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The economic and social structure of political agrarianism in Manitoba: 1870-1900 McCutcheon, Brian Robert 1974

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THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL AGRARIANISM IN MANITOBA: 187O-I9OO by Brian Robert McCutcheon B.A. (Hons.), University of Manitoba, 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apri l , 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f H i s t o r y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date May 1, 1974 - i i -ABSTRACT During the last thirty years of the nineteenth century agrarian movements swept the whole of North America, in the United States, the farmers* protest found expression in Populism; in Ontario, the Grange and the Patrons of Industry were the vehicles chosen "by the rural population to express their grievances; in the Canadian West, seven agrarian organizations, the most important of which were the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union, the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union, and the Patrons of Industry, attempted to improve the lot of Manitoba farmers. Nineteenth century agrarian protest in Manitoba parallel-ed but was divorced from the birth of agrarian protest throughout the North American continent. Because the province was relatively isolated during the f i r s t twenty years following Confederation with Canada, Manitoba p o l i t i c a l agrarianism was insulated from outside influences during i t s formative years in the l870's and l880's. By the early 1890's an indigenous agrarianism, arising from the d i f f i c u l t agricultural conditions that the settlers at f i r s t encountered in Manitoba, and from the failure of federal policies put forward for the development of the Canadian West to meet the needs and the expectations of immigrants, had developed. Manitoba agrarian movements sought solutions to farmers' problems through local organizations which advocated programmes tailored to the needs of their members. The failure of nineteenth century - i i i -agrarian protest organizations to achieve redress of grievances resulted from weaknesses in organization and in economic and social structure, aggravated by inadequate rural leadership and by the interference of provincial politicians. The most prominent feature of nineteenth century p o l i t i c a l agrarianism in Manitoba was i t s conservatism which stemmed from the farmers' failure to develop a sense of class consciousness. At no time did the farmers of the province see themselves as constituting a distinct economic or social class. Rather they saw themselves as individuals who co-operated to secure redress of grievances. The lack of class consciousness on the part of Manitoba agrarian protest was rooted in the economic and social structure of nineteenth century agrarian movements in the province. While the members of the various farmers' organizations were united by their common British-Canadian cultural heritage and by their Protestantism, they were divided by occupation—non-farmers and farmers with non-agricultural business interests played a divisive role in the movements--and by their economic position as evidenced by the level of mortgage indebtedness which varied widely among delegates elected to annual conventions of a l l Manitoba agrarian organizations. Given the occupational and economic divisions, farmers' movements in Manitoba between 1870 and 1900 were unstable coalitions of individuals and of p o l i t i c a l and economic interest groups which were incapable of furthering an agrarian class consciousness. The inab i l i t y of Manitoba farmers' organizations to become class movements precluded the formulation of an agrarian vision of society. Instead the only common denominator among the discontented individuals and interest groups who belonged to Manitoba agrarian organizations was a desire for p o l i t i c a l , social or economic change that the members believed would serve their own disparate interests. - V -TABLE OP CONTENTS page Introduction x i i Chapter I The Manitoba A g r i c u l t u r a l F r o n t i e r 1 Chapter II "A Happy and Contented People" 24 Chapter I I I Great Expectations 69 Chapter IV "A Solemn, Vigorous and United Protest" 128 Chapter V "Farmers Rally to Your Posts" 197 Chapter "VT "Manitoba f o r Manitobans" 260 Chapter VII Doorkeepers i n the House of the Patrons 297 Chapter VIII Conclusion 363 Bibliography 373 Appendix A A Note on Method and Sources 389 Appendix B Platforms of P r o v i n c i a l Agrarian Organizations, 1883-1900 394 Appendix C Biographical Sketches of Nineteenth Century Agrarian Leaders 399 — v ± i -LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Crop Acreages in Manitoba 1883-1904 6 II Wheat Yield in Manitoba 1883-1904 7 III Terminal Grain and Flour Rates to Fort William and Port Arthur, Ontario 1885-1905 10 IV Wheat Prices at Liverpool, England and Winnipeg, Morden and Deloraine, Manitoba, 1883-1900. 15 V Population of Manitoba by Birthplace 27 VI Population of Manitoba by National Origins: I88I-19OI 29 VII Population of Manitoba by Religion 31 VIII Railways Chartered by the Province of Manitoba: 187O-19OI 51 IX Immigration to Manitoba 187O-I883 71 X Interest Groups Represented at Farmers' Meetings at Portage l a Prairie, Brandon, and Manitou on November 20, November 26, and December 5> l883» 104 XI P o l i t i c a l A f f i l i a t i o n of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December 19, 1883, and March 5, 1884 145 XII Principal Occupations of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December-19, 1883, and March 5, 1884 151 XIII Mortgage Debt in Township Six Range Five West, 1881-1901 154 XIV Mortgage Debt i n Township Six Range Six West, 1881-1901 155 XV Patented Agricultural Lands Mortgaged i n Township Six Range Five West: 1880-1900 156 - v i i -Table Page XVI Patented A g r i c u l t u r a l Land Mortgaged i n Township Six Range Six West: I08O-19OO .157 XVII LarM Purchases and Mortgage Indebtedness i n Township Six Range Five West: 18S1-I891 158 XVTII Land Purchases and Mortgage Indebtedness i n Township Six Range Six West: l 8 8 l - 1 9 0 1 159 XIX Value of Mortgage Debt i n Township Six Range "five West: 1881-1901 161 XX Value of Mortgage Debt i n Township Six Range Six West: 1881-1901 162 XXI Mortgage Indebtedness and Rate of Foreclosure Among Landowning Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 , 1883, and March 5, 1884 163 XXII Date of A r r i v a l i n Manitoba of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 , 1883, and March 5 , 1884, 164 XXIII Indebtedness and Foreclosure Related to Size of Land Holdings at Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 , 1883, and March 5 , 1884 168 XXIV Means by Which Property was Acquired lby Landowning Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 , 1883, and March 5 , 1884, 169 XXV Indebtedness and Foreclosure by Means of Acquiring Property at Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 . 1883 and March 5 , 1884 ' 170 XXVT Last Place of Residence Before Immigrating to Manitoba of Delegates to Conventions of sthe Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 2 6 , 1883, December 1 9 , 1883, and March 5, l 8 8 4 > 172 - v i i i -Table Page XXVII Birthplace of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers• Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December 19, 1883, and March 5, 1884 173 XXVIII Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers» Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December 19, 1883, and March 5, 1884 176 XXEX M a r i t a l status of Delegates to Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December 19, 1883 and March 5, 1884 178 XXX Interest Groups Represented at Conventions of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union Held at Brandon and Winnipeg on November 26, 1883, December 19, 1883, and March 5, 1884 180 XXXI Interest Groups Represented at Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, I086 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers * Co-operative and Protective Union 203 XXXII P r i n c i p a l Occupation of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1806 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885 and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Co-operative and Protective Union 204 XXXIII P o l i t i c a l A f f i l i a t i o n of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20. 1806 and at conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 206 XXXIV Date of A r r i v a l i n Manitoba of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January l6, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1880 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885 and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Co-operative and Protective Union 209 - i x -Table Page XXXV XXXVI XXXVII XXXVIII XXXIX XL XLI Means by Which Property was Acquired by Landowning Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, I083, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 210 Indebtedness and Foreclosure Related to Size of Land Holdings at Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Co-operative and Protective Union 211 Indebtedness and Foreclosure by Means of Acquiring Property at Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 212 Mortgage Indebtedness and Rate of Foreclosure Among Landowning Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, I 0 8 6 and at Conventions of December 5> 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers 1 Co-operative and Protective Union 213 Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, l8o3, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 215 Last Place of Residence Before Immigrating to Manitoba of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885 and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 216 Birthplace of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 16, 1884, January 21, 1885, and January 20, 1886 and at Conventions of December 5, 1883, March 4, 1885, and December 16, 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union 217 M a r i t a l Status of Delegates to Annual Meetings of January 1 6 , 1 8 8 4 , January 2 1 , 1 8 8 5 , and January 2 0 , 1886 and at Conventions of December 5 , 1 8 8 3 , March 4 , 1 8 8 5 , and December 1 6 , 1885 of the Manitoba and North West Farmers• Co-operative and Protective Union Production i n Bushels of Special Crops i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 0 Livestock i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 I - I 9 O I Livestock Per Occupier i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 1 - 1 9 O I Number of Animals K i l l e d or Sold i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 0 Number of Animals K i l l e d or Sold Per Occupier i n Manitoba, 18 8 O - 1 9 O O Animal Products i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 0 Animal Products Per Occupier i n Manitoba, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 0 P r i n c i p a l Occupation of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 , January 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , January 1 6 , 1 8 9 5 , January 2 9 , 1 8 9 6 , and January 1 9 , 1897 Interest Groups Represented at Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 , January 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , January 1 6 , 1 8 9 5 , January 2 9 , 1 8 9 6 , and January 1 9 , 1897 Last Place of Residence Before Immigrating to Manitoba of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 , January 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , January 1 6 , I 0 9 5 , January 2 9 , 1 8 9 6 , and January 1 9 , 1897 Birthplace of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 , January 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , January 1 6 , 1 8 9 5 , January 2 9 , 1 8 9 6 , and January 1 9 , 1897 Date of A r r i v a l i n Manitoba of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 , January 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , January 1 6 , 1 8 9 5 , January 2 9 , 1 8 9 6 , and January 1 9 , 1897 - x i -Table Page LV Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, 1895, January 29, 1896, and January 19, 1897 309 LVI M a r i t a l Status of Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, 1895, January 29, 1896, and January 19, 1897 310 LVII Mortgage Indebtedness and Rate of Foreclosure Among Landowning Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, 1895, January 29, 1896, and January 19, 1897 312 LVTII Indebtedness and Foreclosure Related to Size of Land Holdings at Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, 1895, January 29, I896, and January 19, 1897 313 LIX Indebtedness and Foreclosure by Means of Acquiring Property at Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, I095, January 29, 1896, and January 19, 1897 315 LX Means by Which Property was Acquired by Landowning Delegates to Annual Conventions of the Patrons of Industry February 25, 1892, January 18, 1894, January 16, 1895, January 29, 1896, and January 19, 1897 3l6 - x i i -INTRODUCTION The study of Western Canadian agrarian protest has long attracted the attention of hi s t o r i a n s and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . For the most part, students of western agrarian unrest have focused t h e i r attention on twentieth century agrarian organizations, i n p a r t i c u l a r , those of Alberta and Saskatchewan.1 Early farmers' movements i n Manitoba have not exerted the same appeal. With the exception of passing references i n p r o v i n c i a l h i s t o r i e s of Manitoba,^ oblique a l l u s i o n s to the existence of e a r l i e r agrarian organizations i n works on twentieth century farmers' movements,3 and a b r i e f section i n Louis Aubrey Wood's chronicle of nineteenth century agrarian movements i n Canada,4 the farmers' agitations that convulsed Manitoba i n the l880's and l890's have l a r g e l y been forgotten. Indeed, there i s considerable confusion about what organizations a c t u a l l y flourished during the nineteenth century i n the province. Seymour Martin L i p s e t . confuses the Patrons of Husbandry with the Patrons of Industry;5 A. S. Morton does not distinguish between the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union and the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Co-operative and Protective Union; and only L. A. Wood notes the emergence of the Independent I n d u s t r i a l Association.''' Despite the lack of p r e c i s i o n i n i d e n t i f y i n g nineteenth century agrarian organizations i n Manitoba, interpretations of the movement are not lacking. Alexander Begg saw the farmers' ag i t a t i o n of the l880's as an extension of the p r o v i n c i a l rights - x i i i -g movement i n the province. Hopkins Moorhouse argued that nineteenth century agrarian protest arose when farmers "rebelled at t h e i r pioneer hardships", but f a i l e d a f t e r the movements were betrayed by leaders who were pursuing " s e l f i s h ends".9 A. S. Morton, Donald F. Warner, and Paul F. Sharp contended that the American Populist a g i t a t i o n e i t h e r invaded Manitoba d i r e c t l y or inspired farmers of the f i r s t p r a i r i e province to organize t h e i r own movements to secure redress of grievances which were common to the whole of western North America. 1 0 S. M. Lipset dismissed the Patrons of Industry i n Manitoba as being "based mainly on opposition to the high protective t a r i f f " with " l i t t l e to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the l o w - t a r i f f L i b e r a l s . " 1 1 And L. A. Wood saw Manitoba movements as extensions of agrarian unrest i n Ontario. No i n t e r p r e t a t i o n treats nineteenth century agrarian protest i n Manitoba as a phenomenon separate from the farmers' movements which f l o u r i s h e d i n other regions of North America at the same time. Nor does any i n t e r p r e t a t i o n see p o l i t i c a l agrarianism i n Manitoba between 1870 and 1900 as important i n determining the d i r e c t i o n of agrarian action i n the province a f t e r 1900. Manitoba agrarian protest i n the nineteenth century, however, was unique not only within the context of Western Canadian agrarian protest, but also within the context of Canadian and North American agrarian protest. Because the province was r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d during the f i r s t twenty years following Confederation with Canada, Manitoba p o l i t i c a l - xiv -agrarianism was insulated from outside influences during i t s formative years i n the l 8 8 0 ' s . By the early 1 8 9 0 ' s , when outside agrarian movements f i r s t penetrated the province, an indigenous agrarianism had developed. Stemming from the d i f f i c u l t a g r i c u l t u r a l conditions the s e t t l e r s encountered i n Manitoba i n the l 8 7 0 ' s and l 8 8 0 ' s and from the f a i l u r e of federal p o l i c i e s f o r the development of the Canadian West to meet the needs and the expectations of immigrants, Manitoba agrarian movements sought solutions to farmers' problems through l o c a l organizations which advocated programmes t a i l o r e d to the needs of the province's farmers. The f a i l u r e of nineteenth century agrarian protest organizations to achieve redress of grievances also resulted from l o c a l circumstances. Weaknesses i n organization and i n s o c i a l and economic structure, aggravated by inadequate r u r a l leadership and by the interference of p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s plagued the major agrarian organizations founded by the province's farmers and led to the f a i l u r e of the a g i t a t i o n . The r i s e and f a l l of Manitoba agrarian protest i n the nineteenth century, consequently, p a r a l l e l e d but was divorced from the b i r t h and eventual f a i l u r e of agrarian protest throughout the North American continent. To see agrarian movements which fl o u r i s h e d i n Manitoba i n the l a s t three decades of the nineteenth century as i s o l a t e d phenomena, nonetheless, i s to lose sight of t h e i r ultimate importance. One f a c t o r i n the success and f a i l u r e of p o l i t i c a l agrarianism i n Manitoba i n the twentieth century was the agrarian - X V -heritage from the nineteenth century, admittedly modified by the experience of farmers a f t e r 1 9 0 0 . For Manitoba farmers the Progressive triumphs and disappointments of the 1 9 2 0 ' s were the outcome of f o r t y years of organizing and a g i t a t i n g f o r redress of grievances. - x v i -FOOTNOTES 1 . The most important studies of Western Canadian agrarian protest are: W. L. Morton, The Progressive Party i n Canada, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 & 7 ) ; Seymour Martin Lipset, ; Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative  Commonwealth Federation i n Saskatchewan, (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 9 5 9 ) ; C. B. MacPherson, Democracy i n Alberta: S o c i a l Credit  and the Party System, ('Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 0 2 ) ; and Paul F. Sharp, The Agrarian Revolt i n Western Canada: A Survey Showing American P a r a l l e l s , (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1 9 4 8 ) . S t i l l useful i s Hopkins Moorhouse, Deep Furrows, (Toronto: George J. McLeod, 1 9 1 8 ) . The best work on nineteenth century agrarian protest movements remains Louis Aubrey Wood, A History of Farmers' Movements i n Canada, (Toronto! The Ryerson Press, 19^4). The only study of Manitoba agrarian protest i s Gerald E. Panting, "A Study of the United Farmers of Manitoba to 1 9 2 8 " , (An unpublished M.A. i n hi s t o r y f o r the University of Manitoba, 1 9 5 4 ) . 2 . Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I I , (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Company, 1 0 9 4 ) , Chapter IV; W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, (Toronto: University og Toronto Press, 1 9 0 I ) , Chapter IX: James A. Jackson, The Centennial History of Manitoba, (Winnipeg: Manitoba H i s t o r i c a l Society i n Association with McClelland & Stewart, 1 9 7 0 ) , Chapters IX and X. 3 . S. M. Lipset,. op_. c i t . , pp. 5 2 - 5 3 ; W. L. Morton, The  Progressiye ParEy i n Canada, p. 1 0 ; Paul F. Sharp, op. c i t . , p. 3 3 ; Haraid S. Patton, Grain Growers 1 Cooperation  ITPWestern Canada, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1 9 2 8 ) , p. 3 3 ; Hopkins Moorhouse, op. c i t . , pp. 4 6 - 4 7 . 4 . L. A. Wood, op. c i t . , pp. 1 2 3 - 1 3 0 . 5 . S. M. L i p s e t , op. c i t . , p. 5 2 . 6 . A. S. Morton, History of P r a i r i e Settlement, (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1 9 3 9 ) , PP« 9 3 -9 4 . 7 . L. A. Wood, op. c i t . , p. 1 2 9 . 8 . Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I I , p. 8 5 . - x v i i -9 . Hopkins Moorhouse, op. c i t . , p. 4 7 . 10. A. S. Morton, op_. c i t . , p. 9 3 ; Paul F. Sharp, op. c i t . , p. 33 ; Donald F. Warner, "The Farmers' A l l i a n c e ancTThe Farmers' Union: An American-Canadian Paralle l i s m " , A g r i c u l t u r a l History, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, (January, 1 9 4 9 ) , p. 1 9 . 11. S. M. Lipset^ op. c i t . , pp. 5 2 - 5 3 . 12. L. A. Wood, op. c i t . , pp. 124 -129. - 1 -CHAPTER I THE MANITOBA AGRICULTURAL FRONTIER1 On a May morning i n 1872, James Penrose, Manitoba's pioneer photographer, set up his camera at the corner of Main Street and the Portage t r a i l i n the v i l l a g e of Winnipeg. Within a few minutes he had photographed the Broadfoot party which had recently arrived from Brussels, Ontario, and which was destined f o r the t h i r d crossing of the White Mud River where Donald Ferguson founded the Palestine settlement i n 1871.2 The photo-graph immortalized the Brussels immigrants as the vanguards of the great wave of s e t t l e r s who set out to colonize the North West a f t e r Rupert's Land was acquired by Canada from the Hudson's Bay Company i n 1869. In the t h i r t y years following Confederation with Canada and the end of the century, Manitoba's economy changed dramatically. In 1870, the f u r trade was the economic foundation of the colony at Red River; a l l other economic a c t i v i t i e s were t i e d to i t , eith e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y . By 1900, although the Hudson's Bay Company continued to trade i t s goods f o r f u r s , i t s a c t i v i t i e s were concentrated i n the northern fastness where the great t i d e of a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement could not threaten i t s supremacy. Agriculture, the weak ste p - c h i l d of the fur trade i n Old Red River,^ had grown to be the single most important industry i n the province. Wheat had supplanted f u r as the staple product upon •which the province's economy rested. - 2 -The development of the wheat economy between 187O and 1 9 0 0 was a mixed blessing f o r Manitobans. Despite the tremendous growth i n population and a g r i c u l t u r a l production, those years witnessed much discontent. One source f o r t h i s discontent l a y i n the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the s e t t l e r s i n adapting to the a g r i c u l t u r a l conditions of the province. Manitoba was one of the most f e r t i l e a g r i c u l t u r a l regions i n the world, but paradoxically, i n the l a t e nineteenth century, the province was poorly suited to the development of a p r o f i t a b l e commercial a g r i c u l t u r e . Manitoba's climate and l o c a t i o n combined to make the farmer dependent upon wheat fo r his cash income. The f a c t that world stocks of wheat were greater than were required to supply consumer demand meant that the price of wheat was extremely low. Isolated on a distant a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r ; cursed with high transportation costs; and saddled with a short and r e l a t i v e l y a r i d growing season, the Manitoba farmer found i t d i f f i c u l t to compete i n in t e r n a t i o n a l markets. ( i ) The land to which the Broadfoot party had come was not the f l a t barren expanse of a l a t e r mythology but a land of considerable geographical v a r i a t i o n . The p l a i n stretching back from the l o t s along the Red and the Assiniboine Rivers was almost completely l e v e l , f o r here the land had once been the bottom of g l a c i a l Lake Agassiz. But beyond the escarpments which marked the beaches of the ancient lake, the land dipped and r o l l e d , i t s flatness broken by h i l l s and ravines and by small r i v e r v a l l e y s . Indeed, along the r i v e r s and the escarpments, there were heavily wooded areas, while the open p r a i r i e was broken by b l u f f s of poplar which had taken root i n low-lying areas or along the edge of sloughs. There were vast expanses of open p l a i n i n Manitoba but these were l a r g e l y to the south and west of present-day Brandon and formed only a portion of the arable land i n the province. For the most part, Manitoba was a verdant parkland with meadows broken by b l u f f s and tree-bordered p r a i r i e streams.^ Manitoba was a region p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to a g r i c u l t u r e . With the exception of the portion l y i n g within the Canadian Shield, the province contained f e r t i l e a g r i c u l t u r a l land. This was e s p e c i a l l y true of the area south of Riding Mountain, Lake Manitoba and Lake Winnipeg. Except f o r i s o l a t e d pockets of wasteland, such as the^Carberry Sand H i l l s and the marshes of the Red River V a l l e y the whole of t h i s area with i t s black s o i l s was the equal i n f e r t i l i t y of any other region i n the world.^ The prospects f o r agriculture were, however, governed by the nature of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . This f r o n t i e r had three d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : i t was northern, r e l a t i v e l y a r i d and i s o l a t e d . These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s determined both the d i r e c t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l development and the margin of p r o f i t f o r Manitoba farmers. The growing season was short. The average length of the f r o s t - f r e e season i n the Red River V a l l e y was about 1 1 5 days, and west of the V a l l e y between 1 0 0 and 1 1 5 days. North of Brandon and towards Riding Mountain, the average f r o s t - f r e e period was only 8 0 days. This short growing season was suitable to only two types of crops: roots and cereals. Although cereals could be grown, only barley and oats were assured of maturing. Wheat needed longer to ripen and, because of the f l u c t u a t i o n i n the actual f r o s t - f r e e season from one year to another, there was always the r i s k of the crop being frozen. As f o r root crops, while they might be grown there was no market f o r them. There were no great c i t i e s within the Canadian West to which the farmer might ship his potatoes or turnips, nor was there a market i n Eastern Canada or the United States as the l o c a l supply i n both areas was s u f f i c i e n t to meet the demand.^ The amount of r a i n f a l l i n the growing season was unpredictable. The average r a i n f a l l between A p r i l 1 and July 31 varied from 9 . 6 2 inches i n the Red River V a l l e y to 6 . 7 3 inches at Virden i n the western part of the province. But the amount of r a i n f a l l could deviate from the average s i g n i f i c a n t l y : the standard deviation f o r Winnipeg was 3 . 1 0 inches or 3 2 $ of average, while f o r Pierson, i t was 3 * 7 5 inches or 5 0 $ of average. Such a widely f l u c t u a t i n g r a i n f a l l could i n one season turn the land into q a quagmire or into a near dustbowl.^ The b r i e f , r e l a t i v e l y dry p r a i r i e summer was, despite i t s drawbacks, e s p e c i a l l y conducive to wheat-growing. The long hours of sunlight and the f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l made i t possible f o r Manitoba farmers to grow a hard spring wheat which had a higher protein content and better m i l l i n g and baking q u a l i t i e s than any other i n the w o r l d . 1 0 The farmers quickly discovered the advantages t h e i r wheat possessed. Wheat production increased from 4 8 0 , 0 0 0 bushels i n 1 8 7 6 to just over 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 bushels i n 1 8 8 0 . 1 1 In 1 8 8 3 , almost h a l f of the land sown to crops was sown - 5 -to wheat, and by the end of the century almost two thirds of the 1 2 crop acreage was devoted to wheat. International markets existed f o r wheat. The I n d u s t r i a l Revolution had made urbanization possible i n Western Europe. With the exception of Prance, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d European nations had outstripped t h e i r food resources. These nations began to look to overseas suppliers f o r t h e i r foodstuffs. Canada faced keen competition from the United States, Russia, India and Argentina i n European markets,^3 but Canadian grain dealers were able to make substantial sales. Between 1 8 7 3 and 1 8 7 9 , Canadian wheat exports 1** averaged 4 , 9 7 3 , 1 1 2 bushels annually. Sales declined during the period from 1 8 8 0 to 1 8 9 1 when only an average of 2 , 8 6 4 , 9 3 3 bushels was exported annually. Even i n these years, however, sales were large when adequate stocks of wheat were on hand. Prom 1 8 9 2 to 1 8 9 7 , with increased wheat production, sales reached new heights with an average of 8 , 9 7 6 , 4 5 9 bushels being exported each year. In the next four years, 1 8 9 8 to 1 9 0 2 , exports soared to 1 6 , 3 9 4 , 1 0 3 bushels a n n u a l l y . 1 5 The great increase i n export sales a f t e r 1 8 9 2 was the r e s u l t of increased domestic surpluses, adequate r a i l transport and a more vigorous e f f o r t on the part of the grain exporters to penetrate overseas markets. By the end of the century the beginnings of Canada's pre-eminence as an exporter of wheat can be detected. Between 1 8 8 0 and 1 9 0 0 Manitoba displaced Ontario as the source of supply f o r the overseas markets. 1^ In l 8 8 l , p r a c t i c a l l y a l l the wheat exported from Canada had been grown i n Ontario, but by 1 9 0 2 , almost a l l Canadian wheat destined f o r export cameffrom TABLE I CROP ACREAGES IN MANITOBA 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 0 4 YEAR WHEAT ACREAGE 0 OATS ACREAGE 0 BARLEY ACREAGE 0 1 8 8 3 2 6 0 , 8 4 2 ( 4 8 . 6 ) 2 1 5 , 3 4 1 ( 4 0 . 2 ) 6 0 , 2 8 1 ( 1 1 . 2 ) 1 8 8 4 3 0 7 , 0 2 0 ( 6 3 . 8 ) 1 3 3 , 0 4 4 ( 2 7 - 7 ) 4 0 , 9 3 6 ( 8 . 5 ) 1 8 8 5 3 5 7 , 0 1 3 ( 6 3 . 2 ) 1 5 7 , 0 2 6 ( 2 7 . 8 ) 5 1 , 1 8 9 ( 9 - 1 ) 1 8 8 6 3 8 4 , 4 4 1 ( 6 2 . 5 ) 1 6 1 , 0 3 0 ( 2 6 . 2 ) 6 9 , 5 6 5 ( 1 . 1 . 3 ) 1 8 8 7 4 3 2 , 1 3 4 ( 6 7 . 2 ) 1 5 5 , 1 7 6 ( 2 4 . 1 ) 5 6 , 1 1 0 ( 8 . 7 ) 1 8 8 8 5 1 8 , 0 0 0 ( 6 8 . 3 ) 1 7 0 , 6 9 3 ( 2 2 . 5 ) 7 0 , 1 4 7 ( 9 - 3 ) 1 8 8 9 6 2 3 , 2 4 5 ( 6 7 . 6 ) 2 1 8 , 7 4 4 ( 2 3 - 7 ) 8 0 , 2 3 8 ( 8 . 7 ) 1 8 9 0 7 4 6 , 0 5 8 ( 7 1 . 2 ) 2 3 5 , 5 3 4 ( 2 2 . 5 ) 6 6 , 0 3 5 ( 6 . 3 ) 1 8 9 1 9 1 6 , 6 6 4 ( 6 9 . 9 ) 3 0 5 , 6 4 4 ( 2 3 . 3 ) 8 9 , 8 2 8 ( 6 . 8 ) 1 8 9 2 8 7 5 , 9 9 0 (67.O) 3 3 2 , 9 7 4 ( 2 5 - 5 ) 9 7 , 6 4 4 ( 7 . 5 ) 1 8 9 3 1 , 0 0 3 , 6 4 0 ( 6 6 . 6 ) 3 8 8 , 5 2 9 ( 2 5 . 8 ) 1 1 4 , 7 6 2 ( 7 . 6 ) 1 8 9 4 1 , 0 1 0 , 1 8 6 ( 6 5 . 5 ) 4 1 3 , 6 8 6 ( 2 6 . 8 ) 1 1 9 , 5 2 8 ( 7 . 7 ) 1 8 9 5 1 , 1 4 0 , 2 7 6 ( 6 4 . 2 ) 4 8 2 , 6 5 8 ( 2 7 . 2 ) 1 5 3 , 8 3 9 ( 8 . 6 ) 1 8 9 6 9 9 9 , 5 9 8 ( 6 3 . 7 ) 4 4 2 , 4 4 5 ( 2 8 . 2 ) 1 2 7 , 8 8 5 ( 8 . 1 ) 1 8 9 7 1 , 2 9 0 , 8 8 2 ( 6 7 . 5 ) 4 6 8 , 1 4 1 ( 2 4 . 5 ) 1 5 3 , 2 6 6 ( 8 . 0 ) 1 8 9 8 1 , 4 8 1 8 , 2 8 2 ( 6 8 . 9 ) 5 1 4 , 8 2 4 ( 2 3 . 8 ) 1 5 8 , 0 5 8 ( 7 . 3 ) 1 8 9 9 1 , 6 2 9 , 9 9 5 ( 6 8 . 3 ) 5 7 5 , 1 3 6 ( 2 4 . 0 ) 1 8 2 , 9 1 2 ( 7 - 7 ) 1 9 0 0 1 , 4 5 7 , 3 9 6 ( 7 1 . 4 ) 4 2 9 , 1 0 8 ( 2 1 . 0 ) 1 5 5 , 1 1 1 ( 7 . 6 ) 1 9 0 1 2 , 0 1 1 , 8 3 5 ( 6 9 . 5 ) 6 8 9 , 9 5 1 ( 2 3 - 9 ) 1 9 1 , 0 0 9 ( 6 . 6 ) 1 9 0 2 2 , 0 3 9 , 9 ^ 0 ( 6 5 . 9 ) 7 2 5 , 0 6 0 ( 2 3 - 4 ) 3 2 9 , 7 9 0 ( 1 0 . 7 ) 1 9 0 3 2 , 4 4 2 , 8 7 3 ( 6 7 . 4 ) 8 5 5 , 4 3 1 ( 2 6 . 6 ) 3 2 6 , 5 3 7 ( 9 - 0 ) 1 9 0 4 2 , 4 1 2 , 2 3 5 ( 6 4 . 9 ) 9 4 3 , 5 7 4 ( 2 5 . 4 ) 3 6 1 , 0 0 4 ( 9 . 7 ) * Taken from James Mavor, Report to the Board of Trade on the  North West of Canada, with Special Reference to Wheat production f o r Export, (London: Printed f o r His Majesty's stationery O f f i c e , 1 9 0 4 ) , p. 5 1 . 0 The figures i n brackets are the acreage as a percent of the t o t a l acreage sown to cereal crops. - 7 -TABLE II WHEAT YIELD IN MANITOBA 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 0 4 * YEAR TOTAL YIELD (IN BUSHELS) BUSHELS PER ACRE 1 8 8 3 5 , 6 8 6 , 5 3 5 2 1 . 8 0 1 8 8 4 6 , 1 7 4 , 1 8 2 2 0 . 1 1 1 8 8 5 7 , 4 2 9 , 4 * t o 2 0 . 8 0 1 8 8 6 5 , 8 9 3 , 4 8 0 1 5 . 3 3 1 8 8 7 1 2 , 3 5 1 , 7 2 4 2 5 . 7 0 1 8 8 8 7 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 1 6 . 2 0 1 8 8 9 7 , 2 0 1 , 5 1 9 12.40 1 8 9 0 1 4 , 6 6 5 , 7 6 9 1 9 . 6 5 1 8 9 1 2 3 , 1 9 1 , 5 9 9 2 5 . 3 0 1 8 9 2 1 4 , 4 5 3 , 8 3 5 1 6 . 5 0 1 8 9 3 1 5 , 6 1 5 , 9 2 3 1 5 . 5 6 1 8 9 4 1 7 , 1 7 2 , 8 8 3 1 7 . 0 0 1 8 9 5 3 1 , 7 7 5 , 0 3 8 27 . 8 6 1 8 9 6 1 4 , 3 7 1 , 8 0 6 14 . 3 3 1 8 9 7 1 8 , 2 6 1 , 9 5 0 14.14 1 8 9 8 2 5 , 3 1 3 , 7 4 5 17 - 0 1 1 8 9 9 2 7 , 9 2 2 , 2 3 0 17 . 1 3 1 9 0 0 1 3 , 0 2 5 , 2 5 2 8 . 9 0 1 9 0 1 5 0 , 5 0 2 , 0 3 5 2 5 . 1 0 1 9 0 2 5 3 , 0 7 7 , 2 6 7 2 6 . 0 0 1 9 0 3 4 0 , 1 1 6 , 8 7 8 16.42 1 9 0 4 3 9 , 1 6 2 , 4 5 8 1 6 . 5 2 •Taken from James Mavor, Report of the Board  of Trade on the North West of Canada, with Special Reference to Wheat Production for Export, p.ol - 8 -Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r i e s . In 1 8 8 0 , Manitoba produced just over a m i l l i o n bushels of wheatj 1^ by 1 8 9 1 18 production increased to 2 3 , 1 9 1 , 5 9 9 bushels; and by 1 9 0 2 to 5 3 , 0 7 7 , 2 6 7 bushels. 1^ As only a small percentage of the wheat produced was required f o r l o c a l needs and as the Canadian domestic market could absorb only a portion of the remainder, from 1 8 8 5 an increasing percentage of Manitoba's annual wheat harvest was being shipped eastward to be sold i n Europe. 2 0 At the end of the century, Manitoba had become the granary of Canada and one of the p r i n c i p a l granaries of Europe. The existence of markets did not necessarily lead to a c c e s s i b i l i t y to those markets i n the l 8 8 0 » s , nor did i t mean high prices f o r wheat when a c c e s s i b i l i t y was achieved a f t e r 1 8 9 0 , f o r Manitoba was i s o l a t e d . Of a l l the means of transportation available i n the nineteenth century, the one means suitable f o r moving wheat from the Canadian p r a i r i e s to market was the railway. I f the Red River had flowed south or i f the Nelson River had not been barred by rapids, water transportation might have provided a practicable route to markets. The sheer bulk of wheat precluded the use of the t r a d i t i o n a l p r a i r i e f r e i g h t e r s , the Red River cart brigades. Only the railway was suitable to transport wheat. The Manitoba farmer, consequently, was dependent upon the technology of the i n d u s t r i a l revolution i f the poten t i a l of the province f o r wheat-growing was to be r e a l i z e d . Railway construction began i n Manitoba i n June, 1 8 7 5 , but i t was not u n t i l 1 8 7 8 that r a i l connection was secured between East 21 Selkirk and St. Vincent, Minnesota. Completion of the railway to t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d d i d n o t g i v e M a n i t o b a f a r m e r s a n a d e q u a t e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n n e t w o r k . W h i l e t h e s e t t l e m e n t f r o n t i e r h a d r a c e d w e s t w a r d a c r o s s t h e p r o v i n c e a n d w e l l i n t o t h e N o r t h W e s t T e r r i t o r i e s i n t h e l 8 7 0 ' s , t h e r a i l r o a d s e r v e d o n l y t h e o l d r i v e r l o t s e t t l e m e n t s a l o n g t h e R e d a n d t h e A s s i n i b o i n e R i v e r s . S e t t l e -m e n t s o n t h e B o y n e R i v e r , a t P a l e s t i n e , a n d i n t h e s h a d o w s o f pp R i d i n g M o u n t a i n a n d T u r t l e M o u n t a i n w e r e f a r f r o m r a i l h e a d s . * T h r o u g h o u t t h e l 8 8 0 ' s , t h e C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y a n d a s u c c e s s i o n o f l o c a l c o m p a n i e s s t r u g g l e d t o b u i l d l i n e s t o s e r v i c e t h e w h o l e p r o v i n c e . B y t h e e n d o f 1 8 8 5 , r a i l c o n n e c t i o n w a s o p e n e d 2 3 t o M o n t r e a l a n d t h e b r a n c h l i n e n e t w o r k e x t e n d e d . B u t i t w a s s t i l l i n s u f f i c i e n t t o m e e t t h e n e e d s o f M a n i t o b a f a r m e r s . N o t u n t i l 1 8 8 9 w a s m o s t o f s o u t h e r n M a n i t o b a p r o v i d e d w i t h r a i l c o m m u n i c a t i o n 2 4 t o m a r k e t s . T h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e r a i l w a y n e t w o r k w h i c h b r o u g h t a n e n d t o M a n i t o b a ' s i s o l a t i o n d i d n o t g u a r a n t e e c h e a p a c c e s s t o m a r k e t s . T h e d i s t a n c e t o t h o s e m a r k e t s w a s g r e a t a n d f r e i g h t r a t e s w e r e a c c o r d i n g l y h l g h . 2 ^ F a r m s u p p l i e s a n d c o n s u m e r g o o d s w e r e m o r e e x p e n s i v e i n M a n i t o b a t h a n i n E a s t e r n C a n a d a b e c a u s e t h e y h a d t o b e i m p o r t e d , w h i l e t h e f a r m e r r e c e i v e d a r e d u c e d p r i c e f o r w h e a t , h i s m a j o r c a s h c r o p . ( i i ) F r o m 1 8 8 4 , w h e n t h e r a i l w a y b e t w e e n W i n n i p e g a n d F o r t W i l l i a m w a s c o m p l e t e d , t o 1 9 0 2 , M a n i t o b a f a r m e r s h a d t o s e l l t h e i r c r o p i n a h i g h l y c o m p e t i t i v e m a r k e t . T h e y f a c e d b o t h h i g h c o s t s a n d d e c l i n i n g p r i c e s . W h e t h e r o r n o t t h e y c o u l d m a k e a p r o f i t i n s u c h a m a r k e t d e p e n d e d u p o n t h e c o s t o f p r o d u c i n g a n d m a r k e t i n g a TABLE III TERMINAL GRAIN AND FLOUR RATES TO FORT WILLIAM AND PORT ARTHUR, ONTARIO 1 8 8 5 - 1 9 0 5 * (IN CENTS PER 1 0 0 LBS.) FROM FEB. 1 5 1 8 8 6 SEPT. 1 6 1 8 8 6 SEPT. 1 1 8 8 7 OCT. 1 1 8 8 8 OCT. 1 9 1 8 8 8 DEC. 4 I 8 9 O DEC. 1 1 I 8 9 I SEPT. 3 1 8 9 3 AUG. 1 I898 SEPT. 1 1 8 9 9 OCT. 7 1 9 0 3 PORTAGE LA PRAIRE 1 6 - 1 / 2 1 5 1 2 BRANDON 3 3 3 0 2 5 2 5 2 4 2 2 2 2 1 9 1 7 - 1 / 2 1 6 13 BOISSEVAIN 3 6 3 1 2 6 2 5 2 4 2 2 2 2 2 0 1 8 - 1 / 2 1 6 1 3 WINNIPEG 2 8 2 8 24 2 1 2k 2 1 2 1 1 7 1 5 - 1 / 2 14 1 0 * SOURCE: R. A. C. Henry and Associates, Railway Freight Rates  In Canada, (Ottawa, 1 9 3 9 ) , Schedule 3 3 . - 1 1 -bushel of wheat. The price the farmer received f o r his wheat was set i n export markets, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the B r i t i s h market f o r which the largest portion of Canada's wheat exports was destined. As the price of wheat was determined by the consumer, fluctuations i n the demand f o r wheat i n the United Kingdom were extremely serious f o r the Manitoba farmer. From l 8 8 l to 1 9 0 2 , as world wheat production increased f a s t e r than world demand, English wheat prices moved 26 gradually downward. Part of the decline i n prices r e f l e c t s the decrease i n oceanic f r e i g h t rates, but there was also a r e a l decline i n p r i c e s . This decline was passed on to the Canadian farmer. 2? Estimates of the expenses entailed i n wheat-growing vary. Farmers usually calculated costs of producing t h e i r crop at 6 5 $ of the price received from the l o c a l grain buyer. This c a l c u l a t i o n ignored the f a c t that costs were r e l a t i v e l y f i x e d and not dependent upon y i e l d . Other observers repeated t h i s error: Rev. Daniel M. Gordon when he calculated the cost of producing a bushel of wheat at 4 0 ^ ; 2 ^ j 0 h n Dobbyn when he t e s t i f i e d before the House of Commons Committee on Immigration and Colonization to the e f f e c t that wheat 30 could be grown i n Manitoba f o r 2 5^;per bushel; and The Nor'-West  Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r when i t estimated that wheat cost 40^ per bushel to grow.^1 In each case, i f the y i e l d per acre was f i v e bushels rather than f o r t y bushels, the cost must obviously have been higher. Sometimes costs were estimated by the acre. Charles C l i f f e , e d i t o r of the Brandon Mail, wrote i n 1 8 8 4 that wheat could be 32 grown i n Manitoba f o r $ 1 1 . 5 0 per acre, while Robert McKay, a farmer, implied that from his experience the expenses of wheat-- 12 -growing were $12.73 per acre. W. B r i s t o l of Moosomin, North West T e r r i t o r i e s , estimated i n 1885 that i t cost him $15.45 to grow an acre of wheat.3^ A f t e r consulting "a couple of farmers" i n the Brandon d i s t r i c t , the Brandon Sun decided that i t cost $8.95 to grow an acre of Manitoba wheat,^5 while William Postlethwaite of Brandon produced figures i n 1893 which he believed demonstrated that wheat could be grown f o r $6.48 per acre.36 And the Brandon Experimental Farm which conducted f i e l d t r i a l s i n the 1890*s i n an attempt to determine the costs of wheat-growing estimated the cost 37 per acre at $7«79» Obviously there was some confusion about the investment required to grow an acre of wheat. No two of the persons or publications providing estimates agreed upon the types of costs the farmer had to bear. Without some sort of framework within which the various estimates can be compared, t h e i r value i s extremely l i m i t e d . James Mavor provides such a framework. In a report prepared f o r the B r i t i s h government dealing with the question of the production of wheat grown for export i n Western Canada, Mavor came to some d e f i n i t e conclusions about the costs of wheat-growing. While he did not attempt to calculate the expenses the farmer was l i k e l y to incur, he did t r y to determine which costs could a c t u a l l y be calculated. Mavor saw the costs of production f a l l i n g into f i v e categories: rent, i n t e r e s t on farming c a p i t a l , insurance, wages and materials. He considered the f i r s t three categories to be i r r e l e v a n t . Rent i n Mavor's estimation was not an applicable cost - 1 3 -when dealing with Manitoba. Between l 8 8 l and 1 9 0 1 , less than 1 0 $ of Manitoba's farmers rented the land that they c u l t i v a t e d . Those who did lease land usually did not pay a cash rent, but rather entered into crop-sharing agreements with the owner. Given such a s i t u a t i o n where rent depended upon y i e l d , i t would be impossible to calculate rent as a cost of production. Likewise, in t e r e s t on farming c a p i t a l was very d i f f i c u l t to determine. No s t a t i s t i c s regarding i n t e r e s t were avail a b l e and even i f they were "wide divergences i n the same d i s t r i c t might be expected to o c c u r " . 3 9 As f o r insurance, figures f o r the number of farmers with h a i l , f lood and f i r e insurance were lacking. In any case, Mavor saw insurance as an optional expense. Although he thought that the i n d i v i d u a l farmer should take the expense of insurance into consideration, Mavor did not believe that i t could be calculated on a province-wide basis.^° Within the context of Mavor's framework, some comparison of the various estimates regarding the costs of wheat-growing i s possible. Taking the estimates of those observers who provided detailed calculations and subtracting from them those costs which Mavor regarded as i r r e l e v a n t , the expenses incurred i n wheat-4 1 growing i n Manitoba range from $ 1 5 » 4 5 to $ 5 • 9 9 ° p e r acre. A s i m i l a r range i n costs exists i f the expenses of wheat-growing are calculated by the bushel. Assuming an average crop of 42 twenty-five bushels to the acre, at 40c^ per bushel, "expenses would be $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre, and at 2 5 ^ per bushel, expenses would be $ 6 . 0 0 per acre. In Manitoba during the nineteenth century, therefore, the normal costs of wheat-growing ranged from something i n the order of - 14 -$ 6 . 0 0 per acre to $15 . 0 0 per acre. Such a range l n the cost of production i s not unreasonable. The higher estimates were made i n the l 8 8 0 ' s when higher transportation costs l e d to heavier expenses, while lower estimates were made i n the l 8 Q 0 ' s when general d e f l a t i o n of prices and lower f r e i g h t rates, resulted i n 43 l i g h t e r costs. Furthermore, many farmers probably found that the costs of wheat-growing diminished as they became accustomed to the conditions of Western Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e . Such at le a s t was the opinion of The Nor'-West Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r : i t pointed out that William Postlethwaite's estimate was too low since he had the advantage of "the wisdom born of experience" which would "qualify him to farm much more economically than he did at f i r s t . " ^ ( i i i ) The p r i c e a c t u a l l y paid to the farmer f o r his wheat i s d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h . While s t a t i s t i c s are available regarding the price of wheat on the basis of delivery at Fort William or Port Arthur, these s t a t i s t i c s are of r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e value i n deter-mining what the farmer received f o r his crop. The Fort William p r i c e s , which were compiled on the basis of transactions made by grain dealers, include f r e i g h t costs to Fort William, handling charges, and p r o f i t s of middlemen. The farmer received only a f r a c t i o n , a l b e i t a s i g n i f i c a n t f r a c t i o n , of the Fort William price when he sold his crop to an elevator company or to a l o c a l grain dealer. Current prices quoted i n l o c a l newspapers as being offered to area farmers are also suspect. Local newspapers as well as commercial publications tended to avoid publishing prices - 15 -TABLE IV WHEAT PRICES AT LIVERPOOL, ENGLAND, AND wiNNim; M O R D E N A N D D E L O R A I N E ; M A N I T O B A , 1 3 8 3 - 1 9 0 0 (In Dollars Per Bushel) L i v e r p o o l 1 Winnipeg 2 Morden3 Deloraine4 1 8 8 3 1 . 2 6 1 . 1 3 1 8 8 4 1 . 0 8 . 8 6 .46-.5 1 1 8 8 5 1 . 0 0 .84 . 40- . 6 8 1 8 8 6 . 9 4 . 8 3 .41-.58 1 8 8 7 . 9 9 . 8 3 . 4 7 - . 5 6 . 5 2 1 8 8 8 . 9 7 1 . 0 5 . 8 7 - . 9 6 . 5 0 - 1 . 0 0 1 8 8 9 . 9 0 . 9 9 . 5 8 - . 6 0 . 6 0 1 8 9 0 . 9 7 . 9 0 . 7 0 1 8 9 1 1 . 1 3 . 9 4 . 6 5 - . 7 2 . 7 0 1 8 9 2 . 9 2 . 7 4 . 4 5 - . 6 8 .48 1 8 9 3 . 8 0 . 6 9 .40 1 8 9 4 . 6 9 . 5 4 . 3 9 - . 4 1 . 4 3 1 8 9 5 . 7 0 . 6 1 . 4 4 - . 4 8 .40 1 8 9 6 . 8 0 . 6 9 . 5 7 - . 5 9 - 7 0 1 8 9 7 . 9 2 . 8 5 . 7 2 - . 7 6 . 7 8 1 8 9 8 1 . 0 3 . 6 9 . 5 5 - . 5 9 . 5 5 1 8 9 9 . 7 8 . 7 0 . 5 4 - . 5 9 . 5 2 1 9 0 0 . 8 2 . 8 9 . 5 7 - . 7 3 1 . Yearly average prices f o r a l l grades. 2 . Yearly average prices 1 8 8 3 - 1 8 8 9 and monthly average prices f o r October, 1 8 9 O - 1 9 O O . A l l prices are f o r Manitoba No. 1 Northern basis delivery at Port William. 3 . Range i n prices during the month of October f o r a l l grades. 4. Monthly average prices f o r a l l grades i n November. SOURCES: The Canada Year Book, 1 9 1 5 ? M.C. Urquart and K. A. H. Buckley, H i s t o r i c a l s t a t i s t i c s of Canada, (Toronto; The Macmillan Company of Canada, 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 3 5 9 - 3 6 0 J Canada, Report of the Royal Grain,Inquiry  Commission, 1 9 3 8 , (Ottawa: King's p r i n t e r , 1 9 3 8 ) , p . 2 3 9 ; Morden Manitoba News; Morden Monitor; Morden Herald, Morden Chronicle; Norman E. Wright, i n View of t"He~Turtle  Hill, (Deloraine: Deloraine Times, 1951), pp. 104-103. - 1 6 -that might deter immigration to Manitoba. Since p r o v i n c i a l economic development depended upon continued immigration and since the owners of newspapers and commercial publications were h e a r t i l y i n favour of p r o v i n c i a l economic development, t h e i r editors avoided 4 5 publishing u n f l a t t e r i n g grain p r i c e s . D i f f i c u l t i e s i n determining grain prices would not be important were i t not f o r the f a c t that neither the p r o v i n c i a l nor the Dominion government kept s t a t i s t i c s regarding farm income and 46 farm expenses i n the nineteenth century. Wheat p r i c e s , consequently are the key, even i f a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c s are not s a t i s f a c t o r y , to establishing the margin of p r o f i t enjoyed by farmers i n the f i r s t p r a i r i e province. Taking the prices f o r wheat paid to farmers at Morden and 4 7 Deloraine as shown i n Table IV and assuming an average crop of twenty-five bushels to the acre, i n no year would the i n d i v i d u a l farmer whose expenses were 254 P e r bushel ($6.00 per acre) f a i l to make a p r o f i t . At 4 0 ^ per bushel ( $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre) i n expenses, there would be a number of years i n which p r o f i t s would be marginal. At 6o<fr per bushel ( 5 $ 1 5 . 0 0 per acre) i n costs, the farmer would have suffered losses i n a s i g n i f i c a n t number of years. But i f the farmer harvested only f i f t e e n bushels rather than twenty-five bushels to the acre, the number of years i n which he suffered losses w>uld increase s u b s t a n t i a l l y . With expenses of $ 1 5 . 0 0 per acre ( $ 1 . 0 0 per bushel), i n only one year would the farmer have made a p r o f i t — a n d then only i f he farmed at Deloraine and received the top pri c e a v a i l a b l e . With costs of $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre ( 6 7 $ per bushel) he would have suffered losses i n a l l but f i v e - 1 7 -years at Deloraine and a l l but s i x years at Morden. With expenses of $ 6 . 0 0 per acre ( 4 0 ^ per bushel) the farmer would not have suffered losses, but i n many years he would barely meet his investment. Although the margin of p r o f i t on wheat enjoyed by the farmer was s u f f i c i e n t under ordinary circumstances so long as the farmer kept his expenses down, the s e t t l e r ' s l i v e l i h o o d was not secure. Throughout the 1 8 8 0 ' s and early 1 8 9 0 ' s , drought and f r o s t caused widespread crop f a i l u r e s . Because of the narrow p r o f i t margin on his p r i n c i p a l cash crop, i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r the farmer to f u l l y recoup his losses i n good years a f t e r a poor season. S e t t l e r s were aware of the necessity of economical ag r i c u l t u r e . Alexander Morrison, a farmer from S a l t e r v i l l e , pointed out i n 1 8 9 4 that farmers "should not only be producers but should be manufacturers as well, and should aim at producing the largest amount of the best goods at the l e a s t possible c o s t . " ^ 9 Another farmer, William Howard of Arrow River, i n a l e t t e r printed to encourage immigration, stated that "a man can do well; =in t h i s country i f he does not go beyond his means. The narrow p r o f i t margin of the wheat farmer i s also r e f l e c t e d i n the f a c t that large numbers of s e t t l e r s f a i l e d to acquire t i t l e to t h e i r land a f t e r obtaining i t from eith e r the federal government of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. Of 4 , 8 4 0 , 1 4 2 acres sold by the Canadian P a c i f i c from 1 8 8 0 to 1 8 9 6 i n Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , f u l l y 2 6 . 5 $ was repossessed by 5 1 the company when buyers defaulted i n t h e i r payments. S i m i l a r l y , 3 7 . 4 $ of a l l homestead applications i n the Canadian West between 1 8 7 4 and 1 8 9 6 were cancelled.-* 2 - 18 -For those fanners who f a i l e d , some did not succeed as a re s u l t of t h e i r own i n a b i l i t y to adjust to changed a g r i c u l t u r a l conditions. Others attempted to farm with i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l and f e l l victims to t h e i r c r e d i t o r s . A few were unlucky. But f o r most, f a i l u r e could be blamed upon the conditions of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . W. L. Morton s u c c i n c t l y stated the d i f f i c u l t y confronting the s e t t l e r i n Western Canada: The settlement of the West was an experiment i n marginal ag r i c u l t u r e , i n which the costs, both material and human, were high, and the process j - o of successful adaptation to new conditions slow.-5-^ Agrarian protest i n Manitoba was born i n the conditions of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . Because of climate and location!,' the difference between p r o f i t and loss f o r the wheat farmer was narrow i n any given season. Even the well-adapted p r a i r i e farmer was never more than a step from f i n a n c i a l disaster. As a r e s u l t , the Manitoba s e t t l e r was p a r t i c u l a r l y susceptible to the blandishments of agrarian protest organizations, and he was esp e c i a l l y susceptible i n those years i n which he was adjusting to the conditions of Western Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e . The indiv i d u a l s who comprised the Broadfoot party which set out down the Portage t r a i l i n the spring of 1872, were not aware of the t r i a l s awaiting them. In the succeeding years they were to discover, through t h e i r own t r i b u l a t i o n s , the r e a l i t i e s of farming i n Manitoba. For some members of the party, the d i f f i c u l t i e s were to prove too much. Donald Ferguson, who met the Brussels immigrants i n Winnipeg, gave up farming and opened a general store i n Gladstone. Peter Ferguson and his family found that the Canadian - 1 9 -West did not meet t h e i r expectations and l e f t . As f o r the remainder of the party, they remained i n Manitoba, grappled with the d i f f i c u l t i e s with which they were confronted, and made t h e i r voices heard when agrarian protest was born i n the f i r s t p r a i r i e province. - 2 0 -FOOTNOTES 1 . By f r o n t i e r I mean a geographic region adjacent to the unsettled portions of the continent. 2 . Winnipeg Free Press, A p r i l 2 4 , 1 9 3 6 , p. 2 2 . For an account of the beginnings of Palestine see Margaret Morton Fahrni and W. L. Morton, Third Crossing; A History of the F i r s t  Quarter Century of the Town and D i s t r i c t of Gladstone I n " the Province of Manitoba, (Winnipeg: Advocate Printers Limited, 1 9 4 6 ) , pp. 1 1 - 2 0 . 3 . For an analysis of the state of Manitoba agricul t u r e p r i o r to 1 8 7 0 see W. L. Morton, "Agriculture i n Red River Colony", Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, V o l . XXX, No. 4 , (December, 1 9 4 9 ) , pp. 3 0 5 - 3 ^ 1 . 4 . There are several good descriptions of the physical geography of Manitoba p r i o r to Confederation with Canada. The best of these i s Henry Youle Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Red  River Exploring Expedition of 1057 and of the Assiniboine and  Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1 6 5 6 , Volume I, (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Ltd., 19Y1) e s p e c i a l l y chapters VI, VII and XI. The best source f o r the physical geography of Manitoba at the time of settlement i s the c o l l e c t i o n of surveyors! maps. Each land t i t l e s o f f i c e i n Manitoba has copies of the o r i g i n a l surveyors' m a p s — a l l made i n the early l 8 7 0 ' s — f o r i t s d i s t r i c t These maps provide information regarding vegetation, water courses, and any prominent physical features. 5 . For the s o i l s of Manitoba see J. H. E l l i s , The S o i l s of  Manitoba, (Winnipeg: Manitoba Economic Survey Board, 1 9 3 8 ) . 6 . A. J. Connor, The Climate of Manitoba, (Winnipeg: Manitoba Economic Survey Board, 1 9 3 9 ) , pp. 9 - 1 0 . 7 « W. W. Swanson and P. C. Armstrong, Wheat, (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1 9 3 0 ) , p. 9 . 8 . A. J. Connor, op_. c i t . , p. 1 2 . 9 . There was an extremely wet period between 1 8 7 6 and 1 8 7 9 , and an extremely dry period between 1 8 8 6 and 1 8 9 0 . A. J. Connor, op. c i t . , p. 1 3 . 1 0 . W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 2 0 3 J Duncan Alexander MacGibbon, The Canadian Grain Trade, (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1 9 3 2 ) , p. 2 6 . - 21 -11. Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book and Guide to Manitoba  and the North-west, (Toronto: Belford Brothers, lo77), p 37: Census o r ~ C a h a d a , l880-l88l. 12. See Table I. 13. A. H. Reginald B u l l e r , Essays on Wheat, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1919), P« 39' 14. In the discussion of wheat exports, I have used s t a t i s t i c s f o r exports of domestically produced wheat. Canada's actual wheat exports were often much larger, and the difference i s accounted f o r by the f a c t that the St. Lawrence route was chosen by American grain dealers f o r some of t h e i r exports. 15. Canada, The S t a t i s t i c a l Year-Book of Canada, 1902, (Ottawa: Government P r i n t i n g Burearav 1903), p.lOo. 16. Robert L e s l i e Jones, History of Agriculture i n Ontario, 1613-1880, (Toronto: u n i v e r s i t y or Toronto Press, 1946), p. 240; D. A. MacGibbon, oj>. c i t . , pp. 28-29, 17. Census of Canada, 1880-1881. 18. James Mavor, Report to the Board of Trade on the North West  of Canada wltfi"Special Reference to Wheat Production f o r Export, (London: printed f o r His Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , 1905), p.6l. 19. I b i d . 20. By 1885 wheat surpluses i n Manitoba reached the point where exports became necessary to the economic well-being of Manitoba farmers. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of exports between Canadian domestic and foreign markets cannot be determined. By 1900, however, most wheat exported from Manitoba was being shipped overseas. 21. Norman Thompson and J. H. Edgar, Canadian Railway Development, (Tononto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1933), pp. 129-139. 22. For the expansion of settlement see W. L. Morton, Manitoba  A History, pp. 176-198. 23. H. A. Innis, A History of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 19^3), p. l4o. 24. I b i d l , p. 151; Norman Thompson and J. H. Edgar, op. c i t . , ppT~208-209. 25. See Table I I I . 26. See Table IV, p. 15. - 22 -27. James Mavor, op. c i t . , pp. 90-91. 29. Daniel M. Gordon, Mountain and P r a i r i e , (Montreal: Dawson Bros. , i 860 ) , p. 307. 30. Canada, journals of the House of Commons, 1885, Appendix No. 3 , p. 22. 31. The Nor'-West Parmer and Manitoba M i l l e r , January, 1893, p. 27. 32. Charles C l i f f e , Manitoba and the Canadian Northwest as a F i e l d f o r Settlement. (Brandon: Brandon Mail, 1884), p. 30. 33. Canada, journals of the House of Commons, 1885, Appendix No. 3, p. 27. 34. Brandon Sun, January 15, 1885, p. 1. 35. Ibid. 36. The Nor'-West Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r , January, 1893, P. 19. 37. E. A. Osborn, Greater Canada: The Past, Present, and Future of the Canadian North-West, (London: Chatto & Windus, 1900), p. 231. 38. James Mavor, op_. c i t . , p. 58. 39. I b i d . 40. I b i d . 41. The only estimate affected by Mavor's analysis was that of the Dominion Experimental Farm at Brandon. They included rent of land as a cost. As a r e s u l t the o r i g i n a l estimate of $7»79 i s reduced to $5.99 per acre. 42. Daniel M. Gordon, op. c i t . , p. 307$ The Nor'-West Farmer  and Manitoba M i l l e r , January, 1893, p. 2 7 . 43. For a comparison of the d e f l a t i o n i n general prices as compared with prices of a g r i c u l t u r a l commodities see Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial  Relations, B O O K I, p. 5 2 . 44. The Nor'-West Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r , January, 1893* _ 2 7 - . - 2 3 -4 5 . Even a cursory examination of the Manitoba press would indicate the various editors' desire f o r increased development. Each editor saw Manitoba as the brightest prospect f o r investment, immigration and business i n the world. A common feature of each newspaper was a s p e c i a l e d i t i o n that would be c i r c u l a t e d i n eastern Canada promoting the Canadian West. In such edit i o n s , the editors usually assumed that proposed projects had been completed and indicated as much i n t h e i r description of t h e i r area. 4 6 . The only year i n which the Census Bureau printed farm income s t a t i s t i c s was i n 1 Q 0 1 . The census of 1 9 0 1 only deals with farm income and does not deal with farm expenses, nor does the Census d i f f e r e n t i a t e farm income by various f i e l d crops. 4 7 . Both the Deloraine and Morden prices do not represent the f u l l spread In prices offered at both points; only published p r i c e s . 4 8 . A. S. Morton, op_. c i t . , 8 3 - 8 5 . 4 9 . The Nor'-West Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r , June, 1 8 9 4 , p. 1 5 3 . 5 0 . The Colonist, September, 1 8 9 6 , n. p. 5 1 . James B. Hedges, Building the Canadian Westt The Land  and Colonization P o l i c i e s of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, (New York: The Macmillan company, 1 9 3 9 ) , p. 3 ^ 0 . 5 2 . Canada, The S t a t i s t i c a l Year-BooK of Canada, 1 9 0 2 , p. 6 9 . 5 3 . W. L. Morton, The Progressive Party i n Canada, p. 6 . - 2 4 -CHAPTER II "A HAPPY AND CONTENTED PEOPLE" In 1 8 6 9 the infant Dominion of Canada purchased the vast patrimony of the Hudson's Bay Company. With t h i s purchase the Canadian government acquired the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r formulating p o l i c i e s that would lead to the development of the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l of the North West. P o l i c i e s had to be devised that would provide f o r immigration, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of crown lands, transportation, and f o r the f i n a n c i a l support of the p r o v i n c i a l government of Manitoba so that i t would be able to undertake Its c o n s t i t u t i o n a l obligations. Despite the obstacles that a country of three m i l l i o n inhabitants encountered i n developing i t s western empire, the new Dominion was able to devise workable programmes f o r the a g r i c u l t u r a l development of the North West. While these programmes were we l l -intentioned and i n large measure succeeded i n accomplishing the ends f o r which they were formulated, the fe d e r a l government, which saw western development as an i n t e g r a l part of national economic expansion, was often ignorant of conditions i n Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r i e s . Discontent unfolded on the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r and was directed at the federal government when Dominion p o l i c i e s f a i l e d to meet the needs and the expectations of Manitoba s e t t l e r s . ( i ) In 1 8 7 0 no one could have foreseen that the federal programmes f o r western development would lead to widespread discontent i n the West. To the so l d i e r s of the Red River - 25 -Expeditionary Force, sent to restore order following the Red River Resistance, Manitoba was the promised land. The Canadian and B r i t i s h volunteers were impressed with i t s a g r i c u l t u r a l p o s s i b i l -i t i e s ; better yet, the province was p r a c t i c a l l y empty. There were fewer than t h i r t e e n thousand people i n the postage stamp province and these occupied only a t i n y f r a c t i o n of the arable land. Manitoba,:it seemed, would soon be flooded with a " l i v i n g stream of happy and contented people. 1 , 1 The settlement of the Canadian West could not be taken f o r granted. Some immigrants, undoubtedly, would come from Ontario without encouragement and others, perhaps, from Great B r i t a i n as a re s u l t of the p u b l i c i t y given the Red River Expedition i n the B r i t i s h press, but t h i s t r i c k l e of newcomers would not be s u f f i c i e n t to develop the f u l l a g r i c u l t u r a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of Manitoba. To at t r a c t immigrants, the Canadian government would have to compete with the United States, the Australian colonies,, and New Zealand, a l l of which were touting the merits of t h e i r respective a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r s and a l l of which were quite w i l l i n g to discourage poten t i a l immigration to Canada by spreading tales of hardships 2 that the Manitoba s e t t l e r was l i k e l y to endure. In competing f o r immigrants, the Canadian government's immigration p o l i c i e s incorporated the e a r l i e r programmes of the 3 Province of Canada. Immigration agents were employed i n Great B r i t a i n and i n Eastern Canada, and l a t e r i n continental Europe. Pamphleteers and writers who extol l e d the virtues of the Canadian West as a f i e l d f o r immigration received o f f i c i a l sanction and t h e i r works were di s t r i b u t e d by the Canadian government. Grants of land - 2 6 -were made to colonization companies and these companies employed agents who a c t i v e l y s o l i c i t e d immigrants f o r Manitoba through personal contacts, public meetings, and newspaper advertisements. The programme of group settlements was greatly expanded. In the course of time, large tracts of land were set aside within Manitoba, f i r s t f o r the Mennonites, then f o r the Icelanders and French Canadians, and a f t e r 1 8 9 6 , f o r the Ukrainians. Other ethnic groups received smaller grants. A l l group settlements were encouraged not just by the promise of free land, but by assisted passage, by a i d i n the f i r s t d i f f i c u l t years, and by the reservation of land f o r future generations. Other immigration p o l i c i e s were borrowed. From the Americans the Canadian government took the system of railway land grants. While t h i s p o l i c y was adopted as a means of financing railway construction i n the unsettled d i s t r i c t s of the Canadian West, grants of land to the railways gave them a vested i n t e r e s t 5 i n promoting immigration. The greater the number of s e t t l e r s who established themselves i n Western Canada, the greater the volume of t r a f f i c on the railways and the greater the p r o f i t s to the companies. The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, the p r i n c i p a l beneficiary of the federal railway land grants, took an active role i n fi n d i n g immigrants f o r Manitoba and the T e r r i t o r i e s . I t had i t s own agents i n Eastern Canada and i n the United Kingdom and Europe; i t assisted immigrants to the West through low fares; and i t provided c r e d i t to those s e t t l e r s who had i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l but who 6 wished to purchase t h e i r land from the Company. - 2 7 -TABLE V POPULATION OF MANITOBA BY BIRTHPLACE* CENSUS 1 8 7 0 1 8 8 1 1 8 8 6 1 8 9 1 1 9 0 1 1 9 0 6 TOTAL POPULATION 1 2 , 2 7 8 6 5 , 9 5 4 1 0 8 , 6 4 0 1 5 2 , 5 0 6 2 5 5 , 2 1 1 3 6 5 , 6 8 8 CANADA B.C. 2 5 2 6 3 0 1 MAN. 1 1 , 2 9 8 1 8 , 0 2 0 3 4 ,124 5 0 ,648 9 9 , 8 0 6 1 3 2 , 3 7 8 N.B. 3 4 1 7 0 4 7 1 8 8 2 0 1 ,224 N.S. 8 2 0 1 , 3 1 7 1 , 4 0 2 1 , 5 3 6 2 ,414 ONT. 1 1 8 1 9 , 1 2 5 3 4 , 1 2 1 4 6 , 6 2 0 6 7 , 5 6 6 7 9 , 0 0 2 P.E.I. 1 5 4 1 8 0 2 3 4 4 1 9 1 , 2 5 3 P.Q. 1 1 1 4 , 0 8 5 5 , 9 7 6 7 , 5 5 5 8 , 4 9 2 9 , 6 3 2 N.W.T. 6 ,422 5 2 0 7 8 5 2 , 0 5 3 1 , 4 1 6 CANADA (NOT GIVEN) 6 0 BRITISH ISLES 1 6 ,017 4 1 , 4 0 3 ENGLAND & WALES 1 2 5 3 , 4 5 7 1 0 , 3 2 2 2 0 , 3 9 2 IRELAND 4 9 1 , 8 3 6 3 , 6 2 1 4 , 5 5 3 4 , 5 3 7 SCOTLAND 248 2 , 8 6 8 5 , 9 8 2 7 , 4 4 4 8 , 0 9 9 1 5 , 0 8 6 OTHER BRITISH 1 0 7 2 2 0 0 2 8 0 4 8 9 6 3 6 POSSESSIONS 2 5 ,640 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 1 1 , 5 7 0 BELGIUM & HOLLAND 847 2 , 0 3 1 CHINA 2 0 9 5 7 2 DENMARK, NORWAY 1 2 1 3 7 2 3,746° 2 , 0 9 0 4 , 6 9 2 & SWEDEN 14 EAST INDIES 3 0 FRANCE 9 8 1 1 1 0 4 7 4 1 , 4 7 0 2 , 3 7 0 GERMANY 2 2 0 5 2 8 8 5 7 2 , 2 8 5 5 , 1 4 8 GREECE 3 176 ICELAND 1 , 9 9 8 5 , 4 0 3 5 , 4 9 5 ITALY 2 3 3 8 2 4 1 2 5 4 8 7 JAPAN 1 3 3 0 RUMANIA 1 1 0 7 1 0 RUSSIA 5 , 6 5 1 5 , 7 2 4 6 , 2 5 1 8 , 8 5 4 1 1 , 7 3 0 SPAIN & PORTUGAL 1 8 1 6 47 SWITZERLAND 1 3 4 1 6 7 SYRIA 6 3 1 7 0 TURKEY 3 , 0 6 3 6 2 3 5 UNITED STATES 1 1 6 1 , 7 5 2 2 , 3 2 2 6 , 9 2 2 1 2 , 0 2 3 WEST INDIES 2 3 8 1 , 5 6 5 3 2 1 2 1 OTHER COUNTRIES 2 7 7 7 1 3 5 1 , 2 2 9 AT SEA 7 9 7 2 3 7 NOT GIVEN 7 1 0 2 2 0 8 1 6 9 6 l l 477 * Based on data i n the Census of Canada f o r 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 , 1 8 9 1 and 1 9 0 2 ; the Census of Manitoba f o r 1 8 7 0 and 1 8 8 5 - 8 6 ; and the Census of the P r a i r i e Provinces, 1 9 0 6 . 0 Includes the number of native-born Icelanders i n Manitoba as well. - 2 8 -Another feature of immigration p o l i c y borrowed from the American experience was the promise of free land. Under a provision of the Dominion Lands Act of 1 8 7 2 , any head of al. house-hold or any man of twenty-one years of age could, upon payment of a ten d o l l a r r e g i s t r a t i o n fee, homestead one hundred and s i x t y acres of unoccupied land i n Western Canada provided that land was available for homesteading. I f the s e t t l e r l i v e d on the land f o r s i x months out of each year and brought t h i r t y - f i v e acres under c u l t i v a t i o n , he could apply at the end of three years to the government f o r a t i t l e or patent as i t was c a l l e d . ^ i t was believed that t h i s p o l i c y would a t t r a c t immigrants to Canada who would otherwise go to the United S t a t e s . 8 The array of Canadian immigration p o l i c i e s was reasonably e f f e c t i v e i n a t t r a c t i n g immigrants to Manitoba. The province's population grew from 1 2 , 2 7 8 i n I 8 7 O 9 to 2 5 5 , 2 1 1 i n 1 Q 0 1 . 1 0 Almost a l l of t h i s increase was due to immigration. Of the 1 2 , 2 7 8 persons who were residents i n 1 8 7 0 , 9 2 $ were natives of the p r o v i n c e , 1 1 but by l 8 8 l , the natives were outnumbered by the newcomers. In that 1 2 year, 6 2 . 9 $ of the population was born outside Manitoba. By the beginning of the twentieth century, 6 0 . 1 $ of the population were immigrants, 1^ and of the native-born population i n 1 9 0 1 , the largest portion was comprised of the children of these newcomers.1^ Canadian immigration p o l i c i e s were most successful i n a t t r a c t i n g immigrants to Manitoba from Ontario and the United Kingdom. As Tables V and VI i l l u s t r a t e , by l 8 8 l Manitoba was primarily a B r i t i s h and Canadian p r o v i n c e . I n that year, 2 9 $ of the population had been born i n Ontario and 1 2 . 4 $ had been born - 2 9 -TABLE VT POPULATION OF MANITOBA BY NATIONAL ORIGINS: l 8 8 l - 1 9 0 1 * CENSUS 1 8 8 1 1 8 8 6 1 9 Q 1 English 1 1 , 5 0 3 2 5 , 9 ^ 9 6 5,542 I r i s h 1 0 , 1 7 3 2 1 , 1 8 0 4 7 , 4 1 8 Scotch l 6 , 5 0 6 _ 2 5 , 6 7 6 , 5 1 , 3 6 5 Other B r i t i s h 1 0 3 1 2 2 9 1 9 1 4 French 9 , 9 4 9 6 , 8 2 1 1 6 , 0 2 1 German 8 , 6 5 2 1 1 , 0 8 2 2 7 , 2 6 5 Dutch 5 0 6 244 9 2 5 Scandinavian 1 , 0 2 3 3 , 0 3 2 1 1 , 9 2 4 Russian* 2 4 3 8 1 4 , 9 7 6 Austro-Hungarian 8 , 9 8 1 I t a l i a n 4 l 72 2 1 7 Jewish 1 8 7 1 1,514 Swiss 1 0 2 2 2 0 4 Belgian 9 4 0 Half-Breed 7 , 9 8 5 1 0,371 Indian 6 , 7 6 7 . 5 , 5 7 5 Q 5 , 9 0 6 Chinese & Japanese 4-J 1 8 - 3 2 1 0 Negro 2 5 3 0 6 l Spanish & Portuguese 14 17 Various 6 1 7 8 1 9 6 Unspecified 6 3 0 7 8 l , 2 6 l 1 . Welsh 2 . Includes' P o l i s h 3 . Chinese only-Sources: Census of Canada, l 8 8 0 - l 8 8 l ; Census of  Manitoba, l 8 8 5 - l 8 8 6 j ~ C e n s u s of Canada, 1 9 0 1 . No s t a t i s t i c s were kept i n 1 0 9 1 regarding the national o r i g i n s of the people of Canada. - 3 0 -i n Great B r i t a i n , 1 ^ while 5 8 . 1 $ of the population was of B r i t i s h 17 o r i g i n . Twenty years l a t e r , 2 6 . 5 $ of the population claimed Ontario as t h e i r b i r t h p l a c e , and 1 2 . 9 $ were natives of the United Kingdom, 1^ while 6 4 . 4 $ of the population was of B r i t i s h stock. 1^ The British-Canadian composition of the population was leavened by newcomers from other European countries. In l 8 8 l , 2 . 8 $ of Manitobans were born i n Iceland, while 8 . 5 $ were Mennonites born 2 0 i n the Russian Empire. By 1 9 0 1 , i n terms of national o r i g i n , 1 0 . 7 $ of Manitobans were of Germanic background, 4 . 7 $ were 2 1 Scandinavian, 3 * 6 $ were Austro-Hungarian, and 1 . 9 $ were Russian. The changing composition of the Manitoba population was re f l e c t e d i n the r e l i g i o n s embraced by the province's inhabitants. The du a l i t y of Old Red River of Protestant and Roman Catholic was ended by 1 8 8 1 . In the census of that year, the majority of Manitobans belonged to the three largest Protestant denominations i n Canada: the Church of England, the Presbyterian Church and the Methodist Church. 2 2 Between l 8 8 l and 1 9 0 1 very few Manitobans were adherents of the small evangelical Protestant sects, but the increasing number of Mennonite, Lutheran and Orthodox Christians denoted the growth of non-Anglo-Saxon European immigration. J ( i i ) Of a l l the immigrant groups, the Ontario and B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s had the most d i f f i c u l t time before they adapted to the conditions of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . Neither group had any experience i n dry-land farming and both were unprepared f o r the rigours of p r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r e . One farming technique - 31 -TABLE VII POPULATION OF MANITOBA BY RELIGION* CENSUS 1 8 7 0 l 8 8 l I 8 8 5 1 8 9 1 1 9 0 1 ROMAN CATHOLICS 5 , 4 5 2 1 2 , 2 1 6 1 4 , 6 5 1 2 0 ,571 3 5 , 6 7 2 ANGLICANS 1 4 , 2 9 7 2 3 , 2 0 6 3 0 , 8 5 2 4 4 , 9 2 2 PRESBYTERIANS 1 4 , 2 9 2 2 8 , 4 0 6 3 9 , 0 0 1 6 5 , 348 METHODISTS 1 0 , 0 7 0 1 8 ,648 2 8 , 4 3 7 4 9 , 9 3 6 BAPTISTS 1 , 6 7 3 3 , 2 9 6 l 6 , 1 1 2 r f 9 , 1 6 6 MENNONITES 7 , 7 7 6 9 , 1 1 2 1 5 ,246 DOUKHBORS 7 5 GREEK ORTHODOX 7 , 8 9 9 LUTHERANS 9 8 4 3 , 1 3 1 6 , 5 4 5 1 6 ,542 CONGREGATIONALISTS 3 4 3 9 9 7 1 , 8 1 5 1 ,884 BRETHREN 2 9 1 1 4 3 8 9 4 6 7 DISCIPLES 1 0 2 1 9 9 2 6 l 4 7 0 ADVENTISTS 8 l 8 3 2 5 1 9 JEWS 3 3 5 4 3 7 4 3 1 , 4 9 7 SALVATION ARMY 3 9 9 7 4 5 FRIENDS 4 3 66 124 124 MORMONS 6 5 PAGANS 2 1 7 3 1 2 3 4 PROTESTANTS 4,84l° ' 4 5 4 2 8 1 , 8 7 4 '646 UNITARIANS 2 0 3 1 7 4 UNIVERSALISTS 8 9 5 EPISCOPAL REFORMED 1 NO REGIGION l 6 4 5 VARIOUS SECTS 6 8 1 2 1 448 1 , 8 3 7 UNSPECIFIED 1 , 9 3 5 2 , 3 2 7 5 , 6 1 9 / 4 , 8 2 4 / 9 1 7 * Based on data i n the Census of Canada f o r l 8 8 0 - l 8 8 l , 1 8 9 1 , and 1 9 0 1 j and the Census of Manitoba f o r 1 6 7 0 " and 1 8 8 5 - 1 8 8 6 . o includes a l l non-Roman Catholics i n the province. / Includes pagans. f& Includes Mennonites. - 32 -that the British-Canadian immigrants had to learn was summer-fallowing. Summer-fallowing had disappeared i n B r i t a i n during the a g r i c u l t u r a l revolution of the eighteenth century, 2^ a n d i n Ontario t h i s p a r t i c u l a r farming method was used l a r g e l y f o r the 25 control of weeds. In Manitoba summer-fallowing was necessary to conserve moisture. Constant cropping of the l a n d — e s p e c i a l l y i n the western areas of the province—depleted the sparse moisture reserves, and crop y i e l d s were lower than i f the farmer had sown his crops upon summer-fallow. The Ontario and B r i t i s h immigrants quickly saw that the Mennonites who had immigrated from Russia and introduced summer-fallowing, were able to produce larger y i e l d s . By the early l 8 8 0's, the Anglo-Saxon newcomers were adopting th i s p r actice, but i t was several years before summer-fallowing became general throughout the province. The Ontario and B r i t i s h immigrants were also reluctant to grow Red Fyfe wheat, although Red Fyfe was the one wheat variety with good m i l l i n g q u a l i t i e s that usually ripened quickly enough during the short Manitoba growing season to escape the autumn f r o s t s . 2 ^ As l a t e as 1892, Dr. John Pennefather was advocating 28 the seeding of Golden Drop wheat over Red Fyfe. By then his viewpoint was exceptional, but i n the three decades following 1870, many farmers ignored other s e t t l e r s ' experience with Red Fyfe. The t r a n s i t i o n from intensive to extensive agriculture posed further problems f o r the Anglo-Saxon immigrants. Agriculture i n the United Kingdom was labour i n t e n s i v e , 2 9 while i n Manitoba, where the cost**of labour was high,-' as on any a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r , - 3 3 -the farmer who was overly dependent upon hired labour was l i k e l y to f i n d himself i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . An example of too great dependence on hired labour i s the farming operation of one English immigrant who owned Cl o v e l l y Farm near Headingley. This gentleman farmed on the grand scale. He purchased 4 8 0 acres of land f o r $ 4 , 1 1 0 i n 1 8 8 0 and then spent a further $ 2 5 , 0 7 0 during the next two years on the construction of improvements and on farming operations. F u l l y $ 1 0 , 6 8 l of these expenditures was incurred i n l i v i n g expenses and i n wages paid to the hired labourers. Returns 3 1 on t h i s investment were meagre: only $ 2 , 2 5 0 i n two years. While t h i s i n d i v i d u a l did not land himself i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , as he appears to have had abundant c a p i t a l , other English immigrants did not fare so well. Charles Stewart, a graduate of Cambridge University, located at Brandon H i l l s i n l 8 8 l and attempted to farm i n the English manner, h i r i n g men to do a l l the f i e l d work . 3 2 j j e <$±$ n o t have the c a p i t a l resources to undertake such a farming operation, i n d e f i n i t e l y , and i n 1 8 8 5 , a f t e r s u f f e r i n g two crop f a i l u r e s i n succession, his mortgage company foreclosed when he could no longer meet his annual i n t e r e s t payments.33 Even those B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s who adapted successfully to the new environment appear to have had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n accepting the a g r i c u l t u r a l methods of the Canadian West. Edward Holmes, a young Englishman, studied North American farming techniques at Guelph A g r i c u l t u r a l College before emigrating to Manitoba i n l 8 8 l . Not s a t i s f i e d with the t h e o r e t i c a l approach at Guelph to farming, he took a job as a hired hand i n Manitoba to learn more about ^ 4 p r a i r i e agriculture before buying his own farm. He was well - 3 4 -aware of the realities of prairie agriculture after spending a year in Manitoba, but his letters home indicate that he was often amazed at the differences between English and Manitoban farming techniques. In writing his uncle, he expressed the hope that "when you are tired of the old world of travelling, you w i l l come over and see the new one, and a l l its novel labour-saving arrangements." One could actually save money in farming, he marvelled, by buying a self-binder for $ 3 4 0 . The reason for this was the scarcity of labour, especially during harvest when "prices w i l l be terrible, and men w i l l not be got for love or money."35 The Ontario settlers had one advantage over British immigrants like Holmes and Stewart: many of them had pioneered on the Upper Canadian agricultural frontier before moving west. Since they had had this experience, the Ontario settlers were more li k e l y to be accustomed to the rigours of pioneer farming and to be more willing than the British settlers to accept the frugal l i f e of the agricultural frontier. As John J. Leach wrote Alfred Atkinson on the latter's arrival in the province from Brantford: There is one thing you w i l l a l l do wisely to adopt, and that is to disregard conventionalities / s l c 7 . The people happily are free from care as to the kind of house the / s i c ? live in, the rig they drive, or the work they follow. They do not think of apologizing i f they have three beds, the cooking stove, and grindstone in a l i t t l e house of one room, or i f the family came to church with a yoke of oxen, and a home made jumper. And as i t is in the country so in the towns.36 Of course, not a l l of the Ontario immigrants were willing to accept such conditions. Among those who found i t d i f f i c u l t to adjust to the circumstances of Manitoba agriculture were emigrants - 35 -from towns or c i t i e s i n Ontario. James A. Lang of Riverside, f o r example, a Presbyterian minister from Ottawa who took up farming i n Manitoba, knew l i t t l e of agriculture l e t alone p r a i r i e a g r i c u l -ture before he s e t t l e d i n Manitoba.37 Lang's d i f f i c u l t i e s i n establishing himself i n the province^ 8 c a n be attributed as much to his inexperience i n farming generally as to his inexperience i n p r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r e . Of a l l the immigrants to Manitoba, only the Mennonites and Ukrainians had any experience i n p r a i r i e farming, and t h i s was obtained on the steppes of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empire. At the same time, conditions i n Manitoba were d i f f e r e n t from those they had known i n t h e i r former homes. The Mennonites encountered d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making the t r a n s i t i o n from subsistence to commercial agr i c u l t u r e , and i n adapting to the use of mechanical equipment to farm the land. Furthermore, both the Ukrainians and Mennonites arriv e d with i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l and underwent years of p r i v a t i o n while they struggled to bring t h e i r land under cultivation.39 As f o r the Icelanders, the sturdy fishermen of the northern A t l a n t i c Ocean, they located on the shores of Lake Winnipeg rather than upon the open p r a i r i e . In "New Iceland", as the immigrants named the government reserve set aside f o r them, they attempted to recreate the society and economy of t h e i r home-land: agriculture becoming an adjunct of the Lake Winnipeg fis h e r y . Like the Ukrainian and Mennonite s e t t l e r s , the Icelanders lacked c a p i t a l , and i n addition, they suffered the ravages of a smallpox epidemic i n 1876-1877 which severely retarded the 40 development of "New Iceland . - 36 -But the non-English-speaking immigrants to Manitoba, despite the hardships they encountered, came to the Canadian West f o r d i f f e r e n t reasons than the Ontario and B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s . The 4 l Mennonites came to Canada to escape r e l i g i o u s persecution; the Icelanders were prompted to leave t h e i r homeland because of economic hardship and the wanderlust that p e r i o d i c a l l y infected 42 the Icelandic people; and the Ukrainians emigrated "due to over-population, subdivision of land holdings, heavy taxation, and unfavourable p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . " ^ Whatever the d i f f i c u l t i e s with which the Ukrainians, Mennonites and Icelanders met, they were not disappointed to the same extent as the English-speaking s e t t l e r s when the process of adaptation to a g r i c u l t u r a l conditions i n Manitoba proved p a i n f u l and co s t l y . ( i l l ) The federal government can be censured f o r i t s f a i l u r e to prepare the newcomers f o r unfamiliar a g r i c u l t u r a l conditions. The dissemination of information regarding farming conditions i n Manitoba was l e f t to immigration writers and agents. These individuals spread so many ha l f - t r u t h s , d i s t o r t i o n s , exaggerations and outright l i e s i n t h e i r pursuit of po t e n t i a l immigrants that many s e t t l e r s arrived i n Manitoba with expectations that were bound to be shattered by the r e a l i t i e s of p r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r e . The books and pamphlets of the immigration promoters were the major source of information not only f o r the intending s e t t l e r , 44 but also f o r the immigration agents. Very few of these writers had any experience i n farming i n Manitoba, and those who had some 45 experience were often those who had learned l e a s t from i t . ^ Their - 37 -r e a l i n t e r e s t i n a t t r a c t i n g immigrants to Manitoba was commercial. A great deal of money could be made from land speculation and by o u t f i t t i n g s e t t l e r s , and some immigration writers had a vested i n t e r e s t i n the success of enterprises whose purpose was to "farm" the s e t t l e r s . ^ The ingenuity of the immigration writers i s best i l l u s -trated i n those sections of t h e i r books and pamphlets dealing with the Manitoba climate, i n the winter months southern Manitoba i s one of the coldest regions on the North American continent and no other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the province was as l i k e l y to discourage prospective immigrants than the thought of the thermometer plunging to t h i r t y , f o r t y , or even f i f t y degrees below zero. One pamphleteer argued that Manitoba was a c t u a l l y warmer than the American Mid-West since the B r i t i s h North West was i n a basin i n which warm a i r was trapped and that the Rocky Mountains, being lower i n B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y than i n American t e r r i t o r y , allowed "the warm winds of the P a c i f i c " to blow into the Canadian West more r e a d i l y than into 47 the American West. Sometimes i t was claimed that because of the v a r i a t i o n i n the seasons, the Manitoba climate was decidedly preferable to that of every state i n the American Union including 48 C a l i f o r n i a . I t was also claimed that because of the dryness of the a i r , Manitoba was r e a l l y no colder than Ottawa or Toronto where the a i r was more humid and the inhabitants " f e l t " the cold 49 more. y The d i s t o r t i o n of the facts concerning climate did le s s harm than other claims made by the writers. The y i e l d of wheat was exaggerated. Charles Mair noted i n 1869 that the farmers of Portage - 3 8 -l a P r a i r i e " w i l l plant something l i k e one hundred bushels of wheat each, and with an average y i e l d w i l l reap two thousand bushels of grain each farm. " 5 ° Alexander Begg i n 1 8 7 7 argued that a comparison of the wheat y i e l d of Manitoba and the best d i s t r i c t s of the United States showed that Manitoba wheat averaged f o r t y bushels per acre while no American state had a y i e l d greater than twenty bushels per acre.-' John Macoun's figures were more accurate than Begg's—he claimed an average y i e l d of twenty-six bushels per a c r e — 5 2 they were s t i l l exaggerated, and the American states, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, with which he and Begg chose to compare Manitoba's wheat-growing potent i a l were hardly the most important wheat-producing states i n the Union.53 Although both authors included Minnesota, which was an important wheat-growing state, Macoun ignored Kansas and Nebraska and Begg commented that the "unoccupied land i n the United States has been proved to be l i t t l e better than barren waste,..."55 This tendency to exaggerate was ca r r i e d one step further by the most p r o l i f i c pamphlet writer of a l l , Thomas Spence. In 1 8 8 6 , he declared that "large y i e l d s of wheat" rewarded even "poor culture", although by that time with the keeping of crop s t a t i s t i c s , a "large y i e l d " was "about twenty-five bushels to the acre, while c a r e f u l c u l t i v a t i o n has been known to bring as high as f o r t y bushels occasionally even more without manure..."5^ In 1 8 9 0 , the Manitoba Department of Agriculture was just as emphatic, although less d e f i n i t e than e a r l i e r writers about the expected y i e l d s of wheat. "The s o i l , the climate and other natural conditions of Manitoba are p e c u l i a r l y adapted to wheat-raising", - 3 9 -the Department declared, and "this means that the magnificent areas of Manitoba, comprising m i l l i o n s of acres of the most  f e r t i l e v i r g i n p r a i r i e , capable of producing the best q u a l i t y of wheat the world has ever seen, the wheat f i e l d s of America are i n the near future to be found. " 5 ? Reality was very d i f f e r e n t ] Although the immigration writers were correct i n claiming that Manitoba was an a g r i c u l t u r a l region "peculiarly adapted to wheat-raising", they were wrong i n claiming that the average wheat y i e l d was twenty-five bushels to the acre or more. Some farmers might be rewarded by f o r t y , f i f t y , or very r a r e l y s i x t y bushels of wheat to the acre, but the average y i e l d of wheat between 1 8 8 3 and 1 9 0 2 was only 1 8 . 8 4 bushels per a c r e . ^ 8 The highest average y i e l d was i n 1 8 9 5 when the p r o v i n c i a l wheat crop reached 2 7 . 8 6 bushels per acre and the lowest y i e l d was i n 1 9 0 0 when the p r o v i n c i a l average was only 8 . 9 O bushels per a c r e . ^ 9 The immigration writers were also overly exuberant about the p o t e n t i a l f o r other forms of a g r i c u l t u r a l endeavour i n Manitoba. To Thomas Spence, Manitoba was the i d e a l a g r i c u l t u r a l region f o r "stock r a i s i n g and wool growing." In his opinion, "wool would be the best crop to raise f o r some time to come f o r exportation."^° He went on to state that the province was also an excellent region 6 i f o r dairy farming, orchards, f l a x and hemp culture, and bee-keeping. Alexander Begg implied that Manitoba was i d e a l l y suited f o r the 6 2 introduction of a sugar-beet industry, and John Macoun devoted a lengthy section of his book to the advantages of growing roots. 6 3 The Manitoba Department of Agriculture saw mixed farming as being the best form of ag r i c u l t u r e f o r the province's s e t t l e r s . - 40 -The Department warned the newcomers that "while wheat growing i s , perhaps, the most a t t r a c t i v e occupation", the s e t t l e r would do well to note that " i t i s the general opinion of the most experienced that mixed farming w i l l prove to be the safest and most remun-erative /form of a g r i c u l t u r e / i n the long run." But the l i m i t a t i o n s of the climate and the distance of Manitoba from p o t e n t i a l markets r e s t r i c t e d , f o r the most part, the farmer's a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s to wheat-growing. Limited r a i n f a l l i n the growing season and the short p r a i r i e summers confined farm production to cereals and root crops. High f r e i g h t rates, because of the great distance from the Canadian p r a i r i e s to p o t e n t i a l markets, put the Manitoba farmer at a competitive disadvantage i n Eastern Canadian, European and American markets f o r a l l but the higher priced (by comparison to the prices offered f o r other a g r i c u l t u r a l products) wheat exports. Apart from r a i s i n g expectations concerning the future of a g r i c u l t u r e , writers also misled t h e i r readers about the future of railway expansion and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of cheap education for t h e i r children. J. C. Hamilton included a map of Manitoba i n his book which he claimed was "framed from the most recent and r e l i a b l e 6 5 sources." This map depicted railways as running from Port William to Livingstone i n the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , and from Winnipeg to Emerson. The book was published i n 1 8 7 6 , and the f i r s t railway l i n e i n the province was completed i n 1 8 7 8 J Charles C l i f f e claimed that Manitobans enjoyed "cheap carriage f o r grain and other products to the A t l a n t i c , v i a the Canadian P a c i f i c and i t s water connections.' When C l i f f e published his pamphlet i n 1 8 8 4 , the Farmers' Union - 41 -a g i t a t i o n was at i t s height and one of the r a l l y i n g c r i e s of that a g i t a t i o n was the excessive cost of r a i l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . ^ C l i f f e also argued that the Manitoba school system was "unequalled i n the world" and that because the Dominion had l a i d aside "a large area of free lands f o r i t s maintenance", education was being conducted "at the l e a s t possible expense to the s e t t l e r and tax p a y e r " . ^ His implication was that school taxes were low and the cost of education s l i g h t , a claim with which the Farmers' Union would have disagreed.^9 The pamphleteers contended that any s e t t l e r i n possession of c a p i t a l between $ 5 0 0 and $2,000 could succeed i n establishing 70 himself provided he was w i l l i n g to work. Within f i v e years at the most, the s e t t l e r would be a happy and prosperous Manitoba farmer. For those who had l i t t l e c a p i t a l i t would take a l i t t l e longer to e s t a b l i s h themselves, but farmers who had arrived i n the West with l e s s than f i f t y d o l l a r s would t e s t i f y that the s e t t l e r 71 lacking i n c a p i t a l could succeed. Immigration writers also misled the readers concerning the a v a i l a b i l i t y of farm land i n Manitoba. M i l l i o n s of acres of the most f e r t i l e land, they claimed, were avail a b l e f o r homesteading 72 i n the province. I f the immigrant wished to buy land, there were "a number of highly respectable and r e l i a b l e r e a l estate agents" i n Winnipeg.^3 some writers did admit that there was speculation i n land,^^ and one writer argued that land speculation was not "an unmixed e v i l , as i t causes a number of c a p i t a l i s t s to take a deep concern i n the welfare of the country."^5 A l l writers i n s i s t e d that there was more than enough free land f o r every immigrant. In - 42 -actual f a c t there were m i l l i o n s of acres of land on the p r a i r i e s that were available f o r homesteading, and i t made l i t t l e sense to purchase land when a homestead could be had f o r a ten d o l l a r r e g i s t r a t i o n fee. What the immigrant did not know u n t i l his a r r i v a l i n Manitoba was that there was a l i m i t e d supply of suitable free land. The s e t t l e r could always f i n d a homestead within the province, but i f farming was to be p r o f i t a b l e , the homestead had to be located near a r a i l r o a d or i n an area i n which a r a i l r o a d was l i k e l y to be constructed. But the area which possessed the easiest access to transportation was the Red River V a l l e y where the federal government set aside large t r a c t s of land f o r group settlements. By the l a t e l870's s e t t l e r s discovered that most homesteads could be obtained only i n the furthest regions of the province or i n the North West T e r r i t o r i e s where years would pass before railways were b u i l t . ( iv) O r i g i n a l l y the federal government had hoped to avoid large-scale land reservations. Most members of the federal parliament could remember only too well the d i f f i c u l t i e s that had arisen i n Upper and Lower Canada when large t r a c t s of land had been reserved f o r the support of education and a "protestant clergy". In speaking i n the House of Commons to the Dominion Lands Act i n June, 1872, Alexander Morris, Minister of Inland Revenue, declared that the Act had been based "on the experience of the older Provinces of Ontario and Quebec" and that "every e f f o r t had been made to deal with the whole subject i n such a s p i r i t as would induce emigration /sic7 and deal f a i r l y and j u s t l y - 43 -7 6 with the s e t t l e r s already i n the country." Despite his assur-ances, some members were not completely s a t i s f i e d . Senator J . 0 . Bureau wondered whether too much land was being reserved f o r railways, and he was somewhat ske p t i c a l of the wisdom of making land grants f o r the support of education. While he was "in favour of a s s i s t i n g Education by public grants", he recognized that "every care should be taken to avoid a r e p e t i t i o n of such d i f f i c u l t i e s as arose i n t h i s country i n the past. " ^7 The Dominion Lands Act made provision f o r the purchase at the price of one d o l l a r per acre of land up to a maximum of 6 4 0 acres. In the areas ava i l a b l e f o r homesteading, a quarter-section of the land could be acquired. A s e t t l e r who had homesteaded a quarter-section could also pre-empt and then purchase an adjoining quarter-section f o r the price of one d o l l a r per acre. The Act also provided f o r M i l i t a r y Bounty Grants f o r former sol d i e r s and militiamen. Two sections were to be set aside i n each township f o r the support of education, and one and three quarters sections i n each township f o r the Hudson's Bay Company i n f u l f i l l m e n t of the terms of the purchase of the Company's rights.* 7^ The decision to s e l l public lands f o r one d o l l a r per acre was an open i n v i t a t i o n to land speculators since the purchaser of public lands ava i l a b l e f o r sale was not required to s e t t l e upon the land or to make any improvements to his property as a condition of purchase. As there were no land taxes i n Manitoba u n t i l school 79 d i s t r i c t s and municipalities were established, the one d o l l a r an acre purchase price represented a very small investment which could return a very large p r o f i t when the land was sold a f t e r most - 4 4 -of the adjoining lands had been s e t t l e d . The R i d d e l l brothers, Andrew and James, of Tobacco Creek took advantage of t h i s provision i n 1 8 7 6 and 1 8 7 7 . Between them, they purchased 7 , 3 6 0 acres of land from the Crown i n townships 8 0 f i v e , ranges f i v e and s i x west. Their investment of $ 7 , 3 6 0 was amply repaid. Between 1 8 7 8 and 1 8 8 2 , they sold 5,540 acres of land 8 l and from these sales, they made a very handsome p r o f i t of $ 2 6 , 7 6 0 . Moreover, the R i d d e l l brothers acquired nearly s i x times the amount of land that they should have received under the Dominion Lands Act. In the administration of the statute, o f f i c i a l s , whether out of Qp ignorance of dishonesty, allowed men to purchase f a r more land than that to which they were l e g a l l y e n t i t l e d . The provisions f o r M i l i t a r y Bounty Grants permitted Andrew R i d d e l l to obtain a further 6 4 0 acres of land as he had served i n the m i l i t i a . This provision, l i k e the purchase of land, did not e n t a i l any obligations on the part of the r e c i p i e n t . Although i t was a noble gesture to reward the Empire's defenders with Crown lands, the Upper Canadian experience demonstrated that 8 3 m i l i t a r y land grants made land speculators out of good s o l d i e r s . Andrew R i d d e l l , among others, was quick to take advantage of the opportunity provided by the provision f o r M i l i t a r y Bounty Grants, and continued the t r a d i t i o n of the s o l d i e r turned r e a l t o r . The r i g h t of pre-emption contained i n the Dominion Lands Act also led to speculation. Because the homesteader could, f o r one d o l l a r per acre, acquire a further 1 6 0 acres from the Dominion under t h i s provision and thereby obtain a t o t a l of 3 2 0 acres f o r the modest investment of $ 1 7 0 , a farmer was tempted to acquire more land than he could reasonably expect to c u l t i v a t e f o r some years - 4 5 -8 4 to come. Some in d i c a t i o n of the extent of the practice can be gauged by comparing the number of homestead entries with the number of pre-emption entries that were cancelled. Between 1 8 7 3 , when the Dominion Lands Act came into force, and October, 1 8 8 9 , when the r i g h t of pre-emption was ended, there were 4 4 , 6 4 1 home-stead entries and 2 4 , 4 8 2 pre-emptions registered i n Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r i e s ; of these, 1 7 , 9 0 6 or 4 0 . 1 1 $ of the homestead entries and 13,401 or 5 4 . 7 $ of pre-emptions were 8 5 cancelled. The high percentage of cancellations of pre-emptions indicates that many farmers took out a pre-emption as a speculative investment. The homestead i t s e l f was sometimes acquired as a venture i n land speculation. Conditions that had to be met i n order to q u a l i f y f o r a patent were not very onerous and these were not always enforced by homestead i n s p e c t o r s . 0 0 The exact extent of land speculation among homesteaders cannot be determined, but Edward Holmes noted that many of the homesteaders i n his d i s t r i c t sold out to land companies, Winnipeg land speculators or new a r r i v a l s . When the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s sold t h e i r land, they moved to other areas where they probably repeated the process. 0^ The decision of the federal government to reserve land f o r settlement by ethnic groups contributed to the d i f f u s i o n of settlement. Under the terms of the Manitoba Act, 1,400 , 0 0 0 acres 8 8 were set aside f o r Metis i n Manitoba. These lands were located i n the immediate v i c i n i t y of Winnipeg and i n terms of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of transportation, they were the best-situated lands 8 9 outside of the old r i v e r l o t s . y Very few Metis a c t u a l l y s e t t l e d - 46 -upon t h e i r grants, pr e f e r r i n g instead to s e l l the s c r i p which they received from the Dominion e n t i t l i n g them to 240 acres to Winnipeg 90 speculators f o r as l i t t l e as ten cents an acre. The enormous Metis land grants r a p i d l y f e l l into the hands of r e a l estate d e a l e r s ^ 1 who were i n no hurry to s e l l t h e i r new found investments for reasonable p r i c e s . 9 2 The area i n the immediate v i c i n i t y of Winnipeg remained unsettled long a f t e r most other areas i n the province were f i l l e d up with newcomers. As The Commercial lamented i n 1 8 8 8 : I t i s a matter of astonishment to new a r r i v a l s i n Winnipeg to learn that while the population of the new c i t y exceeds that of a l l the other c i t i e s and towns of Manitoba put together, the lands around i t are more sparsely s e t t l e d , and a smaller proportion of them under c u l t i v a t i o n , than i s the case with the lands around any other town of any prominence i n the Province. The astonishment increases, when the f a c t i s learned, that among a l l the f e r t i l e lands of the Canadian Northwest, none are r i c h e r from an a g r i c u l t u r a l point of view, and i n few d i s t r i c t s are they more f e r t i l e /JEhah/ these same sparsely settled., and almost unbroken p r a i r i e lands around Winnipeg. I t would be another twenty years before the Metis reserves would Q 4 be occupied. Other federal grants were made to foreign immigrant groups. The large area reserved f o r the Icelandic immigrants on the shores of Lake Winnipeg i n 1 8 7 4 was slowly f i l l e d , ^ while the eight townships reserved f o r the Mennonites to the east of the Red River i n 1 8 7 3 were f i l l e d by 1 8 8 0 . ^ To the west of the Red River, a further seventeen townships were reserved f o r the Mennonites but these were not occupied u n t i l 1 8 9 0 . ^ Had the government reserved smaller tracts of land near transportation f o r group settlements i n the 1 8 7 0 ' s and set aside more distant western lands f o r the expansion of these settlements, - 47 -perhaps some of the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n that was to a r i s e because of the poor l o c a t i o n of the Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s might have been prevented. As i t was, the group settlement p o l i c y of the f e d e r a l government helped to create a shortage of suitable land f o r Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s . There was one other aspect of federal lands p o l i c y that served to scatter settlement i n the f i r s t p r a i r i e province. This was the land grant to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company. The federal government's contract made with the Syndicate i n 1 8 8 0 gave the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway 2 5 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 acres of land and allowed the company to choose the land from alternate sections i n townships throughout the Canadian West . 9 8 This agreement l e d to almost hal f the land i n the western part of Manitoba being reserved f o r the railway company.99 Similar land grants to the Manitoba South Western Colonization Railway,- the Manitoba and North Western Railway, and the Hudson's Bay R a i l w a y 1 0 0 resulted i n the reservation of other large blocks of land i n the province. While a l l the railways were w i l l i n g to s e l l t h e i r land at reasonable prices and on generous terms, the s e t t l e r was not attracted to railway land as long as free land was a v a i l a b l e . 1 0 1 Because of the Dominion government's lands p o l i c y , the settlement pattern i n many areas of Manitoba resembled that of Upper Canada of a h a l f century b e f o r e . 1 0 2 There was one difference: instead of the clergy and education reserves being responsible f o r the chequerboard appearance of the settlement pattern, speculative land holdings, group settlement grants and railway land grants were primarily responsible f o r the d i f f u s i o n of farms i n the Canadian West. What Senator Bureau had feared would - 48 -happen i n the North West had indeed materialized and problems a r i s i n g from the settlement pattern would i n the future haunt the p o l i t i c i a n s . Since Crown lands were exempt from taxation and Canadian P a c i f i c Railway lands were exempted from taxation f o r twenty years under the terms of the c o n t r a c t , 1 0 3 s e t t l e r s , because of a narrow tax base i n Manitoba, found themselves hard-pressed to provide for education and public works. In the l 8 8 0 ' s , newcomers could not understand why they should have to shoulder the burdens of municipal and school taxation when a large and powerful corporation, with immense resources had not f u l f i l l e d i t s commitment to b u i l d the branch l i n e s so necessary f o r the transportation of the farmers' 104 crops to market. The d i f f u s i o n of settlement meant high f r e i g h t rates. A widely scattered a g r i c u l t u r a l community could not produce enough foodstuffs to raise the volume of t r a f f i c to the l e v e l necessary f o r s e t t i n g lower f r e i g h t rates. U n t i l the railway lands and speculators' holdings were sold to immigrants, settlement remained scattered and f r e i g h t rates high. No question was so l i k e l y to arouse passions i n the Canadian West i n the nineteenth century, or for that matter i n the twentieth century, as high railway f r e i g h t r a t e s . 1 0 5 To the Manitoba farmer, the f r e i g h t rates charged by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, and l a t e r by other railways, were exorbitant and u n j u s t i -f i e d . The farmer did not understand that a small, widely-dispersed population, located at great distance from i t s markets and pro-ducing a small volume of wheat, necessitated the charging of high - 4 9 -f r e i g h t rates i f the railways were to be economically viable. A l l the farmer understood was that high f r e i g h t rates placed a l i m i t a t i o n on the p r o f i t s derived from his endeavours. 1 0^ (v) Although the f i r s t railway i n Manitoba was completed i n 1 8 7 8 , i t was not u n t i l 1 8 9 0 that the whole area south of the Assiniboine River was served with railway f a c i l i t i e s . The s e t t l e r was unconvinced that such a s n a i l ' s pace i n construction was, i n f a c t , necessary. The truth was that the construction of branch l i n e s could have proceeded more quickly i f federal railways p o l i c y had been d i f f e r e n t . Dominion railways p o l i c y was based upon two p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , the railway was regarded as a means of binding Confederation 107 together. ' The Canadian P a c i f i c was the chosen instrument of t h i s p o l i c y . But what the p r a i r i e s e t t l e r needed was the trans-porting of his produce to markets; the construction of branch l i n e s would f i l l his needs better than the completion of a transcontinental l i n e . Without branch l i n e s , toor^many farmers found themselves too f a r from railheads. The second objective underlying Dominion railways p o l i c y was the development of the Canadian West, but the p r a i r i e farmer had to wait u n t i l the transcontinental railway was completed before he could expect action on the construction of branch l i n e s . Canada simply did not have s u f f i c i e n t private investment c a p i t a l within the country to expand railway construc-t i o n , and attempts to a t t r a c t outside c a p i t a l had less success 109 than the government or railway builders had hoped. This was hardly surprising as Canada was a backwater i n the context of the Western world; there were f a r better investment opportunities i n - 5 0 -other areas of North America. Since the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, despite the o f f i c i a l support of the Canadian government and i t s massive land grants, had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n finding c a p i t a l , l o c a l railways were l i k e l y to encounter even more severe problems i n finding f i n a n c i a l backing. The Manitoba South Western Colonization Railway i s a case i n point. Chartered in 1 8 7 8 and receiving a land grant from the federal government, 1 1 0 i t had d i f f i c u l t i e s from the outset. John C h r i s t i a n Schultz, president of th i s enterprise, blamed the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway f o r the f a i l u r e of his company to acquire investment c a p i t a l . As he wrote S i r John A. Macdonald: Since meeting you /"~I__7 have v i s i t e d Bowmanville to meet the f i n a n c i a l Agent of the South Western R. and his correspondence shows p l a i n l y that interested parties have been the means of checking—possibly of d e s t r o y i n g — our f i n a n c i a l arrangements f o r building the road. — I t seems hard that the f i r s t e f f o r t of the Syndicate should be to destroy a private enterprise which proposed to develop 2 9 5 miles of country and be a most important feeder to the CPR-- 1 1 1 By the summer of 1 8 8 2 , the Manitoba South Western was b a n k r u p t , 1 1 2 defeated not by the e f f o r t s of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company, but by i t s small size and i t s few connections in the c a p i t a l markets of London or New York. In f a c t , a l l l o c a l railroads chartered by the province, with or without federal land, grants, were doomed1to f a i l u r e . Of 4 5 charters granted by the Manitoba Legislature between 1 8 7 0 and 1 9 0 0 only seven or 1 5 . 6 $ resulted i n any construction. 1 1 3 And of these, only one—the Portage, Westbourne and Northwestern— survived f o r long. That enterprise continued u n t i l 1 8 9 4 when i t was absorbed into the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company.11^-- 51 -TABLE VIII RAILWAYS CHARTERED ^Y^HE  PROVINCE OF MANITOBA: I 8 7 O-IQOI YEAR 1 8 7 0 1 8 7 1 1 8 7 2 1 8 7 3 1 8 7 4 1 8 7 5 1 8 7 6 1 8 7 7 1 8 7 8 1 8 7 9 1 8 8 0 1 8 8 1 1 8 8 2 1 8 8 3 1 8 8 4 1 8 8 5 1 8 8 6 1 8 8 7 1 8 8 8 1 8 8 9 1 8 9 0 1 8 9 1 1 8 9 2 1 8 9 3 1 8 9 4 1 8 9 5 1 8 9 6 1 8 9 7 1 8 9 8 1 8 9 9 1 9 0 0 NUMBER OF CHARTERS GRANTED 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 6 5 3 1 2 4 1 NUMBER OF CHARTERS DISALLOWED NUMBER OF CHARTERS ACTED UPON 3 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 1 Sources: Robert Dorman, A Statutory History of the Steam and E l e c t r i c Railways of Canada, 1 8 3 6 - 1 9 3 7 > (Ottawa: King's Printer, l 9 3 « ) ; Statutes of Manitoba, 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 0 0 . - 5 2 -P r o v i n c i a l l y chartered railroads found the costs of construction heavy and the prospect of immediate returns on investment small. The p r o v i n c i a l government could not match the generous land and money subsidies given by the federal government to the Syndicate. The province's li m i t e d f i n a n c i a l resources were barely s u f f i c i e n t f o r the ordinary day-to-day administration of the services demanded by the populace. Since the federal govern-ment retained control of the province's natural resources, there were no p r o v i n c i a l lands to be used as a subsidy f o r the construction of branch l i n e s . Consequently, almost a l l Manitoba railway charters were nothing more than promises that f a l s e l y raised the expectations of farmers. There was one practicable a l t e r n a t i v e to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway--the extension of the American railway network into Canada. F a i l i n g the construction of an American road i n the. province, a Canadian railway might t i e i t s e l f into the American system, thus circumventing the effects of the federal railways p o l i c y . This would have the advantage of providing branch l i n e s and competition to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway at the same time. The farmer would have the r a i l r o a d network he desired and, he believed, the competition between the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway and the American railways would have the e f f e c t of lowering f r e i g h t rates. Such a proposition was, of course, quite unacceptable i f Canada was to remain a d i s t i n c t economic unit i n North America. The Liberal-Conservative government at Ottawa, having every intention of maintaining and strengthening Canadian economic independence, saw construction of the Canadian P a c i f i c l i n e as - 53 -one of the p r i n c i p a l means towards t h i s end. 1 1 5 Nor was such a proposal any more acceptable to the Syndicate. Competition with the large established American r a i l -way companies was not r e l i s h e d by the corporation, as i t would f i n d i t s e l f without the f i n a n c i a l resources to meet the challenge while completing the most ambitious construction program i n r a i l r o a d history. For the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, American competition was an open i n v i t a t i o n to f i n a n c i a l d i s a s t e r . 1 1 ^ S i r John A. Macdonald accepted the r e a l i t y of the s i t u a t i o n i n l 8 8 0 . The contract with the Syndicate to b u i l d the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway provided that f o r twenty years from the date hereof, no l i n e of railway s h a l l be authorized by the Dominion Parliament to be constructed south of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, from any point at or near the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway except such l i n e as s h a l l run south-west or westward of south-west, nor to within f i f t e e n miles of l a t i t u d e 49. ' This provision was the controversial "monopoly clause". The clause was misnamed. I t did not provide f o r a complete Canadian P a c i f i c Railway monopoly i n the Canadian West. The company was given a monopoly of the carrying trade between Western Canada and the United States, although within Canada i t s e l f there was l i t t l e to prevent other railway promoters from bui l d i n g competing l i n e s . Indeed, the "monopoly clause" made s p e c i f i c provision f o r railways south of the Canadian P a c i f i c main l i n e so long as competing l i n e s did not come within f i f t e e n miles of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundary. The r e a l d i f f i c u l t y was that no other railway could raise s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to b u i l d l i n e s i n Western Canada i n - 54 -competition with the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway unless those l i n e s were financed by American r a i l r o a d s . American railroads were not interested i n financing railway construction i n Manitoba and the North West unless they were granted access to the Canadian market. Since t h i s access was denied them by the contract with the Syndicate, the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway acquired a de facto 118 monopoly i n Western Canada. A less p r a c t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was to b u i l d a l i n e through Canadian t e r r i t o r y to Hudson's Bay. The project of a Hudson's Bay Railway commanded considerable support i n Manitoba and two charters were granted by the Dominion to interested groups of entrepreneurs f o r the construction of such a l i n e . 1 1 0 . Despite the amalgamation of the two syndicates i n 120 1 8 8 3 , the Hudson's Bay Railway was not constructed i n the nineteenth century. The b r i e f shipping season of the northern ports which precluded any large-scale use of such a railway discouraged pote n t i a l investors from r i s k i n g t h e i r c a p i t a l i n such an 1 2 1 enterprise. There were also a number of technical d i f f i c u l t i e s 122 i n b u i l d i n g a railway across permafrost. Furthermore, any d i l u t i o n of the national e f f o r t to complete the transcontinental r a i l r o a d was unacceptable to the Dominion government as i t did not want to f i n d i t s e l f supporting two large-scale railway projects 12"3 at the same time. But r a i l connection to Hudson's Bay continued to be regarded by farmers as a panacea to Western Canada's r a i l -road d i f f i c u l t i e s . The completion of the l i n e i n 1 9 3 1 , followed by i t s i n a b i l i t y to a t t r a c t a large volume of t r a f f i c , demonstrated 124 that t h e i r dream was, i n r e a l i t y , a chimera. - 55 -I t i s possible that r a i l communication f o r a l l Manitoba would have been completed sooner had there been no Canadian P a c i f i c "monopoly". But cheap access to markets would have continued to elude Manitoba farmers. The American farmers provided with adequate railway connections had already discovered that f a c t by 1882 . Railways tend towards natural l o c a l monopolies, and the only r e a l i s t i c solution to the problem of high transportation costs i s f o r the government to undertake the regulation of f r e i g h t r a t e s . 1 2 5 u n t i l t h i s step was taken, high f r e i g h t rates would continue to be one of the r e a l i t i e s of farming l i f e i n the West. In short, federal railways p o l i c y was not adequate to meet the needs of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l community. The Western Canadian farmer paid f o r the Dominion's decision to use the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway as an instrument of nation-building. Branch l i n e s were not constructed quickly because of the necessity of completing a transcontinental l i n e , and American railways were barred from entering Canadian t e r r i t o r y i n order to protect the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway during i t s f i r s t c r i t i c a l years. (vi) Federal t a r i f f p o l i c i e s were no more acceptable to Manitoba farmers than Dominion railway p o l i c i e s . The higher t a r i f f rates that the Macdonald government imposed i n 1879 were necessary to raise the revenues that were needed to aid the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway.126 i n i t i a l l y , many Manitoba farmers supported t h i s move.127 They were not averse to s e l l i n g t h e i r products i n a protected market u n t i l they discovered that the Canadian market - 56 -was not large enough to absorb a l l t h e i r production. This d i s -covery led to an abrupt volte-face, and as the poor showing of the Liberal-Conservative party i n Manitoba during the e l e c t i o n of 1882 128 demonstrates, the experience of farming i n the Canadian West converted many high t a r i f f advocates into free traders. While western development led to agrarian opposition to a high t a r i f f , the opening of Western Canada led to Canadian i n d u s t r i a l i s t s demanding the maintenance of that t a r i f f . As Vernon C. Fowke has argued, the merchants, transportation magnates and manufacturers of Central Canada wished to reserve the West for t h e i r own economic gain. They were not prepared to share t h i s vast new hinterland with anyone, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , with the American i n d u s t r i a l i s t s who would be the p r i n c i p a l b e n e f i c i a r i e s of any reduction i n the Canadian t a r i f f . When the Dominion government rejected the requests of Manitoba s e t t l e r s f o r lower t a r i f f s , i t created hardships f o r the struggling pioneers of the West. A l l manufactured goods cost more i n Manitoba than i n Central Canada because of high transportation costs, and with the imposition of the add i t i o n a l burden of the t a r i f f on manufactured goods, the cost of many necessities became exorbitant. When these expenses were applied against the low prices received f o r wheat i n the l880's and 1890*s, the farmer believed that the federal government was discriminating against him. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true with regard to farm implements. Manitoba agriculture was l a r g e l y mechanized by 1880, and the cost of a g r i c u l t u r a l implements was an important expense that the farmer had to bear. When the s e t t l e r found that he paid up to 30$ more - 57 -f o r his a g r i c u l t u r a l implements than an American farmer who l i v e d just a few miles away, he was dismayed. 1 3° Perhaps, the Canadian pioneer would have "been w i l l i n g to tolerate such a s i t u a t i o n i f the protected Canadian farm implement industry had produced equipment of good qua l i t y . Technology i n Canada, however, was i n f e r i o r to that i n the United States, as was the system of supplying spare parts and service. Canadian-made cast i r o n equipment broke e a s i l y ; parts were d i f f i c u l t to acquire; and service was poor. The Manitoba s e t t l e r , therefore, purchased the better qu a l i t y American implements; but because of the t a r i f f , the cost of that equipment was not i n proportion to i t s r e a l value. -1 ( v i i ) A l i e n a t i o n of Western farmers was further increased by Ottawa's attitude towards p r o v i n c i a l finances. When Manitoba entered Confederation i n 1870 the federal government retained control of public lands within the province. Since the sale of public lands was the most important source of revenue f o r any p r o v i n c i a l government i n the years immediately a f t e r Confederation, 3-32 Manitoba was l e f t without any substantial revenues except f o r the federal subsidy. This subsidy was quite inadequate f o r a p r o v i n c i a l government which not only had to provide f o r the general adminis-t r a t i o n of the province, but had to provide the education f a c i l i t i e s and the public works demanded by a r a p i d l y expanding population. Within three years a f t e r Confederation with Canada, i t was apparent to the p r o v i n c i a l government that the federal subsidy was inadequate to meet i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Accordingly, - 5 8 -Joseph Royal led a delegation to Ottawa i n 1 8 7 3 i n search of an increased subsidy f o r the p r o v i n c e . 3 3 gy the end of the l 8 7 0 ' s such pilgrimages were an almost annual occurrence.* 3 4 j n S p i t e of some re-adjustments i n the subsidy to the province. ! 3 5 the increase i n federal funds f a i l e d to keep pace with the demands placed upon the p r o v i n c i a l government. As the Manitoba submission i n 1 8 7 9 argued: The revenue at the disposal of the Government barely s u f f i c e s with the most r i g i d economy to meet the ordinary, but absolutely necessary and imperative demands pertaining to an organized community, l i m i t i n g to an entire i n s u f f i c i e n c y t h e i r e f f o r t s to meet the wants of education, the proper administration of j u s t i c e , the executive functions of the Government, the duties of L e g i s l a t i o n , and the maintenance of good order, -^o Since Manitoba was a r a p i d l y developing region, the province's needs were greater than those of the older provinces to the East. The Dominion did not recognize t h i s f a c t , and i t proved unwilling to make r e a l i s t i c re-adjustments. In l 8 8 l , John Norquay, the Premier of Manitoba, demanded that the administration of public lands be turned over to the province.-^37 ^he federal government, committed to a railway p o l i c y that involved land subsidies, refused to consider such a proposal. While i t i s u n l i k e l y that the Norquay government expected Ottawa to hand over the public domain, the new demand should have been construed as a sign of the increasing desperation on the part of the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s regarding the need to remedy the f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t of Manitoba. The c o n f l i c t over the p r o v i n c i a l subsidy which began i n l 8 8 l was to continue throughout the nineteenth century and well - 59 -i n t o the twentieth century.-*38 ^ 1 Manitoba governments supported the r a l l y i n g cry of "Provincial Rights" and a l l federal governments were equally determined to prevent what they regarded as u n j u s t i f i e d raids on the federal t r e a s u r y . 1 3 9 At the same time the lack of adequate p r o v i n c i a l revenues caused the farming community to be thrown back on i t s own resources i f schools were to be b u i l t , bridges constructed, and roads Improved. I t was cl e a r to the farmers that r e l i e f from the tax burden they had to bear could only be attained i f the federal government was more generous i n i t s grants to the p r o v i n c e . 1 ^ 0 A f t e r only a few years residence i n the Canadian West, immigrants—chiefly from Ontario and Great Britain—who had been convinced of the advantages of lo c a t i n g i n Manitoba by the exaggerated claims of the immigration writers, found their,expect-ations u n f u l f i l l e d . Crop y i e l d s were not as b o u n t i f u l as the newcomers had been led to believe; farm implements and supplies were dear, but wheat was cheap; the railway was slow i n reaching newly-settled d i s t r i c t s and when i t f i n a l l y a rrived, f r e i g h t rates were high; and neither schools nor public works could be financed from l o c a l taxes or p r o v i n c i a l government grants. The s e t t l e r s i d e n t i f i e d the federal government's programs f o r the development of Western Canada as being at the root of the problems which which they found themselves confronted. Exaggerated expectations and d i f f i c u l t conditions combined to make the s e t t l e r s impatient of delays i n the implementation of federal programs and harsh i n t h e i r condemnation of Dominion p o l i c i e s . Although the conditions of the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r were responsible - 60 -f o r many of the farmer's d i f f i c u l t i e s , i t was the federal government which bore the brunt of the farmers' wrath when agrarian protest organizations were formed i n the f i r s t p r a i r i e province. - 6 1 -FOOTNOTES 1 . Captain G. L. Huyshe, The Red River Expedition, (London: Macmillan and Co., 1871), pp. 2 2 0 - 2 2 7 . 2 . Thomas Spence, Useful and P r a c t i c a l Hints f o r the S e t t l e r  on Canadian P r a i r i e Lands, (n.p., 1 8 8 2 ) , pp. 7 - 8 . 3 . For a discussion of the immigration p o l i c y of the Province of Canada, see Norman Macdonald, Canada: Immigration and  Colonization, 1 8 4 1 - 1 9 0 3 , (Aberdeen*! Aberdeen University Press, 1 9 6 6 ) , e s p e c i a l l y Chapters VI and VII. 4. For a discussion of Canadian immigration p o l i c y a f t e r Confederation, see Norman Macdonald, op_. c i t . , e s p e c i a l l y Chapters IX, XI and XII. 5 . James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , Chapters II and IV. 6 . I b i d . , Chapter V. 7 . Statutes of Canada, 3 5 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 2 3 . 8 . Canada, Debates of the Senate, May 6 , 1 8 7 2 , p. 3 5 9 . 9 . Census of Manitoba, 1 8 7 0 . 1 0 . Census of Canada, 1 9 0 1 . 1 1 . Census of Manitoba, 1 8 7 0 . 1 2 . Census of Canada, 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 . 1 3 . Census of Canada, 1 9 0 1 . 14. Ibid. 1 5 . See W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, Chapters VII to X, for a discussion of the development of Manitoba into a B r i t i s h and Canadian province. 1 6 . Census of Canada, 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 . 1 7 . I b i d . , see Table v. 1 8 . Census of Canada, 1 9 0 1 . 1 9 . I b i d . , see Table VI. 2 0 . Census of Canada, 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 . 2 1 . census of Canada, 1 9 0 1 . - 6 2 -2 2 . Census of Canada, l 8 8 0 - l 8 8 l . 2 3 . See Table VII. 24. B a s i l Williams, The Whig Supremacy 1714-1760, (Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1 9 0 2 ) , p. 1 0 6 . 2 5 . Ontario A g r i c u l t u r a l Commission, Report of the Commissioners, (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1 6 0 I ) , pp. 3 0 2 - 3 0 0 . 2 6 . A. H. Reginald B u l l e r , op. c i t . , p. 4 3 ; E. K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites i n Manitoba, (Aitona: D. W. Friesen & Sons, 1 9 5 5 ) , p. n o . 2 7 . W. L. Morton, oj>. c i t . , p. 207. 2 8 . Dr. John P. Pennefather, Thirteen Years on the P r a i r i e s , (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Ltd., 1 6 9 2 ) , p. 1 8 . 2 9 . Although somewhat l a t e r , A. G. Street contrasted the a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques of the West and Great B r i t a i n . He found that the p r i n c i p a l difference was the lack of extensive hired labour i n Manitoba. A. G. Street, Farmer's Glory, (London: Faber & Faber Limited, 1 9 3 6 ) , p. 146. 3 0 . W. L. Morton, op_. c i t . , p. 207; A. G. Bradley, Canada i n the Twentieth Century, (London: Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd. 1905), pp. 288-289-3 1 - Mrs. C e c i l H a l l , A Lady Ts L i f e on a Farm i n Manitoba, (London: W. H. A l l e n & Co., 1884), p. 171: ; 3 2 . P.A.C., S i r John A. Macdonald Papers, M. G. 2 6 , A, 1(d), Vol. 3 9 7 , Part 2 , T. Mayne Daly to Macdonald, December 1 6 , 1 8 8 3 , 1 9 1 5 5 2 - 1 9 1 5 7 2 . 3 3 . Abstract Book No. 4, Brandon Land T i t l e s O f f i c e , Brandon, Manitoba. See, i n p a r t i c u l a r , instruments No. 6 0 3 9 and 1 0 3 2 8 . 3 4 . /Edward Holmes/, Letters from a Young Emigrant i n Manitoba, TXondon: Kegan, Paul, Trench & Co., 1 0 0 3 ) , pp. 7 0 - 7 5 . 3 5 - I b i d . , pp. 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 . 3 6 . P.A.M., Settlement and Pioneers C o l l e c t i o n , John J. Leach to A l f r e d Atkinson, A p r i l 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 . 3 7 . P.A.C., S i r John A. Macdonald Papers, M. G. 2 6 , A, 1(d), Vol. 3 9 7 , Part 2 , T. Mayne Daly to Macdonald, December 1 6 , 1 8 8 3 , 1 9 1 5 5 2 - 1 9 1 5 7 2 . - 63 -38. I b i d . , Minedosa Tribune, March 14, 1884, p. 2; Unnumbered Abstract Book., Bolssevain land T i t l e s O f f i c e , Boissevain, Manitoba. 39' E. K. Francis, op. c i t . , pp. 55, 62 and 112-113; Vladimir J. Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements i n Canada, 1895-1900, (Toronto! University of Toronto Press, 1964), Chapters V, VI, VII and VIII. 40. W. H. Lind a l , The Icelanders i n Canada, (Ottawa and Winnipeg: National Publishers Limited and Viking Printers, 1967), pp. 113-138. 41. E. K. Francis, op_. c i t . , pp. 28-36. 42. W. J. L i n d a l , op_. c i t . , p. 76. 43. Dr. J. Oleskow to the Department of the I n t e r i o r , Ottawa, March 16, 1895, as quoted In Vladimir J. Kaye, op. c i t . , p. 3. 44. Norman Macdonald, op. c i t . , pp. 114 and 149. 45. For example, see A l f r e d 0 . Legge, Sunny Manitoba: Its  People and Industries, (London: T Fisher Unwin, 1893); Captain Edmund Goodridge, A, Year i n Manitoba, (London: W. & R. Chamber, 1882). 46. /David Currie/, The Letters of Rusticus, (Montreal: John "Dougall & Son, l e o o ) , p. l . 47. /C. 0. Armstrong/, Southern Manitoba and Turtle Mountain  "Country, (n. p., / 1 8 6 0 / ) , p. 15. 48. /A"nonymous/, Manitoba: The P r a i r i e Province, the Finest  A g r i c u l t u r a l "Country i n the World, (Winnipeg: Department of Agriculture and Immigration, 1890), p. 6. 49. Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book, p. 44; Thomas Spence, Manitoba and the North West of the Dominion, It s Resources and Advantages to the Emigrant and C a p i t a l i s t , As Compared with the Western States of America, (Quebec: S. Marcotte, 1876), p. 2 5 . 50. Toronto Globe, March 28, 1869, as printed i n W. L. Morton, ed., Alexander Begg 1s Red River Journal and Other Papers Relative to the Red River Resistance of 1809-1870, (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969), p. 407. 51. Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book, p. 58. 52. John Macoun, Manitoba and the Great North West, (Guelph: The World Publishing Company, 1882), pp. 207-208. - 64 -53* Ibid.; Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book, p. 58. 54. John Macoun, op. c i t . , pp. 207-208. 55. Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book, p. 72. 56. Thomas Spence, Canada: The Resources & Future Greatness of Her Great Nortfo-West P r a i r i e Lancfs""| (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, 1886) , p. 6. 57. /ffnonymous_7, Manitoba: The P r a i r i e Province, pp. 19-20. 58. See above Chapter I, Table I I . 59 ' James Mavor, op. c i t . , p. 6 l . 6 0 . Thomas Spence, Manitoba and the North-West of the Dominion, p. 3 0 . 61 . I b i d . , pp. 31-33. 6 2 . Alexander Begg, P r a c t i c a l Hand-Book, pp. 109-110. 6 3 . John Macoun, op. c i t . , pp. 220-224. 64. ^nonymous_7, Manitoba: The P r a i r i e Province, p. 21 . 6 5 . J. C. Hamilton, The p r a i r i e Province, (Toronto: Belford Brothers, 1876), p. 0 3 . 66. Charles C l i f f e , op. c i t . , p. 72 . 67. Manitoba Free Press, November 27 , 1883, p. 1. 68 . Charles C l i f f e , op. c i t . , p. 73 . 6 9 . Manitoba Free Press, November 27 , 1883, p. 1. 7 0 . James Trow, Manitoba and Nor^h-West T e r r i t o r i e s , (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, 1676), p. b"7; Thomas Spence, Manitoba and the North-West of the Dominion, p. 27; Acton Burrows, Kforth-Western Canada, A P r a c t i c a l Guide to the F e r t i l e Regions of Manitoba and the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , (Winnipeg: H. S. Donaldson & Brother, 1B00), p. 7bJ Thomas Moore, A Tour Through Canada, i n 1879; To Which i s  Appended a Report on Manitoba, Sp e c i a l l y Compiled fromlThe  Reports of the Farmers 1 Delegates from Great B r i t a i n , (Dublin: The I r i s h Farmer O f f i c e , 1000), p. 40; Henry Tanner, Successful Emigration to Canada, (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, l t i t i 5 ) , p. ltt; Canada, Manitoba and the  Northwest, (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, 1687), - 65 -pp. 7-8; C. C l i f f e , op. c i t . , pp 28-29; Dominion of Canada Manitoba and the NorETi-West, the Great Wheat F i e l d s and  Stock-Raising D i s t r i c t s of Canada, (Montreal: 1879), p. 15. 71. See f o r example the testimonials i n the Manitoba Colonist, February, 1889, pp. 375-376; May, 1890, n.p.; February, 1897, n.p. 72. See f o r example, /A"nonymous7, Manitoba: The P r a i r i e Province, p. 20; Acton Burrows, op. c i t . , pp. 6g-o4; Thomas Spence, Useful^ and P r a c t i c a l Hints f o r the S e t t l e r , p. 20. 73. Acton Burrows, op. c i t . , p. 40. 74. Thomas Moore, op_. c i t . , p. 40; James Trow, op_. c i t . , pp. 75-76. 75* /L~. 0. Armstrong/, op. c i t . , p. 11. 76. Canada, Debates of the House of Commons, June 7, 1872, p? 1046. 77. Canada, Debates of the Senate, May 6, 1872, p. 359. 78. Statutes of Canada, 35 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 23. 79- School d i s t r i c t s were gradually established i n the outlying d i s t r i c t s beginning i n the mid-l870»s. Only a handful of municipalities were established p r i o r to l8ol, when p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n created a province-wide system of municipal government. 80. Mantioba Lands Branch, Township Registers R-5W and R-6W. 81. Abstract Book 5-5, 5-6, Morden Land T i t l e s O f f i c e , Morden, Manitoba. 82. Whether government lands o f f i c i a l s were simply ignorant or whether they were dishonest i s almost impossible to determine. The s e t t l e r s who found themselves i n c o n f l i c t with the lands o f f i c i a l s , of course, accused them of dishonesty. See f o r example, /Edward Holmes/, op. c i t . , p. 131; H. H. Barnes, Journal of a T r i p to Hani'Eoba and  Back, (Halifax: J. W. Daly, 1079), P* 12. 83. See L i l l i a n F. Gates, The Land P o l i c i e s of Upper Canada, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), f o r a discussion of the problems attending m i l i t a r y bounty grants i n Upper Canada. 84. Manitoba Free Press, January 17, 1887, p. 2. 85. Canada, The S t a t i s t i c a l Year-Book of Canada, 1902. 86. /Edward Holmes/, op. c i t . , p. 131. - 6 6 -8 7 . I b i d . , pp. 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 . 8 8 . A. S. Morton, op. c i t . , p. 48. 8 9 . See the map i n A. S. Morton, op. c i t . , pp. 46 - 4 7 , f o r the lo c a t i o n of the Metis reserves. 9 0 . A. S. Morton, op. c i t . , p. 4 9 . 9 1 . Ibid . 9 2 . The Commercial, February 1 3 , 1 8 8 8 , n. p. 9 3 . I b i d . 9 4 . A. G. Bradley, oj>. c i t . , pp. 2 5 9 - 2 6 0 . 9 5 . A. S. Morton, op. c i t . , p. 3 5 « 9 6 . C. A. Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n  Western Canada, (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, 1 9 3 6 ) , pp. 1 0 7 and 1 1 7 . 9 7 - I b i d . , pp. 1 0 7 , and 1 1 9 . 9 8 . James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , pp. 2 1 - 2 5 . 9 9 . See the map i n James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , facing p. 3 9 * 1 0 0 . Statutes of Canada, 4 3 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 5 3 ; 4 5 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 0 0 ; 4 7 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 2 5 , Sec. 7 . 1 0 1 . John Warkentin and Richard I. Ruggles, Manitoba H i s t o r i c a l  A t l a s , (Winnipeg: The H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Society of Manitoba, 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 3 2 8 - 3 2 9 . 1 0 2 . For a discussion of settlement patterns i n Upper Canada, see Gerald M. Craig, Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1 7 8 4 - 1 8 4 1 , (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1 9 6 3 ) , Chapters II and VII. 1 0 3 . Statutes of Canada, 44 V i c t o r i a , Cap.l. 1 0 4 . W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 2 0 8 . 1 0 5 . For a discussionsof the f r e i g h t rate question i n Western Canada, see D. A. MacGibbon, Railway Rates and the Canadian  Railway Commission, (Boston and New York: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1 9 1 Y ) • 1 0 6 . For the e f f e c t of f r e i g h t rates upon l o c a l wheat prices see above Chapter I, Table IV. 1 0 7 . Vernon'C. Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 5 7 ) , pp. 48 - 4 9 . - 67 -108. I b i d . , p. 57-109. H. A. Innis, op. c i t . , Chapter I I I ; G. P. de T. Glazebrook, A History of Transportation i n Canada, Volume I I , (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1964) , pp. 72-90. 110. Statutes of Canada, 43 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 53. 111. P.A.C, S i r John A. Macdonald Papers, M.G. 26, A, 1 ( b ) , Vol. 264, J. C Schultz to Macdonald, January 15, l 8 8 l , 119952-119955. 112. W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 209. 113. See Table VIII. 114. W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 209. 115. Vernon C. Fowke, op. c i t . , p. 48; James A. Jackson, "The Disallowance of MariitoBa" Railway L e g i s l a t i o n i n the l 8 8 0's", (Unpublished M. A. t h e s i s , University of Manitoba, 1945), pp. 26-27 . 116. Peter B. Waite, Canada 1874-1896: Arduous Destiny, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971), pp. l'db-1'dj. 117. Statutes of Canada, 44 V i c t o r i a , cap. 1. 118. On the attempts of American railways to penetrate the Canadian West, see William J. Wilgus, The Railway Interrelations of the United States and Canada, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937), Chapter VI. 119. Statutes of Canada, 43 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 57; 43 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 59-120. Statutes of Canada, 46 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 69 . 121. G. P. de T. Glazebrook, op. c i t . , p. 190. 122. Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I I , (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Company, 1 » 9 5 ) , pp. 436-438. 123. Brandon Sun, February 2 8 , 1884, p. 1. 124. G. P. de T. Glazebrook, op. c i t . , pp. 191-192; a useful study of the Hudson's Bay Railway i s H. Fleming, Canada's A r c t i c Outlet, (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, T95?T 125. John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the  Farmers' A l l i a n c e and the People's Party, (University of Nebraska Press, 1 9 0 I ) , pp. bO-74. - 68 -1 2 6 . Vernon C. Fowke, op. c i t . , pp. 6 3 - 6 8 . 1 2 7 . P.A.M., John C h r i s t i a n Schultz C o l l e c t i o n , John Gunn to Schultz, March 2 9 , 1 8 7 8 . 1 2 8 . Vernon C. Fowke, Canadian A g r i c u l t u r a l Policy: The H i s t o r i c a l Pattern, (Toronto! The un i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1 9 4 b ) , pp. 2 5 9 - 2 6 2 . 1 2 9 . I b i d . , p. 2 6 l . 1 3 0 . Peter B. Waite, op. c i t . , p. 1 2 5 . 1 3 1 . N e l l i e McClung, Clearing i n the West, (Toronto: Thomas A l l e n Limited, 1 9 b 4 ) , p. 131 ; M e r r i l l Denison, Harvest  Triumphant: The Story of Massey-Harris, (; Tor onto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1 9 4 8 ) , pp. 7 C v 7 2 . 1 3 2 . Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial  Relations, Book I, pp. 4o and 4 4 - 4 ^ . 1 3 3 . Manitoba, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, 1 8 7 4 , Appendix. 1 3 4 . Delegations to Ottawa i n search of an increased subsidy were sent i n 1 8 7 8 , 1879* 1 8 8 0 , 1 8 8 1 , 1 8 8 4 , 1885 and 1 8 8 6 . 135- See J. A. Maxwell, Federal Subsidies to the Provincial Governments of Canada, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1 9 3 7 ) , pp. 7 7 - 8 9 . 1 3 6 . Manitoba, Journals of the L e s i g l a t i v e Assembly, l 8 8 l Appendix, pp. c - c i . " 1 3 7 . Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I , pp. 3 6 8 - 3 7 0 . 1 3 8 . For a discussion of the question of the p r o v i n c i a l subsidy see Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Pro v i n c i a l Relations, Book I. 1 3 9 . See J. A. Maxwell, op. c i t . , Chapters VIII and X. 140. Canada, Sessional Papers, XV ( 1 0 ) , No. 8 2 ; /David Cur r i e / op. c i t . , p. 5 6 . * 69 -CHAPTER I I I GREAT EXPECTATIONS Between 1 8 7 8 and 1 8 8 2 , the pace of settlement and of a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n the Canadian West quickened to culminate i n the great Manitoba Boom of 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 . As the settlement f r o n t i e r pushed r a p i d l y westward across the p l a i n s , the postage-stamp province (expanded t e r r i t o r i a l l y ; towns and c i t i e s were l a i d out and businesses were founded; railways were constructed and more were projected; hordes of immigrants disembarked from the sterawheeled steamships at Winnipeg, Emerson and Morris or alighted from railway carriages at the St. Boniface terminus of the Pembina Branch railway. A l l t h i s a c t i v i t y and development, seemed to augur a happy future f o r the inhabitants of the f i r s t p r a i r i e province. Such was not to be the case. The immigrants who a r r i v e d i n Manitoba i n the f i r s t decade a f t e r i t s Confederation with Canada came with expectations that could not be met. Immigrants who planned to be farmers or to enter business i n one of the towns or c i t i e s that were springing up overnight, had a l l been attracted to the province because of the opportunities that they assumed existed i n the "New Canaan". The collapse of the Manitoba Boom i n the spring of 1 8 8 2 and the f a i l u r e of the wheat crop i n the autumn of 1 8 8 3 , combined with generally depressed economic conditions i n Canada as a whole, abruptly ended the i l l u s i o n s of the newcomers and proved to be the impetus f o r protest. Manitobans blamed the f e d e r a l government f o r t h e i r misfortunes and organized to p e t i t i o n that government to change - 70 -p o l i c i e s which they believed were responsible for t h e i r unhappy economic circumstances. (i) The f i r s t seven years a f t e r Confederation with Canada were years of steady but unspectacular and disappointing growth i n population. 1 Anglo-Saxon immigration from Ontario and Great B r i t a i n was l i t t l e more than a t r i c k l e from 1870 to the end of 1877. While the number of Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s remained f a i r l y constant and the bulk of newcomers were farmers from Ontario "a good number of whom were i n easy circumstances", 2 many of the newcomers aft e r 1874, when work began on the Pembina Branch railway, were tr a n s i t o r y labourers who came to seek employment with the construction gangs and who l e f t once the l i n e was completed.3 Only the heavy Mennonite migration from the steppes of Russia to Manitoba—over 6,000 members of the P a c i f i s t sect found t h e i r way to the Canadian p r a i r i e s between 1874 and 1 8 7 6—^ served p a r t i a l l y to conceal the lack of appeal that the Canadian West held for intending immigrants. At the time the small migration from Ontario and the United Kingdom was blamed upon the effects of the general economic depression which began with the collapse of the Northern P a c i f i c Railway i n the United States i n 1873 as well as upon the grasshopper plagues which descended upon the province i n 1874, 1875 and 1876.5 But the underlying reason was the lack of r a i l communication. During the 1870»s an estimated 505,000 persons l e f t the Dominion, c h i e f l y for the a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r i n the Mid-West and the i n d u s t r i a l centres of the United States.^ This massive exodus from Canada would not have occurred i f the Canadian North West had been more - 7 1 -TABLE IX IMMIGRATION TO MANITOBA 1 8 7 0 - 1 8 8 3 1 YEAR IMMIGRANTS YEAR IMMIGRANTS 1 8 7 0 2 1 8 7 7 6 , 5 1 1 1 8 7 1 3 1 3 6 I 8 7 8 7 , 4 0 1 1 8 7 2 1 , 4 0 0 1 8 7 9 5 3 , 4 8 8 1 8 7 3 1 , 2 5 6 1 8 8 0 1 0 , 1 8 0 1 8 7 4 3 , 0 1 6 1 8 8 1 2 3 , 5 8 6 1 8 7 5 6 , 0 3 4 1 8 8 2 6 9 , 3 3 2 1 8 7 6 4 2 , 5 7 2 1 8 8 3 4 4 , 2 2 3 1. A l l figures are simply estimates as no attempt was made to a c t u a l l y count immigrants to Manitoba. 2 . No s t a t i s t i c s a v a i l a b l e . 3 « Immigrants by way of the Dawson route only. 4 . Number of immigrants accomodated at government immigration sheds. 5 » Eight months only. Source: Annual Reports of the Department of Agriculture, 1 8 7 1 - 1 8 8 4 . Estimates given by immigration agents at Winnipeg, Emerson and Duluth. - 7 2 -accessible. Men and women, intent upon s e t t l i n g on a new a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r , chose the regions which had railway communication and ignored Manitoba which seemed destined to wait fo r some time before railways would be constructed. The railway had been promised i n 1 8 7 1 as one of the terms upon which B r i t i s h Columbia entered Confederation. In 1 8 7 2 , the Canadian P a c i f i c contract was awarded to a Syndicate headed by S i r Hugh A l l a n , but i n 1 8 7 3 , the P a c i f i c Scandal put an end to the project and to the government which sponsored i t . The new Prime Minister, Alexander Mackenzie, adopted a more cautious railway p o l i c y , although he promised Manitoba a railway outlet to the United States. In 1 8 7 4 the f i r s t sod was turned on the Pembina 7 Branch l i n e . Work proceeded so slowly, however, that i t was not u n t i l 1 8 7 7 that the f i r s t locomotive and r o l l i n g stock a r r i v e d i n Winnipeg aboard a barge. Only then did r a i l communication to the outside world seem imminent. When the f i r s t t r a i n pulled into St. Boniface from Pembina i n 1 8 7 8 , the railway age had f i n a l l y a r r i v e d on the Canadian p r a i r i e s . Delays i n e s t a b l i s h i n g r a i l connection led to widespread discontent i n the r u r a l areas of the province. Immigrants a r r i v i n g i n Manitoba had assumed that the whole province would soon be served with r a i l communication and many had located along proposed Q rights of way. A f t e r a year or two of waiting, they r e a l i z e d that the railway would take time to reach them and that there was no guarantee of construction on projected l i n e s . When they discovered the state of railway development i n the province, some of the newcomers l e f t Manitoba,^ while others awaiting the coming of the - 73 -railway were often embittered by the hand that fate had dealt them. A stock farmer by the name of Shannon expressed what many of the s e t t l e r s must have believed. When t o l d by a Montreal Gazette reporter that the railway would reach the Palestine settlement i n the near future, he r e p l i e d "That's l i v e horse and y o u ' l l get grass." As f a r as he was concerned, "the trouble with farmers here i s that they are being humbugged with promises." 1 0 The federal lands p o l i c y was attacked f o r se t t i n g aside so much land f o r the Mennonites and half-breeds. There were "great complaints" i n the Pembina Mountain d i s t r i c t about the i d l e lands i n the Western Mennonite reserve which bordered that d i s t r i c t . In contrast to the Mennonites, Canadians had to go as f a r west as Rock Lake to f i n d lands that were open f o r settlement. 1 1 As f o r the half-breed lands, the government expected that many s e t t l e r s would 12 purchase them f o r reasonable p r i c e s . But r e a l estate speculators who were w i l l i n g to pay prices above those which farmers were w i l l i n g 13 to meet, e f f e c t i v e l y withdrew these lands from the market. Another grievance that was keenly f e l t was the shortage of timber f o r b u i l d i n g purposes. The federal government t r i e d to conserve what forested land there was i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s by r e s t r i c t i n g woodlot grants to f o r t y acres e a c h . 1 4 In some areas t h i s p o l i c y had not been implemented soon enough and a few individu a l s monopolized the timber available f o r b u i l d i n g purposes. These individuals were quick to take advantage of t h e i r opportun-i t i e s to s e l l timber at prices which newcomers believed to be outrageous. 15 Many of the pioneers who had arri v e d i n the f i r s t years - 7 4 -of settlement and who had expected to p r o f i t from immigration i n l a t e r years, were disappointed. New s e t t l e r s at f i r s t created a l o c a l market f o r seed grain, draught animals and other l i v e s t o c k , but that market did not l a s t long. The sudden a r r i v a l of many s e t t l e r s i n a d i s t r i c t i n a single season often stimulated the production of surplus a g r i c u l t u r a l products and caused a decline i n prices i n a year's time. 1^ The vehicle chosen to express the s e t t l e r s ' f r u s t r a t i o n s was the Patrons of Husbandry or Grange. An American organization, the Grange had entered Canada i n 1873 and by 1877 was strongly entrenched i n the r u r a l areas of Ontario and Quebec.^ A s o c i a l club as well as a self-improvement society and a protest organization, the Grange busied i t s e l f by educating farmers i n improved a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques and by p e t i t i o n i n g the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments f o r redress of g r i e v a n c e s . 1 8 When Ontario c i t i z e n s decided to emigrate to Manitoba, they took the Grange along with them. By 1876, a number of lodges were established i n the province, p r i n c i p a l l y i n the Gladstone d i s t r i c t . 1Q< None of the early lodges were formed as a p o l i t i c a l protest. The r u r a l Granges were s o c i a l organizations which had the added advantage of allowing the farmer to learn something of improved 20 a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques. Given the long Manitoba winters and the i s o l a t i o n of the s e t t l e r s , any excuse f o r a s o c i a l gathering was regarded as a ble s s i n g ; the Grange meetings provided the excuse that the pioneers wanted. The Grange evolved into a protest organization i n December, 1877, when a new lodge was organized at High B l u f f . The lodge was - 75 -founded to protest economic conditions i n the province, the reasons given "being: that the merchants of Winnipeg, taking advantage of the i s o l a t e d conditions of the country, make the prices of t h e i r own goods and the farmers' grain too. This they (the farmers) consider i s not ga i r ; and as they heard the Winnipeg merchants have leagued together f o r t h e i r own benefit, a league f o r the benefit of the farmer was the le a s t they could do i n self-defense. Many have become grangers who never would have thought of i t , had we had r a i l c onnection. 2 1 To the farmers of High B l u f f what was needed was the completion of a railway west from Winnipeg, "and i f demonstrations, reasonings, ta l k i n g s , speeches and mass meetings w i l l do any good, we s h a l l stand a good chance of getting i t . " Accordingly, the Grange organized a series of mass meetings on the railway question where speeches were heard, demands made, and p e t i t i o n s signed. The protest which began at High B l u f f spread slowly. Although another new subordinate lodge was established at Headingley 23 i n 1 8 7 8 , that was as f a r as the protest extended. No doubt many s e t t l e r s i n the province sympathized with the decision of the High B l u f f residents to seek redress of grievances, but they did not organize to add the weight of t h e i r numbers to the protest. The diffused settlement pattern i n the newer d i s t r i c t s of the province where s e t t l e r s were i s o l a t e d from one another, and the promise of the newly formed p r o v i n c i a l government of John Norquay to "encourage 24 l o c a l e f f o r t i n the d i r e c t i o n of railway construction" contributed to the f a i l u r e of protest to spread. More important, when spring a r r i v e d i n 1 8 7 8 , the whole of the western North American a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r was b u s t l i n g i n preparation f o r the next westward thrust of c i v i l i z a t i o n . - 7 6 -For the f i r s t time i n years, immigrants began to arri v e on the North American f r o n t i e r i n large numbers and with t h e i r a r r i v a l , business conditions began to improve i n the small p r a i r i e towns and c i t i e s , many of which had been languishing. 2^ Once the rush to the a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r began, i t gathered momentum. Reports by Dakota and Nebraska "boosters" of the rapid development of agriculture on the plains and good crops i n 1 8 7 8 and 1 8 7 9 heightened the land fever that gripped North America i n the spring of 1 8 7 8 . By the beginning of 1 8 8 0 , the fever was turning into a P6 f u l l - s c a l e boom. 0 Manitoba shared i n t h i s continental excitement. As many as 7 , 0 0 0 immigrants found t h e i r way to Manitoba during the spring and summer of l 8 7 8 . 2 ^ Most of these newcomers were from the eastern provinces and "were of a superior c l a s s , ...well provided with means, pQ s u f f i c i e n t to stock and s t a r t upon t h e i r farms". As the summer wore on, settlements were begun at Pembina River, Cypress River, Rock Lake and Turtle Mountain along the int e r n a t i o n a l boundary, and at Rapid C i t y and Minnedosa along the Saskatchewan t r a i l , i n the older s e t t l e d d i s t r i c t s vacant lands were occupied and the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s were encouraged to make l o c a l improvements. J. E. Tetu, the immigration agent at Dufferin, reported that i n the Pembina Mountain d i s t r i c t "steam threshing machines, stores, blacksmith shops, a g r i s t m i l l , saw m i l l , etc. etc. have been erected during the present y e a r . " 2 9 The towns benefited from the increased • immigration as well. Emerson saw "churches, stores, g r i s t m i l l s , machine shops of a l l kinds, hotels and numerous private residences" b u i l t during the course of the year.30 Winnipeg burgeoned to - 7 7 -7 , 0 0 0 souls, although much of the population was transient, and the tempo of business i n the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l increased.^ 1 The period of rapid growth beginning i n 1 8 7 8 continued i n the succeeding years. Immigration remained high i n 1 8 7 9 and 1 8 8 0 with up to 2 0 , 0 0 0 persons a r r i v i n g over the recently completed 32 Pembina Branch l i n e . S e t t l e r s pushed the a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r as f a r west as Russell i n the North West T e r r i t o r i e s and invaded the Souris plains to the south west. The population of Winnipeg, Portage l a P r a i r i e , Emerson and Selkirk swelled, while ambitious hamlets l i k e Crystal C i t y , M i l l f o r d , B i r t l e , Dominion City and P i l o t Mound were founded.33 g y the end of 1 8 8 0 , the Manitoba "fever" was gradually being transformed into the great Manitoba Boom. ( i i ) The Boom was created by the s t a r t of large-scale railway construction i n the West. In 1 8 8 0 , the Canadian government signed a contract with a new Syndicate headed by George Stephen of the Bank of Montreal to b u i l d the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. Within Manitoba, the Dominion had already commenced bui l d i n g a l i n e west from Winnipeg; the Syndicate continued that project with renewed vigour. By the end of the year, the railway was open between 3 4 Winnipeg and Portage l a P r a i r i e . The Portage, Westbourne and Northwestern and the Manitoba South Western Colonization Railway contributed to the railway excitement by making plans to begin laying track i n l 8 8 l . I t was confidently expected that the Manitoba South Western would reach the Boyne River and that the Portage, Westbourne and Northwestern would reach Gladstone by the end of - 7 8 -3 5 that year. A l l t h i s railway a c t i v i t y and the promise of more to come i n the immediate f u t u r e — i f the charters passed by the Legislature °«fi during i t s l 8 8 l spring s i t t i n g meant a n y t h i n g — 3 ' caused immigration to increase. Ten thousand immigrants arr i v e d during 1 8 8 0 and by March, l 8 8 l , Winnipeg and Emerson were jammed with prospective s e t t l e r s and thousands more were waiting f o r the winter to end so they could begin t h e i r search f o r choice l o c a t i o n s . ^ Not a l l the newcomers were looking f o r farm landj some took a more speculative approach. A shrewdly located homestead or the purchase of a quarter section from a resident anywhere along the projected railways could make a man very wealthy i f a townsite and s t a t i o n were located on or near his holdings. Even i n those towns and v i l l a g e s that had been founded i n the l 8 7 0 ' s , there was a f e e l i n g of excitement. The f i r s t stage of the Manitoba Boom began i n December, 1 8 8 0 , when the Canadian P a c i f i c l i n e s on either side of the Red River were joined by the Louise Bridge connecting St. Boniface and Winnipeg.39 Early i n l 8 8 l , some l o t s were placed on sale near the newly completed Canadian P a c i f i c s t a t i o n . They sold f o r unheard of p r i c e s , and before long, Winnipeg property was s e l l i n g at grossly i n f l a t e d figures. I n i t i a l l y , the Boom was confined to Winnipeg speculators. Throughout the spring, r e a l estate rose i n value, rents began to climb, and newspaper advertisements f o r auctions of l o t s became 4 1 increasingly common. The fever began to increase as more immigrants found t h e i r way to the c i t y to purchase supplies before heading west to f i n d land, and as the season's railway construction got underway. - 79 -In June the second phase of the Boom commenced. The founding of the " c i t y " of Brandon was the stimulus f o r the expansion of the Boom from Winnipeg into other areas of the province. Within weeks of Brandon's founding, one t r a v e l l e r noted: Brandon i s one of those miracles of mushroom growth that springs up as i f by magic i n scarcely more than a single night at favourable points along a new r a i l r o a d . ...In a few days the r a i l r o a d company was $ 1 2 0 , 0 0 0 r i c h e r and several hundred enterprising speculators had town l o t s on t h e i r hands which cost them from $ 7 0 to $400 a p i e c e . 4 2 Very few of those new landowners l o s t money on t h e i r o r i g i n a l investment. The p r i c e of l o t s continued to r i s e i n Brandon and before long, the instant " c i t y " which had no permanent buildings 43 was c i r c l e d with "suburbs" f o r whose l o t s there were eager buyers. Throughout the summer with continued railway construction, increased immigration, and the examples of the new wealth accumulated by speculators i n Winnipeg and Brandon to spur others on, the Boom increased i n tempo. By the end of August, reports of fabulous sales were f i l l i n g the columns of newspapers. One speculator cleared $10 , 0 0 0 and a second cleared from $ 3 0 , 0 0 0 to $ 4 0 , 0 0 0 i n a single day from the sale of land near the Canadian JU.21 P a c i f i c f r e i g h t sheds i n Winnipeg. T. C. Mewburn, the inspector of customs f o r Canada, summed up the s i t u a t i o n i n Winnipeg: "there i s a perfect land fever raging i n the Province at the present time; and so great i s the i n f l u x of people that the hotels cannot begin 4 5 to supply accommodation." With the onset of autumn, the Boom began to gather momentum No longer was the r e a l estate mania confined to property In e x i s t i n g - 80 -46 centres. The towns of Niagara on the Assiniboine, Walkerton, hi described as "becoming the county town of Dufferin county", ' and Fomeroy, "a great railway centre" on Tobacco Creek"*8 were a l l e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y boomed and t h e i r l o t s sold at ever higher p r i c e s , although nothing was to become of these paper towns. Strange visions clouded the minds of the c i t i z e n s of established towns. Morris began to think of i t s e l f as the future railway centre f o r the North West.^9 The v i l l a g e had been established as a stage stop i n the days before the railway,5° and although i t had grown into a small town, i t r e a l l y had no prospects. Located on a flood p l a i n , and surrounded by marshes, i t lacked a hinterland and railway connections. Yet, the v i l l a g e businessmen ser i o u s l y spoke of i t s r i v a l l i n g Winnipeg as the entrepot of the 51 Canadian North West. The Boom was gradually entering i t s t h i r d and f i n a l phase. The r e a l estate frenzy became a highly contagious disease that made sober men d e l i r i o u s and led them to act upon advice that they would normally have ignored. On January 13, 1883, f o r example, C. P. Brown, a Cabinet minister i n the p r o v i n c i a l government and general manager of the Portage westbourne and Northwestern, cautioned the public against buying Woodside l o t s as the townsite was not located "52 where the l o t s were being sold. The following day i t was announced that the townsite of Woodside had been sold f o r $8,000 with the co o r i g i n a l owner cle a r i n g something l i k e $5,000. Railways were drawn on maps where none existed and where none were to e x i s t . Rapid City, which was on none of the projected l i n e s of companies holding charters, was described i n a r e a l estate - 81 -54 advertisement as the "Minneapolis of the North-West". Not one of the s i x railways l i s t e d "by the promoter was ever b u i l t , nor f o r that matter were any of the s i x ever to receive a charter! S i m i l a r l y , an advertisement f o r G a r f i e l d — a s t a t i o n on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway 24 miles west of Winnipeg—announced that the Manitoba and Rapid C i t y Railway and the G a r f i e l d , Woodland and Oak Point Railway would have t h e i r junction with the Canadian P a c i f i c at the new townsite.55 «phe response to the sale of G a r f i e l d l o t s was so heartening that the r e a l estate dealer prepared a second sale of " V i l l a l o t s " i n "North G a r f i e l d " , a paper suburb of a paper town, f o r the c a p i t a l i s t s and merchants who were to inhabit t h i s new 56 metropolis. Not a l l Manitobans were infected with the fever and some even t r i e d to warn t h e i r fellow c i t i z e n s of the p e r i l s that they faced. One enterprising gentleman investigated the claims of r e a l estate promoters regarding Cartwright, a hamlet i n southwestern Manitoba. A f t e r t r a v e l l i n g to the v i l l a g e , he returned to Winnipeg to inform the Times that advertisements were fraudulent i n claiming that "shops, m i l l s , schoolhouse, churches, e t c . " were i n existence. 57 These claims were the "merest castles i n the a i r . " Such warnings had no noticeable e f f e c t on the Boom. Outside the province, there were those who watched the strange happenings i n Manitoba with concern and attempted to dampen the mounting enthusiasm f o r western land that was beginning to a f f e c t a l l of Canada. The Monetary Times described what was taking place i n the p r a i r i e province as: - 82 -Such a saturnalia of speculation as the operators have revelled i n , the b r i l l i a n t imagination of Dickens, sharpened by the sight of some American Edens, never conceived. Nothing l i k e i t ever occurred out of Bedlam. In the editors' opinion, anyone "with the l e a s t grain of sense" could see "how a r t i f i c i a l i t a l l was."59 when t h i s warning f e l l on deaf ears, The Monetary Times repeated i t s theme. This time the warning was even more e x p l i c i t : "The North-West i s not to be b u i l t up by speculation i n v i l l a g e l o t s , though i t s progress may, i n that way, be greatly retarded." The fever continued to spread: i t reached Rapid C i t y i n n n 6 l mid-January, 1882; Stonewall, Minnedosa and High B l u f f i n the f i r s t week of February; 0 2 and Crystal C i t y , Norquay and M i l l f o r d at the beginning of March.°3 i n each instance, rumours of railway connection stimulated the Boom; l o c a l entrepreneurs l a i d out and sold subdivisions to accommodate the v a s t l y increased population that was expected to a r r i v e with the railway. In 1882, r e a l estate promoters began to deal i n farm lands. A g r i c u l t u r a l land had not interested dealers previously, probably because of the vast tracts held f o r speculative purposes i n the Half-Breed reserves, which i f thrown on the market, would have depressed p r i c e s , and because of the s t i l l large quantities of free land a v a i l a b l e i n the North West from the Crown. Encouraged by the Boom psychology that permeated the province, and by large sales of Hudson's Bay Company and Canadian P a c i f i c Railway property, dealers 65 gradually began to dabble i n farm lands. J By the end of January, there was a f u l l - s c a l e boom i n a g r i c u l t u r a l land. Some farms changed hands at fabulous p r i c e s . William Nimmons of L i t t l e Stoney Mountain - 8 3 -" 6 6 sold his farm f o r $ 1 7 5 per acre; George O'Brien sold three-6 7 quarters of a section at Plum Coulee f o r $ 8 , 0 0 0 ; and a Mr. Cowan of Minnedosa refused $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 f o r 3 0 0 acres, holding out f o r $ 1 8 , 0 0 0 . 6 8 Most of the farm land f i n d i n g i t s way onto the market appears to have been owned by non-farmers. The majority of the province's a g r i c u l t u r a l s e t t l e r s were s k e p t i c a l of the r e a l estate dealers and t h e i r talk of the sky being the l i m i t . The farmers had come west to c u l t i v a t e the land, and the natural caution of the yeomen f o r get-rich-quick schemes combined with the i s o l a t i o n of the r u r a l areas, insulated them from the worst excesses of the Boom. As one correspondent reported from Norquay: "The whisper of the land boom has reached here, and a g r i c u l t u r a l lands, with improved farms, are now fetching up to twenty do l l a r s an acre, farmers /are7 showing no eagerness to part with them at that price,..."°9 The fever f i n a l l y broke i n A p r i l , 1 8 8 2 , when Edmonton town lo t s placed on the market f a i l e d to f i n d a buyer. Real estate speculators, sensing a change f o r the worse i n the market, began to 70 s e l l o f f t h e i r property. Before long panic set i n and the bottom f e l l out of the r e a l estate trade. No buyers could be found except at such low prices that the speculators were ruined i f they sold t h e i r holdings and ruined i f they did not. Slowly the auctioneers 71 and r e a l t o r s closed t h e i r shops and h a l l s . By June there were only 1 6 firms dealing i n r e a l estate advertising i n the Daily Times,^ 2 whereas i n February there had been 5 4 . ^ The Boom had ended. - 84 -The underlying weakness i n the Boom was the a v a i l a b i l i t y of land. I t made l i t t l e sense to invest i n land when there were mil l i o n s of acres s t i l l a v ailable f o r homesteading i n 1 8 8 2 , and m i l l i o n s more f o r sale by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway at f a r more reasonable prices than the Winnipeg r e a l t o r s were a s k i n g . ^ As the railways were b u i l t across the p l a i n s — t h e Canadian P a c i f i c l i n e extended into the North West T e r r i t o r i e s and the Portage, Westbourne and Northwestern reached Minnedosa by 1 8 8 2 — ^ new areas were opened f o r settlement and the land values i n already s e t t l e d regions of the p r a i r i e s were depressed. Manitoba's towns and c i t i e s were commercial centres whose only purposes were to supply the r u r a l residents' needs and provide them with market f a c i l i t i e s f o r surplus farm production. But t h e i r c i t i z e n s had u n r e a l i s t i c expectations of v i l l a g e s growing into large, important i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s which would export manu-factured goods to Eastern Canada, the United States and Europe. 76 The rapid changes i n I n d u s t r i a l organization and technology which were e f f e c t i n g a revolution i n manufacturing i n older centres of population, excluded Western Canada from competing f o r markets and doomed the western towns to be commercial rather th*n i n d u s t r i a l centres. Moreover, the coming of the railway proved to be a mixed blessing to more than one town. The existence of a townsite was no guarantee that the railway company would e s t a b l i s h a s t a t i o n 77 at the s i t e . Nor did the opening of r a i l communication necessarily lead to an increase i n a town's population. The railways established stations every s i x to ten miles with the - 8 5 -r e s u l t that railway hamlets drained larger v i l l a g e s and towns of t h e i r population and businesses. Neither the towns nor the a g r i c u l t u r a l areas had the economic foundation to support the Boom f o r long because the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r produced only one product which found a ready market. Beginning i n 1 8 8 0 , wheat production surpassed the l o c a l needs of the provinceaand large exports became necessary to sustain the economic well-being of the farmers and townspeople. The price received f o r wheat exported did not j u s t i f y the wide-spread speculation that gripped Manitoba i n 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 . i n the autumn of 1 8 8 1 - - a t the height of the Boom— the very best grades of wheat commanded from 7 5 # to 90^ per bushel with the bulk of the year's crop commanding considerably l e s s . ? 8 Given the high f r e i g h t rates and the heavy costs of farm supplies, the p r o f i t margin the farmer enjoyed was not very wide. The r e a l estate dealers, under the circumstances, were hardly j u s t i f i e d i n predicting a glorious future f o r the province. ( i i i ) The end of the Boom did not immediately lead to a general economic depression i n the province. Although thousands of s e t t l e r s l e f t i n the summer of 1 8 8 2 , immigration remained strong i n both 1 8 8 2 and 1 8 8 3 : an estimated 6 9 , 3 3 2 immigrants arrived i n l 8 8 2 , 7 9 On and 4 4 , 2 2 3 arrived i n 1 8 8 3 , (as compared with 2 3 , 5 8 6 a r r i v a l s i n l 8 8 l at the height of the Boom). 8 1 While the number of cancellations of homestead applications increased, the number of homesteads and pre-emptions f o r which applications were made did not f a l l o f f u n t i l 8 2 1 8 8 3 , and i t was not u n t i l 1 8 8 5 , when a general economic depression - 8 6 -prevailed throughout Canada, that the number of applications f o r homesteads and pre-emptions dropped d r a m a t i c a l l y . ^ wholesale and r e t a i l t r a d e — a n ind i c a t o r of economic conditions—remained strong throughout 1 8 8 2 . Farm equipment dealers i n Brandon reported sales t o t a l l i n g $342 , 7 0 9 i n 1 8 8 2 8 4 and $ 3 8 7 , 8 6 8 i n 1 8 8 3 , 8 5 while The Commercial commented i n November, 1 8 8 2 , "that trade i n ^bhe Winnipeg merchantsj_7 d i f f e r e n t branches has been more prosperous and c e r t a i n l y has shown much greater i n d i c a t i o n of permanence and s o l i d i t y since the collapse of the r e a l estate fever than i t did during i t s height." 8 o^ One economic consequence of the collapse of the Boom was that i t caused the banks to suspend c r e d i t to Manitoba businessmen. Several of the major f i n a n c i a l I n s t i t u t i o n s i n the country suffered s u f f i c i e n t l y to look upon the p r a i r i e province's businessmen as very poor r i s k s . The Imperial Bank of Canada with branches at Winnipeg and Brandon was e s p e c i a l l y hard h i t . President H. S. Howland, at the Bank's annual meeting i n 1 8 8 3 , Informed the shareholders that the "commercial interests of the North-West Provinces had during the year suffered i n consequence of excessive 8 7 speculation i n r e a l estate and over-importation of goods." Two years l a t e r , he revealed that what he r e a l l y had meant to say was that the Bank was over-extended i n i t s operations i n Western Canada: The depression i n Manitoba became i n t e n s i f i e d during the year and a further depreciation i n the value of a l l s e c u r i t i e s i n the Province was the r e s u l t , rending i t advisable...to apply a portion of the Reserve Fund to cover such depreciation and to provide f o r contingencies.°° I t was a c l e a r case of inadequate s e c u r i t y and vanishing assets. The Bank of Commerce had a s i m i l a r experience, although - 8 7 -i t did not have a single branch i n the West before 1 8 9 3 . ^ In 1 8 8 6 , Senator William McMaster t o l d his shareholders the bad news. The parties were uniformly reported to be highly respectable, and to be possessed of large means,... I t was, however, discovered that during the period of wild speculation i n the North-West, they had become parties to large ventures i n Winnipeg property and North-west land and land s e c u r i t i e s , and had used the Bank's means f o r these purposes. Upon the demand of the Bank the debtors furnished security p r i n c i p a l l y on r e a l estate i n Manitoba and Ontario, which to a l l appearance at the time afforded reasonable margin over and above the Bank's claim. But the utter collapse of values i n the North-west, and the depreciation that ensued i n the price of property i n the western part of Ontario, e s p e c i a l l y towns, rendered the process of l i q u i d a t i o n tedious and very disappointing, and the ultimate q o r e s u l t was that a considerable loss has been sustained." The Senator congratulated the bank's shareholders f o r declining to extend operations into the West, and noted that t h i s p o l i c y had saved the bank from "direct losses i n Manitoba", but he lamented "we have not e n t i r e l y escaped the unfortunate r e s u l t s . " 9 1 i t i s apparent that McMaster had l i t t l e confidence i n the Canadian p r a i r i e s as a place to invest the Bank's money. Because no banker, saddled with poor security, wanted to jeopardize his chances of recovering c a p i t a l invested or minimizing his losses by pointing out that the assets held by his bank were worthless, Canadian banks refrained from commenting on the s i t u a t i o n i n Manitoba i n 1 8 8 2 and l 8 8 3 . ^ 2 The Canadian economy was s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y strong throughout 1 8 8 2 and there was some hope that the value of property i n the West would r i s e and a market would develop where the banks could recoup t h e i r investments.93 In the meantime, bankers were reluctant to see more c a p i t a l invested i n Manitoba. The c r e d i t r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed on Manitoba by the banks - 8 8 -eventually took t h e i r t o l l . In A p r i l , 1 8 8 3 , The Commercial revealed that i n the f i r s t three months of 1 8 8 3 the aggregate l i a b i l i t i e s of a l l insolvents i n the North West amounted to 1 0 $ less than t h e i r assets. As f a r as the editors were concerned, there has been a screw loose i n f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s somewhere, and a closer inquiry into the facts confirms the suspicion that many of the most aggravated cases of unnecessary insolvency were due to uncalled f o r pressure from some f i n a n c i a l source, or, to put i t i n plain e r terms, the re f u s a l of banks to render the expected f i n a n c i a l a i d when i t was most needed.9^ While c a p i t a l was avail a b l e to farmers through loan companies, the banks—"the f i n a n c i a l props of commerce"—were "sadly d e f i c i e n t " i n t h e i r obligations by r e s t r i c t i n g c r e d i t to the merchants of the province.95 Many of the Manitoba businessmen ruined by the collapse of the Boom were the newly r i c h . Arthur Wellington Ross, for one, had invested heavily i n the Brandon townsite i n June, 1 8 8 1 . He turned a handsome p r o f i t on that transaction and ploughed back his p r o f i t s into more land. Throughout the autumn and winter, Ross engaged i n every new speculative opportunity that presented i t s e l f and by the end of the year he was one of the wealthiest men i n Canada--but only on paper. 9°^  Almost a l l his investments were t i e d up i n r e a l estate,97 mostly purchased at i n f l a t e d p r i c e s . When the Boom ended, he was burdened with property f o r which there were no buyers at any price and which he l o s t when he was unable 0 8 to meet the property taxes imposed on his extensive holdings. y The established businessmen of Winnipeg were more cautious i n t h e i r r e a l estate ventures and most of them escaped 99 the worst consequences of the collapse i n property values. - 89 -Of Winnipeg's prominent merchants, only A. G. B. Bannatyne was completely r u i n e d . 1 0 0 J. H. Ashdown and John C h r i s t i a n Schultz both speculated i n r e a l e s t a t e , 1 0 1 and while neither appears to have added greatly to his fortune, neither l o s t heavily. Outside of Winnipeg, the c i t i z e n s of the towns who indulged i n extensive r e a l estate speculation, counting on the future of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r "metropolis", suffered severe reverses. James Broadfoot of Gladstone, a f t e r laying out an addition to the town, found himself over-extended and was eventually embarrassed 1 0 2 by the depreciation i n property values. Colonel R. Z. Rodgers of M i l l f o r d , the town's founder and p r i n c i p a l landowner, absorbed such severe losses that he returned to Ontario, probably convinced that there was l i t t l e future i n investing i n Manitoba. 1 0-^ Yet, i n the towns as i n Winnipeg, those who l o s t money probably were i n the minority. Some town promoters had not been taken i n by the speculative madness that gripped Manitoba. Thomas Greenway, the owner of the townsite of Crystal City, had been very chary about booming the v i l l a g e ' s future, much to the d i s -pleasure of i t s c i t i z e n s . At the height of the Boom, he was c r i t i c i z e d f o r refusing to " e n l i s t the help and energy of outsiders who have preferred to a s s i s t i n b u i l d i n g up the p l a c e . " 1 0 4 In spite of t h i s c r i t i c i s m , Greenway confined his speculative a c t i v i t y to the paper town of Cartwright, 1 0^ a f a c t that indicates, perhaps, that he r e a l i z e d the underlying weaknesses i n the Boom. Sim i l a r l y , Rodmond Palen Roblin of Carman City did not boom his townsite, although Andrew Fournier sold a "suburb" of the town during the r e a l estate frenzy. Roblin's cautious course proved - 9 0 -wise and i n l a t e r years, he was one of the few town promoters a c t u a l l y to make money on his investment. 1 0^ In the farming d i s t r i c t s only a few of the s e t t l e r s suffered e v i l consequences from engaging i n the r e a l estate mania. Those f e w — p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Portage l a P r a i r i e and Gladstone d i s t r i c t s — h a d succumbed to the blandishments offered by the r e a l t o r s , sold t h e i r land, and purchased new farms at i n f l a t e d p r i c e s . These s e t t l e r s , l i k e t h e i r unlucky brethren i n the towns and Winnipeg, l o s t not only t h e i r p r o f i t s when the Boom ended and the purchasers of t h e i r property could not pay o f f t h e i r mortgages, but t h e i r new farms as well. (iv) I f the end of the Boom did not immediately lead to an economic depression nor to widespread hardship among Manitobans, what was i t s impact upon the people of the province? The collapse created a c r i s i s of confidence i n the future of the Western Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . The Boom had engendered the b e l i e f that Manitoba and the North West were on the threshold of rapid development and that the promise everyone assumed the West to hold would soon be f u l f i l l e d . Even the sk e p t i c a l farmers had been p a r t i a l l y caught up i n the new s p i r i t which infused Manitoba a f t e r the heartbreaking years of the l 8 7 0 ' s . During the Boom, a correspondent reported from Holland, a v i l l a g e at the edge of the Tiger H i l l s : Railways are a l l the topic of conversation just now, and the farmers are i n hopes that i t w i l l not a l l end i n t a l k . They complain b i t t e r l y of the expense and time of taking t h e i r wheat to market, which takes a l l of the g i l t o f f and a part of the gingerbread. 1 0 9 - 9 1 -With the coming of the branch railways, the farmer hoped to gain access to new markets, the townsman to see his future secure, and the c i t i z e n of Winnipeg to f i n d his c i t y i n control of the transportation network of a r a p i d l y advancing a g r i c u l t u r a l region. Along the recently completed l i n e s , new immigrants would f i n d t h e i r way into the r u r a l areas where they would take up vacant lands and es t a b l i s h businesses and industries whose employees would furnish a growing domestic market f o r the farmers 1 produce. Starved of expected railways f o r a decade, Manitobans wanted to believe the promoters and they committed themselves to the most absurd fantasies. Imagine then the deep disappointment that followed the collapse of the Boom. Only a handful of the towns and a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s i n the province had r a i l communication or were l i k e l y to acquire i t i n the near future. The towns remained i s o l a t e d from t h e i r hinterlands, and the farmer was denied access to markets. After having been convinced that rapid development was at hand, Manitobans discovered that development was to be f a r slower than anyone had anticipated. Disappointment was f e l t a l l the more keenly when Manitobans looked across the in t e r n a t i o n a l boundary. The Dakota T e r r i t o r y had been developing rapidly since 1 8 7 8 , and from l 8 8 l onwards the T e r r i t o r y had enjoyed a Boom s i m i l a r to the one i n M a n i t o b a . 1 1 0 As i n Manitoba, railway construction, heavy immigration and the rapid development of the wheat economy stimulated expansion. But the Dakota Boom was less speculative than the one i n M a n i t o b a . 1 1 1 The economic expansion i n the T e r r i t o r y continued unabated u n t i l the summer of 1 8 8 3 , and only - 9 2 -112 then did i t gradually begin to subside. For Manitobans, i t was d i f f i c u l t to reconcile the rapid growth of the adjacent American t e r r i t o r y with the slower growth of the Canadian West. The contrast between the pace of development i n the t e r r i t o r y of North Dakota and the province of Manitoba c l e a r l y demonstrates the s p e c i a l problems of Manitoba ag r i c u l t u r e . The rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization of the United States following the C i v i l War created a large urban market f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l produce which i n turn stimulated the wheat economy i n the newly s e t t l e d western areas of the nation. American entrepreneurs, brash and confident, were well-supplied with c a p i t a l and were w i l l i n g to take the r i s k s entailed i n opening up the f r o n t i e r d i s t r i c t s . In Canada, on the other hand, there was a small domestic market and a r e s t r i c t e d number of c a p i t a l i s t s w i l l i n g to invest heavily i n developing the Canadian West. Dependent upon export markets f o r t h e i r surplus production and upon the Canadian government to provide c a p i t a l f o r western development, Manitoba farmers and the townspeople who looked to agriculture f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d , had chosen an i n f e r i o r a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . Disappointment among Manitobans increased during the summer of 1882 when the Manitoba South Western Colonization Railway suspended construction a f t e r i t became unable to raise enough c a p i t a l to meet i t s commitments. This was a severe blow to the hopes of the c i t i z e n s of Carman, Nelsonville, and Crystal City, a l l of which were on the projected l i n e . Farmers i n the Boyne> Pembina Mountain and Rock Lake settlements were l e f t without - 9 3 -transportation f o r d e l i v e r i n g t h e i r crops to market and were faced with several more years of long hauls to the nearest r a i l h e a d . 1 1 ^ About the same time, i t became apparent that work on the Southern Branch of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, running j u s t north of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundary from the Red River to the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , was not being prosecuted with any vigour. The Syndicate, pre-occupied with completing a transcontinental l i n e , had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n b u i l d i n g a branch l i n e network i n Manitoba. By the end of 1 8 8 2 , the Southern Branch had only reached Pembina Mountain and i t would be ten years before i t was 1 1 4 completed to the western boundary of Manitoba. The Canadian P a c i f i c was determined to make as large a p r o f i t as possible from b u i l d i n g the railway and from the outset, the company's p o l i c y was to l a y out i t s own towns rather than to b u i l d to established centre©. 1 1 5 on the Southern Branch, the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway by-passed Nelsonville and founded the town of Morden two miles south of the county seat of South Dufferin. The c i t i z e n s of Nelsonville were both outraged and discouraged by the Syndicate's decision. Another blow f e l l i n November when the Canadian government disallowed the p r o v i n c i a l charter f o r the Emerson and North Western Railway. The Emerson and North Western had planned to b u i l d from Emerson across the province to Mountain C i t y and from there to the North West T e r r i t o r i e s / 1 1 ^ Although i t was u n l i k e l y that the entrepreneurs promoting t h i s enterprise could ra i s e enough c a p i t a l to complete the l i n e , many Manitobans had pinned t h e i r hopes of future r a i l connection upon i t . The c i t i z e n s of Emerson, i n - 94 -p a r t i c u l a r , were disappointed f o r i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of i t s construction, they had b u i l t a bridge across the Red River at 1 1 7 enormous cost, a bridge which was now e n t i r e l y useless. Without railways, the towns and a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of the province were i s o l a t e d from outside markets and business i n Winnipeg and the towns suffered. There was plenty of grain i n the country during the winter of 1 8 8 2 - 1 8 8 3 ; which can be counted by the thousands of bushels, which cannot f i n d a market t h i s winter. Par removed from railway f a c i l i t i e s , i t takes nearly a l l the grain i s worth to haul i t to the nearest m a r k e t — i n many cases from s i x t y to one hundred m i l e s . 1 1 8 To r e l i e v e t h e i r distress Manitobans pressed f o r an end to the Canadian P a c i f i c "monopoly" and to disallowance, and f o r government encouragement of those railways which were w i l l i n g to b u i l d the branch l i n e s whether American or Canadian owned. 1 1 9 R a i l communication i n i t s e l f did not make wheat-growing p r o f i t a b l e . High f r e i g h t rates combined with a general drop i n the p rice of wheat from up to 90$ per bushel i n the autumn of l 8 8 l 1 2 0 to a maximum of 6 3 ^ per bushel i n the winter of 1 8 8 2 , 1 2 1 absorbed what small p r o f i t s the farmer expected. The sense of grievance that ensued was so strong that even the Brandon Mail, a staunch supporter of the Canadian P a c i f i c ' s "monopoly" i n the 122 Canadian West, admitted that f r e i g h t rates were too high. Nor did the coming of the railway make wheat marketing any easier. Time was needed to complete stations and sidings, but i n the case of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, time was of the essence, i f the transcontinental l i n e was to be completed within the period s t i p u l a t e d by the contract with the Canadian government. - 9 5 -When si d i n g construction was postponed often a farmer l i v i n g near a r a i l r o a d l i n e found himself at a great distance from the nearest s t a t i o n . 1 2 3 The Syndicate also required that the elevators and grain warehouses along i t s l i n e s be of at l e a s t 2 5 , 0 0 0 bushels 1 2 4 capacity. Pew companies had the c a p i t a l resources to b u i l d such expensive f a c i l i t i e s , and since the banks were unwilling to lend money for Western enterprises, small l o c a l companies were unable to raise the money necessary f o r them to undertake construction. Consequently, few elevators were b u i l t to handle the farmers' grain and those constructed were almost a l l established by the Ogilvie M i l l i n g Company of Montreal which enjoyed a v i r t u a l monopoly of the grainhandling business i n Manitoba. 1 2 5 Federal lands p o l i c y received the c r i t i c a l attention of Manitobans as well. S e t t l e r s i n the province were unhappy about the amount of land that had been set aside f o r ethnic groups and railways i n the Canadian West. Absentee ownership compounded the problems as John Wickes Taylor, the American Consul i n Winnipeg, reported, "during the l a s t ten years, besides occupation f o r homesteads and pre-emptions, the public lands have been l a r g e l y purchased at $ 1 per acre and held by non-resident proprietors without improvement.11 Because of t h i s , Manitobans by 1 8 8 2 had to go " 2 0 0 miles west of Winnipeg to secure an e l i g i b l e homestead", although the "country i s very sparsely s e t t l e d . " Rather than do t h i s , thousands of intending s e t t l e r s who came to Manitoba i n 1 8 8 2 and 1 8 8 3 , t r a v e l l e d to North Dakota where they could locate near r a i l w a y s . 1 2 ^ - 96 -To stem the outrushing t i d e of s e t t l e r s , the Dominion Lands Branch decided to o f f e r the even-numbered sections l y i n g along the Canadian P a c i f i c main l i n e i n Manitoba at public auctions to be held i n May, 1 8 8 2 . The Manitoba Free Press led an a g i t a t i o n to stop the sale of these lands which i t maintained should be 127 retained f o r homesteads. When the government, ignoring objections, proceeded to s e l l the homestead lands, the Free Press was so incensed with the Dominion government which "has c l e a r l y shown i t s e l f susceptible to neither reason nor sup p l i c a t i o n " that i t supported s e t t l e r s who resolved "on the adoption of some other 1 2 8 means of bringing them to t h e i r senses." Despite the growing discontent i n the West, Ottawa added i n s u l t to inj u r y i n the spring of 1 8 8 3 by r a i s i n g the t a r i f f on -y 129 a g r i c u l t u r a l implements from 2 5 to 3 5 $ ad valorem. ^ Unable to market his crop because of the lack of railways, the luckless farmer was now being asked to give greater support to the Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l equipment industry. Manitobans had long since been disenchanted with the protective t a r i f f , and while the Mall might argue that the t a r i f f l e d to cheaper prices f o r farm machinery and had been the "direct cause" of Manitoba's "remarkable development and rapid advancement " , 1 3 ° the farmer knew better. The f i n a l source of discontent was the return of hard times i n the summer of 1 8 8 3 . The economic expansion that began i n 1 8 7 8 ended i n 1 8 8 3 as banks began to r e s t r i c t c r e d i t , business f a i l u r e s increased, and exports declined. The depression that followed was general throughout Canada, although i t h i t Manitobans e s p e c i a l l y hard. A developing region was always i n need of c a p i t a l - 9 7 -and with the coming of the depression the c a p i t a l inflow p r a c t i c a l l y ceased. Not only the banks which had r e s t r i c t e d investment i n the West following the collapse of the Boom, but loan companies and private investors as well, c u r t a i l e d t h e i r investments i n l i g h t of the p r e v a i l i n g economic conditions. Many businessmen and farmers now found themselves increasingly hard-* 1 3 2 pressed. (v) The government of Premier John Norquay attempted to f o r e s t a l l the growth of extra-parliamentary protest by appealing to the discontent of Manitobans i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n c a l l e d In December, 1 8 8 2 . Running on a platform of anti-disallowance and the return of Crown lands to p r o v i n c i a l administration, the Premier pledged his government to charter new railways and to see that they were constructed i n defiance of the federal government.^3 Although he was safely re-elected, Norquay had not e n t i r e l y succeeded i n harnessing the new mood i n the province f o r his p o l i t i c a l advantage. When he was f i r s t summoned to form a government, he had been a non-partisan leader who had done his best to form a non-partisan government. Between 1 8 7 8 and l 8 8 2 , he had ceased to be above party p o l i t i c s . A c t i v e l y supported by the Conservative members i n the House and by the Conservative press i n the province, he had gradually i d e n t i f i e d himself with the 1 3 4 Conservative party. By 1 8 8 2 , a l l his supporters i n the Assembly were Conservatives and the Opposition—while i t c a l l e d i t s e l f the Manitoba Rights League—was made up of Reformers. The i n j e c t i o n of partisan p o l i t i c s into Manitoba put the Premier i n a d i f f i c u l t - 9 8 -p o s i t i o n . On the one hand he had to defend the actions of the federal government and on the other demand that Manitoba's rights be respected by that government. Norquay was a s k i l l f u l p o l i t i c i a n , but there were l i m i t s on how f a r he could push the federal Tories. In the e l e c t i o n compaign of 1 8 8 2 - 1 8 8 3 , his stand on disallowance had outraged the federal Conservatives i n Winnipeg, leading to a s p l i t i n the party that cost the Premier both Winnipeg seats. ^ 5 Once the votes were counted his f i r s t task was to heal the wounds within the party. To do t h i s , he had to abandon his campaign rhe t o r i c , with the consequence that he was bound to disappoint many Manitobans who expected him to do something about t h e i r increasingly desperate s i t u a t i o n . The Premier could not a f f o r d to offend S i r John A. Macdonald. Not only was Norquay a p o l i t i c a l c l i e n t of the senior administration, but he was a mendicant with only one benefactor. P r o v i n c i a l finances were, as usual, inadequate i n the spring of 1 8 8 3 and the Premier began negotiations with the federal government i 3fi f o r an increase i n the subsidy. To succeed i n these t a l k s , he would be forced to abandon his b e l l i g e r e n t stand on p r o v i n c i a l r i g h t s . Norquay was enough of a p o l i t i c a l r e a l i s t to give way to p o l i t i c a l considerations, and i n doing so he opened the way f o r an extra-parliamentary protest movement to come int o being. The f i r s t sign that trouble was brewing i n Manitoba appeared i n the Free Press i n August, 1 8 8 3 . A l e t t e r to the editor signed "Secesh" advocated the dismemberment of Confederation 137 to permit the western provinces to form a new Confederation. ~" While the Winnipeg Daily Times did i t s best to ignore the movement, 13° the Free Press responded by pointing out that the L i b e r a l Opposition - 99 -In Ottawa should be given a chance to govern f i r s t , but i f they too s h a l l have proven u n f a i t h f u l to the high duty to be committed to t h e i r hands, then w i l l be the time to talk of employing v i o l e n t means f o r the restoration of our disregarded r i g h t s , and -fo r the salvation of the future of the North-west. 1^ The suggestion that Manitoba secede from Confederation did not take hold f o r most Manitobans were too l o y a l to Canada to accept the draconian measure that "Secesh" advocated, but i t was s i g n i f i c a n t . The publication of a l e t t e r arguing that Manitoba might secede was an expression of the deep-seated discontent i n the province, and the suggestion and the debate surrounding i t were the f i r s t signs on the part of the public of t h e i r willingness to take action outside of the regular p o l i t i c a l process. The event that f i n a l l y spurred Manitobans into action came a few weeks l a t e r on the night of September 20. A sharp f r o s t caught most of the wheat crop s t i l l standing i n the f i e l d s . That year the crop had not been very promising i n any case as seeding had been delayed i n the spring by floods and the summer had been plagued with drought. When the f r o s t struck, i t capped what had already been a very discouraging season. A large part of the wheat crop was frozen, and much of what was saved was so badly damaged that i t brought next to nothing on the open market, i f i t 140 could be sold at a l l . The hardship wrought by the crop f a i l u r e was severe. Few farmers had succeeded i n saving money to carry them through poor years, f o r most received low prices f o r t h e i r wheat i n previous seasons and lacked transportation to take t h e i r crops to market. What l i t t l e extra cash remained at the end of each season was - 1 0 0 -probably needed to meet the exigencies of esta b l i s h i n g a new home i n Manitoba. Furthermore, the crop f a i l u r e of 1 8 8 3 was completely 141 unexpected, and many farmers convinced by the books and pamphlets written by men l i k e John Macoun may not have taken into account the p o s s i b i l i t y of there ever being a crop f a i l u r e . What-ever the reason f o r t h e i r lack of cash, many farmers were driven to the wall. Some gave up farming completely and l e f t the province; some t r a v e l l e d to Winnipeg seeking work and when no work was 1 4 2 available became public charges; and some struggled to remain on the land often with the a i d of a mortgage taken out on t h e i r property at an exorbitant rate of i n t e r e s t . 1 4 3 The crop f a i l u r e when added to the general f e e l i n g of discontent already current i n Manitoba, was a l l that was needed. On October 19, a s e t t l e r from Brandon H i l l s — p r o b a b l y Charles 1 4 4 S t e w a r t — w r o t e a l e t t e r to the editor of the Brandon Sun. He enumerated the grievances that most Manitobans knew to e x i s t and noted that The s t r a i n upon the farming community has now become so severe, owing to the excessive cost of l i v i n g , as compared with the very small p r o f i t s to be derived from farming, that, unless something Is immediately done to keep the farmers on t h e i r legs, complete stagnation of business and a f i n a n c i a l collapse throughout the Province w i l l be the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t . The causes of t h i s state of a f f a i r s were clear-cut: A powerful railway /Sonopoly/ has been established, with the avowed inte n t i o n of depriving a number of our s e t t l e r s from marketing t h e i r grain by r a i l r o a d f o r many years. An excessive duty has been placed upon a g r i c u l t u r a l implements, which w i l l render i t next to impossible f o r poor men ever to obtain them. An immense amount of land has been locked up i n the midst of e x i s t i n g settlements, which w i l l have the tendency to i s o l a t e farms from one another f o r many years to come. Roads and bridges have been - 1 0 1 -made "by s e t t l e r s at t h e i r own expense. Our roads cannot be graded f o r want of funds, and are consequently an enormous burden upon the s e t t l e r s . As f o r the courts of j u s t i c e , prisons, asylums, and other county buildings, these w i l l have to be l e f t unbuilt or erected by d i r e c t taxation, owing to the funds of the Province which should be availa b l e f o r the purpose, having become already exhausted. In his opinion,, the remedy f o r a l l these problems was simple: "free trade and no monopoly." To achieve these goals, he c a l l e d f o r a Convention, say, at Brandon, to which representatives from a l l parts of Manitoba and the North West should be i n v i t e d ; to consider our po s i t i o n , and to determine which steps s h a l l be taken to secure t h i s country from the impending ru i n , and to obtain f o r ourselves that independence.which i s the b i r t h r i g h t of every B r i t i s h s u b j e c t . 1 4 5 The idea of holding a convention spread rapidly. Before long a l l Manitoba had taken up the cause. The f i r s t meeting was held i n Portage l a P r a i r i e on November 2 0 , l 4 ° ^ and i t was followed by meetings i n Brandon and Manitou on November 2 6 and December 5 147 respectively. At the Brandon and Manitou meetings, those i n attendance formed continuing organizations which were not to be dissolved u n t i l redress of grievances had been secured. With the formation of those organizations, a f u l l - s c a l e extra-parliamentary protest began. (vi) When on November 2 0 , 1 8 8 3 , about two hundred and f i f t y persons met at the town h a l l i n Portage l a P r a i r i e to discuss "matters pertaining to the welfare of the f a r m e r s " , 1 4 8 the f i r s t speaker was Roderick McCuaig, a leading farmer from the Oaklands d i s t r i c t to the north west of the town. In his opinion, the farmers were being victimized by the m i l l e r s who, he claimed, were - 102 -combining to "decry frozen wheat". As a solution to t h i s problem, he suggested that the farmers of the area form a j o i n t stock company to market t h e i r wheat and thus by-pass the m i l l e r s . Other speakers supported McCuaig. Councillor Matthew Owens of High B l u f f , a farmer, held "that the farmers must have r e l i e f or leave the country, as they cannot l i v e as things are at present." The High B l u f f s e t t l e r s had already concluded that "the best plan was to ship t h e i r own g r a i n " and that they were w i l l i n g to support the construction of a farmers' elevator. A number of non-farmers, men such as Dr. Daniel Haggarty, a r e a l estate dealer and Mayor E. McDonald of Portage l a P r a i r i e , a grain 149 merchant, also endorsed McCuaig's proposal. Accordingly, the meeting approved two resolutions. F i r s t , the assembly accepted the argument that Manitoba's farmers were the victims of an "unjust combination" to depress wheat pr i c e s . Second, that since "every industry i n America has formed combinations f o r mutual support", the farmers should do the same so as to "get f a i r prices f o r t h e i r produce and to prevent t h e i r being victimized by wheat rings and M i l l e r s ' Associations." To accomplish t h i s , a j o i n t stock company was to be formed "exclusively of farmers". A committee was set up to discover the 150 "best steps" to give e f f e c t to the resolutions. Some of those present thought that these decisions were not very far-reaching. They had attended i n the hope that a "Grange system" would be established to redress grievances which they believed encompassed more than the low prices f o r farm - 1 0 3 -produce. The meeting, however, was opposed to dealing with p o l i t i c a l questions, though some speakers brought up the matters of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway "monopoly" and the heavy duties imposed by the fed e r a l government on bui l d i n g supplies and farm implements. 1 5 1 The d i v i s i o n between those who wished to form a co-operative grain marketing agency and those who wished to protest f e d e r a l p o l i c i e s did not threaten the success of the meeting, but i t did create tensions within the assembly. These went f a r deeper than the question of what were the proper matters f o r discussion. The delegates, influenced by the nature of t h e i r economic and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n i n the community, were deeply divided on aims. Non-farmer delegates who were motivated p r i m a r i l y by t h e i r personal economic reverses had less sympathy f o r the general p l i g h t of the Manitoba farming community than f o r t h e i r own 1"52 precarious p o s i t i o n . ^ Dr. Daniel M. Haggarty was one of those who had his own economic int e r e s t s to promote. Although he spoke of "the necessity of organizing i n self-defence" and "doing away with middlemen",- L53 he had no connection with a g r i c u l t u r e . Haggarty was a medical man?who, shortly a f t e r his a r r i v a l i n Manitoba, had abandoned his practice to speculate i n land. As one of the leading dealers i n half-breed s c r i p and i n town l o t s , he had been deeply involved i n the Manitoba Boom. 1 5 4 when the Boom collapsed, many of his investments turned sour. Consequently, his i n t e r e s t i n the farmers' meeting was, as he admitted, based upon the fear that the f r o s t would discourage immigrants from coming to Manitoba and - 104 -TABLE X INTEREST GROUPS REPRESENTED AT FARMERS' MEETINGS AT PORTAGE LATHATIRIE BRANDON, AND MANITOU ON NOVEMBER 20, NOVEMBER 56, AND DECEMBER 5, 1 8 3 3 PORTAGE LA PRAIRIE BRANDON Dis i l l u s i o n e d Promoters 1 5 P o l i t i c a l l y Motivated Individuals 3 1 Inveterate Joiners 2 2 Farmers F i n a n c i a l l y Troubled 5 2 Marginally Successful 8 7 Unknown 1 3 Unidentified 2 Totals 20 22 - 1 0 5 -lessen his chances at recouping his l o s s e s . 1 ^ 5 P o l i t i c i a n s attempting to further t h e i r careers made up a second element at the meeting. Mayor E. McDonald of Portage l a P r a i r i e , Isaiah Mawhinney, the Member of the Legislature f o r Burnside, and Robert Watson, the Member of Parliament f o r Marquette, were present to look a f t e r t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . While a l l sympathized with the farmers' p l i g h t , Watson going so f a r as to argue that "the whole province should unite to elect delegates and hold a convention" at which the farmers would predominate since they made up "seven eights of the people", not one of these p o l i t i c i a n s was to make a more po s i t i v e contribution to the farmers' cause. The t h i r d element* at the meeting can be characterized as the inveterate j o i n e r s . This group i d e n t i f i e d with every organization and every project that was popularly deemed to be i n the public Interest. Into t h i s category f a l l the Warden of the County, Matthew F e r r i s , a farmer, and E. H . H. G. Hay, a foundry operator and m i l l e r . Both men were p i l l a r s of society, active i n church and community a f f a i r s , 1 ^ - b u t neither was a man of v i s i o n who was w i l l i n g to make s a c r i f i c e s on behalf of the movement. The largest group present were the farmers who had suffered d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h themselves on the Manitoba a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r . Some, l i k e Roderick^McCuaig, were motivated by impending personal economic disa s t e r . An early s e t t l e r at Oaklands, he had taken up a homestead and pre-emption i n 1874, and farmed successfully f o r eight y e a r s . T h e n , at the height of the Manitoba Boom,he had expanded his farming operations. Borrowing - 1 0 6 -heavily on property he already owned, he purchased the adjoining 3 2 0 acres at an inflated price. By the autumn of 1 8 8 3 , he was i n financial d i f f i c u l t i e s , brought on by the fact that the mortgages he had taken out were greater than the value of his land after the real estate c o l l a p s e . 1 ^ Other farmers were successful i n avoiding crushing debts, but because the margin between success and failure i n the depressed economy of Manitoba i n the autumn of 1 8 8 3 was very narrow, their success was relative. A second crop disaster or a prolongation of depressed economic conditions might see them i n the same desperate state as farmers like McGuaig. It was to safeguard their own interests—present and future—that they supported the emergent agitation. While they made up the most important element at the meeting In terms of numbers, when i t came to expressing their opinions, the marginally successful farmers deferred to the other groups present, possibly because they lacked both the powerful economic and p o l i t i c a l motivation of other groups. Only Thomas Sissons had the temerity to suggest that the plan for a joint-stock elevator company had one flaw: the "stock might afterwards be sold to other ca p i t a l i s t s " with the farmers, i n effect, financing a company that would ultimately benefit those to whom they were opposed. The objection was brushed aside. Given these underlying divisions, i t i s not surprising that the convention accomplished "very l i t t l e . To have struck out on a bolder course would have alienated some of those present and - 107 -would have weakened the resolve of the remainder. On the other hand, by allowing men with sp e c i a l interests to dominate the meeting and by agreeing not to offend anyone's s e n s i b i l i t i e s , the delegates e f f e c t i v e l y destroyed whatever chance they might have had of creating a powerful lobby to press f o r redress of grievances. Such was not to be the case at the Brandon meeting held s i x days l a t e r . The Brandon assembly, t a c k l i n g problems that those attending the Portage l a P r a i r i e assembly avoided, founded a permanent organization that was to have an important role i n shaping early Western Canadian agrarian protest. At the Brandon convention, the organizers were better prepared f o r action than those at Portage l a P r a i r i e . Long before the convention met i n the Council Chamber of Brandon City H a l l , a committee had been struck with the purpose of securing redress of grievances. 1^ 1 William Winter, the Mayor of Brandon and the owner of extensive farming interests beyond the c i t y l i m i t s , was appointed chairman of the Executive Committee which drew up a programme, wrote a platform and developed a c o n s t i t u t i o n to present on November 26 . The meeting i t s e l f was well-publicized throughout the western areas of the province and when i t met, representatives were drawn from a large region to deal with a s p e c i f i c programme of action. 3 I t did not take the delegates at Brandon long to come to grips with matters that the Portage l a P r a i r i e meeting had avoided. With Thomas Lockhart occupying the chair and George Purvis acting as secretary, Charles Stewart moved quickly to denounce the - 108 -Dominion government. As f a r as he was concerned, the farmers had assembled "to make a solemn, united and vigorous protest against the high-handed p o l i c y of the Dominion" towards Manitoba. The province, deprived of her lands, received i n return only a "paltry subsidy"; the increased duty on a g r i c u l t u r a l Implements demon-strated Ottawa's desire to take "advantage of our necessity to oppress us with t h i s iniquitous imposition"; and a "hideous railway monopoly which i s to bind us hand and foot f o r twenty years" had been i n f l i c t e d upon Manitobans. Stewart did not propose any solutions, but he warned that i t was a l l very well to "talk of l o y a l t y to the Dominion but we must be f i r s t l o y a l to ourselves", and " i f the oppressive rule of Ottawa i s to continue" i t was apparent that "secession of t h i s province from the Dominion w i l l be i n e v i t a b l e . " 1 6 4 Following the b l i s t e r i n g attack on federal p o l i c i e s by the former Cambridge don, other speakers rose to complain b i t t e r l y of t h e i r p l i g h t . Warden James A. Lang, a farmer and a Presbyterian minister from Riverside, saw the root of the problem i n the party system. Parliament was supposedly answerable to the people, but i n r e a l i t y i t was "controlled by a few party leaders or party wire-pullers." The answer to the West's problems lay i n burying party differences so that a l l Manitobans would serve the ends of the province rather than those of party. Charles P i l l i n g , a h o t e l i e r and a farmer attacked the "gigantic incubus"—the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway—which provided poor access to markets. The construction of the Hudson's Bay Railway, i n P i l l i n g ' s opinion, would put an end to Manitobans being the "lawful prey" of the - 1 0 9 -Syndicate. As f o r federal lands p o l i c y , " i t can only be characterized as abominable". The best lands i n the province were "jobbed to p o l i t i c a l partizans and swindling land companies", while genuine s e t t l e r s were "pushed back to the verge of c i v i l i z a t i o n " . In short, stated P i l l i n g , "the railway and land p o l i c i e s are doing more to retard settlement than any other c a u s e . " 1 6 5 The Brandon convention resolved i t s e l f into an association to be known as "The Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union". A platform, adopted unanimously, c a l l e d f o r modifications i n the customs t a r i f f ; demanded that Manitoba be given the right to charter railways free from federal interference; declared that the "public lands are the sacred heritage of the people" to be granted to actual s e t t l e r s ; condemned the Canadian P a c i f i c f o r i t s high f r e i g h t rates and f o r promoting an elevator monopoly; and demanded the immediate construction of the Hudson's Bay Railway. F i n a l l y , the convention resolved that c i r c u l a r s be d i s t r i b u t e d among "leading farmers In the several municipalities of Manitoba" suggesting that they organize l o c a l associations to draft resolutions which would be presented by l o c a l delegates "of both sides of p o l i t i c s " at "some central point" to formulate a "Provincial expression on Manitoba's n e c e s s i t i e s , with suggestions l 6 6 f o r t h e i r remedy." Unlike the Portage l a P r a i r i e assembly which had confined i t s e l f to one issue, the Brandon convention tackled a l l issues, thus making a broad appeal. As Warden Lang argued before the Brandon meeting: People from d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i t i e s f e e l those e v i l s under varying form and degrees, but they are f e l t - 110 -i n some form everywhere. Some of us, f o r instance, w i l l give the most prominence to the monopoly of railway construction granted to the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, others to the Customs Department—the f i s c a l p o l i c y of the Dominion Government i n i t s avowed discrimination against Manitoba's Interests. Others w i l l hold the Department of the I n t e r i o r responsible and w i l l see i n the t r a n s f e r to the P r o v i n c i a l Government of a l l our unappropriated lands a remedy fo r those e v i l s . Doctors d i f f e r , and so may farmers be expected to d i f f e r both i n t h e i r estimate of the character and magnitude of our disorders and the remedies to be a p p l i e d . 1 0 ' In his e d i t o r i a l comments l n the Brandon Mall, a newspaper which was an open supporter of the Liberal-Conservative government at Ottawa although i t was somewhat more independent i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s , Charles C l i f f e disapproved of much of the "animosity associated with the movement", but decided that there "never was yet a bundle of chaff that did not contain a c e r t a i n quantity of wheat,..." The Mail, therefore, gave support to the Farmers' Union despite the "extreme partisanship" expressed at the meeting and urged the federal a u t h o r i t i e s to pay attention to the " s i t -uation of the s e t t l e r In Manitoba and the Northwest " . L O 9 c l i f f e himself accepted a p o s i t i o n on the executive of the new organiz-a t i o n , 1 ^ 0 overcoming whatever objections he had to such prominent Gr i t s and leading Unionists as William Winter and A. L. S i f t o n . The problem with such a broad appeal was that i t glossed over s t r u c t u r a l weaknesses i n the movement. These weaknesses were the same as those that existed at the Portage l a P r a i r i e meeting. As at Portage l a P r a i r i e , there were indivi d u a l s present who put t h e i r own economic interests foremost—men l i k e William Winter who had l o s t heavily i n the collapse of the Manitoba Boom and was i n dire f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s , and Charles Stewart, a less 172 than successful farmer who had his property well-mortgaged. - 111 -A. L. S i f t o n , an a s p i r i n g young L i b e r a l p o l i t i c i a n , was using the Farmers' Union as the f i r s t stepping stone i n a p o l i t i c a l career, while James E l l i o t t , one of the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s i n the Brandon area, gave his support to every new organization that appeared to 173 benefit the community as a whole. The majority of delegates were r e l a t i v e l y successful farmers, men who looked to the Union to improve t h e i r p o s i t i o n on the a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r , but the presence of other elements not committed to the a g r i c u l t u r a l community boded i l l f o r the success of the movement. At f i r s t , the s t r u c t u r a l weaknesses of the Farmers' Union were of l i t t l e moment. In the days following the founding convention at Brandon, meetings were c a l l e d i n other l o c a l i t i e s to discuss grievances and to organize l o c a l associations. The most important of these meetings was held at Manitou on December 5. At Manitou, a r i v a l o r g a n i z a t i o n — t h e Manitoba and Northwest Farmers' Protective Union—was founded. The Protective Union borrowed from both the Portage l a P r a i r i e and Brandon meetings f o r i t s programme. Like the delegates to the Brandon assembly, the Manitou delegates saw the federal government as being responsible f o r many of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . The f i r s t objective of the organization was to secure the repeal of "laws that m i l i t a t e against /farmersj_7 i n t e r e s t s . " Of those laws the most important were the ones which prevented low f r e i g h t rates, which placed "unjust r e s t r i c t i o n s upon trade", and which l e d to "railway and other monopolies." The second objective was co-operation among farmers. The "general f e e l i n g was that the farmers should combine and send t h e i r wheat to Ontario themselves", i t being believed that market would be better than the Manitoba - 112 -market "owing to the lightness of the Ontario crop." 1' 7^ The delegates to the Manitou convention were not given to the v i v i d denunciations of the federal government that had taken place at Brandon a week e a r l i e r . The resolutions were c a r e f u l l y phrased so as not to offend anyone's p o l i t i c a l s e n s i b i l i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those s e n s i b i l i t i e s of the "great many...pronounced Conservatives" who were present. The language employed i n the resolutions indicated that the delegates were prepared to accept any reasonable o f f e r from the federal government that would re l i e v e distress i n the a r e a . 1 ^ The delegates to the Manitou convention, perhaps, recognizing weaknesses i n the programmes adopted by the e a r l i e r meeting at Brandon, set up t h e i r own p r o v i n c i a l organization. This step was taken i n defiance of the attempt at Brandon to cen t r a l i z e the protest movement under the leadership of the Farmers' Union. The Protective Union served notice that i t intended to compete f o r members with the Farmers' Union when i t was agreed to form "subordinate unions i n every portion of the Pr o v i n c e . " ^ ^ Although both the Farmers' Union and the Protective Union agreed to a common p r o v i n c i a l executive at Winnipeg on December 19, and formally united t h e i r r i v a l platforms i n the "Declaration of Rights", the differences between them were only submerged. Each i n i t s own geographical sphere of influence pursued what i t considered to be the legitimate goals of the a g i t a t i o n . From the outset the Farmers' Union of Brandon drew i t s supporters from a much larger area of the province, embracing p r a c t i c a l l y the whole of the region to the west of Portage l a - 113 -P r a i r i e . The Protective Union found i t s support exclusively i n the municipalities l y i n g along the United States border from Morden to Turtle Mountain. 1^ strengthening i t s p o s i t i o n i n the r u r a l areas, the Farmers' Union quickly acquired the support of W. F. Luxton of the Free Press, the leader of the L i b e r a l press i n Manitoba, who was only too glad to have the federal government attacked i n no uncertain terms. The protective Union's more reasonable attitude to federal p o l i c i e s f o r the development of the Canadian West found less f a v o u r . 1 ^ 8 Where the Protective Union had an advantage over the Farmers' Union was i n i t s greater economic and s o c i a l unity. Although a substantial number of persons attended the Manitou convention i n the hope that they might f i n d economic salvation, almost a l l who were i n attendance were farmers.^ 9 o f the nine farmers who can be i d e n t i f i e d as being present, f i v e were i n debt; of those f i v e , two were foreclosed and a t h i r d was forced to s e l l his land before l 8 Q 0 . Of the remaining four non-debted farmers, two were to take out mortgages within a year, and one was to lose his land to the mortgage company before 1 8 9 0 . 1 8 0 The unity of the Protective Union rested on common hard-ships shared by farmers i n southern Manitoba. The area along the inte r n a t i o n a l boundary lacked railway communication to markets, and although the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway had made a beginning on construction, i t seemed l i k e l y that the farmers would have to wait sometime yet before the needed l i n e was completed. Inadequate transportation prevented the farmers from marketing t h e i r small surplus a g r i c u l t u r a l production and whatever the accumulated - 114 -savings of the s e t t l e r s when they arrived i n Manitoba, these were almost c e r t a i n l y expended by 1 8 8 3 . No major centre dominated the region. The t y p i c a l market town i n the d i s t r i c t was a straggling v i l l a g e of less than a hundred Inhabitants. Only Nelsonville and i t s r i v a l Morden were larger, and both these centres had li m i t e d h i n t e r l a n d s . l f t l Because of the small size of the towns and because none had established a c l e a r p o s i t i o n of pre-eminence, the merchants, the professional men, and the promoters exercised a weak metropolitan authority. The towns were fundamentally extensions of the r u r a l d i s t r i c t s , and th i s f a c t was r e f l e c t e d i n the structure of the Manitou Union. In contrast, both Brandon and Portage l a P r a i r i e were important centres which dominated t h e i r surrounding areas. Brandon was the western regional metropolitan c i t y of Manitoba, while Portage l a P r a i r i e ' s hinterland was l i m i t e d to the d i s t r i c t immediately adjacent to i t . In both instances, t h e i r merchants acted as wholesalers to r e t a i l e r s i n smaller c e n t r e s , i a 2 both had two newspapers which played a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n disseminating ideas and determining the course of p o l i t i c s , 1 0 ^ and both were important railway c e n t r e s . l 8 4 I n exercising t h e i r c i t y ' s metro-p o l i t a n function, the leading c i t i z e n s of both Brandon and Portage l a P r a i r i e enjoyed great influence i n the outlying d i s t r i c t s . When meetings were c a l l e d to discuss grievances, the c i v i c leaders of both centres attended, and because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , they exerted an important influence on the decisions taken. The problem was that t h e i r interests did not always coincide with those of the farmers. - 1 1 5 -F i n a l l y , southern Manitoba enjoyed a non-partisan p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n . A l l three l o c a l Members of the L e g i s l a t u r e — Thomas Greenway, Finla y M. Young and William Winram—were Liberals who owed t h e i r p o l i t i c a l success to t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with l o c a l issues. Each was a farmer who understood the d i f f i c u l t i e s that other s e t t l e r s faced, and each put l o c a l development ahead of p r o v i n c i a l questions. In t h e i r r i d i n g s , elections were fought not on issues, f o r a l l candidates espoused the same po s i t i o n , l 8 6 but on p e r s o n a l i t i e s . In the i n i t i a l competition between the Farmers' Union and the Protective Union f o r the allegiance of Manitoba's farmers, the Brandon organization was the winner. Supported by the Manitoba  Free P r e s s , t h e Brandon S u n , 1 8 8 Rapid City Standard and North  West Advocate, l 89 and less e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y by the Brandon M a i l , 1 ^ 0 i t received the bulk of the p u b l i c i t y i n the p r o v i n c i a l press. The Protective Union could claim only one small l o c a l newspaper, the Nelsonville Mountaineer, 1 Q 1 as i t s apologist. Within two weeks of i t s founding, the Farmers' Union, bolstered by i t s support i n the press and f i r i n g audiences with i t s r a d i c a l r h e t o r i c , had achieved ascendancy i n Manitoba. There was an i n e v i t a b i l i t y to the b i r t h of agrarian protest i n Manitoba during the autumn of 1 8 8 3 . In the l 8 7 0 ' s when the expectations of immigrants to the province were not met, a short-lived a g i t a t i o n had emerged i n the High B l u f f d i s t r i c t but was quickly snuffed out by the s t a r t of large-scale railway construction and the beginning of heavy immigration. Between 1 8 7 8 - 116 -and 1880, the hopes of the s e t t l e r s were rekindled as Manitoba fever gripped the new Dominion. Those hopes became greatly exaggerated during the Manitoba Boom of l88l-l882. When the Boom collapsed, many Manitobans—townsmen and farmers a l i k e — w e r e deeply disappointed. In t h e i r despair, they i d e n t i f i e d federal programmes f o r the development of the Canadian West as being responsible f o r t h e i r poor prospects of future success. Stripped of the i l l u s i o n s to which they had clung f o r a decade, Manitobans turned to extra-parliamentary movements to seek redress of grievances. Of the two organizations formed i n the autumn of 1883, the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union of Brandon found the greatest favour with Manitobans. Broadly based, including both farmers and non-farmers, i t encouraged a l l Manitobans to j o i n i n supporting i t s platform which, because of i t s breadth, could appeal i n some measure to almost anyone. The Manitoba and North West Farmers' Protective Union, the r i v a l to the Farmers' Union,,was a weaker organization, more d i r e c t l y concerned with the welfare of the farmers. I t f a i l e d to generate the same excitement i n the province as a whole. Consequently, within a few weeks of i t s founding convention, the Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union emerged as the standard-bearer of the province's c i t i z e n s i n t h e i r attempt to obtain modification of the federal programmes, which they saw as being responsible f o r the f a i l u r e of the Canadian West to f u l f i l t h e i r own exaggerated expectations. - 117 -FOOTNOTES 1. See Table IX. 2. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1878, Vol. VIII, No. 9, Appendix, p. 77. 3 . I b i d . 4. E. K. Francis, op. c i t . , p. 50. 5. Canada, Sessional papers, 1892, V o l . IX, No. 1 3 , Appendix, J. S. Dennis, "A Short History of the Surveys Performed Under the Dominion Lands System 1869 to 1889", p. 16; A. S. Morton, op_. c i t . , p. 57. 6. Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial  Relations, Book I, p. 5 3 . 7. Alexander Begg, History of the North-west, Volume I I , p. 262. 8. Canada, Sessional papers, l880-l88l, V o l . VII, No. 12, Appendix, pp. 5b-57. 9. /David Currie7, op. c i t ; , pp. 43 and 45-46; /Anonymous/7, "Chronicles by t h e y a y . A Series of Letters Xddressed to  the Montreal "Gazette", Descriptive of a T r i p Through Manitoba and the North-West, (Montreal: The Gazette, 1879), PP. 7-8. 10. /Anonymous/V Chronicles by the Way, p. 12. 11. Winnipeg Daily Times, May 8, 1879, P« 4. 12. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1879, Vol. VII, No. 9, Appendix, p. 49. 13. /David Currie/, op. c i t . , p. 22 and p. 73; /Anonymous_7, Tjhronicles By the"Way, p. 10; A. S. Morton, op_. c i t . , p. 59. 1 4 . Statutes of Canada, 35 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 23. 15. /David Currie7, op_. c i t . , p. 69. 16. /Anonymous/, Chronicles By the Way, p. 35• 17. Louis Aubrey Wood, op. c i t . , pp. 29-61. 18. I b i d . , pp. 73-105. - n & -1 9 . I b i d . , p. 6 5 . 2 0 . I b i d . , p. 4 4 ; H. M i c h e l l , "The Grange i n Canada", B u l l e t i n  of the Departments of History and P o l i t i c a l and Economic  Science i n Queen's University, (No. l j j , October, 1 9 1 4 ) , p. 3 . 2 1 . Manitoba Free Press, January 9 , 1 8 7 8 , p. 1. 2 2 . Ibid. 2 3 . W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 2 1 0 . 2 4 . Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I , pp. 3 3 5 - 3 3 6 . 2 5 . G i l b e r t C. F i t e , The Farmers 1 Frontier, 1 8 6 5 - 1 9 0 0 , (New York: Holt, Rinenart and Winston, i 9 6 0 ) , pp. 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 . 2 6 . i b i d . , pp4& B 2 « 1 0 3 . 2 7 . Canada, Sessional Papers, 1 8 7 9 , Vol. VII, No. 9 , Appendix, p. 3 6 . 2 8 . I b i d . , p. 4 9 . 2 9 . I b i d . , p. 5 9 . 3 0 . I b i d. , p. 6 1 . 31. John Macoun, op. c i t . , p. 4 9 6 ; Charles R. T u t t l e , A History  of the Corporation of Winnipeg Giving an Account of the Recent C r i s i s , (Winnipeg: 1 0 0 3 ) , p. 27. According to the Census of 1 6 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 , Winnipeg's population was 7 , 9 8 5 , i n d i c a t i n g that e a r l i e r estimates were exaggerated and probably included a large f l o a t i n g population of newcomers. 3 2 . See Table IX. Also see Canada, Sessional Papers, 1 8 8 0 , Vol. VII, No. 1 0 , Appendix, p. 5"4^  3 3 . W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, pp. 178-181 3 4 . John Macoun, op_. c i t . , p. 4 7 8 . 3 5 . Margaret Morton Fahrni and W. L. Morton, Third Crossing: A  History of the F i r s t Quarter Century of tHe~Town and  D i s t r i c t of Gladstone i n the Province of Manitoba, ^Winnipeg: Advocate p r i n t e r s , 1 9 4 0), pp. t>2-t>5. 3 6 . James A. Jackson, op. c i t . , pp. 2 2 - 2 3 . 3 7 . Canada, sessional Papers, 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 1 , Vol. VII, No. 1 2 , Appendix, p. 57; Canada, Sessional papers, 1 8 8 2 , Vol. VII, No. 1 1 , Appendix, pp. 1 1 0 - 1 1 2 . - 1 1 9 -3 8 . John Macoun, op. c i t . , pp. 4 6 6 - 4 8 6 . 3 9 * W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 1 9 4 . 4 0 . Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I I , p. 6 9 . 4 1 . Ibid. 4 2 . Frank Austin Cade, The B r i t i s h North-West, Pen and Sun  Sketches i n the Canadian Wheat Lands, (St. Paul: The Pioneer Publishing company, 1002), p. 6 5 . 4 3 . Winnipeg Daily Times, August 1 8 , l 8 8 l , p. 6 . 4 4 . Winnipeg Daily Times, August 2 6 , 1 8 8 1 , p. 4 . 4 5 . Ibid. 4 6 . Winnipeg Daily Times, September 7 S 1 8 8 1 , p. 4 . 4 7 . Winnipeg Daily Times, September 2 0 , 1 8 8 1 , p. 1 4 8 . Winnipeg Daily Times, November 1 4 , 1 8 8 1 , p. 1 . 4 9 . Winnipeg Daily Times, September 3 , 1 8 8 1 , p. 1 . 5 0 . Robert B. H i l l , Manitoba: History of Its Early Settlement, Development and Resources, (Toronto: William Briggs, 1 8 9 0 ) , p. 6 4 1 . 5 1 . See George B. Fraser, Morris, Manitoba. Growth and Progress with Personal Sketches, (Morris: The Morris Herald, 1 6 8 2 ) , pp. 4 - 5 . 5 2 . Winnipeg Dally Times, January 1 3 > 1 8 8 2 , p. 4 . 5 3 . Winnipeg Daily Times, January 1 4 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 4 . 5 4 . Winnipeg Daily Times, February 2 7 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 . 5 5 . Winnipeg Daily Times, January 2 1 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 . 5 6 . Winnipeg Daily Times, February 1 4 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 4 . 5 7 . Winnipeg Daily Times, February 2 0 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 . 5 8 . The Monetary Times, January 2 0 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 8 8 8 . 5 9 . Ibid. 6 0 / The Monetary Times, February 1 0 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 9 7 5 . 6 l . Winnipeg Daily Times, January 1 8 , 1 8 8 2 . p. 1 . - 120 -62. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 4, 1882, p. 3; February 6, 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 ; February 3 , 1882, p. 1. 63. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 8, 1882, p. I j February 23, 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 ; February 2 8 , 1882, p. 1. 64. See f o r example, Winnipeg Daily Times, February 3 , 1882, p. 1; February 8, 1882, p. 1. 65. Winnipeg Daily Times, August 30, l 8 8 l , p. 4; James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , p. 67. 66. Winnipeg Dally Times, January 25, 1882, p. 4. 67. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 2, 1882, p. 1. 68. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 10, 1882, p. 1. 69. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 28, 1882. p. 2. Se also February 7, 1062, p. 3l February 11, 1882, p. 1. 70. Alexander Begg, History of the North-West, Volume I I I , p. 70. 71. Pierre Berton, The Last Spike, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971), p. 79. 72. Winnipeg Daily Times, February 3 , 1882. 73* Winnipeg Daily Times, June 2, 1882. The advertisements were very modest compared to those of February. 74. The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway's prices varied, but generally were between $2.50 and $5.00 per acre. James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , p. 67. 75. W. L. Morton, Manitoba A c History, p. 209. 76. /David Currie7, op. c i t . , p. 58; Winnipeg Daily Times, May 6, T879, p. 4; Brandon "Bally Mail, A p r i l 30, 1883, p. 2j /Anonymous/, Brandon, Manitoba and Her Industires, ^Winnipeg: Steen & Boyce, l b e z ) , p. o. 77. As, f o r example, Ne l s o n v i l l e , Crystal City, P i l o t Mound, and M i l l f o r d were to discover. 78. Winnipeg Daily Times, September 1, l 8 8 l , p. 1; October 13, 1 8 8 1 , p. 1. 79. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1882, v o l . X, No. 14, Appendix, p. 173. 80. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1884, Vol. VIII, No. 14, Appendix, p. 11. - 121 -81. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1882, Vol. VII, No. 11, Appendix, p. n o . 8 2 . Canada, Sessional papers, 1884, Vol. VII, No. 12, Appendix, pp. 18-197 8 3 . Canada, Sessional Papers, 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8. Appendix, pp. 6-9* 84. Canada, Sessional Papers, 1883, Vol. X, No. 14, Appendix, p. 170. 8 5 . Canada, Sessional Papers, 1884, Vol. VIII, No. 14, Appendix, p. 108. 86. The Commercial, November 7 , 1882, p. 109. Also see J. M. S. careless, "The Development of the Winnipeg Business Community, I 8 7 O - I 8 9 0 " , Transactions of the Royal  Society of Canada, Series IV, Volume VIII, 1 9 Y O , pp. 2 4 9 - 2 5 0 . 87. Imperial Bank of Canada, Proceedings of Eighth Annual  General Meeting of Shareholders, 4 July, I 0 6 3 , n. p. 88. Imperial Bank of Canada, Proceedings of Tenth Annual  General Meeting of Shareholders, 2 July, 1 6 8 5 , n. p. 8 9 . Victor Ross, A History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Volume II, (Toronto: oxford university Press, 1 9 2 2 ) , p. 558. 9 0 . The Canadian B?nk of Commerce, Charter and Annual Reports  1867-1907, Volume I, (Toronto: 1907), p. 167.—See also Victor Ross, op_. c i t . , p. 95* 91. The Canadian Bank of Commerce, op_. c i t . , p. 167. 9 2 . A number of other Canadian banks suffered from the collapse of the Manitoba Boom. Among them were the Federal Bank and the Merchants' Bank of Canada, although the latter institution would appear to have run into d i f f i c u l t i e s from loans made after the collapse. See The Monetary Times, June 2 0 , 1884, pp. 1432 and 1485. Also see A . B . jamieson, Chartered Banking i n Canada, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1 9 5 3 ) , pp. 2 4 - 2 5 . 9 3 . The Monetary Times, June 8, 1883, p. 1 3 8 l . 9 4 . The Commercial, April 3, 1883, p. 528. 9 5 . Ibid. 9 6 . Winnipeg Daily Times, January 16, l882,-.p. 1. - 1 2 2 -9 7 . He did have some other business i n t e r e s t s , among them a timber l i m i t i n the D i s t r i c t of Keewatin. 9 8 . Pierre Berton, op_. c i t . , p. 7 9 . 9 9 » J. M. S. Careless, op_. c i t . , p. 2 5 0 . 1 0 0 . James A. Jackson, The Centennial History of Manitoba, (Winnipeg: The Manitoba H i s t o r i c a l society i n Association with McClelland and Stewart, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 1 2 1 . 1 0 1 . Winnipeg Daily Times, November 2 5 , 1 8 8 1 , p. 4 ; February 1 1 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 4 ; January 1 4 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 4 . 1 0 2 . Margaret Morton Fahrni and W. L. Morton, Third Crossing, p. 8 5 . 1 0 3 . Henry James Morgan, ed., The Canadian Men and Women of the Time: A Handbook of Canadian Biography, (Toronto: William Briggs, I 8 9 8 ) , p. 8 7 8 . 1 0 4 . Winnipeg Daily Times, February 2 3 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 1 . 1 0 5 . P.A.O., S i r Richard Cartwright Papers, Thomas Greenway to Cartwright, November 2 8 , l 8 8 l ; Thomas Greenway to Cartwright, July 6 , 1 8 8 2 . 1 0 6 . Winnipeg Daily Times, February 1 0 , 1 8 8 2 , p. 3 . 1 0 7 . See Hugh R. Ross, Thirty-Five Years i n the Limelight: S i r Rodmond P. Roblin artd_Hls Times, (Winnipeg: Farmers' Advocate, 1 9 3 & ) , pp. 1 7 - 2 5 -1 0 8 . Margaret Morton Fahrni and W. L. Morton, Third Crossing, p. 87; Robert B. H i l l , op. c i t . , p. 446; Manitoba Colonist, October, 1 8 8 9 . 1 0 9 . Winnipeg Daily Times, January 24, 1 8 8 2 , p. 3 . 1 1 0 . G i l b e r t C. F i t e , op. c i t . , pp. 9 5 - 1 0 3 ; Elwyn B. Robinson, History of North TjtfooTiaT (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1 9 6 6 ; , pp. 1 3 3 - 1 3 5 . 1 1 1 . Elwyn B. Robinson, op. c i t . , pp. 148-151; Winnipeg Daily  Times, February 6 , 1882, p. 4 . 1 1 2 . Elwyn B. Robinson, op. c i t . , pp. 1 5 1 - 1 5 2 . 1 1 3 . Not u n t i l the l a t e l 8 8 0 ' s was the railway completed to these d i s t r i c t s . 114. H. A. Innis, op. c i t . , p. l 4 l ; P.A.M., Acton . Burrows Co l l e c t i o n , WT~c. Van Home to Borrows, November 2 , 1 8 8 8 . - 123 -115. James B. Hedges, op. c i t . , p. 86. 116. Statutes of Manitoba, 44 V i c t o r i a , Cap. 39. 117. Margaret McWilliams, Manitoba Milestones, (Toronto: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1$28), pp. 152-153. 118. The Commercial, February 27, 1883, p. 428. 119* Ibid. See also James A. Jackson, "The Disallowance of Manitoba Railway L e g i s l a t i o n i n the l88ofs", pp. 22-37, f o r the progress of the anti-disallowance a g i t a t i o n . 120. Winnipeg Daily Times, October 31, l88 l , p. 1. 121. Brandon Daily Mail, January 6, 1883, p. 3. 122. Brandon Daily Mail, A p r i l 10, 1883, p. 2. 123. W. L. Morton, Manitoba A.History, p. 209. 124. I b i d . , p. 210. 125. The Nor'-West Farmer and Manitoba M i l l e r , December, 1883, p: 292. 126. P.A.M., James Wickes Taylor Papers, (microfilm), Taylor to J. C. Bancroft Davis, June 2, 1882. See also The  Commercial, June 12, l8o3, p. 7o6. 127. Manitoba Free Press, A p r i l 25, 1883, p. 4. 128. Manitoba Free Press, May 19, 1883, p. 4. 129. W. L. Morton, Manitoba A History, p. 210. 130. Brandon Daily Mail, A p r i l 30, 1883, p. 2. 131. The Monetary Times, June 22, 1883, p. 1437. 132. Ibid.; R. B. H i l l , op_. c i t . , pp. 444-445. 1 3 3 . James A. Jackson, "The Disallowance of Manitoba Railway L e g i s l a t i o n i n the l88D's'!", pp. 3 8 - 3 9 -1 3 4 . R. 0 . MacFarlane, "Manitoba P o l i t i c s and Parties A f t e r Confederation", Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association Annual  Report, 1 9 4 0 , p."53*; 1 3 5 . P.A.C., S i r John A. Macdonald Papers, MG. 2 6 , A. 1(b), Vol. 2 4 6 , G i l b e r t McMicken to Macdonald, July 1 3 , 1 8 8 2 , I I O 9 3 2 - I I O 9 3 5 ; P.A.C., Mackenzie Bowell Papers, M.G. 2 6 , E, 1 ( c ) , Vol. 7 9 , Bowell to J. C. Aikins, October 2 6 , 1 8 8 2 . - 1 2 4 -1 3 6 . J. A. Maxwell, op. c i t . , p. 8 2 . 1 3 7 . Manitoba Free Press, August 2 8 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 5 . 1 3 8 . Winnipeg Daily Times, August 2 9 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 4 ; August 3 0 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 4 . 1 3 9 . Manitoba Free Press, August 2 8 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 4 . 1 4 0 . Robert B. H i l l , op_. c i t . , pp. 4 4 5 - 4 4 6 . 1 4 1 . Between 1 8 7 6 and 1 8 8 3 , there had not been a single crop f a i l u r e . Most s e t t l e r s a r r i v e d during that time and learned l i t t l e of the normal hazards of farming on the p r a i r i e s i n those exceptionally favourable years. 1 4 2 . P.A.C., S i r John A. Macdonald Papers,-M.G. 2 6 , A, 1(d), Vol. 3 9 9 , Amos Rowe and Stewart Mulvey to Macdonald, January 4 , 1 8 8 4 , 1 9 2 2 1 4 ; W. C. Grahame to W. B. Small, January 7 , 1 8 8 4 , 1 9 2 2 1 6 - 1 9 2 2 1 7 . 1 4 3 - R. B. H i l l , o £ i c i t . , pp. 4 4 5 - 4 4 6 ; P.A.C, S i r John A. Macdonald Papers7~K.G. 2 6 , A, 1(d), Vol. 3 9 7 , part 2 , T. M. Daly to Macdonald, December 1 6 , 1 8 8 3 , 1 9 1 5 5 2 - 1 9 1 5 7 2 . 1 4 4 . Brandon Mail, November 9 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 4 5 . P.A.M., Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union Scrapbook, Brandon Sun, October 1 9 , 1 8 8 3 . I have used the Scrapbook only where I have not been able to locate the a r t i c l e s i n question i n the per i o d i c a l s themselves. 1 4 6 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 4 7 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 7 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 ; December 6 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 4 8 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 4 9 . Ibid. 1 5 0 . Ibid. 1 5 1 . I b i d . 1 5 2 . See Table X. For the purposes of t h i s table, the p o l i t i c a l l y motivated individuals include those who held l o c a l o f f i c e s ( i f of a p o l i t i c a l nature) and those who were active i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the province. The inveterate joiners were determined by examining the membership of l o c a l organizations. Those individuals who belonged to p r a c t i c a l l y every organization but seemed to take only a minor part i n most of them, I have put i n t h i s category. D i s i l l u s i o n e d promoters were those who were land speculators or town - 1 2 5 -promoters, some of whom had encountered f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , others who were so situated that t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r metropolis had not developed according to t h e i r expectations. Under the heading farmers, I include a l l those delegates whose p r i n c i p a l source of income was from agr i c u l t u r e . F i n a n c i a l l y embarrassed farmers were those who had mortgage debts of more than $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre. The figure chosen i s a r t i f i c i a l but i t appears from an examination of the material on mortgage indebtedness that beyond $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre i n debts, the in d i v i d u a l farmer was very l i k e l y to be foreclosed. The figure i s also useful since a f t e r the collapse of the Manitoba Boom, the price of "improved" that i s c u l t i v a t e d land did not r i s e above $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre u n t i l the la t e l 8 9 0 ' s . F i n a n c i a l l y embarrassed farmers also include any landowner who was foreclosed within f i v e years of the convention which he attended. Marginally successful farmers were a l l farmers who were not i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . The category includes both debted and non-debted farmers, but those individuals who had mortgaged t h e i r property possessed debts of less than $ 1 0 . 0 0 per acre. The term "Marginally successful" i s used to denote the d i f f i c u l t conditions under which Manitoba s e t t l e r s laboured, not to indicate the type of agriculture i n the province. Rather the si t u a t i o n i n the l 8 8 0 ' s and 1 8 9 0 ' s , because of low prices and high costs, was one i n which p r o f i t s were small and the r i s k of f a i l u r e high. 1 5 3 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 , p. . 1 . 1 5 4 . J. H. Metcalfe, The Tread of the Pioneers, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1 9 3 2 ) , p. 1 3 2 . 1 5 5 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 5 6 . Ibid. 1 5 7 . J. H. Metcalfe, op. c i t . , pp. 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 ; F. H. Schofield, The Story of Manitoba, Volume I I , (Winnipeg: 1 9 1 3 ) , pp. 483-484. 158. j . H. Metcalfe, op. c i t . , p. 1 6 9 ; Abstract Book No. 9 , Portage l a P r a i r i e Lana" T i t l e s O f f i c e , Portage l a P r a i r i e , Manitoba. 1 5 9 . Instruments 9 2 0 2 , 9 0 4 9 , 1 5 1 2 1 , 6 1 3 9 , Portage l a P r a i r i e , Land T i t l e s O f f i c e , Portage l a P r a i r i e , Manitoba. 1 6 0 . Manitoba Free Press, November 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 6 1 . Brandon Mall, November 9 , 1 8 8 3 , p. 1 . 1 6 2 . Ibid,; P.A.M., Manitoba and North West Farmers' Union Scrapbook, handbill included i n scrapbook summoning f i r s t convention. - 126- -163. Manitoba Free Press, November 27, 1883, p. 1. 164. I b i d . 165. Ibid . 166. Ibid. 167. Ibid . 168. Brandon Daily Mail, September 17, 1883, p. 2. 169. Brandon Mail, December 6, 1883, p. 2. 170. P.A.M., Manitoba and North West Farmers* Union Scrapbook, l i s t of executive members jotted i n the margin. 171. P.A.C., S i r John A. Macdonald Papers, M.G. 26, A, 1(d), Vol. 397, part 2, T. Mayne Daly to Macdonald, December 16, 1883, 191552-191572. 172. Ibid .; Instruments 2268 and 2324, Brandon Land T i t l e s O f f i c e , Brandon, Manitoba. 173. J. A. D. Stuart, The P r a i r i e W.A.S.P.; A History of the  Rural Municipality of Oakland, Manitoba, (Winnipeg: TKe P r a i r