r v i c e s properly com-menced. When they d i d begin, h i s behaviour was d i r e c t e d by two important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h i s improved but unsure c i r -cumstances. To a c t u a l l y gain possession of both the o f f e r e d p r i z e s , he had to await government's f i n a l nod, and i n the mean time maintain h i s candidacy. At the same time, a r a p i d ascent had brought him i n t o personal contact with the Secretary of State f o r the Americas, and h i s name to the ear of the King, proving the worth of h i s d o c t r i n e of emulation when used i n the r i g h t s e t t i n g . This pointed the way to c o n s o l i d a t i n g h i s gains 98 With l i m i t e d f o r e s i g h t , he d i s r e g a r d e d h i s f r i e n d Edward L a i g h t ' s a d v i c e t h a t "the emoulment [ s i c ] a r i s i n g from the f a v o u r o f a M i n i s t e r can l a s t o n l y d u r i n g h i s p o l i t i c a l G l o r y , " and a t t a c h e d h i m s e l f t o those i n p o w e r . 1 9 He was a i d e d by events i n America. As he wrote Duane of h i s appointment at K i n g ' s , the F i r s t C o n t i n e n t a l Congress was g a t h e r i n g a t P h i l a d e l p h i a t o d e a l w i t h the a c u t e problems of Anglo-American r e l a t i o n s . The B o s t o n i a n s had r e f u s e d t o pay f o r the t e a d e s t r o y e d j u s t b e f o r e V a r d i l l ' s d e p a r t u r e . P a r l i a -ment had responded w i t h i t s " I n t o l e r a b l e A c t s , " which c l o s e d the p o r t of B o s t o n , suspended the M a s s a c h u s e t t s c h a r t e r , and e s t a b l i s h e d a m i l i t a r y government. To American c o n s e r v a t i v e s i t was a f i r m s t a n c e l o n g overdue; t o the " i n d e p e n d e n t s " i t was the enactment of a n i g h t m a r e . R e j e c t i n g Joseph G a l l o w a y ' s i n -v e n t i v e p r o p o s a l f o r a new k i n d o f c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Great B r i t a i n , the Congress passed a number of h o s t i l e r e s o l u -t i o n s . I t f o r m u l a t e d a n o n - i m p o r t a t i o n , n o n - e x p o r t a t i o n , non-consumption a s s o c i a t i o n a g a i n s t B r i t i s h goods w i t h t h e e x h o r t a -t i o n t h a t l o c a l r a d i c a l s e n f o r c e c o m p l i a n c e . I t adopted the S u f f o l k R e s o l v e s , which among o t h e r t h i n g s c a l l e d f o r c o l o n i a l m i l i t a r y e x e r c i s e s . And i t sent an o t i o s e p e t i t i o n t o the K i n g w h i l e p o i n t e d l y i g n o r i n g p a r l i a m e n t . R e b e l l i o n had v i r t u a l l y been p r o c l a i m e d , and c o n s e r v a t i v e s i n America were b e i n g t r a n s -20 formed i n t o l o y a l i s t s . V a r d i l l had c o n f l i c t i n g r e p o r t s o f t h e s e events from f r i e n d s i n A m e r i c a . W h i l e a l l but John Jay were c r i t i c a l o f 99 of Congressional measures, they d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r assess-ment of the country's sentiments and of what the fu t u r e h e l d . Jay, a member of Congress, was reserved but apprehensive: "God 21 knows how the contest w i l l end." Chandler, as ever, was o p t i m i s t i c : " I cannot yet but hope that a strong Revulsion may 22 be made i n New York." But V a r d i l l a l s o r e c e i v e d the f o r e -boding advice that o p p o s i t i o n to Congress was nearly impossible^ since "to oppose them . . . there should be a p r o b a b i l i t y of 2 3 success; at present the whole continent i s against us." Samuel. Auchmuty, and many of the pamphleteers of the p e r i o d , 24 saw war approaching. V a r d i l l ' s v i s i t , i n other words, could e a s i l y become an e x i l e , a f a c t which provided f u r t h e r m o t i v a t i o n , and opportunity, f o r carving out a t e r r i t o r y i n London. This he accomplised w i t h speed. His f i r s t p o i n t was to resharpen h i s q u i l l . Beginning i n 1774 he wrote a s e r i e s of p e r i o d i c columns over the signature "Coriolanus. They were e x p l i c i t l y i n support of North.'s m i n i s t r y , and as e x p l i c i t l y against i t s o p p o s i t i o n i n parliament. At the same time they were used as a v e h i c l e of propaganda to damn Congress, and l a t e r to p a i n t l u r i d p i c t u r e s of circumstances i n America which would, presumably, help j u s t i f y government p o l i c y . Simultaneously, he sought to c a p i t a l i z e on h i s p o s i t i o n as a w e l l connected American. Since h i s views were obviously a l i g n e d w i t h govern-Reference w i l l be had to these columns as r e l e v a n t . 100 ment, and he was known i n London p r i m a r i l y on the b a s i s of f l a t t e r i n g recommendations and h i s demonstration of the "Art of p l e a s i n g , " he was enabled to construct a b e t t e r than reasonable case f o r h i s r e l i a b i l i t y as an a d v i s e r on American a f f a i r s . His intimacy w i t h most of the middle-colony Anglican leaders supported t h i s pose, and h i s f r i e n d s h i p with Jay gave him an a i r of t r a n s a t l a n t i c i n f l u e n c e . R e a l i z i n g t h i s , he made a show of attempting to win Jay's a f f e c t i o n s f o r the Crown. In a l e t t e r to V a r d i l l i n May, 1774, Jay had informed him of the coming Congress, and mentioned the prospect of h i s involvement. He a l s o advised V a r d i l l that he and Robert L i v -i ngston had a p p l i e d through Governor Tryon f o r the p o s i t i o n s of Judges of the Courts of Common Pl e a s , or i n f e r i o r county courts. Blocked by h i s C o u n c i l , Tryon agreed to pursue t h e i r appointments w i t h London. V a r d i l l ' s a s s i s t a n c e was requested. He was only too glad to help. Gaining a Congress member's support f o r government would g r e a t l y a i d V a r d i l l ' s appearance of u t i l i t y . By the end of the F i r s t Congress, however, Jay's l e t t e r s had become markedly c o o l e r , and the n e g o t i a t i o n s were 25 terminated u n s u c c e s s f u l l y i n e a r l y 1775-The impression of a busy and e f f e c t i v e government sup-p o r t e r , however, had been created. In a l e t t e r to Chandler i n l a t e 1774, he had claimed Dartmouth, and through the Secretary of S t a t e , Lord North h i m s e l f , as patrons. Later i n 1775 he was 101 even described as Dartmouth's "confidant." With such sup-p o r t e r s , V a r d i l l now occupied a r e l a t i v e l y safe niche i n the 2 6 periphery of power. He enjoyed a modicum of s e c u r i t y f o r which he could be g r a t e f u l . In A p r i l of 1775, wanton i n s a n i t y f i n a l l y con-quered the l a s t v e s t i g e s of prudence, and the independents began a war, c r e a t i n g a scene of horror i n America. New York seemed to be f a l l i n g apart w i t h a vengeance. "Coriolanus" t o l d h i s readers of Isaac Sears' Connecticut based i n v a s i o n of New York C i t y , during which Samuel Seabury was " a r r e s t e d " and i n -carcerated, and James Rivington's l o y a l i s t newspaper o f f i c e was destroyed. V a r d i l l ' s own mentor, Myles Cooper, narrowly escaped the i n d i g n i t i e s of a group of " p a t r i o t s " who attempted to capture him i n h i s College apartments i n a midnight r a i d . These were the f i n e examples of r e p u b l i c a n l i b e r t y f o r which the independents had so long wished. V a r d i l l ' s prophesies were e n t i r e l y f u l f i l l e d . The absence of B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t y meant lawlessness, and without law, l i b e r t y could not s u r v i v e . 27 Oppression s t a l k e d openly f o r t h . Since independency had shown i t s e l f to the l i g h t of day, and would now have to be destroyed by B r i t i s h arms i n s t e a d o f the w r i t t e n word, many e r s t w h i l e pamphleteers,~their emission ended i n f a i l u r e , came to London. Cooper and Chandler were among the refugees. Soon a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n l a t e 1775, they made contact with V a r d i l l . They found him a changed man. 102 The venerable Chandler's obsequious l e t t e r s to twenty-five year o l d V a r d i l l on the subject of episcopacy demonstrated t h a t , from the pe r s p e c t i v e of New Je r s e y , h i s mere presence i n London gave him power and importance beyond any he had had i n America. When i n London, Cooper and Chandler saw the change i n r o l e s continued. V a r d i l l had a rare a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the o f f i c e s of the powerful. In f a c t to some he had become more important than the Governor of New York: Tryon had been kept " w a i t i n g long at Dartmouths [ s i c ] Levee" while V a r d i l l was " c a l l e d i n before him tho' he came i n a f t e r & sent i n the l a s t Card." Cooper and Chandler could no longer c l a i m t o be V a r d i l l ' s patrons. The r e l a t i o n s h i p had s u f f i c i e n t l y reversed i t s e l f so that i t was V a r d i l l who acted the benefactor i n se-curing to the two Anglicans E200 pensions f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s . He had reached an impressive manhood q u i c k l y , and h i s know-ledge of London power arrangements made him independent of h i s 2 8 former mentors. Chapter V I I SERVANT OF THE CROWN [I]nstead of r e t i r i n g i n t o the Country, or employing himself i n the Line of h i s P r o f e s s i o n , He devoted h i s Time, from 1775 to 1781, to the s e r v i c e of Government . . . . —Me m o r i a l of John V a r d i l l The Anglican t r i u m v i r a t e had attempted to avert war. V a r d i l l now f e l t beckoned to help win i t . As a r e s u l t , h i s ser v i c e s a f t e r Lexington took on a new complexion. He drew apart from h i s o l d mentors who wit h remarkable t e n a c i t y t r i e d to keep a l i v e the movement f o r an American bishop. Along w i t h Cooper and Chandler, V a r d i l l was authorized from America to act on behalf of the American Anglican church. Cooper and Chandler pursued t h e i r plan f o r an episcopate through the S.P.G. u n t i l 1777. 1 V a r d i l l was only t a n g e n t i a l l y i n v o l v e d . His expectation of a b i s h o p r i c was vague at best, while h i s contact w i t h government had ceased being merely i n c i d e n t a l to the ac-complishment of p r o j e c t s designed f o r post-war America. His w r i t i n g s as "Coriolanus" and h i s posture as an adv i s e r on American a f f a i r s proved him w i l l i n g to serve the Crown i n what-ever capacity was a v a i l a b l e . This had been a choice of n e c e s s i t y . 103 104 Cooper and Chandler could r e l y more h e a v i l y than he upon the prospect of preferment i n the church, e s p e c i a l l y as the two candidates f o r mitres could conceivably be promoted regard-l e s s of the outcome of the war. V a r d i l l , however, had only the promises of o f f i c e s i n New York, the enjoyment of which a b s o l u t e l y r e q u i r e d B r i t i s h v i c t o r y . In contrast to h i s place at King's C o l l e g e , or w i t h i n the h i e r a r c h y of the church, V a r d i l l ' s standing w i t h govern-ment depended upon a p r a g m a t i c a l l y j u s t i f i a b l e u t i l i t y . Given h i s past experience, i t Is remarkable that he understood t h i s p r i n c i p l e so w e l l . That he d i d understand i t i s c e r t a i n : " I have no other o b j e c t , " he wrote, "but to be u s e f u l . " He probably gave l e s s thought to the more comforting f a c t that the s i t u a t i o n was r e c i p r o c a l . For i f V a r d i l l perceived himself i n a p o s i t i o n which r e q u i r e d him to be u s e f u l , the government, a f -t e r g r a n t i n g a pension a n d ' o f f e r i n g a Royal P r o f e s s o r s h i p , f e l t i t s e l f i n a p o s i t i o n which r e q u i r e d d i s c o v e r i n g a use f o r V a r d i l l . His uses were l i m i t e d . In i t s complacent wisdom, the government allowed the American l o y a l i s t s to remain a l a r g e l y wasted resource. V a r d i l l was already an exception to the r u l e . That he had any access at a l l to the o f f i c e s of the powerful was a mark of d i s t i n c t i o n belonging to no^more than a handful of e x i l e s throughout the war. But h i s future s e r v i c e s would s t i l l f a l l w i t h i n the bounds of a pre-decided p o l i c y . The im-p e r i a l government had proved i t s e l f f u l l y capable of stumbling 105 i n t o a war; i t considered i t s e l f f u l l y capable of stumbling out of i t , without having to base i t s d e c i s i o n s on the advice of those embarrassing reminders of i t s past f a i l u r e s , the l o y a l American e x i l e s . A man of V a r d i l l ' s background was u s e f u l f o r h i s acquaintances, and f o r h i s s p e c i f i c knowledge rele v a n t to i n d i v i d u a l problems. That i s , he was u s e f u l as a puppet. He was the r e f o r e introduced to the under-secretary of st a t e f o r the northern (European) department, W i l l i a m Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland. Eden was an ambitious man, b u s i l y preoccupied with d i r e c t i n g B r i t a i n ' s large and complicated sys-tem of European espionage. His o r g a n i z a t i o n of spies and dou-ble agents—he could never be sure which was which—grew up with remarkable quickness a f t e r the commencement of h o s t i l i t i e s , a growth which r e s u l t e d from the di p l o m a t i c and economic con-d i t i o n s of the e a r l y war years. B r i t i s h trade had been the l i f e blood of America's peace time economy. When the r e b e l s began k i l l i n g B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s , they cut themselves o f f from that trade more complete-l y than Congress's commercial boycott could ever have done. Without B r i t i s h goods, and without domestic i n d u s t r y , d i r e c t European trade became e s s e n t i a l f o r prosecuting the war. This matter was at f i r s t l e f t up to p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e . O f f i c i a l l y opening American ports to f o r e i g n trade was c l o s e r to a d e c l a r -a t i o n of independence than Congress wished to proceed i n 1775• By the s p r i n g of 1776, however, the ne c e s s i t y of greater Euro-106 pean a s s i s t a n c e pointed to the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of independence, and Congress dispatched an agent to P a r i s to appeal f o r French a i d . The choice of France was obvious. Congress reasoned c o r r e c t l y that England's t r a d i t i o n a l enemy, s t i l l smarting from the defeat of the Seven Years War only eleven years before, would be w i l l i n g , i t s monarchy notwithstanding, to take the op-p o r t u n i t y of weakening B r i t i s h power through support of the r e b e l l i o u s c o l o n i e s . S i l a s Deane, the congressional agent, a r -r i v e d i n P a r i s to negotiate the procurement of supplies i n mid-1776. By the end of the year he had been j o i n e d by Benjamin F r a n k l i n and Arthur Lee. Their mission i n 1777 was not only to secure continued a i d , but to negotiate a t r e a t y of amity 5 and commerce, and, i f p o s s i b l e , to drag France i n t o the war. S u f f e r i n g under the d e l u s i o n that secret i n f o r m a t i o n was of some s p e c i a l value, the presence of the American Commi-s s i o n i n P a r i s gave Eden ample opportunity to b u i l d a bureau-c r a t i c empire. What he expected to do with h i s agents's i n -formation was, i n the beginning, l i t t l e more than an a f t e r -thought. He simply forwarded the data to Lord North and the King, or used i t to plan f u r t h e r adventures. What Lord North and the King expected to do wit h the inf o r m a t i o n from Eden was even more curi o u s . The government d i d not respond w e l l to new i n t e l l i g e n c e , e s p e c i a l l y i f i t c o n f l i c t e d with standing p o l i c y . Instead of a i d i n g the c r e a t i o n of some b r i l l i a n t new di p l o m a t i c 107 or m i l i t a r y manoeuvre, secret i n t e l l i g e n c e more often pre-sented, a puzzle which caused v a c i l l a t i o n and p r o c r a s t i n a t i o n . Moreover, i t was v i r t u a l l y impossible to make use of secret i n -formation and at the same time maintain the information's se-crecy. And once the i n f o r m a t i o n was no longer s e c r e t , i t could not be r e l i e d upon as an i n d i c a t o r of f u t u r e p o l i c y . ^ Such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were repugnant to Eden. The s i x t h sense, i f not the common sense, of a p o l i t i c a l bureaucrat t o l d him that what Lord North and the King d i d with the i n t e l l i g e n c e he provided was not h i s problem. Gathering s e c r e t , seemingly v i t a l i n f o r m a t i o n was to h i s advantage whether i t a c t u a l l y aided the war e f f o r t or not; and so Eden became an assiduous gatherer of s e c r e t s . His operation depended h e a v i l y upon Americans r e c r u i t e d i n England. Hence V a r d i l l was r e f e r r e d to h i s o f f i c e sometime i n 1776. Their r e l a t i o n s h i p was c o n s p i r a t o r i a l from the s t a r t . The f i r s t meeting was arranged f o r Eden's lodgings, e i t h e r at 1/2 past 3" i n the afternoon, or, i f i t was thought "hazard-ous that He should come i n the Day Time there i s an American Family opposite me" to which V a r d i l l could r e p o r t . The under-secretary was impressed, and assured V a r d i l l ' s patron that " i f h i s . . . powers are such as I hope to f i n d them, I s h a l l [work] 7 f o r h i s own s o l i d B e n e f i t immediately." V a r d i l l ' s powers remained i d l e u n t i l F r a n k l i n ' s a r r i v a l i n P a r i s i n l a t e 1776 s i g n a l l e d the s t a r t of Franco-American 108 d i p l o m a t i c a c t i v i t y . Eden's forces came to l i f e . V a r d i l l was given an o f f i c e on Downing Street close to Eden, and he q u i c k l y became one of the under-secretary's three most impor-tant agents. His colleagues were Dr. Edward Bancroft and Paul Wentworth, both Americans by b i r t h . Bancroft had been l i v i n g i n London f o r some time be-fore the Rev o l u t i o n . He was an acquaintance of F r a n k l i n ' s , and as such Deane contacted him soon a f t e r going to P a r i s . A f t e r F r a n k l i n j o i n e d Deane, Bancroft became F r a n k l i n ' s personal secretary and took lodgings i n the same house wi t h the Commi-ss i o n e r s . In December of 1776, he engaged himself as a spy through Wentworth, then i n London, and l a t e r entered i n t o a w r i t t e n agreement to supply i n f o r m a t i o n to Lord Stormont, the B r i t i s h ambassador i n P a r i s . Bancroft was thus the primary connection i n P a r i s , where, i n a d d i t i o n to performing the func-t i o n s of personal s e c r e t a r y , he posed as an American spy to F r a n k l i n , . Deane, and Lee, which explained h i s frequent t r i p s to London. Wentworth had a l s o been i n London since before the war, and e a r l y played upon h i s p o s i t i o n as a c o n f i d e n t i a l cor-respondent of Congress to attach himself to Eden. Throughout 1777, he made numerous excursions between P a r i s and London, a c t -i n g as an undercover observer i n France, and an i n t e r p r e t e r of in f o r m a t i o n f o r Eden i n London. V a r d i l l ' s a c t i v i t i e s were centered more d i r e c t l y on Americans i n England, where he kept a l e r t to o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r o b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n or r e c r u i t i n g new agents. 109 Two such o p p o r t u n i t i e s appeared i n e a r l y 1777. The f i r s t concerned an American named Van Zant, a member of a prominent New Hampshire fam i l y which otherwise sided w i t h the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . V a r d i l l c a l l e d him i n h i s Memorial "a Gent, of B i r t h , Fortune, & considerable i n f l u e n c e w i t h Dr. F r a n k l i n . " He met Van Zant i n London by accident. " A f t e r much persuasion & promise," Van Zant "confessed that he was here on Congress-Business, had brought L e t t e r s from Dr. F r a n k l i n & others at P a r i s , & was about to r e t u r n w i t h some from hence." V a r d i l l p r e v a i l e d upon him to " d i s c l o s e them, &, f o r a c e r t a i n Reward, to continue h i s Residence at P a r i s , & to give a l l the informa-t i o n he could to Ld. Stormont " Although Van Zant, a l i a s Mr. Lupton, l a t e r proved an embarrassment from h i s high l i v i n g , he had an e a r l y e f f e c t i v e n e s s . "He, among other Things, i n -formed Govt, of the f i c t i t i o u s T i t l e s & D i r e c t i o n s under which the Rebel Correspondents have re c e i v e d t h e i r L e t t e r s . " This was of p a r t i c u l a r a i d to Eden, who had.the s e r v i c e s of the Q B r i t i s h Post f o r i n t e r c e p t i n g l e t t e r s e n t i r e l y at h i s d i s p o s a l . A more f a r reaching scheme was begun at around the same time. One of V a r d i l l ' s contacts i n England was a Mrs. Jamp, p r o p r i e t o r of a combination bordello-boarding-house i n Dover. Through her V a r d i l l heard of an American sea c a p t a i n named Hyn-son who had boasted that he was on an important mission from the American Commissioners i n P a r i s . His purpose was to pur-chase a c u t t e r f o r the Commissioners to use as a packet boat 110 f o r t h e i r correspondence to Congress. V a r d i l l met Hynson i n London, and persuaded him to "unbosom h i m s e l f . " From the i n f o r m a t i o n obtained, V a r d i l l concocted a p l a n f o r i n t e r c e p t i n g the next set of dispatches from the Commissioners. 1 1 Hynson had o r i g i n a l l y been intended by Deane to carry the dispatches aboard a ship under the command of another cap-t a i n . - Deane sent him the f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s i n June: . . . you w i l l embark as a passenger f o r the West I n d i e s , to which she [the s h i p ] must appear to be d e s t i n ' d , but before you s a i l the Cap1? must si g n Orders to be d i r e c t e d by you i n everything. You w i l l stand as f a r North as pos-s i b l e as to f a l l i n w i t h Portsmouth i n New Hampshire, i f p o s s i b l e , & make the f i r s t safe port to the East of Rhode I s l a n d , unless by speaking w i t h any Americans or others you r e c e i v e advice to the Contrary. You are to be very cautious who you speak to at Sea, & avoid speaking to them i f pos-P.S. You are to be p a r t i c u l a r l y c a r e f u l that no L e t -t e r s , or papers f a l l i n t o the hands of the Enemy, to pre-vent which keep the whole always ready f o r s i n k i n g i n Case of Accident. Under V a r d i l l ' s p l a n , Hynson would i n s t e a d command the ship h i m s e l f , and Deane agreed to the arrangement. A f t e r l e a v i n g France, Hynson would rendez-vous w i t h a B r i t i s h s h i p , and pre-tend to sink the dispatches by dropping a f a l s e packet over-board, by which ploy Deane would not know he had been defrauded. The B r i t i s h ship would then "capture" Hynson's s h i p , and gain 1 2 possession of the dispatches. With t h i s scheme i n mind, Hynson went to P a r i s , accom-panied by V a r d i l l and a Colonel Smith, a l s o i n Eden's employ. I l l V a r d i l l returned to London s h o r t l y afterwards, but Hynson stay -ed on u n t i l August when he l e f t f o r Havre du Grace. During h i s time i n P a r i s he met r e g u l a r l y w i t h Stormont or h i s sec-r e t a r y to r e l a t e whatever in f o r m a t i o n he had obtained from Deane. V a r d i l l wrote l a t e r that as a r e s u l t of Hynson's i n -t e l l i g e n c e "many V e s s e l l s bound to America were taken." He a l s o claimed that a "Gent, of D i s t i n c t i o n , " probably Colonel Smiibh, "was a l s o p r i v a t e l y sent over to him to d i r e c t and r e -ceive Information, & he had proceeded thro the Capt. very f a r i n Negotiations f o r Peace, w i t h Dr. F r a n k l i n , but the Capture 13 of Burgoyne b l a s t e d i t . " In the meantime, Hynson had devised a p l a n of h i s own. Instead of a c t u a l l y s a i l i n g , he decided simply to s t e a l the dispatches and take them to London. For t h i s , however, he would need a cover, which he found i n one Captain F o l g e r , a l s o at Havre and i n the Commissioners's s e r v i c e . Hynson apparent-l y reasoned that i f he postponed h i s departure long enough, Deane would e v e n t u a l l y become disgusted and entrust the d i s p a t -ches to Folger i n s t e a d . Throughout the summer of 1777, then, Hynson repeatedly found f a u l t w i t h the ships being prepared f o r him. Deane was taken i n e n t i r e l y , but l o s t patience. He therefore sent the dispatches to Hynson to give to Folger with the i n s t r u c t i o n s that the l a t t e r should set s a i l f o r America, unless, f o r some reason, he was prevented from so doing. In 14 that case, Hynson should take charge and leave immediately. 112 Instead, Hynson removed the dispatches from t h e i r cover and replaced them w i t h blank papers. He then gave the dummy package to F o l g e r , who d u t i f u l l y s a i l e d f o r America and d e l i v e r e d h i s embarrassing cargo to Congress. Hynson meanwhile went to London and gave the s t o l e n papers, through Colonel Smith who had returned from France, to Eden. The dispatches contained the complete correspondence between the American Commissioners and the French Court from March 12 to October 7, 1777, as w e l l as a number of l e t t e r s to Congress and p r i v a t e persons i n America. The dispatches represented the only communications from the Commissioners to Congress from May, 1777 to May 2, 1 7 7 8 . 1 5 The t h e f t was of course a ma s t e r f u l example of espion-age, f o r which V a r d i l l could take much of the c r e d i t . Moreover, i t came on the heels of two other successes he had had i n Sept-ember. One in v o l v e d a c e r t a i n Captain Deveraux, whose v e s s e l had been captured a f t e r a mutiny of the crew. V a r d i l l " i n v i t e d him to h i s House, & l e d him to confess, that He was bound to Amsterdam, that he had a number of l e t t e r s , (one from the Board of War at Boston) to People i n Holland, France & England." He d e l i v e r e d t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n to Eden, "by which means, . . . Govt., was informed of the A r t i c l e s most wanted by Congress, & of the Houses and Persons with whom they corresponded, & the Ships employed f o r the purpose." 1^ 113 The second was an a c t i o n against Bancroft's m i s t r e s s . Bancroft was so s u c c e s s f u l at p l a y i n g the double agent that V a r d i l l d i d not know h i s true l o y a l t y . But then n e i t h e r d i d Bancroft's employer, George I I I , who declared to North: "Ban-c r o f t i s e n t i r e l y an American." In a testimony to the complex-i t y and absurdity of Eden's o r g a n i z a t i o n , V a r d i l l "formed an Acquaintance" with Bancroft's m i s t r e s s , "& found, as he sus-pected, that She had L e t t e r s to convey from the Factions i n t h i s Country" to the Commission i n P a r i s . V a r d i l l ' s powers of persuasion must indeed have been estimable. He was even-t u a l l y able to o b t a i n "a Copy of the most m a t e r i a l Contents 17 of the L e t t e r s " which he gave to Eden. Eden made a summation of the L e t t e r s , presumably f o r North's use, which d i d l i t t l e more than i d e n t i f y the correspondents, a l l of whom were cautious i n what they wrote i n r e c o g n i t i o n of the precariousness of the 18 conveyor. Nonetheless, i t was a neat piece of work. In conjunc-t i o n w i t h the i n f o r m a t i o n from Deveraux, and the t h e f t of the dispatches, V a r d i l l ' s c r e d i b i l i t y as a government, secret s e r -vant was e s t a b l i s h e d . His reward came soon a f t e r . In January of 1778, the warrant f o r h i s P r o f e s s o r s h i p was i s s u e d . 114 The i n f o r m a t i o n V a r d i l l had gathered would have other e f f e c t s as w e l l . In the long run, the t h e f t of the Commissioners's dispatches d i d more harm than good. They were f i l l e d w ith news that Congress would have found depressing, and painted a bleak p i c t u r e of the p o s s i b i l i t y of a French a l l i a n c e . From October to November, 1 7 7 7 , such i n f o r m a t i o n tended to strengthen the B r i t i s h government's re s o l v e to con-tinue the war, and more i m p o r t a n t l y , i t presented the p o s s i -b i l i t y of a negotiated peace without independence. When word of Burgoyne's defeat came at the end of November, the motive 20 was provided to attempt the negotiated peace without delay. Paul Wentworth was accordingly sent to P a r i s to meet with Deane and F r a n k l i n . The purpose of h i s t r i p was narrow. He was not a p l e n i p o t e n t i a r y entrusted with d i s c r e t i o n a r y po-wers, but was ra t h e r a f a c t f i n d e r sent to sound out the Com-missioners on the idea of r e t u r n i n g America to an amicable c o l o n i a l s t a t u s . His f i r s t i n t e r v i e w was with Deane on 1 7 December, at which a long conversation ended w i t h Deane i n s i s t -i n g on independence. More than two weeks passed before the next meeting, during which time London was v i r t u a l l y i n the dark, s i n c e , as the King remarked: "The l e t t e r s from Mr. Wentworth are wrote with so l i t t l e method and are so verbose i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to c o l l e c t a l l that he wishes to convey." On January 6 he met w i t h both Deane and F r a n k l i n . F r a n k l i n was i n t r a n s i -gent, and refused to make sense. " I never knew him to be so 115 e c c e n t r i c , " Wentworth l a t e r wrote, "nobody says less..gen-e r a l l y and keeps a point more c l o s e l y i n view, but he was 21 d i f f u s e and unmethodical to-day." The reason f o r F r a n k l i n ' s strangeness was beyond Wentworth's knowing. The f a c t was that he and Eden were p l a y -ing d i r e c t l y i n t o F r a n k l i n ' s a r t f u l hands. The French f o r e i g n m i n i s t e r , Vergennes, knew of Wentworth's v i s i t . With the news of Burgoyne's surrender, the French were given an important inducement to at l a s t j o i n the Americans. At the same time, Wentworth's presence r a i s e d the p o s s i b i l i t y , s i m i l a r to that r a i s e d i n London, of a negotiated settlement between the former colonies and Great B r i t a i n , an impression F r a n k l i n f o s t e r e d by h i n t s of an impending peace. I f the French d i d not act q u i c k l y , i t seemed that t h e i r chance to usurp B r i t a i n ' s over-grown power would s l i p away. Vergennes th e r e f o r e gave hasty assurances to F r a n k l i n of a w i l l i n g n e s s to recognize American independence even before the second i n t e r v i e w w i t h Wentworth. On January 7, 1778, the determination to negotiate a t r e a t y of amity and commerce w i t h the United States was made o f f i c i a l , 22 and such a t r e a t y was signed a month l a t e r . Eden's spies had u t t e r l y f a i l e d to prevent a Franco-American a l l i a n c e . Wentworth's v i s i t , the product of Eden's secret i n f o r m a t i o n from Hynson's t h e f t , and the news of Bur-goyne's defeat, had i n f a c t p r e c i p i t a t e d a European c r i s i s . In t h i s i n s t a n c e , Eden's secret doings i n v o l v e d him i n the con-116 sequences. He and North searched f o r a way to q u i c k l y t e r m i -nate the American t r o u b l e s . T h e i r r e s u l t s were the C o n c i l i a -t o r y Act and the C a r l i s l e Commission. The f i r s t was l e g i s l a t i o n aimed at r e t u r n i n g Anglo-American r e l a t i o n s to roughly the s i t u a t i o n of 1763, r e s c i n d -i n g the obnoxious l e g i s l a t i o n of the pre-war years, i n c l u d i n g the Boston Port B i l l . In a d d i t i o n , Parliament declared i t s a b d i c a t i o n of the power to tax the c o l o n i e s . To more e f f e c t -u a l l y o b t a i n American consent to a peace based on a r e t u r n to 1763 c o l o n i a l s t a t u s , a commission was proposed to go to Amer-i c a to negotiate w i t h Congress. This body became known as the C a r l i s l e Commission, a f t e r i t s appointed head, the E a r l of C a r l i s l e . Eden, who had been in s t r u m e n t a l i n d r a f t i n g the l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the attempt at peace, was named a member. He was not o p t i m i s t i c , w r i t i n g V a r d i l l that " I am not sanguine i n my Expectations by any Mode." Nonetheless, he t r i e d to prepare himself as best he could. Eden the r e f o r e asked V a r d i l l f o r "aiy P a r t i c u l a r s i n w r i t i n g r e l a t i v e to the P r i n c i p a l Persons whom I am l i k e l y to see, & t h e i r Character, 2 3 r e s p e c t i v e Opinions, & P a r t i e s . " V a r d i l l responded w i t h a b i t t e r , c u t t i n g document. Since Eden would a r r i v e i n New York, he was advised to respect the notions of proper conduct i n the middle c o l o n i e s , which meant maintaining "Gravity i n your Deportment," avoidance of " C o n v i v i a l P a r t i e s & P u b l i c D i v e r s i o n s , " and r e g u l a r church 117 attendance. He was s t r i c t l y warned away from the l o y a l i s t s of the s t a t e . Their i n f o r m a t i o n was u n r e l i a b l e , as they were under the i n f l u e n c e of "Passion & P r e j u d i c e . " Neither were they u s e f u l f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l connections. They were too obnoxious to the r e b e l s to be h e l p f u l i n " c o n c i l i a t i n g t h e i r a f f e c t i o n s . Indeed," he went on, " I humbly conceive i t w i l l , i n general answer no good purpose to show preference to any 24 man or Family f r i e n d l y to Government." When i t came to s p e c i f i c characters V a r d i l l was k i n d to none. W i l l i a m Tryon, who had given V a r d i l l f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t -ance on h i s voyage to England, was "made by h i s Vanity a Dupe to every f l a t t e r i n g Imposter." His former classmate John Jay " i s possessed of a strong Understanding tho much perverted by the study of Law . . . He i s o b s t i n a t e , i n d e f a t i g a b l e , & dog-m a t i c a l . " W i l l i a m Smith, J r . , whom V a r d i l l thought was Eden's p o t e n t i a l l y most valuable contact, could be "secured by an a p p l i c a t i o n to h i s Ambition." F i n a l l y , the o l d arch-enemy, W i l l i a m L i v i n g s t o n , was granted grudging respect. He " i s a man of Genius & Understanding, an elegant w r i t e r , i n p r i n c i p l e a Republican, & v i o l e n t Advocate f o r Independency, which has 2 5 ever been h i s f a v o u r i t e Object." J V a r d i l l a l s o took the opportunity to o f f e r his. sugges-t i o n s f o r the most e f f i c i e n t manner of gaining c o n g r e s s i o n a l , and i n d i v i d u a l , acquiescence to a renewed c o l o n i a l connection. Eden's best hope would be to "propose a Scheme of Government 118 by a Parliament i n the Colonies, composed of an Order of Nobles & P a t r i c i a n s , & a lower House of Delegates from the D i f f e r e n t Assemblies." Such an arrangement, besides p l a n t i n g the seeds of p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , would secure to the prominent reb e l s " t h e i r precarious power," and assure i t to " t h e i r P o s t e r i t y . " 2 6 But even that u n l i k e l y plan could f a i l . V a r d i l l was no more o p t i m i s t i c than Eden about the Commission. He warned that success depended .upon Benjamin F r a n k l i n ' s p r i o r approbation, which of course Eden d i d not have. Moreover, r e v e a l i n g to Eden a conception he never admitted i n America, V a r d i l l f u r t h e r warned that there were more r e b e l s than L i v i n g s t o n who favoured "Independency from p r i n c i p l e , " which would th e r e f o r e make them 27 more d i f f i c u l t to convert. ' Eden could not have been encouraged. He and the Com-mission s a i l e d i n A p r i l and a r r i v e d i n America i n June. Cong-r e s s , which had been denied the p e s s i m i s t i c dispatches from P a r i s by the e f f i c i e n c y of Eden's agents, continued to r e l y on what i t thought was the favourable response generated i n France by Burgoyne's defeat, and refused to deal w i t h the Commission. The mission soon became a f a r c e . L o y a l i s t h i s t o r i a n Thomas Jones gave a d e s c r i p t i o n which may not have been f a r removed from V a r d i l l ' s p r i v a t e e s t i m a t i o n : The Commissioners, having stayed long enough In America to expend many thougands of the p u b l i c money; to no purpose; 119 to be despised by the L o y a l i s t s , laughed a t , abused, i n s u l t e d , and r i d i c u l e d by Congress; published some use-l e s s d e c l a r a t i o n s , issued some f o o l i s h , I d l e , t r i f l i n g proclamations; attempted to b r i b e some of the leading members of Congress without e f f e c t ; and being denied the l i b e r t y of seeing the country and conversing w i t h the American ' p a t r i o t s , ' . . . which was as submissively asked as i n s u l t i n g l y r efused, returned to England.28 Whatever s l i m hope the Commission had represented to V a r d i l l was now vanished. His r a p i d ascent i n London had come to an abrupt h a l t , and the idea of permanent e x i l e i n England had become a r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y . He the r e f o r e attempted to s a l -vage what he could from former promises. The only one remain-i n g w i t h i n the government's power to f u l f i l was the s a l a r y f o r the Regius P r o f e s s o r s h i p , s t i l l a disputed matter. The s a l a r y f o r the p o s i t i o n had mysteriously f a i l e d to attend the issue of the warrant. Eden's l a s t word i n A p r i l before l e a v i n g Lon-don was that he had r e f e r r e d the question to John Robinson, secretary of the t r e a s u r y , whom he thought would s a t i s f y Var-d i l l 's claim. In January, 1779, a f t e r h i s r e t u r n from America, Eden confessed to V a r d i l l to be " s u r p r i z e d to f i n d that [your s i t u a t i o n ] remains as u n s e t t l e d as ever." V a r d i l l ' s a g i t a t i o n was not s u c c e s s f u l u n t i l 1780, when he received a lump sum i n -29 stead of a l i f e s a l a r y . At the same time he searched f o r something permanent which would su r v i v e the war. In e a r l y 1779, he had w r i t t e n John Robinson requesting an appointment i n the church. The response 120 was negative. "In respect to Church preferment here," Robin-son wrote, "you must be w e l l aware of the great d i f f i c u l t i e s which must attend t h a t , and I r e a l y [ s i c ] dont [ s i c ] know of anything vacant or l i k e l y to become so soon that Lord North cd. 30 confer on you." Robinson's d i f f i c u l t i e s arose i n part from i n c r e a s i n g op-p o s i t i o n to the war, and a consequent t i g h t e n i n g of the govern-ment purse. When a s h o r t , s u c c e s s f u l m i l i t a r y a c t i o n had been envisioned as an adequate measure to subdue the c o l o n i e s , govern-ment could be l i b e r a l w ith i t s money. The s i t u a t i o n had changed, and the issue of money "wasted" on servants l i k e V a r d i l l soon' became more than a t o o l of government's o p p o s i t i o n i n p a r l i a -ment, although i t continued to be t h a t ; i t provided the spark f o r a popular mass movement. In so doing, i t al s o provided V a r d i l l w i t h h i s l a s t opportunity to vent h i s spleen against republicanism while s t i l l i n government's employ. The o p p o s i t i o n to the war i n parliament became intense a f t e r Saratoga. The subsequent c o n c i l i a t o r y proposals which abdicated parliamentary supremacy over the e m p i r e — t h e o r i g i n a l reason f o r going to war—made the American c o n f l i c t appear an expensive Royal f i a s c o , i n s t e a d of a n a t i o n a l one. Added to the war's b l a t a n t mismanagement, the entry of France on the side of the Americans, and the seeming i n e v i t a b i l i t y of Ameri-can Independence, the issue of wasted money and the King's power d r i f t e d outside the w a l l s of the Commons, and s i f t e d "down" to 121 to the freeholders of the counties. The r e s u l t became known 31 as the Yorkshire movement.. The movement began, c u r i o u s l y , i n Middlesex. A dispute over an e l e c t i o n to a seat i n the Commons created an excuse f o r a mass p e t i t i o n i n g movement which i t was hoped could be spread to county committees throughout England. The Middle-sex i s s u e , however, was not large enough f o r a n a t i o n a l demon-s t r a t i o n . That l a r g e r i s s u e was discovered at York i n December, 1779. Instead of centerin g p r o t e s t on a county e l e c t i o n i r -r e g u l a r i t y , the Reverend Christopher W y v i l l at York h i t upon the complaint of wasted p u b l i c money. This was a t o p i c of u n i v e r s a l appeal, and gave r i s e to a ge n e r a l i z e d reform move-ment prosecuted through county o r g a n i z a t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d i n t o a l a r g e r , n a t i o n a l organ intended by some to be n e a r l y , and by others to be a c t u a l l y , a counter-government. For the prob-lem of wasted money q u i c k l y became a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s s u e . Through i n s u f f i c i e n t l y guarded expenditures, the King had been able to corrupt the a f f e c t i o n s of many members of parliament, with-the r e s u l t that His Majesty's power i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n had grown r a t h e r too great. From that premise i t was but a short step to propose general parliamentary reform: r e a p p o r t i o n -ment, e l i m i n a t i o n of r o t t e n boroughs, and the a d d i t i o n of 100 32 seats i n the Commons. 122 The movement was c l e a r l y q u a s i - r e v o l u t i o n a r y , i n v o l v -ing mass meetings, committees of correspondence, r i o t s , and thre a t s of c i v i l v i o l e n c e . At the same time, however, i t c a r r i e d a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g i t i m a c y , since i t s u p p l i e d the basis f o r opposition's challenge i n 1780 to North's m i n i s t r y , l e a d i n g i n A p r i l to Edmund Burke's "Oeconomical Reform B i l l . " The Reform B i l l , which embodied W y v i l l ' s aim of c u r t a i l i n g un-necessary expenditures, and ther e f o r e c u r t a i l i n g the King's parliamentary i n f l u e n c e , f a i l e d . I t thus became the celebrated cause of popular and parliamentary o p p o s i t i o n , demonstrating the need f o r even f u r t h e r reaching reforms, and f o r a con t i n u -33 ance of e x t r a - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s of p r o t e s t . To V a r d i l l , who l i v e d " c h i e f l y on h i s Majesty's bounty," the movement's c a l l f o r economy posed a personal t h r e a t . He had n e i t h e r been granted h i s promised rewards, nor yet arrang-ed a post-war p o s i t i o n . For him an atta c k on "placemen" and the King's power was p a r t i c u l a r l y i l l - t i m e d , a d i s a s t r o u s portent. But i t was more. V a r d i l l had expected to f i n d i n Eng-land a v i n d i c a t i o n of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l argument that had been l o s t i n America. The Yorkshire movement was a r e p u d i a t i o n . I t represented the importation to England of those same repub-l i c a n , a n a r c h i c a l ideas which had plagued him since 1768. The Furi e s had followed him across the water. He th e r e f o r e rose again to the c o n s t i t u t i o n ' s defence i n a s e r i e s of papers c a l l e d 123 the "Alarm," and i n a pamphlet, which drew h e a v i l y upon and sometimes quoted whole paragraphs from the "Alarms," e n t i t l e d An Address to the Inhabitants of London and Westminis-t e r Containing R e f l e c t i o n s on the present State of P u b l i c  A f f a i r s . 2 To begin, he r e g i s t e r e d h i s amazement that o p p o s i t i o n would proceed so f a r at a time of n a t i o n a l disappointment. "In a time of d i s t r e s s and danger," he wrote, "the l o v e r of h i s country w i l l not enfeeble i t s e f f o r t s by the language of des-pondence." The movement was a n a t i o n a l , t h e r e f o r e personal dan-ger, f o r an unsuccessful B r i t a i n would destroy whatever small hope he may have maintained f o r a r e t u r n to New York. The domestic opponent, then, "who endeavours to spread a-panic i n the hour of danger, who exhorts us to lay down our arms, or turn them against one another!" was "an enemy more dangerous 35 than any f o r e i g n one." His reasoning was reminiscent of 1768 or 1773. Indeed, he v i r t u a l l y quoted "Popli.cola" when he charged that the leaders of the movement were "sounding the trumpet of s e d i t i o n , and labo u r i n g to rouse i n t o a c t i o n those LATENT POWERS OP SOCIETY, the employment of which nothing but the EXTREMIST NECESSITY can j u s t i f y . " His readers could but l i t t l e comprehend the dan-ger. The idea of assembling the people f o r a determination of n a t i o n a l sentiment was an appealing one, but " v i s i o n a r y . " "Who," 124 he asked, " w i l l l i m i t t h e i r progress?" He pointed to r e v o l t e d 3 6 America as the end r e s u l t of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government. This was the fundamental p o i n t . V a r d i l l perceived keenly, and b e l i e v e d f i r m l y , that i n a p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y there were r u l e r s on the one hand, and subjects on the other, and that the two should not be confused. While' each i n d i v i d u a l was i n a sense a part of the l e g i s l a t u r e , and r e t a i n e d h i s l a t e n t po-wers of v i o l e n c e , a properly ordered s o c i e t y was one where that power was delegated to l e g a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s : " P o p l i c o l a ' s " s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . The new movements, where people whose q u a l i -f i c a t i o n s were "unascertain'd" were organized i n t o a s s o c i a t i o n s and committees, where l e g a l government was circumvented by mass meetings, was not only a f r i g h t e n i n g and a c u t e l y d i s a p p o i n t i n g re-enactment of the drama of p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y America. I t i m p l i e d and r e s u l t e d i n a system of government, i n Y o r k s h i r e as i n New York, that was d e s t r u c t i v e of l i b e r t y , c o n t r o l l e d by demagogues, and simply would not work. V a r d i l l r e c e i v e d E500 i n 1780 i n r e c o g n i t i o n of past s e r v i c e s despite the Yorkshire movement. But since 1778, except f o r the pieces w r i t t e n against o p p o s i t i o n , h i s s e r v i c e s had become superfluous both to government and to h i m s e l f . A f t e r 1780 he disappeared from view, convinced by Yorktown i n 1781 of the r e a l i t y of permanent e x i l e . The p r o v i s i o n s of the peace would not be able to do f o r V a r d i l l what he could not do hi m s e l f ; since 1775, at l e a s t , h i s name had been anathema i n New York. When the l o y a l i s t claims commission was e s t a b l i s h e d , V a r d i l l was among the f i r s t t o apply. A f t e r w a i t i n g a year — f r o m November, 1783, when he submitted h i s c l a i m , to November 1784 when i t was heard—he made h i s way to L i n c o l n ' s Inn F i e l d s The optimism of the preceding ten years had passed; but he could s t i l l expect the inadequate j u s t i c e of compensation. Chapter V I I I DEPENDENT OF THE CROWN V a r d i l l ' s hearing before the L o y a l i s t Claims Commi-ss i o n began wi t h an o r a l reading of h i s Memorial. Upon the completion of the reading, V a r d i l l h i mself was sworn i n pre-p a r a t i o n f o r h i s examination on the claim's substance. Before h i s examination could commence, Commissioner Dundas i n t e r j e c t -ed the dry and a l t o g e t h e r unexpected observation "that the P r i n -c i p l e s & Performances of some Persons at the beginning of the Dispute d i d great hurt ,in t h i s Country." 1 V a r d i l l was struck dumb. Thrown i n t o a s t a t e of mental confusion, he was prevented from " g i v i n g some Expl a n a t i o n s , Remarks & Evidence which are m a t e r i a l . " The remainder of h i s testimony, repeatedly i n t e r r u p t e d by Dundas, proceeded very badly. Indeed, h i s coherency seems to have f l e d , and h i s t e s t -2 imony to have devolved i n t o nonsense. His c e n t r a l witnesses, Chandler and I n g l i s , d i d a bet-t e r job. They both presented the claimant as uniformly l o y a l and of s e r v i c e to the Crown. Also they corroborated h i s l o s s e s : E100 per annum as Professor of N a t u r a l Law and Moral Philosophy at King's, and a s a l a r y as A s s i s t a n t M i n i s t e r of T r i n i t y Church. 126 127 They d i d not attempt testimony on h i s s a l a r y as Regius P r o f e s s o r , but I n g l i s d i d him no good by overestimating h i s 3 s a l a r y at T r i n i t y by E300. The Regius P r o f e s s o r s h i p was r e j e c t e d out of hand,-since "No such O f f i c e ever e x i s t e d . " The Commission a l s o r e -j e c t e d V a r d i l l ' s s l y manoeuvre to obt a i n back pay at a p r o f e s -sor's r a t e f o r h i s "four or f i v e years" as a t u t o r at King's. Moreover, the f a c t that he was s t i l l r e c e i v i n g E200 per annum (begun i n 1775 with Cooper and Chandler), p r e v i o u s l y E400, and had r e c e i v e d E500 i n 1780, d i d not auger w e l l . Coupled with h i s " l o y a l s e r v i c e s , " the r e c e p t i o n of so much r o y a l bounty throughout the war made him appear a m i n i s t e r i a l a p o l -o g i s t and obnoxious place hunter to a government now disgraced and f a l l e n . His c l a i m was i n r e a l danger of complete d i s m i s s a l V a r d i l l / r e t u r n e d to h i s apartments i n t u r m o i l . The embarrassment before the Commission brought memories of the war years i n t o v i v i d r e l i e f , and fed a moral sickness a r i s i n g from the f e e l i n g s of keen i n j u s t i c e . A f t e r s a c r i f i c i n g a l l , he was to be granted n e i t h e r the honour of the country's recog-n i t i o n of h i s commitment to her cause, nor the f i n a n c i a l compen s a t i o n simple j u s t i c e demanded. Moved by the desperation of unexpected trauma,he penned, that same day, a complaint to the Commission. Convinced of h i s own worth, he saw the prospect of the d e n i a l of compensation as a perverse e r r o r , a case of 128 mistaken Impression to be h a s t i l y c o r r e c t e d . His f e e l i n g s poured from h i s pen i n an e f f u s i o n of resentment which reads l i k e a stream of consciousness, which i n a sense i t was. The meticulous p r o f e s s o r dropped a l l form, apparently but l i t t l e recovered from the confusion of the hearing.. Sentences became whole paragraphs; fragments were f i t t e d together as they came to mind; interconnected l o g i c vanished. W r i t i n g to request that h i s case be l e f t open, h i s most important purpose was to r e f u t e Dundas, whose "Canons & Maxims would bear . . . very hard on me, — b u t on calmer R e f l e c t i o n I cannot conceive that the Gentleman was i n earnest; but t h a t they were thrown out f o r the purpose of Examination & [Searching]." V a r d i l l ' s searching had not proceeded f a r i n an atmosphere of calm r e f l e c t i o n to judge by the chaos of h i s l e t t e r . Dundas had s a i d : 'That a Man's Conduct i n America before the Sword was drawn, could not be admitted i n proof of h i s L o y a l t y & M e r i t ' tho, before that Event, was perhaps, the time when the most ess-e n t i a l Service could be performed by [ending] the R e b e l l i o n In i t s [ b i r t h , and] 'that i t was a matter of great I n d i f f e r -ence how a Man acted before the Sword was drawn, as many were L o y a l i s t s i n 1773 who were afterwards Rebels, & that many were Rebels at that time & afterwards L o y a l i s t s , ' which i s true as to the Pact; but not as to the Inference i t im-p l i e s , ( v i z ) that Uniform, c o n s i s t e n t & long Usefulness & L o y a l t y were of no moment.—-'that i f a Man served h i s King . & Country w i t h a view to a Reward (however good h i s other Motives) he destroys e n t i r e l y h i s M e r i t ' & what seems to be the n a t u r a l consequence, [he] has no t i t l e to the Reward i t s e l f nor to any Compensation f o r h i s Losses, i s a Doctrine which I conceive would; not. be •. . . i n our F l e e t & Armies, or even i n Westminster H a l l s — ' t h a t S e r v i c e s , Information, or P u b l i c a t i o n s tending to a s s i s t Government i n supressing 1 2 9 the R e b e l l i o n are not e n t i t l e d to Reward i f not done i n America' or because that Person thought Himself, as Regius Professor of D i v i n i t y , a Servant of the Crown, 'they are to be deemed Services to the M i n i s t r y & not to the S t a t e . ' He followed the next day w i t h a s t i n g i n g expression of pent up f r u s t r a t i o n at the i r o n y of being denied compensation by the very government whose i l l management of the war had brought him to h i s present s t r a i t s : I agree with the Gentleman who . . . asserted 'that some Writings have done hurt during the R e b e l l i o n , ' & w i l l only add, that i f the Clergy had wrote b e t t e r & wrote more, & our Generals had fought more & wrote l e s s , i t would have been happier f o r Great B r i t a i n ; but i t i s a strange incon-s i s t e n c y of Character p r e v a i l i n g In t h i s Age i n that the Clergy have become F i g h t e r s & [the] Generals [ w r i t e r s ] . 6 I f a f i g h t e r , w r i t i n g was yet V a r d i l l ' s weapon, and he deluged the Commission w i t h l e t t e r s from Eden r e l a t i v e to secret s e r v i c e , t e s t i m o n i a l s , press c l i p p i n g s , and "explanations." The Commission d u t i f u l l y r e c e i v e d and f i l e d i t a l l , i g n o r i n g V a r d i l l ' s request that the m a t e r i a l s be returned. In the end, he'was s u c c e s s f u l , one of the few successes he could c l a i m f o r 7 h i s w r i t i n g s . In 1 7 8 5 , he r e c e i v e d E 5 0 0 f o r l o s t s a l a r y . -V a r d i l l disappeared almost e n t i r e l y a f t e r h i s bout wit h the Commission. He i s reported to have been i n I r e l a n d i n 1 7 8 5 and 1 7 8 6 . Perhaps at l a s t he studied I r i s h p u l p i t ora-t o r y . He s t i l l sought an appointment i n the church, and was 130 e v e n t u a l l y s u c c e s s f u l i n that as w e l l , r e c e i v i n g the l i v i n g at Skirbeck near London i n 1791. In t h i s he returned to an emulation of h i s teacher, Myles Cooper, who ended h i s l i f e i n Edinburgh as r e c t o r of a number of county churches. V a r d i l l remained at Skirbeck u n t i l l 8 l l , the year of h i s death. He was s u f f i c i e n t l y d i s i l l u s i o n e d that there i s no tr a c e of h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the great events of the decade of the 1790's. At the age o f r f o r t y he had r e t i r e d h i s pen, and given up the b i t t e r s t r u g g l e of p r o t e c t i n g men from 9 themselves. Chapter IX CONLUSION Twentieth century American myths should not be allowed to render V a r d i l l i n t o a myopic creature of a r c h a i c h a b i t s . He should not be considered, as Carol B e r k i n f i n d s Jonathon Sewall of Massachusetts, a man "at odds w i t h h i s times" and "of l i t t l e f a i t h . " 1 Nor should he be wedged i n t o the mould of a perpetual adolescent who was " h e a v i l y dependent on the i m p e r i a l connection f o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l support" due to an i n f a n -t i l e i n c a p a c i t y to "accept the emotional burdens of freedom," as Edwin G. Burrows and Michael Wallace c h a r a c t e r i z e a l l l o y -2 a l i s t s . One can as e a s i l y argue, and w i t h more j u s t i c e , that V a r d i l l and the l o y a l i s t s he represented acted according to the d i c t a t e s of reasonable assumptions, and t h a t , f a r from be-ing myopic, he was a v i s i o n a r y of wide p e r s p e c t i v e . This por-t r a i t emerges from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of V a r d i l l i n reference to the grand questions of l o y a l i s m : why he was l o y a l , why he f a i l -ed, and what he had to say about the r e v o l u t i o n . He was, however, a somewhat l i m i t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . His c o n s t i t u e n t s were a narrow group of c o l o n i a l s i n middle echelon p o s i t i o n s , dependent upon the more powerful, w e l l edu-131 132 cated, engaged i n i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y , and Ang l i c a n . More-over, V a r d i l l had two important d i s t i n c t i o n s . F i r s t , he l e f t America before the bonds of s o c i a l order d i s i n t e g r a t e d , and th e r e -fore d i d not need to bas'e h i s r e a c t i o n to r e v o l u t i o n on a per-sonal f e a r of v i o l e n c e . Second, h i s p r i n i p l e s survived f i v e years of war to be used i n an E n g l i s h s e t t i n g against the York-s h i r e movement, where h i s response was the same as i t had been i n America. V a r d i l l cannot speak f o r a l l l o y a l i s t s ; he cannot speak f o r the great and powerful, nor the poor and weak, nor even f o r many non-Anglicans who were otherwise i n : roughly sim-i l a r s i t u a t i o n s . So w i t h i n h i s context, as an i n d i v i d u a l and a repre-s e n t a t i v e of an admittedly hazy c l a s s , why was he l o y a l ? Funda-mentally the answer must be, "because i t was i n h i s nature to be l o y a l . " A large c i r c u i t may be traced to a r r i v e again at that response, beginning with the character of h i s b e l i e f s . V a r d i l l was born w i t h the capacity to b e l i e v e . Man i s a t e r r i t o r i a l , h i e r a r c h i c a l l y organized s o c i a l species w i t h a complex language. That much i n i t s e l f predetermines the ex-is t e n c e of f a i t h , and to some degree predetermines the substance of f a i t h . That V a r d i l l would form b e l i e f s of some >kind was a necessary consequence of h i s species and h i s environment. At the most b a s i c l e v e l , h i s b e l i e f s f i l l e d that space i n the hu-man psychology reserved f o r them. 133 The substance or "content" of f a i t h was both learned and innate. That there should be a leader to s o c i e t y , that a s o c i e t y can claim r i g h t s to a t r a c t of t e r r i t o r y , that deference should be paid to some and received from others, that at a mom-ent of danger members of the same community should band togeth-er; these are b e l i e f s which are t r a c e a b l e to i n s t i n c t , not ed-3 u c a t i o n . But the more s p e c i f i c questions of who should govern and how, what amount of p a r t i c i p a t i o n the governed should have i n government, whether a parliamentary or r e p u b l i c a n arrange-ment i s b e t t e r , whether to be l o y a l to one group or another, w i l l be answered more as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , or the i n -c u l c a t i o n of learned behaviour. Both of these s o r t s of "content" were to some degree beyond V a r d i l l ' s c o n t r o l . Yet on a more s p e c i f i c l e v e l they were not. With the development of l o g i c a l consciousness, Var-d i l l could f e r r e t out some of h i s assumptions which made l e s s sense than he r e q u i r e d of them, o r , i f not abandon them, at l e a s t recognize them f o r what they were. By the same token he could r e i n f o r c e h i s attachment to other p r i n c i p l e s . His ideas of s o c i a l c o n s t i t u t i o n were attended by a panoply of t h e o r e t i -c a l arguments. When the argument proved the b e l i e f , the p r i n -c i p l e was strengthened. S t i l l more p a r t i c u l a r l y , the world o f f e r e d p h y s i c a l evidence to support or r e j e c t what would otherwise have remained mere hypotheses. As a t u t o r , V a r d i l l could see the r e s u l t s of 134 poor d i s c i p l i n e : poor l e a r n i n g , undesirable behaviour. As an A n g l i c a n , he could perceive the consequences of the absence of an American bishop: a l a c k of church u n i t y , a dwindling stock of m i n i s t e r s . As a c i t i z e n , he a l s o saw the Issue of lawlessness: anarchy or tyranny. Concurrently he could see b e n e f i t s to c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s . Obedience to law protected h i s l i b e r t y . These, then, were the o r i g i n s of h i s b e l i e f s , o r i g i n s h i s pamphlet against Witherspoon demonstrated he understood: i n s t i n c t , s o c i a l i z a t i o n , thought, and evidence. With the exception of the i n f l u e n c e of i n s t i n c t (which makes him a pro-duct of h i s s p e c i e s ) , V a r d i l l was a product of h i s times. He was the son of a middle c l a s s f a m i l y i n New York. He attended King's College which, despite i t s r i g o u r s , was c e r t a i n l y no "Cage ,as the Scripture- speaks, of every unclean B i r d . " The ease with which he s l i d i n t o h i s p r o f e s s i o n upon graduation was p e r f e c t l y i n keeping w i t h h i s s o c i e t y . And what young grad-uate, i n V a r d i l l ' s time or some other, w i l l go f a r under the d i r e c t i o n of h i s superiors w i t h i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , who lacks the proper " S p i r i t of emulation?" His i n i t i a t i o n i n t o high l e v e l Anglicanism, i n t o pamphlet w r i t i n g , i n t o the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of enemies, and i n t o the transference of r e l i g i o n to p o l i t i c s , was a matter of course. His behaviour and h i s p o l i t i c a l conclusions were not at odds w i t h h i s times; they were at odds w i t h a small group of r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . 135 Yet most of h i s Ideas d i d not d i f f e r fundamentally from the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . A l l s o c i e t i e s o r i g i n a t e d i n a s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . The B r i t i s h v e r s i o n was unique f o r i t s p r o t e c t i o n of l i b e r t y . I t allowed i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e freedom through r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , counterpoised w i t h a p p o i n t i v e , l e s s c o n t r o l l -able i n s t i t u t i o n s . Representation was j u s t i f i e d by the idea that the people should r e t a i n a part of t h e i r primeval power i n the workings of government; the force of law was j u s t i f i e d w i t h the idea that i t provided the s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y i n which l i b e r t y could f l o u r i s h . Society was a c o n t r a c t , a system of give and take. To V a r d i l l , appointed o f f i c i a l s , n o b i l i t y , and an e s t a b l i s h e d r e l i g i o n were manifestations of the terms and c o n d i t i o n s of a bargain s t r u c k between anarchy and tyranny at the dawn of h i s t o r y . His t h i n k i n g diverged on the question of independence. To V a r d i l l i t was p e r f e c t l y obvious t h a t , i f America would have the b l e s s i n g s of England, i t should copy that country. When t h i s advice was f o l l o w e d , New York p o l i t i c s seemed to f u n c t i o n f a i r l y w e l l , i . e . , seldom. The infrequency of smooth p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y unconnected to a c r i s i s i n d i c a t e d that America was s t i l l too young to break away from i t s parent. I t d i d not yet possess the necessary s o c i a l i n g r e d i e n t s to make the break, and V a r d i l l , i n the words of Burrows and Wallace, was " l i t t l e i n c l i n e d to see the economic development of the colonies as evidence of t h e i r h movement out of 'childhood.'" He r e a l i z e d that r e l y i n g on 136 economics as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s as a means of s t a b i l i t y w i t h i n the contract would lead to an imbalanced, perverted atmosphere i n which B r i t i s h l i b e r t y could not e x i s t . The reasons f o r America's youth-fulness were c l e a r . Immaturity d i d not proceed from a r e l i a n c e on Great B r i t a i n . I t r e s u l t e d from a g i t a t o r s who c r i e d f o r l i b e r t y as a guise f o r destroying l i b e r t y ' s necessary p r e c o n d i t i o n . A c a l l f o r inde-pendence from Great B r i t a i n was ther e f o r e a c a l l f o r indepen-dence from l i b e r t y . This was shown no more d r a m a t i c a l l y than i n the t a c t i c s of the independents. Their h o s t i l i t y i n approach-i n g the problems of i m p e r i a l r e l a t i o n s demonstrated that they were l e s s i n t e r e s t e d i n l i b e r t y than i n the maintenance of s e l f - s e r v i n g p o l i t i c a l t u r m o i l . Independence was ther e f o r e not only premature; i t was c h i m e r i c a l , a f a l s e i s s u e . V a r d i l l d i d not a r r i v e at t h i s c onclusion from personal knowledge of the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , but from an a n a l y s i s of American s o c i e t y and the tendency of r e v o l u t i o n a r y behaviour. In r e j e c t i n g independence, V a r d i l l became a l o y a l i s t . He was not simply a man of l i t t l e f a i t h . On the cont r a r y , he had too great a f a i t h i n the B r i t i s h v e r s i o n of the s o c i a l con-t r a c t . Nor was he i n c a p a c i t a t e d by a p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e l i a n c e on Great B r i t a i n and i t s " e x t e r n a l " support f o r s o c i a l and p o l i t i -c a l order. V a r d i l l strenuously advocated e r e c t i n g an American episcopate to free the American Anglican church from i t s abject r e l i a n c e on Great B r i t a i n ; emulation i s not s e l f - e m a s c u l a t i o n . 137 In h i s own way, a slower and more c a r e f u l way, V a r d i l l was heading toward a form of independence. But i t was to have been an independence based on amicable e q u a l i t y a f t e r America had developed more than i t s economy to serve as a s o c i a l but-t r e s s . Why d i d he f a i l ? No simple r u b r i c of the l o y a l i s t p o s i t i o n w i l l s u f f i c e i n an exchange f o r the myriad of p h y s i c a l and human cond i t i o n s i n v o l v e d i n war as an explanation f o r de-fe a t . He f a i l e d because Burgoyne was a bad genera l , and France entered the war. He l o s t because Lord North d i d not cut the ground from under American re b e l s w i t h sweeping reforms which would have l e f t Sam Adams a l l alone i n the s t r e e t s of Boston. The r e v o l u t i o n was a p h y s i c a l contest. I t d i d not occur i n the "minds of the people," but i n the minds of the r e v o l u t i o n -a r i e s , and they k i l l e d , captured, and banished enough of t h e i r opponents to claim the v i c t o r y . Immeasurably aided by a larg e contingent of n e u t r a l s , they s u c c e s s f u l l y s e i z e d p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l , as V a r d i l l had a l l along proclaimed was t h e i r ob-j e c t , and which i s the object of any r e v o l u t i o n . A f t e r the b a t t l e s had been won came the time f o r completing the r e v o l u t i o n i n the minds of the people, a process unhindered by the presence of men l i k e V a r d i l l . The subsequent mental r e v o l u t i o n has made i t easy f o r the descendants of t h e . r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s to f i n d a Tightness about the l o y a l i s t s ' s f a i l u r e . C arol Berkin's c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n 138 of Sewall a p p l i e s w e l l to V a r d i l l : Sewall's pessimism about reform, h i s cynicism about men's mot i v a t i o n s , and h i s t o t a l l a c k of confidence i n the masses g of men were common t r a i t s among the o f f i c e h o l d i n g L o y a l i s t s . V a r d i l l shared Sewall's suspicions and l a c k of confidence. Neither the r e v o l u t i o n i n America nor the Yorkshire' movement i n England gave him any reassurance about the motivations of men who would reform an e f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l system. And ob-v i o u s l y he had no., f a i t h i n the "masses of men." Where would he have acquired such f a i t h ? There was l i t t l e i n h i s back-ground to make him t r u s t the "masses," and one can ask i f there i s evidence to show such f a i t h would have been weSil placed. One the one hand, then, V a r d i l l opposed mass p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n government beyond r e p r e s e n t a t i o n ; on the other he mis t r u s t e d the s i n c e r i t y of r e p u b l i c a n s . His view of the r e -s u l t i n g combination i n America, an ideology of popular p o l i t i -c a l involvement which formed the f e r t i l e ground f o r demagogues, was p e r n i c i o u s i n both r e s p e c t s . The independent country began i t s career i n the midst of dangerous s e l f - d e l u s i o n . E a s i l y l e d by unscrupulous men, i t was i n any case possessed of an imbalanced ide o l o g y . The f a c t that the country survived does not negate V a r d i l l ' s e v a l u a t i o n . He d i d not contend that an imbalanced s o c i e t y would d i e . His p o s i t i o n was that i t would be a s o c i e t y pervaded by v i o l e n c e and devoid of l i b e r t y . 139 How wrong was he? In 1775, V a r d i l l had already per-ceived a hypocrisy of the r e v o l u t i o n which would endure f o r two hundred years. As "Coriolanus" he parodied the Second Con t i n e n t a l Congress: Resolved . . . That a l l Men, as the O f f s p r i n g of the same Parent, have an equal Right to L i b e r t y , but t h a t , f o r the Advancement of A g r i c u l t u r e and Commerce, and f o r the Con-venience and Ease of c i v i l L i f e , I t Is j u s t and reasonable f o r every American to keep i n Bondage and Servitude as many Indians and Blacks as he can [ e n t r a p ] , purchase or seize.7 How many other s a c r i f i c e s have been made " f o r the Advancement of A g r i c u l t u r e and Commerce?" Moreover, where i s the post-r e v o l u t i o n a r y t r u s t i n reform and mass movements? And d i d V a r d i l l perceive t h a t , a f t e r c u t t i n g the t i e s w i t h England, the ascent of the r a d i c a l s would engender a xenophobic, i n t e n s e -l y ethnocentric i d e o l o g i c a l i s o l a t i o n , to be broken only by war or coercive economic e x p l o i t a t i o n ? Did he a s - w e l l foresee that the b i g o t r y of the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s would t r a n s f e r i t s e l f i n t o an incestuous "Americanism," e n s h r i n i n g a narrow two party g spectrum of l e g i t i m a t e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? The success of the r e v o l u t i o n c r y s t a l l i z e d an imbalanced s o c i e t y , which to V a r d i l l i m p l i e d f e a r f u l consequences. His f e a r s , u n f o r t u n a t e l y , have been r e a l i z e d as g r e a t l y as have the hopes of the revolution:. F O O T N O T E S 140 141 Notes f o r Chapter I John Maunsell to John F o l e r , Esq., New York, Decem-ber 20, 1773, American L o y a l i s t s : T r a n s c r i p t s of the Manu-s c r i p t Books and Papers of the Commission of Enquiry i n t o the Losses and Services of the American L o y a l i s t s , P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London, "Memorial of John V a r d i l l , " .and supporting papers, Audit O f f i c e 13, V o l . 105 [ h e r e i n a f t e r : P.R.O.A.O. 13/105], p. 243 [ m i c r o f i l m ; m i c r o f i l m p a g i n a t i o n ] . 2 Bruce E. S t e i n e r , Samuel Seabury, 1729-1796, A Study i n the High Church T r a d i t i o n (Ohio: Ohio U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19717, p. 408, n. 3 Mary Beth Norton, The B r i t i s h - A m e r i c a n s , The Loy-a l i s t E x i l e s i n England, 1774-1789 (Boston, Toronto: L i t t l e Brown and Company, 1972), p. 4~5~i 4 Count Leo Ni k o l a y e v i c h T o l s t o y , War and Peace, 2 v o l s . , Rosemary Edmonds, t r a n s . (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, c. 1957), I I , 1193; the reference i s to Napolean. 5 I t i s worthy of noting that War and Peace i s a c l a s s i c of t h i s very a p p r o a c h — w i t h the a d d i t i o n of f i c t i o n — b o t h i n i t s choice of perspective and i t s h i s t o r i o g r a p h -i c a l passages. ^ Norton, p. 45. 142 Notes f o r Chapter I I Residence asc e r t a i n e d from: John V a r d i l l to the Honble. Commissioners, November 9, 1784, P.R.O.A.O. 13/105, pp. 309-H; examination of witnesses i n claimant's absence: Mary Beth Norton, The Br i t i s h - A m e r i c a n s , The L o y a l i s t E x i l e s  i n England, 1774-1789 (Boston, Toronto: L i t t l e Brown and Company, 1972), p. 202. 2 Norton, pp. 200, 202-3; Danby P i c k e r i n g , ed., Statutes at Large From Magna Charta to the End of the  Eleventh Parliament of Great B r i t a i n Anno 1761 TCambridge: John Archdeacon, P r i n t e r to the U n i v e r s i t y , 1786), 3 4 , 371; f o r the Commissioners see Hugh Edward Egerton, ed., Coke, Daniel Parker, The Royal Commission on the Losses and Ser-vi c e s of American L o y a l i s t s , 1783 to 1785, Being the Notes  of Mr. Dan i e l Parker Coke, M.P., One of the Commissioners  During that Period (New York: Burt F r a n k l i n , 1971) [ h e r e i n -a f t e r : Egerton, The Royal Commission], pp. x x x i i , x x x i v -xxxv; f o r Wilmot's a t t i t u d e see The Parliamentary H i s t o r y of  England, From the E a r l i e s t Period to the Year 1803 (London: T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, F l e e t S t r e e t , 1813), 36 v o l s . , X X I I I , 563-70, a l s o quoted i n John Eardley-Wilmot, H i s t o r i c a l View of the Commission f o r Enquiring i n t o the  Losses, S e r v i c e s , and Claims of the American L o y a l i s t s , At the Close of the War Between Great B r i t a i n and Her Col o n i e s , i n 1783: With an Account of the Compensation Granted to them  by Parliament In 1785 and 1788 (London: J . N i c h o l s , Son, and Bentley, I 0 T 5), pp. 24-37-3 Norton, pp. 198-200. it I b i d . , pp. 202-4; Eardley-Wilmot, "Appendix No. I , " pp. 113-16, importance of personal appearance, pp. 117-18; John Bassett More, ed., I n t e r n a t i o n a l A d j u d i c a t i o n s , A r b i t r a -t i o n of Claims f o r Compensation f o r Losses and Damages Re-s u l t i n g from Lawful Impediments to the Recovery of Pre-War  Debts (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press^ 1931), p. 464. 5 "Memorial of John V a r d i l l , " P.R.O.A.O. 13/105, pp. 186-91 [three copies with s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e s ] ; American L o y a l i s t s : T r a n s c r i p t s of the Manuscript Books and Papers . . . , P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London, Audit O f f i c e 12, V o l . 12, pp. 22-35 [ m i c r o f i l m : 12-18] [ h e r e i n a f t e r : P.R.O.A.O. 12], "Memorial of John V a r d i l l . " 6 P.R.O.A.O. 13/105, pp. 186-91; l a s t quotation i s from Egerton, p. 254. Wallace Brown al s o remarks on 143 V a r d i l l ' s e a r l y residence i n England, saying that he, Dr. Edward Bancroft, and Paul Wentworth " . . . could hardly be c a l l e d refugees because they l e f t before the trou b l e s began . . . ," The Good Americans: The L o y a l i s t s i n the American  Revolution (New York: W i l l i a m Morrow and Co., Inc." 1969), p. 154. 7 P.R.O.A.O. 13/105, PP. 186-91. 8 P.R.O.A.O. 12/109, p. 293 [ m i c r o f i l m : 134]. 144 Notes f o r Chapter I I I L. P. S. Upton, The Loyal Whig, W i l l i a m Smith of  New York &_ Quebec (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, T 9 T 9 7 7 T . 4. 2 Edmund B. O'Callahan, ed., The Documentary H i s t o r y  of the State of New York (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., 1849-51)1 4~ v o l s . , I , 473; by 1756 the c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n had shrunk by 158 whites and n i n e t y - s i x b l a c k s . For population d i s t r i b u t i o n see Herman R. F r i i s , "A Series of Population Maps of the Colonies and the United S t a t e s , 1625-1790," i n The Geographical Review, XXX ( J u l y , 1940), 463-70. 3 Upton, p. 4; pp. 4-5. 4 J u l i u s Goebel, J r . , and T. Raymond Naughton, Law  Enforcement i n C o l o n i a l New York, A Study i n C r i m i n a l Pro-cedure (1644-1776) ( M o n t c l a i r , New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1970), pp~! 702-6. Treatment of offending slaves was as bar-b a r i c as any I n q u i s i t i o n : i n ". . . t r i a l s i n c i d e n t to the a l l e g e d c o n s p i r a c i e s of 1712 and 1741 s i x t e e n slaves were burned a l i v e , one was hanged i n chains u n t i l he was dead from lack of sustenance and one was ordered broken on a wheel and to continue l a n g u i s h i n g u n t i l death," pp. 703-4. The trend i n E n g l i s h law i n the e a r l y and middle eighteenth century was toward harsher p e n a l t i e s and enlargement of st a t u t e - d e f i n e d c a p i t a l offences, suggestions being made that the fa t e of the New York slaves be put i n t o general p r a c t i c e f o r a l l c a p i t a l offenders, who ranged from pickpoc-kets n e t t i n g more than 12 Pence to one who cut down another's t r e e s , Leon Radinowicz, A H i s t o r y of E n g l i s h C r i m i n a l Law  and i t s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n from 1750 (London: Stevens & Sons L i m i t e d , 1948-68), 4 v o l s . Volume I , The Movement f o r Reform, 231-237, 11. Goebel and Naughton remark that " C o l o n i a l p r a c t i c e was b u i l t upon a f a i r l y exact copy of the E n g l i s h . . . ." p. 702, though with a haphazard compassion. Newtonian P h y s i c s , whose " n a t u r a l laws" were able to e x p l a i n most of the p h y s i c a l universe u n t i l the e a r l y t wentieth century, suggested there were other s i m i l a r l y "simple" systems of explanation f o r other d i s c i p l i n e s , e.g., a system of the body f o r medicine [Daniel J . B o o r s t i n , The  Americans: The C o l o n i a l Experience (New York: Vintage Books, 1964), p. 2T4~T. Samuel Johnson, "Autobiography" [1768-70], i n Herbert and Carol Schneider, eds., Samuel Johnson, President 145 of King's C o l l e g e , His Career and W r i t i n g s , Volume 1, Auto-biography and L e t t e r s (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1929) [ h e r e i n a f t e r : Schneiders, Johnson], p. 45. 7 For the eighteenth century c o n f l i c t of Rat i o n a l i s m and P i e t i s m see Edwin Scott Gaustad, The Great Awakening i n New England (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1968), pp. 1-3, 8 l -82; f o r a c l a s s i c r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of Newton and God by an En g l i s h clergyman see "Bishop Berkeley to Dr. Johnson" i n Thomas Bradbury Chandler, The L i f e of Samuel Johnson, P.P., The F i r s t President of King's Coll e g e , i n New-York (New York: P r i n t e d by T. & J . Swords,.No. 160 P e a r l - S t r e e t , 1805), "Appendix," pp. 158-60. g M i l t o n Halsey Thomas, " V a r d i l l , John," i n Pumas Malone, ed., D i c t i o n a r y ' o f American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, c. 1936 by American Council of Learned S o c i e t i e s , 2nd ed.), 12 v o l s . , X, 222-23' [ h e r e i n - ' a f t e r : D.A.B.]; "Abstract of W i l l s Recorded i n the Surro-gate's O f f i c e , C i t y of New York," New York H i s t o r i c a l Society C o l l e c t i o n s , XXV-XLI, V I I I , 357. There i s some question regarding V a r d i l l ' s b i r t h d a y . F r e d e r i c k Lewis Weis puts V a r d i l l ' s b i r t h at 1752 w i t h h i s A.B., King's i n 1766 ["The C o l o n i a l Clergy of the Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, 1628-1776," Proceedings of the American  An t i q u a r i a n S o c i e t y , A p r i l 18, 1956-October 17_, 1956 (Wor-ce s t e r , Mass.: Published by the S o c i e t y , 1957), v o l . 66, 167-351, p. 335], p o s s i b l y based on the informa t i o n i n Gentle-man 's Magazine (January, 1811), which has him die on 16 January^ 1811 at the age of f i f t y - n i n e , which would mean he was born i n 1752. The informati o n i n the D.A.B., however, i s pr e f e r r e d u n t i l i t s source can be checked (T. A. Wright, Records of the Reformed Dutch Church . . . New York: Baptisms) owing to c i r c u m s t a n t i a l evidence. I f he spent the normal four years i n o b t a i n i n g h i s degree, he would have e n r o l l e d at age ten, contrary to the evidence of David C. Humphrey, who found the youngest freshman to be j u s t under twelve. I f that student happened to be V a r d i l l , he would have e n r o l l e d i n 1763, and taken an u n l i k e l y three years ["King's College i n the C i t y of New York, 1754-1776" (Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , North-western U n i v e r s i t y , i 9 6 0 ) , pp. 344, 373]-9 That the V a r d i l l s were not among the " e l i t e " i s supported by Humphrey, p. 362, where he says only " . . . two boys from e l i t e f a m i l i e s entered the m i n i s t r y , and one of these d i d not do so u n t i l 1800." I t i s u n l i k e l y that the r e -maining " e l i t e " student was sea Captain Thomas V a r d i l l ' s son. Remainder of paragraph drawn from: "Abstract of W i l l s , " NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , XXXVIII, 106, 306, XXXI, 389, XXXIX, 107, 146 82; "Diary of W i l l i a m Dunlap (1766-1839), The Memoirs of a Dramatist, T h e a t r i c a l Manager, P a i n t e r , C r i t i c , N o v e l i s t , and H i s t o r i a n , " i n i b i d . , L X I I , 252; "The L e t t e r s and Papers of Cadwallader Colden: A d d i t i o n a l L e t t e r s and Papers, 1749-1775, and Some of Colden Ts W r i t i n g s , " i n i b i d . , L X V I I I , 191-92. Dorothy R i t a D i l l o n , The New York Tr i u m v i r a t e: A Study of the Legal and P o l i t i c a l Careers of W i l l i a m L i v i n g -ston , John Morrin S c o t t , W i l l i a m Smith, J r . (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press^ 1949), P- 32. 1 1 P a t r i c i a U. Bonomi, A Factious People: P o l i t i c s  and Society i n C o l o n i a l New York (New York: Columbia Univer-s i t y Press, 197D, pp. 176-77; and Upton, p. 28; although f o r some reason C a r l Bridenbaugh rep o r t s only s i x Ang l i c a n s , M i t r e and Sceptre, T r a n s a t l a n t i c F a i t h s , Ideas, P e r s o n a l i t i e s , and P o l i t i c s , 1689-1775 (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, l96"2), p. 144. 33 12 13 14 15 Quoted In Bridenbaugh, p. 144. D i l l o n , pp. 33-35; Upton, pp. 28-29. Johnson, "Autobiography," i n Schneiders, Johnson, W i l l i a m Smith, J r . , "A Prayer," Independent Re-f l e c t o r , May 31, 1753, quoted In Upton, p. 29-As Humphrey remarks: ". . . the movement to found a c o l l e g e f a l t e r e d because i t could not serve the i n t e r e s t s of both c i v i c concern and i n t e r c o l o n i a l Anglicanism," p. 4. 36 17 18 19 20 21 Bonomi, p. 177. D i l l o n , p. 39; Upton, p. 33; Humphrey, p. 46. Upton, pp. 31-33-Johnson, "Autobiography," i n Schneiders, Johnson, New York, "An Act f o r a p p r o p r i a t i n g the Moneys Raised by diverse L o t t e r y s f o r E r e c t i n g or founding a College i n t h i s Colony," 1 December 1756, i n The C o l o n i a l Laws of  New York From the Year 1664 to the Revolution (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1894), 5 v o l s . , IV, 16I^F2; q u o t a t i o n , p. l 6 l . 1 22 The French and Indian War had come to New York's i n t e r i o r , i d e n t i f i e d by Upton as a f a c t o r i n the compromise on funds, p. 33. 2 3 Samuel Johnson, "Advertisement," The New York  Gazette: or the Weekly Post Boy, June 3, 1754, i n "Old New York and T r i n i t y Church," NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , I I I , 145-408, 166-69 [ h e r e i n a f t e r : Johnson, "Advertisement"], see below. 24 Quoted i n Humphrey, p. 421. 2 5 I b i d . , p. 345. 2 6 Johnson, "Advertisement," p. 167. 27 ' I b i d . 2 8 I b i d . , p. 168. 2 9 See note 8, above. 30 Johnson, "Autobiography," i n Schneiders, Johnson pp. 32-33. His s a l a r y amounted to E400. 31 "At a meeting of the Rector, Church Wardens and Vestrymen . . . 20th December 1753," i n Schneiders, Johnson p. 172. 3 2 Johnson, "Advertisement," p. 168. 33 I b i d . ; Humphrey, p. 391. 34 "Laws and Orders of King's C o l l e g e , adopted June 3, 1755," i n A H i s t o r y of Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1754-1904 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press^ 1904) Therei n a f t e r : "Laws and Orders of King's Coll e g e , " and page number], pp. 449-50; "Plan of Education of King's Coll e g e , adopted March 1, 1763," i n i b i d , [ h e r e i n a f t e r : "Plan of Education of King College," and page number], p. 452. 35 Samuel Johnson, "A paper which I d e s i r e may be read to the Governors . . . ." quoted i n Humphrey, pp. 424-25. Humphrey, pp. 4l6-17; "Laws and Orders of King's College," pp. 447, 449; "Plan of Education of King's C o l ^ lege," pp. 452-53. J l "Laws and Orders of King's Coll e g e , " p. 449. 148 on 3 y "Laws and Orders of King's Coll e g e , " pp. 4 4 7 - 4 8 , q o Samuel Johnson, "An E x h o r t a t i o n to the Graduates" [Commencement, 1762], quoted i n Humphrey, p. 4 l Q . 9 40 Clarence Hayden Vance, "Myles Cooper," The  Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Q u a r t e r l y, 22 (September, 1930), 261-86, 270. 41 Comparison of programs i n "Laws and Orders of King's College" under Johnson, and "Plan of Education of King's College" under Cooper; see a l s o , Humphrey, p. 479. 42 Vance, pp. 262-63; Johnson, "Autobiography," p. 38; formal requests f o r a " v i c e - p r e s i d e n t " were made by the Governors of the College: Vance, i b i d . ; Humphrey, p. 174. 43 Johnson, "Autobiography," i n Schneiders, Johnson, pp. 39 -40 . 44 I b i d . Johnson's personal l i f e was something of a t a l e of woe: h i s son died of smallpox, 1756; h i s wife of some other i l l n e s s , 1758, while out of the c i t y to avoid the smallpox; h i s step-daughter G l o r i a n a Maverick, "the stay of the f a m i l y , " died i n 1759; and h i s step-son, Benjamin N i c o l l , died i n 1760 [Humphrey, pp. 1 4 4 - 4 5 ] , a l l of which preceded the death of h i s second w i f e . 45 Vance,.pp. 163-64; f o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h Governors see Humphrey, p. 154, passim. 46 Q , ... See note 4 1 . 47 ' Myles Cooper to John V a r d i l l , 13 A p r i l 1775, P.R.O.A.O. 13/105. 48 Book of Misdemeanors a l i a s Black Book, quoted i n A H i s t o r y of Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , pp. 38-39• 49 Vance, p. 2 6 3 ; A H i s t o r y of Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , pp. 37-38. 50 Chandler, p. 106; and Archbishop Seeker to Samuel Johnson, n.d., i n "Appendix," i n i b i d . , pp. 179-80. 5 1 Vance, pp. 262, 279-80; Humphrey, pp. 188, 489-94. 52 Samuel Auchmuty to Samuel Johnson, May 25, 1767, quoted i n Humphrey, p. 360. 149 5 3 Vance, p. 266; V a r d i l l had no doubt l e t i t be known before graduation that he intended to read theology and would appreciate a post as t u t o r . 54 "A Real Churchman," The New York J o u r n a l ; or, the  General A d v e r t i s e r , December 22, 1774, i n "Old New York and T r i n i t y Church," NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , I I I , 257. 5 5 I b i d . 56 John V a r d i l l to the Honble. Commissioners, Decem-ber 15, 1784, P.R.O., A.O. 13/105, p. 341. 5 7 Humphrey, pp. 363-64 describes post-graduate t r a i n i n g f o r the m i n i s t r y at King's. 58 John V a r d i l l to the Honble. Commissioners, Decem-ber 15, 1784, P.R.O., A.O. 13/105, p. 341; i t a l i c s d e l e t e d . 5 9 I b i d . , November 9, 1784, p. 310. ^ Samuel Clossy to Mr. Cleghorn, August 1, 1764, In Byron Stookey, "Samuel Clossy, A.B., M.D., F.R.C.P. of I r e l a n d , F i r s t Professor of Anatomy, King's College (Columbia), New York," B u l l e t i n of the H i s t o r y of Medicine, XXXVIII (Marc h - A p r i l , 1964), 153r6"7, 166. ^ John V a r d i l l to the Honble. Commissioners, Novem-ber 9, 1784, P.R.O., A.O. 13/105, p. 10. 150 Notes f o r Chapter IV • Samuel Johnson, "Autobiography" [1768-70], i n Herbert and Carol Schneider, eds., Samuel Johnson, President  of King's C o l l e g e , His Career and W r i t i n g s , Volume I , Auto-biography and L e t t e r s (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1929) [ h e r e i n a f t e r : Schneiders, Johnson], p. 47; f o r a f u l l e r account of G i l e s and Wilson, see Charles I n g l i s to the S.P.G., A p r i l 9, 1766, i n John Wolfe Lydekker, The L i f e and L e t t e r s  of Charles I n g l i s , His M i n i s t r y In America and Consecration as F i r s t C o l o n i a l Bishop, from 1759 to 1787 (New York: The MacMlllan Company, 1936), pp. 53-55. 2 C a r l Bridenbaugh, M i t r e and Sceptre, T r a n s a t l a n t i c  F a i t h s , Ideas, P e r s o n a l i t i e s , and P o l i t i c s , 1689-1775 (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962), pp. 266-67; M i l t o n K l e i n , "The American Whig: W i l l i a m L i v i n g s t o n of New York" (Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1954), pp. 596-97-The most opportune moment—the end of the Seven Years War— had already passed, and chances f o r a bishop a f t e r the Stamp Act were dimmer than American Anglicans knew [Thomas Seeker to Samuel Johnson, December 20, 1761, i n Thomas Bradbury Chandler, The L i f e of Samuel Johnson, P.P., The F i r s t P r e s i -dent of King's C o l l e g e , i n New-York (New York: P r i n t e d by T. & J . Swords, No. 160 P e a r l - S t r e e t , 1805), "Appendix," p. 184; A. L. Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colon-i e s (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1964), p. 252]. •3 Chandler, L i f e of Johnson, pp. 114-15-^ Bridenbaugh, p. 2 8 9 . 5 Chandler, L i f e of Johnson, p. 115; Bridenbaugh, p. 266; Cross, p. 164. ^ Samuel Johnson to the Archbishop of Canterbury, September 25, 1767, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 419; Thomas Bradbury Chandler to Samuel Johnson, August 20, 1767, i n I b i d . , p. 417. 7 Thomas Bradbury Chandler, An Appeal to the P u b l i c  i n Behalf of the Church of England i n America TNew York: James Parker, 1767), p. 31; although K l e i n f i n d s Chandler a dubious choice f o r the task , being something of a contro-versy-monger; s t i l l , Chandler's r e s t r a i n t Is obvious, though i t i s without compromise or apology [ K l e i n , "American Whig," PP. 597-98]. g Chandler, Appeal, p. 3, passim. 9 Chandler, Appeal, pp. 29-30, 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 I b i d . , pp. 32-34. I b i d . , pp. 16, 25. I b i d . , pp. 36, 34-39 I b i d . , p. 45. I b i d . , p. 41. I b i d . I b i d . , pp. 40-45. I b i d . , p. 29; the e n t i r e passage i s i n i t a l i c s . Bridenbaugh, p. 293. 19 v Quoted i n John Ewer (Bishop of L a n d a f f ) , A Sermon  Preached before the Incorporated Society f o r the Propagation  of the Gospel i n Foreign P a r t s ; At t h e i r Anniversary Meeting  i n the P a r i s h Church of St. Mary-Le-Bow, On Frid a y February  20, 1767 (London; New York: r p t . by James Parker, 1768), p. 3-20 x , . , c I b i d . , p. 5 • 21 T K ^ I b i d . 2 2 I b i d . , p. 16. 2 3 W i l l i a m L i v i n g s t o n , A L e t t e r to the Right Reverend  Father i n God, John, Lord Bishop of Landaff, Occasioned by  Some Passages i n h i s Lordship's Sermon, on the 20th of Febru-ary , 1767? In which the American Colonies are loaded w i t h  great and undeserved Reproach (New York: P r i n t e d f o r the Author, 1768), pp. 1-2. 24 I b i d . , p. 7-2 5 I b i d . , p. 8; Charles Chauncy, A L e t t e r to a Fr i e n d  Containing C e r t a i n Remarks on C e r t a i n Passages i n a Sermon  Preached by the Right Reverend i n God, John Lord Bishop of  Landaff (Boston: Kneeland & Adams f o r L e v e r e t t , 1767), P• 47. 2 6 Chauncy, A L e t t e r to a F r i e n d , pp. 44, 43. 2 7 I b i d . , p. 46, 152 2 8 Chauncy, A L e t t e r to a F r i e n d , pp. 52-53. 2 9 I b i d . , pp. 52, 47. Chauncy answered the Appeal i n A p r i l , 1768 (The  Appeal . . . Answered); Chandler r e p l i e d i n May, 1769 (The  Appeal Defended); i n January, 1770, Chauncy h i t back w i t h A Reply to Chandler's Appeal Defended, and a n t i c i p a t e d the answer with A Complete View of Episcopacy (May, 1771); Chandler's l a s t was The Appeal Farther Defended (June, 1771): f o r f u l l t i t l e s and p u b l i c a t i o n data see "BIBLIOGRAPHY." 31 W i l l i a m L i v i n g s t o n to Noah Welles, February 2, 1768, quoted i n Bridenbaugh, p. 297; Bridenbaugh's i t a l i c s . Samuel Johnson to Thomas Seeker, May 10, 1768, i n Schneiders, Johnson, pp. 439-40; Chandler, L i f e of Johnson, p. 116. 3 3 A p r i l 7, 1768, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 436. 34 Cross, p. 195; Thomas Bradbury Chandler to Samuel Johnson, September 9, 1768, A p r i l 7, 1768, i n Schneiders, Johnson, pp. 447-48, 437. 35 Chandler to Johnson, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 437 [ A p r i l 7, 1768]. o c Bridenbaugh, pp. 266-67. 37 W i l l i a m Smith to Bishop T e r r i c k , P h i l a d e l p h i a , October 22, 1768 ( v i i , 40-41), i n W i l l i a m Wilson Manross, ed., The Fulham Papers i n Lambeth Palace L i b r a r y : American  C o l o n i a l S e c tion Calendar and Indexes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), p. 116 [ h e r e i n a f t e r : Fulham Calendar followed by entry number and page number]. 3 8 Quoted i n Bridenbaugh, p. 300. 39 Chandler to Samuel Johnson, January 22, 1768, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 433. ^ Auchmuty to Samuel Johnson, March 21, 1769, i n Bridenbaugh, p. 302; see a l s o i b i d . , p. 292. For a sketch of Samuel Auchmuty, see "Old New York and T r i n i t y Church," NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , I I I , 280-82. ^ A p r i l 7, 1768, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 436. 4? "Memorial of Samuel Seabury," P.R.O., A.O. 12/19, 153 p. 356 [ m i c r o f i l m p l a t e 196]; the p o s s i b i l i t y of Cooper's involvement stems from the f a c t that he would l a t e r (around 1772) engage i n a s i m i l a r scheme with the same p a r t i c i p a n t s [Vance, "Myles Cooper," p. 274]; the p o s s i b i l i t y of V a r d i l l p l a y i n g a part i s simple s p e c u l a t i o n . . 0 K l e i n , p. 621. V a r d i l l l a t e r complained to the L o y a l i s t Claims Com-mission: "My being i n England seems to have l e d to an Idea, that I had q u i t t e d or resigned my Appointments at Newyork; but i t must be remembered that we had n£ Bishop i n America to ordain . . . ." John V a r d i l l to the Honble. Commissioners, November 9, 1784, P.R.O., A.O. 13/105, p. 310. 45 Chandler remarked to Johnson that " . . . where so many people are i n t h e i r t u r n to have a l i c k at the Whig, i t i s not to be expected that a l l w i l l acquit themselves w i t h equal prudence, d e x t e r i t y , and decency," quoted i n Bridenbaugh, p. 304; p o s s i b l y , then, V a r d i l l was not the only King's grad-uate student i n v o l v e d , f o r i t i s d i f f i c u l t to t h i n k Chandler would make the comment r e f e r r i n g only to the members of the Whip planning conference. 46 American Whig No. I , March 14, 1768, i n [John H o l t , ed.] A C o l l e c t i o n of Tracts From the Late News Papers, &c. Containing P a r t i c u l a r l y The American Whig, A Whip f o r the  American Whig, With Some Other P i e c e s , On the Subject of the  Residence of Protestant Bishops i n the American Colo n i e s , and  i n answer to the Writers who opposed i t , &c '. TNew York: John H o l t , 1768^F97T~2 v o l s , [ t i t l e v a r i e s s l i g h t l y ] , I , 4-5- A l l references below are to Holt's C o l l e c t i o n . To avoid needless r e p e t i t i o n , only the volume number and pages are given f o l l o w -in g the t i t l e of the piece and i t s number and date. The American Whig appeared i n James Parker's New York Gazette, or The Weekly Post Boy, and the Whip appeared i n Hugh Gaines' New York Mercury [ t i t l e changes to The New York Gazette; and  the Weekly Mercury i n February, 1769]• Therefore, only a d d i -t i o n a l i n s e r t i o n s , such as "Advertisements," are i d e n t i f i e d by paper. " I b i d . " w i l l r e f e r only to the Whig, Whip, or other pi e c e ; i t w i l l not be used to i n d i c a t e Holt's C o l l e c t i o n . 47 L i v i n g s t o n seemed to r e a l i z e the i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y of h i s p o s i t i o n , which was, e s s e n t i a l l y , that he had l i t t l e , or nothing to l o s e ; see below i n t e x t with reference to Sea-bury 's request f o r evidence. American Whig No. I , March 14, 1768, I , 5. 49 I b i d . , pp. 2, 6. 154 5 0 American Whig No. T i l , March 28, 1768, I , 20-22; i b i d . , No. IV, A p r i l 4, 17o"8, "To the Author of the American Whig," I , 2 o T l b i d . , I , ' 3 2 . 5 1 American Whig No. I , March 14, 1768, I , 5 ; i b i d . , No. IV, A p r i l 4, 1 7 6 F 7 X 3 1 , 31 - 3 2 . 5 2 American Whig No. XXVIII, September 1 9 , 1768, I I , 170, 170-71, 171-, 172. 5 3 American Whig, No. I l l , March 28, 1768, I , 20. 54 "Remarks on the T i t l e , of a Whip f o r the American  Whig," New York Gazette, or The Weekly Post Boy, A p r i l 4, 1768, I , 28. 5 5 American Whig No. I l l , March 28, 1768, I , 21. 56 I n g l i s to Samuel Johnson, March 22, 1768, i n Lydekker, p. 7 7 . 57 "An Advertisement to the P u b l i c , " New York Gazette, or The Weekly Post Boy, March 21, 1768, I , 8 - 9 , 10. 58 "Verdicus's Verses to the Whig W r i t e r , " A p r i l 4 , 1768, I , 5 1 . 59 A Whip f o r the American Whig No. I_ [ h e r i n a f t e r : "Whip"], A p r i l ~ T T T76~8, I , 3 7 - 3 8 , 3 9 -6 0 C a r l Lotus Becker, The H i s t o r y of P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s  i n the Province of New York (Madison, Wisconsin: U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, I960), pp. 5 8 - 5 9 ; K l e i n , p. 605; P a t r i c i a U. Bonomi, A Factious People: P o l i t i c s and Society i n C o l o n i a l  New York (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971), pp. 240-44. K l e i n i s the 'modern w r i t e r . ' Whip No. I , A p r i l 4 , 1768, I , 3 9 ; s u p e r i o r l e t t e r s u p p l i e d . Whip No. I I , A p r i l 11, 1768, I , 54. 6 3 Whip No. I I , A p r i l 4 , 1768, I , 56, 54; Whip No. V I I , May 16, 17637 I , 137; "Independent" l a b e l : Whip No. XXIV, September 19, 1768, I I , 161. ^ See note 1 3 . 6 5 Whip No. XXXV, December 5 , 1768, I I , 317-155 6 6 Whip No. I , A p r i l 4, 1768, I , 41; L i v i n g s t o n and Seabury: Seabury, "Advertisement," Gaine's New York: Mercury, March 28, 1768, I , 13, and American Whig, No. IV, A p r i l 4, 1768, I , 34; that the Whip understood that I t s arguments were being d i s p e l l e d without being refuted:' Whip No. XXVI, October, 3, 1768, I I , p. 197; that c i v i l power derived from parliament: Whip No. XLI, January 23, 1769, I I , 395-^ 7 [John V a r d i l l ] "A Freeholder," "Answers to the Rea-sons L a t e l y Published . . . ," Nos. I , I I , I I I ( C l i f f o r d Ship-ton, ed., E a r l y American Imprints 1639-1800, Nos. 11260-62; h e r e i n a f t e r : A l , and number)["The Freeholder" w i l l h e r e i n a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to there as, with i t s own number corresponding to A l ] ; these papers a l s o appear i n P.R.O., A.O. 13/105, begin-ning on p. 52, w i t h authorship a s c r i b e d to V a r d i l l i n h i s own hand; K l e i n , p. 637-68 „ T h e Freeholder," I I I . 69 70 71 I b i d . , I l l , I I . I b i d . , I I I . "To the Authors of the American Whig, and Timothy T i c k l e , Esq., h i s Ghostly F l a g e l l a t o r , " Connecticut J o u r n a l (New Haven), May 13, 1768, I , 136. 7 2 ' Both quoted i n Bridenbaugh, Chandler, p. 304, and Auchmuty, p. 302. 73 , J Samuel Johnson to W i l l i a m Samuel Johnson, November 24, 1769, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 477; Chandler to Samuel Johnson, J u l y 7, 1768, i n i b i d . , p. 444. 74 See W i l l i a m Nelson, The American Tory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 16-17• 75 That i s , Bridenbaugh and Cross. 7 6 American Whig No. XXVIII, Sept. 19, 1768, I I , 167; i b i d . , No. I I , March 21, 1768, I , 6. 77 1 See qu o t a t i o n , p. 30, and note 21. 7 Pi Chandler had e a r l y seen a connection between the sta t e of the c o l o n i a l Anglican church and the degree of harmony e x i s t i n g between America and B r i t a i n , contending that i f the l a t t e r had paid more a t t e n t i o n to the church, "a general sub-mission i n y • Colonies to y e Mother Country, i n everything not s i n f u l , might have been expected" [Chandler to the S.P.G., January 15, 1766, quoted i n A l b e r t H. Hoyt, "The Rev. Thomas Bradbury Chandler, D.D., 1726-1790," New-England H i s t o r i c a l 156 and Genealogical R e g i s t e r and An t i q u a r i a n J o u r n a l , XXVII, J u l y 1 8 7 3 , 2 2 7 - 3 6 , p. 2 3 3 ] - Notice h i s d i s c l a i m e r : " i n everything not s i n f u l . " The d e f i n i t i o n of the phrase seems to be the crux of the matter, and Bridenbaugh and Cross appear to conclude that Chandler would not consider s l a v e r y " s i n f u l , " f o r h i s "admission" to Bishop T e r r i c k (October 2 1 , 1 7 6 7 ) that he omitted c e r t a i n "Facts and Reasons" from the Appeal which would have had a great e f f e c t on "our Superiors . . . as are governed a l t o g e t h e r by p o l i t i c a l Motives," i s considered by them a persuasive support f o r Dissenter and Whig arguments [see Bridenbaugh, p. 2 9 2 ; and Cross, p. 1 6 6 ] . 79 For. example, Bridenbaugh, pp. 288, 2 9 2 . 80 „ T h e F r e e h o l d e r j " 8 l In t h i s , however, I agree w i t h Bridenbaugh, pp. 3 0 6 - 7 ; though he f i n d s [p. 3 0 7 ] church-state separation as necessary as does the Whig, which a u t o m a t i c a l l y i m p l i e s e v i l to the Whippers. 157 Notes f o r Chapter V 1 For a b r i e f but l u c i d d e s c r i p t i o n of New York i n 1770 through the eyes of W i l l i a m Smith, J r . , see Upton, The  Loyal Whig, pp. 66-75; Lawrence Henry Gipson makes i t c l e a r that f i n d i n g the peri o d 1770 to 1773 " q u i e t , " although he would add "pregnant," i s not unusual [The Coming of the Revo-l u t i o n , 1763-1775 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 196~2), p. 222 j . 2 Henry Van Schaack, The L i f e of Peter Van Schaack, LL.D., Embracing S e l e c t i o n s From His Correspondence and Other  W r i t i n g s , During the American R e v o l u t i o n , and His E x i l e i n England (New York: Appleton & Co., 1842), pp. 5, 22; Frank Monaghan, John Jay, Defender of L i b e r t y (New York and Indian-a p o l i s : The B o b b s - M e r r i l l Company, 1935), p. 39• "A Real Churchman," The New York J o u r n a l ; o r, the General A d v e r t i s e r , December 22, 1 7 7 4, i n "Old New York and T r i n i t y Church," NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , I I I , 2 5 7 -4 4 3 5 - 3 8 "J.E.P." [ u n l i s t e d In " C o n t r i b u t o r s " ] D.A.B., X, Chandler to Samuel Johnson, September 9 , 1 7 6 8 , In Herbert and Car o l Schneider, eds., Samuel Johnson, President  of K i n g 1 s C o l l e g e , His Career and W r i t i n g s , Volume I , Auto- biography and L e t t e r s (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 2 9 ) [ h e r e i n a f t e r : Schneiders, Johnson], p. 448. 6 D.A.B., X, 4 3 5 - 3 8 . 7 John Witherspoon, Address to the Inhabitants of Jam-a i c a , and Other West-India I s l a n d s , In Behalf of the College  of New Jersey ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : W i l l i a m and Thomas Bradford, 1 7 7 2 ) , p. 6" 8 I b i d . , pp. 7 - 8 , 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 2 , 14. 9 I b i d . , pp. 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 2 , 2 5 -X8 Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 186-1 1 [John V a r d i l l and Myles Cooper] Candid Remarks on Dr. Witherspoon's Address to the Inhabitants of Jamaica And  the other West-India Islands;-; &C. In a L e t t e r to those Gentle-men ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : 1 7 7 2 ) , AT 1 2 3 4 6. This i s as c r i b e d i n a con-temporary hand to V a r d i l l , who al s o published a newspaper rebut-t a l to Witherspoon, but which was not a v a i l a b l e [New-York 158 Gazette and Weekly Mercury, October 24, 1 7 6 8 ] . Cooper's authorship e s t a b l i s h e d : Myles Cooper's t e s t i m o n i a l re Var-d i l l ' s c l a i m , December 1 , 1 7 8 3 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 307 12 I b i d . , PP . 5 , 6 , 1 1 , 2 0 , 2 3 . 13 I b i d . , PP • 2 3 - 2 5 . 14 I b i d . , PP . 2 8 , 2 9 . 15 I b i d . , PP . 3 5 , 3 3 - 3 4 . 16 I b i d . , PP . 3 1 , 2 9 -17 I b i d . , pp . 5 6 , 3 7 , 4 5 . 18 I b i d . , P • 5 2 . 19 Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , H i s t o r y of Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , has him the f i r s t American pr o f e s s o r of law, p. 3 3 5 , and "Index," p. 4 9 2 ; D.A.D. , X, 222-^23-2 0 Gipson, pp. 2 1 7 - 1 8 . "To the Worthy Inhabitants of New York" (New York: 1 7 7 3 ) , AI-i—12955-12957 [ o r i g i n a l l y i n Rlvington^s Gazette be-ginning November 8 , 1 7 7 3 ] ; Gipson, pp. 2 1 8 - 1 9 . 2 2 "To the Worthy Inhabitants of New York," I , I I I . 23 J I b i d . , I I I . The r i g h t to revolution- and r e l a t e d b e l i e f s w i l l be found In a number of l o y a l i s t pamphlets; see for example: Joseph Galloway, "A Candid Examination," i n M e r r i l l Jensen, ed., Tracts of the American R e v o l u t i o n , 1 7 6 3 - 1 7 7 6 ( I n -d i a n a p o l i s , New York, Kansas C i t y : Bobbs-Merril Company, Inc., 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 3 6 8 . p ii "To the Worthy Inhabitants of New York," I I I . 2 5 I b i d . ; the " l a t e r l o y a l i s t " Is " G r o t i u s , " P i l l s f o r the Delegates . . . . (New York: James R i v i n g t o n , 1 7 7 5 ) , AI, 3^ 0 9 4 , p. 3 1 . 159 Notes f o r Chapter VI John V a r d i l l , "Old England's Triumph: For the Sons, of St. George (Tune, H a i l England, Old England, e t c . ) " (New York: n.d.), P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 1147 2 D.A.B., X, 2 2 2 - 2 3 ; Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , PP- 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 ; V a r d i l l to the Commissioners, November 9 , 1 7 8 4 , i b i d . , p. 3 1 0 ; David Humphrey, "King's College i n the Ci t y of New York, 1 7 5 4 - 1 7 7 6 " (Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , Northwestern U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 3 1 0 - 1 1 , 2 9 4 - 9 5 , 3 0 1 . 3 Humphrey, pp. 2 9 5 - 3 0 2 . 4 Chandler to Samuel Johnson, March 14, 1 7 7 1 , i n Schnei-ders, Johnson, p. 4 7 7 . 5 6 Humphrey, pp. 2 9 4 , 3 0 8 , 312 I b i d . , pp. 309, 312; "Extract of a L e t t e r from Ld. Dartmouth . . . Nov. 17, 1784," P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 320. 7 V a r d i l l to James Duane, September 1 5 , 1774, quoted i n Humphrey, p. 311 Dartmouth obtained the appointment f o r V a r d i l l , " Extract of L e t t e r from Ld. Dartmouth," P.R.O., A.O. 13 / 1 0 5 , p. 3 2 0; V a r d i l l claimed 1 2 0 0 i n h i s Memorial, but the support-i n g documents a l s o speak of a E100 s a l a r y ["Mr. Robinson's C e r t i f i c a t e of Mr. V a r d i l l ' s L o y a l t y and S e r v i c e s , the nature of h i s P r o f e s s o r s h i p & the Salary annexed to i t . Nov. 22, 1784," i n I b i d . , p. 314]; announcement i n newspapers, December 8 , 1 7 7 ^ , c l i p p i n g i n I b i d . , p. 2 8 6 . o -"Old New York a n d . T r i n i t y Church," NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , I I I , pp. 250-52, 2 5 4 ; a l s o i n Morgan Dix, ed., H i s t o r y of the  Pa r i s h of T r i n i t y Church i n the C i t y of New York (New York: Putnam, 1898), p. 365; Chandler's a s s i s t a n c e : Chandler to Var-d i l l , December 15, 1 7 7 4 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 286. 9 Laight to V a r d i l l , December 17, 1774, i n I b i d . , p. 221; John Maunsell to John E o l e r , Esq., December 20, 1773, i n i b i d . , p. 241. Chandler to V a r d i l l , December 1 5 , 1774, i n i b i d . , p". 288. 1 1 Quoted i n W i l l i a m Samuel Johnson to Myles Cooper, January 1 8 , 1773, i n Schneiders, Johnson, p. 486; the same l e t t e r e s t a b l i s h e s Dartmouth as a f r i e n d to espiscopacy. 160 12 John V a r d i l l t o W i l l i a m Legge, E a r l o f Dartmouth, September 1 , 1 7 7 4 , i n M. Lambert, ed . , H i s t o r i c a T . ,'Mariu s c r i p t s  Commission; F o u r t e e n t h R e p o r t , Appendix, P a r t X: The M a n u s c r i p t s of the E a r l o f Dartmouth! V o l . I I ; American Papers (London: Eyre and S p o t t i s w o o d e , f o r Her M a j e s t y ' s S t a t i o n a r y O f f i c e , 1 8 9 5 ) [ h e r e i n a f t e r ; "Lambert, H i s t o r i c a l MSS], p. 224. 1 3 C h a n d l e r t o V a r d i l l , August 3 , 1 7 7 4 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 2 8 4 . 14 15 16 17 18 I b i d . , December 1 5 , 1 7 7 4 , p. 287 I b i d . , pp. 287 - 8 8 . I b i d . , p. 2 8 7 . I b i d . , August 3 , 1 7 7 4 , p. 2 8 5 . Bruce E. S t e i n e r , Samuel Seabury, p. 1 7 8 ; B i s h o p Lowth t o Dr. C h a n d l e r , May 2 9 , 1775, i n C h a n d l e r L i f e o f J o h n - son, p. 207 re C h a n d l e r ' s l e t t e r t o V a r d i l l o f March, 1775-1 9 Edward L a i g h t t o John V a r d i l l , June 11, 1 7 7 7 , P.R.O., A.O. 13/ 105, pp. 262-63; Memorial o f John V a r d i l l , i b i d . , pp. 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 . 20 See Lawrence H. G i p s o n , The Coming o f the R e v o l u t i o n , 1763-1775, pp. 228-33; Joseph G a l l o w a y , "Candid E x a m i n a t i o n , " i n J e n s e n , ed., T r a c t s of t h e American R e v o l u t i o n . 21 P • 22 John J a y t o V a r d i l l , September,24, 1774, P.R.O., A.O, 13 / 1 0 5 , p. 283. p. 288 23 24 C h a n d l e r t o V a r d i l l , December 1 5 , 1 7 7 4 , i n i b i d . , Unknown t o V a r d i l l , J a n u ary 5 , 1 7 7 5 , i n I b i d . , p. 264 Samuel Auchmuty to John V a r d i l l , March 1 6 , 1 7 7 5 , i n i b i d . , p. 2 5 2 . 2 5 John Jay t o John V a r d i l l , May 2 3 , 1 7 7 4 , i n i b i d . , pp. 2 8 1 - 8 3 ; a l s o p r i n t e d i n Frank Monaghan, John J a y , Defender o f L i b e r t y (New York: The B o b b s - M e r r i l Company, 1 9 3 5 ) , PP • 53 -5^" ; V a r d i l l a l s o a ttempted t o ta k e c r e d i t f o r the New York Assembly's p e t i t i o n t o p a r l i a m e n t and i t s d i s a s s o c i a t i o n from Congress i n e a r l y 1 7 7 5 , measures he had been recommending i n h i s c o r r e s p o n -dence home, see Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O.,.A.O..13/105, pp. 1 8 6 - 9 1 ; J a y to V a r d i l l , September 24, 1774 i n i b i d . , p. 2 8 3 ; 161 C a r l Lotus Becker, The H i s t o r y of P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s i n the  Province of New York, 1 7 6 0 - 1 7 7 6~TMadlson: U n i v e r s i t y of Wiscon-s i n Press, I 9 6 0 ) , p. 1 7 7 . Chandler to V a r d i l l , December 1 5 , 1 7 7 4 , P.R.O. , ..A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 2 8 7 ; "Extract of a L e t t e r from Ld. Dartmouth . . . ." i n i b i d . , p. 3 2 0 ; W i l l i a m H. Sabine, ed., H i s t o r i c a l Memoirs, From 16 March iff63 to 9 J u l y 1 7 7 6 , of W i l l i a m Smith, H i s t o r i a n  of the Province of New York, Member of the Governor's C o u n c i l , And Last Chief J u s t i c e of That Province Under the" Crown, Chief  J u s t i c e of Quebec (New York: 1 9 5 6 ) , 2 v o l . ,• I , 2 3 7 . 2 7 [John V a r d i l l ] , "Coriolanus," i n P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , miscellaneous c l i p p i n g s at end of volume; Roger J . Champagne, "New York's Radicals and the Coming of Independence," The Jour-rial of American H i s t o r y , L I , June, 1 9 6 4 , 21-40, p. 3 4 ; Edward F. Delancey, ed., Thomas Jones, H i s t o r y of New York during the  Revolutionary War (New York: 1 8 7 9 ) , 2 v o l . , I , 5 9 - 6 0 . 2 8 Sabine, I , 237. 162 Notes f o r Chapter V I I 1 Bruce S t e i n e r , Samuel Seabury, pp. 1 8 0 - 8 2 . 2 B.F. Stevens, F a c s i m i l e s of Manuscripts i n European  Archives R e l a t i n g to America 1 7 7 3 - 1 7 B 3 (London: l8o"9)" [ h e r e i n -a f t e r : "S.F." and number of document], V a r d i l l to Eden, Jan-uary 2 5 , 1 7 7 7 , No. 42. Norton, B r i t i s h - A m e r i c a n s , p. 4 5 . 14 Samuel Flagg Bemis, " B r i t i s h Secret Service and the French-American A l l i a n c e , " The American H i s t o r i c a l Review, XXXIX, A p r i l , 1 9 2 4 , 4 7 4 - 4 9 5 , p. 4 7 4 . 5 D Richard W. Van A'lstyne^Emp ire., .or "Independence : The I n t e r n a t i o n a l H i s t o r y of the American Revolution (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 8 8 , 9 0 , 1 1 3 , . 1 1 6 . ^ Van Alstyne f i n d s that the in f o r m a t i o n was general knowledge i n any case, pp. v i - v i i , 1 1 8 . However, some i n f o r -mation was s e c r e t ; and the importance i s not i t s secrecy, but what the government d i d w i t h the inf o r m a t i o n . 7 W i l l i a m Eden to unknown, n.d., P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 2 3 3 , 2 7 1 . Jenkinson was i n contact w i t h V a r d i l l i n October, 1775 ( i b i d , p. 2 9 5 ) , promisingtthat he was "very ready to be of Service to You"; i t might a l s o have been Robinson who arranged the i n t r o d u c t i o n . For i n f o r m a t i n on Robinson and Jenkinson, see Steven Watson, The Reign of George I I I , 1 7 6 O - I 8 1 5 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19oTJ" , pp. 6T5- 204. o Bemis, pp. 4 7 4 - 7 5 ; V a r d i l l ' s o f f i c e was No. 17 Down-ing S t r e e t ; S i l a s Deane to Robert M o r r i s , March 1 6 , 1 7 7 7 , The. Deane Papers, NYHS C o l l e c t i o n s , XIX-XXII, XX, 24. 9 Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 . The "Hynson s t o r y , " about to be r e l a t e d i n i t s e s s e n t i a l s , i s t o l d a l s o i n Lewis E i n s t e i n , Divided L o y a l t i e s , Americans i n England During the War of Independence (Freeport, New York: Books f o r L i b r a r i e s Press, R e p r i n t , 1 9 6 9 ; f i r s t pub-l i s h e d , 1 9 3 3 ) , and i n C e c i l B. Currey, Code Number 7_2: Ben  F r a n k l i n , P a t r i o t or Spy? (New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1 9 7 2 ) . 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 . 1 1 Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , PP 163 12 Deane to Hynson, June 1, 1777, i n Deane Papers, XX, 6 0 - 6 1 ; E i n s t e i n , p. 6 0 ; Currey, pp. 1 3 7 - 3 8 , shows that Deane may have been part of the conspiracy, s i n c e he was a l s o an agent of Eden; however, he was a double agent, and Currey's s p e c u l a t i o n r e l i e s on Deane operating only i n the capacity of an agent of Eden. 1 3 Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 . 14 Deane to Hynson, October 7 , 1777, Deane Papers, XX, 1 7 6 - 7 7 ; E i n s t e i n , pp. 6 2 - 6 3 ; Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P. R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , PP. 1 8 6 - 9 1 . 1 5 Deane to Jonathon W i l l i a m s , October, 2 4 , 1777, Deane Papers, XX, 2 0 0 ; W i l l i a m Eden to George I I I , October 2 0 , 1777, i n E i n s t e i n , p. 65-1 6 Memorial of John V a r d i l l , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 1 8 6 - 1 9 1 . 17 I b i d . ; George I I I to Lord North, John Fortescue, ed., The Correspondence of King George the T h i r d From 1760 to Dec-ember 1783 (London: MacMillan and Co., L t d . , 1 9 2 7 ) , 4 v o l s . , 3 , 5 3 2 , No. 2132. 1 8 S.F., No. 138. 1 9 D.A.B., X, 2 2 2 - 2 3 . 2 0 Bemls, pp. 483-84. 2 1 Fortescue, ed., I l l , 5 2 7 , No. 2127. 2 2 Van A l s t y n e , p. 1 3 5 ; Bemis, pp. 4 8 9 - 4 9 0 . 2 3 Eden to V a r d i l l , A p r i l , 1778, P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 260>v91. 24 John V a r d i l l , "Sketches of American P u b l i c Characters and Hints f o r the use of the Commission," A p r i l , 1 7 7 8 , S.F. No. 4 3 8 . 2 5 I b i d . 2 6 I b i d . 2 7 I b i d . 164 9 ft Jones, H i s t o r y of New York, I , l 6 0 - . 6 l ; I t i s p o s s i -b l e V a r d i l l helped r u i n the Commission's chances of success by w r i t i n g the "spurious" l e t t e r s of George Washington, which appeared j u s t before the Commission a r r i v e d , and engendered c o l o n i a l m i s t r u s t . • The evidence that V a r d i l l was the author, however, i s sketchy; see C a r l Van Doren, The Secret H i s t o r y  of the American Revolution (New York: The V i k i n g Press, 1 9 4 1 ) , pp. 87-TT, and W.C. Ford's I n t r o d u c t i o n to The Spurious L e t t e r s A t t r i b u t e d to Washington (Brooklyn, New York: P r i n t e d p r i v a t e l y , 1 8 8 9 ) . 2 9 Eden to V a r d i l l , January 14, 1 7 7 9 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 2 0 5 ; a l s o Eden to V a r d i l l , A p r i l , 1 7 7 8 , p. 2 0 1 , and A p r i l 1 6 , 1 7 7 8 , p. 2 6 6 , i n i b i d . ; Egerton, ed., The Royal  Commission, p. 2 5 5 -3 0 John Robinson to V a r d i l l , February 1 7 , 1 7 7 9 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 3 0 1 . 31 G.H. G u t t r i d g e , E n g l i s h Whiggism .and the American  Revolution (Berkeley andx Los Angeles: The U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f -o r n i a Press, 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 1 0 3 - 1 1 0 ; Address From The Committee  of A s s o c i a t i o n of the County of York (N.P.: n.p., 1 7 8 1), p. 1 1 . 12 J H. B u t t e r f i e l d , George I I I , Lord North, and the  People, 1 7 7 9 - 1 7 8 0 (London: G. B e l l and Sons, L t d . , 1 9 4 9 ) , pp. 1 9 2 - 2 0 0 . P. 7 9 , 12 3 3 I b i d . , pp. 3 0 9 , 2 6 2 - 6 3 ; Address From The Committee. 3 4 London, 1 7 8 0 ; a l s o i n P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 . 35 An Address to the I n h a b i t a n t s , p. 1 . 3^ "Alarm," No. IV; An Address to the I n h a b i t a n t s , pp 165 Notes f o r Chapter V I I I 1 V a r d i l l to the Commissioners, November 9 , 1 7 8 4 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , p. 3 0 9 -2 I b i d . Egerton, The Royal Commission, p. 2 5 5 . 4 I b i d . 5 V a r d i l l to the Commissioners, November 9 , 1 7 8 4 , P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , pp. 3 0 9 - 1 0 . ^ V a r d i l l to the Commissioners, November 1 0 , 1 7 8 4 , i n ib;id, p. 3 1 6 . 7 P.R.O., A.O. 1 2 / 1 0 9 , P- 293 [ m i c r o f i l m : 1 3 4 ] . o D.A.B., X, 2 2 2 - 2 3 ; Vance, "Myles Cooper," pp. 2 8 2 -8 3 ; The Gentleman's Magazine: and H i s t o r i c a l C h r o n i c l e , LXI, J u l y , 1 7 9 1 . 9 Gentleman's Magazine, LXXXI, January, l 8 l l . 166 Notes f o r Chapter IX Caro l B e r k i n , Jonathon S e w a l l O d y s s e y of an .Amer-i c a n L o y a l i s t (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 4 ) , p. 161. Edwin G. Burrows and Michael Wallace, "The American Revolution: The Ideology and Psychology of N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n , " i n Donald Fleming and Bernard B a i l y n , eds., Perspectives i n American H i s t o r y , VI, 1 9 7 2 , 1 6 7 - 3 0 8 , pp. 2 9 8 , 2 9 5 . N. Tingbergen, "On War and Peace i n Animals and Man," i n Heinz F r i e d r i c h , ed., & t r . , Man and Animal, Studies i n Behaviour (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1 9 6 8 ) , p. 1 2 7 ; see a l s o , Konrad Lprenz, On Aggression, M a r j o r i e Kent Wilson, t r . (New York: Harcourt, Brace,& World, 1 9 6 6 ) . 4 Burrows and Wallace, p. 2 9 9 -Zhigniew B r z e z i n s k i , "Revolution and Counterrevolu-t i o n , " The New Republic, A Jounal of Opinion, 1 5 8 , No. 2 2 , June 1 , 1 9 6 8 ) , 2 4 - 2 7; see page 25 f o r the common mistakes of governments faced w i t h r e v o l u t i o n ; " d r i b b l i n g " our concessions, which c h a r a c t e r i z e d North's m i n i s t r y , i s one. ^ B e r k i n , p. 1 6 1 . 7 [John V a r d i l l ] "Coriolanus," P.R.O., A.O. 1 3 / 1 0 5 , i n miscellaneous c l i p p i n g s at the end of the volume. g See Gad Horowitz, "Conservatism, L i b e r a l i s m , and S o c i a l i s m i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , " The Canadian J o u r n a l of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, XXXII, 1966, 143 - 7 1 , where he argues s i m i l a r l y i n c o n t r a s t i n g Canada and the United States. B I B L I O G R A P H Y 167 168 A. PRIMARY SOURCES 1. Manuscripts American L o y a l i s t s : Transcripts of the Manuscript Books and  Papers of the~~Commission oT Enquiry into the Losses and  Services of the American L o y a l i s t s . Public Record Of f i c e , London, Audit Office 12. 146 vols. (Microfilm.) Stevens, B. F. B. F. Stevens's Facsimiles of Manuscripts in  European ArcEives Relating to America 1773-1785 w i t h - Descriptions, E d i t o r i a l Notes, Collations, References, and Translations. London, 1889. V a r d i l l , John. "Memorial of John V a r d i l l , " and supporting documents, l e t t e r s , and printed matter, in Public Record Of f i c e , Audit Office 13, v o l . 105. (Microfilm.) 2. Printed Material "Abstract of Wills on F i l e in the Surrogate's Of f i c e , City of New York." Collections of the New York H i s t o r i c a l Society. 17 vols. Vol. XXXI, 1898; XXXII, 1899; XXXVIII, 1905. Address From The Committee of Association of the County of York, To The Electors of Great-Britain. N.P.: N.P., 1781 Chandler, Thomas Bradbury. An Appeal to the Public i n Behalf  of the Church of England in America. New York: James Parker, 1767. . The Appeal Defended: Or, The Proposed American Episcopate Vindicated, In Answer To The Obj ections and  Misrepresentations of Dr. Chauncy and Others. New York: Hugh Gaine, 1769. . The Appeal Farther Defended In Answer to the Farther Misrepresentations of Dr. Chauncy. New York: Hugh Gaine, 1771. , D.D. The L i f e of Samuel Johnson, D.D., The F i r s t President of King ' s College , in New-York . New York"! Printed by T. § J. Swords, No. 160 Pearl-Street, 1805. Chauncy, Charles. A Letter to a Friend Containing Certain  Remarks on Certain Passages in a Sermon Preached by the  Right R'everend in God, John Lorcl Bishop of Landaff. Boston: KneelancT~6| Adams for Leverett, 1767. 169 Chauncy, Charles. 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