UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

A theory of international banking expansion Cleave, James H. 1975

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1975_A4_6 C07.pdf [ 6.24MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0099977.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0099977-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0099977-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0099977-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0099977-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0099977-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0099977-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0099977-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0099977.ris

Full Text

TOWARDS THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN OPTIMAL COMPREHENSIVE RETIREMENT PREPARATION MODEL by HERBERT RALPH CROCKETT B.A., Mount A l l i s o n U n i v e r s i t y , 1959 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION i n t h e F a c u l t y o f Commerce a nd B u s i n e s s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA J u n e , 1975 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced d e g r e e at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I ag ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i i o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . on DeparCTwnt o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date 20 (TK Abstract The objective of the present study i s to provide three sets of prescriptions to enable persons to r e t i r e w e l l — prescriptions for the indi v i d u a l , the organization and the s o c i a l p o l i c y makers. These prescriptions follow extensive review of the research l i t e r a t u r e in order to i d e n t i f y the major factors which lead to r e t i r i n g well and those which r e s u l t in r e t i r i n g badly. A sub-theme of the review i s an examination of the major stereotypes and myths concerning retirement and aging and to show that often they prevent an enlightened and construc-t i v e approach to retirement. A special note i s included which concerns those most apt to r e t i r e badly. The main thrust of t h i s study i s toward the development of an optimal, comprehensive retirement preparation model of which the three prescriptions form the central part. This i s a p r a c t i c a l model, ready for implementation. Since the body of knowledge i n the area i s far from complete and since research reports on aging continue to be published i n quantity, i t would be premature to t r y to present an optimal model now. The model which i s presented i s consistent with the current body of knowledge but i t i s f l e x i b l e enough to allow for further develop-ment and refinement as new findings are published. A number of recommendations are made for the future. These include both research needs and suggestions for broad administrative action toward the objective of enabling as many people as possible to r e t i r e w e l l . i i i Table of Contents Page Chapter One: Retiring Well Versus Retiring Badly 1 Relevant Theories of Aging 3 The Work-Retirement Transition 6 Attitudes Toward Retirement and 10 S a t i s f a c t i o n in Retirement Measuring S a t i s f a c t i o n 16 Retirement and Health 18 Retirement Preparation Programs 21 Criti q u e 24 Conclusions 27 Chapter Two: Postretirement Li v i n g Patterns: 32 Housing Needs and Preferences of the Retired Literature Review 33 Conclusions 47 Chapter Three: Finances 49 The Importance of Finances i n 50 Retirement S a t i s f a c t i o n Perceived Adequacy of Retirees' 51 Income Versus the Amount Economic Inequality 52 I n f l a t i o n 56 Role of Unions, Government, Manage- 58 ment and Retirees * Themselves Further Social P o l i c y Implications 59 Chapter Four: An Overview of Preretirement Programs 62 Chapter Five: Towards the Development of a 67 Comprehensive Optimal Retirement Preparation Model A Descriptive Model 68 An Analysis 73 A Prescriptive Model 75 The Comprehensive Optimal Retirement 77 Preparation Model The Individual 77 The Organization 80 The Social Policy Makers 83 A Special Note on Those Who Are Most 86 Apt to Retire Badly Chapter Six: Unanswered Questions and Research Needs 89 References 97 Appendix A: Cross Sectional versus Longitudinal Studies 107 i v Page Appendix B: Journals Searched for A r t i c l e s on Re t i r e - 111 ment Preparation Programs, 1970 to Early 1975 Appendix C: Highlights of a Model for Management of 114 a Retirement Preparation Program L i s t of Tables Table Page I. Percent of Site Residents Selecting Reasons 37 for Moving I I . Advantages and Disadvantages of L i v i n g i n 38 Retirement Housing as Perceived by Controls I I I . Most A t t r a c t i v e and Least A t t r a c t i v e Features 40 of the Site IV. Income of Families, by Age of Head, United 53 States, 1960 and 1947 (constant 1959 dollars) v i L i s t of Figures Figure T i t l e Page 1. A Descriptive Retirement Model 69 2. Retirement Success Variables 74 Chapter One Re t i r i n g Well Versus Re t i r i n g Badly Relevant Theories of Aging The Work-Retirement Transition Attitudes Toward Retirement and Sa t i s f a c t i o n i n Retirement Measuring S a t i s f a c t i o n Retirement and Health Retirement Preparation Programs Criti q u e Conclusions 2 Few of the great number of publications on aging and retirement touch upon the question on why some people r e t i r e well and why some people r e t i r e badly. Many treat the question of degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n i n retirement but often t h i s centers around the issues of a c t i v i t i e s , finances and health i n the postretirement period. This chapter focuses on the work r e t i r e -ment t r a n s i t i o n and, from a review of the empirical l i t e r a t u r e , i s o l a t e s those features which reveal why some people experience s a t i s f a c t i o n i n moving from the work fact to the retirement fa c t (ijev r e t i r e well) and why others experience d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n (i.e. r e t i r e badly) i n th i s t r a n s i t i o n . The isola t e d features w i l l form the basis for the subsequent development of an optimal comprehensive retirement preparation model. A l l of one's l i f e p r i o r to retirement may be described as part of the t r a n s i t i o n a l period. However, for reasons of s i m p l i c i t y , the acute t r a n s i t i o n a l period w i l l be a r b i t r a r i l y defined as the year immediately before and the year immediately a f t e r retirement; much of the l i t e r a t u r e refers to a period of c r i s i s and i t seems the authors are placing i t roughly within these l i m i t s . The fact that a problem e x i s t s , and that often people need help to make the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n s a t i s f a c t o r i l y , i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the large number of s e l f - h e l p and i n s p i r a -t i o n a l books available which are aimed at r e t i r e e s . Often they are semi-autobiographical and show how the authors themselves found s a t i s f a c t i o n in retirement and went on to lead rewarding and productive l i v e s . The growth of retirement planning programs i s another example of retirement consciousness. 3 The p o t e n t i a l l y traumatic e f f e c t of the work-retirement disruption appears to be a big worry in North American society where the work ethic i s most pronounced; worth, or usefulness, often seems to be equated with employment. In older s o c i e t i e s such as Japan, China and India the consider-ations appear more dif f u s e while the European s o c i e t i e s are probably somewhere in between. I t i s clear that the s i t u a t i o n i n the Western world is a dynamic one; the average l i f e expectancy i s approaching eighty, the s i z e of the over s i x t y - f i v e population i s growing and values concerning the work et h i c are changing. Any attempt to develop a model which would help ease the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n must therefore be dynamic and allow for change as values and external conditions change. As a r e s u l t t h i s chapter w i l l focus on the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n and, from an extensive review of the evidence available, i d e n t i f y why some people experience s a t i s f a c t i o n i n retirement and why others experience d i s s a t i s f a c -t i o n . This review w i l l include the acute t r a n s i t i o n a l period as well as an examination of attitudes towards retirement i n a broader time context. The results of the review w i l l form an important part of the retirement preparation model. Relevant Theories of Aging Since much of the research on aging i s centred on aging theories, a few words must be said about them. There are a number of theories reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the p r i n c i p a l ones being disengagement and a c t i v i t y theories. 4 . Disengagement theory, as described by Cumming and Henry, (1961) postulates that as people grow older, there i s a mutual withdrawal between society and the aging person, that the individual's withdrawal i s accompanied by decreased emotional involvement i n the s o c i a l world and that, i n old age, the i n d i v i d u a l who has disengaged i s the person who has a sense of psychological well being. A c t i v i t y theory, as described by Havighurst and Albrecht (1953), postulates that s a t i s f a c t i o n i n old age i s a r e s u l t of continued a c t i v i t y , compensating the loss of roles and functions through retirement by other free-time a c t i v i t i e s and additional s o c i a l contacts. Crawford (1971) prefers to c a l l t h i s r o l e f l e x i b i l i t y theory. Subsequent Theories D i f f e r e n t i a l disengagement theory has been proposed by Streib and Schneider (1971) i n place of a c t i v i t y and d i s -engagement theories. I t states that retirement i s only part of the deceleration which accompanies aging and that retrenchment in one sphere does not imply retrenchment i n a l l areas. Ethel Shanas (in Carp 1972, pp. 229-243) has demonstrated that two alternative assumptions have strongly influenced research on adjustment to retirement though neither i s recognized nor e x p l i c i t l y used as a theory: 1) Substitution theory i s a l i f e - stage theory i n which a set of postretirement a c t i v i t i e s i s presumed to 5 substitute for a set of preretirement a c t i v i t i e s , and i n which the measurement of adjustment must be how well postretirement a c t i v i t i e s f u l f i l l the same needs as preretirement a c t i v i t i e s . 2) Accomodation theory views adjustment i n r e t i r e -ment as a process i n which the i n d i v i d u a l , a f t e r retirement, achieves a new d i s t r i b u t i o n of his energies in new roles and new modes of behaviour. Adjustment i n retirement may vary within the retirement period as s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l circumstances vary. That none of the p r i n c i p a l theories of aging i s adequate i s apparent from the great extent to which they are found wanting. Certainly, disengagement theory has had an important influence and i t i s s t i l l being used as a t h e o r e t i c a l base for research, i n spite of the many c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l l e d against i t . The main struggle i s between i t and a c t i v i t y theory. Both appear to explain some phenomena well and yet contradict other phenomena. The problem i s that some individuals c l e a r l y r e t i r e well by disengaging and others, equally c l e r l y , r e t i r e well by developing active r o l e s . Consequently i t i s questionable i f they are r e a l l y theories at a l l since the extent to which one can use them for making v a l i d generalizations on aging i s severely l i m i t e d . Both of the p r i n c i p a l theories have made a valuable contribution but i t i s evident that they are not substantial enough and that a more developed t h e o r e t i c a l base i s required. The other theories mentioned are r e a l l y variations on these two and represent attempts to bridge the areas where the two main theories have been shown to contradict one another. Further t h e o r e t i c a l development needs to allow more room, within the theory i t s e l f , for i n d i v i d u a l differences. A sound, comprehensive retirement preparation model could not be based s o l e l y on any one of these theories. The Work-Retirement Transition In a study of the age group s i x t y to s i x t y - f i v e who were s t i l l employed Havighurst, Munnichs, Neugarten and Thomae (1970) found that there was a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the extent to which future plans had been made and the existence of p o s i t i v e attitudes towards future retirement. However, the re s u l t s of t h i s study revealed a general trend: The s i x t y to s i x t y - f i v e year olds just about to r e t i r e had a r e l a t i v e l y negative attitude toward retirement. On the other hand, the employed f i f t y to f i f t y - f i v e year olds had a r e l a t i v e l y p o s i t i v e attitude toward retirement and the seventy to seventy-five year olds were highly s a t i s f i e d with retirement. Shortly a f t e r retirement, and e s p e c i a l l y during the f i r s t weeks and months af t e r retirement, d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with retirement was most pronounced within the s i x t y to s i x t y - f i v e year old group. Although the Havighurst et a l . , study was not longitudinal, i t showed that t h i s immediate t r a n s i t i o n a l s i t u a -t i o n may produce attitudes which are temporary, as shown by the d i f f e r e n t attitudes of the seventy to seventy-five year olds. Another study, by Reichard, Livson and Peterson (1962), r e f l e c t s these r e s u l t s in that i t was found that retirement stress was greatest for those men who had not yet r e t i r e d , 7 p a r t i c u l a r l y those in the f i f t y - f i v e to s i x t y - f o u r year old age group; however, the period of adjustment to t h i s work-retirement change was shown to begin p r i o r to actual retirement. This study by Reichard et al.,:5rtd) the one by Havighurst et a l show that a special focus i s required on those nearest retirement age. I t i s interesting to note that Havighurst et a l . i (1970) in t h e i r cross national study refused to proclaim disengagement as a form of s a t i s f a c t o r y aging. Although they found d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l reactions to the stress of the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n , they said that "temporary disengagement" seemed to be the most frequent way of coping with the problem of r e t i r e -ment. In the seventy to seventy-five year sample mentioned above, they reported that a renewed form of engagement was possible a f t e r a c e r t a i n t r a n s i t i o n a l period. (In that group they found that s o c i a l a c t i v i t y and feelings of being needed increased. These were combined with s a t i s f a c t i o n with l i f e i n general and with a p o s i t i v e morale). From t h i s evidence there i s no case for developing a comprehensive approach to retirement based s o l e l y on disengagement theory. Crawford (1973) reported a longitudinal study of the experience of retirement which was part of a larger study of the socio-psychological processes of aging. Data was c o l l e c t e d about the leaving ceremonies of 55 men. In terms of general adjustment to retirement no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p was found between adjustment and the experience of having had a retirement ceremony at work. However, there was the suggestion that the separation r i t u a l s (or " r i t e s de passage" as she termed them) worked in that they did help men to transfer e f f e c t i v e l y from one 8 s o c i a l status to another, regardless of how p o s i t i v e l y or other-wise they anticipated retirement beforehand. Where the r i t u a l s were absent, the men were unable to emancipate themselves f u l l y from the status of worker. Although admittedly i d e a l i s t i c she expressed the hope that perhaps r e t i r i n g men could be formally welcomed back to the community as f u l l time members. Presumably she had i n mind some sort of ceremony not unlike a retirement ceremony. In any event there i s a place for a retirement ceremony i n any retirement preparation model since i t w i l l help ease the t r a n s i t i o n from work to non-work. The Cornell Study of Occupational Retirement (Streib and Schneider, 1971) focussed i t s attention on the work-retirement disruption. I t was i n i t i a t e d with the broad hypothesis that retirement i s a major disruption of an adult's r o l e and would tend to have deleterious consequences for the i n d i v i d u a l . The objective was to f i n d out what happens when a major role i s dropped or disrupted or altered. Reference was made to the gerontological l i t e r a t u r e i n which the dropping of the worker role generally has been viewed as deleterious from the standpoint of the s o c i a l psychology of the i n d i v i d u a l . Some have argued that there are not only severe s o c i a l and psychological e f f e c t s but also devastating physiological repercussions. The Cornell Study examined the e f f e c t s of role disruption i n three main areas: (1) Health (2) Economic s i t u a t i o n (objective and subjective) 9 (3) Social psychological dimensions: (a) Self-image, age i d e n t i t y , and usefulness (b) S a t i s f a c t i o n with l i f e (c) Adjustment to retirement This was a longitudinal study which stretched over s i x years and which had a f i n a l research population of just under 2,000 persons. The respondents constituted neither a p r o b a b i l i t y sample nor a representative sample i n the s t a t i s t i c a l sense, but they were from widely divergent backgrounds and from a l l parts of the country. Role theory - both s t r u c t u r a l and s o c i a l -psychological - was the the o r e t i c a l perspective that was employed. Their data showed that retirement did not have the broad negative consequences for the older person that they had expected. The stopping of the work role resulted i n a sharp reduction i n income, but there was no s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n worry about money i n the year of retirement. There was no sharp decline in health, feelings of usefulness, or s a t i s f a c t i o n i n l i f e a f t e r retirement. Neither did respondents suddenly think of themselves as old when they stopped working. I t therefore appears that the work-retirement t r a n s i -t i o n does not lead to mental or physical pathology. However, the t r a n s i t i o n a l period i t s e l f can often be one which produces stress for r e t i r e e s which i s obviously unpleasant and uncomfortable for them. I t i s apparent that there i s an adjust-ment process and c e r t a i n things, such as a leaving ceremony, can help i n t h i s immediate adjustment. 10 The next section w i l l look beyond t h i s more immediate t r a n s i t i o n a l period to see what factors i n peoples' backgrounds and environments have been i d e n t i f i e d as contributing to r e t i r i n g well and to r e t i r i n g badly. Attitudes Toward Retirement and S a t i s f a c t i o n i n Retirement According to Havighurst et al.,(1970) a number of studies show that, with increasing age, the aversion to retirement grows. Toward the end of his f o r t i e s and at the beginning of his f i f t i e s the worker looks forward to r e t i r i n g ; however, toward the end of his f i f t i e s , when retirement i s about to take place, he wishes to continue working. In addition there are differences between occupations. The greater the manual work demanded, the greater the p o s i t i v e attitude towards retirement. The greater the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the present occupational s i t u a t i o n and the l e s s one had achieved what one had desired, the more one r e j e c t s retirement. The attitude towards retirement i s , to a great extent, dependent upon what the occupational career meant for the i n d i v i d u a l ; i f work was seen p r i m a r i l y as a means of material gain, the attitude towards retirement was rather p o s i t i v e (provided that the f i n a n c i a l burden was not too great). I f , on the other hand, work was seen as a means of taking up s o c i a l contacts, as a p o s s i b i l i t y of i n t e l l e c t u a l performance, as a means of gaining new experience, and as a p o s s i b i l i t y to gain prestige, the wish to continue working was greater. F i n a l l y , those people who had planned for the time 11 a f t e r t h e i r retirement were more prepared to give up t h e i r jobs than those who had given no thought to that period of l i f e . Emphasis to this is added by a study by Simpson,Back and McKinney (reported i n Simpson and McKinney (1966)) involving s e l f evaluations i n retirement. In t h e i r sample of 304 r e t i r e d workers and 161 workers who were within f i v e years of retirement they found that occupational status and orderliness of work histo r y are d i r e c t l y related to general s o c i a l involvement and to favourable self-evaluations (i.e., s a t i s f a c t i o n ) in retirement. However, i f these s o c i a l involvements have not been b u i l t up before retirement, they are u n l i k e l y to be established i n retirement. Si m i l a r l y , those individuals whose work had not provided these supports (i.e. semi-skilled and d i s o r d e r l y middle-status r e t i r e e s ) were found to have had less involvement and less favourable self-evaluations i n retirement. They reported that i t i s not retirement per se which i s responsible for this lack of self-anchorage, but t h e i r work h i s t o r i e s which had not allowed them to develop t i e s with society. Support from other sources, e s p e c i a l l y f i n a n c i a l a i d , i s e s s e n t i a l i f they are to enjoy favourable s e l f evaluations. After compiling a large inventory of studies on aging, Riley, Foner et a l . , (1968) noted that although older persons with high earning capacity are, i n fact, less l i k e l y to r e t i r e than those with a low capacity, t h e i r attitudes toward r e t i r e -ment are more p o s i t i v e . Also, a favourable a n t i c i p a t i o n of retirement appears to be associated with making retirement plans, exposure to company counseling and exposure to news media and personal discussions. Riley et a l however, caution that the 12 data do not show whether planning and communicating a f f e c t attitudes or whether the same individuals who have favourable attitudes also tend to plan and communicate about retirement. This caution seems e s p e c i a l l y reasonable when related to the finding that occupationally successful people seem to r e t i r e Well. Thompson (1958), following completion of a l o n g i -tudinal study, also reported that r e t i r e e s who had looked favourably upon retirement i n advance, or who had an idea of what i t would be l i k e , were more l i k e l y than other r e t i r e e s not only to accept loss of the work role but also to take less than three months to get used to not working and to have no d i f f i c u l t y i n keeping busy. On the other side of the coin a Harris p o l l , c i t e d by Riley (1968, p. 453), found that of those who said retirement was unsatisfactory: 40% had f i n a n c i a l problems 28% said they had poor health 22% missed work 10% spouse had passed away In a personal interview Kendall (of Smith, Kendall and Hulin, 1969) said that, i n his research work on the Retirement Descriptive Index he gained the impression that adequate provision for long term f i n a n c i a l needs i n retirement was most important. However, he stressed the adequacy of the provision as being important to r e t i r e e s moreso than the amount. R e t i r e -ment planning must, then, concentrate on adequate f i n a n c i a l p rovision. 13 I t i s noteworthy that Geist (1968) talks about the "mature rocking chair and armoured" types who r e t i r e w e ll and the angry men and the self-haters (i.e. those who f a i l e d to achieve t h e i r goals i n e a r l i e r l i f e ) who r e t i r e badly. Unfortunately he does not document a l l of his sources. Havighurst et al.; (1970) reported a number of studies (including Thompson's, referred to above) a l l of which showed that pensioners who had thought about making plans for r e t i r e -ment had found i t easier to adjust to i t . In t h e i r own cross national study they found, however, that a p o s i t i v e attitude towards retirement was no guarantee for a l e s s d i f f i c u l t adjustment to the new s i t u a t i o n . They reported Heron's findings that members of the so c a l l e d "higher professions" are a f r a i d of retirement beforehand, but have less d i f f i c u l t y i n adjusting to the s i t u a t i o n and accept the new status f u l l y . He believed this may be due to higher i n t e l l i g e n c e which supports a systematic approach to the new s i t u a t i o n . In contrast Havighurst et a l . found that two-thirds of t h e i r sample of steel-workers were looking forward to ending work. Ethel Shanas (in Carp, 1972, pp. 229-243) adds support to t h i s and c i t e s evidence of the blue c o l l a r worker having l i t t l e control of his work, l i t t l e job s a t i s f a c t i o n and a motivation to "get out" which manifests i t s e l f i n a p o s i t i v e a n t i c i p a t i o n of retirement. This i s consistent with the Havighurst findings that among the s i x t y to s i x t y - f i v e year olds who were j u s t experiencing or about to face withdrawal from working l i f e , the previous vocational development seemed to be the decisive factor a f f e c t i n g the attitude toward retirement. These findings also coincide with those reported 14 by Geist (1968) concerning the retirement adjustment d i f f i c u l t i e s of those who f a i l e d to achieve t h e i r goals i n e a r l i e r l i f e . Havighurst et a l . found that, whereas vocational success seems to make i t easier to r e t i r e , vocational d i f f i c u l t i e s , f a i l u r e s and mistakes seem to make retirement more d i f f i c u l t . A long term approach to retirement preparation would have to aim for a degree of perceived vocational success. One popular stereotype i s that of the r e t i r e d male who finds i t harder to occupy his time than the r e t i r e d female. Streib and Schneider (1971, p. 161) found i n t h e i r work that "women who r e t i r e report a sharper increase i n feelings of uselessness than do t h e i r r e t i r e d male counterparts." They also reported that (p. 47): "We had anticipated that men would be less w i l l i n g to r e t i r e than women since, t r a d i t i o n a l l y , work for wages is' a more int e g r a l part of th e i r l i f e r o l e . We found, s u r p r i s i n g l y , that a larger percentage of male respondents (37 percent of 1,486 men) were w i l l i n g to r e t i r e than were the women i n the study (29 per cent of 483 women)." One can only agree with t h e i r conclusion that more research i s needed on these male-female differences. Obviously, any r e t i r e -ment preparation program must take care of the fa c t that research to date does not support t h i s stereotype with regard to occupying one's time. E s p e c i a l l y noteworthy for retirement preparation programs i s th e i r statement (p. 191): "Varying strata of the class and occupational system perceive, prepare for, and adapt to retirement d i f f e r e n t i a l l y . The higher educational and profes-sional strata have the most p o s i t i v e attitudes and the most resources to cope with t h e i r new circumstances. The un s k i l l e d and uneducated are the lea s t prepared and have the le a s t personal, economic, and s o c i a l resources to meet the challenge of retirement. Obviously the l a t t e r s t r a t a , more than the former. 15 require the concern and support of private and governmental programs i f they are to adapt c r e a t i v e l y to the retirement r o l e . " Havighurst et al;, (1970, p. 119) lend support to th i s view when, in reference to the e f f e c t s of retirement on the self-image, they stated: "The image one ( i . e . a r e t i r e d person) has of oneself i s a negative one, e s p e c i a l l y d i r e c t l y a f t e r retirement ( P h i l l i p s , Preston, Streib, Thompson, Reichard and others). Lipman believes that t h i s i s true only for people with a lower schooling and vocational t r a i n i n g . Pensioners who have received a better professional t r a i n i n g suffer no damage i n respect to t h e i r self-image on retirement, p a r t l y because they become more active l a t e r . " How well a r e t i r e e feels he i s occupying his time i s another factor r e l a t i n g to retirement success. Societal supports in t h i s respect, e s p e c i a l l y for the un s k i l l e d and uneducated, are indicated. In summary, the l i t e r a t u r e shows that whether one i s to r e t i r e well or badly relates to one's age, occupational status, pre-retirement planning, orderliness of work history, l e v e l of occupational earnings, perceived adequacy of retirement income, health, occupational success or f a i l u r e , a c t i v i t i e s and l e v e l of i n t e l l i g e n c e . These c r u c i a l points for r e t i r i n g well would have to be r e f l e c t e d i n a retirement preparation model. I t i s important to r e t i r e to something such as to new a c t i v i t i e s , l e i s u r e or a new career. This would help d e f l e c t the impact of simply r e t i r i n g from a job with nothing envisaged afterwards. As one gets nearer retirement age an approach-avoidance paradym has been shown to apply; the closer one gets to r e t i r e -ment the more one tends to ignore the fact . S i m i l a r l y , as one 16 gets nearer retirement age a sense of vocational achievement becomes more important, p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding the l a s t few years. This appears to be an operant conditioning process which, i f one r e t i r e s well, means that Maslow's (1954) ego, or esteem needs have been met. I f these ego needs have not been met, then a poor retirement i s l i k e l y . I t may also be that operant conditioning applies i n the s i t u a t i o n where those who have planned fare better than those who have not. Measuring S a t i s f a c t i o n Smith, Kendall, and Hulin (1969), were concerned with the development of a good instrument for measuring s a t i s f a c t i o n i n work and i n retirement. They very painstakingly and thoroughly developed two good measuring instruments, the Job Descriptive Index (J.D.I.) and the Retirement Descriptive Index (R.D.I.). They were motivated by a desire to f i n d a basis for evaluating s a t i s f a c t i o n as a correlate of retirement p o l i c y across a wide variety of s i t u a t i o n s . The end product was these four scales of the R.D.I, which provide sound and v a l i d measures of retirement s a t i s f a c t i o n : A c t i v i t i e s and work Financial s i t u a t i o n Health People These scales serve as h e l p f u l reference points i n reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e on retirement s a t i s f a c t i o n . The concepts represented by the scales frequently recur i n the l i t e r a t u r e . 17 They d i d a matching of s i m i l a r l y toned items from three J.D.I, scales to those i n the R.D.I. This enabled them to suggest two things: (1) The p o s s i b i l i t y that people are about equally s a t i s f i e d in retirement as i n work i n some absolute sense. (2) The p o s s i b i l i t y that adjusting to retirement and getting to l i k e i t would take as long as i s required for the person to a l t e r his frame of reference and accept the new anchor points s p e c i f i e d by the r e a l i t i e s of his new s i t u a t i o n (just as adjustment to the loss of a limb i s dependent, i n the f i r s t instance, on acceptance of the fac t that the limb i s gone). I t i s interesting to note that these two suggestions are supported by other studies. As mentioned e a r l i e r Havighurst et al.found that vocational success seems to make i t easier to r e t i r e . Presumably vocational success i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y related to work s a t i s f a c t i o n . I f so, the f i r s t point of Smith et a l . i s supported. Similar support comes from the findings mentioned e a r l i e r of Simpson, Back and McKinney (1966) that occupational status and orderliness of work hist o r y are d i r e c t l y related to s a t i s f a c t i o n . The second point, concerning the length of time to adjust to retirement, i s supported by Thompson's study (1958) i n which he reported that one group of p o s i t i v e l y oriented r e t i r e e s took less than three months to get used to not working. The l i t e r a t u r e review was very disappointing i n that not one study was uncovered which reported using the excellent R.D.I, instrument to measure s a t i s f a c t i o n i n retirement. 18 Retirement and Health A rather popular stereotype i s that of the r e t i r e e , p a r t i c u l a r l y male, who has a deep inner resistance to withdrawal from work. He has functioned well up to the time of retirement. He then faces a general c r i s i s and begins to decline; i l l n e s s e s set i n and eventually he dies, ostensibly due to the fact of retirement. Consider t h i s description by Wright (1968, p. 63): "We have a l l heard about the man who was f i t and l i v e l y when he received h i s s i l v e r salver but yet died quite suddenly a year or so l a t e r . Metaphorically t h i s man dies of a broken heart. A l l his l i f e was centred on his work. Take t h i s away so that he has no status, no o f f i c e to go to, no one to boss, and he i s l o s t . " However, Streib and Schneider (1971), i n the large l o n g i t u d i n a l study referred to e a r l i e r , found that good health declines moderately through the years s i x t y - f i v e to seventy. This did not seem to be attributable to retirement i t s e l f because those who did not r e t i r e showed the same decline. Moreover, the respondents themselves did not attribute a decline i n health to retirement. While the majority did not expect retirement to cause any changes in t h e i r health, i t i s interesting to note that more overestimated rather than underestimated the adverse e f f e c t s of retirement upon t h e i r health. When they examined the data by the occupational categories studied (professional, managerial, c l e r i c a l , s k i l l e d , semi-skilled, and unskilled) they found that i n f i v e of the six categories those who r e t i r e d declined i n health s l i g h t l y more than those who remained working, p a r t i c u l a r l y ; in the c l e r i c a l and semi-skilled categories. On the other hand, among the 19 unski l l e d who r e t i r e d they found that a s i g n i f i c a n t majority showed a s l i g h t improvement in health from the s t a r t of the study i n 1952 to the end i n 1958. The aggregate nature of t h e i r analysis needs to be stressed because i t can s t i l l leave open the case of the ind i v i d u a l whose health does i n fact s i g n i f i c a n t l y decline a f t e r retirement and for reasons which could r e l a t e to h i s in d i v i d u a l reaction to the retirement f a c t . This popular stereotype of postretirement i l l n e s s and death i s often encouraged by crosssectional studies which f i n d a s i g n i f i c a n t extent of i l l n e s s among r e t i r e d persons as compared to those who are g a i n f u l l y employed. McMahan and Ford (1955) as well as Myers (1954) have analyzed some of these studies; the former writers found that " i t cannot be concluded that the 'impact of retirement' shortened the l i f e expectancy of the population"; and Myers concluded that people i n poor health r e t i r e and that i s why r e t i r e e s d i e . In other words, the recently r e t i r e d population contains a s i g n i f i c a n t percentage of people who chose to r e t i r e and who were r e t i r e d because of t h e i r poor health. Palmore's findings (as c i t e d i n Riley, 1968, p. 448) are relevant. In a survey of the records of over one and a h a l f m i l l i o n r e t i r e d s a l a r i e d men aged 65 and over he found that almost two-thirds of them reported they had r e t i r e d by t h e i r own decision. This c l e a r l y refutes the myth that workers have a deep inner resistance to withdrawing from work. He also reported that poor health, or i n a b i l i t y to meet the physical and mental demands of the job, was the chief reason people gave for 20 r e t i r i n g . In the same vein Tyhurst, et a l . , (as reported by Riley, 1968, p. 454) discovered, i n analyzing records of pensioners from a Canadian communications company, that there was no upward flu c t u a t i o n i n death rates immediately following retirement, no differences i n death rates of persons r e t i r i n g at d i f f e r e n t ages, and a tendency for pensioners to f u l f i l l the l i f e expectancy for the general population of the same age. Martin and Doran (1966) i n a c a r e f u l l y conducted study i n England reported that the stereotype of retirement having a depressing e f f e c t on health i s c e r t a i n l y questionable. In f a c t they concluded that retirement i s associated with a substantial lowering i n the incidence of serious i l l n e s s . Similar findings were reported by Tyhurst i n 1957 (cited i n Riley, 1968, p. 454) who found that health ratings (based on i l l n e s s e s , h o s p i t a l i z a -t i o n , symptoms, and so on) showed either improvement or no change among three-fourths of a panel of 250 Canadian workers studied before and a f t e r retirement. S u p e r f i c i a l l y , i t would seem reasonable to assume that persons i n good health at the time of retirement would tend to r e t i r e w e l l . However, i t appears t h i s i s not necessarily the case. Geist (1968, pp. 44-45) reports on Eger's unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n e n t i t l e d The Relation of Pre- and Post- retirement Information to Post-retirement Adjustment. He states that, for this doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n at Purdue University: . . a n exploratory study was done of the variables thought to be related to adjustment to retirement i n a big s t e e l company in Indiana. An attitude questionnaire about retirement at the time he was e l i g i b l e to r e t i r e was given to a sample of seventy-two male employees at the s t e e l company. After analyzing the items, i t was found that those 21 who shortly before r e t i r i n g said that t h e i r health was adequate for t h e i r regular job did not adjust to retirement as well as those who said that t h e i r health was not adequate for t h e i r regular job. This i s a rather interesting finding and to explain t h i s phenomenon the author states that a r e t i r e d man who i s i n r e l a t i v e l y poor health finds i t easier to accept his r e t i r e d status, even when the f i r s t months in retirement make i t evident that he misses his old job, while the r e t i r e d man who, as far as physical condition i s concerned, could go back to his old job feels badly because he i s unable to return to work." Retirement preparation programs should, therefore, provide an appropriate focus on those who are i n good health at the time of r e t i r i n g . Other relevant findings presented i n t h i s d i s s e r t a -t i o n were that those who owned a home adjusted to retirement better than those who did not; those who planned for retirement adjusted better than those who d i d not; and preretirement income related to adjustment. The conclusion was that i t i s the "persons with the smaller pre- and post-retirement incomes who are most i n need of whatever a pre-retirement t r a i n i n g program may o f f e r along the l i n e of f a c i l i t a t i n g adjustment to retirement." Retirement Preparation Programs Do preretirement programs make any difference? Do people r e t i r e better i f they have participated i n such programs? What evidence i s available with regard to t h e i r effectiveness? An i n d i c a t i o n of the prevalence of such programs i s given by Wermel and Beiderman (1961, pp. 35-39). They report the r e s u l t s of several d i f f e r e n t surveys which, while they are unrelated, they do show a pattern: 22 % With Some Sort of Retirement Year Number of Firms Surveyed Preparation Program 1950 355 13% 1951 70 major U.S. companies 37% 1952 657 54% 1955 327 65% 1959 415 39% The 1959 study was one conducted by the authors themselves. Its r e s u l t s are probably more r e a l i s t i c than some of the others because the questionnaire used made i t clear that a program would be counted only where i t s p r i n c i p a l aim was to help employees prepare for retirement. Some of the other figures are l i k e l y i n f l a t e d since the mere existence of retirement counseling was s u f f i c i e n t to rate a p o s i t i v e response. R i l e y however c i t e s a 1963 study by Shultz (p. 447) of a sample of companies i n which only 12% said they had preretirement counseling programs. While the d i f f e r e n t studies came up with varying r e s u l t s , i t i s reasonable to assume that the absolute number of programs has continued to increase i f one can judge from the growing in t e r e s t i n the f i e l d s of aging and retirement as indicated i n the available l i t e r a t u r e . Nevertheless more recent information would be valuable. More c r u c i a l , however, i s the question whether or not retirement preparation programs make any difference with regard to r e t i r i n g well or badly. Pyron and Manion (1970) surveyed over a thousand selected U.S. r e t i r e e s to study, among other things, the significance of preretirement preparation. Generally, the group was favourably disposed toward t h e i r companies and superiors. 84% of them wanted company help i n 23 planning for retirement; however, only 40% reported that t h e i r companies a c t u a l l y had programs to help. Some anecdotal information from the P a c i f i c Telephone and Telegraph Company i s revealing. In an interview with the editors of I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology (No. 16, Winter 1973, pp. 1-13) a personnel supervisor stated: "I believe that planning i s more important than age. The people who go out with the r i g h t mental attitude and who have planned to the best of t h e i r a b i l i t y don't seem to have as many problems, regard-less of the age at which they r e t i r e . " I t is worth noting that t h i s firm has a postretirement program which involves regular contact with r e t i r e e s and allows for feedback. Monk (1972, pp. 63-64) c i t e s an unpublished d i s s e r t a -tion by Scheibe and claims i t shows that planning contributes to a better postretirement adjustment. Heibreder (1972) analyses findings from a nationwide U.S. sample of men who r e t i r e d e arly. (The number of cases was not reported.) She stated that (p. 77): "The importance of planning i s shown by the fact that r e t i r e e s who were not well-adjusted were twice as l i k e l y to have done l i t t l e planning as those r e t i r e e s with high adjustment. I t was also found to be important to make retirement plans before deciding to r e t i r e rather than a f t e r . This preparedness was s i g n i f i c a n t l y related to the retirement adjustment of both b l u e - c o l l a r and white-collar r e t i r e e s . More than 70 per cent of both b l u e - c o l l a r and white-collar men who scored high on the adjustment scale had made plans before retirement." In a study on the adjustment to retirement of 38 r e t i r e d couples, Dressier (1973) came to the conclusion that th e i r experience showed a need for systematic preretirement 24 planning, a topic which he feels i s of increasing necessity i n a changing society. He also f e l t that most individuals, not unlike the couples he surveyed, tend to avoid facing an important l i f e event u n t i l i t i s upon them. F i n a l l y , Riley et a l . , (1968,/ p. 447) c i t e three studies which associated favourable attitudes toward retirement with planning: Thompson (1958) showed that those who made retirement plans about what they would l i k e to do had favourable attitudes; Shultz (1963) found that exposure to company counsel-ing had the same e f f e c t and Simpson et a l . , (1966) obtained the same results when looking at exposure to news media and personal discussions about retirement. However, Riley et a l . , caution that the data of these three studies ". . .do not show whether planning and communicating a f f e c t attitudes or whether the same individuals who have favorable attitudes also tend to plan and communicate about retirement." No evidence was found in the l i t e r a t u r e to support the view that retirement preparation had a neutral or negative e f f e c t . I t appears, then, that there i s a good case for including retirement preparation programs for individuals i n a comprehensive retirement preparation model. Critique A few of the studies reviewed were longitudinal ones but the majority were cross-sectional since very few l o n g i -tudinal studies on aging and retirement have been reported. Comparisons of cross sections can reveal trends and recurring 25 patterns which can be useful indicators for s e t t i n g up an approach to retirement. However they do not provide the causal l i n k between aging and s o c i a l change which i s e s s e n t i a l for developing a dynamic model for retirement preparation. Since most s o c i e t i e s are now undergoing rather constant change a r i g i d model would be out of date before i t i s even printed. This s i t u a t i o n c a l l s for a model which i s capable of dealing with change and f l u i d i t y and yet remain usable. The contribution of longitudinal study r e s u l t s to any systems type model would be c r u c i a l . Much of the research f a i l s to d i s t i n g u i s h between the age structure of society and how an i n d i v i d u a l ages. The former i s revealed through cross sectional studies while the l a t t e r requires l i f e cycle analysis through longitudinal studies. A f u l l understanding of the dynamics of the retirement process i s possible only through longitudinal studies but, unfortunately, they form a small part of the t o t a l l i t e r a t u r e . One of the best exposes of the longitudinal versus cross sectional issue i s that contained i n Riley et a l ' s (1968, pp. 7-9) Aging and Society. Since t h i s account covers the matter so comprehensively and concisely i t i s quoted l i b e r a l l y in Appendix A. The l i t e r a t u r e review unearthed no attempts to r e p l i c a t e the findings of e a r l i e r studies. This i s of s p e c i a l importance in the cross sectional studies where the N's tend to be small, the populations are often skewed i n one d i r e c t i o n or another and the extent to which one can generalize from the data i s uncertain. 2 6 Cross sectional studies, such as the one reported by Havighurst et a l . (1970) can make a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to our understanding of retirement and aging. They allow for comparisons between countries which, i n turn, reveal those cultures which tend to maximize l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n for r e t i r e e s . They also can help i s o l a t e those factors which are due to occupational differences, national differences and ind i v i d u a l differences respectively. They can be e s p e c i a l l y useful in testing the u n i v e r s a l i t y of aging theories such as the d i s -engagement theory. However, the extent to which such samples are representative i s often questionable. In the research by Havighurst e t a l . , 300 male r e t i r e d teachers and steelworkers from c i t i e s i n s i x countries were studied; they ranged i n age from 69 to 76 and a l l were r e t i r e d for at le a s t 4 years. The authors themselves warn that the samples should not be considered representative and state that (p. 16) "Viennese teachers c e r t a i n l y are not representative of a l l Austrian teachers, nor Chicago teachers of a l l American teachers." In a sim i l a r vein the c u l t u r a l anthropologists can make a useful contribution to the study of retirement. One such contribution i s that of Jerry Jacobs who wrote Fun C i t y ;  An Ethnographic Study of a Retirement Community (1974). While thi s book lacks the precise data such that Havighurst et a l . , report i t nevertheless provides e f f e c t i v e l y the flavour of every-day l i f e i n that retirement community. I f i t could have been supported with data from a careful survey i t would have been even more e f f e c t i v e . 27 Conclusions I t i s apparent that a person's s a t i s f a c t i o n with l i f e i n general af t e r retirement i s d i r e c t l y related to his s a t i s -f a c tion p r i o r to retirement. Of the s p e c i f i c aspects finances i s the most important one. Therefore, adequate f i n a n c i a l provision i s es s e n t i a l for r e t i r i n g w e l l . This w i l l be covered in d e t a i l i n a subsequent chapter. Of great importance to retirement s a t i s f a c t i o n i s the question of health, but perhaps not quite i n the way common sense might lead us to believe. Those who are i n good health at the time of retirement may not r e t i r e well because they f e e l that they are well enough to be s t i l l working. By the same token those who are i n poor health at the time of retirement are more apt to accept the t r a n s i t i o n . However, contrary to the stereotype of i l l n e s s and death following retirement, there i s no evidence that retirement has any e f f e c t on longevity. The health status of older persons appears i n most studies to be l a r g e l y unaffected, or possibly even benefited by retirement. However, some people r e t i r e because of i l l health and some are d i s s a t i s f i e d with retirement because of this i l l health. Retirement as a phenomenon i s deceptively complex; there i s as wide a range of i n d i v i d u a l reaction to i t as to any other human phenomenon. Many persons tend to view retirement as having a d i s t i n c t "before"and " a f t e r " connotation rather than as being part, and only one part, of the l i f e cycle. I t would be interesting to see the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n studied i n 28 the context of a l l the t r a n s i t i o n a l periods that commonly apply to a l i f e time such as: - dependence to independence - single to married - preparenthood to parenthood - parenthood to postparenthood - postparenthood to grandparenthood - married to widowed The immediate work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n a l period i t s e l f can be a period of considerable stress for the individuals concerned but i t seems possible to predict the kinds of people who w i l l probably make a s a t i s f a c t o r y adjustment. Even so, the r e t i r e e would be helped in the d i f f i c u l t t r a n s i t i o n from work to retirement by knowing that adequate f i n a n c i a l provision, including adequate health insurance, e x i s t s . Here again i t would be the key element to cover i n any preretirement prepara-t i o n program. People who are close to retirement take a somewhat less p o s i t i v e view of i t than do younger people who are farther away from i t . However, those who have par t i c i p a t e d in preretirement programs r e t i r e better than those who have not. The e f f e c t s of perceived job f a i l u r e appear to follow persons throughout their l i v e s . Such people r e t i r e badly. Since occupational s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the l a s t years of work appears related to retirement s a t i s f a c t i o n , personnel managers could well think of a preventive program which would begin several years before retirement i s due to take place. Those who have had a long his t o r y of job f a i l u r e would s t i l l seem to have a chance to r e t i r e w e l l . For example a job enrichment program, as only one p o s s i b i l i t y , might benefit both the prer e t i r e e as well as the firm. Any preretirement approach should take into account the status of the occupation from which an individual r e t i r e s . For example, there are d i f f e r e n t sets of considerations for those who r e t i r e as factory workers than for those who r e t i r e as managers. Retirement preparation programs therefore would have to be designed d i f f e r e n t l y . In North American society the s i t u a t i o n has altered d r a s t i c a l l y i n recent years. There i s a trend toward e a r l i e r retirement, toward more retirement communities and toward improvements i n pensions and s o c i a l security b e n e f i t s . There has been an increase in l e i s u r e time available and an emphasis on how to use i t . The work ethic i s being challenged and the opting out phenomenon i s not being dismissed out of hand. Retirement ages continue to lower and people are l i v i n g longer. The s i t u a t i o n i s obviously a dynamic one and any approach must therefore by equally dynamic, whether i t be an administrative approach concerning such things as retirement planning, r e t i r e -ment counseling, setting retirement age, modifying pension plans or a research approach concerning the many behavioural aspects of retirement. Much of t h i s shows, then, that ensuring the continuity of l i f e patterns i s important to r e t i r i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y . However these l i f e patterns themselves must have been s a t i s f a c t o r y i f one i s to r e t i r e w e l l . Among other things, adequate finances, good planning and past success have been shown to be important. 30 These a l l appear to t i e together under Maslow's hierarchy of needs - safety from inadequate income i s basic; planning and past success are necessary ego r e i n f o r c e r s . Without these the person may f e e l vulnerable and, to his family and peers, incapable. The permeation of stereotypic thinking into the areas of retirement and aging is evident. Equally evident i s that the development of a comprehensive retirement preparation program must take these into f u l l consideration i f i t i s to enable as many people as possible to r e t i r e w e l l . Educational programs for both the e l d e r l y and non-elderly would help correct f a u l t y attitudes due to widespread stereotypic thinking. This could r e s u l t i n improved personnel and l e g i s l a t i v e p o l i c i e s concerning such matters as employment of the older worker and the creation of broader s o c i a l opportunities. Most of the writers on aging are very conscious of stereotypic thinking and ref e r to i t d i r e c t l y i n t h e i r work. Bengtson's comments i n his The Social Psychology of Aging (1973, p. 27) make a concise summary: "Stereotypes can be defined as widely shared expectancies, without s p e c i f i c sanctions, regarding the behaviour or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p a r t i c u l a r category of people. . . . The d i s t i n c t i v e thing about such expectations i s that they do not acknowledge in d i v i d u a l differences among those who are members of that s o c i a l category. Furthermore, these inaccurate over-generalizations, often acquired on the basis of li m i t e d contact with the group, are usually (but not exclusively) negative, associated with some sort of stigma. Stereotypes are, therefore, overgeneralization of s o c i a l positions (roles) that have vague and often inaccurate expectancies associated with them. That there are stereotypes about the aged has been well documented (McTavish, 1971; Hickey and Kalish, 1968; Palmore, 1971). The attitudes of young people about the old are often stereotypic. Frequently, aging individuals accept such stereo-types, so that t h e i r own expectations concerning aging are inaccurate. Based on information about the small group of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d e l d e r l y , for example, the erroneous generalization may be made that most persons over the age of seventy have "sen i l e " q u a l i t i e s . S i m i l a r l y i t i s often assumed that the e l d e r l y are p o l i t i c a l l y conservative, or lacking i n sexual interest and motivation, or that they are more r e l i g i o u s than younger people, or that they dread death (Seltzer and Atchley, 1971). Moreover, as Atchley has noted: 'From a purely p r a c t i c a l point of view, old age i t s e l f i s a stigma . . . . By far the most important; aspect . . . i s i t s negative, d i s q u a l i f y i n g character. On the basis of their age, older people are usually relegated to a po s i t i o n in society i n which they are no longer judged to be of any use or importance. Like most other expendable elements i n society, older people are subjected to poverty, i l l n e s s , and s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n * (Atchley, 1972:14). These attitudes about the e l d e r l y i n general are fa l s e ; but they p e r s i s t i n stereotypic thinking. From stereotypes about a category of persons to expectancies regarding an in d i v i d u a l member's behaviour i s a small step indeed; and t h i s i s one reason why i t i s often naively assumed that there i s a "role of the e l d e r l y " i n our society. I t seems to me i t would be best to omit e n t i r e l y any reference to the "role" of members of a p a r t i c u l a r age group." Chapter Two Postretirement Living Patterns; Housing Needs and  Preferences of the Retired Literature Review Conclusions 33 Literature Review This chapter examines the d i f f e r e n t types of post-retirement l i v i n g patterns and i d e n t i f i e s the extent to which d i f f e r e n t types contribute to r e t i r i n g w e l l . I t was John Madge (1969), an English a r c h i t e c t and s o c i o l o g i s t , who outlined f i v e c r i t i c a l phases i n the l i f e cycle that bear e s p e c i a l l y on housing needs as they r e l a t e to the e l d e r l y : Phase One: When children are growing up and leaving the parental home Phase Two: Retirement Phase Three: Widowhood Phase Four: Infirmity or disablement Phase Five: Dependence, when the individual can no longer look a f t e r himself While one category tends to flow into another, and the d i v i d i n g l i n e s 3re not always sharply distinguishable, these phases are useful concepts for the architects and planners who design the housing and develop the programs for older age groups. Phase Two, Retirement, i s the most relevant to the topic of t h i s paper, and i t includes the period leading up to retirement. By t h i s time most people w i l l have wrestled with the "empty-nest" problem and t r i e d to decide to move, stay put, rent out part of an oversized house and so on. Another opportunity for decision making often occurs at the time of retirement i t s e l f and in the reasonably af f l u e n t countries there i s a tendency to move to areas where the climate and amenities are more favourable. The new suburban housing developments are l a r g e l y geared for young families with c h i l d r e n with the r e s u l t that they hold l i t t l e a t t r a c t i o n for r e t i r e e s . The discrepancy between the desire to move out and the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of that one large segment of new housing has led to the emergence of the packaged retirement community. These are segregated communities which often have an age minimum and are not to be confused with those e x i s t i n g integrated communities to which r e t i r e d people tend to move. Barker (1966) in his detailed study of two retirement communities i n C a l i f o r n i a , i s o l a t e d f i v e preferences of the e l d e r l y which influence t h e i r housing decisions. He arrived at these preferences aft e r reviewing a number of studies on housing requirements of the aged. The e l d e r l y prefer the opportunity to exercise independence and self-determination; to be f a m i l i a r with t h e i r surroundings; to have the opportunity to avoid unwanted s o c i a l contacts and to have the companionship of peers; to have a secure and peaceful environment (because the e l d e r l y associate discomfort with the noise of children playing, teenage hot-rodders and heavy t r a f f i c ) ; and, f i n a l l y , to have an opportunity for work substitutes such as gardening or remodeling l i v i n g quarters. This background i s an inte r e s t i n g one against which to view Sherman's (1971) study on the choice of retirement housing among e l d e r l y people who were w e l l . Sherman interviewed 600 residents of age-segregated housing i n C a l i f o r n i a over a three year period. She also conducted interviews with 600 control respondents; they were matched with the t e s t respondents on ten demographic 35 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (sex, working status, marital status, age, income, education, occupation, rental vs. ownership of dwelling unit, household composition, and number of c h i l d r e n ) . The controls d i f f e r e d only i n that they had chosen conventional urban dwellings. The s i x retirement s i t e s were: a retirement hotel, a rental v i l l a g e , an apartment tower, two purchase v i l l a g e s and a l i f e care f a c i l i t y . The retirement hotel was an old hotel i n the downtown section of a c i t y . In order to maintain reasonable occupancy i t s p e c i a l i z e d as a senior c i t i z e n h o t e l . The re n t a l retirement v i l l a g e consisted of 80 suburban single story buildings, s i m i l a r to apartments but with few added f r i l l s . There was a large central building which housed the administration, c a f e t e r i a , a c t i v i t y rooms and a few other services. The single, urban high-rise building consisted only of apartments, a couple of lounges and a recreation room. The f i r s t retirement v i l l a g e was a purchase v i l l a g e which consisted mostly of single family homes with a few garden apartments. I t had extensive on-site recreational f a c i l i t i e s . The other retirement v i l l a g e was a co-operative f i n a n c i a l arrangement (40 year mortgages), also with extensive on-site recreational f a c i l i t i e s but with everything on a more luxurious l e v e l . The grounds were cared for by management and there was a guard. The l i f e - c a r e f a c i l i t y was church-sponsored and had cottages, apartments and rooms, to be occupied according to the 36 individuals* a b i l i t y to care for themselves. A central building housed the dining room and other f a c i l i t i e s . The 600 test respondents consisted of 100 from each s i t e , selected through systematic sampling. Each respondent was given a standardized interview which was followed up two years l a t e r . Table I shows the reasons selected by the s i t e residents for moving to some kind of retirement f a c i l i t y , the most frequently chosen being easy maintenance. The pushes and pu l l s which motivated t h e i r move often pertained to health and declining energy l e v e l s . At the same time there were d i f f e r e n t reasons among the s i x s i t e s and Sherman (p. 128) summarizes these as follows: "Retirement H o t e l — p r o v i s i o n of meals, clean-ing services, and elevator i n an urban environment; Rental Village—improved l i v i n g quarters i n close proximity to age peers; Apartment Tower—attractive quarters i n urban environment; Purchase V i l l a g e — good value i n housing and recreation f a c i l i t i e s with agreeable climate and suburban atmosphere; Coopera-t i v e V i l l a g e — e a s y maintenance, security, and recreation f a c i l i t i e s ; Life-care F a c i l i t y — s e c u r i t y , with provision for maintenance, personal care and meals." After looking at the motivations of those who did move to retirement s i t e s , Sherman next looked at those who did not move to see what t h e i r impressions were. Table II shows the perceived advantages and disadvantages of the dispersed cont r o l s . They f e l t i t would be oppressive to group and segregate the e l d e r l y . (Curiously enough, th i s i s a stereotype that younger people sometimes have.) Some of them were h o r r i f i e d by the very features that gave the s i t e residents a sense of security (guards, checking i n and out). They expressed fears of regimentation, Table I Percent 3 of Site Residents Selecting Reasons for Moving Retirement Rental Apartment Purchase Cooperative Life-care Hotel V i l l a g e Tower Vi l l a g e V i l l a g e F a c i l i t y TOTAL Reasons for moving to some retirement housing f a c i l i t y : Easy maintenance 76 72 Health and personal 45 34 needs cared for Change i n physical 66 43 strength Wish to be with 31 56 own age group Reasons for choosing p a r t i c u l a r s i t e : Quality of dwell- 51 65 ing unit Nearness to 70 63 f a c i l i t i e s and services Cost 64 54 Security 52 51 Climate 18 36 Recreation f a c i l - 24 36 i t i e s Children or r e l a - 22 38 tiv e s nearby Friends or r e l a t i v e s 9 13 here Provision of meals" 78 -62 20 27 26 82 74 63 45 41 30 28 11 52 20 28 37 81 37 75 18 86 71 27 19 92 49 21 27 62 72 50 71 58 78 53 30 83 82 32 40 69 58 31 82 47 32 40 33 78 73 42 36 36 68 62 56 53 48 45 35 19 78 aN = 100 at each s i t e . Source: Sherman, 1971, p. DAsked only at the relevant sites, 123. Table II Advantages and Disadvantages of Li v i n g i n Retirement Housing as Perceived by C o n t r o l s 3 Retirement Hotel Rental V i l l a g e Apartment Tower Purchase Vi l l a g e Cooperative V i l l a g e Life-care F a c i l i t y TOTAL Advantages: (percent;b 33 39 34 Meet people, have 30 37 32 30 . companionship 31 15 21 Provides pleasant 22 18 22 19 things to do to pass the time Relieved of housekeep- 15 9 14 25 29 22 19 ing and gardening 23 16 Medical plan or 7 9 16 18 23 f a c i l i t i e s 14 Provision of recrea- 14 7 11 21 25 9 ti o n a l and hobby f a c i l i t i e s 14 They can watch out for 15 13 16 12 10 19 you, take care of personal needs 18 14 Similar i n t e r e s t s , needs 14 13 13 20 7 and experiences because of s i m i l a r age Disadvantages: 38 44 29 Too many old people, bor- 15 17 26 33 ing, too many deaths 28 26 Not enough privacy 23 19 28 28 31 Too regimented 25 10 18 24 21 22 20 Too expensive 26 19 25 9 8 13 17 aN = 100 i n each control group. bPer cents can add to more than 100, since a respondent could l i s t more than one advantage or disadvantage. Source: Sherman, 1971, p. 130, 39 i n s u f f i c i e n t privacy, and other drawbacks of older people l i v i n g together. Two years l a t e r Sherman asked the s i t e residents the one thing they l i k e d best and the one thing they l i k e d l e a s t about the s i t e . The most appreciated feature was f r i e n d s — making them, not f e e l i n g alone, meeting high q u a l i t y people. No one d i s l i k e ran through a l l the s i t e s . The disadvantages mentioned tended to be s i t e s p e c i f i c . In f a c t up to 41 per cent at one s i t e (the average being 27 per cent) refused to provide an answer, claiming that nothing was wrong. Table III shows the most and l e a s t a t t r a c t i v e features by s i t e . Sherman summarized the pattern of pushes and p u l l s which motivated persons to move into retirement housing. These were: " . . . provision of meals and other services in an urban environment; improved l i v i n g quarters in close proximity to age peers; a t t r a c t i v e quarters i n an urban environment; good value in housing and recreation f a c i l i t i e s , with agreeable climate and suburban atmosphere; easy maintenance and recrea-t i o n f a c i l i t i e s ; and s e c u r i t y . " In contrast, the controls were attracted by companion-ship, easy maintenance and recreation f a c i l i t i e s but showed a distaste for segregation, a fear of regimentation and boredom, a reluctance to move and a f e l t lack of funds (although the two groups were evenly matched on that item). Residents, however, did not generally object to age segregation and regimentation. Sherman gave several possible reasons to explain the very d i f f e r e n t reactions to the same phenomenon. The f i r s t i s that one group saw the s i t u a t i o n f i r s t hand while others were removed. Second i s that the controls described c e r t a i n Table III Most At t r a c t i v e and Least At t r a c t i v e Features of the Site Like Best Percent Like Least Percent RETIREMENT HOTEL (N = 38) Privacy 18 Food, eating arrange- 32 Convenient to shopping, 16 ments church, town, etc. People, f e e l alone, 18 Friends 16 gossipy RENTAL VILLAGE (N = 64) Independence and privacy 19 Management 12 Atmosphere, quiet 17 People, f e e l alone, 12 Accommodations: comfortable 17 gossipy homelike, etc. Friends 14 APARTMENT TOWER (N = 63) Convenient to shopping, 27 Physical arrangement: 22 church, town, etc. small rooms, no garden. Accommodations: comfortablel4 patio, etc. homelike, etc. People too crowded, 13 Security and contentment 11 noise Friends 11 PURCHASE VILLAGE (N = 80) Weather 31 Too far from good 26 Friends 21 shopping, parks, etc. Atmosphere, quiet 19 Weather 11 COOPERATIVE VILLAGE (N = 78) Security and contentment 33 Management 18 Friends 19 LIFE-CARE FACILITY (N = 79) Friends 37 Food, eating arrange- 11 Security and contentment 16 ments Independence 10 People, f e e l alone, 11 gossipy Source: Sherman, 1971, p. 133 41 stereotypes of retirement housing without being aware of the f u l l range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s . F i n a l l y there are d i f f e r e n t personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s involved: "Independence for the test respondents means independence within a secure boundary! whether promoted by housekeeping services, l i f e - c a r e plan, security guards, or r e a d i l y available friends and recreation. For the controls, t h i s represents dependency, and independence means the freedom to pursue a l l these needs on one's own." Sherman concluded, "In sum, there are at l e a s t two points of view i n the discussion of retirement housing: the opinions held by those who l i v e there, and the opinions held by those who do not . . . The important issues are to make retirement housing available to those who might choose i t , and once people have chosen i t , to provide what i t was that they were seeking." In a r e l a t e d a r t i c l e published a year l a t e r (1972) and based on the same sample of residents and controls, Sherman d i d an exhaustive analysis of the residents' s a t i s f a c t i o n with t h e i r special housing s i t u a t i o n . S a t i s f a c t i o n was measured in three ways: a d i r e c t global question, a series of projective questions as to what the respondent would recommend for others, and a measure of moves away from the s i t e s between the f i r s t and second interviews. Broadly speaking, residents of urban s i t e s were found to be more s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r l ocation than were residents of suburban or desert areas; i t seems there i s a need to be close to the amenities of a c i t y . Those who had moved out of the purchase v i l l a g e mentioned poor transportation and distance from shopping, doctors and entertainment. Other elements found to relate to s a t i s f a c t i o n were security (including physical safety), a balance of independence and dependence, a proper 42 amount of age segregation, a degree of f i n a n c i a l commitment, being psychologically ready for retirement housing, creature comforts (appealing food, physical attractiveness of the s i t e ) , extent to which a desire for upward mobility i s frustrated and goodness of f i t between needs and need f u l f i l l m e n t . Sherman concluded: "Thus, one can draw no general conclusion other than the obvious one that there i s no one ri g h t kind of housing; rather, the person w i l l be most s a t i s f i e d with the housing that best f i t s h i s requirements and condition. The best recom-mendation one can give i s that each in d i v i d u a l considering retirement housing be aware of the range of housing alternatives (some of which have been sampled i n the present study) and the various dimensions on which a s i t e can be rated, and that he match these to h i s own needs and a b i l i t i e s . " In an e a r l i e r preliminary report on t h i s f i v e year study of housing for the e l d e r l y , Sherman et a l . (1968) i d e n t i -f i e d some of the psychological e f f e c t s of retirement housing. While most of their findings were amplified i n the above reports, t h e i r report on interaction with the younger generation was treated i n more d e t a i l i n t h i s e a r l i e r report. I t was i n t e r e s t -ing that from o n e - f i f t h (at the luxury purchase v i l l a g e ) to one-ha l f (at the retirement hotel) had no children at a l l . This suggests that some may have sought retirement communities because of lack of close family t i e s . Only 31% of the ind i v i d u a l s with children saw t h e i r children once a week or more. On d i r e c t questioning only 38% said they l i k e d l i v i n g i n a place where there are no younger people; they were evenly s p l i t on the question of pr e f e r r i n g to l i v e where there are people of a l l d i f f e r e n t ages. Winiecke (1973) studied the i n t e r e s t in public housing of 235 n o n - i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , e l d e r l y welfare r e c i p i e n t s . Most of those who were interested in age concentrated housing were people who l i v e d i n rented apartments, separate houses and hotel rooms. They were younger than the others and l i v e d alone. Most who were not interested in age concentrated housing were b a s i c a l l y non-renters, owned a home or t r a i l e r , l i v e d i n another's home or in an i n s t i t u t i o n . They were older than the former group, were i n t h e i r 70's, and l i v e d with other people. S o c i a l correlates alone were s i g n i f i c a n t l y related to housing i n t e r e s t . The following were not related to i n t e r e s t i n age segregated housing: sex, race, s o c i a l c l a s s , present neighbour-hood and housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , safety, comfort and a t t r a c t i v e -ness, money problems, age group preference. One argument against age-segregated housing, which p r a c t i c a l l y amounts to another stereotype, i s that the e l d e r l y need contact with, and stimulation from, the young. In yet another report on the 5-year research project, Sherman (1975), using the same samples reported e a r l i e r , described the patterns of contacts for residents of both the age-segregated and age-integrated housing arrangements. The age-segregated residents interacted less with t h e i r children, grandchildren and other r e l a t i v e s and fewer had friends under 40; however, they had more new friends and v i s i t e d more often with neighbours and friends of the same age group as themselves. Sherman concluded that age-segregated housing does imply d i f f e r e n t spheres of contacts. Nevertheless, either s i t u a t i o n can be s a t i s f a c t o r y i f the resident has made the choice according to his own needs and preferences. 44 Sheley (1974) reported s i m i l a r findings i n a depth interview study of forty male residents of a retirement community. The majority were, s a t i s f i e d with i t s atmosphere, design, services and programs. A l l but f i v e attributed t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n with r e t i r e d l i f e d i r e c t l y to s a t i s f a c t i o n with the community i t s e l f . As a r e s u l t , the question a r i s e s : i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the community attributable to some q u a l i t y of the community i t s e l f or to some q u a l i t y of the residents themselves? Sheley described his own study as an exploratory one which he hoped w i l l stimulate further research. Stimulated by his own findings, he offered four i n t e r r e l a t e d hypotheses which suggest that aspects of the retirement community i t s e l f account for the s a t i s f a c t i o n with r e t i r e d l i f e experienced by residents. These are: "1) That the abundance of retirement commun-i t i e s and philosophies of operation (size, design, services, cost, etc.) greatly increases the chances of s a t i s f a c t i o n among residents due to increased a b i l i t y to f i n d a community s p e c i f i c a l l y suited to th e i r needs and preferences and due to increased chances of finding in community housing persons of mutual background and i n t e r e s t . 2) That mutuality of background and i n t e r e s t creates and reinforces i n the resident a sense of belonging which may be absent i n other, more hetero-geneous communities. 3) That work i s not important to male residents of the community because they are removed from an atmosphere which emphasizes work as the basis of existence. 4) That the f r i e n d l y atmosphere of the community compensates for the loneliness and the sense of disengagement which may be encountered i n r e t i r e d l i f e outside the community." These four hypotheses could well serve as a basis for considerable future research with the objective of determining patterns of why people r e t i r e w e l l . 45 Two e a r l i e r studies, one by Bultena and Wood (1969) and the other by Messer (1967), are consistent with Sheley's hypotheses although they do note c i t e them. The former authors interviewed 521 r e t i r e d males who, after retirement, moved permanently from the Midwest of the U.S.A. to Arizona. 199 of these r e t i r e d to age integrated (or regular) communities and the re s t to age segregated communities. B r i e f l y , they found that: "Aged migrants to retirement communities were found to have higher morale than those sel e c t i n g regular or age-integrated communities in Arizona . . . and were . . . from the higher socio-economic segments of the aged population. . . . The retirement community . . . i s found to provide an environment conducive to the adaptation of i t s residents to the retirement r o l e . " Messer's (1967) study provides an interesting contrast since a l l his respondents were of low economic status. They represented a s t r a t i f i e d random sample of 88 tenants of public housing projects occupied e x c l u s i v e l y by the e l d e r l y who were compared with a si m i l a r example of 155 e l d e r l y subjects l i v i n g i n public housing of mixed age composition. His concern was (p. 250) "With the p o s s i b i l i t y that age concen-: tratipnr.pro^idesCa normative system which allows an i d e n t i t y with l e i s u r e as legitimate post-occupational a c t i v i t y , while a mixed-age environment i s conducive to maintaining stigma against s o c i a l disengagement." Messer concluded that evidence was presented which showed that age-concentrated environments a l t e r i n t e r a c t i o n a l opportunities and provide a normative system which may f a c i l i t a t e adjustment-to/old age. The other, l a t e r studies, c i t e d above, support t h i s conclusion. 46 In the United States, at l e a s t , a s i g n i f i c a n t number of the urban e l d e r l y l i v e i n single-room occupancy slum hotels (known in the l i t e r a t u r e as the "SRO" h o t e l s ) . Rather l i t t l e research has been focused on these people but Stephens (1975) has reported some features of t h e i r l i v e s . She studied 100 e l d e r l y permanent residents of such a h o t e l . They avoid intimacy and the p r e v a i l i n g norms are those of privacy, freedom and u t i l i t a r i a n i s m . In summarizing she stated: "The majority of the e l d e r l y SRO tenants are l i f e - l o n g s o c i a l i s o l a t e s . Indeed, they have sought out the impersonal world of the SRO as an environment i n which they can l i v e a l i f e s t y l e of t h e i r choosing . . . For these e l d e r l y , i s o l a t i o n has been l i f e - l o n g and to a marked degree voluntary, and i s not adequately explained as a consequence of age-related changes." A somewhat p a r a l l e l l i v i n g pattern might be that of r e t i r e d persons who are permanent residents of roominghouses. No research evidence was uncovered which would describe the factors leading up to the decision to l i v e i n a rooming house. This would be a f r u i t f u l avenue for future research. However, some l i g h t i s shed on this phenomenon by a report of the Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto (1973) which showed that 756 of the c i t y ' s t o t a l population over 65 l i v e d i n rooms or lodgings. Income might well be an important factor i n t h i s choice as indicated by the fact that, in 1969, the median income for t h i s group was only $1,664. 47 Conclusions The " r e t i r e d " or "elderly" do not constitute a single group to which a l l embracing labels can be applied with any accuracy. Rather, t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , needs and preferences are just as varied as for any other group, be they children, teenagers, university students, women, the 30-40 age group, and so on. The r e t i r e d have been swamped by an unfortunate quantity of stereotypes about t h e i r feelings, desires and needs. A more open and unbiased mentality i s needed i n order to deal more e f f e c t i v e l y with the d i f f e r e n t housing situations discussed i n this chapter. The r e t i r e d need and want a role i n society, a context within which to interact, to l i v e . Social and a r c h i t e c t u r a l planners and developers need to provide a wide var i e t y of p o s s i b i l i t i e s for meeting their housing preferences. I t i s clear that many r e t i r e d people l i k e the easy a v a i l a b i l i t y of contacts with age peers, but without pressure. Some l i k e to l i v e where there are young children and some do not. Some prefer a nice balance of dependence-independence, others a great deal of independence; s t i l l others f e e l more secure i n a dependent s e t t i n g . Some l i k e many le i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s while others prefer only a few or none. The importance of human relationships i s apparent at a l l socio-economic l e v e l s . The housing needs and preferences of the r e t i r e d , or el d e r l y , are affected by a l l these points and more. An indi v i d u a l who i s tr y i n g to make a decision about his own residence of retirement should be sure to make a choice that i s 48 in harmony with his own basic l i kes , d is l i kes , and f inancial capabi l i ty . Social planners should be aware of the broad range of preferences and f inancial capabi l i t ies among retired persons and infuse a greater variety of ideas into their planning and leg is la t ion . An optimal retirement preparation model w i l l have to provide a suf f ic ient range of housing poss ib i l i t i es to sat isfy this spectrum of preferences. Chapter Three Finances The Importance of Finances in Retirement S a t i s f a c t i o n Perceived Adequacy of Retirees' Income Versus the Amount Economic Inequality I n f l a t i o n Role of Unions, Government, Management and Retirees Themselves Further Social P o l i c y Implications 50 The Importance of Finances in Retirement S a t i s f a c t i o n We have seen i n Chapter One that a r e t i r e e must perceive h i s f i n a n c i a l arrangements as being adequate i f he i s to have a f a i r chance of r e t i r i n g well (Havighurst e t a l . , Riley, Harris, Smith et a l . ) . In addition, i t has been shown (Simpson, Back and McKinsey, 1966, p. 74) that vocationally unsuccessful people, who are l i k e l y to r e t i r e badly, can be helped to improve t h e i r own self-evaluations by outside support, such as f i n a n c i a l a i d . In t h e i r extensive study on decision making r e l a t i n g to ear l y retirement, B a r f i e l d and Morgan's (1969, p. 3) major finding, based on a representative sample of the national U.S. population and a random sample of older workers was: " . . . that f i n a n c i a l f a c t o r s — p r i m a r i l y expected retirement income—are of p r i n c i p a l importance i n the retirement decision, with a t t i t u d i n a l variables/having less influence, though usually operating i n expected d i r e c t i o n s . " Not much imagination i s required to guess how insecure pre- and postretirees f e e l when they hear t a l e s of pension funds co l l a p s i n g . In the U.S.A., where private pension plans are common, a government study showed that, i n the years 1955-1965, 20,000 workers were affected by plan terminations. While t h i s represented only about one-tenth of 1% of those then covered by private plans (Schuchat, 1973) i t i s cle a r that some sort of protection must be afforded against the e f f e c t s of such collapses. Central government insurance requirements are indicated where such collapses are possible. 51 Perceived Adequacy of Retirees' Income Versus the Amount Much more c r u c i a l than the actual amount of a pension i s how adequate i t i s perceived as being i n the eyes of a r e t i r e e . In a descriptive survey of a purposeful sample of 462 older persons i n southeastern Michigan, Peterson (1972) found that 57% of them perceived t h e i r current finances to be inadequate and indicated they were d e c l i n i n g . The sample was constructed on the basis of e x i s t i n g demographic data on persons over 65 years of age in the United States and i n southeastern Michigan. B a r f i e l d and Morgan (1969, pp. 3-4) found a threshold l e v e l of income at about $4,000 a year for both their national sample and auto worker sample respondents. This was a l e v e l they perceived as being the minimum amount required to ensure an adequate l i v i n g standard. (Since these data were gathered in 1966 and 1967 i t i s reasonable to assume that the figure would need upward revision.) For t h e i r United Auto Worker union respon-dents, other f i n a n c i a l factors were s i g n i f i c a n t l y associated with being s a t i s f i e d i n retirement; these were owning one's house mortgage-free and having over $10,000 i n assets. In t h e i r inventory of research findings Riley et a l . (1968, pp. 454-456) showed that, on the average, U.S. r e t i r e e s report a d r a s t i c 50% reduction over t h e i r preretirement income. The sense of economic deprivation i s pronounced i n the impact year of retirement despite an apparent retrenchment of wants but t h i s deprivation may lessen i n subsequent years. At the same time many r e t i r e e s report no such feelings of economic deprivation irres p e c t i v e of t h e i r actual f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n . 52 Smith et a l . , (1969, p. 133) noted the importance of the frame of reference in the retirement s i t u a t i o n . While male employees wanted $6,850 to be completely s a t i s f i e d , male re t i r e e s wanted $4,050. I t i s intere s t i n g to see how close t h e i r l a t t e r figure i s to the "about $4,000" of B a r f i e l d and Morgan. In order to adjust to t h i s lower income figure r e t i r e e s have to a l t e r t h e i r previous frame of reference. A weakness i n the argument of Smith et a l . , i s that they have only cross sectional rather than longitudinal data at t h e i r disposal. As a r e s u l t there i s always the p o s s i b i l i t y that the apparent s h i f t i n g in frame of reference i s due only to the survey techniques used. A longitudinal cohort analysis, based on data gathered over several years for the same group of people might show a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e . This would be an area for f r u i t f u l future research. Economic Inequality The degree of economic inequality among the aged population i s greater than among the population as a whole, as shown i n Table IV. Both the median and the income d i s t r i b u t i o n show the lower f i n a n c i a l status of older people. For example, 52.5% of older families have less than $3,000 per year while for a l l families the figure i s a much lower 22.1%. Also, income i s more unevenly divided among older families than among t o t a l f a m i l i e s . Table IV Income of Families/ by Age of Head, United States, 1960 and 1947 (constant 1959 $) A l l Age of Head Total Income Families 14-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 + 1960 Number (in 45,435 2,322 9,057 10,852 9,806 7,198 6,200 thousands) Per Cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under $1,000 5.1 7.6 3.1 3.3 4.5 7.0 9.5 $1,000-$1,999 8.1 11.2 4.7 4.3 5.5 8.9 22.6 $2,000-$-2v999 8.9 13.7 7.3 5.7 6.5 8.0 20.4 $3,000-$3,999 10.0 18.2 10.4 8.5 8.3 9.5 11.9 $4,000-$4,999 10.8 14.8 13.5 10.1 9.7 10.6 8.4 $5,000-$5,999 12.9 13.6 17.8 13.7 11.6 11.7 6.3 $6,000-$6,999 10.7 8.9 14.0 13.0 9.9 9.4 4.9 $7,000-$9,999 19.7 10.3 20.9 24.4 23.5 18.3 8.4 $10,000 & over 13.8 1.7 8.3 16.9 20.4 16.5 7.6 Median income $5,547 $3,965 $5,618 $6,334 $6,385 $5,507 $2,862 Gini index 3 .369 .322 .293 .325 .357 .401 .468 1947 Number (in 37,279 1,828 8,138 8,864 7,965 6,117 4,369 thousands) Per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under $1,000 7.7 6.6 4.4 5.2 5.7 8.2 22.5 $1,000-$1,999 11.4 17.6 10.0 8.5 8.9 11.6 22.0 $2,000-$2,999 14.8 23.6 17.8 13.4 12.6 13.3 14.0 $3,000-$3,999 16.8 26.9 21.5 17.0 14.6 14.1 10.9 $4,000-$4,999 15.3 13.2 18.7 .17.7 14.7 14.0 7.3 $5,000-$5,999 10.8 6.8 12.1 12.6 11.6 10.1 5.7 $6,000-$6,999 6.6 2.9 6.0 7.4 8.1 6.8 4.3 $7,000-$9,999 10.5 2.3 6.5 11.4 15.0 13.9 7.5 $10,000 & over 6.1 * 3.0 6.7 8.9 8.1 5.7 Median income $3,957 $3,075 $3,831 $4,307 $4,505 $4,186 $2,398 Gini index 3 .378 .270 .304 .353 .365 .383 .518 *Less than 0.1 per cent.. aThe G i n i index of inequality (or concentration) varies from 1.0 i f one family has a l l the income to 0.0 i f a l l families nave equal incomes. Morgan, 1965, p. 2. Source: Riley et a l . , 1968, p. 76 54 Morgan (1965) makes the same point and states that s t a t i s t i c a l averages (e.g.of disposable income, l i q u i d assets, net worth) over-state the l e v e l of economic well being of the aged. Based upon wage income of household head he reported these Lorenz c o e f f i c i e n t s of in e q u a l i t y : Age 65 and over 0.86 Whole population 0.48 Since wage data would naturally over-state economic inequality measures among the over-65 group, he also reported Lorenz c o e f f i c i e n t s which r e f l e c t e d a l l sources of income. These were: Age 65 and over 0.52 Whole population 0.41 Hence, s o c i a l policymakers, assessing the economic status of the aged, should devote p a r t i c u l a r attention to the d i s t r i b u t i o n as well as the l e v e l s of income and wealth. I t would be r i s k y to apply such nationwide data to a single organization and normally i t should not be done, but i t might be worthwhile to see i f the degree of inequality increases with age i n a large organization employing a heterogeneous work-force . In p a r t i c u l a r one should see i f the income and wealth d i s t r i b u t i o n of such a group becomes more unequal as the r e t i r e -ment period lengthens. I f so, should the benefit structure of pension plans be altered i n an attempt to correct the situation? How? Value judgements are necessary to a r r i v e at an answer. These judgments would r e l a t e to a decision as to what i s an optimal retirement program. I f the r i c h get r i c h e r and the poor, poorer, then how should s o c i a l p o l i c y be directed? Should 55 the problem be l e f t for public programs to solve? (Fischer, 1963). At the l e a s t , i t would be reasonable to expect that any r e t i r e d person should be able to maintain a minimum standard of l i v i n g . A comprehensive retirement preparation model would have to have t h i s as a basic goal and i t i s here that public programs e s p e c i a l l y would serve a useful purpose. C r u c i a l questions i n t h i s context are how do older people compare with younger people? To what extent can they maintain the standard of l i v i n g of t h e i r s o c i a l class or of t h e i r own e a r l i e r years? Cross sectional analysis shows a peak in the 40's or 50's. Further analysis of several studies (Riley et a l . , 1968, pp. 83-84) indicates, however, that incomes apparently do not decline from then on. In the absence of lon g i t u d i n a l studies there are clues that the l i f e cycle peak in income tends to occur in the years just before 65. Confirma-t i o n or otherwise of this by longitudinal studies would be us e f u l . Riley et a l . , go on to r e f e r to several d i f f e r e n t studies which show that incomes generally r i s e over a l i f e t i m e u n t i l retirement. However, i t seems that economic growth i s the main contributing factor rather than increased compensation for age and experience. Each cohort s t a r t s at a higher l e v e l than the one before i t and reaches a higher l e v e l as w e l l . Then the postretirement drop—combined with a fixed income and the e f f e c t s of i n f l a t i o n — b e g i n s to be f e l t . Although we have already seen that r e t i r e e s tend to make an adjustment to t h e i r 56 lower incomes, i t i s obvious that the "pinch" i s f e l t a l l the more as the years progress and e s p e c i a l l y so i f the i n f l a t i o n rate i s high. While the incorporation of a cost of l i v i n g element into pension payments i s h e l p f u l , i t does nothing to the r e t i r e e ' s status i n r e l a t i o n to those who are s t i l l working. In other words improvements i n r e a l income, as experienced by those s t i l l i n the work force, are not normally experienced by those i n retirement. When r e t i r e e s benefit from neither, there can be a r e a l , progressive strangulation which would c e r t a i n l y be a very negative contribution towards maintaining a f e e l i n g of mental and s o c i a l well being. I n f l a t i o n The importance of adequate finances to r e t i r i n g s a t i s f a c t o r i l y has been established. I t i s a short step from there to the importance of preventing erosion of retirement incomes which r e s u l t from i n f l a t i o n . In view of the trends of e a r l i e r retirement, longer l i f e and high rates of i n f l a t i o n , the problem becomes increasingly acute. This can only be aggravated by the fact of r i s i n g r e a l income for those employed but which benefit i s not r e f l e c t e d i n pensions. An unpublished paper by Proomkin c i t e d i n R i l e y et a l . , (1968, p. 85) i l l u s -trates the s i t u a t i o n for those on fixed incomes: "One estimate of the 1980 income of an executive r e t i r i n g i n 1965 on a pension as high as $20,000 indicates that he w i l l have slipped from the top 5 per cent of income receivers to the lower l e v e l of the top 15 per cent, assum-ing a future income r i s e of 2 per cent per year; or to the 30th percentile, assuming a future income r i s e of 3.5 per cent a year." 57 While one p o s s i b i l i t y of compensating for i n f l a t i o n i s to t i e pensions to a national cost of l i v i n g index, other suggestions involve a consumer pr i c e index for r e t i r e d persons. Such an index would have the advantage of r e f l e c t i n g the expenditure patterns of the e l d e r l y rather than those of the whole population. Prices would be gathered from areas where e l d e r l y persons are concentrated and from outlets which they themselves would indicate as ones they frequent. The "basket of goods" measured would have to be representative of actual habits of pensioners. (Norwood, 1972). I t i s e s s e n t i a l , however, to d i s t i n g u i s h between maintaining purchasing power and improving purchasing power. Indexing pensions i n some way to the cost of l i v i n g , regardless of the p a r t i c u l a r approach used, w i l l not take care of improve-ments i n the r e a l income of those employed which may r e s u l t from continued technological advances and c a p i t a l growth. I f pensioners are to be afforded the p o s s i b i l i t y of remaining i n the mainstream of l i f e around them, then an optimal model must allow for economists to work on th i s problem which, admittedly, i s complex. A l l of these suggestions would lead to a r i s e i n pension costs which must be paid for by someone—be i t employers, the state or by those s t i l l employed and t h i s must be reckoned with. A separate, but nevertheless related, issue i s how much i s needed by the e l d e r l y at any given time and i n any given place. We have already seen some evidence that, at one time, .elderly people saw $4,000 per year as a minimum amount for l i v i n g s a t i s f a c t o r i l y in retirement. Apart from such fact 58 finding among representative samples of the e l d e r l y themselves there i s another p o s s i b i l i t y , that of developing a standard budget for the e l d e r l y . The Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto (1973, p. A43) has described such a budget as defining "a standard of l i v i n g and of expenditure necessary to maintain physical health, s o c i a l well being and a degree of i n d i v i d u a l autonomy consistent with the lessened demands and expenditures of retirement." (It i s inte r e s t i n g to note that they take "lessened demands and expenditures" as given. However, i f the resources are ava i l a b l e , are there any reasons to believe that the a b i l i t y to consume goods and services i s any more f i n i t e i n oldsters than i n youngsters?) Role of Unions, Government, Management, Retirees Themselves I t appears that l o c a l labour unions may not be representing members' interests i n the area of private pension plans. Graham and Donoian (1974) surveyed delegates to the 1973 International Convention in Miami Beach of the A l l i e d Workers of America (A/W) of the AFL-CIO. Their objective was to measure the extent to which l o c a l unions are active i n administering private, c o l l e c t i v e l y bargained pension plans. About 70 percent of the respondents (who represented 116 l o c a l unions) said they had not asked the international union to evaluate investment performance. L i t t l e i n t e r e s t was' .shown i n either evaluating the performance of fund managers or i n changing the fund managers. Perhaps even more serious i s the authors' observation (p. 39) that "some l o c a l unions appear to be unaware of the 59 gains from investments that might be; used to increase benefits for prospective pensioners rather than to reduce contributions from the employer." In some instances r e t i r e e s r e t a i n t h e i r voting r i g h t s i n union matters. I f t h i s becomes reasonably widespread, then there might be a counterbalancing e f f e c t to the apparent apathy of the general membership to pension matters. A management which wishes to a t t r a c t and r e t a i n competent s t a f f i s probably quite interested i n the pension package. In an age of competing fringe benefits on the r e c r u i t -ment front i t becomes paradoxical that management would be more active i n t h i s domaine than the unions. An overriding inte r e s t should, of course, be exhibited by the state; i t i s u n l i k e l y that any arrangement other than one n a t i o n a l l y administered could be e f f e c t i v e i n smoothing out the "humps" and "v a l l e y s " of the d i f f e r e n t pension plans. Further Social Policy Implications Some aspects for s o c i a l p o l i c y makers have already been discussed, but there are others. I t has been shown that the extent of economic inequality among the aged population i s greater than among the population as a whole. Therefore, when assessing the economic status of the aged, s o c i a l p o l i c y makers should devote p a r t i c u l a r attention to the d i s t r i b u t i o n as well as to the l e v e l s of income and wealth. 60 The provision of retirement income i s p r i m a r i l y a transfer of purchasing power from the productive to the non-productive age groups i n a population (Brotman/;.1972) . This c a r r i e s with i t an i m p l i c i t assumption that the gains i n economic growth are due s o l e l y to the e f f o r t s made by the productive age group. However, Kreps points out (in R i l e y e t a l . , p. 227) that t h i s assumption i s questionable: "Increases i n the productivity of the employed may have very l i t t l e to do with th e i r own actions and i n i t i a t i v e s ; they r e s u l t , rather, from c a p i t a l accumulation and advances in technology, to which the r e t i r e d have already made t h e i r contribution." Kreps goes on to point out that whether i t i s through the tax mechanism or private saving, "consumption i s foregone during worklife i n return for consumption during retirement. The more evenly we choose to regulate consumption through the l i f e cycle, and the longer the retirement period r e l a t i v e to worklife, the greater i s the necessary transfer of income through eith e r public or private sources." Peterson (1972) of the University of Michigan's I n s t i t u t e of Gerontology, points out that 25% of a l l older people i n the U.S.A. l i v e i n poverty. Also, persons over 65 have annual incomes less than 50% of t h e i r younger counterparts. The U.S. Congress was advised by a panel of experts, i n 1969, that economics was the number one problem of older people. Some cross-national comparisons would be h e l p f u l to p o l i c y makers. For example Kreps (1968) points out that i n the U.S., wage rates average more than twice those of the U.K., West Germany, or Switzerland, and 1% times those of Sweden; i n contrast to t h i s i s the fact that old-age benefits, as a per-centage of average wages, are lower i n the U.S. than any of the fi v e countries. Although he provides no figures Brotman (1972) r e f l e c t s t h i s by saying that: "A number of studies indicate that older Americans are worse o f f than older people i n some Western European countries where the t o t a l standard of l i v i n g i s lower." Imaginative views on spreading out l e i s u r e and work throughout an active l i f e t i m e have been expressed by Monk (1972) and e s p e c i a l l y by Kreps (1971). Rather than experience a b i g change i n moving from work to f u l l time l e i s u r e ( i . e . retirement) they suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y of spreading l e i s u r e out over a l i f e t i m e with individuals taking i t i n increasing amounts as the l i f e t i m e progresses. This has many advantages, both psychological and material, for the i n d i v i d u a l . This i n t e r e s t -ing proposal i s worth t e s t i n g . Pollack's observation (1956) i s a p r i c e l e s s nugget for the s o c i a l p o l i c y makers: "One of the most s t r i k i n g features of our culture i n the f i e l d of old age and retirement (is) the emphasis on the importance of a c t i v i t y for the old and t h e i r exclusion from i t . " Economically speaking, mandatory retirement ages force people into f i n a n c i a l i n a c t i v i t y . A more f l e x i b l e approach both to retirement ages and to continued employed flbr old p e r s o n s — either f u l l time or part time—would lessen the f i n a n c i a l s t r a i n on those who would have low pensions. I t would also help attenuate t h i s c u l t u r a l contradiction. 62 Chapter Four An Overview of Preretirement Programs 63 An i n i t i a l intention of t h i s paper was to report a review of the retirement preparation programs contained i n the personnel and administrative p r a c t i t i o n e r l i t e r a t u r e . Attempts were made to search 49 journals from 1970 to early 1975. (Appendix B contains a l i s t of these journals.) Although a number of the journals themselves were unavailable and, i n others, some issues missing, the available ones may be thought of as a reasonable cross section of the l i t e r a t u r e . The expectation was that a great number of reported programs would have been located and that a representative sample could be chosen. This expectation was based very simply on the observa-t i o n that so much of the l i t e r a t u r e already reviewed referred to retirement preparation and the importance of i t . I t was, therefore, extremely surprising to have located only 5 a r t i c l e s which reported actual program content (Kinzel, 1974; B a r t l e t t , 1974, Manion, 1974, Holley and P e i l d , 1974 and Pellegrino, 1973). Further b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l research elsewhere turned up a few more reported programs (Barr, 1974, Ash, 1966, Calvert, 1971, Foley, 1972, Londoner, 1971). The education l i t e r a t u r e , to which access was obtained through an ERIC computer search (Education Resources Information Centre), was found to contain some programs but they were disappointing. The approach to them was mainly a pedagogic one with almost no influence having been exerted by personnel s p e c i a l i s t s or behavioural researchers. This paucity of reported programs i s s i g n i f i c a n t . While i t i s clear that there i s considerable a c t i v i t y i n r e t i r e -ment preparation programs and that many programs have been implemented, i t i s just as clear that these programs are not 64 being reported i n the p r a c t i t i o n e r journals. This must be r e c t i f i e d because, i f programs are not reported, they w i l l not be evaluated, compared and c r i t i c i z e d . Without t h i s process i t i s u n l i k e l y that much progress can be made in improving programs. Persons conducting such programs must make a special e f f o r t to describe them and evaluate t h e i r effectiveness, both short and long term, i n helping people to r e t i r e w e l l . One program that i s often c i t e d i n bibliographies i s that of Wermel and Beidemann (1961). They did a study of company r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n an e f f o r t to f i n d out what management's attitudes were towards retirement preparation and to find out about some of the programs i n operation. Based on information obtained from approximately 500 large U.S. firms they developed a model of a retirement preparation program which suggested both a process and content to management. Since a l l of the programs discovered in the l i t e r a t u r e could be thought of as adaptations or modifications of Wermel and Beidemann's, t h e i r summary i s reported i n f u l l i n Appendix C. The broad common threads which ran through the programs reported i n the journals may be summarized i n a few sentences. They tended to combine lecture-discussion periods and i n d i v i d u a l counseling i n some systematic form. Management was expected to contact employees ten or more years ahead of the fixed retirement date i n order to i n v i t e them to begin together a program of retirement preparation. The main topics covered, usually phased over several years, were: Personal adjustment Finances 65 Health Work and l e i s u r e Housing arrangements S p e c i a l i s t s i n these areas might be c a l l e d i n to give a short lecture on a topic or sub-topic to be followed by an open discussion period. At some point there i s usually a strong emphasis on f i n a n c i a l matters. B a r t l e t t ' s (1974, p. 31) observation r e f l e c t s the thinking of most of the others who reported on preparation programs: "Many studies show that r e a l l y substantive material i s much better received than more s u p e r f i c i a l discussions of using l e i s u r e time and the l i k e . " Some of the authors take a counseling approach which means pri m a r i l y an exchange of information which, i t i s hoped, w i l l encourage the prospective r e t i r e e s to take s p e c i f i c actions on the i r own. Others have pr i m a r i l y a planning perspective and they suggest working together with the pre-re t i r e e s to develop s p e c i f i c f i n a n c i a l plans, to make housing decisions and to a c t u a l l y develop l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s well before the retirement date. A most useful, detailed a r t i c l e i n thi s sense i s the one by Kinzel (1974) in which he discusses sorting out the f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s and prospects of executives who are facing early retirement. He reported that even sophisticated managers may be su r p r i s i n g l y i l l - p r e p a r e d , both psychologically and p r a c t i c a l l y , when confronted by early retirement. He f e l t that once t h e i r f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s were sorted out standard counseling could take over. While the retirement preparation programs reviewed may have involved a relevant study or two, none of them arose 66 out of a detailed preliminary review of the research l i terature in the f i e ld in an attempt to identify why some people ret i re well and why some people ret i re badly. Also, their orientation has been mainly what management can do for i ts employees with almost no coverage of what individuals might do for themselves; the role of the social policy makers is only rarely referred to. The main thrust of this paper, therefore, is to develop a comprehensive model of an optimal retirement preparation program which w i l l involve and integrate the roles of the three pr incipal actors: the individual , the organization and the social pol icy makers. The next chapter w i l l describe such a model and follow i t by suggestions for further work which flow from the model i t s e l f and from the l i terature review. Chapter Five Towards the Development of a Comprehensive  Optimal Retirement Preparation Model A Descriptive Model An Analysis A P r e s c r i p t i v e Model The Comprehensive Optimal Retirement Preparation Model The Individual The Organization The Social P o l i c y Makers A Special Note on Those Who Are Most Apt to Retire Badly A Descriptive Model The three p r i n c i p a l retirement a c t o r s — t h e r e t i r e e , the organization, and s o c i e t y — f o r m a complex system. Each actor i s subject to a network of forces or influences. The r e t i r e e has c e r t a i n behavioural tendencies as shown in the l i t e r a t u r e review. The organizational and s o c i a l situations impose ce r t a i n constraints on the options open to the r e t i r e e . In addition there are interactions among the three actors. A description of this model, shown diagrammatically i n Figure 1, follows. The r e t i r e e ; He probably has i n t e r n a l i z e d the work e t h i c and t h i s causes a c o n f l i c t with the pressure to disengage from work as retirement approaches. There i s a paradoxical pressure to be active by engaging i n a range of l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s for which he may be i l l prepared. This imposed r o l e change from work to retirement can be attenuated or aggravated by factors which may or may not have been within his power to control such as his l e v e l of retirement income, his health, attitude toward work, feelings of usefulness and the q u a l i t y of his family r e l a t i o n -ships . The coming of retirement throws into opposition a number of forces: Achievement versus non-achievement: To what extent has he achieved i n l i f e what he set out to achieve? To what extent has he f a i l e d i n his own eyes? Figure 1 Retirement "to" versus retirement "from": Does retirement mean an opportunity to do other things for which there never seemed to be s u f f i c i e n t time? Or i s i t an oppor-tunity to get out of a monotonous, discouraging job? Or i s i t a movement from a f u l l l i f e to a void? Planning versus non-planning: How much has he planned for retirement? How much has been l e f t to chance? Career development versus l e i s u r e development: How much of his l i f e energies went into developing h i s immediate career? How much went into developing other interests which could l a t e r flower into a second career or a pleasant use of increased l e i s u r e ? The organ i za t ion : I t most l i k e l y has a fixed retirement age which i s e s s e n t i a l l y a carry-over from the Depression years, established to help create more jobs for younger, unemployed workers. Stereotypes concerning the older worker support the continua-t i o n of t h i s p o l i c y (i.e. they are often i l l , produce le s s , are r i g i d and untrainable, don't get along with younger people, e t c . ) . In addition younger workers have less s e n i o r i t y and may therefore cost the firm l e s s . Like the r e t i r e e the organization i s also subject to oppos ing force s: Ages of retirement are' being pushed downwards which means that pension funds have to pay more people and pay them sooner. While on one hand an organization may be interested i n keeping the e x i s t i n g expertise found i n i t s older workers, 71 t h i s may be counterbalanced by the stereotyped value of i n t r o -ducing "new, young blood" or to provide promotional opportunities for younger employees. An organization which may be i n c l i n e d to have p o s i t i v e retirement p o l i c i e s and be interested i n improving the q u a l i t y of l i f e , may f i n d that i t i s hindered by economic constraints. An organization which wishes to improve job s a t i s f a c -t i o n by enriching jobs may find that union o p p o s i t i o n — t o broader job descriptions and to a phased implementation—is such that i t i s easier to drop the whole program. Society; L i f e expectancy i s increasing, retirement age decreas-ing and the size of the over 65 population growing. For instance, i n the United States the population of the age category 65 and over rose from 3 m i l l i o n persons i n 1900 to nearly 17 m i l l i o n by 1960. As both f e r t i l i t y and mortality rates decline, an increasing proportion of people survive into old age. Between 1850 and 1960, the proportion of the t o t a l population i n t h i s age category rose from 3% to 9%. In some so c i e t i e s the work ethic i s pronounced and a common ide a l is to achieve, even overachieve, which means to be a "success" in l i f e . However, not everyone attains t h i s ideal and that means retirement problems. Retirement i s supposed to be a reward for one's productive l i f e yet, often, no clear s a t i s f y i n g roles for the r e t i r e d have f u l l y evolved. I n f l a t i o n i s such that r e t i r e e s on fixed pensions benefit less and less from general prosperity. There i s a marked increase i n the tendency of the r e t i r e d to form t h e i r own segregated communities 72 although such persons s t i l l form a small part of the 65 and over population. Social attitudes toward the ret ired are based as much on stereotypic labels (such as "the elder ly", "the retired") as they are on objective evidence. These are often counter balancing labels for stereotypes on youth which may portray them as being more energetic, more imaginative and more f lexible than the older generation. Thus, each actor has his own characterist ics and constraints. Interactions among the three are frequent and often closely related. 73; An Analysis The main variables involved i n retirement success are diagrammed i n Figure 2. (For the sake of s i m p l i c i t y the roles of the i n d i v i d u a l , the organization and society are not shown but each one of them can be involved i n a l l of the variables as i s implied by Figure 1. Any one of these three actors can have an influence on the main variables and t h i s influence could either help or hinder the r e t i r e e to r e t i r e w e l l . In addition the interactions among the three can be s i g n i f i c a n t . ) The f i r s t order variable applies to a l l r e t i r e e s and i f i t s requirements are not s a t i s f i e d i t i s un l i k e l y that any combination of the second order variables could f u l l y compensate for that f a c t . The second order variables are a l l involved i n r e t i r e -ment success but the weighting required i s not clear from the research to date. I t appears, however, that health may require more weighting than any one other and that housing may require the l e a s t . I t i s possible that aggregate minima may eventually be established for each but of course there w i l l s t i l l be indi v i d u a l cases which deviate markedly from any such norms. Nevertheless, each variable w i l l play a role i n every case. The figure can serve as a reference point for future research and i t may be refined as more findings are reported. 74 Retirement Success Variables Prospective Retiree Retires Badly 1st order variable 2nd order variables Retires Well Figure 2 75 A Prescriptive Model The l i t e r a t u r e shows that a great deal of research on retirement, or on c l o s e l y related subjects such as aging, has been car r i e d out. The surface has been scratched and there i s clear evidence that much of the stereotypic thinking on r e t i r e -ment has been erroneous. The current body of empirical knowledge i s s u f f i c i e n t to develop a useable retirement prepara-t i o n model, but i t i s one which w i l l have to be modified as more findings are published, as more longitudinal studies are reported, as other studies are re p l i c a t e d and larger samples are obtained. Consequently, the t i t l e of the chapter indicates that an optimal model cannot yet be described but that, never-theless, there are developments i n that d i r e c t i o n . The comprehensive optimal model to be described consists of three p r e s c r i p t i o n s : one for the prospective r e t i r e e , one for his organization and one for the s o c i a l p o l i c y makers. (It i s l a b e l l e d "comprehensive" i n order to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the preparation programs reported i n the p r a c t i t i o n e r l i t e r a t u r e ; those are not comprehensive because they outline a role for the employer only. The present study, i n contrast, describes a three party, or comprehensive, role.) This three pronged attack implies that the creation of conditions for r e t i r i n g w e ll i s a shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The i n d i v i d u a l , within his own resources and c a p a b i l i t i e s , should be allowed and encouraged to do what he can to r e t i r e s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . He may even do i t so well that only minimal d i r e c t outside involvement i s required. The individual's organization, i f he 76 has one, should be encouraged to a s s i s t i n the work-retirement t r a n s i t i o n as part of an enlightened personnel p o l i c y ; tangible and useful by-products need not be excluded. The t h i r d actor, the s o c i a l p o l i c y maker, may be one or more le v e l s of govern-ment, community centres or volunteer organizations. Each of the three has a role and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y which complement those of the other two. The prescriptions of t h i s model are organized accord-ing to the major themes or variables shown i n Figure 2. The prescriptions e i t h e r a r i s e d i r e c t l y from the l i t e r a t u r e already reviewed or else are derived i n an e c l e c t i c manner from that l i t e r a t u r e . The concept of the model i s s u f f i c i e n t l y f l e x i b l e and simple that improvements or additions to the prescriptions can be made as more research evidence becomes available, possibly along the l i n e s of the projects suggested i n the next chapter. The model i s followed by a s p e c i a l diagnostic note and a suggestion about those who are e s p e c i a l l y apt to r e t i r e badly. The model,with i t s objective of enabling people to r e t i r e well, may be s i m p l i f i e d as follows: Input — Process ^ Output Prospective r e t i r e e s Comprehensive People who optimal r e t i r e - have r e t i r e d ment preparation well model 77 The Comprehensive Optimal Retirement Preparation Model A P r e s c r i p t i o n for the Individual  Perceived Financial Adequacy 1) Ensure that you w i l l have an adequate retirement income. 2) Try to have your retirement income indexed to the cost of l i v i n g . 3) Develop a high earning capacity. 4) Arrange well i n advance an adequate health insurance arrangement i f you do not already have one. 5) Engage i n systematic retirement planning to help ensure adequacy of retirement income and to learn to manage on a reduced income; i f i t i s too late for such planning and you are s t i l l anxious about retirement finances, then discuss the s i t u a t i o n in d e t a i l with a f i n a n c i a l s p e c i a l i s t . ( B a r f i e l d and Morgan, 1969; B a r t l e t t , 1974; Bechter, 1972; Brotman and P a i l l a t , 1972; Fischer, 1963; Folk, 1968; Friedman and Havighurst, 1954; Froomkin i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Geist, 1968; Havighurst et a l . , 1969; Harris i n Riley et a l . , 1969; Kinzel, 1974; Kreps i n Riley e t a l . , 1969; Kreps, 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973; Monk, 1972; Morgan, 1965; Norwood, 1972; Osterbind, 1967; Owen and Belzung, 1967; Palmore, 1971; Petersen, 1972; Pollack, 1956; Riley et a l . , 1968; Schuchat, 1973; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Walker and Price, 1974.) Health 1) Take reasonable measures to remain i n good health, such as periodic medical examinations; maintain a balanced d i e t and regular exercise. (Andras, 1969; B a r f i e l d and Morgan, 1969; Eger i n Geist, 1968; Geist, 1968; Harris i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Martin and Doran, 1966; McMahan and Ford, 1955; Myers, 1954; Palmore i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Smith et a l . , 1969; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Tyhurst i n Riley et a l . , 1968.) People 1) Have an orderly and progressive work hist o r y and b u i l d up strong s o c i a l involvements with colleagues i n the process. (Barker, 1966; Geist, 1968; Havighurst et a l . , 1970; Madge, 1969; Sherman, 1975; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Stephens, 1975; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Winiecke, 1973.) Work and A c t i v i t i e s 1) View your work pr i m a r i l y as a means of material gain. 2) Have an orderly and progressive work h i s t o r y . 3) Develop your interests to the point that you almost cannot wait to stop working i n order to have more time to devote to these i n t e r e s t s . 4) Have s a t i s f y i n g work, e s p e c i a l l y i n the l a s t few years p r i o r to retirement. 5) Make plans for extending the a c t i v i t i e s which are normally done i n your spare time. 79 6) I f i t i s offered to you, accept to have a r e t i r e -ment ceremony. (Crawford, 1973; Cumming and Henry, 1961; Geist, 1968; Havighurst and Albrecht, 1953; Havighurst e t a l . , 1970; Shanas i n Carp, 1972; Sherman, 1974; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Thompson, 1958; Wright, 1968.) Retirement Preparation 1) Engage i n systematic retirement planning which covers the topics of finances, housing, health, people, work and a c t i v i t i e s . 2) View your retirement as a t r a n s i t i o n a l l i f e stage but try to ensure the continuity of l i f e patterns. 3) Expose yourself to company counseling on r e t i r e -ment, to a r t i c l e s and to personal discussions on the subject; try to get as accurate as possible an idea i n advance of what retirement i s l i k e ; t a l k to a number of r e t i r e d people about retirement; get into a frame of mind whereby you look favourably upon retirement. (Dressier, 1973; Geist, 1968; Havighurst et a l . , 1970; Heibreder, 1972; I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, No. 16, 1973; Monk, 1972; Riley et a l . , 1968; Schultz i n Riley, 1968; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Thompson, 1958; Thompson i n R i l e y et a l . , 1968.) Hous ing 1) Try to end up owning your own home rather than renting; people who do are happier i n retirement, perhaps because they enjoy the freedom to remodel as they wish. 2) I f you f e e l a change of housing i s necessary or desirable, i t i s often good to do i t between the "empty nest" stage and actual retirement. 80 3) In the above event, choose a housing arrangement which i s consistent with your health and energy l e v e l s , allows s a t i s f y i n g interpersonal relationships to develop, provides a sense of community ( i f you l i k e that), and i s within your f i n a n c i a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s . (Barker, 1966; Bultena and Wood, 1969; Hochschild, 1973; Jacobs, 1974; Mangum, 1973; Messer, 1967; Ross, 1974; Sears, 1974; Sheley, 1974; Sherman e t a l . , 1968; Sherman, 1971, 1972, 1974, 1975;; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Stephens, 1975; Wilner et a l . , 1968; Winiecke, 1973; Woodward et a l . , 1974.) A Prescription for the Organization  Perceived Financial Adequacy 1) Contract with a health insurance plan which w i l l allow f u l l coverage for employees afte r retirement. 2) Arrange the funding of company pensions so that they are indexed to the cost of l i v i n g ; allow for some r e a l income improvements as well; pensions should be portable and universal. 3) Provide al t e r n a t i v e s , a f t e r retirement, for r e -employment e s p e c i a l l y for those who have an obvious f i n a n c i a l need; t h i s could be another occupation or part-time work. (Barfield and Morgan, 1969; B a r t l e t t , 1974; Bechter, 1972; Brotman and P a i l l a t , 1972; Fischer, 1963; Folk, 1968; Friedman and Havighurst, 1954; Froomkin i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Geist, 1968; Havighurst e t a l . , 1969; Harris i n Riley et a l . , 1969; Kinzel, 1974; Kreps i n Riley et a l . , 1969; Kreps, 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973; Monk, 1972; Morgan, 1965; Norwood, 1972; Osterbind, 1967; Owen and Belzung, 1967; Palmore, 1971; Petersen, 1972; Pollack, 1956; R i l e y et a l . , 1968; Schuchat, 1973; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Walker and Price, 1974.) Health 1) Provide periodic medical examinations up to the time of retirement. 2) Provide a health education program s p e c i f i c a l l y aimed towards maintaining good health and preventing disease both now and af t e r reaching retirement age. (Andras, 1969; B a r f i e l d and Morgan, 1969; Eger i n Geist, 1968; Geist, 1968; Harris i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Martin and Doran, 1966; McMahan and Ford, 1955; Myers, 1954; Palmore in Riley e t a l . , 1968; Smith et a l . , 1969; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Tyhurst i n Riley et a l . , 1968.) People 1) Provide a context which would permit continuing at l e a s t some of the strong s o c i a l involvements b u i l t up over the years (especially so for women); there i s something b r u t a l and unnerving about the day of retirement which completely cuts one o f f from h i s working past. (Barker, 1966; Geist, 1968; Havighurst et a l . , 1970; Madge, 1969; Sherman, 1975; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Stephens, 1975; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Winiecke, 1973.) Work and A c t i v i t i e s 1) Provide a retirement r i t u a l . 82 2) Try to ensure that individuals are s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r work, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the few years before retirement. (Crawford, 1973; Cumming and Henry, 1961; Geist, 1968; Havig-hurst and Albrecht, 1953; Havighurst et a l . , 1970; Shanas i n Carp, 1972; Sherman, 1974; Simpson e t a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Thompson, 1958; Wright, 1968.) Retirement Preparation 1) Provide a retirement planning program for those who want i t and s t a r t 10 years ahead of time; provide retirement counseling for those who want i t . 2) Provide pamphlets and a r t i c l e s on retirement which may, but not necessarily, be part of the retirement preparation program. 3) The objective of the retirement preparation program should be to encourage persons to look favourably upon retirement. (Dressier, 1973; Geist, 1968; Havighurst et a l . , 1970; Heibreder, 1972; I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, No. 16, 1973; Monk, 1972; Pyron and Manion, 1970; Riley et a l . , 1968; Schultz i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Thompson, 1958; Thompson i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Wermel and Beidemann, 1961.) Housing 1) Develop schemes that would help individuals own t h e i r own homes, p a r t i c u l a r l y those employees with l i m i t e d f i n a n c i a l resources; t h i s could be through minimal cost e f f o r t s such as gaining advantages by purchasing a block of land for development. 83 2) Retirement counseling should include gathering and d i s t r i b u t i n g f u l l information on retirement housing possib-i l i t i e s . (Barker, 1966; Bultena and Wood, 1969; Hochschild, 1973; Jacobs, 1974; Mangum, 1973; Messer, 1967; Ross, 1974; Sears, 1974; Sheley, 1974; Sherman et a l . , 1968; Sherman, 1971, 1972, 1974, 1975; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Stephens, 1975; Wilner et a l . , 1968; Winiecke, 1973; Woodward et a l . , 1974.) A Pre s c r i p t i o n for the Social Policy Makers  Perceived Financial Adequacy 1) Ensure f i n a n c i a l adequacy i n retirement by promoting universal, n a t i o n a l l y controlled contributory pension plans which are f u l l y portable and which r e a l l y do include everybody of working age such as mothers who stay at home. 2) Provide a public f i n a n c i a l counseling service for those who need i t and want i t ; often there are multiple s o c i a l resources available from a range of agencies but which are not f u l l y used by those i n need due to ignorance. 3) Provide incentives for employers to make employ-ment opportunities available for those of the r e t i r e d who need them. (Bar f i e l d and Morgan, 1969; B a r t l e t t , 1974; Beckter, 1972; Brotman and P a i l l a t , 1972; Davis and Strasser, 1970; Davis, 1974; Douse, 1969; Fischer, 1963; Folk, 1968; Friedman and Havighurst, 1954; Froomkin i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Geist, 1968; Graham and Donoian, 1974; Havighurst et a l . , 1969; Harris i n Riley et a l . . 84 1968;- Kinzel, 1974; Kreps i n Riley et a l . , 1969; Kreps, 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973; Monk, 1972; Morgan, 1965; Norwood, 1972; Osterbind, 1967; Cwen and Belzung, 1967; Palmore, 1971; Petersen, 1972; Pollack, 1956; Riley e t a l . , 1968; Schuchat, 1973; Sheppard, 1970; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith et a l . , 1969; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Walker and Price, 1974.) Health 1) Make health education information available to employers and others concerning preventive medicine measures for the r e t i r e d . (Andras, 1969; B a r f i e l d and Morgan, 1969; Eger i n Geist, 1968; Geist, 1968; Harris i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Martin and Doran, 1966; McMahan and Ford, 1955; Myers, 1954; Palmore i n Riley et a l . , 1968; Smith et a l . , 1969; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Thompson and Streib, 1958; Tyhurst i n Riley et a l . , 1968.) People 1) Encourage a change i n public attitudes so that labels of "the e l d e r l y " , "the r e t i r e d " , w i l l arouse fewer stereotypic (and inaccurate) reactions; they should be a part of society rather than a minority group. The success of retirement communities i s probably greatly due to the fact that there the r e t i r e d are assured a context, a va r i e t y of roles they can choose without censure or pressure, where they f e e l the support of their peers who also do not conform any longer to the work e t h i c . 2) Pay greater attention to structuring community l i f e so that contacts among age peers are as easy to come by as are contacts among the peers of the employed. 85 3) While the e l d e r l y seem happy being among them-selves, much of that may be due to the f a c t that youth-oriented s o c i e t i e s encourage t h e i r exclusion from d a i l y l i f e ; therefore, programs to overcome t h i s are desirable. 4) Eliminate the "roleless r o l e " of the r e t i r e d . 5) Encourage a greater public appreciation and respect for the expertise and experience b u i l t up over the years by r e t i r e e s . (Barker, 1966; Geist, 1968; Havighurst e t a l . , 1970; Madge, 1969; Sherman, 1975; Simpson et a l . , 1966; Smith e t a l . , 1969; Stephens, 1975; Streib and Schneider, 1971; Winiecke, 1973.) Work and A c t i v i t i e s 1) Stimulate the creation of f u l l time and part time employment . p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the r e t i r e d i n a wide range and variety of occupational r o l e s . This p r e s c r i p t i o n does not necessarily advocate the work et h i c for those 65 and over; neither does i t advocate pressuring r e t i r e e s into accepting further employment because such decisions are t h e i r s . 2) Stimulate the general development of a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s for the r e t i r e d which w i l l allow for many d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of mental and physical stamina, education and desire for personal i n t e r a c t i o n . Retirement Preparation 1) Provide retirement preparation programs for the self-employed and for those with firms which do not have t h e i r own programs. 2) Provide a s p e c i a l focus on those persons who, according to research r e s u l t s , are most apt to r e t i r e badly. 86 Housing 1) Encourage a v a r i e t y of housing p o s s i b i l i t i e s so that r e t i r e e s can have a range of choice and f i n d something suitable to t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l tastes, needs and f i n a n c i a l resources. (Barker, 1966; Bultena and Wood, 1969; Hochschild, 1973; Jacobs, 1974; Mangum, 1973; Messer, 1967; Ross, 1974; Sears, 1974; Sheley, 1974; Sherman et a l . , 1968; Sherman, 1971, 1972, 1974, 1975; Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973; Stephens, 1975; Wilner et a l . , 1968; Winiecke, 1973; Woodward et a l . , 1974.) A Special Note on Those Who Are Most Apt to Retire Badly A medical educator, responsible for curriculum development i n medical schools, once said that there were always a few students who would turn out to be good doctors regardless of what the educators did to them. In the same vein there:are individuals who w i l l r e t i r e w ell, with or without retirement preparation programs. To have a program with the maximum impact and the minimum input of money and time, one should look at the factors which have been shown to contribute to r e t i r i n g badly. Individuals who see themselves i n these factors can t r y to put some extra energy into retirement preparation. Organizations can t r y to i d e n t i f y such employees and gear t h e i r programs towards them. Legislators and others can t r y to evolve a s o c i a l p o l i c y geared toward these factors. 87 The l i t e r a t u r e review has shown that s p e c i a l atten-t i o n needs to be paid to those who have f i n a n c i a l anxiety or f i n a n c i a l problems, but r e a l i z i n g that the two may not be synonymous. We must watch out for those who have done no advance planning, who w i l l have no retirement r i t u a l , who are s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r present occupational s i t u a t i o n or who f e e l they have markedly underachieved i n l i f e i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r desires. Those with a disor d e r l y work history, such as semi-skilled workers, are apt to have developed only weak s o c i a l involvements and, consequently, may be very d i s s a t i s f i e d i n retirement where there w i l l be even fewer involvements. Special attention i s also indicated for those who have had a low earning capacity, who have had no exposure to company counseling on retirement, to news media or to personal discussions; for those who do not look favourably upon r e t i r e -ment i n advance or who do not have a good idea what i t would be l i k e ; for those who are i n poor health, who are l i k e l y to miss work a l o t or whose spouse has passed away; those of lower i n t e l l i g e n c e ; for those who were not s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r work because they tend not to be s a t i s f i e d i n retirement; for women, who seem to miss the s o c i a l contacts i n working more than men do; for the u n s k i l l e d and uneducated; for those who do not own a home; those with inadequate or no health insurance; those whose retirement incomes are fixed and are not geared to compensate for i n f l a t i o n and r i s i n g l i v i n g costs; those who, i n retirement, w i l l have poor transportation f a c i l i t i e s and be an uncomfortable distance away from shopping, doctors and en t e r t a i n -ment; those who appear to have poorly developed interests and a c t i v i t i e s outside th e i r work. 88 Where several of these factors are found i n an ind i v i d u a l , the prognosis for a successful retirement would seem poor unless some vigorous remedial action i s taken along the l i n e s of the model. An extremely useful next step would be the development of a prognostic instrument to i d e n t i f y i n advance those who are most l i k e l y to r e t i r e badly and those most apt to r e t i r e w e l l . The points given above should serve as a good source of items to use i n developing an appropriate instrument. I f adequate r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y studies were done i t would be a very useful t o o l for prospective r e t i r e e s and for the administrators of retirement preparation programs. Even i n t h e i r present unrefined state, many of the points l i s t e d above could be made into a check l i s t and di s t r i b u t e d to prospective r e t i r e e s ; those who fe e l that many of the points describe themselves would be well advised to seek retirement counseling and to pa r t i c i p a t e i n a retirement preparation program. Chapter Six Unanswered Questions and Research Needs 90 1. I t i s hypothesized that some executives, as pre-r e t i r e e s , suffer from a "retirement neurosis". This neurosis becomes apparent a year or so before the fixed retirement data and i s characterized by one or more of the following: a) a normally calm decision maker s t a r t s to make e r r a t i c and impulsive decisions b) he has sometimes f i e r c e arguments with most other decision makers i n the hierarchy c) he challenges every basic p r i n c i p l e on which the organization has been running for many years d) he t r i e s to promote most of the s t a f f immediately under him regardless of whether or not such promotions are j u s t i f i e d e) in spite of his promotion e f f o r t s many of h i s immediate s t a f f are unhappy because of his unpredictable behaviour f) he either approves almost everything that i s pre-sented to him for a decision, or conversely, disapproves almost everything g) he apparently argues issues for the sake of argument because he seems to drive discussions away from eventual, conclusions h) judgments suddenly no longer r e f l e c t the sound reasoning which was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of him throughout h i s career i) he suddenly seems at such tremendous peace with the world that even the most flagrant issues f a i l to s t i r him into energetic action 91 j) his attendance record suddenly becomes poor yet there i s some evidence that, even though he reports i l l , he, i n fact, i s not. Sometimes these symptoms disappear completely before the retirement date and sometimes they remain. Whichever the case, the wear and tear on the organization, on himself and on his colleagues i s quite apparent. No reference at a l l was found i n the l i t e r a t u r e to t h i s hypothesized neurosis. Research i s desirable i n order to i d e n t i f y just what i s happening to these i n d i v i d u a l s , why only some and not others are affected and to suggest ways of dealing constructively with such problems. 2. Research on aging i s very much " i n s t y l e " and a great number of studies on the many facets of aging are reported. Apart from a few impressive longitudinal studies, most of the others tend to be small ones and, of these, several more or less repeat what has already been done (ejg. the e f f e c t of retirement on health). The contribution of the small studies tends to be small. Because of t h i s great i n t e r e s t and a c t i v i t y a central co-ordinating body for such research would be very b e n e f i c i a l . I t should be composed of researchers and p r a c t i -tioners who would catalogue what i s being done and issue p e r i o d i c suggestions for future research. The body could act as a central c l e a r i n g house for planned research projects so that overlapping and duplication are avoided and that areas needing attention get.the notice they deserve. Funding could be channelled so that the expensive longitudinal studies would be within reach of more researchers. The composition of such a 92 body should be broad so that c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparisons would be encouraged. 3. An apparently reasonable hypothesis i s that, with the rampant i n f l a t i o n of the past few years, fewer people are opting for e a r l y retirement than before except where t h e i r pensions are indexed to the cost of l i v i n g . This hypothesis would, i f confirmed, show again that finances i s the number one item to r e t i r i n g w e l l . 4. The deterrent e f f e c t of pension plans on the employment of older workers needs to be continuously assessed and c r i t i c i z e d . Some older, r e t i r e d workers need or desire further employment. Such studies would help. 5. A study by Goudy (1975) showed that the basic rela t i o n s h i p thought to e x i s t between work s a t i s f a c t i o n and retirement attitude i s questionable. Further research i s required on thi s point. 6. Inflationary trends and the r i s i n g cost of l i v i n g have pronounced e f f e c t s on the r e a l income of persons who are on fixed pensions. As a r e s u l t a pleasant and s a t i s f y i n g retirement can devolve into one of unpleasantness and st r e s s . While a trend appears to be developing to index pensions in some way, i t would be worthwhile to assess the f i n a n c i a l state of the residual population and to recommend appropriate s o c i a l action where needed. 7. A study by Jacobson (1974) did not support the p r i n c i p l e of an e a r l i e r retirement age for women than for men. In his sample the women wished to remain employed past r e t i r e -ment age because they valued so highly the interpersonal 93 relationships within the work s i t u a t i o n . The same sort of study i s indicated for d i f f e r e n t groups to assess the extent to which v a l i d generalizations can be made. This i s important for s o c i a l p o l i c y because some countries, (ejj. France and Denmark) are discussing l e g i s l a t i o n to grant e a r l i e r retirement ages to women than are granted to men. 8. The success of retirement communities, and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of people l i v i n g i n them, could be a reaction-formation to a h o s t i l e , youth-oriented society which has no functional or c u l t u r a l r o l e for the r e t i r e d . Consequently, the apparent success of these communities could be due to the fact that they represent a haven for those persons who would otherwise f e e l uncomfortable, useless and a burden to others. There i s much scope here for the s o c i a l psychologists to point out areas where changes i n public attitudes are desirable. 9. Kreps' (1968, 1970, 1971) idea concerning the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e - d i s t r i b u t i n g work and l e i s u r e over a l i f e t i m e i s much deserving of further study. One of the many p o s s i b i l -i t i e s under th i s theme i s that a worker may s t a r t to increase hi s l e i s u r e time while i n his 50's but compensate for that by continuing to work u n t i l he i s i n his 70's. Another p o s s i b i l i t y would be to permit those who would so wish to take early retirement by concentrating t h e i r work in the early years. I t would be inter e s t i n g i f a few organizations could be encouraged to develop p i l o t projects along these l i n e s so that the r e s u l t s could be evaluated and published. 10. Suburban housing has been consistently designed for the nucleated family with children. As a r e s u l t , the 94 r e t i r e d have been "designed out" irrespective of t h e i r d e s ires. Architects and community planners should t r y to be more innova-t i v e and to t r y some experiments on "designing i n " the r e t i r e d to such new communities. 11. Apart from Sherman's several studies on retirement housing there are only a few others i n which the residents of retirement communities are asked to give t h e i r d e t a i l e d reactions to l i f e i n t h e i r communities, to retirement, to aging, and to contacts with other age groups of society. There i s consider-able scope here to enrich the l i t e r a t u r e i n the area. The four hypotheses of Sheley (1974), which were reported i n an e a r l i e r chapter, are p a r t i c u l a r l y suitable for future research i n t h i s regard. 12. The Province of Ontario i s conducting a l o n g i -tudinal study on aging which includes aspects of retirement. This 20 year study began i n 1959 and i s due to terminate i n 1978. The o r i g i n a l population was 2,000 Ontario males aged 45 and over. While i t looks l i k e an int e r e s t i n g study, l i t t l e information i s generally available (Guinan, 1970). In order to prevent duplication of e f f o r t i t would be h e l p f u l i f more information could be disclosed to other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . At the same time i t i s understood the Ontario researchers wish to avoid introducing a b i a s . 13. Research on how women r e t i r e i s even rarer than the research on retirement housing. The whole f i e l d i s almost untouched. For example i t i s unfortunate that the population of the Ontario longitudinal study on aging (Guinan, 1970) i s exclusively male. For the homemaker, research i s needed on the c r u c i a l t r a n s i t i o n to the "empty nest" stage. For the women with employment outside the home information i s sorely needed on how they r e t i r e . For the women who have combined the roles of homemaker and career person there appears to be nothing at a l l i n the l i t e r a t u r e . 14. A favourable a n t i c i p a t i o n of retirement appears to be associated with r e t i r e e s making retirement plans about what they would l i k e to do, exposure to company counseling and exposure to news media and personal discussions about retirement. However the data do not show whether planning and communicating a f f e c t attitudes or whether the same individ u a l s who have favourable attitudes also tend to plan and communicate about retirement. 15. Palmore found that (Riley, p. 450) poor health was the c h i e f reason people gave for r e t i r i n g . However i t i s not clear to what extent poor health may mean decreased physical competence or i f the term was used by respondents to cover a l a t e n t sense of inadequacy i n competition with more recently trained younger workers. I t may also be that poor health was given to avoid disclosing that there were other reasons. 16. Studies indicate that vocational d i f f i c u l t i e s , f a i l u r e s and mistakes make retirement more d i f f i c u l t ; the greater the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the present occupational s i t u a t i o n , and the less one had achieved what one had desired, the more one rejects retirement. I f so, then preventive measures should be possible. One could use the JDI to i d e n t i f y pre-retirees who are d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r present jobs. Keep some as a control group and t r y to enrich the present jobs of the others. Apply the JDI again to the l a t t e r group to see i f they are then s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r present jobs. Eventually, t e s t t h e i r attitudes i n retirement. At t h i s point t e s t again the control group which did not have the job enrichment program. Were the preventive measures useful? 97 References Andras, A. R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of trade unions for aging workers. Canadian Labour, 1969, 14.(12), 14-15, 32. Ash, P. Pre-retirement counseling. The Gerontologist, 1966, 6, 97-99, 127-128. Atchley, R.C. Retirement and Leisure P a r t i c i p a t i o n : Continuity or c r i s i s ? The Gerontologist, 1971, 2, 13-17. Balch, B.W. The four day week and the older workers. Personnel  Journal, 1974, 53_, 894-896. B a r f i e l d , R. & Morgan, J . Early Retirement: The decision and  the experience. Ann Arbor: Braun-Brumfield, 1969. Barker, M.B. C a l i f o r n i a retirement communities. Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a P r i n t i n g Department, 1966. Barr, P. Planning for retirement. Panorma, 1971, No. 47, 24-32. B a r t l e t t , D.M. Retirement counseling: Making sure employees aren't dropouts. Personnel, 1974, 51(6), 26-35. Baum, D.J., The f i n a l plateau: The betrayal of our older  c i t i z e n s . Toronto: Burns and MacEachern, 1974. Bechter, D.M. The retirement decision; S o c i a l pressures and economic trends. Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas C i t y  Review. 1972, (Nov.), 14-23. B e l l , D.R. Prevalence of private retirement plans i n manufactur-ing. Monthly Labor Review, 1973, 96.(9), 29-32. Bengtson, V.L. The s o c i a l psychology of aging. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1973. Beverly, E.V. Turning the r e a l i t i e s of retirement into f u l f i l l -ment. G e r i a t r i c s , 30.(1), 126, 131-134, 139. Beverly, E.V. Exploring the many-faceted mysteries of aging. G e r i a t r i c s , 1975, 30(3), 159-161, 164-166. Birren, J.E. (Ed.) Relations of development and aging. S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas, 1964. Blau, Z.S. Old age i n a changing society. New York: New Viewpoints, 1973. Botwihick, J . Aging and Behaviour. New York: Springer, 1973. Bracey, H.E. In retirement. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1966. 98 Breen, L.Z. Retirement: Norms, behavior and functional aspects of normative behavior. In R.H. Williams, C. Tibbetts, & W. Donahue (Eds.) Processes of Aging, Vol. 2. New York: Atherton Press, 1963. Brody, E.M. & Gummer, B. Aged applicants and non-applicants to a voluntary home: An exploratory comparison. The  Gerontologist, 1967, 7_, 234-243. Brotman, H. & P a i l l a t , P. Income. The Gerontologist, 1972, 12(2, Pt. 2), 17-20. Buckley, M. The aged are people, too. Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, 1972. B u l l , C.N. & Aucoin, J.B. Voluntary association p a r t i c i p a t i o n and l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n : A r e p l i c a t i o n note. Journal of Gerontology, 1975, 30, 73-76. Bultena, G. & Wood, V. The american retirement community: Bane or b l e s s i n g . Journal of Gerontology, 1969, 24_, 209-217. Burgess, E.W. (Ed.) Aging i n western s o c i e t i e s . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. Busse, E.W. & P f e i f f e r , E. (Eds.) Behavior and adaptation i n late l i f e . Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1969. Calvert, L. Workshop prepares couples for retirement. Extension  Service Review, 1971, 42_(4), 14-15. Carp, F.M. (Ed.) Retirement. New York: Behavioral Publications, 1972. Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation Research on the e l d e r l y . Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1972. Crawford, M.P. Retirement and disengagement. Human Relations, 1971, 24, 255-278. Crawford, M.P. Retirement as a psycho-social c r i s i s . Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 1972, 16_, 375-380. Crawford, M.P. Retirement: A r i t e de passage. S o c i o l o g i c a l  Review, 1973, 21_, 447-461. Cumming, E. & Henry, W.E. Growing o l d . New York: Basic Books, 1961. Davis, H.E. Multiemployer pension plan provisions i n 1973. Monthly Labor Review, 1974, 97.(10), 10-16. Davis, H.E. & Strasser, A. Private pension plans, 1960-1969: An overview. Monthly Labour Review, 1970, 93,(7), 45-56. 99 Douse, H.L. Canadian pension plans no longer a major obstacle to the employment of older workers. I n d u s t r i a l Geron- tology, 1969, No, 3, 1-8. Dressier, D.M. L i f e adjustment of r e t i r e d couples. Aging and  Human Development, 1973, 4, 335-349. Environics Research Group Limited. The seventh age: A bibliography of Canadian sources i n gerontology and  g e r i a t r i c s , 1964-^1972. Ottawa: Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1972. F i e l d , M. Aging with honor and d i g n i t y . S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas, 1968. Fillenbaum, G.G. Retirement planning programs: At what age and for whom? The Gerontologist, 1971, 2_, 33-36. Fisher, J . Measuring the adequacy of retirement incomes. In H. Orbach & C. Tibbets (Eds.) Aging and the economy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1963. Foley, A.R. Preretirement planning i n a changing society. American Journal of Psychiatry, 1972, No. 128, 877-881. Folk, H. Private pensions and labor mobility. University o f  I l l i n o i s B u l l e t i n , 1968, 65_, No. 76. Friedman, E.A. & Havighurst, R.J. The meaning of work and retirement. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. Geist, H. The psychological aspects of retirement. S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas, 1968. General Motors. 30-and-out pension plan at General Motors. Industrial Gerontology, 1971, No. 11, 23-24. Goudy, W.J., Powers, E.A. & Keith, P. Work and retirement: A t e s t of a t t i t u d i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Journal of Gerontology, 1975, 30, 193-198. Graham, H. & Donoian, H. The union role i n administering c o l l e c t i v e l y bargained pension plans. I n d u s t r i a l  Gerontology, 1974, 1(2), 34-41. Graney, M.J. Media use as a substitute a c t i v i t y i n old age. Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29_, 322-324. Guinan, W. Ontario's long term study of aging 1959-1978. Ontario Psychologist, 1970, 2_(3), 171-175. Haanes, L. Lower pensionable age i n Norway. Social Security  B u l l e t i n , 1974, 37(1), 34-37, 39. 100 Havighurst, R.J. & Albrecht, R. Older people.- New York: Longmans, Green, 1953. Havighurst, R.J., Munnichs, J.M.A., Neugarten, B., & Thomae, H. Adjustment to retirement: A cross-national study. Assen, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Van Gorcum, 1969. Heidbreder, E.M. Factors in retirement adjustment: White collar/blue c o l l a r experience. I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1972, No. 12, 69-79. Heron, A. Preparation for retirement: A new phase i n occupa-t i o n a l development. Occupational Psychology, 1962, 36, 1-9. Hochschild, A.R. The unexpected community. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1973. Holley, W.H., J r . & F i e l d , H.S., J r . , The design of a retirement preparation program: A case h i s t o r y . Personnel Journal, 1974, 53., 527-530, 535. Hunter, W.W. Preretirement education programs. In R.R. Boyd & C.G. Oakes (Eds.), Foundations of p r a c t i c a l gerontology. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1973. Indu s t r i a l Gerontology (The editors) Approaching retirement age: attitudes toward older workers and retirement p o l i c i e s i n three companies. In d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1973, No. 16, 1-13. Jacobson, D. Rejection of the r e t i r e e r o l e : A study of female i n d u s t r i a l workers i n t h e i r 50's. Human Relations, 1974, 27, 477-492. Jacobs, J . Fun C i t y : An ethnographic study of a retirement community. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1974. Kelleher, C.H & Quirk, D.A. Preparation for retirement: An annotated bibliography of l i t e r a t u r e 1964-1974. I n d u s t r i a l  Gerontology, 1974, 1(3), 49-73. Kinzel, R. Resolving executives' early retirement problems. Personnel, 1974, 51.(3), 55-63. Kreps, J . Aging and f i n a n c i a l management. In M.W. Riley, J.W. Riley, & M.E. Johnson (Eds.), Aging and society. V o l . 2. New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1969. Kreps, J.M. Economics of aging: Work and income through the li f e s p a n . American Behavioral S c i e n t i s t , 1970, 14, 81-90. Kreps, J.M. Lifetime a l l o c a t i o n of work and income. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1971. 101 Kreps, J.M. Career options a f t e r f i f t y : Suggested research. The Gerontologist, 1971, 11., 4-8. Kreps, J.M. Higher incomes for older americans. In R.R. Boyd & C.G. Oakes (Eds.), Foundations of P r a c t i c a l Gerontology. Columbia: Univ e r s i t y of South Carolina Press, 1973. LaBerge, R. Problems of Retirement. Canadian Labour, 1969, 14_ (12), 18-19, 32. Lewinsohn, R. & MacPhillamy, D. The Relationship between age and engagement i n pleasant a c t i v i t i e s . Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29., 290-294. Liu , Y. Retirees and retirement programs in the People's Republic of China. In d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1974, 1.(2), 72-81. Londoner, C.A. Survival needs of the aged: Implications for program planning. Aging and Human Development, 1971, 2_, 113-117. Maddox, G.L. Themes and issues i n s o c i o l o g i c a l theories of human aging. Human Development, 1970, 13, 17-27. Madge, J . Aging and the f i e l d s of architecture and planning. In M.W. Riley, J.W. Riley, & M.E. Johnson (Eds.), Aging  and society. Vol. 2. New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1969. Management Information Center, Inc. Most firms neglect r e t i r e -ment counseling. Administrative Management, 1971, 32(10), 44-45. Mangum, W.P. Retirement v i l l a g e s . In R.R. Boyd & C.G. Oakes (Eds.), Foundations of p r a c t i c a l gerontology. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1973. Manion, U.V. Why employees r e t i r e e a r l y . Personnel Journal, 1972, 51_, 183-187, 207. Manion, U.V. Issues and trends i n prepretirement education. In d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1974, 1(4), 28-36. Markus, N. Youth: When you are old. Canadian Welfare, 1973, 49(3), 12-14. Martin, J . & Doran, A. Evidence concerning the re l a t i o n s h i p between health and retirement. Sociological Review, 1966, 14, 329-343. Maslow, A. Motivation and personality. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954. 102 McMahan, C.A. & Ford, T.R. Surviving the f i r s t f i v e years of retirement. Journal of Gerontology, 1955, 10., 212-215. Meacher, M. Taken for a r i d e . B r i s t o l : Longman Group, 1972. Messer, M. The p o s s i b i l i t y of an age concentrated environment becoming a normative system. The Gerontologist, 1967, 7, 247-251. ~ Monk, A. Factors i n the preparation for retirement by middle-aged adults. The Gerontologist, 1971, 11_, 348-351. Monk, A. A s o c i a l p o l i c y framework for preretirement planning. Industrial Gerontology, 1972, No. 15, 63-70. Morgan, J.N. Measuring the economic status of the aged. International Economic Review, 1965, 6_, 1-17. Moriwaki, S.Y. Self - d i s c l o s u r e , s i g n i f i c a n t others and psychological well-being i n old age. Journal of Health and  Social Behavior, 1973, 14, 226-23 2. Mueller, J., Moore, J. & Birren, J . A bibliography of doctoral diss e r t a t i o n s on aging from American i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher learning, 1971-1973, Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29, 459-467. Myers, R.J. Factors i n interpreting mortality af t e r retirement. Journal of the American S t a t i s t i c a l Association, 1954, 49, 499-507. New careers for older people: A report on the twentieth annual  southern conference on gerontology. 1971. Norwood, J.L. C o s t - o f - l i v i n g escalation of pensions. Monthly  Labour Review, 1972, 95.(6), 21-24. Osterbind, C.C. (Ed.) Income i n retirement: The need and  society's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . G a i n e s v i l l e : University of Flor i d a Press, 1967. Owen, J.P. & Belzung, L.D. Consequences of voluntary e a r l y retirement: A case study of a new labour force phenomenon. B r i t i s h Journal of In d u s t r i a l Relations, 1967, 5_, 162-189. Palmore, E. (Ed.) Normal aging: Reports from the Duke l o n g i - tudinal study, 1955-1969. Durham: Duke University.Press, 1970. Palmore, E. Why do people r e t i r e ? Aging and Human Development, 1971, 2, 269-283. Palmore, E. & Luikart, C. Health and Social factors related to l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n . Journal of Health and So c i a l Behavior, 1972, 13, 68-80. 103 Palmore, E. The status and integration of the aged i n Japanese society. Journal of Gerontology, 1975, 30, 199-208. Pellicano, D. Retirement Counseling. Personnel Journal, 1973, 52_, 614-618. Peterson, D.A. Financial adequacy i n retirement: Perceptions of older Americans. The Gerontologist, 1972, 12., 379-383. Pollack, O. The s o c i a l aspects of retirement. Homewood, I l l i n o i s : Richard D. Irwin, 1956. Powers, E.A. & Goudy, W.H. Examination of the meaning of work to older workers. Aging and Human Development, 1971, 2, 38-45. Pressey, S.L. Age counseling: Crises, services, p o t e n t i a l s . Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1973, 20, 356-360. Pressey, S.L. & Pressey, A.D. Major neglected need opportunity: Old-age counseling. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1972, 19, 362-366. Pyron, H.C. & Manion, U.V. The company, the in d i v i d u a l , and the decision to r e t i r e . I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1970, No. 4, 1-11. Reichard, S., Livson, F. & Peterson, P. Aging and p e r s o n a l i t y : A study of older men. New York: J . Wiley & Sons, 1962. Riley, M.W. & Foner, A. (Eds.) Aging and society: An inventory  of research findings. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1968. Riley, M.W., Riley, J.W., J r . , & Johnson, M.E. Aging and society:  Aging and the Professions. New York: Russell Sage Founda-t i o n , 1969. Ross, J . Learning to be r e t i r e d : S o c i a l i z a t i o n into a French retirement residence. Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29, 211-223. Schuchat, T. The impact of private pension plan terminations. I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1973, No. 17, 72-74. Sears, D.W. E l d e r l y Housing: A need determination technique. The Gerontologist, 1974, 14, 182-187. Sheley, J.F. Mutuality and retirement community success: An i n t e r a c t i o n i s t perspective in gerontological research. Aging and Human Development, 1974, 5_, 71-80. Sheppard, H.L. The poten t i a l r o l e of behavioral science i n the solution of the "older worker problem". American Behavioral  S c i e n t i s t , 1970, 14, 71-79. 104 Sherman, S.R., Mangum, W.P., Dodds, S., Walkley, R.P., & Wilner, D.M. Psychological e f f e c t s of retirement housing. The Gerontologist, 1968, 8, 170-175. Sherman, S.R. The choice of retirement housing among the w e l l -e l d e r l y . Aging and Human Development, 1971, 2, 118-138. Sherman, S.R. S a t i s f a c t i o n with retirement housing: Attitudes, recommendations, and moves. Aging and Human Development, 1972, 3, 339-366. Sherman, S.R. Leisure a c t i v i t i e s i n retirement housing. Journal  of Gerontology, 1974, 29., 325-335. Sherman, S.R. Patterns of contacts for residents of age-segregated and age-integrated housing. Journal of Geron- tology, 1975, 30, 103-107. Shanas, E., Townsend, P., Wedderburn, D., F r i i s , H., Milhoj, P. & Stehouwer, J . Old people in three i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . New York: Atherton Press, 1968. Simpson, I.H. Problems of the aging i n work and retirement. In R.R. Boyd & C.G. Oakes (Eds.), Foundations of P r a c t i c a l  Gerontology. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1973 . Simpson, I.H., Back, K.W., & McKinney, J.C. Attributes of work, involvement i n society, and self-evaluation i n retirement. In I.H. Simpson & J.C. McKinney (Eds.), Social Aspects of  Aging. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1966. Simpson, I.H. & McKinney, J.C. (Eds.) Social Aspects of Aging. Durham: Duke University Press, 1966. Smith, P.C, Kendall, L.M., & Hulin, C. The measurement of  s a t i s f a c t i o n i n work and retirement. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1969. Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto. The aging: Trends, problems, prospects. Toronto: Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973. Spreitzer, E. & Snyder, E. Correlates of l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n among the aged. Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29, 454-458. Steinhauser, M. Single professional women i n retirement. Unpublished M.S.W. th e s i s . University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973. Stephens, J . Society of the alone: Freedom, privacy, and u t i l i t a r i a n i s m as dominant norms i n the SRO. Journal of  Gerontology, 1975, 30, 230-235. 105 Streib, G.F. & Schneider, C.J. Retirement i n American society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971. Sussman, M. An analytic model for the s o c i o l o g i c a l study of retirement. In F.M. Carp (Ed.), Retirement. New York: Behavioral Publications, 1972._ Taylor, C. Developmental conceptions and the retirement process. In F.M. Carp (Ed.), Retirement. New York: Behavioral Publications, 1972. T e l l i e r , R.D. The four-day workweek and the e l d e r l y : A cross-sectional study. Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29, 430-433. Thompson, W.E. Pre-retirement a n t i c i p a t i o n and adjustment i n retirement. Journal of Social Issues, 1958, 14.(2), 35-45. Thompson, W.E. & Streib, G.F. Sit u a t i o n a l determinants: Health and economic deprivation i n retirement. Journal  of Social Issues, 1958, 14(2), 18-34. Thorson, J.A., Whatley, L., & Hancock, K. Attitudes toward the aged as a function of age and education. The Gerontologist, 1974, 14, 316-318. Thurnher, M. Goals, values, and l i f e evaluations at the pre-retirement stage. Journal of Gerontology, 1974, 29, 85-96. Tibbitts,- c . (Ed.) Handbook of s o c i a l gerontology: So c i e t a l aspects of aging. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. Tibbitts, C. & Donahue, W. Aging i n today's society. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, 1960. U.S.S.R.: Pensions payable in the event of continued employment aft e r pensionable age. Sotsialisticheskaya Zakonnost, 1970, No. 5, 88-89. (International Labour Review, 1971, 103, 292-293.) Walker, J.W. & Price, K.F. The impact of vesting, early r e t i r e -ment, r i s i n g cost of l i v i n g , and other factors on projected retirement patterns: A manpower planning model. I n d u s t r i a l  Gerontology, 1974, 1(3), 35-48. Wermel, M.T. & Beiderman, G.M. Retirement preparation programs: A study of company r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Pasadena: C a l i f o r n i a I n s t i t u t e of Technology, 1961. Wershow, H.J. Aging in the I s r a e l i kibbutz: Some further investigation. Aging and Human Development, 1973, 4, 211-227. 106 Wilner, D.M., Sherman, S.R., Walkey, R.P., Dodds, S., and Mangum, W.P., Jr., Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of residents of planned retirement housing s i t e s . The Gerontologist, 1968, 8, 164-169. Winiecke, L. The appeal of age segregated housing to the e l d e r l y poor. Aging and Human Development, 1973, 4, 293-306. Withers, W. Some i r r a t i o n a l b e l i e f s about refinement in the United States. I n d u s t r i a l Gerontology, 1974, 1(1), 23-32. Woodward, H., Gingles, R., & Woodward, J.C. Loneliness and the el d e r l y as related to housing. The Gerontologist, 1974, 14, 349-351. Wright, H.B., Solving the Problems of retirement. Tonbridge: Tonbridge Pr i n t e r s , 1968. 107 Appendix A Cross-sectional versus longitudinal studies Source: Riley et a l . , 1968, pp. 7-9. In contrast to cross-section analyses that compare the attitudes or experiences of d i f f e r e n t age s t r a t a at given points i n time, l i f e - c y c l e (or longitudinal) analyses trace the s h i f t s in attitude or experience of the same individuals (or cohort of individuals) across time. The research on the aging i n d i v i d u a l i s , with c e r t a i n exceptions, much less substantial than that on the age structure, however, and i s therefore more d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r p r e t . Moreover, there i s great individual v a r i a t i o n among older people (even more than there i s among young people in many respects), a fact that must be kept i n mind continually i n interpreting findings that refer to the modal i n d i v i d u a l . Dangers of misinterpretation Scholars often make inferences about how individuals age d i r e c t l y from the cross-section s o c i e t a l p i c t ure. The older person qua member of society tends, as we have seen, to become comparatively disadvantaged in many respects, despite the various q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and mitigating factors. Thus, i n contrast to younger people, the older person t y p i c a l l y has poor health and low energy; his educational background i s inadequate and out of date; he i s deprived of his occupational r o l e ; h i s earnings are cut o f f , and he i s l e f t to l i v e on a fixed retirement income i n the face of r i s i n g l i v i n g standards and the declining value of the d o l l a r ; he i s extruded from the heart of the family group as his children leave home, his spouse ultimately dies, and he i s l e f t to l i v e alone. In the more dramatic accounts, a l l these tendencies seemingly add up to a t r a g i c stereotype of the older person as destitue, i l l , facing irreparable losses, no longer integrated into society, and no longer subject to society's controls and sanctions. Old age appears as the nadir: the end of a long decline that follows peaks that occur at the e a r l y l i f e stages in i n t e l l i g e n c e , capacity for work, income, sexual c a p a b i l i t y , and so on. Feelings, too, are often supposed to r e f l e c t the r e l a t i v e l y deprived status of the aged within society, so that the subjective state of older people i s presumably characterized by a loss of self-esteem, a deprecatory view of t h e i r low educa-t i o n , a sense of dejection and despair over their losses, and anxiety about t h e i r health, finances, and death. How, then, do the actual data on aging individuals compare with such suppositions? A glance at the scattered available clues shows a picture that i s , i n c e r t a i n respects, at sharp variance with the stereotype. The older worker's productivity shows no consistent decline. Scholarship i s main-tained at a f a i r l y high l e v e l into old age. There i s l i t t l e evidence that aging brings sexual impotence. The t y p i c a l older person seems to have a strong sense of his own worth, to minimize 108 his self-doubts, and not even to regard himself as o l d . The older person seems at l e a s t as l i k e l y as the younger person to f e e l adequate and to have a sense of s a t i s f a c t i o n i n playing his various marital, parental, occupational, or housekeeping r o l e s . To be sure, he does not perceive old age as the happiest period of his l i f e . Nevertheless, he does not worry any more than the young person about his health, his finances, or any of the other d i f f i c u l t i e s to which he i s subject. Problems of l i f e - c y c l e analysis What accounts for t h i s seeming paradox, for the apparent discrepancy between the invidious image of the older person as a member of society and the less negative image of him i n his own eyes or with reference to his own e a r l i e r l i f e ? The discrepancy highlights the conceptual p i t f a l l s of reasoning d i r e c t l y from the age structure of the society to the aging of individuals, the problem of disentangling l i f e - c y c l e change from s o c i a l change. The cross-section analysis, as we have seen, focuses upon d i f f e r e n t cohorts of persons who are of d i f f e r e n t ages at given points of time (contrasting t h e i r p o l i t i c a l views, for example, or t h e i r competitive chances i n the labor market) and y i e l d s data e s s e n t i a l for understanding the age structure of the society. Since t h i s form of analysis does not focus on l i f e -cycle patterns, however, i t provides no d i r e c t answers to questions about how the individual ages. I t does not indicate which c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may change as a r e s u l t of h i s growing older ( l i k e hair c o l o r ) , or which may remain stationary over his l i f e course (l i k e skin c o l o r ) . Yet a good deal of research, f a i l i n g to d i s -tinguish between cross-sectional and longitudinal views, attempts to reduce one to the other. As a consequence, there i s consider-able danger of f a l l a c i o u s interpretation, of erroneously i n f e r -r i n g that differences among age categories i n the society are due to the aging of individuals . . . Incidentally, there are other sources of dubious i n t e r -pretations besides this d i f f i c u l t y of separating l i f e - c y c l e changes from broad s o c i a l or environmental changes. For example, e a r l i e r studies appeared to show that achievement i n various s c i e n t i f i c and a r t i s t i c f i e l d s reached a peak i n the early years of l i f e , although a more appropriate analysis showed peaks for most f i e l d s at age 40 to 49 or even l a t e r , with continuing performance thereafter. Here the f a l l a c y arose through use of published biographies of individuals of d i f f e r i n g longevity. This method can give spurious weight to the productivity of the e a r l i e r years by excluding those p o t e n t i a l l y productive men who did not l i v e long enough to f u l f i l l t h e i r promise. S t i l l another complexity of l i f e - c y c l e analysis con-cerns the meaning to the aging i n d i v i d u a l of his own l i f e course. How, for example, might older people be presumed to respond to the s o c i e t a l s i t u a t i o n i n which they tend to have less education than younger people? One inference might be that older people regard t h e i r education as i n f e r i o r or inade-quate; indeed, t h i s i s the kind of inference very often made. 109 Yet a glance at one of the findings reported i n the Inventory shows that older people do not appear to be apologetic about their low education or to regard i t as a shortcoming. That i s , in t h i s instance, older people do not seem to view t h e i r educa-t i o n i n terms of their r e l a t i v e deprivation within the society. They seem, rather, to be assessing t h e i r education with reference to their own l i f e course, or perhaps to that of their peers. I t i s not t h e i r own education that has changed but the education of younger generations that has changed around them. Thus, to assume one can predict an older person's self-estimate simply by knowing his p o s i t i o n in the society may lead to an erroneous conclusion. Such examples point to an important p r i n c i p l e , namely, generalizations from a cross-section analysis of the age s t r u c -ture of the society to the l i f e cycle of individuals can be grossly misleading (see, for example, Schaie, 1965). F a l l a c i e s such as these pose a p a r t i c u l a r problem for s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s because they produce di s t o r t i o n s i n substantive and t h e o r e t i c a l understanding of the aging process. At the same time, there may be consequences for old people themselves. F a l l a c i e s can lead to s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecies. To define an older person as incompetent, for instance, may help to make him so. Both scholarly and p r a c t i c a l considerations, then, underscore the need for more meticulous analysis and interpretation of e x i s t i n g studies. Some suggestive findings Despite shortcomings of method and d i f f i c u l t i e s of interpretation, important insights emerge from a few exploratory studies that succeed in following individuals over portions of th e i r l i f e course (through longitudinal analysis, panel analysis, cohort analysis, and various s p e c i a l l y designed research pro-cedures). Clues from these studies (that may, in turn, dictate the d i r e c t i o n of much future research) suggest, i n the f i r s t place, that aging may be attended by a considerable s h i f t i n g of goals, a r e d e f i n i t i o n of problems, and a reformulation of expectations. In regard to health, for instance, many older people appear to adjust expectations downward. Recognizing their d i s a b i l i t i e s , they may come to accept them as inevitable or unexceptional accompaniments of old age, to rate t h e i r own health more p o s i t i v e l y than doctors do, and to worry no more about i t than the young do. There i s , i n the second place, a continuing growth and development over the l i f e cycle in many respects (in addition to the foregoing instances of income, i n t e l l e c t u a l functioning, or achievement) well beyond the point now suggested by cross-section studies. The individual apparently tends to accumulate experience as he ages, to develop a place for himself, and to adapt to expectations. There i s an evident increase with age i n such serious concerns as i n public a f f a i r s and, possibly, r e l i g i o n , which may be indicative of a search for some basic or transcendent system of values or meaning. 110 These are but tentative analyses of the reactions of older people, tentative in that more research spanning the l i f e cycle i s needed. As longitudinal studies are expanded, they w i l l undoubtedly reveal more about the aging process and i t s meaning for individuals as they l i v e through the l a t e r stages of the l i f e c y c l e . Appendix B Journals Searched for A r t i c l e s on Retirement Preparation  Programs, 1970 to Early 1975 The years for which a l l issues were available are shown. In some instances the journal could not be obtained at a l l and t h i s i s noted by the words "not a v a i l a b l e " . 1. Public Personnel Management 1975, 74, 72, 71 2. Personnel (American Management Assoc.) 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 3. Administrative Management 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 4. Academy of Management Journal 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 5. Administrative Science Quarterly 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 6. Advanced Management 1975, 74, 73> 72, 71, 70 7. American Jornal of Sociology 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 8. Business and Society Review 1975, 74, 73, 72 9. Business Horizons 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70; 10. C a l i f o r n i a Management Review 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 11. The Canadian Forum 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 12. Canadian Labour 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 13. Human Organization 1973, 72, 71, 70 14. Human Resource Management Not available 112 15. In d u s t r i a l Gerontology 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 16. Industrial Management Review Not available 17. I n d u s t r i a l Relations (Berkeley) 1975:, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 18. International Journal of Social Economics 1974 19. International Studies of Management and Organization Not available 20. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 21. Journal of Business (U. of Chicago) 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70. 22. Journal of Business Education Not available 23. Journal of Business Research (U. of Georgia) Not available 24. Journal of Contemporary Business 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 25. Journal of Counseling Psychology 1974, 73, 72, 70 26. Journal of Human Resources 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 27. Journal of Ind u s t r i a l Psychology Not available a f t e r 1962 28. Journal of Management Studies 1973, 72, 71, 70 29. Labour Gazette 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 30. Management Review 1975, 74, 73, 72 31. Occupational Psychology 1971, 70 32. Optimum 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 33. Organization and Administrative Sciences Not available 113 34. Organizational Behaviour and Human Performance 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 35. Organizational Dynamics 1975, 74 36. Personnel Administration 1972 37. Personnel Journal 1975, 74, 73, 72, 70 38. Personnel Panorama 1975 39. Personnel Management 1973, 72, 71, 70 40. Personnel Psychology 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71, 70 41. Personnel Review 1973, 72, 71 42. Canadian Personnel and Ind u s t r i a l Relations Journal 1974, 73, 72, 71, 70 43. Sloan Management Review 1973, 72, 71, 70 44. Administration and Society Not available 45. Journal of Applied Psychology 1974, 73, 72 46. Personnel 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71 47. Studies i n Personnel Psychology (Public Service Canada) 1975, 74, 73 48. Canadian welfare 1975, 74, 73, 72 49. G e r i a t r i c s 1975, 74, 73, 72, 71 114 Appendix C Highlights of a Model For Management of a Retirement Preparation Program Source: Wermel and Beidermann, 1961, pp. 117-119. In summary, then, the model program has as one of i t s chief objectives that of encouraging employees to begin t h e i r planning for t h e i r retirement well i n advance of the actual date. As another important aim, the company services are offered on as impersonal a basis as possible, with employees' involving themselves v o l u n t a r i l y . Several means are used i n stimulating employees to plan for retirement. They are given an opportunity <to read materials dealing with d i f f e r e n t aspects of retirement. They have an opportunity to discuss retirement plans with other older workers and with resource people s p e c i a l i z i n g i n c e r t a i n f i e l d s . They are given chances to talk over t h e i r personal problems with a q u a l i f i e d personnel s t a f f , and they receive guidance i n seeking appropriate resources outside the company i f they need profes-sional help. By means of regular physical examinations over an extended period, as well as written materials and group discus-sions on health protection, they can appraise t h e i r physical fi t n e s s and work toward; the preservation of t h e i r health. The provision of longer vacations and of leaves of absence helps the older workers become accustomed to added amounts of l e i s u r e time i n which to t r y out some of t h e i r retirement p l a n s — e x p l o r -ing new places to l i v e , engaging i n c i v i c or p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , brushing up on old s k i l l s or acquiring new ones. The leaves of absence, moreover, serve to reduce annual compensation on a gradual basis, thus putting to the test some of the f i n a n c i a l plans and budgets that the prospective r e t i r e e s have made. The program i s designed to give a l l interested older workers a great many facts which they need in planning, as well as a knowledge of sources to most other information they may require. The c e n t r a l core of retirement planning i s the amount of money that w i l l be a v a i l a b l e . Not only have employees been informed each year of t h e i r benefits that have accrued, but they are alerted f i f t e e n years i n advance of normal retirement to the approximate amount of pension benefits they can a n t i c i p a t e . Too often, i n other companies, the worth of the retirement benefits i s oversold, and the pensions that eventually are received f a l l far short of the expectations. The model program attempts to avoid these overstatements and the eventual d i s -illusionment. In the timing of the d i f f e r e n t program aspects, two d i s t i n c t emphases are given. F i r s t , the program s t a r t s s u f f i c i e n t l y far ahead of retirement that e f f e c t i v e plans can be made and main-tains a continuity of e f f o r t throughout the remainder of older 115 employees' working years. The second emphasis r e l a t e s to the p r i o r i t i e s assigned to the various subjects. Fi n a n c i a l plan-ning, as noted e a r l i e r , begins well in advance, and so, too, does the encouragement to develop non-work in t e r e s t s . In contrast, investigating the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of changes i n l o c a -t i o n or i n housing arrangements, making budgets, and finding new employment are among the preparatory a c t i v i t i e s which more appropriately are undertaken nearer the retirement date. Facing up to changes i n physical a b i l i t i e s i s treated i n both the longer and the shorter run. The provision of regular medical exminations allows the older workers to have disorders treated speedily and also permits them to accommodate to declining or impaired a b i l i t i e s . Direct discussion of the physical aspects of aging comes somewhat l a t e r i n the program. The development of a p o s i t i v e emotional approach to aging and retirement i s attempted throughout the duration of the program. The matter of timing also takes into account the effectiveness of d i f f e r e n t techniques at d i f f e r e n t stages i n the program. I t makes allowance for when older employees are w i l l i n g to acknowledge the fa c t of eventual retirement openly and to discuss retirement plans and adjustment situations with others. Recognizing the f a c t that retirement planning i s a family undertaking, the program attempts to encourage family understanding and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Sending l e t t e r s and retirement planning l i t e r a t u r e to employees' homes i s one means of accomplish-ing t h i s . I n v i t i n g the wives or husbands of older workers to the group sessions i s another. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0099977/manifest

Comment

Related Items