UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Folk history in a small Canadian Community Laforet, Andrea Lynne 1974

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1974_A1 L33_9.pdf [ 18.38MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0099996.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0099996-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0099996-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0099996-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0099996-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0099996-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0099996-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0099996-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0099996.ris

Full Text

FOLK HISTORY IN A SMALL CANADIAN COMMUNITY B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ/yed standard by ANDREA LYNNE LAFORET THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r equ i r ements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb i a , I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rposes may be g r an t ed by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s unde r s tood that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l owed w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia Vancouver 8, Canada i ABSTRACT This i s a study of f o l k h i s t o r y i n Yale, B r i t i s h Columbia, a small community with a population that i s part of western Canadian society. Folk h i s t o r y , which encompasses those aspects of a society's past which are s o c i a l l y and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y important to i t s members, and the organization and s o c i a l use of knowledge of the past within the society, has been stu-died i n some n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , but never i n a l i t e r a t e s ociety. In carrying out t h i s study I have concentrated on el u c i d a t i n g the features of Yale's past considered s i g n i f i c a n t by residents of Yale, the c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of custodians of knowledge of the past, and the s o c i a l contexts of transmission of such knowledge. In s o c i e t i e s without w r i t i n g , h i s t o r y i s c l o s e l y integrated with the i d e n t i t y of the s o c i a l group. Custodians of knowledge of the past are instructed formally or informally, and exercise t h e i r knowledge by v i r t u e of t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n and of other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l structure or r e l a t i v e l y advanced age. History i n such s o c i e t i e s i s h ighly p o l i t i c a l i n content and function. The p r i n c i p a l v e h i c l e f o r o r a l transmission of knowledge of the past i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s has been assumed to be the legend but the char-a c t e r i s t i c s of custodians of knowledge and the s o c i a l contexts of trans-mission have not been investigated. O r a l l y transmitted knowledge of h i s t o r y i n Yale incorporates some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h i s t o r y i n n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s and some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of North American f o l k l o r e , but i i d i f f e r s from both i n important ways. The l egend , i n the sense of a n a r r a -t i v e which i s b e l i e v e d and has a knowable h i s t o r i c s e t t i n g e x i s t s , a t l e a s t i d e a l l y , among the genres of f o l k l o r e to be found i n Y a l e . However, I have not concentrated on a d e s c r i p t i o n or a n a l y s i s of t h i s o r o ther genres . The people of Ya l e a re h i g h l y consc ious of the importance of the community's h i s t o r y and h i s t o r y i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the i d e n t i t y of the community. There are cus tod ians of knowledge of h i s t o r y , o l d - t i m e r s , who as a r u l e have not been i n s t r u c t e d f o r m a l l y by prev ious o l d - t i m e r s , but are expected to have knowledge and to d ispense i t by v i r t u e of c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s such as advanced age, b i r t h i n Y a l e , long res idence i n the community and the possess ion of a r t i f a c t s and books. There are th ree types of people who p a r t i c i p a t e i n Y a l e ' s f o l k h i s t o r y : o u t s i d e r s who come to Ya l e w i t h an amateur o r p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r -est i n the p a s t , and c o n s t i t u t e the p r i n c i p a l audiences f o r o l d - t i m e r s ' knowledge, the o l d - t i m e r s , and o ther people of Y a l e , whose p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n h i s t o r y c o n s i s t s of spontaneous p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community f e s t i v a l s i n which h i s t o r i c a l themes are i n t e r p r e t e d f r e e l y , and i n be ing aware of landmarks and a r t i f a c t s w i t h h i s t o r i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . There i s no p u b l i c occas ion du r i ng which o ld- t ime r s t r ansmi t t h e i r knowledge of the past to o ther r e s i d e n t s of Y a l e . Gene ra l l y the knowledge of o l d- t ime r s i s not f u l l y known to the people of Ya l e and i s f o r m a l l y t r ansm i t t ed on ly to o u t s i d e r s , a l though o ld- t imers may be consu l t ed by Ya l e people i f s p e c i f i c need a r i s e s , and i n f o rma l t r ansm i s s i on of knowledge occurs i n the course of work, t r a v e l and the meetings of f r i e n d s and a c q u a i n -tances at community f e s t i v a l s . S t o r y - t e l l i n g sess ions are compara t i ve ly r a r e . i i i H istory i n Yale i s not p o l i t i c a l i n content or i n function. Old-timers do not exercise p o l i t i c a l power by v i r t u e of t h e i r status as o l d -timers and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s based on d i f f e r e n t information; p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e people are generally persons who are not old-timers. Formal written h i s t o r y i s a part of the culture of the people of Yale, and they are aware of i t . Formal h i s t o r i e s of Yale can be based on f a i r l y r i c h documentation, e s p e c i a l l y f or several s p e c i f i c periods of intense a c t i v i t y during the nineteenth century. The f o l k h i s t o r y of the community overlaps to some extent with formal h i s t o r y , e s p e c i a l l y with regard to the themes of Yale's development and decline. Books, both scholarly and popular publications, are seen as sources or p o t e n t i a l sources of knowledge by old-timers, but they are more frequently used as symbols of knowledge. The accumulated records on which written h i s t o r y i s based are not accessible to most Yale people, and f o l k h i s t o r y i s an a c t i v i t y separate from formal h i s t o r y . i v . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 CHAPTER I KNOWLEDGE OF THE PAST 2 Non-Literate S o c i e t i e s 2 L i t e r a t e S o c i e t i e s : Formal H i s t o r y 10 L i t e r a t e S o c i e t i e s : F o l k H i s t o r y 17 The S o c i a l Base of F o l k l o r e 23 The Narrator and the Audience 25 F o l k l o r e and L i t e r a c y 29 The Thesis: Focus and Method 32 CHAPTER I I YALE IN THE PAST 35 1. The F i r s t S e t t l e r s 38 2. The Gold Rush 57 The Gold Rush: The Whites 57 Establishment of Businesses and Legal I n s t i t u t i o n s 61 Subsistence, Trade and Transport 65 Law 71 The Gold Rush: The Indians 80 The Gold Rush: The Chinese 84 Conclusion 86 3. 1860-1880 88 The White Community - Economic and P o l i t i c a l O r ganization 88 Yale Residents and the Law 96 R e l i g i o u s I n s t i t u t i o n s and Community Organization 98 F e s t i v a l s and S o c i a l Events 101 V Page 1860-1880: The Indian Community 106 1860-1880: The Chinese Community 119 The Miners 119 The Businessmen 121 S o c i a l O rganization 123 4. The 1880*s 127 The White Community 129 P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 139 R e l i g i o u s I n s t i t u t i o n s 149 F e s t i v a l s and Other S o c i a l Events 151 1880's: The Chinese Community 152 The Chinese Railway Workers 153 A t t i t u d e s of Whites Towards Chinese 156 Chinese and the Law 158 Businesses 160 S o c i a l Organization 163 1880's: The Indian Community 166 The Impact of the R a i l r o a d 170 5. A f t e r the CPR 174 The CNR 178 Conclusion 182 CHAPTER I I I CONTEMPORARY YALE 189 P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l O rganization 200 Informal S o c i a l Gatherings 210 S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n 216 Summary 220 CHAPTER IV THE OLD-TIMERS 223 The Old-Timers 226 v i Page Q u a l i f i c a t i o n s 231 Role 237 Successors 242 CHAPTER V THE HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS 245 CHAPTER VI THE OPERATION OF FOLK HISTORY 318 Concepts of H i s t o r y 318 Landmarks and M a t e r i a l Objects 319 The W r i t t e n Record 327 H i s t o r y and Community F e s t i v a l s 329 S o c i a l Contexts of Transmission 331 Tr a v e l and Transmission of Knowledge 338 Hol i d a y s , Community F e s t i v a l s and the Transmission of Knowledge 341 S t o r y - T e l l i n g Sessions 343 The Act of S t o r y - T e l l i n g 347 Summary and Conclusions 351 Bi b l i o g r a p h y 357 Appendix 378 Map 1 Map 2 v i i 223 v i i 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis i s an exploration of some aspects of f o l k h i s t o r y i n Yale, B r i t i s h Columbia, a small community with a population that constitutes part of l i t e r a t e western Canadian society. In general, f o l k h i s t o r y con-s i s t s of those features of a society's past which are considered important, s o c i a l l y and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , by the members of the society. In the course of t h i s work I have i s o l a t e d those features of Yale's past which those who l i v e there f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t . There have been analyses of the organization and s o c i a l use of knowledge of the past i n n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , but for l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y f o r s p e c i f i c communities with a l i t e r a t e population, there has been no study of the operation of f o l k h i s t o r y i n s o c i a l l i f e . C o l l e c -tions have been made of legends, generally considered the p r i n c i p a l v e h i c l e f o r the o r a l transmission of knowledge of the past i n l i t e r a t e communities, but there i s debate among f o l k l o r i s t s about the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that define the legend as a genre. In t h i s t h e s i s I have presented some material c o l l e c t e d i n Yale, but I have not discussed the genres of o r a l l i t e r a t u r e to be found i n the community. I have concentrated on el u c i d a t i n g the nature of the community's past considered important by the people of Yale, the i d e n t i t y , q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and functions of those who act as custodians of information about the past, and the s o c i a l contexts of transmission of t h i s information. 2 CHAPTER I KNOWLEDGE OF THE PAST Non-Literate S o c i e t i e s The purpose of t h i s i n i t i a l chapter i s to d i s c u s s the c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s of knowledge of the past, i n s o f a r as they are known, i n n o n - l i t e r a t e and l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have long recognized that non-l i t e r a t e peoples place h i g h value on knowledge of the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s foundations of t h e i r s o c i e t i e s and take care that i t be passed on from one generation to the next. Knowledge of the past i n n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s has been f r e q u e n t l y subsumed under the general c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of "myth". Malinowski set out the f u n c t i o n s of Trobriand myth i n Argonauts of the Western  P a c i f i c (Malinowski, 1922) and "Myth i n P r i m i t i v e Psychology" (1954), and w h i l e he was e x t r a p o l a t i n g from h i s experience i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e , h i s major g e n e r a l i z a t i o n that myth serves as a c h a r t e r f o r the moral order of a s o c i e t y has been adopted and a p p l i e d by subsequent generations of anthropo-l o g i s t s to other s o c i e t i e s d i f f e r i n g i n a m u l t i t u d e of ways from the Tro-b r i a n d e r s of the 1900's. Although i t i s organized and presented i n d i f f e r e n t forms, i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s o c i a l u n i t s organized i n d i f f e r e n t ways, and contains i n -formation bearing on problems of order and i d e n t i t y that vary, widely from one s o c i e t y to another, knowledge of the past serves to enable people to order t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h one another, to provide the members of each h i s t o r y -bearing group w i t h a common i d e n t i t y , and to s e t t l e matters of importance 3 concerning disparate i n t e r e s t s within the society. In some s o c i e t i e s , f o r example those of West A f r i c a (Henige, 1973) and Polynesia (Buck, 1952), con-sciousness of the past i s p a r t i c u l a r l y high. Analysis of the place of the construction and use of h i s t o r y i n the s o c i a l organization and l i f e of such s o c i e t i e s have revealed several major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h i s t o r y i n non-l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of knowledge pertaining to the past v a r i e s ac-cording to genres of verbal art e x i s t i n g i n each c u l t u r e , but generally there i s a d i s t i n c t i o n between s t o r i e s which may or may not r e l a t e to ances-tors or events accomplished, but a r e - t o l d f o r entertainment, and narra-t i v e s that incorporate s i g n i f i c a n t features pf the past f o r the s o c i a l group, and are not t o l d f o r entertainment, but to elucidate r e l a t i o n s h i p s or other matters c a l l e d into question. These are subject to closer r e s t r i c t i o n on the manner and occasion of t h e i r t e l l i n g , as well as on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of those with prerogatives of t e l l i n g the h i s t o r i e s and l i s t e n i n g to them. H i s t o r i c a l knowledge i s not generally c o l l e c t i v e , i n the sense that i t i s possessed i n an equally a c t i v e way by a l l the members of a par-t i c u l a r group. In each group the majority of people p a r t i c i p a t e passively i n the h i s t o r y of the group, l i s t e n i n g on occasions when i t i s r e c i t e d , and perhaps able - though not always w i l l i n g - to r e c i t e parts of i t themselves when requested by an outsider to do so. Certain members are acknowledged as being capable of transmitting knowledge and as having the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n which allows them to do so. 4 The a c q u i s i t i o n of knowledge i s bound c l o s e l y to the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i e t y and to the f u n c t i o n of knowledge of the past. The education of s p e c i a l i s t s has ranged from h i g h l y formal t r a i n i n g , w i t h pre-s e l e c t i o n of candidates on the b a s i s of high s o c i a l rank, i n s i s t e n c e on p e r f e c t r e p e t i t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n imparted by experts i n a s p e c i a l s c h o o l , and f o r t i f i c a t i o n by r e l i g i o u s sanctions against questioning e i t h e r the knowledge or the teaching process, as among the Maori (Best, 1924: 65-75), to more casu a l methods, by which the i n i t i a t i v e has come from a would-be s p e c i a l i s t , who, seeing a connection i n h i s s o c i e t y between knowledge of the past and a u t h o r i t y , has sought out occasions where such knowledge has been used, and, having l i s t e n e d i n t e n t l y , has a m p l i f i e d what he has learned by c o n s u l t i n g recognized s p e c i a l i s t s on p o i n t s not made c l e a r . The l a t t e r , more c a s u a l , method of l e a r n i n g was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s p e c i a l i s t s among two, otherwise separate, A f r i c a n groups, the Gola (D'Azvedo, 1962) and the T i v (Bohannon, 1952). S p e c i a l i s t s i n h i s t o r i c a l knowledge, once t r a i n e d , e x e r c i s e t h e i r knowledge by v i r t u e of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that extend beyond simple possession of g e n e a l o g i c a l f a c t or n a r r a t i v e s of m i g r a t i o n and settlement. Achievement of the s t a t u s of elder i n the community, or of h i g h s t a t u s i n l i n e a g e or c l a n , may be necessary before one who has acquired knowledge can use i t e f f e c t i v e l y . The use of knowledge by a young man, or one without s t a t u s , w i l l not meet w i t h s o c i a l approval or acceptance by other members of the group. 5 H i s t o r i e s vary i n form, but t h e i r content i s h i g h l y p o l i t i c a l . They i n c o r p o r a t e what i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the h i s t o r y -bearing group, whether that i s g e n e a l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n confirming r e l a t i o n -ships w i t h i n the group and between groups, and the prerogatives stemming from these, or n a r r a t i v e s of m i g r a t i o n and settlement that may confirm claims to lands, or v a l i d a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between d i s t i n c t groups l i v -i n g w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r area. The i n t e r e s t s of groups are not always compatible, and h i s t o r i e s are used most f r e q u e n t l y i n the settlement of d i s p u t e s . Leach, a f t e r ob-se r v i n g the use of myth and r i t u a l i n the widely d i f f e r i n g , and r a r e l y com-p a t i b l e s o c i a l systems embraced by the Kachin, concluded that myth and r i t -u a l , i n which he included a l l knowledge of the past and i t s formal presenta-t i o n , c o n s t i t u t e d a "language of argument" and even a mechanism f o r d i s i n t e -g r a t i o n of a s o c i e t y (Leach, 1965: 278). The Gola, r e c o g n i z i n g i n h i s t o r y a mechanism f o r promoting e i t h e r s o l i d a r i t y or d i s s e n s i o n , have p u b l i c t r u t h s and p r i v a t e t r u t h s . P u b l i c t r u t h s , r e p r e s e n t i n g values which the Gola con-c e i v e to be i d e a l , c o n t r i b u t e to the s o l i d a r i t y of the Golas as a whole, and t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n demands extensive compromise of d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n among groups. But h i s t o r y among the Gola i s a p o l i t i c a l instrument, used f o r the furtherance of i n t e r e s t s of component groups, and these groups have p r i v a t e t r u t h s , which o f t e n i n c o r p o r a t e f a c t s not revealed p u b l i c l y , and these have as much s i g n i f i c a n c e to i n d i v i d u a l Gola people as the p u b l i c t r u t h s i f not more (D'Azevedo, 1962: 34). 6 The use of knowledge of the past f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes i n the present renders the tale n t s and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s p e c i a l i s t c r i t i c a l l y important to the community he represents, and also a f f e c t s the content of the h i s t o r y he reveals. Without the s o c i a l standing that commands recognition from members of the group and persons outside i t , a man may possess knowledge without opportunity to use i t e f f e c t i v e l y . Without knowledge, elders, or representatives of p a r t i c u l a r groups, may not command respect, and may not be able to exercise c o n t r o l . They w i l l not be able to mediate between disputants, c l a r i f y r e l a t i o n s h i p s that have become confused, or r e i n f o r c e ther.identity of the group. P o l i t i c a l necessity may make the content of h i s t o r y f l u i d ( cf. Henige, 1973). Accepted knowledge of the past may also be modified to conform with s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s e x i s t i n g i n the pre-sent that r a i s e problems demanding p r a c t i c a l r e s o l u t i o n . This was observed by Bohannon among the T i v , and the newly confirmed s o c i a l f a c t s were, i n that instance, v a l i d a t e d paradoxically by reference to a new genealogy - the old r e l a t i o n s h i p s having been modified to f i t the new f a c t by means of a reverse i n l o g i c (Bohannon, 1952: 312). The r e l a t i o n s h i p of h i s t o r y to s o c i a l structure has implications for the forms of h i s t o r y e x i s t i n g i n a cult u r e . In a society with strongly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d component groups, e.g., one composed of clans, sub-clans, lineages, each w i l l be d i s t i n c t i n i d e n t i t y and rela t e d to the others i n formal ways, and each w i l l have a d i s t i n c t h i s t o r y . Even the h i s t o r y of a sub-clan w i l l d i f f e r from h i s t o r i e s of component lineages because d i f f e r e n t features are s a l i e n t i n the h i s t o r y of the larger group. For example, among 7 the peoples l i v i n g i n the Luapala v a l l e y i n A f r i c a , there are a number of groups r e l a t e d i n t h i s f a s h i o n , and a number of h i s t o r i e s , but no coherent general h i s t o r y that encompasses and organizes the pasts of a l l the r e l a t e d people i n the v a l l e y (Cunnison, 1951: 5 ) . H i s t o r i e s vary from one s o c i e t y to another w i t h respect to c r i -t e r i a of relevance and canons of h i s t o r i c a l t r u t h . C o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of time a l s o v a r i e s from one s o c i e t y to another, and i n s o c i e t i e s where the o r g a n i z a t i o n of h i s t o r y i s complex, from one k i n d of h i s t o r y to another. Categories of time can be i n f e r r e d from a corpus of t r a d i t i o n s , but i n the h i s t o r i e s which s t r u c t u r e k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s the d i f f e r e n c e between what Wes-ter n e r s conceive of as present and past may be minimized by the continua-t i o n of names and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Once e s t a b l i s h e d , these are perpetuated and maintained i n the current generation. For example, among the Luapala v a l l e y peoples, the head of a sub-clan, r e c i t i n g the e x p l o i t s of a predeces-s o r , w i l l r e f e r to him i n the f i r s t person s i n g u l a r , thus merging t h e i r per-sonal i d e n t i t i e s , separated i n time, i n the i d e n t i t y of the o f f i c e , which i s unchanging (Cunnison 1951: 33). In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r v a l l e y there are two kinds of h i s t o r y - the pers o n a l , coherent h i s t o r i e s of c l a n , sub-clan and house, and impersonal, s p o r a d i c , u n i v e r s a l h i s t o r i e s . These have i m p l i c i t n otions of time that are c o n t r a d i c t o r y (Cunnison 1951: 41), but each person i n the s o c i e t y operates w i t h both. The personal h i s t o r i e s are not f i t t e d i n t o the t i m e - s c a l e im-p l i e d by the e x i s t e n c e of a u n i v e r s a l h i s t o r y . Events i n a sub-clan h i s t o r y have a temporal sequence, but each event i s seen i n r e l a t i o n only to the 8 other events w i t h i n that h i s t o r y . Unless an event w i t h i n a sub-clan h i s t o r y c o i n c i d e s w i t h a major event w i d e l y known i n the h i s t o r y of the v a l l e y as a whole, the sub-clan h i s t o r y sequence i s s u f f i c i e n t unto i t s e l f . D i f f e r e n t groups have d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i e s ; w h i l e each immigrant group becomes g r a d u a l l y aware of the events of the v a l l e y ' s h i s t o r y , the group remembers l i t t l e about the time before i t came and i t s h i s t o r y thus has a d i f f e r e n t time depth and a d i f f e r e n t set of i n t e r n a l time sequences from other groups. I t i s not necessary to record times or epochs unless they have been d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a memorable event. The time, without the event, i s meaningless (Cunnison, 1951: 32). The time sense of the u n i v e r s a l h i s t o r y , to the extent that i t operates at a l l among the Luapala peoples, i s of "a gradual succession of events from a somewhat nebulous and i n d e f i n a b l e time, k a l e sana, long long ago, to a datable and present time" (Cunnison, 1951: 28). The Gola sense of time i s a l s o compartmentalized and v a r i o u s . Genealogies provide a framework i n space and time f o r h i s t o r y presented i n n a r r a t i v e form, but genealogies are h i g h l y l o c a l i z e d , subject to t e l e s c o p i n g of generations, and g e n e a l o g i c a l time can g e n e r a l l y be f l e x i b l e i n d u r a t i o n . Since disputes i n which h i s t o r i c a l evidence i s introduced as part of the pro-cess of settlement i n v o l v e land claims and n e c e s s i t a t e reference to an ob-j e c t i v e time s c a l e , there are w i d e l y known events a f f e c t i n g the Gola and t h e i r neighbours which can be used as cross-references f o r g e n e a l o g i c a l data. The great r u l e r s and major wars are known, and t h e i r temporal r e l a t i o n s h i p to one another remembered (D'Azevedo 1962: 32). 9 The absence of w r i t i n g does not i n h i b i t organization and use of knowledge of the past, and. exposure to western historiography does not change methods indigenous to n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s immediately or fundamentally, although these cannot survive the destruction of the s o c i a l structure i t s e l f . While the structure of a n o n - l i t e r a t e society has remained i n t a c t , aspects of European systems of w r i t i n g and dating have been modified and incorpor-ated into e x i s t i n g indigenous systems. Insofar as the p o l i t i c a l function of knowledge of the past i n such s o c i e t i e s i s dependent on the capacity of the h i s t o r i e s to change i n content, the adoption of w r i t i n g may endanger the system of constructing and using h i s t o r y , and the s o c i a l structure i t r e i n f o r c e s . When Bohannon studied the T i v , they were beginning to adopt w r i t i n g as a means of record-ing genealogical knowledge. P a r t l y t h i s was i n response to pressure from government o f f i c i a l s , but one man with p a r t i c u l a r l y extensive genealogical knowledge wanted to record i t for p o s t e r i t y . Bohannon predicted that t h i s would present serious problems for the persistence of T i v s o c i a l organiza-t i o n i n the future, for the s t r u c t u r i n g of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n response to current conditions depended on the m a l l e a b i l i t y , of genealogies and t h e i r subtle modification over time. This would be impossible i f i t became cus-tomary to consult unchanging written records, representing, not a s i n g l e , proper, state of a f f a i r s , but the state of a f f a i r s as i t existed at the time that the genealogy was written down (Bohannon 1952: 314). 10 L i t e r a t e S o c i e t i e s ; Formal History L i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s have written h i s t o r i e s , produced by s p e c i a l -i s t s . In contemporary western society the candidacy of those who become s p e c i a l i s t s i s based p a r t l y on s e l f - s e l e c t i o n and p a r t l y on evaluation by already trained s p e c i a l i s t s of t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , e.g., academic prepara-t i o n and i n t e l l e c t u a l p o t e n t i a l . Even though these q u a l i f i c a t i o n s are not s p e c i f i c a l l y s o c i a l , t h e i r possession often cannot be divorced from member-ship i n a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l class or access to wealth. The contemporary western h i s t o r i a n ' s t r a i n i n g i s formal, but unlike h i s counterpart i n s o c i -e t i e s without l i t e r a c y , he i s seldom the p o l i t i c a l representative of the s o c i a l group to which he belongs. Those who have not been formally trained may also write h i s t o r y i n western s o c i e t i e s and may command an audience. It has been said that l i t e r a c y , accompanied by o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the past and the perception of inconsistency between past and present, has made possible the d i s t i n c t i o n between h i s t o r y and myth. In myth the past i s seen as a r e f l e c t i o n of and charter f o r the present; i n h i s t o r y the past i s seen o b j e c t i v e l y . (Goody and Watt, 1962-3: p. 321). The in t e r p l a y of present and past, o b j e c t i v i t y and s u b j e c t i v i t y i s c r i t i c a l to the h i s t o r i a n ' s work and to h i s own analysis of h i s work and i t s purposes. Objective rep-resentation of past cultures i s an acknowledged i d e a l but there i s recogni-t i o n among h i s t o r i a n s that absolute o b j e c t i v i t y i s not possible. Nonethe-le s s i t i s considered necessary at a l l l e v e l s of historiography. The proper evaluation of sources i s of paramount importance i n the exercise of objective control over research. Written h i s t o r y i s based 11 p r i m a r i l y on w r i t t e n records. The vagaries of memory may be d i s t r u s t e d and reminiscences accepted f u l l y only when v e r i f i e d by other, w r i t t e n , records. No form of record i s without flaw. Each r e f l e c t s the biases of the i n d i v i -dual or group which produced i t , and each i s complete only i n c e r t a i n aspects. The e v a l u a t i o n of the records themselves depends on the know-ledge of the past c u l t u r e which produced them, and the i n f o r m a t i o n preserved i n a l l of the records can, i n i t s t o t a l i t y , provide i n s i g h t i n t o the s i g n i -f i c a n c e of each k i n d of record. Manuals of i n s t r u c t i o n i n the e v a l u a t i o n of sources are b a s i c t o o l s i n the t r a i n i n g of contemporary western h i s t o r -ians ( c f . Shafer, 1969), and an h i s t o r i a n ' s i n s i g h t i n t o the b i a s e s of the people who produced the records w i t h which he must work can be c e n t r a l to h i s whole approach (e.g., Berkhofer, 1969: 118-145). O b j e c t i v i t y i s necessary i n working w i t h the sources to an extent beyond continuous e v a l u a t i o n of the type of data they provide and t h e i r v a l i d i t y . The past c u l t u r e i s to be seen i n i t s own terms and presented i n these terms r a t h e r than i n the terms of the present c u l t u r e , i . e . , the one to which the h i s t o r i a n belongs. In the w r i t i n g of h i s t o r y "the tendency to see the past as a r e f l e c t i o n of the present" or to permit present values to d i s t o r t p e r c e p t i o n of the past i s to be avoided (Tholfsen, 1967: 250). One h i s t o r i a n whose immediate t o p i c was c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y has st a t e d empha-t i c a l l y : Every major advance i n E n g l i s h h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g has been due to the r e c o g n i t i o n that the assumptions on which the men of a d i f f e r e n t time acted are d i f f e r e n t from our own. (West, 1966: 654). 12 Time i s an important concept f o r the formal h i s t o r i a n . In h i s work i t i m p l i e s simultaneously a stage i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e and change. " H i s -t o r i c a l t h i n k i n g deals w i t h t h i s fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of human e x i s -tence, being - i n - t i m e . " (Tholfsen, 1967: 247). I n d i v i d u a l people, d i s -parate events, must be r e l a t e d to one another i n the context of t h e i r time, i . e . , the c u l t u r e to which they belonged. But changes i n them must be t r a c e d , and the d i v e r s i t y and c o n t i n u i t y of c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and events over time must be i n t e r p r e t e d . In order to i n t e r p r e t change, the h i s t o r i a n r e q u i r e s p e r s p e c t i v e , i n the sense of removal from the context of the events he s t u d i e s . "The object of any meaningful h i s t o r y i s to make some aspect of the past i n t e l -l i g i b l e . . . t o d i s c l o s e the r e l a t i o n s h i p of events such that they r e v e a l both the i s s u e s which were important f o r those then l i v i n g and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e i r outcome f o r what came a f t e r them" ( L e f f , 1969: 14). In one sense, p e r s p e c t i v e a i d s o b j e c t i v i t y - removal from the context of events allows one to see the t o t a l i t y of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s among those events and among the people who p a r t i c i p a t e d . The h i s t o r i a n i s freed from the s u b j e c t i v i t y that an agent of one or many of the events would have. H i s v i s i o n i s broader, and d i f f e r e n t . But removal from the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l context i n which the events occurred o f t e n means not much more than that the h i s t o r i a n i s a bearer of h i s own c u l t u r e . His p e r s p e c t i v e i s rooted i n concepts b a s i c to that c u l t u r e , and from these he i s never wholly f r e e . He cannot be. I f he were, what he wrote would make no sense to those who read h i s monographs. 13 And - a c l o s e l y r e l a t e d point - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of h i s t o r i c a l events which gain widespread acceptance i n the h i s t o r i a n ' s culture may do so because they r e f l e c t b e l i e f s and t r a d i t i o n s that are part of that culture, and not neces-s a r i l y a part of the culture about which he has written. Treatises on such widely divergent subjects as the h i s t o r i c a l Jesus and the h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h parliament have been shown to be r e f l e c t i o n s of the age and values of t h e i r authors, rather than of the subjects themselves (Tholfsen, 1967: 251-254). Historiography v a r i e s with c u l t u r e . Western historiography has changed over time, as the p a r t i c u l a r cultures influencing Western h i s t o r i o -graphers have changed. Western historiography and Chinese historiography -both long established, both based on written records, and both c o n t r o l l e d by s p e c i a l i s t s - have, nonetheless, fundamental d i f f e r e n c e s . The basic d i f f e r e n c e between myth and h i s t o r y has been said to be that myth presents the past as a charter for the present - past and pre-sent are not c l e a r l y distinguished - while historiography i s a means for e l u c i d a t i o n of the differences between past and present (Goody and Watt, l o c . c i t . ) . But i n L e f f ' s statement that h i s t o r y must be i n t e l l i g i b l e , a l i n k between past and present, overriding t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s , i s n e c e s s a r i l y implied. The o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the past, and the recognition that past cultures have been fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from present ones, does not remove the necessity for the explanation of these differences i n terms i n t e l l i g i b l e to members of the h i s t o r i a n ' s culture, nor does i t remove the temptation to demonstrate through the use of h i s t o r y , how the present became as i t i s . 14 The development of the United States from colony to world power, the pro-gress of B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n from f e u d a l s t a t e to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy are f a m i l i a r to every North American high school student who stu d i e s h i s t o r y , and the concepts of development and progress cannot be separated from the informat i o n he i s given. Formal h i s t o r y i s even more c l e a r l y to be seen as a cha r t e r f o r the present order i n the r e w r i t i n g of h i s t o r y by newly independent n a t i o n s formerly under c o l o n i a l r u l e . Those i n t e r e s t e d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g such natio n s are aware of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a re l e v a n t h i s t o r y . A j a y i , ad-vo c a t i n g the growth of pan-African n a t i o n a l i s m , has c a l l e d f o r the A f r i c a n leader to base b e l i e f i n the f u t u r e of A f r i c a "on a confident assessment of the achievements of the A f r i c a n i n the past." T h i s , i n t u r n , n e c e s s i t a t e s s e l e c t i o n from the t o t a l c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e of what i s r e l e v a n t to the pre-sent needs of the A f r i c a n ( A j a y i , 1966: 612). He acknowledges that where a p o l i t i c a l u n i t i s composed of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of et h n i c groups, t h e i r d i -verging t r a d i t i o n s may i n h i b i t the use of h i s t o r y as a t o o l to promote u n i t y , but b e l i e v e s that t h i s drawback can be overcome by concentration only on "such values of the past as the common pan-African experience shows to be v a l i d and r e l e v a n t to development today" and that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n can be thus changed from the l o c a l group to the Pan-African cause. To d r i v e home h i s p o i n t , he quotes from N a t i o n a l i s m and S o c i a l  Communication by K a r l Deutsch (1953: 142). A person without a memory, an o r g a n i s a t i o n without values or p o l i c y , a people without e f f e c t i v e t r a d i t i o n . . . a l l these no longer s t e e r , but d r i f t . ( A j a y i , 1966: 615) 15 In Indonesia and I n d i a n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s have been r e l a t e d c l o s e l y to r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of n a t i o n a l h i s t o r y . B. Oetomo c i t e s Sukarno as one of the f i r s t Indonesians to formulate and make known ideas about Indonesian h i s t o r y and the p r i n c i p a l elements of these - a g l o r i o u s past, a gloomy present, and a b r i g h t f u t u r e - were c l o s e l y a l i g n e d to h i s revo-l u t i o n a r y strategems (Oetomo 1966: 633). This occurred i n the 1920's, but w h i l e the idea of an Indonesian h i s t o r y had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s way, a t r a d i t i o n of c r i t i c a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y had not developed. At the time Oetomo o r i g i n a l l y wrote (1961) Indonesia lacked an h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c t r a d i t i o n that would demand e v a l u a t i o n of e x i s t i n g sources to discover p r e v i o u s l y un-known f a c t s and work based on r e v i s e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of already known f a c t s (Oetomo 1966: 636). Oetomo's advocacy of such a t r a d i t i o n sprung from a b e l i e f that i t could provide an understanding of how the present s i t u a t i o n i n Indonesia developed and that a c t i o n s i n the present and f u t u r e could be based on such an understanding (Oetomo, 1966: 639). Indian h i s t o r i o g r a p h y had i t s beginnings i n r e a c t i o n to B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l r u l e and nineteenth century B r i t i s h h i s t o r i o g r a p h e r s ' biased i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n s of Indian h i s t o r y which denied the a n t i q u i t y of Indian c u l t u r e and denied that s i g n i f i c a n t i n v e n t i o n s could be tr a c e d to i t . Indian h i s -t o r i a n s , i n t h e i r t u r n , concentrated on research i n the a n t i q u i t y of the Vedas, the h i s t o r y of Indian s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , Indian p r e h i s t o r y and Indian forms of government. B r i t i s h governments and m i l i t a r y prowess were b e l i t t l e d (Majumdar 1966: 620-624). The renaming of the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 the Indian War of Independence i s a c l u e to the extent and fundamental 16 q u a l i t y of the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Nonetheless, Indian h i s t o r i a n s have stre s s e d the importance of c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y over p o l i t i c a l or m i l i t a r y h i s -t o r y . Majumdar has quoted from A Survey of Indian H i s t o r y (1947) by Panni-kar:, I do not t h i n k i t i s an exaggeration to say that i t was a s p i r -i t u a l adventure f o r most of us to g ain i n some measure an under-standing of the h i s t o r i c a l processes which have made us what we are and to evaluate the h e r i t a g e that has come down to us through f i v e thousand years of development. N a t i o n a l i s t h i s t o r y has r e s u l t e d from p o l i t i c a l r e a c t i o n . I t i s an openly acknowledged search f o r a new c h a r t e r . V. M o n t e i l , i n a d e c l a r a -t i o n of the h i s t o r i a n ' s duty to be o b j e c t i v e , has pointed out that the a n t i -c o l o n i a l n a t i o n a l i s t h i s t o r i e s can be as d e f i c i e n t i n regard to o b j e c t i v i t y as the c o l o n i a l h i s t o r i e s they react a g a i n s t , and, he f e e l s , can defeat t h e i r own purpose by l e a v i n g themselves open to c r i t i c i s m by more o b j e c t i v e h i s t o r i a n s . He i s h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of s e v e r a l works he considers non-o b j e c t i v e , i n c l u d i n g one by Pannikar, chosen from the w r i t i n g s of A f r i c a n and A s i a n h i s t o r i a n s ( M o n t e i l , V 1966: 592-593). In d i s c u s s i n g i n a general way the s o c i a l use of h i s t o r i c a l knowledge, Pocock has d i s t i n g u i s h e d between two kinds of h i s t o r i a n s : the continuator of t r a d i t i o n and the autonomous i n t e r p r e t e r and c r i t i c (Pocock, 1961-2: 215). Members of l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s are accustomed to r e c o g n i z i n g both i n the s i n g l e cateogry of h i s t o r i a n , but the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two a c t i v i t i e s can be an uneasy one. The continuator of t r a d i t i o n i s c e r -t a i n l y to be found i n s o c i e t i e s without indigenous w r i t t e n h i s t o r y and i n the face of demands f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l autonomy and the e x e r c i s e of independent 17 c r i t i c i s m by formal h i s t o r i a n s i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , the o r a l c o n t i n u a t o r s of t r a d i t i o n , and o r a l t r a d i t i o n i t s e l f , have been t a c i t l y considered w i t h -out a proper p l a c e i n l i t e r a t e s c h o l a r s h i p . L i t e r a t e s c h o l a r s have discoun-ted the value of non-written t r a d i t i o n or f o l k h i s t o r y , c o n s i d e r i n g i t e i t h e r u s e l e s s or of s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d value f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l purposes, or have sought to defend i t s use as a source of h i s t o r i c a l data, a stance that r e s u l t s i n a r t i c l e s about f o l k t a l e s v a l i d a t e d by documents or archeo-l o g i c a l remains (Cf. Emmons, 1911, and Pendergast and Meighan, 1959) and analyses of f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g to d i s t o r t i o n (Cf. M c C a l l , 1964, and Vansina, 1965). Both kinds of h i s t o r i c a l a c t i v i t y p e r s i s t i n western s c h o l a r s h i p and they are not completely separate. I t i s considered necessary f o r h i s -t o r i a n s to continue t r a d i t i o n s through e l u c i d a t i o n of the past, but not at the expense of c r i t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n of a l l the data. " E r r o r s " i n c r i -t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n of sources or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of data ' may i n f a c t be lapses i n t o f o l k h i s t o r y . L i t e r a t e S o c i e t i e s : F o l k H i s t o r y Members of s o c i e t i e s where l i t e r a c y i s u n i v e r s a l or n e a r l y so are accustomed to the t r a n s m i s s i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n i n w r i t t e n form and are aware of w r i t t e n formal h i s t o r y . They have, perhaps, been r e q u i r e d to study i t i n school. Nonetheless o r a l t r a n s m i s s i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n and a r t p e r s i s t i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s . The genres of o r a l t r a d i t i o n i n modern North American s o c i e t i e s are numerous, but only two, legends and experience s t o r i e s , r e l a t e d i r e c t l y to the past. While the concept of legend has been 18 accepted and used longer and more frequently than the concept of experience s t o r i e s , neither genre has c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that have been c l e a r l y defined. In the following pages I s h a l l discuss the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of legends and experience s t o r i e s i n North America, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the people who have been recorded as narrators of o r a l t r a d i t i o n , the s o c i a l contexts i n which they have gained and passed on t h e i r knowledge and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of contemporary o r a l t r a d i t i o n to l i t e r a c y . The studies of North American legendry are few and directed either toward d e f i n i t i o n of the genre or the presentation of a se r i e s of texts, occasion-a l l y with notes as to the i d e n t i t i e s of the authors or performers. None incorporates d e f i n i t i o n , texts and the e x p l i c a t i o n of narrators' perfor-mance i n a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l s e t t i n g . Dorson's Bloodstoppers and Bear- walkers comes closest to t h i s , but he does not confine h i s work to legends, does not present the texts of the legends he has c o l l e c t e d as he heard them and he has moved i n the course of h i s work from community to community, so that the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h i s informants, the s o c i a l contexts of t h e i r art and the genres within t h e i r control can be discerned and brought together f u l l y , only by s i f t i n g through the book and abstracting the r e l e -vant pieces of information scattered through i t . Consequently my comments on the s o c i a l base of f o l k l o r e , the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of narrators and the s o c i a l contexts of transmission w i l l r e l a t e generally to contem-porary North American f o l k l o r e rather than s p e c i f i c a l l y to legends and ex-perience s t o r i e s . 19 For the sake of polemic Robert Georges has stated that the com-monly accepted c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of legend r e l a t e to i t s form, time s e t t i n g and the q u a l i t y of b e l i e f attached to i t . His d e f i n i t i o n , which he u n i -l a t e r a l l y adopts as the one he assumes i s supported by common usage, and accordingly consent, "a legend i s a story or a na r r a t i v e set i n the recent or h i s t o r i c a l past, that i s believed to be true by those by whom and to whom i t i s communicated" (Georges, 1971:5) i s close to Jacob Grimm's d e f i -n i t i o n "a legend i s a story that i s believed and that i s t o l d about a def-i n i t e ( r e a l or fabulous) person, event, or place" (Jason, 1972: 134). Both of these d e f i n i t i o n s attach to legend the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of narr a t i v e form; both require b e l i e f on the part of either t e l l e r or hearer, and both give the legend a h i s t o r i c s e t t i n g . But, as Georges has pointed out, i n pr a c t i c e texts presented and accepted as legends may not conform to t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i n every way. Not a l l legend texts have l i n g u i s t i c markers which d i s t i n g u i s h them i n the course of transmission from other types of expression. The precise date of the occurrences t o l d of i n legends i s r a r e l y possible to know. Often a legend i s set i n a remote, even a n t i -h i s t o r i c a l past. The extent to which legends are believed by those who t e l l them i s also d i f f i c u l t to know. Narrators and audience frequently do not af f i r m b e l i e f v o l u n t a r i l y , and i n field-work s i t u a t i o n s i t i s often impos-s i b l e or very rude - which amounts to the same thing - to ask. The con-texts of transmission often give no clue. F i n a l l y , although t h i s i s , i n important ways, a matter apart from b e l i e f , Georges points out that many legends are impossible to prove or disprove through recourse to external evidence (Georges, 1971: 10-15). 20 The q u a l i t y of b e l i e f i s not easy to explore or define. Degh, who has c a r r i e d out research on urban legends, and has published an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The 'Belief Legend' i n Modern Society" (Degh, 1971), has stated that the narrator of these legends may believe them consciously or uncon-sc i o u s l y or not at a l l . The i n d e f i n i t e nature of b e l i e f does not i n t e r -fere with the point of t e l l i n g the legend, which i s to communicate a mes-sage (Degh, 1971: 67). But b e l i e f i n the t r u t h of the legend by the audience i s enhanced by other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the modern legend: "roughness, seemingly poor composition, the mixing of story motifs and everyday f a c t s " (Degh, 1971: 67). The i n d e f i n i t e q u a l i t y of b e l i e f i s not r e s t r i c t e d to o r a l t r a -d i t i o n i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s . It was part of F i r t h ' s experience i n Tikopia: ...of the t a l e s which i n general could be c l a s s i f i e d as "myth", some were probably believed to be true by a l l Tikopia at the time I c o l l e c t e d them; some were believed to. be true by one party and very d e f i n i t e l y said to be untrue by others; some were be-li e v e d to be true by my informants when I f i r s t c o l l e c t e d them and said to be untrue by them a generation l a t e r ; and some were treated as being possibly true, possibly not - as being simply "a t a l e that i s t o l d " ( F i r t h , 1961: 7). In commenting on Mexican legendry Paredes maintains support f o r the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of na r r a t i v e form and h i s t o r i c or pseudohistoric set-t i n g , while aware of c r i t i c i s m by s t r u c t u r a l i s t s as students of process. He does point out that there has been no research to determine whether or not the term "legend" i d e n t i f i e s a p a r t i c u l a r kind of f o l k n a r r a t i v e from the viewpoint of structure or n a r r a t i v e performance (Paredes, 1971: 97). With some exceptions, (Cf. Labov and Waletzky, 1967) the s t r u c t u r a l charac-t e r i s t i c s of na r r a t i v e form commonly employed by speakers of English has not 21 been s t u d i e d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the n a r r a t i v e as i t i s defined i n the l i t -e rary sense to genres of v e r b a l behaviour among speakers of North American languages has not been c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . That there may be some d i f f e r e n c e s between the l i t e r a r y n a r r a t i v e and i t s o r a l counterpart i s apparent from the confusion. When these genres are more c l e a r l y defined the s t r u c t u r a l char-a c t e r i s t i c s of the legend as a form of v e r b a l a r t w i l l undoubtedly be c l e a r e r . The cloudy i s s u e s of b e l i e f and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the legend to the past both seem to r e l a t e to the legend's message. The legend i s r e l e v a n t i n the present; otherwise i t would not be t o l d . The absence of d e f i n i t e a f f i r m a t i o n of b e l i e f does not i n t e r f e r e w i t h the message - indeed, i t may enhance the communication, f o r w i t h b e l i e f not completely a f f i r m e d , or acknowledged only t a c i t l y , p o t e n t i a l d i s p u t e may never occur. A community's r e l a t i o n s h i p to i t s legends i s c l o s e l y i nvolved w i t h i t s r e l a -t i o n s h i p to i t s past. In the t e l l i n g of a legend a past i s invoked. In a t r a n s i e n t , y o u t h f u l community, i t may be an u n c e r t a i n , i n d e f i n i t e past. And i n a community where the past i s the symbol of the community's i d e n t i t y the attachment of a legend to the past may be a symbolic way of s t a t i n g the legend's importance. There i s no need i n e i t h e r case f o r p r e c i s e dat-i n g or d e f i n i t i o n . Other a n a l y s i s and comments d i r e c t e d at North American legends have y i e l d e d remarks about t h e i r v a r i e t y - the l a c k of standardized v e r -sions even w i t h i n a small community (Halpert, 1971: 48-49), t h e i r - immediate and ephemeral nature - events w i t h i n the l a s t few years can generate a 22 legend; within the next few years i t may f a l l into disuse (Beck, 1971: 121) - and the restriction of each to a small geographic area. Legends are local, when they are s t r i c t l y within oral tradition (Beck, 1971: 131). Finally, to return to Degh's analysis, the legends she studied were fragmentary, incomplete in form, perhaps because the essentials were known and the social setting of their transmission did not demand complete recitation regardless of that. The setting tended to be communal, with participants in legend sessions pooling pieces of knowledge (Degh, 1971: 61-63). As a genre the definition of the experience story i s rather vague but the superficial characteristics are conveyed by the term i t s e l f . It is a story, told by an individual, about experiences in his own l i f e . A story that i s simply that, however, does not satisfy the c r i t e r i a of folk-lore. Dorson's original exposition of the place of sagamen and their accounts in the folklore of the Upper Peninsula i s rather tentative, a l -though he expresses belief that they are important. He calls the experience stories "folk narratives, folk documents of a sort, f i l l e d with the raw stuff of l i f e and fil t e r e d through imaginative minds," and the tellers "folk historians on the highest level, precise in fact, but seeing experi-ence in heroic and fantastic outlines." (Dorson, 1952: 272) In much later, urban, research, he returns to the issue of personal narrative but does not elucidate much beyond saying that i t is "a fluent oral form on the l i p s of a number of t e l l e r s " (Dorson, 1971: 45). In commenting on Dorson's paper, Linda Degh stated that experience stories dealt usually with one of three main topics: tragic, t h r i l l i n g or humorous interpretations of extraordinary 23 experiences i n everyday l i f e , expaiences during a temporary absence from the community, experiences i n newly formed communities, and s a i d that per-sonal accounts "become f o l k l o r e only i f they f o l l o w a c e r t a i n p a t t e r n and become s t a b i l i z e d by frequent r e p e t i t i o n as a r e s u l t of p u b l i c demand and communal approval" (Degh, 1971: 57). The f a m i l y saga as described by B o a t r i g h t (1973) incorporates some of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . P a r t s of a f a m i l y saga are t o l d , or be-l i e v e d to have been t o l d , by an i n d i v i d u a l who has claimed the experience, but the experiences recounted are s i m i l a r i n s t r u c t u r e or m o t i f , or both, to those o c c u r r i n g i n other f a m i l y sagas, and i n f o l k t a l e s i n other s o c i e -t i e s . In L a u r i Honko's concept of the memorate there can be seen a form b a s i c to both experience s t o r y and legend. The memorate i s a personal experience which i s i n t e r p r e t e d i n ways d i r e c t e d by concepts and b e l i e f s prevalent i n the c u l t u r e and comes to be known c o l l e c t i v e l y through forms of b e l i e f f a m i l i a r to many. The memorate, as seen by Honko, i s a v e h i c l e f o r i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s and the c o l l e c t i v i t y . T r a d i t i o n , c u l -t u r e and knowledge are more matters of i n d i v i d u a l experience and c o l l e c t i v e acceptance than c o l l e c t i v e experience (Honko, 1964). The S o c i a l Base of F o l k l o r e For the f o l k l o r i s t the concept of f o l k has always meant a small homogeneous group, the members of which were bound to one another and i s o -l a t e d from the r e s t of North American s o c i e t y by e t h n i c i t y , r e l i g i o n , 24 common work, or common residence. Dorson's study of f o l k l o r e i n the Upper Peninsula yielded f o l k groups within the broad category of the geographic region - i n d u s t r i a l work groups: miners, loggers, lakesmen, and ethnic groups: French-Canadian, Cornish, Finnish, and Ojibwa. Groups basing t h e i r i d e n t i t y on common residence emerge l e s s c l e a r l y . The towns of Cry-s t a l F a l l s , Iron River and Menoninee are recorded as f o c i for some legends and residents contributed these. Within the town the boarding house was a place where opportunity to record f o l k l o r e came to Dorson unasked. The i d e n t i t y of the f o l k group and the d e l i n e a t i o n of i s o l a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have been important i n the d e f i n i t i o n of the f o l k , and there has been an implication i n discussions of f o l k groups and f o l k l o r e that information, t a l e s and songs are transmitted only within the group. The three Mexican groups Paredes describes d i f f e r i n t h e i r occupation, place of residence and genres of f o l k l o r e , but f o l k l o r e i s a means of pre-serving the i d e n t i t y of each. Bauman has challenged the idea of f o l k l o r e ' s e x i s t i n g only as a force f o r i n t e r n a l cohesion, capable of being communi-cated only within the boundaries of a group who i d e n t i f y with one another. In demonstrating that transmission of f o l k l o r e between members of two groups with two d i f f e r e n t i d e n t i t i e s can and does occur, and that the d i f f e r e n c e i n i d e n t i t y i t s e l f may i n s t i g a t e the exchange or make i t possible, he puts forward the examples of the exchanges of s t o r i e s between Tahltan and T l i n g i t when the two groups met to trade, exchanges of nursery rhymes between adult and c h i l d , and of taunts between Presbyterian and Episcopalian c h i l d r e n (Bauman 1972: 37-39). 25 The basic context f o r the transmission of f o l k l o r e i s the small group (Ben-Amos, 1972: 12). Dorson recorded f o l k l o r e i n people's l i v i n g rooms, i n a boarding house parlour and he overheard s t o r i e s t o l d i n a cafe. s The legend sessions studied by Degh were attended by people who shared what knowledge they had, and the legend passed i n b r i e f form "from person to person" (Degh, 1971: 62). The Narrator and the Audience The i d e n t i t y and r o l e of the narrator, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p be-tween the narrator and the audience have not been explored well i n North America, but i t i s c e r t a i n that o r a l t r a d i t i o n i n contemporary North Amer-ican cultures i s not c o l l e c t i v e i n the sense that a l l c o n t r o l i t equally w e l l . In Scandinavian cultures von Sydow has distinguished between ac t i v e and passive bearers. D i f f e r e n t people a c t i v e l y transmit d i f f e r e n t forms of t r a d i t i o n , and these people constitute a very small proportion of the t o t a l population (B^dker, 1948: 12). " I t i s the a c t i v e bearers who keep t r a d i t i o n a l i v e and transmit i t , whereas the passive bearers have indeed heard of what a c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n contains, and may perhaps, when questioned, r e c o l l e c t part of i t , but do nothing themselves to spread i t or keep i t a l i v e (Btfdker, 1948:12). People, he has maintained, have an opportunity to become a c t i v e bearers of t r a d i t i o n , i . e . , to acquire knowledge of the t r a d i t i o n s them-selves, whenever they spend long periods of time with the same people. In the Scandinavian society he knew, such opportunities came i n the home -26 c h i l d r e n could c a r r y on t r a d i t i o n s learned i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s , although fam-i l y t r a d i t i o n s could change over the years and c h i l d r e n i n d i f f e r e n t p o s i -t i o n s i n the f a m i l y might l e a r n d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s , because of t h i s , and because of t h e i r own s e l e c t i o n , governed by t h e i r age, temperament, and the amount of time they spent w i t h t h e i r parents, of the t r a d i t i o n s to be r e t a i n e d . T r a d i t i o n s could a l s o be learned from f r i e n d s , from other fam-i l i e s i n the v i l l a g e , and during m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e . I t took a long time to acquire f o l k t a l e s , e s p e c i a l l y , so that they could be r e t o l d , and the r e p e r t o i r e of an a c t i v e bearer was not n e c e s s a r i l y l a r g e . I f an a c t i v e bearer of valued t r a d i t i o n s d i e s or goes away someone who was formerly a passive bearer, but has had enough opportunity to l i s t e n to the t a l e as i t has been t o l d , and c o n t r o l s i t w e l l enough to r e t e l l i t , may do so, and i f c a l l e d upon repeatedly may become an a c t i v e bearer i n h i s t u r n . P a s s i v e bearers are necessary, and not j u s t as poten-t i a l a c t i v e bearers, f o r most people remain passive f o r a l l of t h e i r l i v e s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between a c t i v e and passive bearers i s an important one f o r the c o n t i n u i n g t r a n s m i s s i o n of the t a l e s . The passive bearers act as a sounding board, and a check on the a c t i v e bearer's accuracy. An a c t i v e bearer who l o s e s h i s audience through m i g r a t i o n , change i n age and s t a t u s , or s o c i a l change, w i l l cease to be a c t i v e (B«£dker, 1948: 15). Not a l l of Dorson's n a r r a t o r s were a c t i v e t e l l e r s of t a l e s i n t h i s sense. Since he sought them out and asked f o r t e x t s i t i s d i f f i c u l t to know how a c t i v e they were w i t h i n t h e i r own s o c i a l groups. A few, l i k e the boarding house n a r r a t o r s , were undoubtedly so. Others, f o r example, 27 the two e l d e r l y French Canadian men who were unknown, as s t o r y - t e l l e r s at l e a s t , to the r e s t of the French-Canadian community, and the i s o l a t e d f o r -mer lakesmen he interviewed (1952: 246) were not. They became a c t i v e nar-r a t o r s i n Dorson's presence, the f i r s t two men because they again had an audience, and the others because they were presented w i t h a demand f o r s t o r i e s , perhaps i n t h e i r case f o r the f i r s t time. The presence of an audience i s c r i t i c a l to the development and maintenance of legends. Degh s t a t e s that " i n modern s o c i e t y . . . i n d i v i d u a l s u s u a l l y do not accumulate a l a r g e body of legends nor do they have an aud-ience to honor t h e i r knowledge" (Degh, 1971: 62). In the Mormon communi-t i e s i n and around S a l t Lake C i t y legends have perhaps wider currency than i n other North American communities. They are t o l d f r e q u e n t l y , and there are no p a r t i c u l a r s p e c i a l i s t s who t e l l them. Any member of the com-munity may do so, and a n a r r a t o r can f i n d an audience at Testimony meetings, church conferences, missionary reunions, Boy Scouts, f a m i l y groups, and even r a d i o t a l k programs (Brunvand, 1971: 190). Data on the process i n which n a r r a t o r s gain knowledge of t r a d i -t i o n i n North American s o c i e t y are few. Dorson presents the account of a man who obtained h i s knowledge i n Europe and became an a c t i v e n a r r a t o r a f t e r moving to the Upper Pen i n s u l a . The man s a i d he had learned the t a l e s when he was young, l i s t e n i n g i l l i c i t l y from behind the door to a beggar who came to the house. The beggar c u s t o m a r i l y went from house to house, s i n g i n g Cossack songs f o r eggs, potatoes or money. At another time the man heard s t o r i e s from other men at the f a i r s where he stayed a l l n i g h t 28 tending horses. " I hear i t once and I remember i t . I was hungry f o r songs" (Dorson, 1952: 153). There i s no way of knowing how much t h i s r a t h e r suc-c i n c t account i s r o m a n t i c i z e d , of knowing to what extent i t i s a symbolic statement of the l e a r n i n g process r a t h e r than an a c t u a l account, but i t bears out von Sydow's p o i n t s about the importance of exposure to t r a d i t i o n over a long period of passive l i s t e n i n g i n childhood and young adulthood. I f o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r n a r r a t i o n of t a l e s or legends to an audience, and o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r l i s t e n i n g to them as a passive member of such an audience, are very few i n modern North America, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how t r a d i t i o n a l n a r r a t i v e s can be passed on from one generation to another. Thare i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l context, i . e . , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between audience and n a r r a t o r , and the immediate form i n which the n a r r a t i v e i s presented. Among the Mormons, where everyone i s p o t e n t i -a l l y an a c t i v e bearer and the contexts of t r a n s m i s s i o n are many and occur f r e q u e n t l y , the n a r r a t i v e w i l l change w i t h the context. Whether the con-t e x t i s s e c u l a r or sacred, and whether the a t t i t u d e of the n a r r a t o r t o -wards r e l i g i o n and the s u p e r n a t u r a l i s orthodox or more detached than the a t t i t u d e s of others w i l l a f f e c t the n a r r a t i v e . Herbert Halpert has a l s o recorded an i n c i d e n t i n which an item of f o l k l o r e changed genres as the s o c i a l context of i t s t r a n s m i s s i o n changed: A s t o r y t e l l e r who ran a small s t o r e d i c t a t e d to me i n some de-t a i l a f a i r l y long t a l l s t o r y . When an acquaintance came i n to make a small purchase, I was s t a r t l e d to hear my n a r r a t o r t e l l a d r a s t i c a l l y shortened v e r s i o n of the t a l e as a j o k e . This was c e r t a i n l y conscious change to f i t an immediate s i t u a t i o n . ( Hal-p e r t , 1957: 61). 29 F o l k l o r e and L i t e r a c y The r e l a t i o n s h i p between o r a l t r a d i t i o n and l i t e r a c y i s not w e l l understood. The p e r s i s t e n c e of o r a l t r a d i t i o n i n a l i t e r a t e s o c i e t y has come as a s u r p r i s e to many. Dorson was advised that he had come too l a t e to hear French-Canadian t a l e s . His experience proved that f a l s e . In s p i t e of that,and i n s p i t e of the f a c t that f o r Indians w i t h whom he worked education and l i t e r a c y had not i n t e r f e r e d w i t h s t o r y - t e l l i n g a b i l i t i e s or respect for.Ojibwa knowledge, he s t a t e d that " s t o r y t e l l i n g vanishes from modern mechanized America" (Dorson, 1952: 8 ) . And he may w e l l be r i g h t . I t i s not easy to d i s t i n g u i s h the impact of l i t e r a c y from the other f a c t o r s of s o c i a l change i n North Ameri-can s o c i e t i e s . Genres of o r a l t r a d i t i o n vary w i t h c u l t u r e . W ithin a s o c i e t y , c o n t r o l of o r a l t r a d i t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s and the genres i n use at any one time are a f f e c t e d by m i g r a t i o n to urban c e n t r e s , changes i n language competence, i n d u s t r i a l changes, and a v a i l a b i l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r mob-ii i l i t y from one place to another. The Marchen i s l e s s w e l l known and l e s s f r e q u e n t l y t o l d . Experience s t o r i e s and ethnic jokes can more o f t e n be found i n c i t i e s . They are not simply part of an i n a c t i v e , remembered c u l -t u r e , but are undergoing change and r e i n v e n t i o n a l l the time. The e f f e c t s of l i t e r a c y on s o c i e t y as a whole have been assessed by B o a t r i g h t as high s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , n a t i o n a l i s m , and a c c e l e r a t i o n of change i n techniques and values (Speck, 1973: 118-121). Goody and Watt saw l i t -eracy as b r i n g i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the past, w i t h a d i s t i n c t i o n between past and present they considered impossible i n non- • 30 l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of knowledge - the c u l t u r a l r e p e r t o i r e of a s o c i e t y becomes much more complex w i t h the establishment of l i t e r a c y , a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of r o l e s - i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s t r a d i t i o n i s l e s s c o l l e c -t i v e than i n n o n - l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , and f i n a l l y i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s they saw a g r e a t e r i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n of personal experience. Again, i n consider-i n g these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i t i s d i f f i c u l t to separate l i t e r a c y from popula-t i o n s i z e , c o m p l e x i t i e s of the d i v i s i o n of labour, and s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a -t i o n . Perhaps l i t e r a c y makes these changes p o s s i b l e , but even i n s o c i e t i e s where l i t e r a c y has been long e s t a b l i s h e d , not a l l people l i v e i n l a r g e c i t i e s . People i n s m all communities,and even i n i s o l a t e d communities w i t h i n l a r g e c i t i e s , may have r e g u l a r f a c e - t o - f a c e c o n t a c t s , and the range of con-cepts, h a b i t s and s k i l l s chosen from the c u l t u r a l r e p e r t o i r e may be f a i r l y narrow. P e r s i s t e n c e , exchange, change and i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the r e s u l t s of one technique i n t o the process of the other c h a r a c t e r i s e the impact of l i t e r a c y on o r a l t r a d i t i o n i t s e l f . F i r s t of a l l , f o l k l o r e p e r s i s t s i n l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s . Hen Goody and Watt, who emphasize that l i t e r a c y b r i n g s enormous changes w i t h i t , s t a t e that o r a l t r a d i t i o n remains the primary means of c u l -t u r a l t r a n s m i s s i o n , even though i n many instances i t i s out of step w i t h the l i t e r a t e t r a d i t i o n (Goody & Watt, 1962-63: 335). People are exposed to both o r a l and w r i t t e n t r a d i t i o n , and there i s an exchange between the two. B o a t r i g h t has s a i d that they "are not most f r u i t f u l l y conceived as d i s t i n c t " ( B o a t r i g h t , 1973: 121-122) and Dorson has s a i d that f o l k t a l e s "ascend i n t o l i t e r a t u r e " and " l i t e r a r y s t o r i e s descend i n t o popular t r a d i t i o n , when they s u i t the needs of o r a l n a r r a t i o n and f o l k fancy" (Dorson, 1971: 181). 31 The d e f i n i t i o n of f o l k l o r e has o f t e n revolved on i t s being a wholly o r a l form of knowledge, o r a l i n source and t r a n s m i s s i o n . The ex-change between o r a l and l i t e r a t e t r a d i t i o n s would seem to threaten t h i s c r i -t e r i o n and the f o l k l o r i s t ' s whole approach to h i s subject matter as w e l l . Ben-Amos has advocated the d e f i n i t i o n of f o l k l o r e as process, and has sug-gested that once such a d e f i n i t i o n and approach are e s t a b l i s h e d , the ex-change between o r a l and w r i t t e n forms i s no longer a problem. A p a r t i c u l a r t e x t i s f o l k l o r e as long as i t conforms to the d e f i n i t i o n of a r t i s t i c com-munication i n a small group. The same t e x t presented i n a book or performed to a l a r g e , undefined audience on t e l e v i s i o n i s not f o l k l o r e (Ben-Amos, 1972: 14). The d i s s e m i n a t i o n of f o l k l o r e through w r i t t e n media as w e l l as the spoken word creates changes i n the p a r t i c u l a r t e x t s i n v o l v e d . There i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y evident change i n n a r r a t i v e l o r e , e.g., legends about heroes. In o r a l t r a d i t i o n each l o c a l i t y may have i t s heroes, but each hero w i l l be known only w i t h i n a small geographic area. L i t e r a t u r e takes heroes from l o c a l to n a t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , and i n the process t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s undergo change, f o r they must appeal to a wider audience, whose shared assumptions i n the small community which made the hero's p a r t i c u l a r charac-t e r i s t i c s r e l e v a n t . The d i s t r i b u t i o n of t e x t s i n w r i t t e n form creates a s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of form and content that i s not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p u r e l y o r a l t r a d i t i o n . Instead of a v a r i e t y of forms of a legend current i n a community, one form comes to dominate and d i s p l a c e the o t h e r s . 32 Nonetheless w r i t i n g does not d i s p l a c e o r a l communication, and what has been w r i t t e n can be incorporated i n t o the o r a l t r a d i t i o n . In Brunvand's experience i n S a l t Lake C i t y , books c o n t a i n i n g legends were con-si d e r e d p o t e n t i a l l y good sources of them by Mormons, and were recommended to him. Informants a l s o c i t e d popular p u b l i c a t i o n s as the source of t h e i r own knowledge (Brunvand, 1971: 192). In Gary, Indiana and East Chicago, Dorson found that books were used both as sources of i n f o r m a t i o n and symbols of knowledge of the past (Dorson, 1971: 45-56). In summary, h i s t o r y i n both n o n - l i t e r a t e and l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s i s c o n t r o l l e d by s p e c i a l i s t s who achieve experthood and discharge p a r t i c u l a r d u t i e s i n ways that vary w i t h each c u l t u r e . But, broadly speaking, i n the course of t h e i r d u t i e s they i l l u m i n a t e , continue and o c c a s i o n a l l y reformu-l a t e the t r a d i t i o n s of t h e i r s o c i e t i e s . In l i t e r a t e s o c i e t i e s , however, the o r a l t r a n s m i s s i o n of knowledge of the past has not been c l e a r l y d escribed. Two prose genres, the legend and the experience s t o r y , are the p r i n c i p a l v e h i c l e s of t r a n s m i s s i o n of knowledge of the past. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s p e c i a l i s t s , i f they e x i s t , the process of t h e i r s e l e c t i o n and the s o c i a l context of t h e i r o p e r ation are h i n t e d , but not f u l l y described i n the l i t -e r a t u r e . The Thesis: Focus and Method Y a l e , the community i n which I worked, i s s i t u a t e d on the Fraser River approximately 105 m i l e s from Vancouver by road. I had v i s i t e d Y a l e i n 1970, w h i l e working on another p r o j e c t , and had encountered v a r i o u s i n d i -33 c a t i o n s that h i s t o r y was important i n the community. The people I met then had t o l d me about the gold rush, and had shown me r u i n s of o l d b u i l d i n g s , and photographs of the town taken i n the 1880*s that had been commercially reproduced and used to cover the menus i n the h o t e l cafe. I was urged to meet s e v e r a l people who were s a i d to know Yale h i s t o r y . At that time I was i n t e r e s t e d i n the ethnography of the Lower Thompson, an Ntlakapamux speaking people who l i v e u p r i v e r from Y a l e , between Spuzzum and S i s k a . Be-yond re c o r d i n g sasquatch s t o r i e s from an e l d e r l y prospector I d i d no work i n Y a l e . The people of Yale are l i t e r a t e members of western s o c i e t y , I n -dians of Upper S t a l o and Ntlakapamux descent, and, i n much l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n , non-Indians who have come from Europe, the United States and other p a r t s of Canada, or whose parents or grandparents came from these pla c e s . In c a r r y -i n g out the f i e l d w o r k I d i d not focus on the v a r i o u s kinds of f o l k l o r e to be heard i n Y a l e , nor even s p e c i f i c a l l y on h i s t o r i c a l legends. As I have s a i d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n , the f o c i of the t h e s i s are the nature of the i n -formation about the community's past considered important by the people of Ya l e , the i d e n t i t y , q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and f u n c t i o n s of custodians of t h i s i n -formation, and the s o c i a l contexts of t r a n s m i s s i o n of knowledge of the past. The method of work was i n f o r m a l , i n the sense that beyond a def-i n i t i o n of the problem and the b a s i c questions generated by i t s f o r m u l a t i o n , what guided my procedure was what I found i n Yale . My experience i n 1970 had i n d i c a t e d that there were people l i v i n g i n the community or i n the v i c i n -i t y who were considered by others to be b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d than most to gi v e 34 information about the past, and the f i r s t problem was to e s t a b l i s h whether or not t h i s was true. This was done through formal and casual inquiry, and fo r the major part of the work I worked with several "old-timers" who had been recommended to me. Data were gathered through interview and p a r t i c i p a n t observation, and although I gathered information about the community i t s e l f , I did not make a formal study of i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization. My i n t e r e s t was dire c t e d p r i m a r i l y to Yale's old-timers, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the h i s -tory they presented, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between those who were not o l d -timers and the h i s t o r y of the community. 35 CHAPTER II YALE IN THE PAST The focus of t h i s chapter i s the development of the s o c i a l and economic organization of the community of Yale. I t s purpose i s to give i n -sight into the development of the community through ethnographic treatment of the periods s i g n i f i c a n t i n the f o l k h i s t o r y of contemporary Yale. The f o l k h i s t o r y can be better understood when the d e t a i l s of the community's past that are a v a i l a b l e i n the written record are known, even though f o l k and formal h i s t o r y are not synonymous i n Yale. In the period f o r which written records exist there have been four p r i n c i p a l times when external economic and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s have been responsible f o r the development and expansion of Yale. Each of these has been followed by a period of economic dec l i n e , when the population dwindled and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization became attenuated. The periods of expansion were the gold rush, the time when Yale was head of navigation, serving as transf e r point f o r goods and people being transported to up-country gold f i e l d s and ranches,.CPR construction, and CNR construction. The periods of decline that followed these were not uniform i n length - a f a i r l y short one intervened between the transfer of the focus of the gold rush away from the Yale area and the establishment of Yale as head of navigation; a longer one intervened between the completion of the CPR con-s t r u c t i o n and the b u i l d i n g of the CNR. CNR construction was b r i e f and while i t brought new prosperity and expansion of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the town, i t s completion l e f t Yale a small v i l l a g e with minimal s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization. 36 By 1973 there were no Chinese people l i v i n g i n Yal e . The I n -dian community c o n s i s t e d of a few f a m i l i e s who i n t e r a c t e d on equivalent bases w i t h White members of the community i n some r e s p e c t s , and i n other respects - k i n s h i p t i e s , v i s i t i n g p a t t e r n s , area of residence w i t h i n the town, and, i n p a r t , economy, were separate. From the beginning of White settlement, the popu l a t i o n was mobile; businesses and businessmen came and went. However the p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l , r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1858 and confirmed i n the 1860's d i d not change fundamentally from one period of expansion to another. Nonetheless I have presented the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a -t i o n of the community se p a r a t e l y f o r each p e r i o d , f o r as the economic o r i e n -t a t i o n of the community changed, as the population grew and dwindled, the community became d i f f e r e n t i n c u l t u r a l d e t a i l , and Yale i n the 1860's i s a community d i f f e r e n t from Ya l e i n the 1880's, and very much d i f f e r e n t from Yale i n 1910. Contemporary Yal e people see the gold rush, Y a l e as head of n a v i g a t i o n , the CPR c o n s t r u c t i o n , and the CNR as important periods i n the community's growth, and see the development from one period to another as important - although the d e t a i l s of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n are not r e t a i n e d i n f o l k memory - and to t h i s extent f o l k h i s t o r y can be i l l u m i n -ated by an e x p o s i t i o n of the c u l t u r e of Yale at these v a r i o u s p e r i o d s . Since 1858 the popu l a t i o n of Yale has lad three major component groups, w i t h d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c o r i g i n s : Euro-American, S t a l o , and Chinese. Throughout the nineteenth century and i n t o the t w e n t i e t h , these groups have d i f f e r e d i n language, s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and area of residence w i t h i n the 37 town. The differences were most marked between 1858 and 1885 even though the Euro-American economy and missionary e f f o r t and exposure to new forms and s t y l e s of c l o t h i n g , t o o l s , foods and a r c h i t e c t u r e and to the people themselves, had forced changes i n the annual economic cy c l e , r e l i g i o u s i n -s t i t u t i o n s , language, technology, and housing of the Stalo people during these years. The native population, always mobile, became more so. The Chinese entered the country as entrepreneurs and were perhaps more success-f u l i n r e t a i n i n g t h e i r language and r e l i g i o n , although they met the numeri-c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y dominant Euro-Americans on equal, i f somewhat separate, terms economically. The representative population of a l l three groups declined a f t e r 1885, and while they retained t h e i r separate i d e n t i t i e s and areas of r e s i -dence, t h e i r capacity to sustain separate s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s declined with the population, and i n t e r a c t i o n among members of the three communities was perhaps more intense. Documentation for t h i s period i s sparse. In 1912 there were only two Chinese f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n Yale. Their c h i l d r e n spoke English and attended the Yale school. Indian c h i l d r e n also spoke English, and while some of Indian descent attended the Yale school, others attended Roman Catholic r e s i d e n t i a l schools outside Yale. The records a v a i l a b l e for these periods are p r i m a r i l y newspaper accounts, published by and about the White community. Consequently there i s more information about the Whites, and t h e i r s o c i a l organization has been dealt with most f u l l y . The information about the Chinese and Indian commun-i t i e s i s sparser and s u f f e r s from the bigotry c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of White ob-38 servers of the time. Since the three communities seem to have existed apart from one another i n important ways, I have dealt with them separately, but have included information on i n t e r a c t i o n among them where i t could be found. 1. THE FIRST SETTLERS In the past 120 years people of three d i s t i n c t cultures have l i v e d i n the area occupied by the Yale townsite and on land along the Fraser River above and below i t , but the land had been s e t t l e d f o r thousands of years. Information on the prehistory of the Fraser Canyon near Yale has so f a r only one source - reports of archeological investigations c a r r i e d out by Dr. C.E. Borden. One of these '. (Borden, l!9l>'8) has provided the substance f o r the following discussion. The exact length of time the area has been inhabited i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. A r t i f a c t s found on terraces which ware l i k e l y eroded about 10,000 years B.C., when, with the amelioration of the climate the C o r d i l l e r a n i c e sheet vanished, permitting the Fraser River to flow f r e e l y , suggest that hunters using crude multipurpose tools were l i v i n g on the terraces sh o r t l y thereafter. The pebble tools are not accompanied by any more sophisticated assemblage, and t h e i r i s o l a t e d existence i s d i f f i c u l t to explain, since hunters with sophisticated tools were l i v i n g east of the Rocky Mountains at approximately the same time. No further traces of the people of t h i s "Pasika Phase" have been 'found and they seem to have disappeared. Tools of the same general type are found i n l a t e r phases but constitute a minor proportion of generally much more sophisticated assemblages. There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that 39 the appearance of these t o o l s on the higher t e r r a c e s i s the r e s u l t of s p e c i a l i z e d a c t i v i t y by l a t e r groups. From the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data i t i s p o s s i b l e to t r a c e a r a t h e r scant h i s t o r y of settlement, p o p u l a t i o n movements, and f i n a l l y e s t a b l i s h -ment of t r a d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Upper S t a l o c u l t u r e at l e a s t eight c e n t u r i e s p r i o r to the h i s t o r i c p e r i o d . The f i r s t establishment of con-tinuous settlement w i t h t r a c e a b l e sequences has been placed by Borden at about 7500 B.C. The i n f o r m a t i o n on the sequences comes from two main s i t e s : the M i l l i k e n s i t e and the E s i l a o v i l l a g e nearby. The M i l l i k e n s i t e was i n i t i a l l y occupied f o r approximately 3,000 year s , and then abandoned, presumably because i n c r e a s i n g l y dry c l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n s put an end to the water supply. E s i l a o v i l l a g e was occupied a f t e r the M i l l i k e n s i t e was aban-doned-y, and continued to be occupied f o r 2,000 years, u n t i l i t s creek d r i e d up as w e l l . With the onset of modern cli m a t e at approximately 1,000 B.C., people l i v e d again at the M i l l i k e n s i t e . F i n a l l y , i n the c e n t u r i e s be-for e contact w i t h Whites, i t was used as a b u r i a l ground, perhaps by people then l i v i n g i n E s i l a o v i l l a g e . These s i t e s are approximately 2.5 miles u p r i v e r from the v i l l a g e s i t e s at Y a l e . In h i s t o r i c times and p r o t o - h i s t o r i c times they were pa r t of the t e r r i t o r y of the T a i t d i v i s i o n of the Upper S t a l o , as were the v i l -lages at Y a l e . Borden has d i s t i n g u i s h e d seven phases of development. W i t h i n t h i s sequence i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say much about pop u l a t i o n change, although there are evident changes i n manufacturing techniques and the forms of 40 t o o l s , and some evidence of trade with other groups, and i n one case, the Skamel phase, of displacement of one group by another. People of the M i l l i k e n phase (7500 to 6000 B.C.), the e a r l i e s t phase having a sophisticated assemblage, possessed scrapers, p r o j e c t i l e points, pointed implements that were possibly perforators and burins -and i n that case they "could have worked bone and antl e r - and t h i n , ovate and semi-lunar knives of stone. The major technique used for making stone tools was chipping, but grinding and p o l i s h i n g techniques were beginning to be used. Thare i s evidence i n t h i s assemblage of the establishment of a culture dependent on hunting and f i s h i n g . Although game has never been extremely varied or abundant i n the Fraser canyon, hunting, f o r the deer, black bear and smaller animals that existed i n the canyon i n the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and perhaps before, has never been completely i g -nored. In p r o t o h i s t o r i c times f i s h i n g was the main occupation of the Ta i t people. The major salmon runs are i n August and September, and the gathering of people from down-river v i l l a g e s at the s i t e of Yale at t h i s time of year i s a matter of h i s t o r i c record. In the M i l l i k e n assemblage, some nine thousand years before, Borden found charred p i t s of Prunus demissa, which ripens i n August and September, i n d i c a t i n g that people were occupying the s i t e at that time of the year. Evidence from the Dalles on the Colum-b i a River, from comparable time period, indicates extensive e x p l o i t a t i o n of f i s h e r i e s there. Although s o i l conditions on the banks of the Fraser are not proper f o r the preservation of the organic remains that would con-41 s t i t u t e more c o n c l u s i v e evidence, these two c i r c u m s t a n t i a l f a c t s suggest that the Fraser R i v e r salmon runs were known and used by the people i n t h i s area, even at that e a r l y time. But hunting continued. Chipped p r o j e c t i l e p o ints continued to be made although the forms changed g r a d u a l l y . P r o j e c t i l e p o i n t s stemmed f o r e a s i e r h e f t i n g appeared between 3500 and 1500 B.C. and by the time between 1000 and 350 B.C. (the Baldwin phase) the l o c a l t r a d i t i o n s had been continued but the p o i n t s were being made s m a l l e r . Small stemmed points are p a r t i c u l a r l y abundant i n the assemblage of t h i s phase and suggest the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the bow and arrow at t h i s time. With the exception of some specimens charred by f i r e , organic m a t e r i a l s were not preserved at these s i t e s . The p e r f o r a t o r s and b u r i n s of the M i l l i k e n phase i n d i c a t e that bone and a n t l e r were p o s s i b l y worked but i t i s e a s i e r to determine the techniques f o r working stone than f o r other m a t e r i a l s . Chipping and the beginnings of g r i n d i n g and p o l i s h i n g are e v i -dent i n the M i l l i k e n phase. By the Eayem phase (3500-1500 B.C.) the ground s l a t e i n d u s t r y was e s t a b l i s h e d , and i n the succeeding Baldwin phase, a number of ground n e p h r i t e c h i s e l s and adze blades i n d i c a t e that abrasive techniques were beginning to be a p p l i e d to tough stone. Without p r e s e r v a t i o n of organic m a t e r i a l s i t i s not easy to f i n d evidence of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of v e g e t a l foods. The charred p i t s of Prunus  demissa i n the M i l l i k e n phase assemblage i n d i c a t e that these, at l e a s t , were gathered and eaten very e a r l y i n the h i s t o r y of the occupation of the canyon. Much l a t e r , between 1000 and + 350 B.C., mortars and p e s t l e s are 42 found, suggesting that new vegetables were being prepared by methods not used i n previous times. Since t h i s Baldwin phase coincides with the begin-ning of modern c l i m a t i c conditions, much wetter than the conditions of the previous phases, these foods may e i t h e r have been overlooked or were not av a i l a b l e i n e a r l i e r times. Decorative and ceremonial arts are also d i f f i c u l t to detect, since sculptures, masks and personal ornaments are often made of organic materials. R-Red ochre was ground f o r pigment by people of the M i l l i k e n phase. D r i l l s of numerous types i n the Eayem phase, approximately-. 2000 years l a t e r , were perhaps used to make beads and pendants that have not been preserved. From this assemblage also came a fragment of a s i l t s t o n e plaque decorated with i n c i s e d cross-hatching and two spindle-shaped stea-t i t e objects that may have been pieces i n a gambling game. Baldwin phase people made a considerable number of personal or-naments i n soft stone, e s p e c i a l l y p h y l l i t e and s t e a t i t e : ear spools, pen-dants, labrets and beads. They also made some of the e a r l i e s t known sculp-tures i n the area. The instances of any culture's e x i s t i n g i n complete isolation from others are very rare; nonetheless i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the trade connections the Fraser canyon people had with others at various times i n t h e i r h i s t o r y . The M i l l i k e n phase assemblage, again, gives the f i r s t e v i -dence of trade. Transparent obsidian was found i n the assemblage. The nearest natural source of t h i s i s i n Oregon. This suggests that M i l l i k e n phase people had trade connections, e i t h e r d i r e c t l y with the people of that area, or with people i n intermediate areas. 43 The much l a t e r Baldwin phase assemblage indicates that the l o c a l t r a d i t i o n s e x i s t i n g at that l a t e r time were continued by these people, but the richness of t h e i r a r t i f a c t s and the introduction of several new tech-niques suggests that they interacted with other peoples, whose cultures varied widely. The Baldwin phase culture appears to have been brought to an end i n the area by the i n t r u s i o n of another people, whose culture has been c a l l e d the Skamel phase. They were also a people who hunted and fi s h e d , but t h e i r p r o j e c t i l e points were t r i a n g u l a r and barbed, with expanding stems - d i f f e r e n t from any i n the previous phases. Some organic materials from t h i s culture were preserved by a f i r e which destroyed a dwelling i n approximately 80 B.C., and these reveal techniques of twining vegetable f i b r e s into cordage, and the making of mats. There were several wooden a r t i f a c t fragments as w e l l - a number of f l a t , t h i n fragments with rounded edges and some with corners that may have been fragments of net gauges, and two l i n e spools, which i n d i c a t e c l e a r l y that f i s h i n g was an estab-l i s h e d industry. There was also a portion of a box with a deeply engraved c u r v i l i n e a r design. Their use of f i n e c r y p t o - c r y s t a l l i n e stones unknown in p r i o r cultures suggests that Skamel people enjoyed trade connections t h e i r predecessors had not had. They were also the pecple who introduced the p i t house, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c winter dwelling of the T a i t people i n h i s t o r i c times. The Skamel phase lasted approximately 500 years. The assemblage for the Emery phase which followed (A.D. 200-1200) suggest a fusion of the 44 t r a d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Skamel and Baldwin cultures, and the Mar-pole culture of the Fraser r i v e r d e l t a , i n which Baldwin phase t r a d i t i o n s appear to have been continued and developed a f t e r the Skamel i n t r u s i o n . Work i n s t e a t i t e and p h y l l i t e i s e s p e c i a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of thisf.phase. P l a i n and zoomorphic vessels were fashioned of these stones as w e l l as bowls with sculpted seated human fi g u r e s , and some magnificently carved e f f i g y pipes. The continued use of the p i t house, and the earth-moving a c t i v i -t i e s i t s construction e n t a i l e d , have hindered archaeological i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the l a t e r periods p r i o r to h i s t o r i c times at E s i l a o v i l l a g e . In th i s period, hunting with bow and arrow continued, although p r o j e c t i l e s were smaller and l i g h t e r than i n e a r l i e r periods, and the people of this E s i l a o phase continued to make them smaller s t i l l . Their tools also included end-scrapers, small endblades f o r knives, d r i l l s and abraders. Fi s h i n g was an established, important industry. Of the many ground s l a t e a r t i f a c t s , most are f i s h knives, rectangular i n ou t l i n e and s i m i l a r to those of e a r l i e r phases. In the early h i s t o r i c period mountain goats were hunted f o r meat, but also for wool, for blankets which were woven for domestic and ceremon-i a l use, and i n the E s i l a o phase there are vestiges of the horn cores of mountain goats. The e f f i g y pipes apparently were no longer made i n th i s period, but smoking seems to have continued f o r some time. The pipes charac-t e r i s t i c of the period were s t r a i g h t and tubular, with e i t h e r a p l a i n or expanded mouthpiece and a trumpet-shaped bowl. Aboriginal ornaments are rare, but i n the l a t e r deposits trade beads obtained from Whites, even 45 before there was d i r e c t contact, are abundant, and also ornaments, es-p e c i a l l y long tubular beads, fashioned by the people from copper f o i l ob-tained through trade. A stable, unchanging constructed p i c t u r e of any culture i s an illusion?., but the archaeological data f o r the period from 1200 to 1800 do ind i c a t e the establishment of the culture of the T a i t group of the Upper Stalo as i t was f i r s t encountered by Simon Fraser. The ethnographic des-c r i p t i o n of th i s culture was not f u l l y attempted u n t i l 140 years a f t e r h i s v i s i t , when a l l of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s revealed by the archaeological record had long since changed or been discarded. Nevertheless i t does contain s i g n i f i c a n t information about the technology, s o c i a l organization, and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s with neighbouring groups f o r the people who l i v e d i n the Yale area. The p r i n c i p a l source of information about the culture of the people l i v i n g i n the Yale area at the time of f i r s t contact with the Whites i s Duff's The Upper Stalo Indians of the Fraser V a l l e y , B r i t i s h Columbia. I t i s based p r i m a r i l y on data gathered i n the l a t e 1940's from informants l i v i n g i n the Fraser Valley at several places, i n c l u d i n g Yale. The Stalo people l i v e d along the Fraser River from i t s mouth up to a creek, f i v e miles above the s i t e of Yale. The people who l i v e d at Yale belonged to the T a i t d i v i s i o n of the Upper Stalo, and t h e i r t e r r i t o r y ranged from t h i s creek, Five-Mile Creek, down to Popkum, a distance of some twenty-five miles. They spoke a d i a l e c t of a S a l i s h language, Halko-melem. 46 From Five-Mile Creek upriver, lay the t e r r i t o r y of a d i v i s i o n of the Ntlakapamux, or Thompson people. Their nearest permanent v i l l a g e was Spuzzum, about seven miles above Five-Mile Creek, but they used the i n t e r -vening seven miles for f i s h i n g and hunting. In housing, c l o t h i n g , tech-nology, and the organization of t h e i r kinship system, they were s i m i l a r to the T a i t people, but they spoke a d i f f e r e n t language and were more c l o s e l y aligned i n major ways with the other d i v i s i o n s of the Ntlakapamux farther up the Fraser River and along the Thompson River. One of Duff's informants provided him with a name for the whole Yale area, s i lqe-k, and the names of two v i l l a g e s at the s i t e of Yale i t -s e l f , h^ax^Lslp, on the west side of Yale creek, and ciwi-kp on the east side of the creek. The former was l a r g e r , or perhaps j u s t remembered more c l e a r l y (Duff, 1952: 32). There were f i v e v i l l a g e s i n the canyon above Yale, and about seventeen downriver, that were a f f i l i a t e d with the T a i t d i v i s i o n , but the population tended to be f l u i d and mobile, e s p e c i a l l y i n the summer, and v i l l a g e s were moved from one place to another. Since the s i t e of Yale was important i n the f i s h e r i e s , and since food was generally abundant there, the v i l l a g e s were probably more or less permanent. Yale i s situated on terraces eroded by the r i v e r and surrounded by f a i r l y low mountains. Just above the s i t e , the t e r r a i n becomes much steeper, and the r i v e r flows through a very rugged canyon. The Fraser i s swift and turbulent at the best of times, but above Yale i t i s navigable only at low water, even for canoes. In spring and summer i t c a r r i e s melt-water from the higher regions i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia, and i t s l e v e l and turbulence increase greatly. 47 The major industry was f i s h i n g , supplemented by hunting and the gathering of w i l d vegetables. Salmon, trout, and sturgeon were caught, but the f i v e v a r i e t i e s of salmon, i n p a r t i c u l a r spring salmon and sockeye were staples i n the d i e t . The major runs of these were i n July and August. The climate of the area at this time i s hot and dry, and warm winds blow through i t continuously. Wooden frame drying racks were constructed, and butchered f i s h were hung from these and allowed to dry. When the wea-ther did not permit drying, f i s h were smoked. Salmon were caught with dip-nets, co n i c a l bags of Indian hemp (Apocynum cannabinum) f i b r e , held ijjy rings around a supple wooden hoop, which i n turn was secured to a long handle. When f i s h i n g the fisherman held the net open by means of a cord, again of twisted Apocynum cannabinum; when a f i s h entered the net the cord was released and the net closed, forming a bag around the f i s h . Men fished f or salmon from f i s h i n g s t a -t i o n s , rocks situated along the r i v e r near eddies where f i s h rested, or wooden platforms constructed on such rocks. Large rectangular bagnets held open by poles or ropes, and dragged along the r i v e r by canoes were used to catch sturgeon. A popular place for f i s h i n g f o r sturgeon was at Maria Slough, near Seabird i-Island, and T a i t people as w e l l as others from other Stalo groups met there i n the summer when the sturgeon spawned. Such nets were also used near Yale (Duff, 1952: 69). Sturgeon could also be caught with hook and l i n e , the l i n e suspended from a long pole attached to a rock, the hook a large shaft with two four-inch barbs, and the b a i t eulachon, sockeye-tails or salmon roe. Sturgeon 48 provided both meat, which was usually smoked, and glue. Harpoons could also be used to catch them. Trout - steelheads (Salmo g a i r d n e r i i ) , Dolly Varden char ( S a l v e l i - nus alpinus malma) and cutthroats (Salmo c l a r k i i c l a r k i i ) - were caught and usually eaten fresh. Larger trout were caught with salmon-harpoons; smaller ones by smaller trout harpoons, small-meshed nets, and hooks, large ones made of thorn or bone barbs secured to bone or wood shanks and smaller ones con s i s t i n g of two crab-apple thorns t i e d together (Duff, 1952: 70). The p r i n c i p a l animals hunted were deer, black bear and mountain goat. G r i z z l y bear and wa p i t i were more d i f f i c u l t to obtain, but smaller animals, beaver, marten, ground hog and s q u i r r e l were eaten, along with ducks, geese, eagles and grouse. Hunters used bow and arrow, spears, trained dogs, clubs, p i t f a l l s and nets. Nets were used p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r deer and b i r d s . Vegetables were gathered i n season, usually by women. Several kinds of roots, including the root of the bracken fern and probably the camas, were gathered. Berries - huckleberries, b l u e b e r r i e s , t r a i l i n g black-b e r r i e s , blackcaps - were gathered i n the summer, and i n early spring the shoots of thimbleberry and n e t t l e s were harvested, along with others (Duff, 1952: 72-74). Food was cooked i n earth-ovens, roasted over the f i r e , or b o i l e d , by means of plac i n g hot rocks from the f i r e into a vessel containing water. Cooking vessels were baskets and wooden containers. 49 The c l o t h i n g worn by the Upper Stalo ranged from capes and s k i r t s woven of cedar bark, robes of bear, groundhog, or rabbit skins sewn to-gether, blankets woven of mountain goat wool or dog wool to buckskin s h i r t s , dresses and leggings. The temperatures i n winter i n the Yale area were more extreme than downriver, and they were more l i k e l y to re l y on buckskin clot h i n g . Hunters wore moccasins. The making of c o i l baskets of cedar root was a c r a f t learned from the Ntlakapamux, but has probably been practised by the Yale people f o r many years. They l i v e d nearby and married Ntlakapamux people sometimes. The weaving of blankets of mountain goat or dog wool, however, was a t r a d i t i o n a l part of Upper Stalo culture, and two kinds, large white blankets used f o r bedding, robes and potlatch g i f t s , and smaller " n o b i l i t y " blankets with geo-metric designs, used only f o r robes, were woven. For clot h i n g , food and ornament the Upper Stalo, including the Tai t people, depended on exhaustive e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r environment, based on knowledge that ranged widely from knowledge of the migration and feeding habits of large and small animals, several v a r i e t i e s of f i s h , and of b i r d s , of the annual cycle, l o c a t i o n and properties of plants, of the conditions necessary f o r the safe storage of foods. I t was also based on the mastery of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of s k i l l s : the a b i l i t y to track animals through mountainous t e r r a i n , to make nets, to twist f i b r e s into cord and rope, to fashion vine maple in t o bows, and p a r t i c u l a r kinds of rock, cho-sen for i t s strength, into p r o j e c t i l e points, to navigate the Fraser River, to make canoes, and to b u i l d s h e l t e r s that would be s u i t a b l e f or both winter 50 and summer. There was some trade with people l i v i n g both upriver and down-r i v e r , p a r t i c u l a r l y for canoes, and f o r foods not ava i l a b l e i n the immediate areas of the respective traders. During the winter T a i t people l i v e d i n pit-houses, consisting of a c i r c u l a r space approximtely 25 feet i n diameter and four to f i v e feet deep, roofed with a superstructure of r a f t e r s supporting logs or poles that formed a cone. This part, which appeared above the surface of the ground, was covered with an i n s u l a t i n g layer of earth. In summer they l i v e d i n small plank houses with shed roofs. Some larger shed-roofed or gable-roofed houses were b u i l t to accommodate large gatherings for cere-monies or s o c i a l events (Duff, 1952: 49). V i l l a g e s usually consisted of one or several extended f a m i l i e s , each dwelling housing a family. The population of the v i l l a g e s was mobile, and the l o c a t i o n of the v i l l a g e i t s e l f could be changed, but each v i l l a g e , and each family was known to other T a i t people. Kinship was traced b i l a t e r a l l y , and people were conscious of the i d e n t i t y and l o c a t i o n of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s and immediate ancestors, even when they l i v e d f a i r l y f a r away. Consciousness of " t r i b a l " i d e n t i t y varied from one Stalo d i v i s i o n to another. The T a i t had very l i t t l e of t h i s , although they had some awareness of i d e n t i t y with one another based on common t r a -d i t i o n s , and probably on r e l a t i v e l y more frequent meetings with one another than with members of other Stalo groups, but they did not maintain r i g i d l y the boundaries of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , or i n s i s t that other groups observe them c a r e f u l l y . The upriver boundary at Five-Mile Creek was probably observed 51 with greater care than others, because i t determined the t e r r i t o r i e s i n which the T a i t and the Ntlakapamux had f i s h i n g p r i v i l e g e s . Within T a i t t e r r i t o r y , f i s h i n g rocks were named and owned, and access to them was granted to others only at the d i s c r e t i o n of the owners. T a i t and Spuzzum people co-operated i n sharing some hunting t e r r i t o r y . Trade re l a t i o n s among the peoples l i v i n g on the lower reaches of the Fraser and i n the plateau region were complex. Trade usually occurred between adjacent groups, and the v a r i a t i o n s i n environment and a v a i l a b l e resources for these groups would be subtle, but the diffe r e n c e i n environ-ments of the Chilliwack people l i v i n g approximately f o r t y miles downriver from Yale, and the Ntlakapamux people l i v i n g along the Thompson River or of the L i l l o o e t people l i v i n g i n the v i c i n i t y of Seton Lake were extreme. Goods passed from one group to t h e i r neighbours were often passed on to the next group, so that people l i v i n g i n t h i s region did obtain foods and mat-e r i a l s not a v a i l a b l e i n the v i c n i t y of t h e i r own v i l l a g e s . Stalo people traded with Thompson (Ntlakapamux) people l i v i n g upriver, and took to them dugouts, dried salmon, rush mats, goatwool blan-1 kets, abalone s h e l l , sturgeon o i l , and a v a r i e t y of grass, n x o i t l a x i n grass. In return they obtained s o o p a l a l i e - o i l , dried saskatoon b e r r i e s , and, most important, Indian hemp f i b r e f o r making rope and cordage. Stalo people had friends and r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g among the Thompson, and canoes were usually 1. There i s no archaeological evidence of abalone s h e l l f o r t h i s area (Borden: personal communication). Trade i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r commodity may have been recent, although the general trading pattens had undoubted-l y been established f or some time by the nineteenth century. 52 taken up at low water i n the course of v i s i t i n g these people. Those who l i v e d i n the upper part of Stalo t e r r i t o r y traded dried salmon with down-r i v e r groups, and i n return received f i s h , potatoes, and sometimes dried or even occasionally fresh clams and sealskins (Duff, 1952: 95). The Stalo peoples were not without s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Some families had higher rank than others, the r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s being that they exhibited the q u a l i t i e s that were most admired. Children of high-ranking families were c a r e f u l l y instructed, so that they would know and uphold t h e i r p o s i t i o n , and these families took care that the marriages of t h e i r c h i l d r e n did not compromise the prestige of the family. Consequently members of families of high rank married people with s i m i l a r rank, even i f they l i v e d f a r away. One of the leaders of the two highest ranking fam i l i e s i n the Stalo area l i v e d at Yale. People of more common rank were free to choose spouses closer to home, as long as the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two people was not too close. Upper Stalo were r e l a t i v e l y peaceful peq&e, but did have slaves, taken i n war. Marriage to a slave compromised a family's status s e r i o u s l y , but the stigma could be removed by a potlatch, a ceremonial d i s t r i b u t i o n of g i f t s by an i n d i v i d u a l or family to others who came from other villages on the r i v e r . The villages along the r i v e r were not i s o l a t e d , and related fam-i l i e s l i v i n g i n d i f f e r e n t v i l l a g e s saw one another frequently. Travel was p r i m a r i l y by ;c'anoe. The Stalo had three types of canoes, which were a l l made along the r i v e r . One of these was also used on the Coast, known gen-53 e r a l l y as the Nootka canoe, and was f o r t y feet long, with a high projecting bow and a v e r t i c a l stern-post. These were carved as separate pieces. There were two other v a r i e t i e s of dugout i n use on the r i v e r (Duff, 1952: 51-52). People t r a v e l l e d upriver i n the summer and camped i n the vicfaity of Yale to f i s h f o r salmon. On the way to and from Yale there were opportun-i t i e s to v i s i t r e l a t i v e s , and many must have met at the f i s h e r i e s . Other occasions when people came together were potlatches and winter dance ceremonies. Potlatches were s o c i a l occasions, when i n d i v i d u a l s c a l l e d others together to confer an important name on an h e i r , to b u i l d a new plank house, to hold a funeral, or to replace the blankets that covered the dead, where they l a y , i n elevated wooden frame structures. The dead were not i n t e r r e d . I d e a l l y , a family giving a potlatch would accumulate enough food and goods to pay those who performed the services f o r the occasion, e.g., prepared the dead person, or helped to b u i l d the house, and have enough l e f t over to d i s t r i b u t e generally to the guests. Most f a m i l i e s were unable to accumulate enough at the time when i t was necessary to hold the potlatch, and eventually they would hold one at which they would pay those who had done the work at previous ceremonies (Duff, 1952: 87). Although some potlatches were held i n winter, and coincided with winter dance ceremonies, the two were separate i n function. The environment of the Upper Stalo was not s o l e l y material, but contacts with s p i r i t s were matters of i n d i v i d u a l concern and there were no d e i t i e s . There were, however, s p i r i t s , which could bestow power to do cer-t a i n things e s p e c i a l l y well - power to hunt, to f i s h , or to gamble - on those 54 who sought i t through rigorous t r a i n i n g and f a s t i n g . Since prowess i n hunting and f i s h i n g , and even gambling, could be obtained without s p i r i t u a l help, not everyone went on a s p i r i t quest (Duff, 1952: 102). The power to cure i l l n e s s did not usually come without t r a i n i n g , f a s t i n g and waiting alone i n the mountains, and those who sought i t were often unsuccessful. Those who were successful became shamans, and were able to cure i l l n e s s i n s p e c i f i c ways that were rel a t e d to the s p i r i t from which they derived t h e i r power, e.g., the sucker or the leech gave the power to cure by suck-ing foreign, harmful matter out of the body of an a f f l i c t e d person. Sometimes, though, the power to cure i l l n e s s could come i n a dream to a person who had not prepared. R e l a t i v e l y few people became shamans, but many, perhaps most, received a s p i r i t song, and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n winter dances. S p i r i t songs usually came unsought, frequently during the time of winter dancing. A person had a seizure, and then a dream or v i s i o n i n which the song was taught to him; t h i s was followed by t r a i n i n g f o r four days and then by a run i n the forest "to get the complete song". The i n i t i a l seizure could be induced by already i n i t i a t e d dancers, or the song could be heard at another time of the year, coming from a natural object, such as a tree, or heard i n a dream (Duff, 1952: 103). S p i r i t songs were i n d i v i d u a l ; each person's was d i f f e r e n t and i t was not permissible to sing another's s p i r i t song. The s p i r i t from which the song had come was, i n theory at l e a s t , a matter to be kept secret (Duff, 1952: 106). 55 As winter advanced, power came to dancers, and had to be ex-pressed through dancing. I t d i d not come to a l l v i l l a g e s at the same time, but began e a r l y i n the wi n t e r or l a t e i n the f a l l at Y a l e and Ch e h a l i s , and progressed g r a d u a l l y downriver to the coast. During the winter people met i n l a r g e and small gatherings to dance. The person who was the head of the household i n the house where they met supplied them w i t h food, or might even pay them f o r coming and h e l p i n g him w i t h h i s song (Duff, 1952: 108). When a wi n t e r dance was combined w i t h a p o t l a t c h , the food was pre-pared and served by people other than the host and h i s f a m i l y (Duff, 1952: 108). The people of the Yale v i l l a g e s held winter dances and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n dances held at other v i l l a g e s downriver. The T a i t were a r e l a t i v e l y mobile people, l i v i n g i n small f a m i l y groups, and s e l f - g o v e r n i n g i n a rat h e r s t r i c t sense. T h e i r leaders were chosen on the b a s i s of a combination of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - high rank was one, but wisdom and the a b i l i t y to hold the confidence of the people were eq u a l l y important, and the l a c k of these q u a l i t i e s was s u f f i c i e n t to d i s -q u a l i f y a member of a ranking f a m i l y from l e a d e r s h i p . S o c i a l c o n t r o l was enforced by the weight of common o p i n i o n , r a t h e r than by f o r m a l l y c o n s t i -t uted laws. In t h e i r annual economic c y c l e the T a i t e x p l o i t e d the f i s h , game and vegetable resources a v a i l a b l e to them, and w h i l e they procured some p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary commodities such as Apocynum cannabinum f i b r e through t r a d e , they were more or l e s s economically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . The salmon run at Yale brought them i n t o contact w i t h many people from downriver, and r e l a -56 t i o n s h i p s w i t h these people were maintained through i n f o r m a l v i s i t s , and through attendance at p o t l a t c h e s and winter dance ceremonies. U n t i l the gold rush of 1858 the c u l t u r e of the people at Y a l e was maintained and developed without grave i n t e r r u p t i o n . Simon Fraser v i s i t e d them i n 1808, and they t r e a t e d him w i t h courtesy; at at l e a s t one v i l l a g e above Yal e salmon was provided f o r h i s p a r t y , and four men went downriver from a v i l l a g e at Y a l e to t e l l the people there about Fraser and h i s purpose. At t h i s time Fraser was e n t i r e l y dependent on the n a t i v e people he encountered f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and food. The people from Y a l e took him the next day downriver i n canoes to a v i l l a g e approximately a day's t r a v e l away, and l e f t him t h e r e , r e t u r n i n g to Yale i n t h e i r canoes. I t was Fraser's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to procure t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a r t h e r downriver (Lamb, 1960: 98-101). Fort Langley was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1827, but few T a i t people seem to have gone down r e g u l a r l y to t r a d e . Alexander Anderson and Henry Peers passed through the Yale area i n 1847 and 1848 r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n attempts to e s t a b l i s h a v i a b l e brigade route on B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y f o r the Hudson's Bay Company, which had l o s t the C o l v i l l e - F o r t V i c t o r i a route to the coast through the i m p o s i t i o n of t a r i f f s f o l l o w i n g the Treaty of Oregon of 1846. The Hudson's Bay Company e s t a b l i s h e d a f o r t at Y a l e , named f o r James Murray Y a l e , a f a c t o r at Fort Langley, i n 1848; that summer an overland route v i a Spuzzum was attempted w i t h u n s a t i s f a c t o r y r e s u l t s . James Douglas, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, whose headquarters were at Fort V i c t o r i a , gave orders f o r a f o r t to be erected on 57 the s i t e of Hope i n the f a l l , of 1848 (Howay, 1922: 57), but the route v i a the C o q u i h a l l a was not s u f f i c i e n t l y complete to be used i n the t r a d i n g season of 1849, so the Spuzzum-Yale route was used once again, f o r the l a s t time. A f t e r 1849 the C o q u i h a l l a route was s u i t a b l e , and Fort Y a l e was closed u n t i l the gold rush. F o r t Hope became the terminus f o r pack t r a i n brigades b r i n g i n g f u r s from the i n t e r i o r and bateaus c a r r y i n g trade goods from V i c t o r i a (Howay, 1922: 58). I t i s u n l i k e l y that the f u r trade had much impact on people l i v i n g i n the Yale v i l l a g e s , although goods r e -ceived i n trade from Fort Langley by people l i v i n g downriver l i k e l y found t h e i r way u p r i v e r i n the course of trade among the S t a l o peoples. 2. THE GOLD RUSH The Gold Rush: The Whites The exact date of the discovery of gold i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s unknown but i t seems c e r t a i n t h a t the Hudson Bay Company was aware of i t , and q u i e t l y t r a d i n g goods f o r i t on the Thompson R i v e r , at l e a s t , f o r some time before i t had become known to the men working i n the C a l i f o r n i a mines. During the l a s t few months of 1857 the Hudson's Bay Company agents on the Fraser R i v e r had r e c e i v e d 300 ounces of gold (Begg, 1894: 263). By A p r i l , 1858, news of the gold f i e l d s on the Fraser had leaked to San Francisco and men were l e a v i n g the mines there and t r a v e l l i n g north by way of C C o l v i l l e and the Okanagon, Puget SSound and Whatcom, and by steamer to V i c t o r i a . S everal thousand a r r i v e d i n the space of a few months, and V i c t o r i a , es-t a b l i s h e d as a Hudson's Bay Company f o r t i n 1843, was forced to expand to accommodate the needs of men t r a v e l l i n g u p r i v e r to the b a r s , by canoe, 58 whaleboat, steamer and on foot, and James Douglas, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company took steps, without l e g a l authority, to regulate the t r a f f i c . I t was i n the course of t h i s i n i t i a l race to f i n d gold that White settlement at Yale was established. In the immigrant population i n the f i r s t two years of settlement there was a preponderance of si n g l e men, though women are occasionally mentioned, usually i n newspaper accounts of drownings. Boats and canoes were used on the r i v e r , even i n the canyons above Yale, and were a peri l o u s means of transportaiton at the best of times. Bishop H i l l s encountered a woman, the wife of a miner, l i v i n g on H i l l ' s Bar i n 1860. He reported that she seemed very lonely, and had no other woman to t a l k to, except one with whom she d i d not care to associate (Journal of Bishop H i l l s , 1860). This may be a rather oblique reference to the existence of p r o s t i t u t e s . Hudson's Bay Company employees did have f a m i l i e s , since they had been established on the r i v e r at Fort Langley since 1827, and there had been f o r t s at Hope and Yale, though i n t e r m i t t e n t l y s t a f f e d , since 1847 and 1848 r e s p e c t i v e l y . The report i n the V i c t o r i a Gazette of the b i r t h of the f i r s t White c h i l d to one of these f a m i l i e s i s s i g n i f i c a n t , since i t implies that at l e a s t some of those who came i n 1858 were expecting White settlement to have some permanence ( V i c t o r i a Gazette, July 30, 1858). As the miners progressed upriver and established themselves at various points, small communities sprang up. Miners l i v e d at the bars where t h e i r claims were located but there were concentrations of them at 59 various places, i n p a r t i c u l a r at Fort Hope, H i l l ' s Bar and Fort Yale. During the f i r s t few months mining was delayed, f i r s t by high water, for the immigration of the miners i n A p r i l , May and June coincided exactly with the months i n which the Fraser River i s i n f l o o d . Since mining claims were concentrated at that time on the bars at a l e v e l of the r i v e r which i s dry only at low water, the miners were forced to wait. Later i t was d i s -covered that the banks themselves and the benches above them would y i e l d gold, but i n the early months of 1858 mining was a matter of impatient wait-ing. Some abandoned the project altogether, condemning the Fraser River gold as a fraud. During the summer of 1858 mining was interrupted by con-frontations and skirmishes with Indians, p r i n c i p a l l y the Ntlakapamux people upriver from Yale. The i n i t i a l troubles involved only miners working up-r i v e r and on the Thompson River, but when deaths were reported, and t r a v e l upriver seemed to be threatened, miners at Yale and nearby bars became involved and went up prepared to f i g h t . The V i c t o r i a Gazette kept a close and anxious watch on the miners' progress i n f i n d i n g g o l d } f o r merchants i n V i c t o r i a were well aware that the success of t h e i r own businesses depended on an a c t i v e and well-populated hinterland. There were many bars between Hope and Yale and between Yale and Lytton. Fargo's Bar w a s the paying bar located farthest downriver. It was located near the mouth of Harrison River ( S c h o l e f i e l d , I I , 1914: 39). There were seven bars between there and Fort Hope,and between Fort Hope and Fort Yale, about twenty-five bars i n the space of about t h i r t e e n miles. Not a l l of these were r i c h . Fort Yale Bar, i n f a c t , was not very r i c h at a l l , but H i l l ' s Bar, Texas Bar, and Emory Bar yielded good dividends. y 60 H i l l ' s Bar, one of the f i r s t to be worked, and one of the l a s t to be aban-doned, was about two m i l e s below Fort Y a l e and was perhaps the r i c h e s t of them a l l . Between Yale and L y t t o n there were approximately f o r t y bars. Of these, S a i l o r Bar, China Bar, Boston Bar, Kanaka Bar, and Cisco Bar are commemorated i n p l a c e names c u r r e n t l y i n use. During 1858 a l l of the bars were being worked w i t h s l u i c e s and r o c k e r s , and even i n October when the weather grew c o l d and mining became d i f f i c u l t , although the water was at i t s lowest p o i n t , men were b u i l d i n g l o g cabins i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r w i n t e r i n g at t h e i r c l a i m s . Those who were l e a v i n g the mines f o r the winter were those without claims and a r e p o r t e r f o r the Gazette who was l i v i n g at Fort Yale wrote that i t would be d i f f i -c u l t to l o c a t e anywhere. Vacant claims were hard to f i n d (The D a i l y V i c - t o r i a Gazette, October 25, 1858). Fort Hope and Fort Yale became f o c i f o r trade. The population was t r a n s i e n t and unstable, but as each miner moved on, he was replaced by one w i t h s i m i l a r h a b i t s and e x p e c t a t i o n s , and t r a d e r s and businessmen be-gan to e s t a b l i s h themselves, although not without d i f f i c u l t y . The colony of B r i t i s h Columbia, and James Douglas' r i g h t to govern i t i n the name of the B r i t i s h Crown were not e s t a b l i s h e d f o r m a l l y u n t i l November, 1858. Between A p r i l and November Douglas had exacted l i c e n c e fees from miners, appointed government o f f i c i a l s at H i l l ' s Bar and Y a l e , r e s t r i c t e d trade by anyone other than the Hudson's Bay Company, at f i r s t completely, and then by i m p o s i t i o n of a t a r i f f of 10 percent on a l l goods brought u p r i v e r by non-Hudson Bay Company t r a d e r s , and had attempted to r e g u l a t e the t r a n s p o r t 61 of f r e i g h t and passengers on the Fraser River by steamers, which at the time were owned and operated p r i n c i p a l l y by Americans. A l l of these mea-sures were i l l e g a l , and most of them sprang from a confusion on Douglas' part of the Hudson's Bay Company and the B r i t i s h Crown. The Crown d i d e v e n t u a l l y d i s a l l o w h i s attempts to i n s i s t that the steamers c a r r y only passengers who had paid a mining l i c e n c e , only f r e i g h t belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company and that they pay a head tax to the Hudson's Bay Company f o r every passenger, on the grounds that the Hudson's Bay Company char t e r allowed i t to trade e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h Indians, but d i d not give i t a monopoly of trade w i t h White i n h a b i t a n t s ( S c h o l e f i e l d , I I , 1914: 31). But the other measures remained i n f o r c e , f o r some time at l e a s t , and when Douglas became Governor of the new colony i n November, 1858, the c h a r t e r that gave him h i s mandate contained a clause r a t i f y i n g h i s a c t i o n s up u n t i l that time. During these few months Yale became e s t a b l i s h e d as a v i l l a g e of White i n h a b i t a n t s , and new forms of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n be-came dominant i n the area of the lower F r a s e r . Establishment of Businesses and Legal I n s t i t u t i o n s White settlement was dependent on possession of r i g h t s to l a n d , and claims were made and confirmed by the White government i n ignorance of the e x i s t i n g systems of the T a i t and Ntlakapamux. The land tenure system of the Whites had d i f f e r e n t economic f o c i . F i s h i n g r o c k s , areas f o r hunting, and f o r gathering vegetables had no importance. Mining, even where there 62 were partnerships and companies, was a much more i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y than f i s h i n g or berry^gathering, and allotments of land were based on the p r i n -c i p l e of the i n d i v i d u a l claim, with s p e c i f i c dimensions governed by a l e g a l body outside the Fraser River area. Land for houses or businesses was again divided into i n d i v i d u a l l o t s , to be owned and used e x c l u s i v e l y by an i n d i v i d u a l , or partners comprising a l e g a l u n i t , and these also had s p e c i f i c dimensions determined by a government, represented i n the v i l l a g e but not located there. Businesses were established before l o t s were surveyed, and the town grew and declined as the population fluctuated, but by the end of 1858 the geographic p o s i t i o n of Fort Yale, and the o u t l i n e of the White community was confirmed. By mid-August approximately t h i r t y frame buildings had been erected on the townsite, but according to one report miners were coming down from upcountry to buy provisions and f i n d i n g no great stock on hand. They were purchasing provisions from other miners who were s e l l -ing out, either to leave the mines or to go below f o r more provisions. It i s not c l e a r why a miner would s e l l h i s provisions to go downriver f o r more, but perhaps h i s stock i n t h i s case was inadequate f o r a t r i p up-country but too large to leave behind (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 10, 11, 1858). According to another report a few days l a t e r , there were at least twenty bars operating i n Yale - i . e . , bars where l i q u o r was so l d , and two or three gambling houses. A l l a r d , i n charge of the Hudson's Bay Company post, was the sole o f f i c i a l . Another l e t t e r dated August 9th and published 63 i n the same i s s u e of the Gazette mentioned the need f o r a saw m i l l , and s a i d that board, f o r those without s u p p l i e s , was one d o l l a r a meal, or two d o l -l a r s a day. P r o v i s i o n s at t h i s time do not seem to have been too scarce, i n s p i t e of the absence of l a r g e stocks i n the t r a d i n g establishments. S t i l l another l e t t e r , dated August 10th, reported that bacon had been bought at Fort Hope f o r 38 cents a pound, and f l o u r at $12 per hundred, and that there had been cheaper s a l e s at auctions (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 17, 1858). Another correspondent reported p r i c e s s l i g h t l y higher than t h i s at Y a l e i n a l e t t e r dated August 19th. He reported that f l o u r was s e l l i n g at from $14 to $15, and hams were 55 cents, presumably per pound. By mid-September,- when t r a d e r s and merchants were becoming e s t a b l i s h e d i n compe-t i t i o n w i t h the Hudson Bay Company, one e n t e r p r i s i n g man had been able to s e l l beef at 50 cents per pound, but the standard d i e t c o n s i s t e d of pork and beans, salmon, bread and potatoes (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, Septem-ber 18, 1858). Salmon and gold were the two commodities n a t u r a l l y a v a i l a b l e i n l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s i n Yale that summer, but w h i l e salmon was eaten, no one was buying g o l d . The p r i c e asked was $15 per ounce but the storekeepers were u n w i l l i n g to purchase i t because they would have to go downriver to s e l l i t , and the Hudson's Bay Company a l s o refused to buy i t , even though miners were eager to s e l l i t at Yale (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 24, 1858). One rep o r t s a i d t r a d e r s were r e l u c t a n t to buy i t at the miners' p r i c e of $16 per ounce. By September 20th, gold dust was being purchased by Kent and Smith's Express (the Gazette correspondent d i d not know the r a t e 64 of exchange) and merchants were accepting i t i n trade at $16 per ounce (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 28, 1858). By the end of September, Land and Fleming had b u i l t a sawmill opposite Y a l e , which was working day and n i g h t , producing boards that s o l d f o r $125 per 1000 f e e t . Lots on the main townsite were being l a i d out and fenced o f f . The two main s t r e e t s , Douglas Street and Front S t r e e t were e s t a b l i s h e d , and some businessmen were f a c i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y that they had e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r e n t e r p r i s e s on what was to become the p u b l i c thorough-f a r e . The l o t s were not immediately o f f e r e d f o r s a l e , but were recorded and reserved at a fee of $7.50 per month f o r those who wanted preference when they were s o l d . One correspondent f e l t i t was important to p o i n t out that the r e n t i n g of the l o t s was being conducted by the Government, and not by the Hudson's Bay Company. In October, Pemberton, a surveyor, was at Y a l e , l a y i n g out the townsite i n 60' x 120' l o t s . A l e v e l area 100 f e e t wide was being l e f t i n f r o n t of the town. Many houses that had been delayed because the survey had not been done were being constructed at t h i s time, but even i n September l o t s were occupied and houses were being constructed. By the time James Douglas v i s i t e d Y a l e i n September the t r a d e r s ' houses l i n e d the whole beach. As winter approached Yale's p o p u l a t i o n , which had been estimated at 2,000 by one v i s i t o r i n September (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 15, 1858), dwindled. One l e t t e r of October 16 reported that the gambling houses were n e a r l y deserted, and the "comforts of l i f e " were few. There was no p u b l i c accommodation available;men had to r e l y on t h e i r own t e n t s 65 (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 19, 1858). Another l e t t e r , from H i l l ' s Bar, was not so p e s s i m i s t i c , and reported that business at Yale was b r i s k , i n s p i t e of the f a c t that men had l e f t (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 28, 1858 - l e t t e r dated October 18). Near the end of the year there was some evidence of the beginnings of community o r g a n i z a t i o n . Government o f f i c i a l s - a J u s t i c e of the Peace, a Chief Constable, f i v e policemen and fourteen s p e c i a l constables, had been appointed by Douglas during h i s v i s i t i n September (Douglas to E.B. L y t t o n , October 12, 1858), and they were at work i n Y a l e . The merchants of Y a l e j o i n e d f o r c e s to p e t i t i o n Douglas, p r o t e s t i n g the high f r e i g h t r a t e s between V i c t o r i a and Yale and asking f o r a r e d u c t i o n i n the 10 percent t a r i f f on goods imported by t r a d e r s not belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. There was a l s o evidence that the people who c o n s t i t u t e d the com-munity d i d not concentrate e n t i r e l y on business, mining or gambling. A b a l l was he l d i n the courthouse on Christmas Eve, 1858. I t was organized by a committee of arrangements c o n s i s t i n g of f i v e men: Whannell, the J u s t i c e of the Peace at Y a l e , P e r r i e r , the J u s t i c e of the Peace at H i l l ' s Bar, F i f e r , who was a doctor and d r u g g i s t , and Hugh Nelson, and John K u r t z , who were both known as businessmen i n Yale i n 1860. Subsistence, Trade and Transport In 1858 miners ate salmon and deer ( C o r n w a l l i s , 1858: 195), but t h e - e d i b l e p l a n t s growing on the mountainsides surrounding Yale were un-known to them, and they were o u t s i d e the t r a d i n g networks of the S t a l o and Ntlakapamux. On the whole they d i d not eat n a t i v e foods, but r e l i e d on 66 r e l a t i v e l y imperishable f o o d s t u f f s bought i n bulk i n V i c t o r i a , and l a t e r at Fort Hope and Fort Y a l e , and transported from these centres to t h e i r c l a i m s . The establishment of r e t a i l o u t l e t s at Fort Hope and Fort Yale was impeded by r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by Douglas. His i n i t i a l attempts to bar tr a d e r s other than the Hudson's Bay Company were u n s u c c e s s f u l , but were followed by the i m p o s i t i o n of a duty of 10 percent on goods imported by non-Hudson's Bay Company merchants. The merchants b e l i e v e d , probably cor-r e c t l y , that t h i s e x t r a cost was intended to place t h e i r p r i c e s of t h e i r goods out of competition w i t h p r i c e s at the Hudson's Bay Company s t o r e s . The t a r i f f was l i f t e d e v e n t u a l l y , and i n the meantime, t r a d e r s managed to e s t a b l i s h themselves i n competition w i t h the Hudson's Bay Company s t o r e at Ya l e . Douglas v i s i t e d Y a l e i n September, 1858, i n the c a p a c i t y of head of the government (although of a colony not yet e s t a b l i s h e d ) , but demon-s t r a t e d h i s continued devotion to the i n t e r e s t s of the Hudson's Bay Com-pany by i n s t r u c t i n g the company's t r a d e r at Yale to reduce the p r i c e of f l o u r and to reduce the company's p r i c e s on other goods so that they would be t r u l y c o m p etitive. This a f f e c t e d the business of other t r a d e r s . P r i c e s of foods i n Yale were lower than they had been f o r a long time: f l o u r at $10 per hundred, pork at 37-1/2 cents per l b . , bacon 40 cents to 45 cents, beans 6 cents, potatoes 8 cents, onions 8 cents, corned beef 25 cents, f r e s h beef 50 cents and C a l i f o r n i a b u t t e r 75 cents per l b . At l e a s t one house at t h i s time was s e l l i n g l i q u o r at 12-1/2 cents per g l a s s . .67 Large stocks of p r o v i s i o n s were not always r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e at Y a l e , e i t h e r at the Hudson Bay Company's s t o r e , or at the t r a d e r s ' s t o r e s . Miners coming down from the Thompson Ri v e r or the Upper Fraser to r e p l e n i s h t h e i r s u p p l i e s sometimes found i t e a s i e r to purchase them from others who were s e l l i n g s u p p l i e s they had o r i g i n a l l y bought f o r t h e i r personal use. The i m p o s i t i o n of the 10 percent duty a l s o encouraged smuggling. Goods were brought u p r i v e r i l l e g a l l y to Y a l e from Whatcom and P o i n t Roberts, u s u a l l y i n canoes and o f t e n under the cover of miner's l i c e n c e s , which were then sent back to be used again (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 15, 1858). Liquor was smuggled to Y a l e i n t h i s way, and boxes of soap or navy bread f r e q u e n t l y turned out to have l i q u i d contents (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a  Gazette, September 14, 1858). Traders i n Y a l e were dependent on f a c i l i t i e s f o r t r a n s p o r t i n g f r e i g h t and i n the e a r l y months of mining on the F r a s e r , miners Douglas, and i n d i v i d u a l entrepreneurs d i r e c t e d considerable energy toward making p r o v i s i o n s f o r mass,transport of goods and people that went beyond the e x i s t i n g t r a i l s and t r a n s p o r t techniques used by the S t a l o people. Canoes were used by i n d i v i d u a l s and businesses a l l through the e a r l y years, and l a r g e r boats not powered by engines were a l s o used, u s u a l l y by miners t r a -v e l l i n g to claims w i t h s u b s t a n t i a l q u a n t i t i e s of p r o v i s i o n s . F r e i g h t was transported to Yale by water, and from Y a l e uncountry overland, by i n d i v i d u a l men w i t h packs, and then, as the t r a i l was improved, by mule t r a i n s . Steamboats were e s t a b l i s h e d on the Fraser i n the summer of 1858. They were owned and run by American entrepreneurs, and had been 68 brought from C a l i f o r n i a and Puget Sound. B r i t i s h steamers a m i a b l e f o r t r a n s p o r t i n g f r e i g h t to the mines were few, and of too deep a draught f o r the Fraser above Fort Langley. The f i r s t steamer to n e g o t i a t e the r i v e r s u c c e s s f u l l y from Fo r t Langley to Fort Hope was the S u r p r i s e . I t s success was due i n l a r g e mea-sure to the expert knowledge of the r i v e r of an Indian p i l o t h i r e d at Fort Langley (Hacking, 1944: 261). A f t e r the i n i t i a l run i t made r e g u l a r t r i p s to F o r t Hope, connecting at Fort Langley w i t h steamers to V i c t o r i a . The SeaBird was a l s o launched on the Fraser but i t s career was short and d i s a s -t r o u s . I t f a i l e d to n e g o t i a t e the r i v e r smoothly, ran aground once and was salvaged w i t h great e f f o r t , and then, on a t r i p to V i c t o r i a , caught f i r e and burned to the water's edge (Hacking, 1944). The U m a t i l l a , a sternwheeler, reached Yal e i n J u l y , 1858, and e s t a b l i s h e d that f r e i g h t could be shipped d i r e c t l y to Y a l e , although i n p r a c t i c e goods bound f o r Yale could a l s o be shipped to Hope and transported from there i n smaller l o t s to Yal e . The Maria another sternwheeler, w i t h a c a r r y i n g c a p a c i t y of f o r t y tons of f r e i g h t , was a l s o running on the Fraser i n the l a t e summer of 1858, and e v e n t u a l l y replaced the U m a t i l l a . When the r i v e r f e l l , F o r t Hope became the head of n a v i g a t i o n , and at one poi n t the Maria was not abl e to c a r r y more than h a l f the f r e i g h t above Murderer's Bar, and had to unload twenty tons and leave i t there, and r e t u r n f o r i t a f t e r unloading the r e s t at Hope. A l e t t e r dated September 20, 1858, and published i n The D a i l y  V i c t o r i a Gazette on September 28, gives a report of the cost to the tr a d e r 69 of u sing steamer t r a n s p o r t . The cost of landing goods at F o r t Hope, exclud-in g i n c i d e n t a l expenses and personal s u p e r v i s i o n was $40 per ton. Trans-p o r t i n g goods to Yale cost $30 per ton. The 10 percent t a r i f f was l e v i e d on the cost of the goods at V i c t o r i a , but when added to the costs of f r e i g h t r a i s e d the mark-up on goods s o l d at Y a l e c o n s i d e r a b l y . In mid-October the owners of the E n t e r p r i s e and Maria r a i s e d the p r i c e of f r e i g h t from V i c -t o r i a to Fort Hope from $40 to $60 per ton (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 16, 1858). An e d i t o r i a l i n the Gazette condemned i t and merchants i n Y a l e complained to Douglas. Even a f t e r the establishment of steamers, i n d i v i d u a l groups of miners went u p r i v e r from V i c t o r i a i n t h e i r own boats. In September eleven boat l i c e n c e s had been s o l d at V i c t o r i a to miners i n t e n d i n g to go up i n canoes and whaleboats (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 6, 1858). The improvement of e x i s t i n g t r a i l s and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of new ones were a l s o matters of concern. Douglas was contemplating the construc-t i o n of a t r a i l between Yale and Hope, but the Hudson's Bay Company t r a i l between Yal e and Spuzzum was not s u i t a b l e f o r mule t r a f f i c , and miners worked c o - o p e r a t i v e l y to make i t adequate f o r mules w i t h 200 pound loads (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 1, 1858). F e r r i e s were to be es-t a b l i s h e d at Fort Y a l e , the Rancheria, twelve m i l e s u p r i v e r , and the Foils (Lytton) to complete the t r a i l , and i n mid-September the t o t a l p r i c e of packing f r e i g h t to the Forks was 46-1/2 cents per pound - s i x cents to the Rancheria, one-half cent on the f e r r y i n operation there at that time, and f o r t y cents to the Forks (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 15, 1858). 70 By September 6, H i c k s , the Assistant Crown Commissioner f o r Crown Lands and Douglas' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n Yale at that time, had awarded c o n t r a c t s f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g two bridges and f i n i s h i n g the t r a i l . One b r i d g e was across Y a l e Creek, the second across a deep r a v i n e half-way to the Randeria (The  D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 14, 1858). Mules were imported, and mule t r a i n s were a primary means,of t r a n s p o r t i n g f r e i g h t over t h i s t r a i l . By September they were a r r i v i n g d a i l y at Yale from the Forks, l o a d i n g up w i t h p r o v i s i o n s and r e t u r n i n g (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 9, 1858). Many were imported from Oregon v i a the Okanagon, and at one point i n September a t r a i n of two hundred horses and mules from Oregon were known to be at the Forks and were expected i n Yale at any time (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 14, 1858). They were not a r e l i a b l e means of t r a n s p o r t the year round, how-ever. In October f o r t y mules were thought to have been f r o z e n on t h e i r way to the Forks (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 19, 1858) and the t r a i l to the f e r r y at Rancheria was expected to become impassable i n the snow (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 21, 1858). Not a l l miners chose to go overland. By September the r i v e r had f a l l e n and the canyons above Yale were navigable f o r canoes and even l a r g e r boats. According to a report on September 7, s i x t e e n canoes had got through the upper and lower canyons above Y a l e ; Waddington reported that ei g h t had gone up one day he was i n Yale (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 15, 1858). The r i v e r was navigable at t h i s time, but not p a r t i -c u l a r l y s a fe. The September 7th report a l s o mentioned that one canoe had 71 capsized, and s i x men had been drowned. On August 31st a W h i t e h a l l boat capsized h a l f a mile above the Ferry and three of the nine passengers died. Express companies also established themselves at t h i s time. One of the e a r l i e s t on the r i v e r between Yale and V i c t o r i a was Ballou's Ex-press, and others, such as Kent and Smith's Express followed. Wells Fargo and Company acted as agents for express between V i c t o r i a and San Francisco, f o r communication between the two c i t i e s was very important. Men working on the Fraser River had come from San Francisco, and shipped mail and gold dust back there. At the beginning of September Fargo was i n Yale estab-l i s h i n g an express between Yale and the Forks. The express companies had agents stationed at Fort Yale, Fort Hope, Fort Langley and V i c t o r i a , to receive parcels, gold dust, and mail from i n d i v i d u a l s and were responsible for shipping these to t h e i r destina-t i o n . They used the means of transport most r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e - steamers, canoes, boats, and occasionally foot, and probably constituted the f a s t e s t and most r e l i a b l e method of communication between the mines and small com-munities on the Fraser River and outside centres. The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette often acknowledged mail and news brought by Ballou and by Kent and Smith. Law Before B r i t i s h Columbia became a colony l a t e i n 1858, and even for some time afterwards, B r i t i s h law was a rather feeble force. Douglas eventually appointed an Assistant Commissioner of Crown Lands, whose o f f i c e combined the multiple duties of customs o f f i c i a l , court o f f i c e r , mining 72 recorder, and coroner, and who, as Douglas' representative, awarded con-tracts for bridge construction, and recorded claims to land within the townsite. Somewhat later a Justice of the Peace and constables were ap-pointed both at Yale and Hillfe Bar. During the f i r s t months of mining activity, however, the Hudson's Bay Company traders were the only quasi-legal o f f i c i a l s at Fort Hope and Fort Yale, and the force of law, for practical purposes, lay in the legis-lative capacity of the miners themselves, who demonstrated i t in ad hoc meetings to deal with particular crises. There were at least three such occasions - a public meeting of miners in July to establish regulations of the sale of liquor, especially to Indians, a meeting in August to decide how to deal with Indian h o s t i l i t i e s , and a meeting of the miners of H i l l ' s Bar in November, to protest actions by Hicks, the Assistant Commissioner of Crown Lands, and others, that threatened the incumbent miners' possession of their claims. A formal structure was assumed for each of these meetings, and a formal procedure followed, even though there was no formal structure that governed decision-making in the communities of miners between crises. At the July meeting there were speeches, a committee was appointed to report on a course of action, and as a result of this resolutions were drawn up prohibiting the sale of liquor in the v i c i n i t y of Fort Yale, de-manding the destruction of liquor already at the bar, and providing for the punishment and expulsion of anyone violating the new regulations. In jus-t i f i c a t i o n of their actions they took advantage of the fact that there was no liquor licence at Yale and invoked a British law that required persons selling liquor to have a licence, but the real force of the regulations came 73 from w i t h i n the mining community, and not from the power of the B r i t i s h Crown. The r e g u l a t i o n s were posted at Fort Yale and published i n The D a i l y  V i c t o r i a Gazette. A standing committee of twelve men was appointed "from among the prominent r e s i d e n t s " of the bar to enforce the laws (The D a i l y  V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 4, 1858). The l i q u o r r e g u l a t i o n s were enforced. On august 5th p a r t i e s who p e r s i s t e d i n s e l l i n g l i q u o r to Indians were v i s i t e d by Donald Walker, of the Hudson's Bay Company, and s e v e r a l of the r e s i d e n t s of Fort Y a l e , and r e q u i r e d to stop (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 10, 1858). La t e r the same month l i q u o r was again s e i z e d (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 20, 1858). This ban on l i q u o r was an attempt to f o r e s t a l l a t t a c k s by Indians. The p r o v i s i o n of l i q u o r to Indians, i n the miners' view, aggravated e x i s t i n g h o s t i l i t y . B i t t e r n e s s between Indians and Whites stemmed from the more s e r -ious matters of trespass on Indian lands, e x c l u s i o n of Indians from competi-t i o n f o r g o l d , d e s t r u c t i o n of Indians' property and contemptuous treatment of them by Whites. P r o h i b i t i o n of l i q u o r d i d not a f f e c t these i s s u e s . Reports of a t t a c k s by Indians on miners working u p r i v e r , and the appearance of bodies of men apparently murdered, i n c i t e d the miners i n the F o r t Y a l e area to meet. The r e s u l t of t h i s meeting was not the p u b l i c a t i o n of r e s o l u t i o n s but the formation of m i l i t i a companies, determined to go up-r i v e r and f i g h t . An appeal was made to A l l a r d , the Hudson's Bay Company t r a d e r , to take charge of the companies, but he r e f u s e d , and he a l s o refused to l e n d arms and ammunitiion from the company's stock to the men, although 74 he expressed approval of the e x p e d i t i o n . A meeting of miners at Fort Hope r e s u l t e d i n r e s o l u t i o n s by the miners to continue i n t h e i r enterprise,and to make the s t a t e of a f f a i r s known to Douglas. They a l s o appealed to the Hudson's Bay Company f o r arms, but, Walker, i n charge of the company there , agreed to f u r n i s h weapons only f o r defense. Neither the Hudson's Bay Company nor the government i n V i c t o r i a p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the miners' a c t i o n s against the Indians. This was a source of some b i t t e r n e s s to the miners, who b e l i e v e d the government which had taken taxes from miners had an o b l i g a t i o n to pro-t e c t them.. Two companies were formed at Y a l e to go u p r i v e r and confront the Indians but they had been preceded by a r i f l e company ten days before, which had succeeded i n becoming engaged i n a b a t t l e at the Rancheria (Spuz-zum?) i n which ten Indians and two Whites were k i l l e d . One of the Indians was s a i d to have been a c h i e f , although the b a s i s of the Whites' perception of who w i t h i n the Indian communities had such standing i s not c l e a r . One of the Whites was s a i d to have been a woman from H i l l ' s Bar. The Indians' encampment was burned (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 20, 1858). The r i f l e company, on the whole, seems to have aggravated the h o s t i l i t i e s r a t h e r than brought a s o l u t i o n c l o s e r . The r e p o r t s were o f t e n made at second-hand; they overlap and are ambiguous. I t i s not c l e a r whether the f i g h t that took place at the Ran-c h e r i a a c t u a l l y took place at Spuzzum or Boston Bar, 17 m i l e s f a t h e r up-r i v e r , or at Cross Bar, at the fo o t of the B i g Canyon about 2 m i l e s above Spuzzum, or how many people were a c t u a l l y k i l l e d . I t i s c l e a r that there 75 was a b a t t l e , both Indians and Whites were wounded and k i l l e d , and several Indian summer v i l l a g e s were destroyed, along with the food and property stored i n them. Of the four p a r t i e s that went upriver, the ones led by Snyder and Centras, which t r a v e l l e d together, seem to have been more successful than the others, led by Graham and Galloway. The aim of the expedition was to obtain peace through t r e a t i e s and chastise Indians who had harmed Whites. In a l e t t e r to the Gazette Snyder reported that an Indian from twelve miles above Yale, and an American who could speak the native language were going to accompany him to f a c i l i t a t e communication. Snyder's campaign was successful, as f a r as reaching agreement with Indian leaders was con-cerned. Graham was not as convinced as Snyder of the wisdom of peaceable procedures. He and one of h i s lieutenants were k i l l e d by Indians who en-countered them a f t e r an agreement to restore peace had been effected, but the Indians involved had not been informed about the agreement. Snyder's company went as f a r as the Forks and made agreements with the people along the r i v e r as they went. This was the end of the force brought to bear against the Whites by Indians, although minor skirmishes were reported i n l a t e r months. Miners began moving f r e e l y upriver again. Snyder's expedition marked the beginning of the subordination of Indians to B r i t i s h law. On h i s v i s i t to Yale soon a f t e r these events Douglas im-p l i e d that both Indians and Whites were within the scope of the law by saying that the men responsible for the k i l l i n g of the Indians had been g u i l t y of high treason. None was brought to t r i a l , however. 76 The i n j u r i e s done to Indians were not e n t i r e l y without recogni-t i o n by the miners. Snyder returned to Yale with f i v e Indians, two of whom were " c h i e f s " and the other three leading men among the t r i b e s of the upper Canyon, between Boston Bar and Lytton, where the f i g h t i n g had been most intense. At a meeting with these men, the leaders at Yale exacted promises of future good behaviour of t h e i r respective t r i b e s . Goods stolen from Whites - axes, hatchets, buckets, handsaws, knives, c l o t h i n g , irons (les s than s i x of each) were returned, but there was no o f f e r of compensa-t i o n f o r Indian losses, which may have been considerable. The chi e f s r e -ported that 31 warriors and 5 chi e f s had been k i l l e d . A miner who had t r a v e l l e d upriver during the h o s t i l i t i e s , but had not accompanied the m i l i -t i a p a r t i e s , had seen three "Indian ranches" that had been burned at Cross Bar by the r i f l e company that had preceded the more formally constituted companies, and reported that t h i s group had also destroyed a large quantity of salmon. In August t h i s was a serious matter for Indian people l i v i n g i n the canyon. Salmon, dried and smoked, was a staple i n the winter d i e t . Another miner pointed out that i n s u l t s by Whites to Indian women had been a cause for complaint, and that White miners had been responsible for caus-ing the d i f f i c u l t i e s and should take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or keeping the peace. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Yale Indians was s l i g h t . They gave up t h e i r guns to the Whites - v o l u n t a r i l y , according to one report, through coercion, according to another. One report says that Yale Indians offered to accompany the m i l i t i a companies upriver; the other says they l e f t Yale and went downriver i n canoes. 77 In t r a v e l l i n g upriver, f i g h t i n g with Indians and making agree-ments with them f o r peaceful behaviour i n the future the miners had not formulated new laws, but had undertaken to extend the force of the Whites' law, and through i t , White domination. The ban on l i q u o r does not seem to have survived the successful completion of the expedition against the Indians. In September a court was i n session at Yale to receive p e t i t i o n s and examine sureties f o r l i q u o r l i c e n c e s (The Da i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 8, 1858). Bars s e l l i n g l i q u o r constituted some of Yale's most t h r i v i n g businesses. There were other evidences of the establishment of B r i t i s h law between September and the end of the year. Hicks was appointed with a s i n g l e t i t l e and many duties, and persons accused of crimes were arrested and despatched to V i c t o r i a f o r t r i a l , although one, William King was t r i e d for murder at Fort Hope and sent to V i c t o r i a to await transportation. Hicks c o l l e c t e d mining l i c e n c e s , trading li c e n c e s and recorded claims to land f o r mining and business purposes. Smuggling was a p r o f i t a b l e a c t i v i t y at the time, and although i t was known and prevented where possible, there do not seem to have been extraordinary measures taken to stop i t . Constables were appointed at s a l a r i e s of $100 per month; the head constable at Yale was named William Kirby, and there was another, Hiekson, at H i l l ' s Bar. J u s t i c e s of the Peace, Whannell at Yale, and P e r r i e r , at H i l l ' s Bar were also appointed. However, the miners d i d not r e l i n q u i s h completely t h e i r preroga-t i v e of self-government. Hicks' honesty seems i n retrospect to have been 78 highly questionable. The miners at H i l l ' s Bar had no doubt of that. There was a sizeable community at H i l l ' s Bar. Waddington had counted at least 73 houses and tents i n September, and since i t was a r i c h bar, men did not aban-don the i r claims l i g h t l y . In November the miners held a meeting at the saloon of Patrick Martin to protest the actions of residents at Fort Yale, who, over the previous ten days, had attempted to jump th e i r claims. According to the H i l l ' s Bar residents, the would-be claim jumpers had been assisted by Hicks, and they were withdrawing the i r support from him, although not from other l e g a l l y appointed o f f i c i a l s such as Kirby and Hickson. The meeting was organized formally, with a chairman, a secretary, and a committee of f i v e men who were appointed to draft a preamble and reso-lutions containing the sense of the meeting. The resolutions reaffirmed the adherence of the H i l l ' s Bar miners to laws drawn up by them and approved by Douglas the previous May, and stated that these were the only laws they would recognize u n t i l they heard "from the proper source" that these laws had been l e g a l l y changed. They expressed confidence i n Douglas, Perrier and Hickson, and also Kirby and the constables at Yale who were subordinates of Hicks, but they ca l l e d for the removal of Hicks himself. These expres-sions of confidence i n the representatives of the B r i t i s h Government were compromised somewhat by the fact that they sent a copy of the resolutions to Nugent, the American Commissioner at V i c t o r i a , and requested that he lay i t before Douglas. Their membership i n the common body of residents on the Fraser River governed by B r i t i s h law was also compromised by t h e i r forming themselves into a company, and promising formally to stand by one another. 79 Hicks was e v e n t u a l l y removed from h i s post. Douglas' choice of men to represent him i n the Fraser R i v e r communities seems to have been unfortunate. Late i n 1858 and e a r l y i n 1859 the i n t e g r i t y of the system of m a g i s t r a t e s ' courts under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of l o c a l j u s t i c e s of the peace was t e m p o r a r i l y threatened by the i r r e s p o n s i b l e behaviour of P e r r i e r and Whannell, the j u s t i c e s of the peace at H i l l ' s Bar and Y a l e r e s p e c t i v e l y . In the course of an i n c i d e n t o r i g i n a l l y i n v o l v i n g the a s s a u l t on a Yale r e s i d e n t by a H i l l ' s Bar r e s i d e n t , P e r r i e r refused to honour a warrant issued by Whannell to be served at H i l l ' s Bar, Whannell locked up Hickson, the H i l l ' s Bar constable who had gone to Y a l e to serve a warrant on the o r i g i n a l p l a i n t i f f , and subsequently c i t e d Hickson f o r contempt' of c o u r t . P e r r i o r issued a warrant against Whannell f o r contempt of court and to enforce i t e n l i s t e d the support of Ned McGowan, a H i l l ' s Bar miner w i t h a r e p u t a t i o n f o r v i o l e n t and g e n e r a l l y unlawful behaviour, and he went to Yale w i t h twenty men, entered the courtroom w h i l e the court was i n s e s s i o n , read the warrant, seized whannell, and Hickson's j a i l e r , and f r e e d Hickson. Whannell was taken to H i l l ' s Bar and made to pay $75 f o r contempt of c o u r t . Douglas became inv o l v e d when Whannell sent him a l e t t e r represent-in g the a f f a i r as a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to the peace, and one hundred marines were despatched, along w i t h Colonel Moody and Begbie and a B r i t i s h Navy l i e u t e n a n t , Mayne, to d e a l w i t h the problem. When they reached Hope and r e a l i z e d that an u p r i s i n g was u n l i k e l y , Begbie, Moody and Mayne went alone to Y a l e , a t t e n d i n g a meeting that n i g h t of the " C i t i z e n s of Fort Y a l e " at which the a c t i o n s of Hicks and Whannell were condemned, and a t t e n d -80 ing the f i r s t church service held at Fort Yale, which was conducted i n the courthouse by Moody. The marines did get to Yale, though, f o r sho r t l y a f t e r the church service McGowan attacked a Yale resident, Dr. F i f e r , and h i s ac t i o n was interpreted as one of defiance of Colonel Moody's authority. The dispute between McGowan and F i f e r ended i n an apology by McGowan, the marines returned to Hope, and eventually to t h e i r work on the boundary commission, and McGowan entertained Begbie, Mayne and Moody at dinner ( M i l l i k e n , 1972a: 17-21). The system of j u s t i c e s of the peace and l o c a l courts dealing with minor matters, susceptible as i t was to abuse by petty and unscrupulous incumbents, survived t h i s incident, and remained i n e f f e c t i n Yale i n the years following 1858. By 1859 Begbie had been appointed chief j u s t i c e and was empowered to hear t r i a l s of cr i m i n a l cases, and a chief of p o l i c e , Chartres Brew, had been appointed f o r the mainland colony. The Gold Rush: The Indians The information about the Thompson and Stalo people i n the v i c i n i t y of Fort Yale i s fragmentary, and biased by White reporters' perceptions of Indians as ignorant or h o s t i l e obstructions to the progress of mining. As the White population increased, the capacity of the Indians to protect t h e i r homes, t h e i r land and t h e i r r i g h t s to mine f o r gold declined. Intermittent attacks on small groups of miners res u l t e d i n the mass expedition upriver by miners i n August, 1858, and culminated i n submission to miners' demands for the r i g h t to t r a v e l and e s t a b l i s h mining camps and settlement upriver. 81 Although i t i s the people i n the upper p a r t s of the Fraser canyon and the area around the Forks who are most o f t e n c i t e d as the aggressors, the people around Yal e were not f r e e from the s u s p i c i o n of Whites. They were confron-ted w i t h the Whites i n t h e i r hundreds before the u p r i v e r people, and t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s u c c e s s f u l c o n f r o n t a t i o n were undoubtedly fewer. The r a i d s and s k i r m i s h i n g must have played havoc w i t h the salmon f i s h i n g that year. August and September are important months f o r f i s h i n g , and the f i g h t i n g and peace-making took place i n August. Camps and f i s h were a l s o destroyed by Whites, and by the time peace was r e s t o r e d there would have been l i t t l e time to r e p l a c e l o s t s t o r e s . Y a l e was the s i t e of a l a r g e summer f i s h e r y , but by June the t e r r a c e s that could have provided campsites f o r the S t a l o people who came from downriver every year to f i s h , were occupied by White miners, who d i d not question t h e i r own r i g h t to camp there. Even a f t e r the f i g h t i n g had ended, there was a report that Indians had been discouraged from f i s h i n g at Y a l e , and had gone downriver because of i l l - t r e a t m e n t by Whites (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, September 1, 1858). Indians were expert i n the n a v i g a t i o n of the Fra s e r ; Whites were not, and Indians f i g u r e i n newspaper r e p o r t s as rescuers of people i n v o l v e d i n canoe accidents (Cf. The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, J u l y 29, 1858). An Indian man was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r g u i d i n g the S u r p r i s e s u c c e s s f u l l y to Hope. Hey a l s o worked f o r Whites as packers of f r e i g h t , as guides, and as miners. C o r n w a l l i s h i r e d an Indian guide i n June, 1858, f o r $8 to take him to the Forks. At S a i l o r ' s Bar, approximately eight m i l e s above Y a l e , he found Indians w i t h g o l d , as w e l l stocked w i t h i t as the White men, and c a r r y i n g 82 i t around i n skin pouches and bags containing, according to h i s estimate, from one to f i v e hundred d o l l a r s ' worth (Cornwallis, 1858: 200). Walker, the Hudson's Bay Company agent at Fort Hope, also wrote to Douglas that "Indians are getting plenty of gold and trade with the miners." Indians' wages were between three and four d o l l a r s a day, and eighty Indians and t h i r t y Whites were employed at H i l l ' s Bar (Begg, 1894: 269). The Indians were being 1brought within the scope of the Whites' economic and l e g a l systems, but ordinary communication between Indians and Whites was extremely d i f f i c u l t , since two major native languages were spo-ken i n the Yale v i c i n i t y , and the Whites spoke neither of them. The Indians did not speak English. Snyder di d f i n d a person capable of i n t e r -preting f o r him on h i s journey upriver, but he did not report which language the man spoke, and i t may even have been Chinook jargon. Chinook was a trade jargon developed on the P a c i f i c coast and incorporating modified words from various native and European languages. I t was not d i f f i c u l t to le a r n , for i t s structure was simple, and i t was undoubtedly employed by miners, traders and Indians as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r e i t h e r Halkomelem, Ntlakapamux, or English. Nonetheless i t could not have been s a t i s f a c t o r y i n a l l s i t u a t i o n s , f o r i t s vocabulary was small and far more often provided words for the material objects used i n trade than for immaterial concepts needed for protest or negotiation between groups. In 1858 the annual c y c l e of the natives suffered serious d i s -ruption, and the establishment of WhiES as the dominant group posed even more serious threats to n a t i v e systems of land tenure and p o l i t i c a l autonomy. 83 S t a l o s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e l y remained i n t a c t , as y e t . The Whites' r e p o r t s g i v e very few i n s i g h t s i n t o i t during t h i s time. There i s one r e -port of a f e a s t h e l d at the Y a l e v i l l a g e s i n October, 1858, when the White population at Yale was d i m i n i s h i n g and becoming more s t a b l e . I t i s con-t a i n e d i n a l e t t e r to the Gazette, dated October 14, 1858. The correspondent c a l l s t h i s the "annual f e a s t and d i s t r i b u t i o n of b l a n k e t s " . Canoes, h e a v i l y laden, came f o r s e v e r a l days before the f e a s t , from both u p r i v e r and downriver, ...those who came down the r i v e r shooting along i n the s w i f t e s t c u r r e n t , keeping t h e i r f a i r y - l i k e canoes out of the many dangers that attend the n a v i g a t i o n of Fraser r i v e r , by an o c c a s i o n a l d i p of the paddle, and awakening the echoes by t h e i r loud and (at a distance) not unmusical boat songs. Canoe a f t e r canoe from below as f a r as Fort Langley and H a r r i -son r i v e r , wended t h e i r way up, creeping s l o w l y along shore, tak-i n g advantage of the eddies, or p o l i n g up over the r a p i d s - laden w i t h f a m i l i e s and apparently w i t h a l l t h e i r household goods and c h a t t e l s , even to t h e i r dogs. On t h e i r a r r i v a l at the f l a t , at which the c o u n c i l house stands, tents were pit c h e d and wood gathered. The squaws s a l l i e d out s t i c k or hoe i n hand to o l d deserted potato patches, and even the caches which of yore h e l d t h e i r w i n t e r ' s s u p p l i e s were c a r e f u l l y grubbed over t i l l every "spud" of the s i z e of a musket b a l l was gathered. On the evening before the d i s t r i b u t i o n of blankets soon a f t e r dark, l a r g e f i r e s were k i n d l e d i n the c o u n c i l houses along each s i d e , and camp-kettles f i l l e d w i t h beans, potatoes and f i s h were cooked i n such q u a n t i t i e s as could only be consumed by Indians at a f e a s t . While the c u l i n a r y department was i n a c t i v e o p e r a t i o n , the c h i e f s , as w e l l as most of the men, arrayed i n t h i e r best and painted w i t h t h e i r usual t a s t e , were assembled at one end of the house and addressed the p r i n c i p a l o r a t o r s commencing w i t h the o l d e s t c h i e f , who harangued h i s audience f o r about an hour....As soon as the cooking was f i n i s h e d , the food was spread out over the ground f l o o r i n l a r g e wooden t r a y s , i n every a v a i l a b l e spot, making i t 84 raaLly as d i f f i c u l t a matter to go about the house as to navigate the r i v e r . At t h i s time the house became so crowded that the master of cere-monies sent to the P o l i c e O f f i c e f o r an o f f i c e r to request the white men to vacate the premises, as the guests r e q u i r e d room f o r the arduous d u t i e s before them, and Inspector K i r b y , w i t h h i s u s u a l promptness and d e s i r e that a l l men should enjoy t h e i r r i g h t s i n peace, dispatched a policeman to c l e a r the b u i l d i n g of i n t r u d e r s - which circumstance prevents a p a r t i c u l a r d e s c r i p -t i o n of the f e a s t and dance which f o l l o w e d . On the f o l l o w i n g day, the immense p i l e s of blankets were d i s t r i -buted, some t o r n to shreds and s c a t t e r e d to the winds i n the usual manner, a f t e r which t e n t s were s t r u c k , canoes loaded, adieus shouted, songs howled, and i n a few hours the l a r g e assembly had dispersed homeward.... (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, October 21, 1858) The people of h Wax W£ tp and ciwiUrp d i d not abandon t h e i r homes i n the face of the immigration of the Whites. By the end of 1858 there were two communities on the Y a l e t o w n s i t e , White and I n d i a n , separate but s i d e by s i d e . The Gold Rush: The Chinese Chinese miners entered the country along w i t h the Whites i n 1858. Although most had come o r i g i n a l l y from Kwangtung, i n the southern mainland of China, they came i n 1858 from San F r a n c i s c o and P o r t l a n d . They l e f t the C a l i f o r n i a mines f o r the same reasons the Whites l e f t - t h e i r l u c k i n C a l -i f o r n i a was not so good that i t might not be improved on the Fraser R i v e r . The Chinese had a l s o encountered i l l - t r e a t m e n t and b i g o t r y at the hands of the Whites i n the C a l i f o r n i a n communities, but they d i d not r e a l l y f a r e b e t t e r i n t h i s respect i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 85 Information about the early Chinese miners on the Fraser River i s not good, either i n q u a l i t y or quantity. The population i s not known, but there were enough of them that White reports mention them several times. They were viewed mainly with suspicion by White miners. One d e s c r i p t i o n of what was to be seen by the person who t r a v e l l e d upriver mentioned the Chi -nese miners: Anon you meet throngs of Chinamen packing up the r i v e r ; they pass and greet you i n broken English with, "how do you do, John". We are a l l Johns to them, and they to us. Their bamboo canes and heavy loads are strangely singular to us. (The Dai l y V i c t o r i a  Gazette, J u l y 30, 1858) A l l through the reports that came to the Gazette from various miners are the assumptions that the Chinese are h o s t i l e to the Whites, i n that they provide arms and ammunition to the Indians, and that the Chinese are b u l l i e d by Indians. "The savages, i t i s said, levy a t r i b u t e on the Chinese of about one-half they make for the p r i v i l e g e of mining, an exaction the f a c i l e Orientals generally comply with" (The Daily V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 10, 1858). The Whites' assumption that they, themselves, had com-plete r i g h t s to the gold they found was baseless from any l o g i c a l or l e g a l standpoint. The charter of the Hudson's Bay Company endowed i t only with exclusive r i g h t to trade with the Indians. I t said nothing about gold, or j u r i s d i c t i o n over White inhabitants. Douglas exacted a tax i n the form of a l i c e n c e from the miners, but t h i s , too, was i l l e g a l , f o r the same reason, and did not j u s t i f y the lack of consideration of native mineral r i g h t s . It cannot even be argued that the prerogatives of the B r i t i s h Crown superseded native r i g h t s f o r i n August of 1858, what was to become mainland B r i t i s h 86 Columbia had not yet been declared a colony. In any event many of the miners were not B r i t i s h subjects, but American c i t i z e n s . During the f i g h t i n g , Chinese were again alleged to. be i n league with the Indians (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 24, 1858). Men from Snyder's expedition were sent to a Chinese camp to f i n d out i f the Chinese had sold arms to the Indians, but they had none to s e l l , and reported that t h e i r arms had been confiscated by the f i r s t party of riflemen. At a meeting at China Bar, i n the canyons between Fort Yale and Lytton, 160 men belonging to two of the m i l i t i a companies agreed that the Chinese miners at the bar were to be required to go downriver for the duration of the h o s t i l i t i e s . They were promised that t h e i r claims would be protected, and that they would be allowed to return, but the basis for t h i s request was, again, fear that they were supplying the Indians with weapons (The D a i l y V i c t o r i a Gazette , September 1, 1858). There i s no information a v a i l a b l e on the s o c i a l organization of the Chinese miners. The Chinese population on the Fraser River continued to grow and there i s s l i g h t l y more information for the 1860's and 1870's. This w i l l be discussed i n the next section. Conclusion During 1858 and 1859 the beginnings of the White community at Yale were made. The townsite was l a i d out, to the west of the Indian v i l -lages and p a r a l l e l to the r i v e r . Douglas Street and Front Street, running along the r i v e r bank, provided the physical structure of the townsite, and 87 the s i t u a t i o n of the p r i n c i p a l businesses along the r i v e r bank on Front S t r e e t , was to p e r s i s t through the 1880's. The b a s i c l e g a l system was e s t a b l i s h e d , i f i n a somewhat shaky and haphazard way at f i r s t . Transient American miners who had come to F o r t Yale i n the e a r l y months of 1858 had, by 1859, become r e s i d e n t s of a B r i -t i s h colony. Systems of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communication between Yale and V i c t o r i a , and Yale and the developing communities up-country had been es-t a b l i s h e d as w e l l . Y a l e has never been an i s o l a t e d community. In 1858 i t was i n the midst of the most i n t e n s i v e mining, and d i r e c t l y on the route to areas being explored. There was a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n . Some were i n t e n t on going d i r e c t l y up-country; others were planning to stay at l e a s t as long as t h e i r claims i n the Fort Yale v i c i n i t y paid w e l l . S t i l l others had e s t a b l i s h e d businesses, and were depending on trade w i t h t r a n s i e n t and r e s i d e n t miners. By the 1859 season, the focus of mining had s h i f t e d away from the bars around Yale and was l o c a t e d on the upper Fr a s e r . The a t t e n t i o n of those miners who had stayed near Ya l e was on bench d i g g i n g s , which r e q u i r e d more c a p i t a l than mining the bars. The p o p u l a t i o n grew s m a l l e r , and the t r a d e r s more dependent on o u t f i t t i n g miners s t a t i o n e d up-country. Indians at Y a l e and u p r i v e r had incorporated mining, packing and the concept of wages i n t o t h e i r economy, but had been forced to y i e l d f r e e access to t h e i r t e r r i t o r y f o r purposes of mining and settlement by White and Chinese immigrants. They had experienced the f i r s t stages of the sup-p l a n t i n g of t h e i r own forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l by the f o r c e exerted by Whites. 88 Whites exerted c o n t r o l , at f i r s t through s u p e r i o r numbers a c t i n g together w i t h b e t t e r weapons than the Indians had, and then through B r i t i s h law. A l -though the n a t i v e economy was undoubtedly d i s r u p t e d by the v i o l e n c e of the l a t e summer of 1858, n a t i v e s o c i a l o r g anizdion and i n s t i t u t i o n s pro-bably d i d not s u f f e r great change at t h i s time. The Chinese population had become e s t a b l i s h e d on the r i v e r , but i t i s impossible to know i f cohesive s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was e s t a b l i s h e d at t h i s time. 3. 1860 - 1880 The White Community - Economic and P o l i t i c a l O rganization The 1860's saw the establishment of Y a l e as a t r a d i n g centre - a community dominated by small businessmen and depending f o r i t s l i f e on i t s geographic p o s i t i o n . As the head of r i v e r n a v i g a t i o n Yale was p i v o t a l i n the transport of people and f r e i g h t from the Coast to the I n t e r i o r . But the p o s i t i o n of head-of-navigation had to be e s t a b l i s h e d , and the beginning years of the 1860's were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by attempts by Yale businessmen to e s t a b l i s h steam n a v i g a t i o n as f a r as Y a l e , s u i t a b l e t r a i l s above Yal e to Boston Bar and L y t t o n , and f i n a l l y the Cariboo wagon road. Miners i n the I n t e r i o r and merchants i n V i c t o r i a and New Westminster were a l s o i n t e r e s t e d i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the t r a n s p o r t of goods but the n e c e s s i t y of e s t a b l i s h i n g Yale's p o s i t i o n as the point of t r a n s f e r of goods from one system to ano-ther so that Yale's businesses could s u r v i v e and grow encouraged Yale businessmen to work c o - o p e r a t i v e l y - i n s u c c e s s f u l l y p e t i t i o n i n g the govern-ment against the tax on mule f r e i g h t , which they considered too high (Weekly 89 British Colonist, February 25, 1860; April 7, 1860), in petitioning again with success against the collection of t a r i f f s on boat freight at Hope rather than at Yale (The Daily British Colonist, February 16, 1861) - they were acutely aware of the necessity for taxation to pay for construction of t r a i l s and roads, but also committed to ensuring that such taxation was mod-erate and that revenues were directed to the benefit of Yale - and in forming a company to build a steamer that could navigate the river a l l the way to Yale (Weekly British Colonist, April 28, 1860). There was a Town Council. Douglas reported establishing a council of five Yale residents to determine how to raise revenue for construction of t r a i l s north and west of Yale in 1860 (Douglas to Newcastle, July 6, 1860). Dr. Fifer, a physician and druggist who lived in Yale from 1858 unt i l his murder in 1861, was apparently the president (Daily British Colon- i s t , July 15, 1861). How often the council met, and how long i t survived, is hard to know. There was no formal council in the 1880's when reports of Yale's activities are more readily available. Yale has never been formally incorporated, but government in the sense of the making of decisions involv-ing the community as a whole has, un t i l the establishment of the Ratepayers' Association in 1967, been a matter of ad hoc meetings of adult citizens -in the nineteenth century invariably adult men. Yale did become the head of navigation. The Umatilla had reached Yale in July of 1858 (Hacking, 1944: 268) but there were several places between Hope and Yale that made navigation for steamers perilous, and the bulk of freight continued to be transferred to canoes at Hope. The arrival 90 of the steamer H e n r i e t t a at Yale i n February of 1860 wi t h f i f t y passengers and nine tons of f r e i g h t proved that steam n a v i g a t i o n to Yale was p o s s i b l e even at the time of year when the water was lowest, and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s was not l o s t on the people of Yale. Business was suspended, " a n v i l s were made to answer the purpose of cannon, and q u i t e a b r i s k f i r -i n g was kept up during the afternoon. A l a r g e banner was di s p l a y e d on the r i v e r f r o n t upon which the words "Welcome H e n r i e t t a " but echoed the hear t -f e l t sentiment of the e n t i r e community." I n the evening there was a c o l -l a t i o n i n honour of Captain Moore and h i s o f f i c e r s (Weekly B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , February 25, 1860). Three months l a t e r the Yale Steam Navi g a t i o n Company was formed, w i t h f i v e d i r e c t o r s on the board, a s e c r e t a r y and a t r e a s u r e r . Two of the d i r e c t o r s , Beedy and Kurt z were businessmen; two others Powers and McRoberts were to be re s p o n s i b l e l a t e r that year f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of part of the t r a i l between Yale and Boston Bar. The s e c r e t a r y , H. Nelson, was another businessman and E.H. Saunders, the t r e a s u r e r , was a s s i s t a n t gold commissioner and s t i p e n