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History of the life of Chinese Women : the development of Chinese feminism Johnson, Eve 1974

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A HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF CHINESE WOMEN —THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE FEMINISM by Carol Evelyn Johnson B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UWERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1974  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department of by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of History The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  i  ABSTRACT Ch'en Tung-yuan's History of the Life of Chinese Women, written i n 1927, i s the only comprehensive contemporary account of the early women's movement i n China.  For this reason i t has been widely  used by Western scholars who have recently become interested i n the origins of Chinese feminism. This thesis consists of a translation of the sections of Ch'en's History which deal with the period between 1895 and 1927, and a commentary which examines the value of Ch'en's work as a source f o r our understanding of women's history in China. In general, Ch'en's description of the changes in women's lives i s accurate; but i t s scope i s too narrow; the only women i t applies to are those of the Orthodox Confucian past and the Modern, May Fourth generation of the 1920 s. 1  The omission of working class  and peasant women, and of the cultural stereotypes of the folk trad i t i o n , lead to a serious distortion of the nature of Chinese feminism. Only by recognizing the limitations of Ch'en's approach and researching the role of women i n the popular t r a d i t i o n , can we achieve a more balanced picture.  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION  . . . •  • .  1  PART I. COMMENTARY CHAPTER 1.  CH'EN TUNG-YUAN AND WOMEN'S LIBERATION  5  Ch'en's Background  5  Ch'en's Intellectual Position  7  Positivism  7  Rationalism and Sexual Morality  8  Discarding Tradition and Accepting the West  . .  Socialism and the Reorganization of the Family  14  Nationalism Vs. Feminism  17  The Educated E l i t e  19  .  Confusion: The Clans  21  Gaps i n the Structure-  23  The Working Poor  23  Women and Industrialization  26  The Great Tradition and the Folk Tradition 2.  .  11  MU LAN AND THE GIRLS—ALTERNATE STEREOTYPES  . .  . . . .  29 34  Swordfighters and Warriors  34  The Underworld  37  Secret Societies  38  Rebellion  41  iii Page Banditry  3  43  Interpreting the Mu Lan Tradition  46  THE DEVELOPMENT OF FEMINISM IN CHINA  49  Witke's Periodization: Feminism as a Product of the May Fourth Movement  50  The Women's Movement of 1912  52  An Alternate Interpretation  60  PART I I . TRANSLATION A NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION  63  THE LIFE OF WOMEN IN THE REFORM PERIOD  65  CHAPTER 1.  General Discussion  65  The Germination of the Intellectual Revolution  . . 6 7  A. The First Period—before the reform movement of 1898  67  B. The Second Period—after the 1898 reforms . . .  69  The Establishment of a System for Women's Education  71  Reaction Against the Idea of Women's Rights  . .  75  The Accomplishments of Girls' Schools Established by Missionary Societies . . . .  80  The F i r s t Growth of the Intellectual Revolution . . 81 A. The F i r s t Period—Before 1911  81  Women Studied Overseas Women Who Sacrificed for the Revolution  81 . . .  Women Who Sacrificed for Love . . . . . . .  83 88  iv Page B. The Second P e r i o d — A f t e r 1911  91  Enthusiastically Joining the Army The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation  92 . . .  97  Women's Education i n the F i r s t Years of the Republic 2  100  THE LIFE OF CONTEMPORARY WOMEN  104  A. The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution . . 104 The First Period--Before the May Fourth Movement The F i r s t Period of The New Youth  105  The Heyday of The New Youth  Ill  B. The Second Period—After the May Fourth Movement The May Fourth Movement and Women's Liberation Liberation in Education and Its Defects  104  121 . 121  . . . 125  Liberation i n Professions and Its D i f f i c u l t i e s Liberation i n Marriage and Its Inadequacies  . 134  . . 138  The Extreme Need for Change in Sexual Attitudes . 146 Mrs. Sanger's V i s i t to China and the Birth Control Movement The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation and Its Theory Women Under Ideal Socialism 3  EPILOGUE  Bibliography  151 159 167 174 178  Ah Sz's wife wagged her head and sighed. Then she rose to her feet and said  angrily:  "No wonder Ah To says that the meek and humble haven't a chance! "He's right.  The world's  going to turn head  over heels'. "My father-in-law Hairs will  used to say that the Long  be coming again.  I hear there are women  Long Hairs too. You know, we 've got a big Long Hair sword in our house  ..."  2  Mao Tun, [Shen Yen-ping jtfft ^ L "Winter Ruin*," i n . Spring Silkworms and Other Stories, (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1956 (1932)), p. 77. 1  1  INTRODUCTION The standard treatment of "Women in China" i s a Cinderella story.  The Wicked Stepmother (the Confucian Tradition) i n f l i c t e d  endless hardships on women. Not only did they l i t e r a l l y do a l l the housekeeping, they were also responsible for maintaining the moral cleanliness of society through a severe code of chastity, applicable in practice to them alone.  Suddenly, just when the c i v i l war, follow-  ing the years of war with Japan, had made conditions unbearable, a fairy godmother, (the ideology of Marxism-Leninism) appeared.  Prince  Charming (the Chinese Communist party under the leadership of Mao Tse-tung) led Chinese women from their oppression into a new l i f e of freedom and happiness. This i s i n many ways a satisfying story, as a l l Cinderella stories should be; but i t i s not enough. Prompted by a revitalized Western feminism, some Western scholars have begun to study the be2 ginnings of the Chinese women's movement early in the 20th century. Here they hope to find a more accurate, i f less dramatic story, material See: Roxane Witke, Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women in the May Fourth Era of Modern China (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1970). Janet Salaff and Judith Merkle, "Women i n Revolution: The Lessons of the Soviet Union and China," Berkeley .^JournalnofySociology, Vol. XV, (1970), pp. 166-191. Marilyn Young, ed., Women in China, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 15 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1973). la  2  f o r a comparison o f Chinese and Western f e m i n i s m , and the r e a s o n s , beyond t h e F a i r y Godmother, f o r t h e amazing progress which Chinese women have made. I n t h i s s e a r c h , Ch'en Tung-yuan's (  ) H i s t o r y of the  L i f e o f Chinese Women (Chung-kuo f u - n i i sheng-huo s h i h ^ I j ^ - i r %  )»  p u b l i s h e d i n 1928, i s p r o b a b l y the s i n g l e most i m p o r t a n t source o f i n formation.  3  Roxane Witke depends h e a v i l y on Ch'en f o r her account o f 4 t h e women's movement b e f o r e 1919. Jane S a l a f f and J u d i t h Merkle r e l y  on him a l m o s t e n t i r e l y f o r t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e e a r l i e r years o f t h e 5 women's movement,  as does Chow T s e - t s u n g i n h i s b r i e f note on feminism c  i n The May F o u r t h Movement. I t i s easy t o account f o r t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f C h ' e n ' s I n a spate o f books on t h e women's q u e s t i o n ( f u - n i i w e n - t ' i p u b l i s h e d a f t e r t h e May F o u r t h I n c i d e n t , i t  History.  kJf-hr?4M- )  i s unusual i n p r o v i d i n g a  long and r e a s o n a b l y s c h o l a r l y n a r r a t i v e r a t h e r than a c o l l e c t i o n a r t i c l e s on t h e d i f f e r e n t aspects o f t h e p r o b l e m .  7  of  I n a d d i t i o n , Ch'en  (Shanghai: Shang-wu y i n - s h u - k u a n , 1 9 2 8 ) . 4 For examples see W i t k e , T r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f A t t i t u d e s , p p . 2 4 - 5 , 4 4 - 4 5 , 6 2 - 6 4 , 6 8 - 6 9 , 225. 5 S a l a f f and M e r k l e , "Women i n R e v o l u t i o n , " p p . 179-180. Chow T s e - t s u n g , The May F o u r t h Movement ( S t a n f o r d : U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 0 ) , p p . 2 5 7 - 5 9 , 437. 7  Stanford  For examples s e e :  Mei Sheng ( ) e d . , C o l l e c t e d D i s c u s s i o n s on t h e Chinese Women's Question (Chung-kuo f u - n i i w e n - t ' i t ' a o l u n c h i v& MM Utfct ) » . (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua s h u - s h e , 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 2 8 ) . T  Mei Sheng, e d . , The Women's Yearbook  (Fu-nu'-nien-chien  3  is r e l a t i v e l y nonpartisan.  A l t h o u g h he s u p p o r t s t h e N a t i o n a l i s t  government, he possesses a degree o f p o l i t i c a l  impartiality  that  became i n c r e a s i n g l y r a r e as t h e s t r u g g l e between t h e n a t i o n a l i s t s and t h e communists d e v e l o p e d . As i m p o r t a n t a source deserves more c a r e f u l  consideration;  and should i d e a l l y be a v a i l a b l e even t o those who do n o t read Chinese. For t h i s reason I have t r a n s l a t e d t h e f i n a l  sections of Ch'en's  H i s t o r y ; e s s e n t i a l l y those pages d e s c r i b i n g women's emancipation i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y .  (The book begins w i t h t h e s t a t u s o f women i n  pre-Han t i m e s and g i v e s d e t a i l e d accounts o f how i t has changed t h r o u g h successive  dynasties.)  I n t h e course o f t r a n s l a t i n g C h ' e n ' s w o r k , I became convinced t h a t a l t h o u g h h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s , on t h e w h o l e , r e l i a b l e , i t i s i n c o m p l e t e ; and f o r t h i s reason h i s g e n e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  is misleading.  I n an a t t e m p t t o p r o v i d e a more a c c u r a t e p i c t u r e o f t h e way i n which t h e women's movement d e v e l o p e d , I w i l l c r i t i q u e o f Ch'en and h i s w o r k .  preface the t r a n s l a t i o n w i t h a short  Part o f the c r i t i q u e w i l l  be devoted  t o Roxane W i t k e s T r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f A t t i t u d e s Toward Women D u r i n g t h e 1  May F o u r t h Era o f Modern C h i n a , which i s a t p r e s e n t t h e o n l y  Jf  important  ) , (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua s h u - s h e , 1924-1926).  Mei Sheng, e d . , C o l l e c t e d Research on t h e Women's Q u e s t i o n (Nlih s i n g w e n - t ' i yen-chiiu c h i ^^f^Mz&&^Ji J~, ( S h a n g h a i : Hsin-wenhua s h u - s h e , 1 9 2 8 ) . * 1  Hsu T s u n g - t s e ( i ^ - ^ ^ f ) e d . , Notes and Comments on t h e Women's Question (Fu-nu w e n - t ' i t s a - p ' i n g fJ]-^,^If-)» (Shanghai: Sheng-chiao t s a - c h i h s h e , 1 9 3 1 ) . '  4  scholarly study of the early women's movement. Witke in many ways accepts Ch'en's intellectual outlook, particularly his emphasis on the May Fourth Movement as the most significant force in the history of women's emancipation in China. I believe that this emphasis i s misplaced.  In general, I w i l l  argue that the source of Ch'en's inadequacies as a historian of women's emancipation i s , paradoxically, his position as an intellectual of the May Fourth generation—the f i r s t generation of Chinese intellectuals to enthusiastically promote women's liberation.  To accept Ch'en's  analysis of the women's movement without examining his intellectual bias means imposing, as I would argue Witke imposes, a pre-conceived pattern on the development of the movement; and ignoring significant material which does not f i t the pattern. I w i l l not attempt, in this critique, a thorough theoretical discussion of feminism, nor an analysis of the meaning and operation of feminism in societies which d i f f e r from our own in the absence of a liberal democratic tradition.  I hope merely to point out inadequacies  of approaching the history of women in modern China with the outlook of a May Fourth i n t e l l e c t u a l , and to suggest areas which seem to demand further research and more serious consideration.  CHAPTER 1 CH'EN TUNG-YUAN AND WOMEN'"S LIBERATION  Ch'en's Background Ch'en Tung-yuan was born i n 1902, a native of Hofei county i n Anhwei province. He was seventeen years old in 1919; and i t i s quite probable that he was already studying in the Faculty of Education at Peking National University when the May Fourth demonstrations broke out.  Whether he was an actual participant or not, the May Fourth  Movement had a profound effect on his thinking, as i t did on that of nearly a l l of the students of his time. After the publication of A History of the Life of Chinese Women in 1928, Ch'en lectured at several universities in Shanghai on women's emancipation; but his greatest interest seems to have been education.  He was a member of the Anhwei Provincial Education Depart-  ment, held a lectureship at Anhwei University, and published three more books: The History of Education in China, Ancient Chinese Education, and Education Under the Old Examination System (as of 1936).^  Biographical information on Ch'en Tung-yuan was obtained from the Gendai Chugoku Jimmei Jiten Ol,KtlW*H)» (Tokyo: Compiled by the Asia Section, Japanese Foreign Office, 1936), p. 389, and in correspondence with Mr. T'ao Hsi-sheng (ffyjfy 7f£ ), Taiwan.  5  6 Ch'en is in many ways excellent material for a case study of the May Fourth mind.  In his sympathies, a middle-class urban i n -  t e l l e c t u a l , he combined an idealization of the advanced West, and particularly the United States, with a desperate desire to see a new and strong China rise to her proper place among the powers. He had given up any hope that the Chinese tradition might be able to adapt to the modern world.  Instead he placed his faith in the young i n t e l l e c -  tuals, who were to lead the people from the darkness of their age-old superstitions into the rational light of the modern world. Ch'en was not an intellectual leader of his time.  He could  offer no b r i l l i a n t solution for China's problems, nor even a synthesis of the solutions that others had proposed.  Nor i s his work particularly  o r i g i n a l ; he relies heavily on quotations and in at least one instance, he plagiarizes.  The result i s a rather inconsistant piece of work,  burdened with some glaring contradictions. Despite these deficiencies, several strong patterns of thought emerge which are typical not only of Ch'en, but of his whole generation. If we examine these patterns, and the ways in which they influenced Ch'en's analysis of the women's movement, perhaps we can gain greater  For example, pp. 104-122 below (the two sections on the New Youth magazine) are made up almost entirely of quotations and paraphrases with a minimum of c r i t i c a l commentary. Pages 135-36 contain a section plagiarized from F. Mu11er-Lyer, The History of Socia1 Deve1opment, trans. Elizabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake, (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920), pp. 223-24. For contradictions in Ch'en's work, see p. 21-22. u  7  distance from the "May Fourth mind," and more freedom to reach our own conclusions. Ch'en's Intellectual Position i.  Positivism With many other intellectuals of his generation, Ch'en was  attracted to the popular gods of the early 20th century: progress, science, the power of reason, evolution and eugenics, and democracy. His intellectual position might best be described as a simplified nineteenth century positivism; for example, he accepted Herbert Spencer's argument that evolutionary theory could be applied to human society, apparently without Spencer's caution that evolution need not always work in a positive direction.  In this way the theory  of social evolution was reduced, i n i t s most vulgarized form, to a blind trust in progress and a tendency to equate "modern" with "better." Another part of Ch'en's positivism was derived ultimately from Comte--his belief in the value of a rational s c i e n t i f i c examination of social institutions.  The values of society and i t s moral codes should  be based not on tradition or r e l i g i o n , but on reason backed up by the tested and systematized experience of the positive sciences. The Chinese tradition, and particularly the Confucian philosophy, was the ultimate authority for many §f China's social institutions.  Ch'en believed  that these were long overdue for a rigorous examination i n the clear l i g h t of reason.  8  This "rationalism" although not always rigorously applied, is an important element of Ch'en's thought.  Its significance can  be seen clearly in his consideration of the problem of sexual morality. ii.  Rationalism and Sexual Morality By late 1927, when Ch'en wrote the epilogue to his History,  the Nationalist Government had removed a l l of the legal barriers to sexual equality.  In Ch'en's view, only two obstacles remained to  block women's emancipation in China" the hardships resulting from China's economic problems, and an outdated sexual morality embodied i n clan law.  For the f i r s t obstacle, he had no solution beyond a rather  vague socialism.  The second, however, would y i e l d to modern, rational  sexual morality as soon as the adherents of modernism spread throughout the society. The Confucian sexual code had placed enormous value on female chastity, presumably in order to ensure a true heir.  Marital f i d e l -  i t y was essential for women, extending from the time of their engagement until their death.  Women whose fiances died before the marriage  were encouraged to remain single for l i f e , to marry their husband's ghost, or to seek unity in death.  Remarriage for widows was unthink-  able, as was remarriage after the shame of a divorce. This tremendous concern for women's chastity led to extraordina r i l y severe supervision.  Ideally, an unmarried g i r l l e f t her family's  9  home for the f i r s t time as a bride.  While she stayed with her family  she remained in the inner apartments, for her chastity could be endangered even by a glance from a passing stranger.  Elaborate rules of  avoidance were observed; i t was improper for children above the age of seven to play in mixed groups, as i t was for a man and woman to touch hands while exchanging anything. Ignorant of men outside of her immediate family, the g i r l was eventually married off to a man her parents chose. Except f o r the arrangement of his f i r s t marriage, none of these sanctions applied to men. They were naturally free to stray outside the confines of the family home and to mix with their neighbours. No importance was placed on male chastity, a man might remarry after the death of his wife, or indeed, add concubines and secondary wives to his household at will--as long as he could afford them. Ch'en Tung-yuan abhored the obvious sexual inequality of Confucian morality, and in addition thought i t the expression of an 3  irrational view which placed too much importance on sex.  Because  sexual behaviour was given too much weight, the sexes were kept unnecessarily far apart, social intercourse was restricted, and the old sexual values were retained. The result was needless suffering on a vast scale.  Young women  who could have raised families were forced into celibacy or suicide by the death of their husbands. 3  See below, p. 146.  Arranged marriages ignored women's right  10 to self-determination; while love matches often failed through the social inexperience of both partners.  Without the social contact  provided by coeducational schools, many educated women f a i l e d to find a mate and lost their opportunity to marry. The solution to a l l of these problems, Ch'en believed, was the adoption of a western style sexual code.  Drawing from Western sexual 4  theorists of the 1890's, l i k e Edward Carpenter,  he advocated a newer  and less restricted married l i f e which would allow both partners room to grow. Ch'en argued that children should be brought up from infancy with companions of the opposite sex, and that the contact should be maintained during completely co-educational schooling. He also stressed the f o l l y of attempting to repress women's sexual desires through s t r i c t supervision;  and the lack of any s c i e n t i f i c basis for assuming women g  to be naturally more moderate in their sexual desires than  men.  As a final proof of the destruction wrought by the odd sexual code, Ch'en quoted s t a t i s t i c s from the Ministry of Justice on the murder of husbands (presumably by their wives or the wives' lovers) and repeated a gruesome story of barbaric folk punishment for adulterers.  7  Edward Carpenter (1844-1929) was an English poet, essayist and sexual theorist, at his most influential in the 1890's. His theories of modern sexual relations were popular among radical students in the May Fourth Period. See Stanley J. Kunitz, ed., B r i t i s h Authors of the Nineteenth Century, (New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1936), pp. 11819, and A Bibliography of Edward Carpenter, (Sheffield City Libraries, 1949). 5 See below, p. 89. ^ See below, p. 144. 7  See below, p. 150.  11 He believed that this brutality was caused by "the senseless maintenance of loveless relations between husband and wife" and suggested that a new sexual code would solve the problem: If she could have divorced her husband when she f e l l in love with another man, things would never have reached an atrocity of these proportions, nor would women go to the extent of murdering their husbands.8 Ch'en's belief in reason made him disapprove of the Confucian moral code and advocate the "freely chosen, innocent and natural g marriage"  of modern Western morality.  In addition, i t caused him  to look with utter horror on the folk morality of the peasantry; the severity of folk punishments for adultery "only reveals the people's barbarism, b r u t a l i t y , and the total i r r a t i o n a l i t y of their sexual attitudes." iii.  10  Discarding Tradition and Welcoming the West The distance which Ch'en f e l t from the uneducated poor, and  particularly the peasantry, suggested in the above quotation, i s another t r a i t he shared with most of the intellectuals of his time.  While  students of the May Fourth generation may have sought the support of workers in demonstrations,  they were in no way turning to the workers  for instruction or inspiration, as another generation of students was  See below, p. 150. See below, p. 147 See below, p. 150.  12 urged to do during the Cultural Revolution.  I f the Confucian system  was to be.broken in order that a new China might f l o u r i s h , then to these May 4th i n t e l l e c t u a l s , the non-Confucian tradition, the predominantly Taoist and Buddhist folk culture of the peasantry with itsn myriad i  dieties and superstitions, was even less deserving of preservation, and even more certainly slated for destruction. In the place of the old culture, whether classic or folk, Chinese people would accept "modern c i v i l i z a t i o n . "  1 1  Thus the strength  of the May Fourth Movement lay not only in i t s attack on Confucianism, but also i n i t s advocacy of modern ideas.  As Ch'en says:  If at this time there had been only the discussions in The New Youth, but no tendency to accept Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , of course the movement would not have achieved success J 2 The Western nation that Ch'en was most strongly influenced by was the United States; perhaps because of American 'returned students' like Hu Shih, or simply because of America's position as the youngest of the great powers.  Aside from a lengthy quote from Hu Shih's "American  Women," Ch'en gives a description of the modern American household 13 originally part of F. Muller-Lyer-s The History of Social Development. The paragraph begins by referring to "Western" women, but by the end i t is obvious that Ch'en i s really using i t to describe the l i f e that he believes American women lead. See below, p. 123. See below, p. 123. See below, p. 135.  13 It probably would have come as more than a mild shock to the majority of American women of the late 1920 s to hear that they need 1  no longer wash clothes or preserve food, but only cook, do housework and raise children.  Ch'en imagines modern conveniences l i k e running  water and e l e c t r i c i t y to be universal, and presumes an a v a i l a b i l i t y of kindergartens and limitation of family size that had not yet been achieved.  This freedom of American women had come about, so Ch'en  argued, through industrial development which led to a highly e f f i c i e n t division of labour. Chinese women were oppressed by a family structure that was s t i l l primitive in form and could not soon be expected to y i e l d to a more sophisticated division of labour.  As a solution, Ch'en advocated  the remodelling of Chinese society along the lines suggested by European 14 s o c i a l i s t s like Auguste Bebel and F. Muller-Lyer.  In order to free  women for production, the state was to provide cooking, cleaning and childcare, services which were less e f f i c i e n t l y provided by each nuclear Ferdinand August Bebel (1840-1913) was a German S o c i a l i s t and a leader of the German Social Democratic Movement. He wrote on socialism, the peasantry and the status of women; Women And Socialism was translated into English by Meta L. Stern (New York: S o c i a l i s t Literature Co., 1910). (See Chamber's Biographical Dictionary, ed. J. 0. Thome, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969), p. 104). Franz Muller-Lyer, (1857-1916) was a German sociologist and philosopher, the founder of the phasedogical method i n cultural history. For a translation of his work see The History of Social Development, trans, by Elisabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake^London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920). (See also Webster's Biographical Dictionary, (Springfield, Mass: G. & C. Mem am Company, 1971), p. 1070).  14 family.  At the same time, the importance of women's reproductive  function was to be f u l l y recognized and protection for mothers and children b u i l t into the national economy. iv.  Socialism and the Reorganization of the Family Ch'en's discussion of the problems of working women i s rather  short, especially in comparison to the sections on his true interest, education.  Nevertheless, his conception of the problem, and i t s solution,  bring up some interesting questions. Despite his insistence on economic oppression as the reason why women seek work, he t o t a l l y ignores those women whose social class would 15 expose them to this oppression.  Instead, he writes exclusively of  women school teachers; women whose families had been able to afford an education for daughters as well as sons. While Ch'en's analysis of the problems of working women obviously does not apply to the working class, we may be mistaken i f we accept i t as an accurate evaluation of the middle-class woman's situation. His portrait of the school teacher who must take care of children, cook meals and wash clothes in addition to her teaching duties seems rather unrealistic.  Even the "twenty odd dollars" which Ch'en gives as a  teacher's monthly s a l a r y ^ was a healthy contribution to the family's 7  economy, and with the husband's salary would easily have provided See below, pp. 134-35. See below, p. 136. See below, p. 177.  15 servants to free the wife of household chores.  1o  Perhaps Ch'en's omission of the p o s s i b i l i t y of hiring servants is another reflexion of his study of European and North American socialism.  Ch'en i s trying to prove a point; he i s advocating the  replacement of the nuclear family by a collective family.  The same  approach i s evident i n Liu Pan-nung's analysis of the middle-class woman's l i f e , and his rejection of the idea that time may be saved by 19 delegating domestic work to servants. In both cases, the author goes on to suggest s o c i a l i s t reorganization of the family as a solution.  And for both authors, the projected  solution i s far more important than the analysis of the problem.  After  World War I, when "the servant problem" became an inexhaustible source of small talk for Europeans and Americans, the collective family with newly developed machines to speed housework might logically have been suggested to increase the supply of available labour.  China faced no  shortage of domestic labour; her problem was instead providing employment and a reasonable livelihood for her population.  Women of the middle-  class were not tied to their homes by lack of servants.  Their problems  In 1927 women workers in Canton received an average wage of $7 per month. In Shanghai cotton m i l l s , wages for women ranged between $.36 and $1.03 per day. (Fang Fu-lan, Chinese Labour, (London: P. S. King & Son Ltd., 1931) p. 50, p. 47). Liu Fu I'Hl , or Liu Pan-nung %\ f % (1891-1934) was a distinguished teacher, linguist and writer, and an early advocate of the pai-hua movement. See Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, edited by Howard L.'Boorman, (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 394-95. The work i n which his analysis appears i s "Random Thoughts on Returning South" (Nan-kuei-tsa-kan The New Youth, Vol V, no. 2 (August, 1918). 1 9  , w f  16 were instead predominantly s o c i a l ; issues l i k e arranged marriage and concubinage.  While the new domestic systems envisaged by Ch'en and  Liu have been largely realized, in the people's communes, this development came as a response to a different situation than that which faced the middle-class women of the 1920's. It i s interesting that Ch'en's suggestion for a new social organization does not involve any significant changes in the way men lead their lives.  His cherished "rationalism" which supports him through  his attack on Confucian morality does not extend to an examination of traditional sexual roles. widening of women's sphere.  Instead, he sees women's liberation as a Before a woman was only a wife and mother;  under ideal conditions, her duties as wife and mother w i l l be lightened and she w i l l be able to expand into areas formerly the exclusive preserve of men.  There i s l i t t l e suggestion that domestic duties be shared,  or that men might take part in traditionally female a c t i v i t i e s such as child-care.  Liu Pan-nung's suggestion for social reorganization, which  Ch'en quotes at length, would free from forty-two to sixty-one of every hundred women for work outside the home, but i t would not change the 20 traditional division of labour by sex. Furthermore, Ch'en is vehement in his insistence that women must 21 marry and have children.  He i s unwilling to submit the nuclear family  to evaluation by reason; even his s o c i a l i s t reorganization takes the 20 See below, pp. 117-118. 21 See below, p. 17.  17 family, not the individual, as i t s basic unit. Apparently Ch'en believed that China would inevitably become a s o c i a l i s t nation, although the date of the transformation could not be predicted.  Only under socialism could women become truly liberated  and the dual oppression of domestic duties and work as "wage-slaves" 22 under the c a p i t a l i s t system be broken. v.  Nationalism Vs. Feminism But Ch'en, no matter how sincere in his support for women's  emancipation, was equally, i f not more interested i n national recovery. While he protested the injustice of treating women only as daughters, 23 wives and mothers, without "independent human status"  he could not  accept the idea of a large group of women turning against marriage and motherhood. This was especially true for those educated g i r l s who could pass on their enlightenment to their children.  In his concern  for the number of educated women who were rejecting marriage Ch'en says: Girls who have received higher education naturally are the best mothers for excellent children; i f they sacrifice this glorious role, then they cannot f u l f i l l their one and only duty to s o c i e t y . This statement i s surprising, coming after Ch'en's insistence on the need for completely co-educational "human education!," the importance of "transcending the good wife and mother" and of having the  2 2  See below, pp. 138, 167.  2 3  See below, p. 10'7.  2 4  See below, p. 145.  24  18 "independence" of Hu Shin's American women. Although he softens the statement by saying that: Under a wholesome society . . . the fact that a mother has two or three children w i l l not necessarily stand in the way of her giving service to society,25 'it i s clear that for Ch'en, a woman's responsibilities as the producer of a new Chinese race outweigh her right to choose a l i f e not determined by her sex.  I t is even "a symptom of i l l n e s s " for a woman to  avoid marriage and dislike small children.  China's progress i s tied  to "increasing excellence of the bodies, minds and morality of the 27 elements of society";  i f a woman i s to help to build "a new nation, 28  a new society, a new family and a new race,"  then her "one and only  duty" of producing excellent children cannot be ignored. The c o n f l i c t between women's emancipation and national interest 29 has always been one of the most serious problems of world feminism. It is doubtful that Ch'en Tung-yuan could have been aware of the complexity of the problem.  When women's emancipation was f i r s t suggested  in China, the advantages to national health and to the economy seemed 25 See below, p. 145. See below, p. 145. 2 7  See below, p. 144.  2 8  See below, p. 108.  29 See Salaff and Merkle, "Women in Revolution" for a discussion of the role of national interest i n the changing fortunes of Russian and Chinese feminism.  19 obvious, but by the time that Ch'en was writing, some doubts had begun to surface.  The fear that educated women would not be attracted to  family l i f e was obviously uppermost in Ch'en's mind.  He believed that  the problem would be solved by s o c i a l i s t domestic organization which would simultaneously free women for productive labour, release them from their household duties, and provide the most suitable care for children.  Ch'en never hints at what the solution would be i f this  new organization were too expensive for the state, or i f freeing women for labour would take jobs away from men.  I t i s interesting to speculate  on how long his advocacy of women's emancipation would survive in a duel between women's interests and the interests of the state. Most of the time, the conflict was not clearly drawn. The more pressing struggle for Ch',en was the fight for national survival, i n which China's old culture had to be destroyed and replaced by the modern c i v i l i z a t i o n of the West.  I f women could be freed from the bondage of  the traditional way of l i f e , freed to make a contribution to the struggle for a new China, then so much the better. vi.  The Educated E l i t e In fact, Ch'en makes i t clear that those who w i l l lead the  Chinese people into a new way of l i f e are the educated young men and women of the middle-class.  The ultimate example is of course the  students of the May Fourth Period who spread the new culture through their magazines and newspapers.  In the future, Ch'en hoped that educated  women would "make a sacrifice for their sisters who lack wisdom and  20 morality, sick children and youth, and the pitiable people i n 30 general.  This would presumably include work in promoting birth  control; to Margaret Sanger's suggestion that the Chinese begin their work i n birth control with the poor and i l l  §  Ch'en adds the observa-  tion that "promotion of contraception to these people always depends 31 on the young men and women of the intellectual class." Because Ch'en sees women's emancipation as essentially an intellectual movement to be promoted by the intellectual classes, he quite naturally emphasises the l i t e r a r y landmarks in the movement's history.  While he gives l i p service to the role of social and economic  forces i n the development of the women's movement, i t is obvious that his interest really lies in women's education and the changing intellectual content of women's emancipation. These interests reinforce Chien's emotional commitment to the May Fourth Period as the most f r u i t f u l stage in women's history. He gives lengthy quotations from the articles in The New Youth, pointing out the increasingly advanced positions taken by their writers.  To  Ch'en, advances i n theory are equivalent to improvement in actual conditions, and the events of importance in the women's movement are literary events. Thus Ch'en Tu-hsiu's a r t i c l e "Nineteen-Sixteen" 32 "prompted the birth of the new woman" while Liu-Pan-nung's Random See below, p. 145. See below, p. 157. See below, p. 108.  21 Thoughts on Returning South" and Hu Shih s "American Women" "had an 33 1  enormous effect on the liberation of women."  The May Fourth Period,  with i t s tremendous intellectual excitement and the sudden opening of higher education to women, was for Ch'en an unparalleled time of progress.  The young intellectuals of the middle-class, using the power  of propaganda with unprecedented s k i l l and success, had brought the women's movement into intellectual maturity.  A l l that remained was to  extend and reinforce the gains they had made, and to f u l l y implement their plans for sexual equality. vii.  Confusion: the Clans It i s d i f f i c u l t to get a clear understanding of how much pro-  gress the women's movement had made from Ch'en's book, despite his attempts i n the last section to sum up i t s problems since 1919.  This  is partly Ch'en's responsibility, for he contradicts himself a number of times.  On the question of sexual discrimination in employment, for  example, he f i r s t says that: We may say that women have already won professional liberation; as long as there is work that they can do, they can be employed.34 Later, however, he complains that: more women every day are unable to find the work they seek because the boundaries of the professions which have already been opened are too small.35  33 See below, p. 115. 34 See below, p. 135. 35 See below, p. 138.  22 He i s also contradictory on the question of clan law; at one 36 point, i t has "collapsed without waiting for the blow" while later i t i s only "close to bankruptcy" and Ch'en admits that "Even i n death the corpse w i l l not s t i f f e n , and remnants of thought and customs do 37 great harm."  Part of Ch'en's problem i n deciding on discrimination  in employment and on the exact state of health of the clans, can be attributed to the extreme d i f f i c u l t y of making generalizations about a nation as f u l l of contrasts as China was in the 1920's. Evaluation of the strength of the clans i s further complicated by geographical revolution.  and social distinctions which pre-dated the family  Clans had always been stronger i n rural areas, c i t i e s were  not regarded as real homes, and loyal members kept their allegiance to a country clan rather than bringing the organization into the c i t y . Clans were far stronger in the south than in the north.  Finally,  although clans spanned a variety of social classes, they were much more important to the scholar-gentry class than to the lower orders of society. 3 b  See below, p. 125.  3 7  See below, p. 176.  The term "clan law" tsung fa ) may require some explanation. The Chinese clan was made up of a l l of the paternal relatives who venerated the common ancestor. Part of the purpose of the clan was to give extra s t a b i l i t y to individual families within the clan, helping them to achieve the Confucian ideal of a j o i n t family stretching over several generations. The genealogies compiled by the more prosperous clans contain examples of clan rules. Intended to be a code of conduct for clan members, the clan rules tried to legislate the hierarchies of generation 3 8  23  Gaps in the Structure i.  The Working Poor Contradictions aside, how accurate a picture of female emanci-  pation i n China emerges from Ch'en's History?  Can he be relied on as  a contemporary observer, or do his intellectual biases seriously interfere with his perception of events? In his reporting of the details of the emancipation of women in China, Ch'en i s generally accurate.  I t i s not what he includes, but  what he leaves out, that damages his work. His omissions are most serious in two areas: he completely ignores working class and peasant  and sex and the virtue of f i l i a l piety. Naturally they were an impediment to the liberation of women, for they codified and re-inforced women's i n f e r i o r position in the traditional family. The clan laws advocated, for example, the seclusion of women and the subordination of women to men at a l l points i n their l i v e s , and condemned the remarriage of widows. In the clans with a f a i r l y strong organization, penalties for violations of the clan rules were often prescribed. These ranged from oral censure and corporal punishment, through to expulsion from the clan or being handed over to the government for punishment under the law. (So strong was the emphasis on women's obedience that except for expulsion from the clan through divorce or the re-marriage of a widow, women did not usually suffer direct punishment. The men who were responsible for them received punishment from the clan for their i n a b i l i t y to control the conduct of their subordinates). Despite these provisions for penalties, i t i s unlikely that Ch'en was referring specifically to the clan rules in genealogies when he spoke of "clan laws." The real strength of the clan rules was not their (generally lenient) application, but rather the fact that they were a codified form of the prevailing mores. They showed the idealized peak that traditional institutions could reach, were imitated most closely by the gentry class and less so by the other classes. The efficacy of threat of punishment by the clan was probably s l i g h t i n comparison to the effect of the internalized standards on public opinion and on women themselves. (See Hui-chen Wang L i u , The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules, [New York: J. J. Augustin, 1959]"]":  24 women, and he ignores the native feminist strain within the folk tradition. Ch'en Tung-yuan was basically of the same mind as Liu Pan-nung; neither could "bear to speak of the distress of women of very poor 39 families. . . . "  Instead, they talked about, and addressed them-  selves to, women of the middle class. Admittedly, the membership of the o f f i c i a l women's rights movement, at least after 1919, was basically urban and middle-class.  Ch'en's  scope is far wider than merely the suffrage movement; but he discusses a l l aspects of women's liberation solely in terms of how i t affects the educated young women of the city. Some of the distortions that result from this limitation to one social class have already been discussed.^  In addition, Ch'en's  information on the increasing incidence of celibacy and on the marriage ceremony^ should be adjusted to f i t the experience of other classes. Celibacy of women outside of religious orders was not entirely new in China, but had previously been confined to those women whose work in the traditional s i l k industry had given them some economic inde42 pendence.  The spread of celibacy to women of the middle and upper  classes which Ch'en views with such horror, was new, as was the gradual See below, p. 115. See above, p. 14. See below, pp. 138-143. Lang, Chinese Family, pp. 108-109.  25 increase in the average age of marriage.  43  Ch'en's analysis of the  causes of these two phenomena seem to be f a i r l y accurate. These causes, fear of an old-fashioned marriage and increasing opportunities for work, produced much the same effects among factory women, although probably to a lesser degree.  I t is important to remember, however,  that apart from areas surrounding industrial centres, peasant women, the bulk of the female population, were largely unaffected. As late as 1949, when celibacy was presumably even more common, most eel bates were to be found in the new intellectual groups within Chinese society. Ch'en's description of the marriage ceremony i s again, an . adequate description of the way in which those of comfortable means carried out the r i t u a l .  Although the poor generally tried to follow  the correct form, they did so in a far less extravagant manner, and 45 even omitted steps entirely.  The ceremony could be drastically cur-  t a i l e d , for example, i f the bride was an adopted daughter-in-law, who had been taken into her husband's family as a child.  The use of go-  betweens and the provision of a wedding feast by the groom's family seem to be two of the essential d e t a i l s , although the cost of the wedding 46 feast might drive the groom's family into debt.  Marion J. Levy, Jr. , The_ Family Revolution in_ Modern China, (New York: Atheneum, 1968), pp. 301-302. 4 4  Ibid., p. 307.  4 5  Ibid., p. 101.  4 6  Ibid., p. 103.  26 ii.  Women and Industrialization Ch'en mentions women factory workers in passing, but he i s  clearly not interested in their problems; for him "working women" means professional women, schoolteachers particularly. His lack of interest i n women outside of the gentry class l e f t Ch'en unaware of one of the benefits of industrialization; the growing independence and economic importance of the woman factory worker. In the traditional society there were few opportunities for women to work outside of their families.  The most common occupations for women were  related either to sexual l i f e or religion; they could be prostitutes, midwives, matchmakers, procuresses and nuns.  Although peasant women  were far from i d l e , their labour was not f u l l y used, and the tasks they 47 performed gave them l i t t l e economic power in the family. With the growth of modern industry in China, this situation began to change.  Opportunities for employment, particularly in light  industry, suddenly expanded.  Furthermore, women worked i n factories,  away from the supervision of the husbands and mothers-in-law, and were paid in cash. Their wages, although low, were often higher than those 48 of men engaged in traditional occupations. Women became economic assets for the f i r s t time.  In the groups  of factory women interviewed by 01ga Lang between 1935 and 1937, this Olga Lang, The Chinese Family and Society, (n.p.: Archon Books, 1968, originally published by Yale University Press, 1946), p. 43. 4 /  Ibid., p. 208.  27 new economic importance had raised the women's status in their families.  49  Wives were given far more power in making family decisions and were 50 substantially free of subordination to their mothers-in-law.  The  obvious financial advantages of having a factory g i r l in the family made parents less eager to marry off their daughters and more l i k e l y to treat 51 the g i r l s with some consideration and respect. It i s true that these effects were confined to the areas around industrial centres, but the same might be said for the advances in education which Ch'en discusses in some detail. Nor does Ch'en ever mention the growth of trade unionism among women factory operatives, and their readiness to use militant tactics against their employers.  In fact, early in the process of industrializa-  tion, women in China were organizing and carrying out strikes of a respectable size for shorter hours and better pay.  In 1922, 60 factories 52  were struck i n 80 strikes, and over 30,000 women workers were involved. The business^pages of the North China Herald y i e l d a steady stream of 49 Although Lang's survey was taken 10 years after the publication of Ch'en's book, many of her observations on the social change caused by women's new economic value are valid for the 1920's. Women had already entered the work force in significant numbers; in 1927, 58.7% of the factory workers of Shanghai were women. (Ibid., p. 103). Women workers had also demonstrated considerable militancy and solidarity by this time. (See pp. 7.%~2S\ belouo^) 50 Lang, Chinese Family, pp. 203-212. Ibid., p. 262-269. 5 1  Hsianq Chinq-yu ((*}tykT ), "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yun-tung" ( ^/f) j) ) i n Mei Sheng, ed., Chung-kuo fu-nii wen-t'i t'ao-lun c h i , pp. 78-79.  28 reports on industrial unrest, particularly in the s i l k filatures of 53 Chapei.  The readiness of women workers to strike was remarked on  by foreign observers; George E. Sokolsky, i n a special a r t i c l e "The Strikes of Shanghai" wrote: The women workers are in this respect, [openness to communist propaganda through poor conditions] harder to handle than the men. . . . When the causes of the strikes during the past two and one half months are analysed; i t w i l l be seen that the women workers are more discontented and more virulent in indicating their antagonism that [sic] the men workers.54 Hsiang Ching-yu, a revolutionary executed by the Kuomintang in 1928, was greatly impressed by the strength and s p i r i t of the women strikers.  She believed that the women's labour movement was the  strongest and most endowed with fighting s p i r i t of any of the women's groups; and that i f they renounced i t , the women's rights and women's 55 suffrage movements could never hope to grow. Violent demonstrations, some of a Luddite nature, seem to have been quite common in the women's labour movement. In 1926, a rumour of new machinery requiring fewer workers at the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco See for example: The North China Herald, August 12, 1922, p. 459, August 19, 1922, p. 532, February 3, 1923, p. 313, June 23, 1923, p. 816, June 21, 1924, p. 131September 25, 1926, p. 602, October 23, 1926, p. 151, July 3, 1926, p. 14. The above articles deal only with strikes organized by women's unions, and not strikes in which both women and men participated. I t i s not a complete l i s t ; in general only large strikes or strikes i n which physical violence occurred are included. J J  5 4  The North China Herald, August 21, 1926, p. 376. Hsiang Ching-yu, "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yun-tung," p. 86.  29 Company in Shanghai caused a r i o t by three hundred women workers, who picked up tools and "began to lay about themselves in a manner typical 56 of the Chinese Amazon," resulting in $2000 damage.  Perhaps incidents  of this kind convinced Ch'en that the women's labour movement was merely a violent, unthinking outburst, incapable of constructive leadership.  I t i s rather more l i k e l y that he simply was uninterested in the  women's labour movement, and put his hope for women's advancement wholly in the hands of the educated minority of women. To omit the problems and struggles of women factory workers, or for that matter, women peasants, from a discussion of the l i f e of women in China i s to give a distorted picture, limited in i t s application to an extremely small part of the society. Because of this omission, the women's movement takes on the p o l i t e , non-violent character of the mainstream of Western feminism, especially as i t evolved after the F i r s t World War. Even more serious than Ch'en's fondness for the l i t e r a r y , middleclass manifestations of the changes in the l i f e of women was his omission of the feminist tendencies in the folk tradition. iii.  The Great Tradition and the Folk Tradition When Ch'en describes the status of women in traditional China,  or the social restraints which bound them, he is almost always talking about one side of a multi-faceted situation.  I t seems obvious that i t  The North China Herald, September 25, 1926, p. 602.  30 is a mistake to view China's cultural past as a homogeneous whole. There are at least two separate traditions: that of the learned mino r i t y , the great, or classical tradition, and that of the less educated and uneducated, the folk tradition.  The content of the folk tradition  is again d i v i s i b l e into several regional traditions.  In order to  achieve a balanced understanding of the way women lived in traditional China, we must turn to the popular tradition that Ch'en ignores. The impressive unity of the Confucian tradition in China, both in area and over time, was achieved through the use of the classical written language.  Everyone who had received an education in the  classics shared a common fund of knowledge with a l l other educated men. They also shared an agnostic approach to l i f e , scornful of the ignorance and superstition of the common people, and a belief in the inherent superiority of c i v i l over military power--of the scholar over the warrior. Below the level of literacy, this unity was broken into diverse local cultures, which may, with some modification of Redfield's ideal 57 type, be called folk cultures. The " l i t t l e community" described by Redfield was smal1, d i s t i n c t , homogeneous, and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , provid58 ing for a l l or almost a l l of the needs of the people in i t .  Personal  relationships, especially kinship relations, predominated, and sacred values outweighed secular values. Robert Redfield, "The Folk Society," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. L I I , (1946-47), pp. 293-308. Redfield, The L i t t l e Community, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955), p. 4. 5 8  31 The peasant community, in which the majority of Chinese l i v e d , differs from this ideal type in several ways.  I t i s less s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t  than the ideal type, depending on the larger community for defense and for administrative and judicial apparatus. commercial and impersonal in relationships  I t also tends to be more than smaller and more isolated  59 folk communities.  •  -  Despite these differences, the degree-of inter-  communication between members and the'stability of each group.was great enough to produce distinct local cultures which may folk  be called  cultures. Partly dependent on the classical tradition, and partly a purely  local folklore, the popular traditions were a heterogeneous blend of beliefs.  Some of the Confucian tradition was handed on o r a l l y , and in  the process the originally rational moral and ethical system was permeated by superstitious  beliefs.  An even greater part of the popular culture  was supplied by Taoist and Buddhist beliefs, again vulgarized.  The  folk pantheon was crowded with deities and semi-deities, some of them local heroes elevated to divine status after death, others members of the "immortals" of popular Taoism.  Local festivals and special days for  making offerings were common. In addition, the folk culture had a great number of popular heroes who were not considered to be deities; most often men  of outstanding military s k i l l or great physical strength.  Thus,  in contrast to the classical culture, the folk tradition was r i f e with  See G. William Skinner, "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China," Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24, (Nov. 1964, Feb. 1965 and May 1965), pp. 3-43, 195-228, 363-399.  32 gods and superstitions, and g l o r i f i e d martial prowess. When we turn to the treatment of women in the popular culture we find an even greater contrast between the classical and the folk traditions.  The great tradition of Confucian society confined and  restricted women at every turn, forbade them any role outside of their homes, kept them perpetual minors, and burdened them with a severe moral code.  I t i s this tradition that Ch'en Tung-yuan i s f m i l i a r with;  he describes the l i f e of women in the families he knew, families which could afford to carry out every detail of the code of propriety. The range of acceptable roles for women in the great tradition was extremely limited and with the exception of the matriarch, was characterized by weakness and passivity. Romantic heroines, when they appeared at a l l , were delicate fragile flowers, their wan complexions verging on i l l n e s s .  Daughters exchanged the authority of their father  for that of their husband, and ideally in old age for that of their sons.  Virtue for a woman consisted basically in rendering obedience  to the person to whom, at that point in her l i f e , i t was due.  The  education of women in such circumstances was obviously unnecessary and perhaps even dangerous; as the proverb says, "Only unskilled women are virtuous."  (wu ts'ai shih te -J^^A^/tO-  As i t gradually became apparent that national survival depended in part on changing the status of women, the range of roles open to women through the Confucian tradition had to be abandoned. Women who were to be educated or to become part of a modern working force would not possibly observe the traditional rules of propriety.  Nor could  33  women with bound feet, confined to the family home and subjected to their mother-in-law's discipline and sometimes vicious mistreatment, be expected to produce strong healthy children for China's next generation. The Western concept of sexual equality and the new roles that Western culture suggested for women undeniably had an enormous impact on the Chinese women's movement. Despite the almost total antifeminism of the Confucian tradition, however, the new influence from the West was not the only possible source of models.  China's popular  tradition had a strong feminist strain and provided roles for women which seem to be, on the whole, the roles which have survived into the present.  CHAPTER 2 MU LAN AND THE GIRLS—ALTERNATE STEREOTYPES  Swordfighters and Warriors Any Westerner who frequents Chinese movies w i l l soon become aware of the extraordinary stereotype of the female swordfighter and knight errant (n'u hsia  ). No female role in popular Western  entertainment can approach the independence and physical s k i l l and courage of "the Golden Dagger" or "the Black Butterfly" and their countless cinematic variations.^ The women who make up this hardy group match or excel the s k i l l s of their male counterparts.  Adept at e'hing kung ( &\  ), they  leap over houses and walls. They are expert swordswomen, often supplementing their blade with tasselled darts, and—as v i l l i a n s — w i t h whips. They exist on a basis of easy equality with swordsmen and often enter into relationships of cloying s i s t e r l y love with other swordswomen. They do not recoil from k i l l i n g , but take their part in mowing down the "thousands of extras" either by themselves, or with their comrades.  It  is not uncommon for a female knight-errant to rescue the hero from  For plot summaries of a number of nu hsia movies, see Wolfram Eberhard, The Chinese Silver Screen, Hong Kong and Taiwanese Motion Pictures in the 196CFs, Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol. XXLII, (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972). 34  35  p h y s i c a l danger (by k i l l i n g w i t h d a r t s a l l o f the t w e n t y - f i v e  desperadoes  who have surrounded him l a t e a t n i g h t on a d e s e r t e d mountain road . . . As a v i l l a i n , the swordswoman i s no one t o i g n o r e .  She may have mastered  " t h e bloodhhand" which makes her a b l e t o despatch her a d v e r s a r i e s a t a s i n g l e b l o w ; and u s u a l l y commands an enormous and f a i t h f u l male and female  following  of  ruffians.  This s t r o n g , competent woman c o - e x i s t s w i t h the " f e m i n i n e " s t e r e o t y p e o f d a i n t y , c o m p l e t e l y h e l p l e s s women, w i t h o u t any a p p a r e n t conflict.  There i s no moral condemnation o f the r o l e o f swordswoman,  nor any s u g g e s t i o n t h a t "what she r e a l l y needs i s a n i c e husband and a couple o f k i d s . "  I n f a c t , the s t a t u s o f w i f e and mother i s one t h a t  the female k n i g h t seldom a t t a i n s . filial  Romantic l o v e i s l e s s i m p o r t a n t than  p i e t y , and i n any c a s e , u s u a l l y leads t o the g r a v e . This r o l e has been p o p u l a r from t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the Chinese  f i l m i n d u s t r y , as p o p u l a r as the t r a d i t i o n a l drawn.  stories  from which i t  is  For c e n t u r i e s b e f o r e t h a t , the female k n i g h t e r r a n t had been  prominent i n dramas, b a l l a d s , s t o r y t e l l e r s '  t a l e s and h i s t o r i c a l  romances, a l o n g w i t h a n o t h e r s t r o n g female s t e r e o t y p e , the woman w a r r i o r (nu c h a n - s h i h (  irjfe^ ).  Mu Lan ( warriors.  3  ) i s o f course the most famous o f the woman  I n a p p r o x i m a t e l y 500 A . D . , her a i l i n g f a t h e r was c a l l e d  See Jay Leyda, D i a n y i n g , An Account o f Fi1ms and the Audience i n C h i n a , (Cambridge Mass: The M . I . T . P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) . James J . Y. L i u , The Chinese K n i g h t E r r a n t (London: and Kegan P a u l , 1 9 6 7 ) . 3  ).  for  Film  Routledge  36 military service.  In order to protect him from both the rigors of  military l i f e and the dangers of disobedience to the throne, she went to war in his place, impersonating him for twelve years at the front, 4  and eventually being promoted to the rank of general. The Mu Lan legend was extremely popular and was told and retold in every possible form.  The women who joined the Revolutionary Army in 5  1911 saw themselves to some degree as successors of Mu Lan.  That they  would c a l l on her name in a proclamation designed to add recruits to the women's army suggests both the extent of her fame and the attractiveness of her legend. How can the existence of this tradition of heroic women be related to the development of feminism?  Was i t simply an escape mechan-  ism by which the tedium of a quiet domestic l i f e could be evaded for a short time, or did i t actually correspond to some part of reality?  How  great an effect did popular stereotypes have on women's lives? In "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement," Jerome Ch'en argues that the Boxers derived their beliefs from popular novels and operas.  Among the most important sources were Water Margin  See Wang Fan-t ing Chung-hua 1i-tai fu-nu Ay-k- . [Chinese Women of Past Generations], (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1966), pp. 131-135. 5 See below, pp. 93, 95. Even as "feminine and domestic" a woman as Mme. Wu P'ei-fu admitted to being a great admirer of Mu-Lan, the Chinese Joan d'Arc." See Edna Lee Booker, "Madam Wu Pei-fu" The Weekly Review (The China Weekly Review), July 29, 1922, p. 342. 1  37 and The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, books which had long been recognized as dangerous by the authorities. If the tales of heroes and supernatural powers in popular culture could be taken over so l i t e r a l l y by groups such as the Boxers, then surely we may expect that the images of women in the popular culture would have some appeal for women who were dissatisfied with the accepted female role.  The example of Ch'iu Chin ( $ k  ) comes  to mind immediately. Although in many respects a self-consciously modern revolutionary, she was influenced by two famous knight^errants of the past, Ch'ing-k'o and Nieh-cheng, wore a short sword, and styled Q  herself "Heroine of Chien Lake." The Underworld Further evidences that some women actually did live out the l i f e pattern of the female knight errant and the woman warrior may be found by looking at women's participation i n secret societies, bandit groups and peasant rebellions.  Because the role of women in extra-  legal groups is d i f f i c u l t to research (as are the extra-legal groups themselves) there are really no satisfactory secondary sources to work from.  Statements of policy toward women are rarely found and i t i s  Jerome Ch'en, "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement—A Morphological Study," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XXIII (1960), pp. 287-308. The name of a lake near her family's home outside of Shaohsing, Chekiang. (Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries, [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971], p. 44j~!  38 necessary to depend largely on eyewitness reports from foreign and Chinese observers.  The research which would give a f u l l  understanding  of women's role in extra-legal groups could not, within practical l i m i t s , be done for this thesis. But i f i t is possible to generalize from the information that I have so f a r , i t would seem that extralegal organizations provided an outlet for women who could not accept or were unable to f u l f i l l their role as females in conventional society. i.  Secret Societies Secret societies were in some ways a mirror image of the orthodox  Confucian state; particularly in their hierarchy of leadership and their use of kinship ties (albeit f i c t i t i o u s ) to strengthen the bonds between members. Their treatment of women was one of the great exceptions to this rule.  In most societies, women could join as rank and f i l e members  and could become leaders; sometimes in the society as a whole, usually in parallel women's organizations.  A Yellow Turban kingdom set up in  present day Szechwan in the second century A.D. granted t i t l e s and grades of advancement to women as well as men, beginning with either Sons or Daughters of the Tao (Tao-nan jjf f}  or Tao-n'u < j j [ ) and working up  to Father or Mother of the Tao (Tao-fu i f i£  or tao-mu $ -ffi ) .  9  Approximate sexual equality and the mingling of men and women continued to be an important part of secret society l i f e .  In the White  Lotus Rebellion of 1796, the chief commanders of the insurgents were  Howard S. Levy, "Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of Han," Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXXVI (1956), p. 223  39  Yao Chi-fu, and a woman of the surname WangJ°  Puree! 1 remarks that  "the mixing of men and women on an equality offended the Confucian sense of propriety more than anything e l s e . "  11  It was not only the Confucian sense of propriety that was offended.  Father Leboucq, a Jesuit missionary in Chi hi i , reported on 12  the White Lotus Sect in 1875.  He claimed that i t was the "harpies"  of the White Lotus who held the f i r s t rank in the society, rousing and egging on the less courageous members; and that i f a commune were formed from the White Lotus sect, then i t would not want for "les petroleuses." According to Father Leboucq, women of the White Lotus were not admitted to o f f i c e , nor were they employed by the society; mais on s a i t les dedommager de cette exclusion apparente en leur confiant des missions et des postes de confiance qui les consolent largement de leur obscurite o f f i c i e l l e J 3  The Green Band, founded in 1725 as an association of transport workers on the Grand Canal, at f i r s t did not admit women, but after i t s reorganization in 1901, this rule disappeared. by women, and women could not admit men. organization within the Green Band.  Women had to be admitted  They had their own system of  They were admitted to the Triad  society (the Red Band) but could never gain admission to the inner  Victor Purcell, The Boxer Uprising, A Background Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), p. 156. 1 0  ^  Ibid., p. 56.  P. Leboucq, "Les Societes Secretes en Chine," Etudes, Paris, Series V., Vol. 7 (November, 1 8 7 5 ) , pp. 179-220. 1 3  Ibid., p. 207.  40 sanctum. sex J  In both organizations there were separate statutes for each  4  Despite the organizational division between male and female members, women in secret societies do not seem to have been relegated to a women's a u x i l l i a r y role.  I f parallel organization calls forth  an image of church kitchens and coffee making matrons, then the career of the following secret society member may be an antidote: Before the federation of Triad forces under Ho Lu was wiped out, another Triad army rose under the command of a savage female smuggler-gambler, Chai Ho-ku (Chai [the Lady of] Burning Temper). Imprisoned for gambling, Chai broke out of j a i l and joined Ho Liu's [ s i c ] troops for a while. Then she became the leader of several independent Triad bands in Kuei-shan hsien. In the halfyear following August 11, 1854, when her forces f i r s t took over the market town of San-tung in Kuei-shan, her troops and their a f f i l i a t e d bands were a powerful threat to the government forces in this region, attacking the Kuei-shan hsien capital twice, besdeging the prefectural capital for more than twelve days, occupying the hsien capitals of Po-lo, Tseng-ch'eng, Hp-yUan, Ho-p'ing, and Hai'feng for various periods, and dominating Tanshui, Ma-an, Pai-mang-hua, Heng-li, and a number of other market towns. I t took two years for government troops to subdue the rebellions in this region.15 From the evidence of women's participation in secret societies, i t i s not surprising that they took part in the two greatest popular movements of the nineteenth century: the Taiping and the Boxer rebellions.  Jean Chesneaux, Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, trans. G i l l i a n Nettle, (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1971), p. 207. Winston Hsieh, "Triads, Salt Smugglers, and Local Uprisings: Observations on the Social and Economic Background of the Waichow Revolution of 1911," in Popular Movements and Secret Societies i n China, 18401950, ed. Jean Chesneax (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), p. 154. 1 5  41 ii.  Rebellion Equality for women was one of the most unorthodox parts of the  Taiping social program. Although sexual equality in the Taiping Tien-kuo has been attributed to Christian influence on Hung Hsiu-chuan, i t seems more l i k e l y that i t s source was either the egalitarian tradition of the secret societies or the legendary strength and independence of Hakka 16 women. I t i s true that the Taiping policies toward women were at best unevenly applied and soon completely corrupted, and that women who entered the movement after the capital was established at Nanking were economically and sexually exploited. What concerns us here, however, is the evidence of Taiping women who took on s p e c i f i c a l l y military duties, and became part of the folklore of the woman warrior. Virtually a l l of the female military heroes of the Taiping were Hakka women; members, with their families, of Hung Hsiu-chuan's GodWorshippers' Society.  The Hakka women had never bound their feet and  did most of the farming. economically valuable.  In consequence, they were strong, healthy and At the beginning of the uprising, they were  organized into separate women's camps, and into women's battalions which fought in the battles against the Ch'ing forces. At least two of the women commanders were originally independent leaders, who brought their forces to join the Taiping.  Not long before  the Taiping r i s i n g , C. A. Curwen, "Taiping Relations With Secret Societies and With Other Rebels," i n Popular Movements, ed. Jean Chesneaux, p. 66.  42 . . . two female chiefs of great valour named Kew erh [Ch'iu Erh] and Sze San [Su San-niang] each bringing about 2,000 followers, joined the army of the Godworshippers, and were received on submitting to the authority of Hung and the rules of the congregation . . . I 7  Three of the leading Taiping women warriors were close relatives of Hung Hsiu-chuan; his wife, his s i s t e r Hsuan-chiao, and one of his concubines.  Hsuan-chiao was the commander of a women's army corps of  God Worshippers known for i t s s k i l l with firearms.  Unlike other Taiping  women, Hsuan-chiao apparently did not actually fight, but only directed her troops.  The concubine Hsiao was said to be a great acrobat and  very clever on horseback, while the T'ien Wang's wife helped to break 1o the siege of Yuan-an, leading the women into the battle. In addition, there was Hsiao San-niang, "the Woman Commander," who led several hundred women soldiers in the capture of Chen-chiang, was reputed to be a great general on horseback, and could shoot an arrow with either hand.  Finally, there was Yang Erh-ku, who carried a bag of seven  inch knives into battle, threw them with amazing accuracy, and styled 19 herself "the divine knife thrower." The Boxers, or the I H6:.Chuan; lalso had-lafge:numbers "of women in their ranks; or more accurately in the women's organization of the Red 1 7  Curwen, "Taiping Relations," p. 68.  1o  The T'ien Wang's father-in-law was a scholar whose study of the late Ming period led him into secret society a c t i v i t i e s . (See Vincent Y. C. Shih, The Taiping Ideology [Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967], p. 610). Perhaps a father's or husband's interest in revolutionary groups was the means by which most women were introduced to secret society life. 1 9  Ibid., p. 62.  43 Lanterns (Hung Teng Chao j j f i l f c ^ M  ) for g i r l s between twelve and  eighteen, and the Green Lanterns (Ch'ing Teng Chao "Tpl <•-*•» ) and Blue Lanterns (Lan Teng_ Qiao  Jl^f^R  ) for widows.  The function and aims of the women's group were identical with those of the Boxers.  The women had to undergo a period of training  lasting from forty-eight days to five months. At the end of this time they would, i t was said, be able to f l y , and also to set f i r e to any object they wished to burn.  Unlike the Boxers, the Lanterns had a  supreme leader* called Huang Lien Sheng Mu (the Holy Mother of the Yellow Lotus).  The daughter of a Grand Canal boatman, she was believed to have  miraculous healing powers, as well as the a b i l i t y to undo the screws of 20 the enemies' cannons at a distance of several miles. The participation of women was a t r a i t which the Boxers shared with the White Lotus sect, and i s surprising, since the Boxers believed that women were a manifestation of yin, and thus unclean; an impediment to the s p i r i t s and to the working of spells.  Paradoxically, because  the members of the Lanterns were women, their magic was thought to be 21 less f a l l i b l e than that of the Boxers, iii.  Banditry Women also show up in the other great activity of outlaw society,  banditry.  I t i s of course d i f f i c u l t to draw dividing lines between Purcell, The Boxer Movement, p. 238.  Jerome Ch'en, "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement, A Morphological Study," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. XXIII (1960), p. 303. 2 1  44 secret society members, bandits and peasant rebels; the same person could, as conditions changed, move from one category to another. The same is also true of the hazy distinction between bandits and troops; and female bandits could, and did, take advantage of this along with the men. In 1922, a band of several thousand robbers were sworn into the Kuangtung Army, including about 300 women. I t was reported that a l l of the women were armed with revolvers, and were quick to use them; 22 that they were, in fact, "as bad as the men." A woman bandit chief called Lan Liu-tsang or "Lan Da Jo Ba" (Big Footed Lan) seems to have taken the same path to respectibility about two years later.  She was f i r s t reported as leading a large band  of old soldiers in an attack on the town of "Dehlongchang" (Szechuan) 23 in June of 1922.  By A p r i l , 1924, she had joined General Yang Sen s  First Szechuan Army, and was described by Mr. Elly Widler, who had been held captive by the army for s i x months: Lan Da Jo Ba is a robust and attractive woman, 30 years of age, and of very strong character. She travels in a two man chair and i s always accompanied by her daughter, aged 15, who runs alongside and i s armed with a Mauser pistol.24 In the same year, another woman bandit, "Old Mrs. Djao" described by the correspondent to T.he North China Herald as "perhaps the most cruel  The North China Herald, Feb. 11, 1922, p. 362. The North China Herald, June 16, 1922, p. 738. The North China Herald, April 12, 1924, p. 54.  45 leader the region has ever known," met a presumably richly deserved end.  She was caught at Weihaiwei and executed at Ichoufu about June 5,  1924.  25  Several women bandits were reported to be active in the country d i s t r i c t s near Canton. along with 10 men.  Two were captured and executed in March, 1914,  The North China Herald reports that they "were young 26  and beautiful women, who apparently were acting as leaders of the band." There is nearly no information of the social background of women bandits.  I t seems logical that their families would be poor, and that  they might be driven to banditry in the same way as their brothers. On the other hand, the only woman bandit described in detail by The North China Herald was an eighteen year old graduate of a women's normal college. In 1923, she travelled to Anningchou in Yunnan, where she was to have married her fiance, a colonel under Tang Chi=yao. He was executed, however, on the same morning that she arrived in camp. In her disappointment, she took to the h i l l s , and eight months later was leading a band of armed robbers in order to avenge her fiance's death.  In this task she was  apparently emulating the wife of a certain Yang Tien-fu who had spread devastation in revenge for her husband's death at the hands of the Ch'ing government.  The North China Herald, July 12, 1924, p. 51. The North China Herald, March 28, 1914, p. 90.  46 Interpreting the Mu Lan Tradition Having examined these admittedly scattered and incomplete evidences of women's role in the folk tradition, we are better equipped to evaluate Ch'en Tung-yuan's assessment of women's emancipation i n China.  This i s not to suggest that there are no problems in interpret-  ing stereotypes of women in the popular culture. Certainly until more research i s done i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to decide exactly what the connections were between this part of the tradition and the development of feminism. For example, the fact that women are more often encountered as leaders of bandit and rebel groups than as rank and f i l e members i s puzzling.  I t i s possible that women became leaders through religious  powers; and that their "femaleness" might be part of their magic. In this case there i s no real escape from definition by gender, but instead an exploitation of the belief that women are inherently more closely in touch with the supernatural.  On the other hand, women who managed to  escape from the patterns of l i f e imposed on them by society may have had to be so strong that they would almost inevitably become leaders in any group. Another question raised by the women of the folk tradition i s the effect of strong female stereotypes on the self-image of Chinese women. Western feminists have become sensitive to the sexual typing of women in children's books and the influence that negative images of women may have on children. Our traditional children's stories present  47  a never ending parade.of models for female helplessness: the frail'-and passive Sleeping Beauty, Cinderella, the sensitive princess who could feel a pea through layers of mattresses, Rapunzel, and the heroine of Rutnplestiltskin.  Even Maid Marian, at least i n her television incarna-  tion, spent most of her time being rescued by Robin Hood. The heroes of The Water Margin (Shui Hu Chuan  7]sylf^|'  )  are often compared to Robin Hood and his merry men. The theme of good men forced outside the law by evil conditions i s common to both legends as, on a superficial l e v e l , are some of the characters, like Friar Tuck and the monk Lu Chih-shen (-f" was there a Hu San-niang (  i'% ). But nowhere in Robin's band i ^ f s c ) , capable of dispatching enemies on  her own as well as working in concert with the other heroes of Liang Shan. The young, beautiful swordswoman, s k i l l e d in combat and well able to take care of herself, offered, in contrast to the passive heroines of the West, an exciting model for women who were trying to break out of a restrictive l i f e forced on them by traditional society. It may indeed be escapism to idolize exceptional women who have refused to play the part determined for their sex; but i t i s escapism that leads to an expanded awareness of a l l women's capabilities, and therefore of one's own. Perhaps the a v a i l a b i l i t y of strong female stereotypes i s part of the reason why Chinese women of the present day seem to have had less d i f f i c u l t y in dealing with the problem of femininity than Western women, particularly with regard to occupation.  While sex-typing of occupations  48  (child-care is an obvious example) i s s t i l l present, Chinese women have been accepted in a wide range of jobs involving manual labour or technical s k i l l s which are s t i l l unusual for women in Western society. But there are other sides to the attractiveness of the Mu Lan stereotype.  Although female warriors and knights errant may have  stepped outside of the prescribed behaviour for women, they did so most often for a reason which was supremely acceptable to the Confucian moral c o d e — f i l i a l piety.  In the e a r l i e r tales particularly, the most common  motive for taking up the sword is the protection of the father, or revenge for his death.  Women seldom act in groups, and never pursue  aims that would benefit women as a group, or seriously threaten the existing power relationships between the sexes.  In this way the female  warrior stereotype may be the equivalent of the successful black athlete or entertainer, who can be tolerated as long as he remains an exception. Despite these reservations, the available information on women in the popular culture suggests that at least on certain social and economic levels, women were less restricted in their a c t i v i t i e s than Confucian moralists believed they should be.  I t is by far the most  serious f a i l i n g of Ch'en Tung-yuan's History that he ignores this side of the women's tradition in China; not even the Taiping Rebellion and its promotion of female emancipation attract his attention.  CHAPTER 3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FEMINISM IN CHINA Ch'en's interpretation of the development of the women's movement was probably an adequate explanation of events up to the time i t was written, in 1926, despite i t s omissions. At that time China did appear to be moving in the direction of the democratic West. Her Republican system was being given new l i f e by the recent successes of the Kuomintang, the party of the Republic. Women were making advances in education and in professional l i f e , and though progress might be slow in rural areas, the large metropolises gave encouraging previews of the future. Forty-odd years on into that future, we see an entirely different pattern of development.  China moved towards the s o c i a l i s t rather than  the c a p i t a l i s t West, and her new system was one which was tested and matured in the "backward" countryside. Women of no education, who had probably never heard of the Nationalist laws which declared the sexes equal, and in any case had no hope of seeing these enforced, became politicized.  Their contribution to the victory of the Chinese Communist  Party, primarily in production, and to a lesser extent as g u e r r i l l a fighters, and as members of the People's Liberation Army was enormous. If we continue to accept Ch'en's estimation of the central position of the May Fourth period in the history of women's emancipation, in the face of later developments, then we force an a r t i f i c i a l  pattern on  the development of the movement. Roxane Witke's dissertation, Transformation 49  50 of Attitudes Toward Women Durjng_ the May_ Fourth Era of Modern China is an excellent modern example of this approach. Witke's Periodi'zation: Feminism as a Product of the May Fourth Movement Witke's estimation of the importance of the May Fourth period is obvious from her choice of subject.  The larger part of the disserta-  tion deals with the periodicals of the time and their debates on the "woman's question," although a background of traditional attitudes and an account of progress in women's emancipation are included. Like Ch'en, Witke divides the history of the women's movement into three periods, beginning with the late years of the Ch'ing dynasty. While Ch'en sees the May Fourth period as the final division, the time at which the women's movement came f u l l y to l i f e , for Witke, i t i s the centre period, dividing early efforts at emancipation from mature, postMay Fourth efforts.  She writes:  Three stages of the historical process of female emancipation in modern China are discernible. There was f i r s t the early revolutionary stage when the "new woman," brought to intellectual l i f e by the beginnings of modern education, struggled f i r s t against the Manchus, and soon after against the male. The second was the May Fourth era when the "woman problem" (fu-nii wen-t'i) coalesced as a major category of public debate, and gave rise to a variety of experimental programs, including the plain people's g i r l s ' schools, which were designed to extend modern consciousness to the masses of women. The subsequent period, in which women s h i f t from being merely the subject of liberating arguments to being the agents of their own emancipation, constitutes the third phase.  1 (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1970).  51 Only at this point i s the term "feminism," in the sense of women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf, appropriate. 2  According to Witke, the significant change which occurred i n the May Fourth period was not the recognition of the woman's question, for this had begun by the late nineteenth century; but the beginning of active pursuit of emancipation by women themselves.  Earlier activity  by women and youth had been directed toward national goals; now they sought their own liberation: As Mary Wright has pointed out, for the f i r s t time i n Chinese history youth and women, the two most flagrantly persecuted though formally unrecognized orders of the old society, since the turn of the century began to rise as self-conscious interest groups. I t is significant that their i n i t i a l agitation was for public rather than private self-serving causes. Rising on the tide of nationalism which was moving to subvert the dynasty, i t was not until the May Fourth years that youth launched a campaign to benefit themselves at the expense of the older generation, and women began concertedly to pursue their own emancipation. 3  There i s some d i f f i c u l t y in deciding from these two quotations exactly when "feminism" i n Witke's terms began.  In the f i r s t , women  became "the agents of their own emancipation" only after the May Fourth period, while i n the second i t is during the May Fourth years that "women began concertedly to pursue their own emancipation." What does emerge clearly, however, i s Witke's emphasis on the May Fourth era as "a period of heightened vibrations i n the revolutionary  • Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 330. * Ibid., p. 7.  52 continuum of the last century.' . 1  4  During this period, according to  Witke, a real change occurred i n the understanding of the women's question in China, as topics like free love, individualism and the concept of chastity were widely discussed.  Out of the social and intellectual  turmoil of the May Fourth years, a new concept of women and the women's question was born, a concept which led directly to the development of feminism. The May Fourth period was then, a turning point; the time at which the e a r l i e r , less-developed efforts at women's emancipation were superceded by a new, self-conscious, independent approach, by women and for women. The Women's Movement of 1912 One of the great weaknesses of this periodization i s i t s i n a b i l i t y to adequately explain, within the boundaries of i t s self-imposed definition of feminism, the movement for equal rights which followed immediately on the establishment of the Republic.  This movement grew  5 directly out of the various women's corps in the Republican army. Women's Suffrage Alliance (Fu-nii ts'an-cheng t'ung-meng-hui  i^lM !"" 7  The  i^-jrj^  ), established in Nanking January 22, 1912, served as an  overall coordinating organization for the various smaller groups.  The  long-range goals of the alliance included equal rights for men and women, Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 6. See below, pp. 97/21015  53 universal education for women, and social and familial reforms l i k e ending the sale of women and ensuring monogamy and freely contracted marriage.^ One faction within the alliance, headed by T'ang Chun-ying %  )» presented a petition on March 2, 1912 to the parliament i n 7  Nanking demanding the inclusion of a clause regulating sexual equality in the constitution.  On the 19th, in response to the assembly's re-  fusal to immediately act on their demands, the suffragettes marched on the assembly building.  They returned for a violent demonstration on  the 20th. Nowhere is there mention of male leadership, or even participation, in this early suffrage movement. Nor do the women seem to be acting on behalf of anyone but themselves. In fact, in analysing the significance of the 1912 movement, Witke writes: . . . i t shows that women's aggressive self-interest in equalizing their social roles was not the result of, but the prior condition of the May Fourth Movement.^ If this is so, on what grounds can we argue that feminism occurred only after the May Fourth Movement? Witke's definition of feminism i s  Sun T'a ( . ^ " f t i ) , "Chung-kuo fu-nii yiin-tung chih chin-pu" ( t ' ^ f . ^ i f $t -) Fu-nii-tsa-chih ( - j ^ ). IX, Special issue on the Women's Movement, (January, 1923) pp. 249-252. 6  I have dated the petition from a North China Herald notice that: "Miss Chang Chun-yin (sic) and other amazons have demanded women's suffrage . . . " The North China Herald, March 2, 1912, p. 567. 7  Q  Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 68.  54  simply "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf" a description which seems entirely applicable to the 1912 demonstration.  Witke  gives l i t t l e explanation of the difference between the two periods; the f i r s t , which includes the 1912 demonstration, i s called simply "the early revolutionary period."  She elaborates s l i g h t l y on her reasons  for counting i t as less mature, saying: The struggle for woman suffrage in China passed through two stages: the f i r s t in 1912 and the second a decade l a t e r , beginning in 1922. Differences of strategy and goal between these two periods indicate the greater seriousness with which the idea of female emancipation was taken in the early nineteen-twenties.9 Differences in strategy are readily apparent; differences i n goals are rather less so.  Certainly the emphasis on suffrage and legal  equality were common to the two movements. The general approach to social and family reform was the same in 1922 as in 1912, though perhaps stated in a more organized way.  In reference to 1912, Witke writes  that: The fact that some seven years later these issues [the eleven items in the Women's Suffrage Alliance petition] were raised again as some of the most provocative topics of May Fourth debate indicates the degree of resistance to intellectual and social change which prevailed during the early years of the Republic.10 Surely i t also indicates the degree to which feminist goals remained the same over the ten years between 1912 and 1922.  Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 68. 1 0  Ibid.  55 Nor i s i t entirely obvious that "differences in strategy . . . between these two periods indicate the greater seriousness with which the idea of female emancipation was taken in the early nineteen  twenties."  While some writers of the period would agree with Witke that the petitions and press receptions of 1922 were a more mature and effective approach,^ the assessment was not unanimous. Hsiang Ching-yu argues that in 1912 the women had good organization and leadership and a good program of action, 12 but were defeated by non-democratic conditions."  She i s in turn rather  scornful of the polite approach of the 1922 suffragettes, saying that "they have never dared make signs of resistance to the old society out13 side of kowtowing petitions and meek entreaties." , We cannot even be sure that there really was an overall change in feminist strategy. "new"  As late as A p r i l , 1921, only a year before the  feminist movement began in Peking, women in Canton were demanding  the vote in a style not far removed from that of the 1912 feminists. The North China Herald reports that: While the Provincial Assembly at Canton was discussing a b i l l for the election of d i s t r i c t magistrates, 700 women rushed in demanding  See, for example, Chang Hsi-shen, ( ) who charges that the women of 1912 harmed their cause by their militant, and to his mind, irresponsible, tactics. ("Chung-kuo fu-nii ss.u-hsiang te fa-ta" M * ^ * - & & f t # i t ) in Homma Hisao ( ^ W j - M t f ) Ten Discussions on the Woman Question (Fu-nii wen-t'i shih-chiang -k^ j? fi\$]l 1 1^. J (Shanghai: Fu-nu wen-t'i yen-chiu hui, 1924), p. 262. 12 Hsiang Ching-yu, "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nu yun-tung," p. 80. 1 3  Ibid., p. 83.  56 the addition of a clause granting women the right to vote. Disorderly scenes ensued in which several of the suffragettes were injured and a number knocked down unconscious J 4 The demonstration was followed by a meeting and a parade the next day which over one thousand women were reported to have attended. The women who had been injured i n the March 30 demonstration later f i l e d s u i t against the members of the assembly for damages for the injuries received. 15 •  A  This incident i s not mentioned in Ch'en's History; instead he implies that the student movement of 1922 was the f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t i  instance of feminist agitation to occur after 1912.  f\  I f , i n fact, i t  was not, and i f intervening demonstrations were not entirely peaceful in character, then the neat division i n tactics between the two periods must be abandoned, and the apparent movement towards "greater seriousness" re-evaluated. Further Conditions for Feminism I would argue that i n reserving the label "feminist" for the period after the May Fourth incident, Witke i s setting up extra c r i t e r i a which are not expressed i n her definition of feminism: "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf."  Two of the most obvious extra c r i t e r i a  are public debate and the idea of individualism.  H  The North China Herald, April 2, 1921, p. 11.  5  The North China Herald, April 9, 1921, p. 83.  6  See below, p. 159-60.  57 While there had been some public discussion of women's emancipation prior to 1916, i t was only with the establishment of the New Youth and the flood of new periodicals which followed the May Fourth Incident that awareness of the problem spread widely in Chinese society. Individualism (jen-ke chu-i  /  v  prominence during the May Fourth period.  \ A  ) was also brought into  A direct adoption from Western  thought, the concept of individualism was contrasted with the collective ideal of the patriarchal Chinese family and heralded as the new ethic. It supplied yet another argument against the oppression of women under the old society; the violation of their right to individual status. Public debate and concern for women's rights as individuals are prominent characteristics of the Western women's movement. While not significantly present in the 1912 Chinese women's movement, these charact e r i s t i c s were f u l l y developed by the time of the 1922 agitation for suffrage.  The movement at that time had more participants and better  staying power, but even more important i n terms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , i t resembled the Western feminist movement far more than had the violent outbursts of disbanded army women in 1912. I t i s tempting to see the 1922 agitation as a development from 1912; as progress in strategy and movement towards a more rational approach which i s , comforting thought, so much l i k e our own. To then consider the f i r s t manifestation as merely a prelude to f u l l y grown feminism (or as a freak incident brought on by the euphoria of sudden revolutionary success), because i t has l i t t l e i n common with our experience of the women's movement, i s to bind the idea of feminism too tightly to a particular set of historical precedents. Public debate and individualism were useful aids which furthered women's emancipation; but they do not seem to be prerequisites for women  58  "campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf." Beyond unspoken qualifications for "feminism" lies another assumption, this time concerning the nature of Chinese history.  Vastly  oversimplified, i t can be reduced to the syllogism: "the May Fourth Period marks the division between traditional and modern China.  Femin-  ism i s a modern idea, therefore feminism in China must appear after the May Fourth Movement." It i s certainly true that feminism, in the sense of women seeking equal p o l i t i c a l rights, is as modern in China as the idea of p o l i t i c a l rights i t s e l f .  The f i r s t time at which these rights became  theoretically available, and feminism in this sense theoretically possible, however, was 1912, not 1919.  The fact that women began immediately to  agitate for suffrage may indicate more than just the degree to which the Western concepts of democracy and female equality had influenced Chinese intellectuals.  I t should, perhaps make us consider the question of  cultural predisposition towards the acceptance of certain ideas.  Per-  haps a term such as "pre-feminist" would be useful to describe those aspects of traditional Chinese culture which furthered the eventual acceptance of female equality. I have obviously oversimplified the argument for the May Fourth era as the dividing point between traditional and modern China.  Research  into language reform and the changing intellectual climate in general has made us aware that the May Fourth period was the culmination, rather than the beginning of enormous changes in Chinese society and thought.  See for example, Michael Gasster, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911, (Seattle and London: University of Washington  17  59 A l l of the concerns of the May Fourth period: nationalism, youth, women, language reform and cultural revolution, had previously existed and gone through separate stages of growth.  Although in the revolution-  ary atmosphere of the May Fourth period they interacted and were i n fluenced by one another, their relationship at this time should not blind us to the fact of their previous, less closely related development. During the May Fourth era, feminism was bolstered by a new emphasis on individual rights and an all-out attack on the traditional family, while awareness of the problems of women was spread by modern magazines.  But May Fourth feminism grew on a solid base, one that had  been established with the women revolutionaries of 1911, who in turn, had available to them a native feminist tradition as well as the example of Western feminists. . The May Fourth period was an exciting and important era i n the development of Chinese feminism, one i n which new aspects of the women's question were brought into prominence.  I t was a period  of ideological enrichment in which discussions on the family, free love, the marriage system, chastity, and related problems widened public awareness of the social implications of women's equality.  I t was not,how-  ever, a transition period from immature to mature feminism, not i f feminism i s "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf." It is even possible that the May Fourth period was a diversion of feminism in China from i t s original sources of energy.  I f we are to  Press, 1969). Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries, Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911^ (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971).  60  understand the women's movement as a whole, including the changes that have occurred since Ch'en wrote his History, we need a new interpretation, one which does not revolve around the l i t e r a r y excitement of the May Fourth period.  Perhaps the best place to begin i s with the images of  women we find i n the popular culture, and the evidence that some women actually lived these images. Once we are aware of the "pre-feminist" tendencies i n the traditional culture we may be able to suggest a sign i f i c a n t l y different pattern of development. An Alternate Interpretation It may be that the women's movement i s best explained i n three stages: the f i r s t being a period of interaction between newly introduced ideas of republicanism and sexual equality and the feminist strains of the popular culture. This period ended with the women's attack on the assembly i n 1912 and the participation of many of the feminists in the "second revolution" of 1913.  The action which women took at this time,  joining the Republican army and resorting almost immediately to violence in their attempt to win the vote, was directly influenced by the cultural stereotypes of the woman warrior and knight. Increasing disillusionment with the p o l i t i c a l revolution and recognition of the need for intellectual change began the second phase of the women's movement. At this point, women's emancipation became much more i n t e l l e c t u a l l y fashionable, and ultimately became a symbol f o r the need for radical reform.  During the May Fourth period, women's  emancipation was taken out of the hands of women and carefully analysed  61 by male intellectuals who adopted ideas from Western theorists like Ellen Key and Edward Carpenter.  A new surge of feminist agitation  began, this time adopting the rather milder methods of the English and American suffragettes. Finally, as the hope for p o l i t i c a l progress under warlord governments died away, and the lines between the Communists and Nationalists hardened, the women's movement returned to i t s roots. Enriched, certainly, by the debates of the May Fourth Period, but despairing of finding either freedom from opporession or "individual human status" without revolution, feminists turned to the role that women had always played in extra-legal groups.  In the Chinese Communist Party they re-lived the l i f e of bandit  and rebel women, supported, for the f i r s t time since the Taiping, by an o f f i c i a l policy of sexual equality. In addition, the party's success i n mobilizing women for resistance work might be partly explained by i t s s k i l l f u l use of the image of women as revolutionary fighters i n i t s propaganda.  Some examples, now enshrined in every medium from revolu-  tionary ballet to comic books, are: The White Haired G i r l , the Red Women's Detachment, and the Red Lantern Brigade. This interpretation i s tenuous and w i l l remain so until more research on the women's movement i s done.  In the meantime, i t i s necessary  Ellen Key, (1849-1926) was a Swedish feminist. Her theories on free love, (particularly the idea that mutual love was the only moral basis for marriage), and on the importance of motherhood, were widely discussed during the May Fourth period. Who Was_ Who, A Companion to "Who's Who" containing the biographies of those who Died During the Period 1916-1928, (London: A. & C. Black Ltd., 1929), p. 503.  62  for a l l who would study the movement to recognize the shortcomings of the interpretation put forward in A History of the Life of Chinese Women. Ch'en Tung-yuan's book can be useful as long as i t i s realized that i t is a partial explanation of female emancipation in China before 1930. A satisfactory explanation w i l l only be achieved when we take into consideration the material that Ch'en ignores, particularly the feminist heritage i n China's popular culture.  A Note on the Translation The work which follows i s not a formal or highly annotated translation.  This i s , i n part, due to the nature of the text; Ch'en writes  in colloquial Chinese which does not demand detailed philological explanation.  I t i s also a reflexion of my purpose i n translating the  History; that i s , to make available the most important source on the early women's movement in China. The History of the Life of Chinese Women i s not a triumph of modern Chinese l i t e r a t u r e , but an interesting social document. My aim has been to produce a translation i n colloquial English, with as few forays into side questions as possible.  Annotation has therefore been  limited to brief explanations of names and terms unfamiliar to Western readers.  In conflicts between l i t e r a l translation and smooth English  I have tried to favour the latter. liang ch'i ( fj^f-f^-jt-  For example, the phrase Hsien mu  ) has been translated as "good wife and mother"  rather than the more accurate "virtuous mother and good wife." A more important example of a sacrifice of l i t e r a l translation to comfortable English usage i s my alteration of Ch'en's metaphor for the intellectual revolution in China--"the new tide" (hsin ch'ao $fjy§f{ ). When Ch'en was writing, "the new tide" was a conventional  expression,  close to cliche, stripped of any strong visual imagery by continuous use.  Therefore i t was not incongruous for him to divide! the history  of the women's movement into the "embryonic" (chieh t'ai $j| jja period of the new tide, the "immature" or " l a r v a l " ( l i t e r a l l y 63  )  "wriggling  64  like worms" ch'un tung j j ! . ^ of the "birth" (tan sheng  ) period of the new tide, and the period ) of the new tide.  In English the metaphors are hopelessly scrambled, and there are no tidal terms to substitute which adequately convey the sense of Ch'en's (three periods.  In addition, our image of tides i s inseparable from the  idea of ebb and flow; the tide never remains f u l l , but begins to wane almost immediately.  I do not believe that Ch'en intended to convey an  impression of endless mutability; rather he saw history in terms of continuous progress toward a more enlightened future. For these reasons I have used "intellectual revolution" in place of "new  tide," and have substituted "the germination," "the f i r s t growth,"  and "the flowering" of the intellectual Revolution for "embryonic," " l a r v a l " and "birth."  The second period suffers most in the change, for  Ch'en's use of ch'un tung suggests vigorous but undirected movement, a shade of meaning which i s lost in "the f i r s t growth." The early pages of the translation have been edited.  I begin my  translation with Ch'en's ninth chapter, "The Life of Women in the Reform Period," and give in f u l l his "General Discussion" and the introductory paragraph of the f i r s t section of this chapter, ("Before the Reform Movement of 1898").  The rest of the section i s not included.  The translation  resumes with the introduction to the next section, omits the following section devoted to a revolutionary tract in favour of women's emancipation, and is complete from then on, except for an appended chart of women mentioned in Chinese history up to the Manchu dynasty.  Brief  descriptions of the missing material are given in the body of the translation.  A HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF CHINESE WOMEN CHAPTER 1 THE LIFE OF WOMEN IN THE REFORM PERIOD  General Discussion Although i t i s widely known that the l i f e of Chinese women in the  recent past i s quite different from that of former times, few  realize that the women's movement in China has a history of more than thirty years. These thirty-odd years, moreover, should be divided into three stages during which today's conditions gradually evolved.  Al-  though the American and European influence had already entered China following the Treaty of Nanking signed after the Opium War (1842), the beginning of genuine reform was the period following the Sino-Japanese war.  In 1894, China and Japan went to war over Korea, and China's  armed forces were crushingly defeated by Japan.  When, in March of the  next year, Li Hung-chang, f i l l e d with feelings of disgrace and resentment, went to Japan and agreed to the twenty-one articles of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, China's international status immediately collapsed. This at last caught the attention of some Chinese, and the shock waves of their efforts to plan for strength engulfed the whole country; f i n a l l y people came to realize the value of Western culture. also followed this tendency toward change. 65  The l i f e of women  I call the period from this  66 time until just before the 1911 Revolution "The Period of Germination of the Intellectual Revolution." Before the 1911 Revolution, the a c t i v i t i e s of the revolutionary movement were carried out with great intensity, and everywhere there were women participating in the movement. After the Revolution, in the f i r s t two years of the Republic, women enthusiastically joined the army, and ardently participated in p o l i t i c s ; at f i r s t glance i t seemed a glorious page in the movement for women's rights.  Practically speaking,  however, at this time the Intellectual Revolution s t i l l lacked a coherent system of thought and had only recognized i t s potential but was not yet ready to exploit i t . The apparent freedom of women at this time was made possible only by the current situation; therefore I c a l l this "The Period of the First Growth of the Intellectual Revolution." The smouldering coals of the movement for women's revolution f i n a l l y burst into flame in January of 1916 when Ch'en Tu-hsiu in The New Youth magazine (Hsin Ch'ing-nien entitled "1916."  1^-^-4  ( fjjN$)4" )  ) published an essay  He recommended that young women should rise from their  status of being controlled to being in a position of control, and was the f i r s t to say that the Confucian theory of the Three Principles^ ought to be destroyed.  After this time there were repeated discussions of the  woman question in The New Youth. The more the f i r e burned, the hotter i t  ^ The san Kang are the three "net ropes," the three basic relationships of human society. They are: the relationship between a ruler and his minister, a father and his son and a husband and his wife. See Yen Shih-hu's fitH'k annotation to P&an Ku 1% 1^1 , Ch'ien Han Shu -ffa in the Ssu pu pei yao J j ^ (Shanghai: Chung-hua shuchu, 1936), Chuan 85, p. 15.  67 became, until i n 1919 the May Fourth Movement burst l i k e a single s h e l l , exploding everywhere i n the country.  The movement to liberate women  spread simultaneously a l l over China.  Since that time, through academic  discussion and practical experience, the l i f e of Chinese women has f i n a l l y reached i t s present state.  I t is now ten years since the pub-  l i c a t i o n of Ch'en Tu-hsiu's essay "1916." These ten years I c a l l "The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution." I deal with the two periods "Germination" and " F i r s t Growth" under the chapter "The Reform Period."  "The Period of the Flowering of  the Intellectual Revolution" belongs to a different section, and i s discussed in the chapter "The Life of Contemporary Women." The Germination of the Intellectual Revolution A.  F i r s t Period—Before the Reform Movement of 1898 In the period between the Sino-Japanese war and the Hundred Days  of Reform, there were two movements concerned with the l i f e of women: the anti-footbinding movement and the movement to extend the system for women's education.  Neither of these concerns was new, but i t was only  at this time that they took on the qualities of a movement and attracted the attention of a good many people.  After the agreement to open five  commercial ports under the Treaty of Nanking (1842), foreigners i n China enthusiastically evangelized and established schools.  By this time a  missionary society had established a private g i r l s ' school, and foreigners  68 were ridiculing the custom of binding feet.*" The  two following  sections  are  The Anti-footbinding The Movement  The first  section  ^Mjt&  ch'ao's  (  Reform)  condemning  to  women's  binding  Extend  education,  Women's  made up of  a quotation  as an inhumane  and Liang's  Education  from  4f' ijj^ fj^  tung-I  footbinding  rules  Liang  Ch'i-  (Suggestions  for  custom  for  and  an  impediment  an experimental  anti-foot  society. The second  girls'  Pien-fa  )  Movement  to  is  omitted:  schools  ference  for  comply  with  on women.  section  begins  established  by missionary  proselytizing the  instead  restrictions  The rules  by pointing  of  of  that the  out  the  societies; educating,  Chinese  Chinkiang  that and  society  girls  shortcomings  their  had  ' private  is,  of  their  pre-  willingness  traditionally school  are  to placed  given  at  3 length  to  support  Next, like quotes lishing  Liang  this  Ch'en  Ch'i'ch'ao  from girls'  Liang's  assertion.  notes  that,  had begun Pien-fa  tung-i  after  the  to .call  for  giving  Sino-Japanese women's arguments  War, education. in  favour  progressives He  again  of  estab-  schools.  I t seems probable that the school referred to here was that established by Miss Aldersey, a missionary for the English "Society for Promoting Female Education i n the East." Margaret Burton i n The Education of Women i n China says: "when, after the treaty of 1842, five ports were f i n a l l y opened to foreigners, she at once went to Ningpo. . . . There i n 1844 she established the f i r s t school for g i r l s in a l l China. . . ." (New York: Fleming H. Revel 1 Company, 1911), p. 35. 3  The school was established by the Methodist Episcopal Mission. (Samuel Couling, Encyclopedia Sinica, (Taipei: Ch'eng wen Publishing Company, 1967 (1917)), p. 363.  69 Liang's argues  in  themselves economy  quotations will  China. mothers,  generation. determine  the they  of  competent  fundamental  given always  who will of  was strengthening  that  until  be parasites,  Furthermore,  The quality China's  eoncevn  the  the  women are  educated  an intolerable  education  of  women will  and  part  educate,  care  for,  this  generation  in  can,  nation.  according  Ee  to  drain  sup-port on  create  the good,  China's to  next  Liang,  future.  B. The Second Period—After the 1898 Reforms Historical perspective should not be used to judge an event as fortunate or unfortunate.  When we look at the reasons for the failure  of the 1898 Reform Movement, a l l we can do i s trace back to the social environment at that time, which did not allow the movement to succeed. From another viewpoint, however, the defeat of the 1898 Reforms was a great loss to the government of China and the state structure, and a heavy blow to those seeking changes i n the l i f e of women. The Reform Movement faded like a short-lived flower.  The aims of anti-footbinding societies  were not realized, and no system of women's education was established. The Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi, who was representative of those who did not recognize the hardships of women, then gave her support to the Boxer Rebellion.  In 1901, when the A l l i e d Armies occupied Peking, she  f l e d , taking the Kuang Hsu Emperor with her.  In September of the next  year, peace treaties were established and the a l l i e d armies slowly withdrew. The imperial court did not dare to return from Si an until January 1902.  The o f f i c i a l s had then been without a prince for two years.  70 The Empress Dowager's heart was like a ravening beast, and she was not concerned for the good of the country. But after she had suffered this blow she was reprimanded by good o f f i c i a l s within the court, and o f f i c i a l s outside sent memorials to the emperor.  Thus, in outward  appearance at least, she could not refuse to plan for reform. Another strong incentive for governmental reform was the revolutionary thought which sprang up spontaneously among the people. The revolutionary party published many pamphlets; one very radical book concerning the women's reform movement was The Women's B e l l , (Nu-chieh chung  &  ) y "^eedom lover" Chin I, The following  Women's  Bell,  Tung-yuan's  of  (consisting  the  essentially  of  on the  excerpts  but  bound  feet,  Promotion  quotations quotations)  from  equal,  "The  his that  book,  of  Women's  from  The Women's  is  omitted.  Chin  women are  I  argues  Rights Bell  that  in and  4  The Ch'en  men and women  made subservient  by  their  lack  education. Be sees  and  the  the  achievement  have,  section,  comments  In are  ) published i n 1903.  b  traditional  including  the  restrictions of the  equality. right  style  women's  on women as Be also  to  of  lists  an education,  clothing,  the the  the  superstition  four  great  rights  that  right  to  own  impediments women  should  property,  Chin I , or Chin Sung ts'en , was the translator of Kamayama Sentaro's Kinsei museifu shugi which appeared i n 1904 as Wu cheng-fu chu-i (Anarchism). See Martin Bernal, "The Triumph of Anarchism over Marxism, 19061907," in China i n Revolution: The F i r s t PHase, 1900-1913, ed. Mary C. Wright, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968, p. 117. 4  to  71 freedom of movement, social contact, Chin I separates educational  women into three groups, according  to their  and social advantages: those who can change the social  those who can free themselves,  but are unable to free others,  who are trapped in the old society. the first  and freedom of marriage.  group, to get involved  ponsibilities  that their  relative  and those  He urges women, especially  in the revolution enlightenment  and shoulder  has placed  climate,  those in the res-  upon them.  i . The Establishment of a System for Women's Education In 1901, two years before the publication of The Women's B e l l , the government ordered that private colleges should be turned into government schools. A l l colleges would be changed according to their location: those situated i n a provincial capital would become middle schools, and those i n chou and hsien would become primary schools. Normal School was established.  F i n a l l y , the Peking  The government did not even bother to  consider women's schools. At that time, however, privately established g i r l s ' schools sprang up everywhere l i k e bamboo shoots after the spring rain.  (The Shanghai  Patriotic Girls' School was founded i n the winter of 1902 by Ts'ai Chiehmin  ^  ) and others).  5  Outside of the capital there were quite  a number of o f f i c i a l s at a l l levels petitioning for the establishment of women's education. The government opened a Bureau of Education i n 1905, and ruled that women's schools would be regarded as part of family education. In  Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei  ( i ^ - o ^ l z ).  72 this year, an o f f i c i a l school system was established, and women's education began to come under the control of the Bureau of Education.  In the  f i r s t month of 1907, the Bureau of Education fixed t h i r t y - s i x regulations for women's normal schools, and twenty-six regulations for women's primary schools, f i n a l l y giving women's education a position within the educational system.  The f i r s t a r t i c l e of the statement of general principles in the  establishment of women's normal schools said: In women's normal schools, our basic purpose is to train teachers for g i r l s ' primary schools and also to lecture on methods to protect and nourish young children in the hope of benefiting the family livelihood and being of advantage to family education. Thus, aside from producing teachers, the purpose was s t i l l that of training women to further family education.  At this time, too, the standard  of "good wives and mothers" was formally declared.  The f i r s t rule i n  "The Essentials in Women's Normal School Education" said: In China, female virtue has been exalted from one age to another. The Way of being a woman, a wife and a mother can be found in the classics and the histories; the works of the ancient scholars give the details clearly. Today, when teaching women normal school students, from time to time we must encourage them to cultivate a l l the womanly virtues: modesty, serenity, obedience, virtue, compassion, purity, uprightness and f r u g a l i t y , i n the hope that they w i l l not turn their backs on the ethical teachings of China's past, and the virtues customarily esteemed in women. A l l bizarre talk of letting loose, and freedom, (Original note: from not maintaining separation between men and women, to choosing one's own mate and speaking at assemblies on p o l i t i c a l matters) we must rigorously reject and throw out, holding fast to tradition. (Original note: Among China's men there are those who regard women as too base, or do not treat them f a i r l y . This i s an e v i l custom, and we must concentrate, in men's education, on rectifying and improving this. As for women, we must emphasize obedience to mother, father and husband.)  73 In this statement, the emphasis on the Way of being a woman, wife and mother, and the promotion of the three obediences, was carried 5  to an extreme.  The school rules of a l l g i r l s ' schools were comprised of  the eight big characters; modest, serene, obedient, virtuous, compassionate, pure, upright and frugal.  Women's education at this time was merely  a repetition, in a different form, of the accumulated views of over two thousand years, without even the slightest new significance.  There i s  no need to quote the passages on women's. normal school education which follow this as they are a l l similar to these words on "good wives and mothers."  However, in the section dealing with the aim of each course  in the curriculum, there i s one clause explaining the way in which the course on moral values should be taught: A l l ethics textbooks must base themselves on the classics, gathering together the finest parts of Biographies of Women, Prohibitions for Women, Advice to Women, the Women's Classic on F i l i a l Piety, Rules for the Household, Advice for the Women's Quarters, Rules for the Women's Apartments, Mr. Wen's Advice to Mothers, A Compilation of the Classics of Women's Education, Standards Bequeathed to Women, Girls' Education, Education for Ladies, and other such books, as well as those Western Books on ethics for women which are not contrary to China's customary teachings. In writing textbooks we should extract the essence from these works and blend them together; and, moreover, grade them in order of d i f f i c u l t y , and add explanatory i l l u s t r a t i o n s in order that they be easily understood. When this regulation was decidedron, much effort was put into the project of making anthologies from books on women's education from  The san ts'ung ^ / U ^ , or three obediences; the obedience of a woman to her father, until married, her husband unti1 widowed, and to her son until her death. See Ta Tai l i - c h i j^jjL \ty ifj (n.p., Kuang ya shu-chu, 1899), chuan 13, 11. *  74 Han times to the present. After the regulations had been made public, in Peking and i n the large c i t i e s of each province, numerous women's normal schools were established.  The medical school outside Chien Gate at Pachiao, Liuliching  was reorganized as the Peking Women's Normal School.  I t had not been  open long when something happened that attracted the attention of the Bureau of Education, which then dispatched an order to a l l g i r l s ' schools: Recently we have heard that students from a l l of the g i r l s ' schools are going to the charitable society at the g i r l s ' school established at L i u l i Yao and are s e l l i n g handicraft articles there in order to contribute to the society's funds. Moreover they are holding concerts of singing and dancing. On reading the Peking Women's Daily,1 we see advertisements placed by the society, and furthermore, there is talk of holding a circus. When one examines the raising of funds to help alleviate disasters, one sees that, in essence, i t is a noble action; we should bow to public opinion in this. These g i r l s who s e l l their handicrafts are comparable to the virtuous beauties of ancient times who pawned their hairpins and earrings and sold their books and paintings in order to help raise money; they are not second in virtue. But in this society, the programmes of dancing and singing go on for days and days—this really f l i e s in the face of China's customs. Furthermore, i t necessitates great neglect of schoolwork. I f , beyond t h i s , they hold a circus, and add to the confusion, this Bureau w i l l not tolerate i t . Today, women's education is in the early stages of growth. Those enthusiasts who want to extend education ought to co-operate and face d i f f i c u l t i e s together, and not give people a pretext E  7  ^ Pei-ching nii-pao '}k t-^t l l i . (The Peking Women's Daily) was founded in 1905 and ran for at least 2 years. I t published transcript matter from the Peking Gazettes, news of women's schools and organizations and a r t i c l e s promoting women's education. The financial backing for the paper was probably supplied by the Empress Dowager; in any case the paper i s unusual among women's papers in advocating staunch nationalism on a basis of Manchu-Han solidarity and loyalty to the throne. (Charlotte L. Beahan, "The Women's Press in China Prior to the Revolution of 1911," (draft of a paper prepared for a conference on "Women in Chinese Society," San Francisco, June 11-15, 1973), pp. 32-37).  75  for gossip and for causing obstructions. Now this department wishes to explain clearly i t s exhortations to each student: when contributing handicrafts in order to raise r e l i e f funds, you should, as much as i s possible, send others out to deliver them, and not go to the society in person. Attending society meetings and singing and dancing is even more inappropriate social conduct. Holding a circus i n the midst of a l l this shows further lack of respect for the Way of being a student. Because the Capital City is the foremost d i s t r i c t , every woman student must recite the classics and listen f u l l y to teachings on propriety [as an example to other d i s t r i c t s ] . This Bureau takes as i t s responsibility a l l of the schools i n the country. We wish to impress upon everyone who establishes a school that they must make each woman student understand the profound way in which this Bureau respects women students, and the great pains i t takes in protecting women's schools. Twenty years have passed since a l l of this happened, and we can see how t r i v i a l i t was. v  But the Bureau of Education blew up the incident  out of a l l proportion, to the point where i t seems almost ridiculous. i i . Reaction Against the Idea of Women's Rights Support for the idea of women's rights, expressed in works such as The Woman's B e l l , began to attract a great deal of attention at this time, and a group of "defenders of the way" rose in opposition. The Ministry of Education's adoption of the good wife and mother as the educational standard cannot really be considered very conservative. On the other hand, at the end of the commentary on ethics in The School of Dialects ( ^ " i t ^ ' l T  ), which we see from the preface was written by  Ch'en Tseng-shou ( f f . ' f ^  ), i s a section b i t t e r l y attacking those who  advocate women's rights, saying: There are some petty husbands, blind to the great principle that man rules outside the home, who cast aside this sacred responsib i l i t y , and c a l l out for women's rights. They won't be s a t i s f i e d  76 until women rule outside the home. To do this is to take a serious and far-reaching duty and entrust i t to someone who can only worry about immediate interests. To do so not knowing that i t shouldn't be done i s unwise. If i t i s a case of taking these weak creatures and entrusting to them this d i f f i c u l t and vast mission, knowing their i n a b i l i t y , like letting a monkey climb a tree and ignoring the consequences, then this i s inhumane. If a man is unable to carry out his righteous duty to preserve l i f e , and yet would seek protection in the hands of women, then he is shameless. Those who would promote this doctrine w i l l cause men to cast aside their sacred responsibility of ruling outside, and so the affairs of the country w i l l f a l l into ruin; and the women to neglect their sacred duty of ruling inside, and the Way of the home w i l l also be laid waste,, Hard and soft w i l l lose their virtue, and the way of men w i l l be perverted, inner and outer transposed, and propriety and righteousness destroyed. Heaven and earth w i l l be shut off from one another, principles w i l l change to chaos; as in the f i r s t six of the k'un diagram, "when there is hoarfrost underfoot, solid ice is not far off," to s i x at the top, "dragons battling in the meadow, their flowing blood is black and yellow." How can a gentleman of broad wisdom have foresight to see this and not tremble with fear?8 Even today this kind of thinking cannot be avoided, and so i t is worthy of our attention. Whenever an  intellectual  revolution  develops, i t w i l l be opposed by a group of conservatives.  Out of this  The second diagram of The I Ching i s k'un, the receptive (earth, female). I t i s the complement of ch'ien, the creative (heaven, male). The two are interdependent but not equal, for the receptive i s only productive of good when i t i s led by the creative. I f i t tries to become equal with the creative, i t becomes e v i l . When Ch'en Tseng-shou quotes the text "when there i s hoarfrost underfoot, s o l i d ice i s not far off," he i s warning that signs of decay, like hoarfrost signalling the coming of winter (death), are present, and w i l l go on increasing unless measures are taken to stop them. The "dragons battling in the meadow" are the male and female principles at war in a struggle which w i l l end in defeat for the female principle, but with injury to both. For a f u l l explanation of the texts see Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, translated by Cary F. Baynes, (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey) 1970 (1950) pp. 10-15.  77 situation w i l l evolve a compromise faction, the largest group in any society, which i s able to gain power. A l l of the regulations for g i r l s ' schools decided on by the Ministry of Education were the result of compromise. In 1905, Lai Chen-huan ( jfj[ jfc %  ) of Shun-te (  )  published a book called Collected Evidence in Favour of Women's Education (Ch'iian nli hsUeh chi cheng, ^-k-^ ^ P't  )•  F r o m  t n e  author's  preface we read that in 1897 he had advocated an anti-footbinding society, and in 1903 had promoted women's education in his home village. His thought, however, was extremely corrupt; the book at the most recorded e a r l i e r people's praise for admirable conduct, which coincided with the stipulations in the Ministry of Education's self-cultivation course in Women's Normal Schools.  He also printed a book for the enlightenment  of the common people called A Few Words on Women's Education (Nu-hsiieh szu-wu yen ho pien -k<*f <® X ~t 4^4)  ). Although i t was a l l  the same old line of "the Way of reverence and f i l i a l piety," "respect for the husband," and "honouring her domestic function," he repeatedly said that he took the promotion of women's education as his personal mission and s t i l l regarded himself as a man of the times. In 1909, the Peking I Shen Company lithographed a popular tract called Domestic Models for Women (Nu'-tzu chia-t'ing mu-fan i% %U k  -k\'>Yk  ). I t i s said that the Chen Kuo-kung's ( 4 & @ \ "A  Su-wan-kua-erh shih ch'ien nien  (jf^jL^V^ Jify-fy  ) wife,  ) was the e d i t o r .  9  I have not been able to identify this woman, but i t seems probable that she was a Manchu, and the characters given are a transliteration  78 This also was a repetition of the old formulas for women's education, but i t s t i l l received a great welcome.  In the appendix  there i s an a r t i c l e called "The Right Path of Womanly Virtue."  I t says:  Home and family were established with the most ancient principles. A l l men seek wives who w i l l regard the rearing of children and keeping the house as their purpose; the woman serves the man and regards rearing children and keeping house as the root of her being. But in the demoralized customs of the modern world, women look on marriage as a means to obtain honour, i f the clothes and financial resources are a l i t t l e less than s u f f i c i e n t , then she rouses her resentment and becomes insatiable. Coveting the dowry of others, she resents her husband's poverty. Who would have thought that a wealthy and noble l i f e i s accumulated from virtue and caused by human heartedness, as in the ancient saying, "great fortunes come from fate, small fortunes from diligence?" Since she i s a woman she should take up the broom and dustpan, operate the well and the mortar, taking the b i t t e r and sweet together. Even ancient and modern kings, vassals, generals and ministers, have their periods of prosperity and decline. How much more so for a woman. If they don't concentrate on diligently accumulating virtue, how can they hope to enjoy good fortune for long? After a woman has married, these are her duties: 1.  to treat her husband's parents with f i l i a l piety, to serve them with her labour. 2. to aid her husband in respecting his brothers, i n order to create honest and true friendship and love. 3. to rear children for her husband and continue the ancestral hall. 4. to aid her husband in cultivating virtue so that he may be an outstanding man. 5. to instruct the children for her husband so they bring honour to the family. 6. to help her husband to acquire property to avoid f a l l i n g into poverty. The above six items are necessary for a woman to establish herself in l i f e .  of her name. In any case, the t i t l e Chen Kuo-kung was a Ch'ing dynasty t i t l e ofsthess'eventh rank reserved for members of the royal family. See Li t a i chih kuan piao )§K t l L ( 9 Chung-hua shu-chu, 1965), p. 201. P e k i n  :  79 Not only are the Ministry of Education regulations and the popular texts conservative, when we look at the t i t l e s of essays at women's schools at that time, we realize that women's education equally conservative.  was  The great majority of the essays written in  g i r l s ' schools at that time were: --On Post Hsia Marriage and the Consort Chiang of the Chou --Dynasty Bringing About Dynastic Restoration --On the Classic handed down by Fu Sheng's daughter,H and Pan Chao's continuation of the History of the Han.'^ —On Meng Mu and Le Yang's wife breaking the s h u t t l e ' --Discussion on Nu Wa's patching the sky!4 --Discussion on the necessity of respectfulness and s e l f denial and not disobeying one's husband and sons. --Plan for giving up jewelry and establishing banks. —Thoughts after reading the ballad of Mu Lan. 15 3  (Consult Essay Models from Lung Chiang ,Girls' School, printed in 1910. (Lung Chiang Nu-Hsiieh wen-fan -jfiji.-k ff lb )  Chiang Hou was the consort of Prince Hsiian of the Chou dynasty in the ninth century B.C. She reprimanded her husband for his irresponsible behaviour, causing him to reform. Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, (Taipei: Literature House Ltd., 1965 (1898)), p. 132. ^ Fu Sheng iK't concealed a copy of the Shang Shu (The Canons of Yao and Shun) at the time of the destruction of the classics in the Chin dynasty (221-209 B.C.). His daughter learned the book from him and passed i t on when Fu Sheng grew old, and his speech became garbled. See Ch'ien Han Shu, chuan 88, p. 9. 12  Pan Chaoft^S was the s i s t e r of the Han historian Pan Ku . He died before he was able to finish his history of the early Han; she completed i t for him. See Hou Han Shu f O ^ l f Ssu pu pei yao, chuan 114, 3-8. Meng Mu the mother of Mencius, was considered to be the most virtuous of mothers. She was a widow and supported herself and her child by weaving. In order to reprimand him for his negligence in his studies she s l i t the unfinished weaving on her loom from top to bottom. See L i u K aj -. ^ Kuang Li eh nu chuan ffa$'\-jt4fy i n  1  80  They are a l l in the same vein, never rising above this level. But i t i s not even necessary to v i s i t the inside of the school. I f we look at the couplets inscribed on the p i l l a r s of g i r l s ' schools of that time, we can see the essential meaning of their education.  The  couplets at Lung Chiang Girls' School were: Confucius and Mencius are resources for the education of a mother. The classic of Fu' and Pan's history have significance for a l l . A sagely mother can do the work of fostering and guiding. A fledgling daughter knows how to sing the song of the republic. Women's education at this time was a l l like t h i s , reformed on the surface but conservative i n essence. i i i . The Accomplishments of Girls' Schools Established by Missionary Societies Girls' schools established by Chinese were s t i l l rare i n the f i r s t five years after the Bureau of Education's statement on regulations for g i r l s ' schools.  The schools established by foreigners had  (n.p., 1884), Chuan 1 9 , 1 . 7. Lo Yang went away to study, but returned after one year. When his wife asked the reason for his return he said that he had come back to see her. She then cut her weaving i n order to show him that like the weaving on her loom, his studies, once abandoned, could never be completed. See the Hou Han Shu, chuan 114, 1 . 8. Nu Wa* , a legendary figure, the s i s t e r and successor of Fu Hsi . When Kung Kung-^-J^ rebelled and broke one of the eight columns supporting heaven, she repaired the breach by melting down stones. See E.T.C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, (New York: 1 4  The Julian Press, Inc., 1961J, pp.  334-335.  See above, pp. " 3 5 - 3 6 a n d note 4 , p. 36.  81 already accomplished a great deal. The American Young J. Allen i n the tenth collection of A Comprehensive Examination of the Life of Women in A l l Lands (translation published i n 1903) gives s t a t i s t i c s for g i r l students of missionary society schools :^ No. of Schools  Type of School  Total No. of Students  Women Students  Colleges  12  1,814  96  Theological Colleges  66  1,315  543  166  6,393  3,509  Higher and Middle Schools Technical Schools Medical Schools and Service Hospitals Kindergartens  Primary Schools  7  191  96  30  251  32  6  194  no details 10,158  Total  male and female students e s t i mated equal at 97  4,373  The First Growth of the Intellectual Revolution A. The F i r s t Period—Before the 1911 Revolution i. Women Who Studied Overseas The Ch'ing court began sending students overseas very early; by 1872, they had already sent students to the United States, and later  Young J. Allen, or Lin Lo-chih #4f-& was a Georgia Missionary who l e f t the United States for China i n 1859. He presented a copy of Women i n A l l Lands to the Empress Dowager, "who graciously acknowledged it,"--according to The North China Herald, February 21, 1925, p. 305.  82 continuously sent people abroad. was formally set down in 1894.  Government policy on overseas students In Kiangsu, as early as 1883, women were  allowed to s i t for the examination given to determine which students should be sent abroad; three women were selected, becoming qualified for government support for overseas students. But there were already several women studying abroad. Works of the Ice-Drinkers' S t u d i o  In Complete  there i s an essay written in 1896  17  called "The Diary of Miss K'ang of Kiangsi'." Miss K'ang A i - t e  , u  was  twenty-five years old at this time, and had already returned to China after graduating from Michigan University in the United States.  According  to the account, Miss K'ang became an orphan i n her infancy, and travelled to America at the age of nine with an American woman, Gertrude Howe. In 19 1880, while in America, Miss K ang was a schoolmate of Miss Shih Mei-yu; The author i s Liang Ch'i'ch'ao. Levenson notes: "His [Liang's] own work began to appear i n a more permanent form; i n 1902-1903, to f a c i l i t a t e distribution in China, Liang made a selection of articles and lessons written for the Ch'ing'i pao and Ta-t'ung hsueh-hsiao and published them in Tokyo under the t i t l e Yin-ping shih ch'uan-chi (Complete Works of the Ice-Drinkers' Studio). Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i'ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967"T7"p. 68. 1g Ida Kahn (1873-1930), who later became a prominent physician, was adopted as an infant by Gertrude Howe of the Methodist Mission at Kiukiang. She made her f i r s t t r i p to the United States with Gertrude Howe in 1882, returning to China i n 1884. I t was on the second t r i p , i n 1892, that she studied with Mary Stone at the University of Michigan Medical School, not, as Ch'en states, in 1880. See Howard L. Boorman, (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of Republican China. (New York: Columbia Univers i t y Press, 1967). Vol. 2, pp. 225 226. According to Boorman, Ida Kahn's Chinese name was K'ang Ch'eng ( ) rather than K'ang Ai-te )• T  Shih Mei-yu {& j £ ), or Mary Stone, (1873-1954), trained as a physician in America and was best known for her work as superintendent of the Elizabeth Skelton Danforth Hospital at Kiukiang. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 3, pp. 128-130. 1 9  83 they should be considered the e a r l i e s t women returned students from America. But K'ang Yu-wei's daughter, T'uug-pi ( ( | 4^ ) went to India 8  by herself to v i s i t her father when she was nineteen years old. A poem she wrote says: "I am China's f i r s t woman scholar to come from the West." This i s in reference to India.  Japan's proximity to Chekiang and Kiangsu  makes i t probable that after the 1898 Reforms, numerous women from these provinces went there to study.  Returned students from Japan were the  majority of the participants in the actual revolution. ii.  Women Who Sacrificed for the Revolution After the Boxer rebellion, the revolutionary movement was f i t f u l  in i t s development. time. $-v[4rl  Many women participated i n the movement at this  In A New History of Chinese Women (Shen-chou nu-tzu hsin shih  %JC  ), published by the China Bookshop in 1913, Hsu  T'ien-hsiao [ { ^ ^ ^  ) quotes a portion of a certain gentleman's notes:  In midwinter of 1901, I returned home to China from Kyoto with several Japanese friends, aboard the Genkai Maru, and then travelled over the country, with the exception of Korea and Manchuria. One day, near twilight, we were about to lodge at an inn, when we met with a woman, pretty and elegant in appearance and simply dressed. The cold moonbeams congealed; the wintry mountain wrinkled blue-green. Accompanied by an old nurse and a maidservant, she hurriedly set out for the north. I was intrigued by a l l of this. On entering the inn, I saw several poems jotted on the wall; the ink was not yet dry on the elegantly written characters. The f i r s t poem said: I was originally a bright pearl and had self-respect, Incense from the golden urn gently hugged the kingfisher robe. For whom did I throw away the land of my native village? A limitless expanse of white snow.  84 The second poem read: My rosy cheeks i n the bright mirror fade with time. The cold wind, like scissors, cuts my icy flesh. Grieving, again I take the Elm Pass Road' Everywhere the wind flutters the fivecoloured flags. (Author's note: this refers to the variegated colours of the flags of foreign nations and definitely not to the five coloured national flag adopted after the Republic was established). The third poem read: There i s no way to waken this country's people Streams of pure tears she wiped away with her red handkerchief. I 'could w i l l i n g l y get used to the insults of other races But how could I ever l i v e with injustice from men. There was s t i l l another poem, but the characters were so freely written that I could not make them out. Ah! Who was this person? I asked the landlord, but he didn't have the slightest idea. In the end, did this woman really exist?  Or was she only an  ideal i n the minds of the revolutionaries of the time? alone, i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to decide.  From this account  Before 1911, however, a great  many women died f o r the Revolution. Twelve years before the Republic, at the time of the Boxer upr i s i n g , T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang plotted an uprising at Hankow, but the a f f a i r was divulged and T'ang was k i l l e d .  2 0  Miss Chou Fu-chen, ( if] ifo 4,  )  T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang ( ) \ $ <f> ) was a Hunanese reformer, and a follower of K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao. He arranged for his own 2 0  85 Miss Mao Chih-hsiang (  H  4  ) and Hiss Liu Hui-fang  were also martyred at this time.  )  They were the e a r l i e s t women to  sacrifice their lives for the revolution. Five years before the Revolution, Hsu H s i - l i n shot the governor of Anhwei province, En-ming, (  ) at Anking.  21  After the up-  rising was defeated, the Ch'ing court ordered each province to seize and deal with the remaining members of the group. Chin, (fasIff,  Hsu's cousin, Miss Ch'iu  ) had beforehand set up association offices in Cheng  and Hsien Chu d i s t r i c t s of Shaohsing, (Chekiang province) with Chu Shao22  k'ang,  23  Wang Chi-fa  and others.  After the plot f a i l e d , she was seized  student group (the Tzu-li hui or "Independence Society") to join with the central Yangtze branches of the ancient Ko-lao hui (Brothers and Elders Society) for a rising at Hankow in 1900--only to be discovered, seized, and executed." John K. Fairbank £t. aj_., East Asia, The Modern Transformation. (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1965) p. 636. Hsu Hsi-lin ) was born in 1873 in Tung-pu v i l l a g e , near Shaohsing. He was interested in Western learning and spent a short time in Japan where he became involved with the revolutionaries l i v i n g there. He was taken on as an assistant by the Manchu En-ming (j§.f>e ) when the latter was appointed Governor of Anhwei in 1906, and given charge of the police academy in Anking. From this position, Hsu attempted to lead an uprising which was spectacular in i t s lack of organization and common sense. The uprising was to be supported by several secret societies and Ch'iu Chin's group at Ta T!,ung School, but coordination was poor and Hsu had been executed before the others realized that the revolt was underway. See Mary Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971) for a f u l l account. Chu Shao-k'ang ( i t J& ) was the founder, i n 1900, of the P'ing-Yang Society, a secret society with i t s greatest strength in Cheng hsien of Shaohsing prefecture. He worked closely with the revolutionaries in the area until 1907, and held several military posts after the 1911 Revolution. Ibid., p. 139. 2 2  Wang Chin-fa ( ) was the chief assistant of Chu Shao-k'ang. A military graduate under the old system, he became more  86 at Shaohsing and executed at Hs'uant'ingk'ou.  The attention of the people  was strongly aroused at this incident. Ch'iu Chin, also called Hsiian Ch'ing ( l | f ^ f  ) or Ching Hsiung  ( ~i£%fi ) was  a native of Shanyin hsien, Chekiang province. She 23 admired heros such as Ching-k'o and Nieh-cheng, and called herself the 25 Heroine of Chien Lake." At nineteen she was married to a member of the Wang clan of Hunan, and had one son and one daughter. After the Boxer Rebellion, she studied in Japan,26 organized an "Encompassing Love Society" 2 7 and planned with her comrades for the revolution. After she returned to China (1906) while teaching at the Shaohsing Ming-tao Girls' School, she 28 established the Chinese Women's Journal, strongly advocating male and closely identified with the revolutionaries than with secret societies after 1907, and was assassinated after the Revolution. Ibid., p. 135. Ch'ing-k'o ( * ' l P \ ) and Nieh-cheng { jfa ) were "assassin-retainers." Ch'ing-k'o attempted the assassination of the Chin prince who later became the " F i r s t Emperor." Nieh Cheng was a Chou dynasty hero who assassinated Hsieh L e i , a minister of the Han state. Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 156, 597. 25 See above, p. 37, note 8. In 1904, Ch'iu attended the normal school of the Aoyama Girls' Vocational School i n Tokyo. Rankin, Early Revolutionaries, p. 41. 27 Ch iu seems to have revived the Encompassing Love Society rather than actually creating i t . A group by the same name promoting women's rights and education had been formed e a r l i e r , but existed i n name only when i t was revived by Ch'iu. Rankin, Early Revolutionaries, n. 99, p.a254. 2 4  Ch'en calls this the Nu pao, ( ~& ) or Women's Journal, but the covers reproduced in Ch' iu Chin shih chi ( -£01 ) (Shanghai: 1958) bear the t i t l e Chung-kuc~nu pao ( t f l U ^ ? ^ ). Rankin describes the journal as "directed particularly at women students with the idea of subsequently establishing a woman's association. The 2 8  87 female equality.  This was China's f i r s t women's newspaper.  When  Ch'iu was seized, in 1907, the investigator forced her to write a confession.  At f i r s t Ch'iu wrote only a few words in English, but the  investigator did not understand i t and ordered her to use Chinese. then wrote one character, "autumn."  She  She was again interrogated and  added several more characters, saying: "The autumn rain and the autumn 30 wind w i l l make me die of sorrow." She was then executed. In the spring of 1911 a righteous uprising at Canton was defeated, 31 and government guards k i l l e d seventy-two people.  After the uprising,  the government again thoroughly searched out the participants. women, Wu Yen-niang ( ^  'K^h  ) and Wu Ch'i-niang, (  Two  X -&$C  )  were k i l l e d as a result. In the last few days before the 1911 Revolution, the government found and seized military weapons at Wuchang,,and on October 9 seized and paper was written in a simple style and avoided overly erudite subjects. The aim was to exhort women to study and be active outside the home." Rankin, Early Revo!utionaries, n. 8, p. 255. 29  At least two important women's papers preceded Ch'iu Chin's Chung-kuo nu-pao. The f i r s t was the Nu-pao ( |M, ) '(Women's Journal j published by Ch'en Chieh-fen~( ) the daughter of the publisher of the Su-pao, Ch'en Fan ( ffcjfej ). The primary concern of the paper was women's education as a means of strengthening the nation. See also p. 74 above, note 7 for information on the Peking Women's Daily, f i r s t published in 1905. (Roswell Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1912, (Taipei: Ching-wen Publishing Company, 1926), p. 115, and Charlotte Beahan, "The Women's Press in China," i b i d . , pp. 8-16). The character i s the same as that for her surname ( $K ). The story of the poem is probably apocryphal--see Rankin, Early Revolutionaries , p. 187--but was of great value as propaganda. 3 0  This was the "Canton Revolution" or Huang Hua Kang Uprising of April 26, 1911.  88  k i l l e d some party members. Woman party member Lung Yiin-lan was also captured at this time.  (^tjik^{ )  In the afternoon of the next day, the  revolution broke out in Wuchang. iii.  Women Who Sacrificed for Love In the period before the 1911 Revolution, yet another topic,  aside from that of women who participated in the revolution, i s worthy of discussion.  That i s , those women who tried out new patterns in love.  That freedom to marry was an important issue in the mind of the society at that time can be seen by the fact that freedom to choose one's mate was regarded as deviant and uncivilized, and prohibitions against i t were clearly written into g i r l s ' school rules.  I t i s not  that there are no love stories in China's past--love affairs had developed even under the s t r i c t e s t supervision—but the majority were of an unnatural, clandestine nature.  Consequently, there was in the Chinese  concept of love between men and women an unconscious idea that i t was an indecent and ugly thing.  This attitude was extremely harmful to the  development of new patterns in sexual relationships. Think, on what was the Chinese concept of love between the sexes based? The earliest stories are of "Sang Chien on the River 32 33 34 p'u, and "Chance Meeting at East Gate." UWen ch'un s elopement and  Sang Chien on the River P'u ( f ^ J ^ ) was a notorious place for profligacy.' The phrase was used in the Li Chi ( if iLi ) [Book of Rites] and the Han Shu ( ?£~f ) [Book of the Han]. See Huang Yen-kai, A Dictionary of Chinese Idiomatic Phrases, (Hong Kong: The Eton Press, 1964), p. 791. 3 2  1  33 I was unable to find any classical reference for Chance Meeting  89 Miss Chia's present of incense to her lover  35  were things which happened  in the Han and Chin dynasties. Again, in the T'ang dynasty there was 36 the tradition of "Waiting for the Moon in the West Chamber." stories were very popular.  These  H i s t o r i c a l l y , this type of thing was common  but these few famous affairs were especially well known. Reader, how did later people regard this type of thing? " I l l i c i t intercourse i s the certain result of romances between men and women"—this was the attitude of a l l later people!  Surely, i f i l l i c i t intercourse is immoral,  this type of immorality is only nurtured by taking excessive precautions! But ten or twenty years ago, how many people would have reasoned to this point?  As the author of the b r i l l i a n t tract,""The Women's Bell":says: The rays of light of Every day tortuously If they cannot reach Then they w i l l reach  the mind seek to extend themselves. out to t h i s , out to that.  Why would such a passionate and emotional g i r l be locked up year after year?  Desiring proper social contacts and being denied them, once  at East Gate (chieh-hou tung-men ). From the context i t seems obvious that i t refers to a story of an i l l i c i t love a f f a i r . Chuo Wen-chun ( J i t ) was a woman of the second century B.C. who was so charmed by Sze-ma Hsiangrju;s"lute musict'that sherelpped with him. See the Ch'ien Han Shu, chuan 57:1, 1.2. Miss Chia Wu, ( 'f f ), a Chin dynasty beauty, saw Shou Tzuyung, and made him a present of incense, in other words, made the f i r s t advances. See Chung-kuo jen-ming ta tz'u-tien, (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1922), p. I, 328. 3 5  Hsi-hsiang chi ( & ) , a T'ang dynasty love story which was expanded into a play in the Yuan dynasty. I t has been translated into English as The Romance of the Western Chamber, by S. I. Hsiung, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968). 3 6  90 she i s given the opportunity, she finds i t even easier to have secret sexual relations.  Society refuses to recognize that this i s i t s own  f a u l t , and furthermore ridicules from the side and whips from behind. This i s really too unreasonable. Then there are the so-called romantic scholars who could be forgiving towards the affairs of men and women; such incidents appear i n many poems and songs.  In the era of Ch'ien Lung (1736-1795), in Jenho  hsien of Chekiang province, a g i r l of the Kao clan had sexual relations with her neighbour, a certain Mr. Ho, without her parent's knowledge. Later on, when Miss Kao was about to be married, she sent Ho away from her one day, and then hung herself from a beam. When Ho returned, he was greatly grieved; and took the rope and strangled himself.  The two  families abhorred this lack of propriety, and did not want to prepare the corpses for b u r i a l , but the d i s t r i c t magistrate, Master T'ang, at his own expense, bought coffins and buried them together.  Moreover, he  ordered the women scholars of the city to compose poetry to be chanted for them.  (Some of the poems by Sun Yun-hsuan are found i n The Women  Disciples of Suiyuan (Sui-yuan nu-ti-tzu shih-hsuan f ^ l l ] " ^ |" £ *|-$t  )•  Although this can be considered forgiveness, the idea that " I l l i c i t intercourse i s the certain result of romances between men and women" was  Sun Yun-hsuan ( II- ' T ) was a woman poet of the Ch'ing period, a disciple of Yuan Mei, ( % i t ) (1716-1798) the poet and owner of the "Garden of Contentment" (sui-yuan). Yuan broke with Confucian tradition by accepting women as pupils and publishing their poetry. See Arthur W. Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 1644-1912, (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1943-1944J7 p. 955-957, Vol. 2. 3 7  91 never completely eradicated from the mind of the Chinese people. After the 1898 year of Reform, thinking about rights for women had become very advanced.  In large c i t i e s like Shanghai, there were  many women students, and social contacts between men and women were becoming more free.  Naturally, love affairs developed in this environ-  ment. At the Patriotic Girls' School, there was a student called Wu Ch'i-te ( -1:4 f&  ) who f e l l i n love with Jao Fu-t'ing  (also called K'o-ch'uan, "°T$$, School.  A  )  ), a student at the Shanghai Public  They decided to marry, but at the time of the marriage, someone  said that Miss Wu was guilty of improper conduct. consequently could not be performed.  The rites of marriage  Wu saw that Jao doubted her, and  realizing that there was no way to prove her innocence, she drank poison and died.  She may be considered the f i r s t woman to be sacrificed i n the  cause of the new patterns i n sexual relationships. of the seventy-two martyrs of Huang Hua Kang.  Jao FuH'ing was one  I t i s said that he devoted  himself to the revolution in order to pay back his debt to Miss Wu. (See the f i r s t 6-7 pages of the supplement to A New History of Chinese Women.) B.  The Second Period—After the 1911 Revolution At the sound of a great cannon blast i n the afternoon of October  tenth, 1911, the huge edifice of several thousand years of despotism began to crumble. Women, who had been oppressed for over two thousand years, took advantage of this opportunity to change their lives. The spring thunder woke a dragon which had been hibernating for so long that perhaps his eyes were dazed by the flash.  Therefore, the contemporary  women's rights movement did not succeed; but the experiment was a valuable part of women's history.  92  i.  Enthusiastically Joining the Army Once the revolutionary army had occupied the three c i t i e s of  Wuchang, i t s greatest need was for soldiers.  On October 14th, a  proclamation was sent out to summon a revolutionary army. ) wrote to Li Yuan-hung [^JLiv'A  Miss Wu Shu-ch'ing (  )  saying that she wanted to join the army to devote her l i f e to service. Since the army was a l l male, Li thought that i t would be d i f f i c u l t to place her, and so politely refused. Shu-ch'ing, however, argued forcefully that there should be no discrimination between men and women; furthermore, drawing on the history of our country's soldiers, she talked with enormous courage.  Li then ordered the levy of a separate women's army, with Shu-  ch'ing in charge of i t . of people came to e n l i s t .  As soon as the proclamation was sent out, hundreds (See the supplement to A New History of Chinese  Women). Several women's army brigades were established at this time; Ch'iu Chin's pupil, s i s t e r Yin Jui-chih ( Army (Chekiang nii-tzu chiin y^j-jX-^r  ), organized a Chekiang Women's ^  ) which participated in the  battle of Hangchow. She also bombed the Provincial Governor's yamen, want38  ing to k i l l the Manchu Kuei Fu chen ( ^ l|, J[ chun  ^trllJtV.^  in order to avenge her teacher.  Hsin Su-  ) and others organized a Women's National Army, (Nii kuo-min )»  a  Women's Suicide Squad" (Nii-tzu chueh-ssu 1  and a Women's Assassination Squad (Nii-tzu an-sha tui & § ~  tui&#M$f>)  P?K ) which  were used to defend Wuchang, and also took part in the Nanking-Hankow Kuei Fu ( Hlk ) was the Prefect of Shaohsing who was in charge of the capture and interrogation of Ch'iu Chin. 3 8  93 offensive.  Shen Ching-yin ( y'fc^f^  at Shanghai.  ) and others raised a women's army  Aside from these, the most famous of the other brigades  were the Women's Northern Expedition Brigade (Nii-tzu pei-fa tui ^ r ^ ^ t A ^ the Women's Military Regiment (Nu'-tzu chiin-shih t'uan  <J- % f i f ]  ) )  and the United Women's Military D r i l l Squad (T'ung meng nii-tzu ching-wu lien-hsi tui  «i  ^  If we look at their proclamations we can understand how unwilling they were to be in a secondary position to men.  Take, for example,  this statement of the Women's Northern Expedition Brigade: In my humble opinion, China, an ancient country, was master of East Asia. The heavenly power having arisen, extraordinary women came forth in every generation; the female s p i r i t giving birth and nourishing, heroic women were born in every age. Thus Fu H s i l a i d the foundation, but had to depend on the help of Nu Wa;40 Hsuan Wang, when his reign became despotic, was helped by the virtue of Chiang Hou.41 Before the three dynasties, there was no lack of gemlike and pure women; until after the two Han dynasties there were many turbanned heroines. Mu Lan42 enlisted in the army in the place of her father. She was brave and strong. Madame L i a n g helped her husband destroy the enemy, beating 3 9  43  Fu Hsi ( ) whose traditional dates are B.C. 2953-2838, was the f i r s t of the five emperors of the legendary period. He i s said to have taught the Chinese people basic s k i l l s , like hunting, fishing, and cooking, and to have introduced the calendar and regulated the marriage contract. See Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 234. 40 See above, p. 80, note 14. 41 See above, p. 89, note 10. 42 See above, pp. 35-36 and note 4, p. 36. Madame Liang, (Liang Hung-yii ^ £• ), was the wife of Liang Shih-chung, a Sung dynasty general. In his battle against the Chin at Hant'ientang, she took part, encouraging the soldiers and urging them on. As a result, the Chin were not able to cross the river. Chung-kuo jenming ta tz'u-tien, p. 988. 4 3  94 loudly on the drum. By these examples we know that there are great people in the eastern chambers; not a l l are as weak as Yao Niang.44 If the Southern Sung had not advocated appeasement of the Chin bandits, how could they have been so violent? But the ancients did not rise to the occasion, only fretting and worrying i n vain. In a time of many d i f f i c u l t i e s , how can one s i t back and watch? Ever since Yao45 established the borders, for four thousand years the Chinese race has maintained i t s e l f . But then Manchurian slaves entered the pass. In two hundred years this barbarian foe had not been pacified. They butchered Yangchou and Chiating, and the remaining sorrows of ten thousand families have not yet been forgotten; they were harsh in taxation; how could nine generations of deep hatred be endured? Beyond this there were traitors working for the government; they wanted to please the Manchus, and tried to be close to people i n high positions in order to gain power, inviting the odium of the Han race. Thus, when the monarch established a government, public indignation was already deep. Why was i t necessary to wait for the government to confiscate unlawful goods46 before the righteous army arose? Therefore once the Hupeh army erupted, the t e r r i t o r i e s of Yij47 united with them; the barbarian fortunes came to an end; what could Yuan48 do to help? Only i n the southeast had the revolution succeeded; but i t must be known that as for the one corner of the north-west, i t was unfortunately lost. Sleeping with weapons as a pillow, waiting for dawn, the heroic males had already presented their  Yao Niang ( 'T ) the concubine of Li Yu, whose rule ended in A.D. 975. She bound her feet for dancing; some writers suggest that this was the origin of foot-binding. See Wang Fan-t'ing ( £ ) Chung-hua l i - tai fu-n'u, pp. 131-135. Yao ( *h ) i s said to have died B.C. 2258. A legendary emperor who abdicated his throne after a long reign (traditionally e s t i mated at 70 or 98 years), i n favour of Shun. The names Yao and Shun together evoke China's Golden Age. See Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 921. 46 Perhaps a reference to the government's seizure of weapons prepared for the rebellion on October 9, 1911. Yu or Ta Yu ( ^ 4 ) was the legendary successor of Shun and the f i r s t emperor of the Hsia dynasty. His death i s traditionally dated B.C. 2197. E.T.C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (New York: The Julian Press, Inc., 1961), p. 597. 4 5  4 7  AO  f  j  Yuan Shih-k'ai ( % ^ ) who at that time had been appointed Governor General of Hu-Kwang in charge of suppressing the rebellion. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol IV, p. 83.  95  giant strategies; they are buying saddles to join the army, and a l l sisters should now express their righteous anger. Don't you know of France's shepherd g i r l , who vigorously repelled the English soldiers, or the beauties in the palace of Wu who studied martial arts, and whose valour could swallow up the state of Ch'ii? From this we know that when they are w i l l i n g to sacrifice everything, young g i r l s are not second to bearded men; when they avail themselves of a shield for glory, the people of a great country do not make light of women. Then pour out the contents of your trousseau trunks and collect together military expenses. Sweep the caves and clear the courts; l e t us get r i d of this barbarian cruelty. Then, when we see the revolution succeed, we can present Mu Lan's work as finished; and when the republican position is secure, we can soothe Chinisssplrit. This truly i s the glory of the Han race, not just the good fortune of women compatriots! This statement was copied over and over by different people, and everyone recited i t .  The delight i n novelty of the Chinese masses, who had  long been forced to submit to corrupt conditions, caused them to react with astonishment and admiration.  This i s very natural.  But the praise  of the general public was of absolutely no use to the women themselves. Moreover, people who were somewhat conventional thought that this sort of thing was just a game, and c r i t i c i s e d them on many points.  In r e a l i t y ,  the women's rights movement in the f i r s t few years of the republic was not defeated by the fact that women's army corps were not formally established, nor was i t defeated by the failure to obtain the right of p o l i t i c a l participation.  Rather, i t was defeated because, being startled  by the magnitude of what was happening, women did not have a penetrating grasp of the situation; they were defeated because they did not eliminate the male habit of not taking women seriously. The women's armies of this time did have shortcomings. Miss Chang Chu-chun, (  ) one of the new women of the older genera-  tion, a doctor, and the subject of a biography by Liang Ch'i-ch'ao in  96 Hsin-min ts'ung-pao,  wrote an essay, "Women's Organized Army Corps"  (Nii-tzu tsu-chih chiin-tui  ^  4  *J-*t$ %  fy.  ) expressing some  frank opinions: From antiquity the warning has been handed down of the disaster of weapons and the danger of war. . . . As for the women's armies formed today, they can choose qualified people. Speaking from a physical standpoint, however, they s t i l l f a l l far behind men. . . . Even i f the women put special effort into doing their duties, at the time when the two armies are fighting, I fear that this army w i l l not be able to k i l l the enemy e f f i c i e n t l y . And i f [the men's army] i s to protect our women's army, I fear they w i l l not have time. Although Chang Chu-chun was opposed to women organizing army brigades, she was w i l l i n g to act as head of the Shanghai Red Cross Society.  After the uprising at Wuhan, a l l of the hospitals of Shanghai  and Nanking organized a Red Cross Society, and recommended that Chang 50  Chu-chun be i t s head.  On October 23, Chang Chu-chun led the f i r s t group  to Hankow, and on November 13, continued with a second group to Chinkiang. The Hsin-min ts-unggpao ( "fC ) (New People Periodical) began publication between 1900 and 1903. Levenson writes: "Liang's f i r s t concern i n these years was his new fortnightly journal, the Hsin-min ts'ung-pao . . . published in Yokohama. Each number contained about forty pages of creative writing, commentary on current events, and dissertations on many facets of the problem of Chinese culture, i t s past and i t s future." Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, p. 68. 50  I have not been able to find any corroboration for Ch'en's account of the formation of the Red Cross. The North China Herald, on October 28, 1911, ran an a r t i c l e announcing the departure of a Red Cross party for the front. According to this account, "The party i s under the charge of Dr. Cox, who w i l l be assisted by Dr. Olesen, Dr. Bennett, Dr. B. Y. Wong, and Dr. C. S. Yang and twenty-five students with three Chinese and three Japanese nurses." p. 205. Nor have I been able to find any reference to the second group organized in Shanghai.  97  After sending out this group, the people of Shanghai organized a second Red Cross Corps.  Some of the women who helped in the creation of the  second corps were: Madame Chang Shan-fu ( J-Hjf-||f (  J{0  \  ), Madame Sun Ai-jen, (f ^ | \%\~  (  ^  ( 'rf*£ih (  \3 %  Ml  ^  ), Madame Su Li-shang  ), Madame Feng Yang-shan ( l!$UfM )» '  ss K  ' g Ch'ing-ping (  ), Madame Ho Hui-p'ei  ), Miss Ho Yung-hsi )» Miss T' ienSSsu-p'ing  u n  ), Miss Chiang T'ung-sfoih ( ^c^-dr ), and Miss Ch'u Chih-  cheng ( |f ^ | P  ). Their accomplishments were even greater than those  of the women's army units. ii.  The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation Women's army corps had not long been in existence when the  Ministry of War of the Nanking Provisional Government dismissed them; offering only alternative service as nurses in the hygiene corps. Moreover, each province was later ordered not to raise any new women's armies. Women's army corps at this time were treading on thin i c e , which was being melted away by the spring sun; but out of them grew the movement for p o l i t i c a l participation.  When the republic was established and women's  army corps were f i r s t organized, there were already people who advocated and struggled for p o l i t i c a l rights.  There were others who changed dir-  ection and took part in the movement for p o l i t i c a l participation only after the dispersal of the women's army units.  Thus, the China Women's  P o l i t i c a l Participation Alliance (Shen-chou nii-chieh ts'an-cheng t'ungmeng-hui  2>f  <&> \ ^  (Nii-tze:.t'ung-'meng-hui" Women's Military D r i l l Corps.  \j?£, f'.fj '/.sj ^ ^  ^  .=); and the Women's Union  ) was the reorganized United  Aside from these, there were also the  98 Shanghai Women's P o l i t i c a l Participation Comrades Association (Shanghai nii-tze ts'an-cheng tung-meng hui  Jz  & <r  \^\ %_  the Women's Re-inforcement Association (Nu-tze hou-yiian hui ^ i§C 1f  <J-  ^  )» the Women's Republican Association, (Nu-tze kung-ho hui  j t ^ ^~ n  )>  x  ), the Association for the Support of Equal Rights for Men  and Women (Nan-n'u p'ing ch'uan wei ch'ih hui  % -br ^  $(i ^|  the Women's National Association, etc. (Nu kuo-min hui ^ H i l A j ' ^  ), )•  When the Nanking parliament was formulating the provisional cons t i t u t i o n , Miss T'ang Ch'Un-ying  ), with twenty other people,  presented a petition demanding that a clause regulating equality of the sexes be included in the provisional constitution. In b r i e f , i t said: . . . Thus China has been restored to l i g h t , despotism has been changed to republicanism. The revolution in government was f i r s t to be achieved, the social revolution w i l l rise later. I f we wish to stop the tragedy of the social revolution, we must f i r s t seek social equality, i f we wish to seek social equality, we must f i r s t seek equality between the sexes; i f we want to find equality between the sexes, i t i s absolutely necessary to extend to women the right of p o l i t i c a l participation. . . . We request that in the actual text of the constitution i t be stated clearly that regardless of sex, a l l w i l l be legally equal, and a l l w i l l have the right to vote and to be elected. Of i t this i s not clearly stipulated, we ask that a speech be made to the people of this country, concerning the question of male and female equality. In addition, we request a formally published o f f i c i a l dispatch so that women w i l l have documentary proofs of their right of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i pation. In the provisional constitution promulgated by the parliament on March 11 of that year, there was, however, no regulation assuring equality of the sexes. A group of suffragists was extremely angered by t h i s , and, on March 19, T'ang Ch'iin-ying and others from the Women's P o l i t i c a l Participation Alliance presented a brief to President Sun Yat-sen  99 strongly denouncing the fact that there was no clause on male and female equality in the provisional constitution.  They demanded that  the president advocate a revision of the constitution under the provisions of the f i f t y - f i f t h a r t i c l e .  In the second part, "Citizens,"  under the f i f t h a r t i c l e , " A l l citizens of the Chinese Republic are equal," the clause below that, "Regardless of race, class or religion" should be altered to include sex as well as race, class, and religion. In order to placate the suffragists without actually doing anything, the members of the assembly agreed to table the March nineteenth petition for women's p o l i t i c a l participation for discussion.  After i n -  vestigation, they decided to hand the matter over to the formally constituted parliament for i t s decision.  The women, however, were not  s a t i s f i e d , and that day a vehement argument developed with the members of the assembly. The next day the suffragists called together many comrades, and burst into the assembly. They broke some of the windows i n the building and kicked down the police guards who had been called out.  Once the  news of this incident had been published, the whole country was s t a r t l e d , regarding i t as an unpredented, fantastic occurrence.  The foreigners  were also amazed. After the mediation of the President, a promise was made to propose a revision of the constitution to the legislature. the situation improve.  Only then did  (See Chang, ed., "The Development of the Thought  of Chinese Women," in Ten Discussions of the Women's Question, pp. 238-259).  See above, p. 55, note 11.  100 Once peace was restored, the women's movement for p o l i t i c a l participation was like a waterfall flowing towards level ground; after making several whirlpools, i t was not able to again raise the wind and the waves. The surprise attack on the legislature on March 20 revealed the shortcomings of the women's rights movement in the ten odd years since the reform period. thorough.  I t was shallow, lacked actual strength and was un-  The contribution of the suffragists, however, i s that at the  least, they made everyone realize that China's women would never again be as docile as they had been in the past.  This incident has an historical  value i n the l i f e of Chinese women which cannot be obliterated. At the same time, there was a group working for gradual progress— The Women's Republican Co-operative Progressive Association, (Nu-chieh kungho hsieh chin hui (  -tyr & ~& -fc  n  ^  ), with Madame Wu T'ing-fang  Madame Chang Ch'ing-chiang ( ^ J L I f K  leaders.  )  a n d  others as  They advocated f i r s t founding a women's legal and p o l i t i c a l  school and publishing a women's republican daily newspaper in order to prepare for p o l i t i c a l participation, then waiting until their p o l i t i c a l knowledge and qualifications were complete before again putting p o l i t i c a l participation into effect.  Their program was comparatively peaceful, but  they too had no real power. iv.  Women's Education in the F i r s t Few Years of the Republic After the establishment of the republic, both the educational  system and the curriculum were reorganized; but there was comparatively l i t t l e affecting women's education i n this change. Boys' and g i r l s ' schools were s t i l l separate.  In government primary schools g i r l s studied  needlework more than boys did, and the higher levels of g i r l s ' primary  101 schools offered a course in Home Economics. However, middle schools for women were now established; before there had only been women's normal schools.  Aside from those subjects studied in boys' middle  schools, g i r l s ' middle schools added courses in home economics, gardening and needlework.  The course in mathematics could omit trigonometry.  Handicrafts consisted primarily of such things as embroidery, crochet, and flower arranging, and physical exercise replaced the military d r i l l class.  Women's normal schools took as their aim the training of elementary  school and kindergarten teachers; their differences in curriculum from men's normal schools are similar to the differences between men's and women's middle schools. Women were prohibited from entering universities, and in 1916 no higher schools for women yet existed. The education of women at this time always took as i t s highest standard the "good wife and mother."  Not only was the system regulated in this way, but the  professors' course guidelines and the materials were also geared toward this standard. The rate of growth of the number of g i r l students, however, was actually changed by the Republic.  Male students a l l cut off their  queues, and female students unbound their feet.  Most parents had already  lost their fear that they would not be able to marry off their daughters unless their feet were bound. There were, however, quite a few mothers who s t i l l were confused and worried, and could not help but want to go to work on their daughters' feet, s t i l l rising early every morning to wrap and wrap them. Speaking only in terms of the increase in the number of women compared to the increase in male students; we know, according to the  102 f i r s t five charts of educational s t a t i s t i c s issued by the Department of Education, that: Date 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916  Male Students 2,792,257 3,476,242 3,898,065 4,113,302 3,801,730  Female Students 141,130 166,964 177,273 180,949 172,724  Happjily, the rate of increase in the numbers of male and of female students in the f i r s t four years i s very similar.  In 1916, the  rates suddenly f e l l , as a result of the conditions caused by the Hung 52 Hsien monarchy. An interesting comparison can be made here by considering the number of women students in 1916 republic and determining what increase there had been over the women students of fifteen years before. At that time, women's schools established by Chinese were very rare; the majority of China's women students attended schools b u i l t by missionaries, which were already drawing up s t a t i s t i c s .  (See the f i r s t chapter of The  Achievements of Missionary Society Girls' Schools (Chiao-hui-pang te nu-shu ch'eng-chi  4&%  1$  %  )  )  . The details of the lower grades  and kindergartens are not made clear in these s t a t i s t i c s , but the number of women students, when both the higher and primary grades are considered, did not exceed 4,373.  In 1916, referring s p e c i f i c a l l y to women students i n  Hung Hsien ( %- ) was the t i t l e adopted by Yuan Shih-k'ai. With the restoration of the Imperial system, many people may have expected the return of the examination system, and therefore may have doubted the value of modern education, and removed their children from modern schools. 5 2  103 high schools established by Chinese, the number had risen to 8,005 students. As for basic education, there were 164,718 female students (in both higher and lower level elementary grades).  This i s more than forty times  as many female students as there had been fifteen years before.  What a  s t a r t l i n g number this i s ! From this point we can conclusively say that many of the people of the Chinese Republic already were awakened to the necessity of education for women.  CHAPTER 2 THE LIFE OF CONTEMPORARY WOMEN A. The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution i.  The F i r s t Period—Before the May Fourth Movement An intellectual revolution must be part of the trend of the  times; then, as soon as someone actively promotes i t , i t w i l l rise up spontaneously l i k e s t i r r i n g waves. The a b i l i t i e s of those who promote i t are also formed by the times; their talents are borrowed so that the revolution may begin. Everyone who discusses China's modern "new culture" must give credit to the May Fourth Movement, and i t is obvious that when we speak of the May Fourth Movement, we must again acknowledge the role of The New Youth magazine. But The New Youth magazine's advocacy of the new culture also followed the tendency of the time.  I f we understand this  principle, then i t i s easy to understand how the intellectual revolution came into f u l l flower. The l i f e of Chinese women had begun to change in the twenty years between the Si no-Japanese War of 1895 and 1914. In these twenty years, there had been rapid progress; the criterion for women had changed from "stupidity i s a virtue" to the "good wife and mother," from l i f e inside the women's quarters, to a l i f e of studying i n schools. However, only after The New Youth promoted i t did a l i f e of independent status for women really materialize. 104  Furthermore, the May Fourth  105 Movement was a crucial point in this development. ii.  The First Period of The New Youth Ch'en Tu-hsiu ( f£ i$j %  ) established The New Youth Magazine  at the same time that Yuan Shih-k'ai was attempting to become emperor. After Yuan accepted the Twenty-One Demands of Japan, the Ch'ou-an Hui  1  beat the drum of constitutional monarchy until i t s sounds shook the heavens.  The Chinese people, especially the young, were confused about  these a f f a i r s .  Ch'en Tu-hsiu f e l t that those who should personally  shoulder the task of innovation in China  must be young people, and for  that reason, he wanted to bring about a transformation in the thought of youth.  ( i  The f i r s t issue contained a letter to him from Wang Y,ung-kung  Jjfa x~  ), in which the l a t t e r hoped that Ch'en would discuss the  problem of state structure, and educate the people.  In his reply he  said: A l l of the reasons which the gentlemen of the Ch'ou-an Hui hold for changes in the state structure are unsatisfactory. You, honourable s i r , wish this magazine to refute them. Although we would wish to refute them, we take as the natural duty of this magazine the remolding of the thought of the young and instruction of the young in moral cultivation; c r i t i c i s m of the present government is not i t s aim.  The Ch'ou-an Hui ( ^ 3- % ) or Society of Planning for Peace and S t a b i l i t y was founded'in August 1915, by Yang Tu ( ^ ), one of Yuan Shih-k'ai's advisors. Under the guise of a study group with a special interest in comparing the relative merits of monarchism and republicanism, the Ch'ou-an Hui t r i e d to drum up support for the establishment of a new dynasty with YUan as emperor. See Jerome Ch'en, YUan Shih-k'ai, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), pp. 172-78.  106 Is i t possible that his thinking really bore no relationship to the p o l i t i c a l darkness of that time? to this p o l i t i c a l darkness.  No.  He was absolutely opposed  He says:  I f the thinking of the citizens does not yet have a basic awareness, then there i s truly no reason for c r i t i c i z i n g the government. The tendency of governing in the past few years has always been to abide by China's laws and the teachings of her f i r s t kings; suffering c r i t i c i s m in order to protect the national essence. To govern i s extremely d i f f i c u l t . Do you think that the ambitions of neighbouring states should warn the people? The citizens of my country are not w i l l i n g to involve themselves in p o l i t i c s . The Japanese ultimatum [the Twenty-one Demands] was not enough to warn them; how could an essay in this magazine? This quotation adequately shows that he was greatly pained by the government and by the thinking of the people; he turned to reforming the thought of youth only after struggling in vain to find a solution. Can we not say that he was moved by the trend of the times? In the f i r s t four issues of The New Youth, there was no new contribution to the l i f e of women. Finally, in an a r t i c l e entitled "Nineteen-sixteen" which appeared in the f i f t h number, Chen Tu-hsiu formally advocated that women should not remain in a subservient position, and that they should not be accessories to other people.  This  essay appeared in January of 1916; i t was written when Yuan Shih-k'ai's attempt to become emperor was underway. '(YiianClssuedi orders that he 1  bereeogniizedrasaemperor on December 20, 1915).  Deeply regretting the  conditions of the time, Ch'en Tu-hsiu hoped that in 1916 China would undergo a gigantic change; hear his anguished cries: The citizens 6« our country ought to have special feelings for this year of 1916 and unprecedented hopes. From the beginning  107  of history until 1916, in p o l i t i c s , society, morality and scholarship, even the Yangtze River could not wash away a l l the crimes which have been committed and the humiliations which have been suffered. At this time of abolishing the old and establishing the new we ought to repent from the beginning and undergo self-improvement. The year of 1915-1916 i s a gaping chasm in history. From creation until 1915 everything is ancient history—past events up to 1916 are dead, the ewents after 1916 are alive. We must f i r s t renew our efforts for a new human status, a new nation, a new society, a new family, a new people. Only when the nation is renewed w i l l we be worthy to deal with enlightened peoples and have the qualifications to dwell in this, corner of the earth. Youth must cherish this hope, must praiseyouth and not age; youth must seize this hope, i t must k i l l old age and rejuvenate youth. The youth of 1915 must k i l l themselves and bring forth the youth of 1916. This f i r s t declaration of The New Youth Magazine's support for the New Culture Movement, was also the f i r s t writing of modern China's New Culture Movement. We can see how strongly they hoped for the innovations of youth: What w i l l be the guidelines for the thought and action of the youth of 1916? F i r s t , to take on the status of conquerors and not the status of the conquered. In a l l of mankind, the male i s the conqueror, the female is the conquered; the white races are the conquerors, the non-white races are the conquered. Those who pride themselves on being the young men and women of 1916 must wash out with iron and blood this disgrace which permeates the whole body. Second, to have respect for the status of individual independence and self-determination; to refuse to be an accessory to others. The Confucianist's theory of the three bonds is the source of a l l morality and p o l i t i c s : the bond of ruler and subject makes the people accessory of the ruler, without the status of independent self-determination; the bond of parents and children makes the children the accessories of the parents, without the status of independent self-determination; the bond of husband and wife makes the wife the accessory of the husband, without the status of independent self-determination. I t i s this theory of the three bonds which leads everyone to be a subject, a c h i l d , a wife, without seeing that there i s an independent human status. These bonds and the precious and golden moral sayings--loyalty,  108 f i l i a l piety and chastity, are not a self-determined morality of putting oneself in another's place, but are a slave morality of those who are the possessions of others. A l l human acts take the self as the centre; apart from this self and i t s loss, there i s nothing worth tail king about. Once those who follow slave morality lose this s e l f , they receive a l l praise and blame as the accessory of another. May those who pride themselves on being the youth of 1916 struggle to escape from the position of being an accessory and recover an independent and self-determined status. This was the f i r s t bombshell of the new Culture Movement, aimed at destroying slave morality and establishing a new nation, a new society, a new family and a new race.  This essay also prompted the  birth of the new woman, and, furthermore, had a profound meaning and value not only in the history of the l i f e of women, but also in the history of Chinese culture. But 1916 was, in the end, a year of reverses for China; the waves of the imperial restoration had hardly subsided, when the dense fog  of venerating Confucius rolled i n . The Constitutional Assembly  wanted to make Confucian morality the national religion.  Such re-  actionary thinking aroused argument throughout the country.  Ch'en Tu-  hsiu wrote an essay called "The Constitution and Confucianism," (Hsien fa yu k'ung-chiao. H - ^ ^ ^ L . $ £ ) (11:3) c r i t i c i z i n g this matter. The next issue of The New Youth (.11:4) carried an essay called "Confucian Morality and Modern Life" (K'ung tzu chih tao yu hsien-tsai sheng-huo).  In i t , Ch'en argues that, although the theories of the  three bonds and the five relationships were not invented by Confucius, other people have used him in this connection.  Therefore, i f we want  to dig out slave morality, we must destroy the Confucian i d o l ; how then  109 could we adopt Confucianism as the state religion?  In "Confucian Morality  and Modern Life" (K'ung-tzu chih tao-yii hsien-tsai sheng-huo cjti^)»  n e  i^fc^jfu.  world.  Z - A J L ^  condemns, .the; Confucian Way as inappropriate for today's  Several points in the essay are related to the l i f e of women:  In a l l modern constitutional states, whether monarchies or republ i c s , there are p o l i t i c a l parties. Those who engage in p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s cannot help but express a s p i r i t of individual independence, each one going his own way. The son need not necessarily agree with the father, nor the wife with her husband. When people follow the Confucianists' teachings of f i l i a l piety, of obedience, of not changing from the father's way even three years after his death, and of a wife obeying her father and husband, and f i n a l l y her son, how can they choose their own p o l i t i c a l party? The movement for women's p o l i t i c a l participation i s also a part of today's c i v i l i z a t i o n . For those who follow the Confucian teachings that "To be a woman is to submit," "A wife's words should not go beyond her quarters," and "Women do not speak of affairs outside the home," how can the idea of women participating in p o l i t i c s be anything but nonsense? As for the l i f e of widows in the West,, some remain single out of love for their old husbands, and some prefer a single l i f e ; there is no question there of the chastity of widowhood. When women remarry they are never despised by society. In Chinese moral teaching, there i s the concept of "When the husband dies there i s no remarriage." I f man has two masters, or a woman two husbands, i t i s considered by a l l as a loss of virtue and a disgrace. Furthermore, propriety prohibits widows from crying at night, and prohibits other people from befriending the son of a widow. For the sake of the family reputation, people force their daughters-in-law to remain widows. This involuntary moral integrity creates a miserable l i f e . Year in and year out, many competent women in their prime, are made to lead physically and s p i r i t u a l l y abnormal lives. This is the g i f t bestowed by Confucian morality. In today's c i v i l i z e d society, social intercourse between men and women i s the rule. Some even say that because women have a tender nature, they can control men's crudeness, and thus are necessary in public and private gatherings. I t i s not considered improper even for strangers to s i t together and dance together once the host has introduced them. The Confucian teachings say: "Men and women should not s i t together," "Brothers and sisters-in-law should not be in contact," "Once she has married and l e f t home, brothers should not share a seat with her, nor eat from the same dishes," " I f men and women have not engaged a matchmaker then they should not know each other's names, i f they have not exchanged  110 engagement gifts then they should not be in contact and should not show affection," "Women must cover their faces when they go out." Such etiquette i s not only inconsistent with the way of l i f e in modern Western Society; i t cannot even be practiced i n today's China. Western women make their own l i v i n g , they work in a l l professions, from lawyers, teachers and doctors to shop-girls. And the Confucian Way says "men and women should not touch hands when exchanging anything," "men do not speak of household matters, women do not speak of outside matters, only in religious sacrifices do they use the same utensils," "A married woman must obey." This is because the husband is taken as the standard of the wife, women are of course supported by their husbands and do not need an i n dependent livelihood. A married woman does not know her husband's parents before the marriage, she has only affection toward them and no obligation. In the West the majority of parents and children do not l i v e together, the daughter-in-law has no obligation to serve her parents-in-law. But the Confucian ways says: "Cautious and respectful, from morning to night she does not disobey a command," "Wifely obedience is due to the parents-in-law," "A wife should serve her husband's parents as she would serve her own parents," "the orders of parents and parents-in-law must not be disob'eyed '6r-disrespected'.'" " I f a man is fond of his wife but his parents are not pleased with her, then she should be divorced." "Unless the wife i s told to go to her room she would not dare to r e t i r e , i f a woman has an errand to do, then large or small, she must ask permission from her parents-in-law." Tfiis i s reason why the tragedy of the e v i l mother-in-law and the persecuted daughterin-law are a part of Chinese society. r  In this paragraph we can see that he advocated women's p o l i t i c a l participation, the remarriage of widows, the extension of social intercourse, economic independence, and the small household system.  A l l of  these are forbidden by Confucian morality, but were promoted by Ch'en with a l l his strength. Again, in the next issue (11:5) in reply to K'ung Chao-ming's ( ^(_,  14  ) l e t t e r , dealing with Ch'en's destruc-  tion of the basic principles of Confucianism, he said: If Confucianism and Confucian morality are not completely destroyed, there w i l l be no way to save China's government, morality, ethics, social customs, and scholarly thought.  Ill The same issue also carried Hu Shih's (  |/f|,  ) "Tentative  Proposals for Literary Reform (Wen-hsush kai-liang ch'u-i $  t^k  ^  )• Everyone acknowledges the role of The New Youth in the  l i t e r a r y revolution; but few realize that this proposal followed discussions on the problems of women. Ch'en Tu-hsiu's "On Literary Revolution" (Wen-hsueh ke-ming; lun  -^^jjT^f^-  ) and Wu Mii's ( |  y|  )  "On the Clan System as the Basis of Despotism" (Chia-tsu chih-tu wei chuan-chih chu-i chih ken-chii rlun  •kk.iJj^t%D  )  February, 1916.  b o t n  %i ^L.$3  % \ '1 % ^~ ]  appeared in the next issue (11:6) published in  Those who were working on The New Youth were well aware  of the intimate relationship of the women's problem and the clan .system to social problems, and for that reason they encouraged discussions of the women's problem. iii.  The Heyday of The New Youth 4*  T'ao Meng-ho ( of Women (PNii tzu wen-t'i 1918 (IV:1).  A  ) wrote an essay called "The Problem  J j i j ^  ) in T;he New Youth for January,  He used his viewpoint as a sociologist to point out the  reasons why European and American social phenomena had prompted the woman question to become a new social problem.  These reasons are: economic  development, educational and professional development, and intellectual development.  Taking Europe and America as a precedent, he changed the  way people thought about the woman question and made them aware that the women's movement was the new world tide which could not and should not be resisted. He was well aware that China's economy, her professions, and her thinking were far i n f e r i o r to those of Europe and America, and  112 also that under Chinese social restraint women had no opportunity to i n i t i a t e any kind of effort.  He supposed, however, that the rapid  transportation and communication of today's society would spread economic, professional and intellectual development everywhere.  Thus, that which  appeared yesterday in American and European society w i l l appear in Chinese society today; the European and American woman question was, without doubt, on the point of appearing in China. What he said was most astute, and today, eight years l a t e r , i t has already been largely confirmed. Four months after T'ao Meng-ho's a r t i c l e , The New Youth published Chou Tso-jen's (  ^ ^  ^  g 3- ) essay "On Chastity (Chen-ts'ao Hun ! #  tf B  {M$iff  ) translation of Yosano Akiko's ife ) ( I V : 5 )  22  She did  not regard chastity as morality, and this new viewpoint startled the people of that time. Yosano argued that a morality which sees chastity as something that only women have to maintain, i s an enormous flaw in human l i f e .  We cannot possibly believe in this hypocritical old morality.  She f e l t that a moral code ought to be something which everyone could maintain and practice; one group of people being made to suffer the unhappiness and injustice of hypocritical oppression by another group of people, i s not the new morality we have demanded. But what i s the present social situation?  She says:  2r  Yosano Akiko {M0¥fa% ) 1878-1941) was born in Sakai, Osaka Prefecture. She was famous as a poet for the freshness of style of her work, and the freedom and unconventionality of her ideas. She has not survived as a poet. The Japan Biographical Encyclopedia and Who's Who (2nd ed; Tokyo: The Japan Biographical Research Department, 1961), p. 1,922. 2  113 For a man there i s no spontaneous demand for the morality of chastity, and no social restraint. As long as a married woman stays with her husband, even i f there i s absolutely no sympathetic affection between them, then she is a chaste woman. Society demands only this kind of chastity from women. Even after love and sexual intercourse have been broken o f f , causing her to suffer great unhappiness, i f she s t i l l lives with her husband for scores of years, managing the house and raising the children, then she w i l l be praised by a l l as a chaste woman. Again, even i f she gives her love to another, as long as she has sexual intercourse only with her husband, she w i l l be praised by a l l as a chaste woman. Examples of this kind are truly numerous. Once the mask of the old morality was stripped o f f , the movement very easily captured the minds of the young.  But w i l l this society  of the new man have absolutely no place for chastity? Yosano Akiko says: "I do not consider chastity as morality, i t i s only a taste, a b e l i e f , a kind of fastidiousness." Because i t i s a taste, a belief or fastidiousness, i t does not force i t s e l f on others.  Without being under  any moral restraint, a person can cherish his chastity completely spontaneously, i n the same way as a love for art or scholarship. Yosano also compares chastity to wealth; having i t oneself i s wonderful, but whether others have i t or not i s of no great importance.  This attitude  destroyed the old viewpoint of the past two thousand years; when infused into the minds of youth, i t exerted an enormous influence. Later, Hu Shih published an essay "The Question of Chastity," (Chen-ts'ao wen-t'i  the same as those of Yosano Akiko.  They a l l started with the one-sided  demand that only women should preserve chastity, and worked at "smashing  114 the withered and pulling down the decayed," frequently pointing out the  absurdities of the Chinese concept o f chastity.  lated Lan Chih-hsien's ( %.  *L  Later they stimu-  ) discussion, which was published in  The New Youth for April of 1919 (VI:4).  3  By that time The New Youth  had already created an uproar throughout China.  Lan Chih-hsien was the  chief editor of The National Daily (kuo-mi,n j i h pao <ij &  );  his essay had f i r s t been published in that newspaper, where i t aroused the  attention of the people of Peking. The time was now ripe for the  changes advocated by The New Youth.  Shortly after t h i s , the May Fourth  Movement began and, with the help of the p o l i t i c a l movement, the new thought advocated by The New Youth engulfed the entire country. The area in which The New Youth was most constructive was not its discussions on the problem of chastity, but rather i t s pointing out of specific absurdities in the l i f e of women and its tendency to guide the  liberation of women. Hu Shih's s k i l l in using concrete methods o f  pointing out problems was the reason for his great success, whether in lectures or in essays. The New Youth issued a special number on Ibsen (IV:6), in which the specific examples o f Ibsen's dramas were used to point out problems.  Hu Shih explained that the household of which Ibsen  wrote had four great vices:  Lan Chih-hsien's a r t i c l e i s "Chen-ts'ao wen-t'i," ( K <^ Mm ) (The Problem of Chastity), pp. 398-405. In i t he argues that the traditional concept o f chastity is wrong because i t i s one-sided. But importing Western ideas of sexual morality and trying to base marriage on romantic love alone is equally mistaken. Instead he suggests marriages based on s p i r i t u a l love and an appreciation o f the marriage partner's personal integrity. Chastity should s t i l l be an essential moral quality, but should be demanded from men as well as women. 3  9 9  d f  115 The f i r s t i s i t s selfishness; the second i t s dependent, slavish nature, the third i t s hypocritical morality and the fourth i t s timidity and lack of courage. He further argued that this i s an actual reflection of the Chinese family.  Hu Shih then pointed out that the ideas of Ibsen's  dramas were good medicine for China's i l l s ; this argument was well received.  Later, Hu Shih himself wrote a come'dy, The Life-long A f f a i r ,  (Chung-shengta shih  ffi  *i A f  ) in which T'ien Ya-mei, who had  not won her demand for freedom of marriage, ran away with her lover.  This  play was actually simpler and more forceful than Ibsen's dramas. When this manuscript was published in March, 1919, the play could not be performed because no woman student would dare to take the part of T'ien. After the May Fourth Movement, however, performances of The Life-long A f f a i r at g i r l s ' schools were not i n the least unusual. Prior to the May Fourth Movement, there were two more articles in The New Youth which had an enormous effect on the liberation of women. One of these was Liu Pan-nung's ( %'\ ^ JK on Returning South," (Nan kuei tsa kan August, 1918 (V:2).  ) "Random Thoughts ) published in  In the essay, he enumerated the sufferings of Chinese  women through the mode of leisurely conversations with his wife: Of a l l humanity, Chinese women suffer most. I cannot bear to speak of the distress of women of very poor families, who worry about their evening meal while they eat their breakfast. Women from rich and noble families, wearing their short pants and s i l k stockings, going everyday to Yang-ch ing-ho and Lao-paoch'eng to have their jewelry taken care of, to Ta-lun and T'ien-ch'eng to buy fabrics, suppose themselves to be very happy. In r e a l i t y , they are more miserable than the old beggar women in the streets. But I have no wish now to discuss these "gilded parasites." I would simply 1  116 l i k e to talk to you middle class women, who need not worry about your next meal, and have from t h i r t y or f i f t y to one or two hundred dollars a month in income, and can plan how to spend i t . You do not seem to suffer too much. But you are human beings; i f we judge you by the status which human beings ought to have, you are extremely miserable. In the f i r s t place, before you have married, your parents do not teach you to read: after you are ten years old, however, they f r a n t i c a l l y look for a profitable match. Human beings ought to be knowledgeable, but your parents won't allow you to gain any knowledge. Human beings have the right to dispose of their own bodies, but your parents decide this for you. This i s the method of raising p i g l e t s — r a i s e them any which way, and when they have grown up, then thoughtlessly grab them and throw them out of the sty. Secondly, after you have married, because you are not knowledgeable, you w i l l have to take "stupidity" for "virtue;" because you cannot stand on your own, you must mouth the "three obediences;" because you w i l l die of hunger i f you f a l l out of favour with your man, you must mouth the "four virtues;" you must be "virtuous and wise" and "a good wife and mother." In r e a l i t y , the saying that only an untalented woman is virtuous i s the placard of a human pig. The "three obediences" only mean, after a l l , that the master of the household changes three times. The "four virtues," "virtue and wisdom" and "a good wife and mother" are only euphemisms for "longterm prostitution," and in r e a l i t y are just the same as the stories published in cheap newspapers: "Her room i s clean and she i s a perfect hostess," and "clever in conversation, she pleases host and guest alike." This was an extremely profound c r i t i c i s m . Let us see what he says of women's daily l i f e : I w i l l calculate your daily work: you get up at seven in the morning, comb your hair, cook breakfast, step outside to buy food, supervise the children's meal, dress the older ones and prepare school bags for them, and later take them to school. By the time this i s done, i t i s already nine o'clock. After nine o'clock you must wash the breakfast dishes, take out the ashes and cull the vegetables (often five cash of green vegetables and ten cash of bean sprouts. To cull them takes one or two hours.) You wash the f i s h and s l i c e the meat, and suddenly i t s already eleven o'clock. You are instantly in a hurry, boiling rice and cooking food, continuously busy until twelve o'clock. Once you have eaten and washed your face i t is about one o'clock, and you look to see what clothes need to be washed, then soak them in hot water. Washing clothes by hand i s time-consuming--a pair of stockings takes approximately ten  117  minutes, a short gown approximately twenty minutes. By the time a few pieces of clothing are washed i t i s already dusk, and even i f i t i s n ' t , you are tired and have to rest, but only until s i x o'clock, when again you must prepare dinner and again wash the dishes. In the evening you make shoes for the children and mend clothing. Any remaining time i s f i l l e d by flipping through the Daily Accounts book, and using characters that are half-wrong and half-right, recording one or two accounts of pocket money. At ten o'clock, urged on by yawns, you w i l l hurry along to bed. Women of middle class households really do l i v e this kind of life.  Even today's women, who are already liberated, and have had a  higher education, s t i l l l i v e this way once they marry and have children. They truly s u f f e r — t h e only improvement is that they do not mistake characters when writing accounts. But i s i t possible that they are unable to hire servants? Liu says: Even i f there is a slave g i r l and a maid helping in the house, you w i l l at most only be able to decrease your work load by onethird. I f you are tied down by a nursing c h i l d , then your work is doubled. What do you have to show for i t ? He believes that to change Chinese society and rescue Chinese women, the present "life-pattern" of Chinese women must be destroyed. How can i t be destroyed?  In the case of the f i r s t abuse he mentioned,  the reverse must happen.  Parents must carry out the responsibility of  educating their daughters, but have no right to interfere in marriage and no duty to bear marriage expenses.  Before the second abuse can be  corrected, however, society must be reorganized. Reorganized in what way? He says: Let us take the street I l i v e on as an example. There are approximately f i f t y families l i v i n g on the street. Estimating on the  118 basis of two adult women per family, there i s a total of one hundred women. These one hundred useful persons live today according to the standard "life-pattern;" naturally they die without having accomplished anything. I f We,iicou'l:d| unite the f i f t y families, then: 1) A nursery could be established, to bring up a l l under the age of five who live on the street. (According to the Chinese way of calculating age'^tr This ..would requ.i re._ approximate ly^ten people, or at most fifteen. 2) A kindergarten could be established, to educate a l l of the children between five and seven years of age. This would require approximately five people, or at most eight. Children older than seven years would enter public school; there would be a public school for every three or four streets, but this need not be taken into account here. 3) A boarding house could be established, to supply meals to a l l of the families. This would require approximately seven people, or at most ten. 4) A laundry could be established which would wash each family's clothes, requiring approximately s i x people, or at most eight. 5) A tailoring shop (which would also mend old clothes) could be established which would take care of each family's clothes. This would require approximately ten people, or at mosttstwetve. 6) From four to eight public maids could be hired to take care of cleaning and hygiene in each house, as well as errands like shopping and mailing letters. According to these calculations, only forty-two, or at most sixty-one women would be needed to maintain family l i f e for these f i f t y families; i f we subtract them from the total of one hundred, then we have fifty^'.Jhetleasttthifty-nine"pedple l e f t over. If these f i f t y - e i g h t people could a l l go into society and work, then China's social enterprises would not be in their present ghastly state. (By social enterprises I mean jobs such as primary school teachers, nurses in hospitals, sales clerks and secretaries. I disapprove of women's p o l i t i c a l participation--! don't even approve of men participating in government). Even these forty-two people who work on this street have discharged their duty to society and escaped from the disgrace of "long-term prostitution." What he advocated i s exactly the same as the ideal social organization of later socialists., Now, eight years later, i t is s t i l l an ideal. The ideal has not yet been realized, but the seed has been planted in  A child i s one year old at birth and becomes two years old at the lunar New Year.  119 the minds of the young. Another important essay, published in September, 1918 was Hu Shih's "American Women," (Mei-kuo te fu-jen  (V:3)  \ ^0 ^ *\ ^  )  the manuscript of a lecture given at the Peking Women's Normal School. Right from the start he used concrete methods to express his viewpoint, saying: Last winter, my friend, Mr. T'ao Meng-ho, asked me to dinner. One foreign guest was an American g i r l , representing several newspaper offices as a special investigator to Russia. At the same dinner there was an English couple and two Chinese couples,, in this "pot-pourri o f Chinese and Westerners and men and women" I made some comparative observations. L i t t l e distinction could be seen in learning or wisdom between the two Chinese wives, the English wife, and the American woman. But somehow I ultimately f e l t that the American woman was different. I asked myself, in what way does she d i f f e r from them? From what I could see, this point o f difference rested on a basic difference in their philosophies o f l i f e . The philosophy of the three married women was one of being "a good wife and mother." The American woman's was a philosophy "transcending the good wife and mother." At dinner I judged that she was probably not more than about t h i r t y , but she had a mature manner and a hardy s p i r i t . In each word and action she seemed toeexpressjthis^"philosophy'of.^transcending_the good., wife and mother." She might as well have said: "Being a good wife and mother has never been a bad thing. But I am a dignified individual; there are many responsibilities I should discharge and there is much work I can do. Why must I necessarily be a good wife and mother for others, and consider that this is the only way to discharge my natural duty, and do my work?" This, then i s the l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother." I looked at- this^womaniwhohhaaa'traveledc-severaT-.tho'usand miles alone, unafraid of hard work and danger, in order to reach the chaos o f Russia, and investigate the actual conditions o f the post revolutionary c i v i l war. This s p i r i t i s a manifestation of the l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother," i t is also a manifestation of the s p i r i t o f American women. What a f t e r - a l l , i s this l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother?"  Hu Shih explains further:  120 The philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother" i s , i n other words, the concept of "independence." I certainly do not claim that no American woman considers i t worthwhile to be a good wife and mother, nor do I claim that a l l of them want to investigate conditions i n Russia. I do say, however, that from my observations, American women, whatever their circumstances or profession, whether they are married or single, generally preserve an "independent" mind. The woman of other countries generally take "the good wife and mother" as their goal, while American women generally take "independence" as their goal. The meaning of "independence" i s the development of individual a b i l i t i e s ; the a b i l i t y to not depend on others, to have an independent l i f e for oneself and to work for society oneself. The attitude handed down from ancient China assumed that "women manage the kitchen," and "man rules outside the household, woman rules inside the household." A wife called her husband "the outer master," while a husband called his wife "the servant inside." These kinds of distinctions are unacceptable to today's American women. Ttiey think that men and women are "human beings" who should a l l work to make a free and independent "human" l i f e , with no distinction between "inner" and "outer." Later he gives several examples of American women moving towards this aim, and several times makes detailed comparisons with the faults in the aims of Chinese women. Finally he speaks of his hopes for China's women: If our Chinese sisters can use this independent s p i r i t to correct our dependent nature, i f they can take this "philosophy of transcending the good wife and mother," and improve the concept of "the good wife and mother," then they can bring some fresh a i r into the world of Chinese women, and make China produce a few women who can be truly independent. The s p i r i t of independence i s contagious. In the future, this trend to independence w i l l be as contagious as the microbes of the plague, the more i t i s transmitted the further i t w i l l spread, until gradually i t w i l l create countless independent men and women, each seeing themselves as dignified individuals with duties to perform and work to do. Once there are a number of these independent men and women, they w i l l , of course, breate a good society. The good society w i l l be absolutely unlike that which today's men and women, mutually dependent and unable to stand alone, are able to create. Therefore, I say that this s p i r i t of independence, although i t at f i r s t appears to be completely selfish individualism, in r e a l i t y , is one of the necessary conditions for  121 a good society. this problem.  This, then, is my modest hope in pointing out  The effect of Hu Shih s essay was enormous. We can see that 1  he i s advocating the philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother."  This philosophy i s very similar to the "feminism" later o  \55  J^3^£#s  ).  i,  advocated by Chang Hsi-shen (  The above essays may  be considered as The New Youth's contribution to raising the "woman question." B.  The Second Period—After the May Fourth Movement  i.  The May Fourth Movement and Women's Liberation At the time of the European war, there was a great change i n  China's economic conditions. Because of the war, each Western country had to temporarily reduce or halt i t s Eastern trade.  Chinese indus-  t r i a l i s t s took advantage of this to extend the movement for industrialization, and during these years, countless cotton mills and factories were established everywhere in China.  The collapse of handicraft i n -  dustries, however, did not start at this time.  As soon as foreign  nations were allowed free trade, the Chinese handicraft industries were doomed and the people's economic livelihood was already in distress. Even then, the phenomenon of " s i t t i n g and waiting for death" could gradually be discerned.  The people i n general, however, could not be  made to understand that the development of industrialization could cause social change. This was because the 1ives of the great majority of  See above, p. 55, note ilil'*.  122 people were s t i l l f a r removed from the conditions of social industrialization, even though they were already indirectly suffering from the oppression of Western industrial development.  At the time of the  European war, capitalists established many factories, because they believed that i t was an opportune enterprise.  The poor people entered  the factories because there they could evade hunger and cold.  Social  conditions, directly or i n d i r e c t l y , sustained very great changes. Only then did the entire nation feel the relationship between industrial development and society, and become w i l l i n g to accept modern Western civilization.  This then, i s the background of the New Culture Movement.  When the European war came to an end, the Chinese supposed that this was an opportunity to strengthen themselves, and were f u l l of hope that at the peace conference they would achieve victory without having worked for i t . Who could foresee that i n the end, the news would be inauspicious? petty bandits. g Movement.  The source of this catastrophe was misinterpretation by This was the reason for the development of the May Fourth  Although the May Fourth Movement sprang from immediate circumstances, i f i t was to be maintained and given strength and meaning, then  The'Xhinese had hoped that after the German defeat i n 1918, the German t e r r i t o r i e s i n China would be returned. Japan had occupied Kiaochow, the leased German t e r r i t o r y , in 1914, and eventually occupied most of Shantung province. At the Versailles Peace Conference, secret treaties between Japan and the Great Powers were revealed, in which the Powers had promised to support Japan's claim to German t e r r i t o r i e s in Shantung. In addition, the Japanese argued that China's acceptance of the Twenty-one Demands in 1915, and the agreements made i n 1918 in connection with a loan from Japan i f o r the construction of two railroads in Shantung gave Japan a legal right to the territory. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement, pp. 84-94. The term "petty bandits" seems to refer to the warlords whoicontrol led China at this time.  123 i t would need the help of an ideology, for a movement must rely on continuous effort for success•. At the same time, those who took a broad view of this p o l i t i c a l movement, f e l t that solving the p o l i t i c a l question alone was an impossibility, for China had problems on a l l sides; the economic problem, the industrial problem, the social problem, the ethical problem . . . and a l l of these were related to the p o l i t i c a l problem.  The problems were as d i f f i c u l t to unravel as the strands of  a spider's web, but they could a l l be traced back to one source, which was ultimately a cultural problem.  The realization that China was part  of the modern world made i t necessary to accept modern c i v i l i z a t i o n .  The  reforms advocated by The New Youth Magazine were v a l i d , and so the young people of the May Fourth Period made every effort to achieve them, to destroy the old ethical relationships and accept the new culture. I f at this time there had been only the discussions in The New Youth, but no tendency to accept Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , of course the movement would not have achieved success. The tools of the May Fourth Movement were "organization" and "propaganda."  7  The cries of a minority without organization w i l l  be unable to arouse the attention of the people.  certainly  In the May Fourth Period,  unity of organization sprang from unity in accepting the new thought. Because the new thought set no boundaries between men and women, the May  The Chinese use of "propaganda" (hsu'an ch'uan % ^ ), does not have the negative connotations that we associate with the word in English, but simply means an effort or movement to spread particular doctrines or information, or the doctrines or ideas spread through propaganda. 7  124  Fourth Movement was a good opportunity to press for more freedom of social contact. Propaganda must have content, for a cry without content i s unpleasant to those who hear i t .  Since the May Fourth Movement took as  i t s aims the destruction of the old ethical relationships and the absorption of the new culture, the propaganda of the movement naturally made every effort to start from these aspects.  During the May Fourth  period, there were very few places which lacked a movement publication; every province and every county had a student organization, and every student organization wanted to put out a publication, whether i t be lead type, lithograph or mimeograph. And, when we look at each publication, aside from news of the movement, i t i s f u l l of talks on "the revolution in ideas," "opening up of social contacts," "liberation of women," "freedom i n love," and "educational equality."  At the very least, the  minds of the young people writing these discussions, accepted i n some way the molding of these thoughts, and again, when they wrote the manusc r i p t s , they had at least to read numerous magazines. Thus, the ideas advocated in The New Youth spread spontaneously over the whole country. Once i t enters the mind, thought can be mischievous.  Although  there are i n the world ideas which might be realized only after ten or one hundred years, the ideas closely concerned with oneself, that can be put into immediate operation, are the ones that people are eager to try out.  The ideas promoted in the May Fourth Period were a l l "good  medicine to save the age," especially this question of "women's liberation" (fu-nii chieh fang  $L  ). Everyone f e l t i t to be urgent;  125 moreover, action on i t was feasible, and so, in the May Fourth Period, women began to achieve liberation. Something that we must not forget, i s the transformation of economic conditions. China's self-managed industry was originally a pagoda b u i l t on the sand, without the slightest b i t of foundation.  After  the European war, the foreign economic invasion poured into China l i k e a tidal wave.  In the face of this force, our old system could no longer  function, women could no longer go on peacefully and securely l i v i n g their parasitic lives within the home. With economic conditions being in such s t r a i t s , jobs being so hard to get, and the cost of l i v i n g r i s i n g , i t was d i f f i c u l t for a man to support his wife and children so that they did not cry out from hunger.  For this reason, women had to enter society  and look for work. Those who had some foresight then quickly allowed women to study, in order to prepare to hold a job.  The ideal of a man  always staying in his home community was also destroyed by the d i f f i c u l t y of finding work.  Because of the economic situation, inherited property  was often not enough to provide a l i v i n g , and a l l the brothers of a household had to plan their own livelihood.  At this time the power of clan  law collapsed without waiting for the blow.  The convenience of communi-  cations, however, also had a great influence. Once the concept of ancestral law had been destroyed, a great oppressive stone was l i f t e d from women's backs.  This i s an important change which furthers the liberation  of women. ii.  Liberation in Education and i t s Defects The f i r s t harbinger of women's liberation after the May Fourth  Movement was educational liberation.  To raise the status of women i t i s  126 necessary to have equality in men's and women's education.  In order to  achieve educational equality, that i s , a "human education" for a l l without regard to sex; male and female education should not be segregated. In 1911, the Department of Education called a central educational conference to discuss methods of co-education and decided that i t was permissable in the lower grades of primary school. When the Ministry of Education was established, in the f i r s t year of the Republic, a widely circulated statement of aims mentioned co-education in the f i r s t grades of primary school.  In 1915 i t was further decided that in the co-educational higher  level primary schools there must be separate classes for men and women. From this i t i s apparent that the educational methods decided upon in co-educational primary schools were only for the convenience of educational administration. In small places where they could not erect a g i r l s ' primary school,girl students could enter separate classes in boys schools.  This measure was born of necessity; the Department of Educa-  tion definitely did not want boys and girls to receive the same kind of education.  Because the society of the time also strongly disapproved of  this method, i t was pointless to have a regulation allowing co-education. Primary schools only truly became co-educational after the May Fourth Movement. In 1920 there were boys' primary schools containing g i r l s and g i r l s ' primary schools containing boys almost everywhere in the country. Before the May Fourth Movement, there were absolutely no higher level women's schools run by Chinese.  Of those established by missionary  societies, Peking had Hsieh Ho Women's University, Nanking had Ginling Women's University, and Fuchow had Southern School--these were the most  127 famous places for Chinese g i r l s to get a higher education.  In 1917,  the Peking Women's Normal School (Pei-ching nii-tzu shih-fan 3-|CJ  & xtr  ) established a special course in teaching national language  and literature, and in the next year further established technical courses in drawing and handicrafts. Although there were plans for reorganizing higher normal school education, these were never completely carried out. The May Fourth Incident took place during the school term of 1919.  In the autumn of that year, three women students, Wang Lan.  ( ± $j ),.:Hsi Chen ( I I  ) and Teng Ch'un-lan (  ffAM  that Peking University l i f t i t s prohibition on women students.  ) demanded At that  time the entrance examinations had already been held so they could only be allowed to audit courses.  In a l l there were nine women students who  either qualified in the entrance exams or were allowed to audit courses. At a combined party of the men's and women's schools of Yenching UniverQ  s i t y , Ts'ai Chien-min  gave a humorous lecture on the l i f t i n g of the pro-  hibition against women at Peking University. He said: In the past there have often been people asking, "When w i l l the universities l i f t their prohibitions against women students?" I can only reply, "Originally there was no prohibition against women students. There i s not a university in Europe or America which does not accept women students. In the regulations for universities set by our national Ministry of Education there is absolutely no rule that only men students can be accepted. In the past, however, women middle school graduates never came to demand entrance, and we naturally had no reason to advertise for women students. I f women students came to s i t for the examinations  Ts'aflj Yuan-p'ei.  128 when the entrance examinations were announced, we would of course allow them to. I f the results of the exam were up to the standard, we would of course allow them to enter preparatory classes. Since there was no prohibition to begin with, today we cannot l i f t i t . (Yen Hsing Lu, page 415-416). From our point of view his speech i s ridiculous, but i t was able to gagethe Ministry of Education and resist the aims of the opposi9 tion.  I t was not long before the Nanking Higher Normal School also  started admitting women students.  The Peking Women's Higher Normal  School was also completely established in the next year.  Except for  specialized professions such as communication and transportation and tax a f f a i r s , there is co-education today in a l l the universities in the country.  There are s t i l l , however, two universities which teach only  women students.  (Tsing Hua at present has no women students, but I hear  that i t w i l l soon advertise for women students)According to the investigation of the China Society for Educational Progress, during 1922, there were already 665 women students receiving higher level education in China, aside from those studying at missionary schools (which were not counted).  This was an achievement of  the May Fourth Movement. The distribution of these 665 students was: In this speech, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, then the Chancellor of Peking National University, solved the whole problem of legal obstruction to women's higher education by pointing out that women had never been explici t l y prohibited from attending universities. In the past, co-education had been so unthinkable that there had been no need to formally bar women students. Once the oversight had been pointed out there could be no further excuse to deny women higher education; and in the face of rising demands for women's education and the examples of European and American co-education systems i t was impossible for conservatives to enact regulations prohibiting women students. 3  129 National Schools Peking University Peking Normal University Peking University of Law and P o l i t i c a l Science Peking Agricultural University Peking Women's Higher Normal University Peking Industrial Technical School Peking Medical Technical School Peking School of Art Nanking Southeastern University Shanghai Commercial University Wuchang Higher Normal School Canton Higher Normal School  11 15 7 4 236 8 14 30 44 13 19 19  Provincial Schools Tientsin Hopeh University Fukien Amoy University Wuchang School of Foreign Languages Canton University of Law and P o l i t i c a l Science Yunan Eastern Continental University  13 4 7 13 8  Private Schools Peking China University Peking People's University Peking Hsin Hua University Tientsin Nankai University Shanghai Southern University Shanghai School of Art Shanghai Chinese Public School Kiangsi Yuchang School of Law Wuchang Chinese University Changsha Self Study University Changsha Tatsai School of Law Changsha Ch'iin-Chih Law School Kwangchow Lingnan University  14 12 4 23 4 52 3 6 35 3 3 12 27  This was the situation i n 1922; by now of course, i t has improved even more. The opportunity for Chinese women to o f f i c i a l l y enter university and receive a higher education dates from the May Fourth Movement as I have clearly explained above. Why then was the Peking Women's Normal  130 School formally changed i n 1920 to the Higher Normal School?^  0  The  idea of changing Peking Women's Normal to Women's Higher Normal School was brought up before the May Fourth Movement. At that time i t was necessary to establish a women's higher normal school because there was nowhere for students who had graduated from women's elementary normal to proceed to a higher school. Today there i s no need for specially established schools for women's higher education.  Theoretically speak-  ing, women must receive the same human education as men, and i n practice, the curriculum of women's higher normal schools and women's universities is the same as that of other universities. We have, however, two national women's universities, which point up the defects in women's education by giving shelter to women students when they are not able to enter other universities, and thereby, fostering the laziness of students in women's schools.  The flowering of the  intellectual revolution almost ten years ago, has not yet been able to correct this attitude of the past three thousand years which ranked women's a b i l i t y below men's. The liberation of women in education i s s t i l l not complete i n this respect.  Students at an elementary normal school had completed seven years of elementary education; four years of lower elementary school, from seven to eleven years of age, and three years of higher elementary school, from eleven to fourteen years of age. At fourteen, they entered elementary normal, and graduated at nineteen, qualified to teach i n elementary schools. Higher normal school followed the completion of four years of high school or four years of elementary normal school. At the end of the four year course, students were qualified to teach i n high schools. Lin Paotchin, L''instruction Feminine En Chine (Apres l a Revolution de 1911), Paris: Librairie Geuthner, 1926, p. 18.  131  Because the schools which were set up during the reform period set the "good wife and mother" as their aim, they f i r s t put women's education under the laws for domestic education, and only later brought i t under the Ministry of Schools.  The goal of women's normal school at  the time was "to give women a primary education and to teach methods of rearing infants, in hopes of assisting the family livelihood and benefiting the home." Half of this aim was acknowledged in the f i r s t years of the Republic; the goal was said to be "the education of primary school teachers and kindergarten governesses."  There was no mention of anything  concerning the home, for at that time there were already doubts about the principle of "good wives and mothers."  Furthermore, the creation of  women's middle schools was undertaken in the hope that women would have the opportunity to receive a higher education and thereby escape the confines of the role of good wife and mother.  But in the end, they  couldn't say that women's middle school education should be identical to men's. As a result, there were more home management, sewing, and related courses than in the curriculum at men's middle schools.  This  inadvertently created an inconsistency in the system, and made the aim of women's education confused and lacking in direction.  Should the  aim of educating women ultimately be the same as that of educating men? Should i t be the production of good wives and mothers, or should i t transcend good wives and mothers?  I f the aim should be the same as  that of men's education, what is the point of women studying more home management, and sewing courses?  I f good wives and mothers are to be  the educational standard, can they be produced by the study of needlework?  132 China's new education was originally conceived on the style of the old examination system.  A l l that counted was that a person  would have certain qualifications after passing through school grades, and would be able to lay his hands on a position i n the c i v i l service (school teachers qualify as a kind of c i v i l servant). No one gave any thought to whether or not education was relevant to the student's l i f e . Although there was great concern for the management of schools, the effect on the l i f e of the students was, as before, very s l i g h t .  Since  the goal of women's education was so unclear, the whole question could only float in the great sea of the old l i f e , rocked by the new intellectual t i d e , high with one wave and low with the next, passing through i t s vague and undefined existence. Today's women's schools completely evade their responsibilities. They ignore a l l questions of whether or not their students should marry, or whether, after having married they should take up the responsibility of home management and child rearing.  Instead, i n accordance with these  far from perfect ministry regulations, they cram the student's brains with courses and text books.  When these great questions develop in a  student's l i f e , she must rely on her environment to provide a solution, and has no choice but to struggle i n the cross currents of the c o n f l i c t between new and old. The knowledge which school has given her i s of no advantage. What an enormous defect this i s !  The prevailing situation  is such that almost everyone w i l l admit that education for a woman i s nothing more than an ornament.  A woman who has an education has out-  grown her own home but cannot take a place in another.  (That i s to say,  133 she does not have the a b i l i t y to manage a household).  What a tragic  result this i s ! In higher level education i t i s unnecessary to separate men and women, but there are two universities in China which do separate them.  From the beginning, middle school education was segregated, a l -  though there is no difference in teaching methods and teaching aims. Is this not a contradiction? In my opinion, the purpose of higher level education is to shape special talents; what sexual distinctions are there in special talents?  Even without mentioning the positive advantages of co-educa-  tion i t is obvious that men and women should be studying together, since the directing purpose i s the same, and the teaching materials used are again the same. As for g i r l s with middle school education, I believe that whether they are going on to further schooling or w i l l be finding work, they should be given an education for the special needs of women, apart from courses connected with the school system.  Although the idea that  "women rule within the house" is completely unsuitable for contemporary society, no one advocates totally obliterating women's native a b i l i t i e s and s p i r i t u a l endowment, their interests, affection and beauty, and causing masculinity to be the ultimate standard of l i f e .  Certainly no  feminist would want to demand the elimination of the responsibility, glory and pain of motherhood.  For this reason, women ought to have their  own female education aside from the "human" education they receive. I f women of the new era suppose that i t is a l l right not to study home  134 management and related areas, then they make the same mistake as those who e a r l i e r took simply the good wife and mother as their aim.  Ellen  Key divided mother's education into three courses: The f i r s t course consists of the study of principles of national economics, home management, personal hygiene and aesthet i c s . Although this course does not include actual practice, i t communicates to young women the f i r s t principles of domestic science. The second course consists of hygiene, psychology and theories concerning the education of healthy children and children with various kinds of handicaps. The third course consists of physiological and psychological theories which young g i r l s should know before or after becoming a mother, as well as the basic principles of eugenics. (Ten Discussions on Women p. 146).11 Although a l l modern women believe in the philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother," they should s t i l l acquire the common knowledge of the good wife and mother. To say that those women who miss out on motherhood, or do not know how to be a woman, are best able to transcend the role of a good wife and mother i s a delusion and cannot be believed. Educators, especially women's educators, ought to caref u l l y consider this problem and find a means of solving i t .  The solution  advocated by Ellen Key may be worth consulting. iii.  Liberation i n Professions and i t s D i f f i c u l t i e s Although the entry of women into factories began before the  May Fourth Movement, i t was only after May Fourth that boys' schools employed women teachers. Today, teaching has already become the most  See above, p. 55, note 11.  135 common profession for women. Aside from t h i s , there are some women working in commerce; often in the great metropolises such as Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, and Canton, there are businesses run by women. We may say that women have already won professional liberation; as long as there i s work that they can do, they can be employed. So far there has not been discrimination because of sex, nor do men consider working women as outsiders. Women who participate in professions today, do not do so because they no longer have responsibilities as housewives, nor i s i t because they have no children to raise.  Why must they go into  society seeking work? The answer i s economic oppression! In the West, because industrial products are inexpensive, the domestic economy i s diminished, and the work of the home has become extremely s l i g h t .  The housework which women had to do in the past, such  as grinding grain, making hemp and yarn, weaving cloth, washing clothes, bleaching linen, brewing wine, making soap, candles, and various kinds of f r u i t juices and herbal beverages for medicinal use, soaking f r u i t s , preserving food, making clothes, baking bread, carrying water, feeding pigs, and raising chickens, i s now no longer necessary because of the expansion of co-operation in labour.  The only tasks which the modern  western housewife has to do are cooking, housework and raising children. Even these few duties have been greatly alleviated by running water, gas stoves, e l e c t r i c l i g h t s , gas l i g h t s , central heating, and other modern conveniences, as well as schools and kindergartens.  In addition,  the burden of childrearing i s lightened not only by kindergartens and schools, but also by the popular "two child system."  Today there is no  136 need for constant labour, and those who have a b i l i t y are therefore not w i l l i n g to be cramped i n the small sphere of the home, but want to have a profession.  This goes without saying, naturally, for those who must  make their own l i v i n g because of economic oppression.  No matter what  her situation, however, the American working woman i s more fortunate by 12 far  than the Chinese woman of today who i s looking for a job. What i s the condition of working women in China today? A  woman teacher has twenty or thirty hours of classes a week. When she goes home, she s t i l l has to take care of children, cook meals, wash clothes, and in the evening correct papers and prepare classes.  I f she  has any spare time, then she would s t i l l plan on knitting and making shoes and stockings for the children. are is!  Even i f there i s a maid, there  several tasks which she must do personally. But thiiis i s the normal situation.  then she has to worry about her health.  How b i t t e r a l i f e this  I f the woman becomes pregnant, Most of the time she takes tem-  porary leave from work, has the c h i l d , and then, not having regained the greater part of her energy, she becomes tired of her work. Married women, therefore, generally do not hold a job for long.  Because of this two  things happen: This paragraph was originally part of Mu'ller-Lyer's explanation of the.development of the women's movement. (See F. Muller-llyer, The History of Social Development, trans. Elizabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake, London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920, pp. 223-224). Ch'en later cites a Commercial Press translation by T'ao ( f&) ) which was probably his source for this section (p. 168). I t i s interesting that the original version applies to Western Europe, while Ch'en, by the end of the paragraph refers specifically to America. This i s indicative of both the popularity of the American example at the time and of Ch'en's tendency to exaggerate the uniformity of material progress in America.  137 1) Some unmarried working g i r l s see marriage as something to be feared.  In order to earn a l i v i n g outside of marriage they have to  sacrifice their treasured youth, and later on they often lose the opportunity to marry.  In the Chinese intellectual class today there are a  great number of women who endure the suffering of late marriage or even of not marrying at a l l . 2) Since late marriage is so d i f f i c u l t , most unmarried women cannot help but see work as something unpleasant.  They recover their  old concepts, think that being a housewife i s their only natural work, and f r a n t i c a l l y look for a man with property to marry.  I f economic  pressure forces them to work for a time, they feel that this work i s only aimless d r i f t i n g in a vast sea, that one morning they w i l l s a i l into the port of marriage, and w i l l immediately cast aside their hated professional work. For these reasons, women are s t i l l not able to stand on their own feet.  Although the majority of liberated women who f a l l in love and  marry feel that they have destroyed a l l the old restrictions completely; in fact, the i n s t i t u t i o n of marriage has s t i l l not improved.  None of  them realize that after being married a short time they w i l l find that they s t i l l have not achieved liberation and s t i l l require the protection of a man. The yoke of the past several thousand years i s s t i l l fastened round their necks. Why do Chinese women suffer these d i f f i c u l t i e s in working? The reason is that our family structure i s s t i l l primitive in form.  House-  hold labour has not yet been simplified, and greater division of labour  138 is s t i l l not possible. organization.  I t i s imperative, therefore, that we have a new  Until this re-organization, women w i l l , on the one hand,  be bound by domestic shackles, and on the other, become slaves to wages. Under these two layers of oppression, women's problems are even more severe than men's. Even so, more women every day are unable to find the work they seek because the boundaries of the professions which have already been opened are too small.  Their grievance cannot be exaggerated.  What form w i l l the new organization take? Liu Pan-nung has already discussed this i n KRandom Thoughts on Returning South."  We w i l l take up  this subject again in the eighth section of this chapter. iv.  Liberation in Marriage and i t s Inadequacies After the May Fourth Movement, the concept of freedom of  marriage seemed to have become universal in the intellectual class. Most people already believed that a marriage without love was immoral. Pure love matches, however, had s t i l l only been tried by a minority. Even i f a man and woman hadcdecided between themselves to get married, they s t i l l had to ask for the agreement of their families, and then engage a matchmaker to handle various procedures, l i k e matching the characters of the time of b i r t h , in order to formalize the engagement. This procedure can be taken for granted in those marriages which were decided entirely by the family.  The formalities of marriage are almost  the same as those of the Sung dynasty. 1.  They are:  Requesting horoscopes/ The father and older brother ask someone to be an intermediary  to propose the match to the g i r l ' s family.  I f the g i r l ' s family agrees,  139 then the g i r l ' s horoscope i s sent to the man's home. 2.  Making Enquiries If the horoscopes are compatible, then each side must make  enquiries about the circumstances and character of the other's home; i f the enquiries do not give enough information, then they are continued through divination.  This step, of course, i s not necessary i f there  has been agreement from the beginning. 3.  Engagement If the enquiries produce agreement, and divination i s auspicious,  then a lucky day i s chosen for the engagement ceremony. On this day the man's household sends to the g i r l ' s household: jewelry, (called the six g i f t s , they may be a l l gold, half gold, or s i l v e r coins may be substituted, while some people use none of these) then tea, f r u i t and ceremonial cards, (the two cards used are "sending greetings" and "seeking assent") and other gifts to f i l l the tray.  The g i r l ' s family receives  them and returns ceremonial cards ("sending greetings," "eight Characters" (of the horoscope) and "card of assent"), as well as happy cakes, etc. 4. Publicizing the date If the man's family wants to go ahead with the marriage, i t must f i r s t choose an auspicious day by divination, and again engage matchmakers to inform the g i r l ' s family of the date.  If the g i r l ' s family  agrees, then they can begin; i f not, they must choose another date. 5.  Sending of the Betrothal Presents Ten or twelve days before the wedding the man's family has to  send presents to the g i r l ' s f a m i l y — t h i s i s called the sending of  140 betrothal presents.  First the g i r l ' s family says which articles are  necessary: jewelry, clothes, wedding clothes and s i l v e r coins, etc. The man's family sends the gifts on the chosen day; the g i r l ' s family accepts them, and then gives the bridegroom a ceremonial hat and shoes, and some happy cakes. 6. The Trousseau One day before the wedding, the trousseau that the g i r l ' s family has collected for her must be„sent to'the man's -home. The size of the r  :  trousseau is determined by the wealth or poverty of the bride's family: there are those with four trunks and eight boxes, those with two trunks and four boxes, and those consisting only of several boxes.  In addition,  there are tables and stools, and copper and china utensils.  These  utensils are, for the most part, only for show and not for practical use. Traditional women believed that their trousseau bound them to either glory or infamy, and therefore wanted the outside appearance to be especially good. Even modern educated women cannot escape from this attitude.  Frequently g i r l students work hard as school teachers after  graduation, but do not use the money they earn to help support the family, for their only aim is to increase their dowry. 7.  Fetching the Bride On the day of the wedding, the man's family sends a bridal sedan  chair or a carriage to the g i r l ' s family to receive the bride. The bridegroom also goes to the g i r l ' s house at this time. is called "taking a wife."  This procedure  Formerly i t s purpose was that of meeting the  wife in person for the f i r s t time.  When the sedan chair arrives at the  141 brides's home, the g i r l ' s family must demand some money—this i s called "fees to doorkeepers."  I f too l i t t l e money i s given, then the sedan  chair i s not allowed to enter.  Once the chair has entered, the bride,  dressed in her wedding gown, with a veil of red s i l k , i s helped into i t by her younger brother.  The mother and daughter are now about to  separate; they must weep b i t t e r l y , for i f they didn't, they would be ridiculed.  There i s , moreover, a superstition to the effect that, i f  there is tremendously noisy wailing then the bridegroom's home w i l l prosper in the future. I t is d i f f i c u l t for an educated women to know how to deal with this situation. 8.  Marriage An exact time must be selected for the marriage; i t i s unlucky  to be later than this selected time.  The sedan chair returns to the  man's home, the bridegroom puts on his ceremonial clothes, a female attendant draws the bride from the sedan chair to stand with the bridegroom, and then ties them together with a long green scarf.  The marriage  candles are -lighted,, music i s played, and the master of ceremonies announces the steps for the ceremony. The couple make four deep bows to the north and south, being led a l l the time by the female attendant, exactly like puppets.  When the bowing i s finished, they must be taken  to their room by close friends who carry the wedding candles.  Those  who carry the candles are at the front of the procession, the bride and groom at the rear. Mischief makers dawdle at each step and won't go forward, so that even i f i t is only two rooms away, they w i l l walk for ten minutes, as an excuse to make the bride suffer.  When they f i n a l l y  142 get to the room, the two of them are made to s i t on the edge of the bed together and sacrifices are made to the ancestors.  Next there is the  introduction ceremony, beginning with the father and mother, then in order from senior and junior uncles to older and younger brothers and sisters and other close relatives.  When the ceremony i s finished, the  elders are formally presented to the bride, and she in turn must meet the younger generation. This kind of ceremony i s s t i l l commonly used.  Liberated people,  by comparison, simplify some of the procedures a l i t t l e - - t h e y do not use wedding candles or bow to the ancestral tablets, but substitute a sort of " c i v i l i z e d wedding," (wen-ming chieh-hun  jC.^fvStd^f'  ), "exchang-  ing rings and getting a marriage c e r t i f i c a t e , while the rest of the ceremony remains much as before. ation.  This certainly i s not a thorough l i b e r -  There is also the "banquet style" (Yen-hui shih  wedding ceremony, most of which are held in the great metropolises, for they are not easy to arrange in one's home village.  There are very few  marriages of complete freedom which do away with a l l red tape.  Generally  this happens only i f a l l family connections have been severed.  In fact,  only the organization of clan law hampers the breakdown of the Chinese marriage system. Once clan law i s destroyed, the old marriage system w i l l naturally change, and w i l l be easier to oppose than the Western marriage system which is bolstered by religion. We spoke above of the old marriage ceremony, which i s s t i l l more or less preserved today, with the exception that marriage must be based on love. Because the majority of people recognize t h i s , parents are not  143 as obstinate as before about their son's or daughter's marriage. Two diametrically opposed social phenomena have resulted from t h i s : extreme ease of marriage, and extreme d i f f i c u l t y of marriage. In cases of extreme ease of marriage, the couple often meet i n a public park, a theatre, an assembly hall or other such place. Once they come into contact they f a l l i n love, and shortly after are united in marriage.  This sequence of events unfolds everywhere, but i s  especially common i n the large metropolises. The couple believe that they are i n love, and put a l l their efforts towards the goal of getting married; there i s naturally no room for investigating the other's suita b i l i t y as a mate. This is nothing but the hurried search for an outlet for passion of which Carpenter speaks, driven on by the desire of the 13 two sexes.  What a grave danger this i s !  Not only when couples get to  know each other by themselves, but even when they are introduced by friends and then quickly f a l l i n love, the same kind of carelessness'occurs. However, since i t i s easier to find out about the opposite partner from friends, the latter arrangement is preferable. What then i s extreme d i f f i c u l t y of marriage?  One reason for the  gradually developing d i f f i c u l t y i n getting married i s the realization by the working g i r l s , of whom we spoke i n the last chapter, that marriage is a dangerous road.  Those Chinese g i r l s who have received higher educa-  tion are also having d i f f i c u l t i e s i n getting married.  They lose the  f i r s t bloom of their youth when studying at university, and, when they put on the cap of a Bachelor of Arts, their former attraction and fascination for men is gone. Who could foresee that university education would 13  See above, p. 10, note 4.  144  make them unconsciously adopt a haughty attitude, often despising men? They suppose that relations between men and women are a s p i r i t u a l companionship, a union of interests and opinions which develops human potentiality.  For them i t is better, i f no good opportunities for  marriage occur, to devote their lives to a profession, thus achieving economic freedom and freedom of action. The above two phenomena, extreme ease of marriage and extreme d i f f i c u l t y of marriage, should not exist in a wholesome society.  I t is  obvious that a careless marriage easily produces unhappy results. Extreme d i f f i c u l t y in getting married, or failure to marry at a l l , i s also a misfortune.  Human nature makes marriage necessary for both men and women.  If a man has a profession or receives a higher education, his right to marry i s unharmed. Why then does a woman who holds a job or gets a high level of education sacrifice her right to marry?  There is no s c i e n t i f i c  foundation for the argument that i t is a l l right for women not to marry because their sexual desires are naturally more moderate than men's. Sexual morality i s determined by social organization.  We may ask whether  the expression of female sexual desires would s t i l l be as mild as i t i s now, i f women had the same freedom as men.  Today's superficial modera-  tion is entirely the result of excessive repression. Social progress i s dependent on the increasing excellence of the bodies, minds and morality of the elements of society.  The superior  element i s created by a good inheritance from a superior mother and father, a good home l i f e and a complete education.  Girls who have received a  higher education naturally are the best mothers for excellent children;  145 i f they s a c r i f i c e this glorious role, then they cannot f u l f i l l their one and only duty to society.  We certainly hope that g i r l s who have  received higher education w i l l , with their male counterparts, serve society, and make sacrifices for their sisters who lack wisdom and morality, sick children and youths and pitiable people in general.  Under  a wholesome system, however, the fact that a mother has two or three children w i l l not necessarily stand in the way of her giving service to society. Naturally those "masculine women" who feel that there'is no happiness in marriage, and even d i s l i k e small children (this in i t s e l f is a symptom of illness) can choose not to bear and rear children. The fact that the majority think that celibacy i s appealing because they suffer from today's social restraints i s , however, a symptom of disease in present day society.  We must find a way to treat this symptom.  Aside  from changing the social structure to free women from having to slave in the home, and making children's education less painful for g i r l s , the method of treatment i s to ease social contact.  This i s an urgent matter  for China, for i f social contact was truly open, truly easy, then the fault of careless marriage could be corrected, and the problem of d i f f i culty in getting married diminished.  In American co-educational univer-  s i t i e s , the marriage rate of g i r l students i s somewhat higher than that of students of g i r l s ' schools, because there are more opportunities for social intercourse with male students.  Even up to the present day, there  has never been free social intercourse between men and women i n China, and an old attitude of coquettishness persists. drawback.  This truly i s an enormous  146 v.  The Extreme Need for Change in Sexual Attitudes Social intercourse has not been liberated because sexual a t t i -  tudes have not been reformed.  Although the majority of people in China  already realize that marriage requires love between those who are i n volved, they s t i l l worry too much about sexual misbehaviour, and the two sexes are made to keep very far apart.  Isn't the abuse arising as  a result of this attitude greater than the abuse produced by freedom of social contact?  When too much importance i s placed on sexual behaviour  and men and women are kept too far apart, the male sex can see in women only objects for pleasure.  Thus a woman seems to be nothing but a barn-  yard hen raised by a man. Although he can slaughter her at his wish, once he lets his guard down she may become a fowl in someone else's pot seduced by a chicken snatbher's handful of grain.  Are stories of i l l i c i t  and treacherous intercourse rare in China's past?  The cause of the  widespread corruption developing in China now--careless marriages, e t c . — also l i e s in the past.  Although the ideas of the past two thousand and  more years, that "boys and g i r l s are not seated together after they are seven years old" and "there should be no contact between boys and g i r l s , " seem, at f i r s t glance, to have already disintegrated, their ghosts as before work mischief in the minds of China's people. It goes without saying that d i f f i c u l t y in getting married is caused by the restriction of social intercourse. When people are together there is nothing that they cannot understand.  People do not despise  others because the others are despicable, but because they do not know them completely.  Greater knowledge of other persons brings greater  147 understanding.  In this l i f e where each must struggle, i t i s necessary  that we replace misunderstanding with sympathy. Girls who embrace celibacy in this society often do so only because they cannot find their ideal mates. Society w i l l certainly pity them.  Few realize that, out of ignorance, they despise a l l men--how can  those who have not known any men chose their ideal mate?  For this reason,  true social liberation would also greatly ease the problem of d i f f i c u l t y in getting married. If we want to give young g i r l s a deep and thorough  understanding  of relations with the opposite sex, and the a b i l i t y to distinguish clearly the most important aspects of male-female relationships, then our most urgent work at present i s to make them f u l l y accustomed to the opposite sex from the start. Our former sexual morality demanded the maintenance of chastity only from women; i f a man loved another woman i t was not important, but a woman's i n f i d e l i t y brought lifelong misfortune. s t i l l preserved at the present time.  These concepts are  People do not realize that a married  man should not keep his wife in a stranglehold, lest relations between man and wife become insipid. When husband and wife allow each other distance and freedom of action, i t binds them in absolute sympathy. This freely chosen, innocent and natural marriage i s a l l the more attractive because of i t s freedom. Through the extension of the boundaries of l i f e , marriage i s made richer in content, i t s v i t a l i t y increaseses, and in a certain sense i t becomes 14 indestructable. Carpenter advocates this in Love's Coming of Age, and (London: Methuen and Co., 1896).  148 i t i s strongly praised by Homma Hisao.  (See Chang's translation of 15  Ten Lectures on the Woman Question, page 44). He who travels the farthest away from home longs for his native land the most. The prosperity of home need not be greater than the places to which he has travelled, but as a result of exceptional longing, his viewpoint broadens and the scope of his mind grows, because he can now see the beauties of his native place.  After the extension of social  intercourse, when the boundaries of l i f e are enlarged, relations between husband and wife w i l l be easier and more forgiving because of an expanded vision and a broader mind. The old-fashioned husband kept too close a watch on his wife. She not only had no freedom after marriage, but even when she was a g i r l her l i f e could never be called free. Never having known freedom, her l i f e is eternally dry, monotonous and boring.  Marriage to this kind  of woman gives you only an acquiescent slave; your l i f e together cannot be v i t a l , and you face only bordom and monotony.  Even i n the new, half-  liberated society, however, the majority of women who have made a lovematch s t i l l do not enjoy the taste of real freedom.  This i s the poison  l e f t behind from an old sickness: supervising women too closely, not even allowing them to have an appetite for social contact and placing too much emphasis on slave-like chastity. What are the fine results of the old society's excessive emphasis on a one-sided sexual morality, and i t s harsh supervision of the female See above, p. 55, note IT.  149 sex?  According to the records of the Ministry of Justice, in the five  month period between May and September of 1914, over forty per cent of the criminals for whom the Ministry of Justice approved the carrying out of the death sentence, had k i l l e d a legal husband, (the indicted person being a man) or had k i l l e d their own husband, (the indicted person being a woman), (see table below).  This fact alone proclaims the  bankruptcy of the old system and the ineffectiveness of the law! By this I mean that the law's majesty cannot frighten the common people, nor make them refrain from crime. Note: S t a t i s t i c s on the approval of the Ministry of Justice for the carrying out of death sentences of criminals. (From The Communique of the Ministry of Justice, nos. 19, 20, 21). No. of persons executed for the murder of a husband  Month  Total no. of persons executed  0  9  June  19  34  July  9  22  August  2  7  May  September  A  J9  Total  37  91  Percentage--40.6 Among the Chinese f o l k , there have always been extremely i n humane punishments for adulterers; punishments which the law often t a c i t l y allowed, and did not treat as crimes. But adultery has in no way diminished because of this.  In today's view i t only reveals the  people's barbarism, b r u t a l i t y , and the total i r r a t i o n a l i t y of their  150 sexual attitudes. \$\ t]  For example, the National Daily (Min-kuo jih-pao  &  ) for August 7th, 1913, carried a news story of this type:  In Chiukiang, a few days ago, a plank with someone on i t was suddenly seen, floating i n the rapid current of the river. The ferry service quickly sent out a l i f e boat to fish the person out of the water. When they could see closely, there was a live young woman on her back on the plank. The upper half of her body was naked, and on the lower half there were only a pair of unlined trousers. Her hands and feet had been nailed down securely with iron nails so that she could not move. Between her legs had been placed a man's head blurred with fresh blood, and there was a sign saying, "Any man who saves this woman i s a t h i e f , any woman who saves her i s a whore." The people i n the rescue boat, seeing these strange things, then disregarded her entirely. The woman said, "Please turn this plank over so that I may die quickly." The driver of the rescue boat, without making further enquiries, sailed back and told people the things he had seen. Everyone agreed that this must be a case of murder because of adultery, but they thought they should fish her out of the water and t e l l the government office so i t could be thoroughly investigated. Later, because the plank drifted down the r i v e r , they were unable to save her, and did not know where i t had drifted to. (Quoted from Chou Chien-jen, ( ^ ) "Change in Sexual Morality," Min Te  When the senseless maintenance of loveless relations between husband and wife can result in this kind of brutality, who can argue that there i s s t i l l value i n preserving China's old moral code? I f this woman could have divorced her husband when she f e l l i n love with another man, things would never have reached an atrocity of these proportions, nor would women go to the extent of murdering their husbands. Chastity i s no less esteemed today than i t was i n the past, and remains a basic impediment to freedom of social intercourse and ease of divorce.  For a man, divorce brings a new l i f e ; for a woman i t s t i l l  proclaims a death sentence.  Even i f she is economically  independent,  opportunities for re-marriage are s t i l l very rare. Many advocate that  151 men who are already married should, for this reason, forgive their mate and try hard to create love.  I f the woman i s unhappy in her marriage,  then she should struggle with a l l her might against the power of the old society, and demand a divorce in order to destroy i t s out-dated social ideas.  I agree with this, and moreover hope that a l l divorced women  w i l l find i t easy to remarry.  When divorced women are more numerous,  outdated ideas of sexuality w i l l lose their strength, and w i l l be completely destroyed as soon as divorcees are no longer regarded as something, outrageous. Today, many of those who!"-have, alrea'dyi^become'engaged: regret the engagement.  For the most part they are men who do not wish to marry the  woman their parents have selected for them. A woman who encounters this situation ought to strongely urge her parents to cancel the agreement with the man's family, or she w i l l have a loveless marriage, a situation even more unsatisfying than remaining single for the time being. In a word, i f the concept of chastity i s not destroyed, i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to change sexual attitudes, widows w i l l s t i l l find i t d i f f i c u l t to remarry, and divorces w i l l s t i l l be d i f f i c u l t to obtain. These are the mortal wounds which make i t impossible for a woman to stand on her own. vi.  Mrs. Sanger's V i s i t to China and the Birth Control Movement China i s well known as a country of numerous progeny, but even  in the Han dynasty i t oftenehappened that poor people did not raise their children.  For the past two thousand years, abortions and the drowning  152 of g i r l babies have been common social phenomena. Although China had no s c i e n t i f i c birth control methods, i t i s obvious that i n actuality, economic oppression forced people to practice birth control. The Chinese people had no natural desire for large families.  These clumsy  methods, however, harmed the mother's health time and time again, or else generated acts of atrocity and murder--it i s simply too p i t i f u l that these things should happen. Therefore, abortion is subject to legal interference, and public spirited men strongly attacked the drowning of g i r l babies. Wang Chi ( £ \ ( jff. z. ^%  ) of the Han dynasty, and Yen Chih-t'ui  ) of the Northern and Southern dynasties, are represen1c  tatives of this kind of person.  In Lin Shu's  New Music Bureau of  Fukien, written at the end of the Ch'ing dynasty, there i s a poem called "Unfeeling Water," about the drowning of g i r l infants: Who says that water has no feelings? If i t had no feelings how could i t make these brokenhearted sounds? Who says that water has no feelings? It has feelings and insists on drowning newborn babes. A g i r l costs money in the beginning How can one know that she w i l l bring honour to the house? The placenta is s t i l l connected to the navel and f u l l of blood, The s p i r i t pass i s close before her eyes. The father i s worrying to himself about food, He i s pained that there are no family holdings to leave to his sons.  Lin Shu ( i i & \ ) (1852-1924) (New Music Bureau of Fukien M * t |<f ^ ). The f i r s t major Chinese translator of Western f i c t i o n ; he proposed reforms including the education of women and the abolition of foot-binding. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. pp. 382-86. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 306. 1 6  153 If on top of this he has to buy wedding gowns, When can he afford to find wives for them? For mother there are other worries, Her milk accumulates painfully morning after morning. She sits on her bed sewing shoes and socks, She combs her hair at the mirror. Rather than having to put up with a big expense in the future, Why not make the move in advance? A single candle burns in the sour wind. A bowl of clear water as pure as the heart, This water was hardly for washing the baby, Seven parts foam and three parts blood. The parents' minds are at last at ease, Now they w i l l no longer be faced with these d i f f i c u l t i e s . It's too bad that the child had no voice, The l i t t l e soul w i l l not ask her mother, "Mother, when you were a baby daughter, who raised you? Perhaps you'd say that feeding and clothing me would stand in the way of your sons, But I would only beg for l i f e . I would be w i l l i n g to suffer poverty. Who could have guessed you to be so deaf, blind and stupid? A l l you can think of to say i s that bearing sons is good. In k i l l i n g girls and leaving boys you plan for your own benefit. Perhaps you should f i r s t look up to Heaven!" Female infants are no less human than male infants. refuse them the right to live?  Why then  But the bigotry of society and economic  oppression cause this kind of thing; people cannot change even i f you use the terrifying power of Heaven to frighten them. Extreme poverty has grown even more prevalent in the last few years, the l i f e of the people is more d i f f i c u l t , and l i f e i s increasingly devalued.  In these dark  social conditions, how can there be a decrease in incidents of abortion and drowning? China.  S c i e n t i f i c birth control is really an"urgent need in '  154 Mrs. Margaret Sanger, an American, i s the most forceful advocate of birth control, or family planning, in the world today. Mrs. Sanger was born i n Corning, New York, i n 1883.  17  She worked as a nurse for  fourteen years, seeing women in poor homes burdened with too many children.  Their l i f e was often d i f f i c u l t , and many died from abortions.  Because of t h i s , Mrs. Sanger became aware of the necessity for birth control, and published a small pamphlet called The Woman Rebel, giving 18 information about contraception, and mailed i t to the slums.  The  American Federal Government and New York City Hall considered this pamphlet an obscene publication and accused her of a criminal act. According to the clearly prescribed law, a l l who had sent i t and received i t should be sentenced to a five thousand dollar fine and five years in prison. This a f f a i r , however, received a great deal of attention from the world's people.  The famous Englishmen H.G£. Wells and Edward Carptenter sent a  The date of Margaret Sanger's birth was actually 1879. 1883 was the year of birth of her s i s t e r , Ethel. Emily Taft Douglas, Margaret Sanger: Pioneer of the Future, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970, p. 5. 1o The Woman Rebel was actually a magazine, not a pamphlet. Eight issues were published, beginning in March 1914. The magazine discussed family limitation in general, outlining the benefits of small families and the sorry results of having too many children, but never published specific information on birth control. In spite of this restraint, Mrs. Sanger was indicted on nine counts for alleged violations of the federal statutes, and would have been liable for forty-five years in prison had she been found guilty. Ch'en seems to be confusing The Woman Rebel with a small pamphlet called Family Limitation which Mrs. Sanger wrote shortly after being indicted for sending The Woman Rebel through the mails. This pamphlet did give specific birth control information. Douglas, pp. 48-56.  155 letter to American President Wilson, saying that Mrs. Sanger's action was entirely moral, and that the pamphlet should not be regarded as an 19 obscene publication. After a detailed investigation, she was found 20 innocent.  As a result of this incident, one can actually say that  the American government had already t a c i t l y acknowledged the birth control movement. Later Mrs. Sanger, together with her s i s t e r Mrs. E. Byrne, established a birth control institute in the slums of New York, and was seized and imprisoned.  Mrs. Byrne went on a hunger strike in prison,  arousing great sympathy from the women of New York, who assembled many supporters to present a petition.  Again a special committee was sent  to investigate, and again they declared that no crime had been committed. From this time, the problem of birth control received a great deal of attention.  The Birth Control Association sponsored by Mrs. Sanger already  has over twenty chapters, and publishes a magazine called Birth Control Review. Birth control institutes are gradually being established in every European country. On her way to London to attend an International Conference on Birth Control, to be held in July of 1922, Mrs. Sanger made a detour ^ The open letter to President Wilson originated with Dr. Marie Stopes. She had obtained the signatures of nine of England's most famous authors. Douglas mentions William Archer, Arnold Bennet, Gilbert Murray and H. G. Wells. Douglas, p. 90. 20 There was actually no detailed investigation. The government decided not to prosecute, Feb. 18, 1916. Ibid., p. 92.  156 through the East. for Japan.  In March of that year, she l e f t the United States  The Japanese government at f i r s t refused to allow her to  go ashore, and later restrained her from spreading information about 21 contraceptive methods. April.  She l e f t Japan for China i n the middle of  After Mrs. Sanger arrived in Peking, she gave a lecture at  Peking University translated by Hu Shih as "Birth Control, What and How?" Great crowds heard the lecture at that time, and after the manuscript of the speech was published, people were even more interested.  Some saw  i t as timely rain, and others thought i t was an intriguing idea. Mrs. Sanger must ultimately be considered the f i r s t to come and destroy the a l l pervasive atmosphere of secrecy about sex i n Chinese society. Had there ever been anyone, at any time i n China's past, who made a speech in front of the public on the topic of sexual intercourse?  As well as  planting the seeds of birth control the f i r s t time she spoke, she also established a good attitude, making Chinese aware that in matters of sexuality, i t i s after a l l , worthwhile to use s c i e n t i f i c methods of discussion! The principle of birth control i s to prevent the union of sperm and egg, and thus avoid pregnancy. Although the methods are simple, the ultimate goal i s the solution of a far reaching problem.  The great English  economist, Mai thus, said that i f the people of the world continue to multiply at the same rate as at present, the population must double each Mrs. Sanger was allowed to land in Japan on the condition that she would not lecture publicly about birth control. Douglas, p. 166.  157 twenty-five years.  This kind of increase i s a geometrical progression,  but even with the greatest e f f o r t , the increase i n the world's production can only be an arithmetical progression. of extinction.  Mankind simply i s in danger  "Malthusianism" i s the use of various methods to r e s t r i c t  population growth.  "Neo-Malthusianism" advocates the use of s c i e n t i f i c  methods of contraception to replace other inhumane methods of-restricting the population.  "Birth control," therefore, receives a great deal of  attention, and i s called by some "restricting the birth of children." The calamity of over-population is present everywhere in China today; the need for birth control i s urgent.  After Mrs. Sanger came to  China, people in both Peking and Shanghai organized groups to do research on contraception, a project which regrettably went underground soon after. Certainly the methods used at present are not entirely convenient, but continued promotion and research are necessary.  Mrs. Sanger also advised  that we begin with our poor, our invalids and our lower levels of society, but the promotion of contraception to these people always depends on the young men and women of the intellectual class. Even without mentioning the fact that restricting the population would make the country rich and powerful, and the society wholesome, we can s t i l l point out several personal advantages to the practice of birth control: 1.  Birth control allows a mother to give birth only to children  she wants.  I f her health is poor, or i f she is overworked, then she can  lighten her share of d i f f i c u l t y by not bearing children. 2. Birth control w i l l preserve the husband's love for her. Because the time between births w i l l be longer, the husband and wife w i l l  158 be financially better off and their love w i l l become deeper. 3.  Because the poor people lack knowledge, many children do  not receive a wholesome upbringing.  I f they are lucky enough to grow  up, they are only able to perform manual labour, or, because they have had to bring themselves up since childhood, they become simpletons, never having one happy day in their whole lives. 4.  Birth control can prevent the passing on of illness from  parents to their offspring. 5.  Young people w i l l be free to marry early and use birth con-  trol until their economic situation i s capable of supporting the birth and rearing of a child.  Prostitution and other forms of illegitimate  intercourse can in this way be avoided. 6. Birth control can prevent the burden of too many children, thus creating peaceful and harmonious homes, and giving men and women the opportunity of developing freely. Because the advantages mentioned above affect the happiness of women's entire l i v e s , they really ought to take an active role in the question of birth control.  I t would be best i f women did research them-  selves, advocated contraception themselves, implemented i t themselves, and kept themselves mutually informed. It i s not necessary that birth control methods be taught as one of the school courses for women, (although there are already numerous birth control institutes in Europe and America, and even i f birth control were recognized as a course in women's education, there would be no harm in i t ) . But educated women should consider ignorance of birth control a  159 disgrace!  Going a step further, we can say that in today's China, we  need, at the least, a woman l i k e Mrs. Sanger, giving earnest and sincere advice, and working with the s p i r i t of a martyr for the happiness of her sisters! Unrestricted population growth i s the worst sin.  We have been  told that to be without progeny i s the worst s i n , but this concept, the product of clan law, is already dead. What has the birth control movement to fear? The previous birth control research organizations in Shanghai and Peking were i n i t i a t e d by men, and as they f a i l e d , i t i s not worthwhile looking at their example.  In the future there must be organ-  izations i n i t i a t e d by women. vii.  The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation and i t s Theory Is i t possible that once i t was defeated in the f i r s t year of the  Republic, the movement for women's p o l i t i c a l participation dissipated in the f i r e and smoke? Not so.  After the May Fourth period, women had the  opportunity to get a higher education. At once the women's world produced some able people, and they, of course, having sharpened themselves, were eager to try their hands on this problem. became apparent after 1921.  Governmental collapse gradually  There were strong demands for regional self-  government, and everyone was hoping for a good government to come and solve the nation's problems. 22 this "good government!'sm.  The scholarly community cried loudly for Women university students found this  On May 13, 1922, a group of intellectual leaders, including Hu Shih and Li Ta-chao, published a declaration entitled "Our P o l i t i c a l  160 atmosphere contagious; they f e l t that an opportunity had arrived which they should develop.  As a result, the movement for p o l i t i c a l participa-  tion rose up a second time. During the summer vacation of 1922, Wan P'u (  ), a woman  student at Peking National University, and women students Chou Huan. ( J*]  )> Shih Shu-ch'ing ( &  ) and others from the Institute  of Law and Government, formed a l i a i s o n with students of the Women's Higher Normal School and began a movement for p o l i t i c a l participation.  They held  a preparatory meeting at the Institute of Law and Government on July 25th. Since there was disagreement, they s p l i t into two groups: Wan, Chou and others organized the Society for the Advancement of Women's P o l i t i c a l  ^-^$0^ llk^T )  Participation (Nii-tzu ts'an-cheng hsieh-chin hui  and those from the Women's Higher Normal School organized the Women's Rights Alliance (Nii-tzu yiin-tung t' ung-meng-hui  ~k  i^lM'^ 2^ % ).  The new movement for p o l i t i c a l participation differed in method from that of the f i r s t year of the Republic; at that time i t was violent, this time i t was non-violent. However, the founding meeting of the Society for the Advancement of P o l i t i c a l Participation encountered police interference and had no alternative but to become a lecture group with the intention of demanding women's participation in national p o l i t i c s after the formal opening of the National Assembly.  In their declaration they  Proposals" calling for the reform of warlord government and the creation of a "good government" which would combine efforts to improve the welfare of the nation with guarantees of individual liberty. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement, p. 240-241.  161 stated their aims: 1.  To overthrow the constitution which was established exclusively for men, in order to demand protection of the rights of women.  2. lo destroy the inheritance rights which consider only male heirs, i n order to achieve economic independence. 3. To destroy the educational system which i s only concerned with managing the home, i n order to achieve educational equality. Looking at this carefully, the f i r s t two items must be gained through changes i n l e g i s l a t i o n , but the third item i s not really necessary. There were no unequal regulations in the educational system established by the Republic.  I f the training at g i r l s ' schools was not the equal  of that at boys' schools, this i s the fault of current attitudes, not the fault of the system.  Let me put aside my c r i t i c i s m and repeat their  forthright slogan: We demand women's right to p o l i t i c a l participation! The aims of the Women's Rights Alliance were more comprehensive than those of the Society for the Advancement of P o l i t i c a l Participation.  On the 13th of August, they gave a tea party at which they enter-  tained press and academic c i r c l e s , and gained their warm approval and praise.  After a founding meeting on the 23rd, they held a series of  public lectures and published a special report on the movement for women's rights.  They were said to have three hundred members. Their  proclamation stated seven principles: 1.  A l l national educational organizations should be open to women.  2. Men and women should enjoy equally the constitutional rights of ci t i zens.  162 3.  In c i v i l law, the relationship between husband and wife, the relationships between parents and children, inheritance rights, property rights, rights of action, etc. should a l l be greatly revised, according to the principle of male and female equality.  4.  A marriage law based on sexual equality should be instituted.  5.  Regulations concerning "the age of consent" and the consideration of those who take concubines as bigamists should be added to the criminal code.  6. Public prostitution, the sale of servant g i r l s , and the binding of women's feet should be prohibited. 7.  Laws should be formulated to protect women workers in accordance with the principles of "equal pay for equal work" and "the protection of mothers." China's men and women have never enjoyed equal rights under the  law.  Women's conduct i s restricted.  As the ninth a r t i c l e of the Draft  of the C i v i l Law says: On reaching maturity, one simultaneously achieves power of discrimination and the a b i l i t y to act, however, wives are not in this category. Again, in the same law, the sixth and seventh articles say: In those matters which are not common household a f f a i r s , the wife must obtain her husband's permission. Thus, in the relationship of husband and wife, the woman is not independent by law. extremely slight.  Women's hopes in regard to inheritance rights are I f she has parents, a l l this goes without saying. I f  she does not have parents, then the property w i l l go to the oldest male in the family. I f there are no sons and no male heirs, then the property must be handed down in a set sequence of inheritors, namely:  163 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)  husband or wife the lineal ascendant an elder or younger brother of the family the family head a daughter of the family (Civil Law, A r t i c l e 1,468) Since the daughter's status in the order of heirs i s so low,  she clearly has l i t t l e hope of inheriting property. Again, men and women are not equal i n law on the question of divorce. The law recognizes the taking of concubines.  The "age of consent" is nowhere regulated in  Chinese criminal law, although i f a g i r l under ten years old has intercourse, we ordinarily regard this as rape.  The idea of the "age of  consent" is that i f a g i r l has intercourse with a man before reaching the legal age of consent, then no matter what the circumstances, she cannot be assumed to have given consent.  The man must be considered to  have seduced her and must suffer the punishment set by criminal law. Since no "age of consent" has been fixed in China, i t s maintenance i s entirely dependent on popular sentiment, and thus i t cannot give young g i r l s true protection.  Trade in human beings and the business of keeping  brothels hold women's stature in contempt and go against humanitarian!'sin. Moreover, there is not, in the laws of any country, the determination and methodology to thoroughly root out these two practices.  In China, women's  professions are s t i l l not absolutely free, and the narrow choice of professions is gradually becoming insupportable. Even when women do the same work as men i t is d i f f i c u l t for them to get the same wages. Furthermore, the rearing of children does not have suitable protection. From the above types of unequal treatment we can see that i t i s necessary that women demand p o l i t i c a l participation.  Even i f men are not  164 completely s e l f i s h , there are some areas which they either forget, or they neglect.  These things forgiven, I do not know how long we would  have to wait i f we had to depend solely on men to bring sexual equality: this i s the basis of the suffrage movement. The suffrage movement is only a means, i t s end i s the women's rights movement. After woman's suffrage has been put into effect, the rights of women can be extended.  What effect w i l l this have on society, on the  nation, on women themselves, on men, and on the world? 1.  Let us look:  The effect of women's suffrage on women's thought An elective system has a function of p o l i t i c a l education.  After  women have attained suffrage, they w i l l pay more attention to p o l i t i c a l questions than in the past, in this way widening their viewpoint, i n creasing their knowledge, and heightening their powers of judgment. 2.  The effect of women's suffrage on home l i f e Those who are opposed to women's rights assume that after women's  suffrage is achieved, home l i f e must be greatly affected. They do not realize that unless a woman accepts the responsibility of being a p o l i t i cian, the carrying out of elective duties i s simple, and need not hinder the performance of domestic responsibilities.  Again, some people fear  that conflicts i n the p o l i t i c a l views of husband and wife w i l l lead to separation over their differences. They do not realize that i f both men and women had p o l i t i c a l viewpoints, these viewpoints would have to be largely in agreement at the time of marriage.  Because of this the relation-  ship between husband and wife can, on the contrary be strengthened.  165 3.  The influence of women's suffrage on women's rights After the achievement of p o l i t i c a l rights, women's professional  sphere w i l l be wider, they w i l l be able to f i l l a l l kinds of o f f i c i a l positions in Justice and State Administration, and w i l l find i t much easier to make a l i v i n g .  At that time there w i l l also be a few jobs  in which the principle of "equal pay for equal work" can be put into effect. 4. Women's suffrage and the protection of women's rights and status After the achievement of suffrage, the property rights of married women can be made equal to those of men, so parents w i l l have no need to be stingy in educating g i r l s .  Pregnant women and widows can be given  special help, and a high "age of consent" can be set. 5.  Women's suffrage and i t s contribution to the protection of children Feminists recognize that children's education, children's hygiene,  the r e l i e f of poor children's distress, and problems of children'.s morality must wait for the achievement of women's suffrage before we can begin to find a statisfactory solution, for these problems are a l l closely related to women, and women's disposition and a b i l i t i e s can best help to thoroughly solve them. 6. Women's suffrage and the correction of men's vices A man's vices do not affect only himself; they indirectly harm his wife.  Women who are demanding suffrage strongly advocate the pro-  hibition of such things as prostitution, alcohol, gambling and opium.  166 7.  Women's suffrage and i t s contribution to governmental morality Feminists assume that women are morally purer than men.  If  women enter p o l i t i c s , then they can sweep out corruption and improve the people's p o l i t i c a l morality. This must be decided, however, on the basis of the level of men's p o l i t i c a l morality in each local area. I f men's p o l i t i c a l morality were totally degraded, women might not necessari l y be able to maintain their purity in this base environment. 8.  Women's suffrage and i t s contribution to world peace A l l those concerned with the future of mankind and with humani-  tarianism place enormous hope in women. They assume that women far excel men in p a c i f i s t mentality, and that i f women's suffrage is allowed, perhaps mankind's wars can be eliminated. (The above viewpoints are from Wang Shih-chieh ( £.^t^ ts'an-cheng chih yen-chiu  ), Research on Women's Suffrage (Nii-tzu  fr%f-&£.  z-  * j  ), (University of  .'Peking, Publications Division.) The items outlined above are the theory behind the demand for women's suffrage. Although the movement far p o l i t i c a l participation has twice been defeated, women's p o l i t i c a l participation must one day materialize i f China s t i l l wants to adopt the parliamentary system.  Moreover, this day  is not very f a r off. The e a r l i e s t Kwangtung provisional provincial assembly provided limited electoral rights for women and a l l together chose ten women assembly members from one hundred and sixty famous women elected from the people.  A few years ago, Hunan's provincial constitution  167 stipulated sexual equality, and Miss Wang Chang-kuo ( elected as a member of the assembly.  ) was 23  Furthermore, Miss Ho Hsiang-nmg  is the head of the Department of Industry in the latest Nationalist government. A l l of this proves that China's women have the a b i l i t y to take part in government, and that the p o l i t i c a l stage can include women. Women's p o l i t i c a l participation i s , of course, a voluntary expression of a l l women and certainly does not l i m i t i t s hopes to merely creating a number of women p o l i t i c i a n s .  I f those women who are fighting for p o l i t i c a l  participation do not use governmental positions for their own advancement, then their female comrades can trust them for the creation of their future happiness. viii.  Women Under Ideal Socialism How could the l i f e of Chinese women ever be free or happy under  the present dual oppression?  In their struggle for a free l i f e , many  people make every effort to support the birth of new systems and new organizations.  Oxygen cannot be allowed to encounter f i r e , therefore  the entrance and spread of socialism in China was met with undue alarm,  Ho Hsiang-ning ( /|£ ), 1880-1972. The wife of Liao Chung-k'ai, Ho was the f i r s t woman to join the T'ung-meng-hui. She took part in the First National Congress of the Kuomintang, i n January, 1924, with Soong Ching-ling and Ch'en Pi-chun (Mme. Wang Ching-wei) and was appointed director of the women's department of the party. She was elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang in January, 19,26,. There i s no mention of Ho as head of the Department of Industry ( M 4) in Boorman, or in the Gendai Chugoku Jimmei J i t e n / After the KMT/CCP s p l i t of 1927, she resigned her posts in the Kuomintang and moved to Hong Kong. She helped to found the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee in 1948, and was Chairman of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission, 1949-1959. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, pp. 67-68, and Gendai Chugoku Jimmei J i t e n , p. 114. 2 3  168 and, although there are very few Chinese s o c i a l i s t s , s o c i a l i s t thought is extremely widespread.  We certainly cannot predict the time at which  socialism w i l l be realized in China, but even then, perhaps i t i s not necessary that everyone in the country w i l l be s o c i a l i s t . Women's lives have already changed to some degree in the past ten years.  In retrospect, i t seems that in the last three thousand  years, women have leapt out of seventeen of the eighteen layers of h e l l . Once they have completed this last layer, they can ascend into paradise. This paradise i s l i f e under socialism. We spoke previously of women seeking work, hindered by the home and without independence.  This is caused by the primitive form of  domestic organization which does not meet the needs of working women. A new kind of organization is absolutely necessary.y  Women working outside  the home i s the certain result of social evolution.  We cannot oppose i t s  realization and must think of ways to relieve the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the transitional period, thereby hastening the appearance of the new organization.  Liu Pan-nung has spoken b r i e f l y about this new system in The  New Youth magazine (V:2).  I t i s worth speaking of in detail again today.  In his book The History of Social Development, the great German sociologist Muller-Lyer speaks of how cumbersome the old domestic system i s , and how simple and convenient the new: Our homes have until now been l i k e small businesses, with extremely fragmented direction. In sixty small households, there must be sixty women to manage domestic a f f a i r s , to go to the market to buy goods, to l i g h t the fires of sixty stoves, to adjust several hundreds of small cooking pots of food and wash countless utensils. Moreover, because machines are s t i l l not suitable for use in these small  169 businesses, they must use tiresome hand labour. I f they were in a combined household, one tenth of the women would be sufficient to handle this kind of work, and moreover handle i t better, more economically and less laboriously. I f sixty small households united into one organic body, established a common kitchen and hired a cook, i t would be possible to produce more d i f f i c u l t dishes with more numerous processes, and with the least possible waste. Each household would be linked to this common kitchen by an elevator, and no matter what time people ordered the food and beverages they wanted i t would be prepared. In this greater domestic organization, labour-saving machines could be used. These machines have already been invented, but have not been adopted for use. A dishwasher can clean several hundred plates and pots in a few minutes; central heating can save the trouble of transporting coal; a vacuum cleaner can sweep up the household dust; and boot brushing machines, gas l i g h t s , e l e c t r i c l i g h t s , hot and cold running water, steam cleaners etc., can lighten a l l of women's hard and bitter duties over which they are so depressed at present. (See T'ao's translation, Commercial Press edition, p. 238). Muller-Lyer speaks in detail of the outstanding advantages of the new organization.  The work of today's women in the small household  is not only more laborious than this new system, but the loss to the nation in labour and material resources, calculated from an economic viewpoint, surely would amount to millions of dollars each day.  The  s o c i a l i s t family organization of the future is the same as that outlined above. Meta Stern L i l i e n t h a l , in Women of the Future says: In the future, there w i l l be no need for the women of twenty houses to prepare food in the kitchens of each home. They w i l l hire from society three or four men or women, and organize a kitchen and dining hall in a central place, using the best and most e f f i c i e n t methods to cook for these twenty households. The cooks w i l l a l l be s p e c i a l i s t s , having undergone suitable training, l i k e a physician, because they have a very important relation to the health of a society. The social status of cooks in the future w i l l be different from that of today's cooks. Unlike today's cook who i s only a household slave, they w i l l a l l be welleducated people, and w i l l be public servants. (Ch'en's translation, Tientsin; Women's Daily Press Publishing Company edition, p. 24).  170  When cooking i s socialized in this way, the remaining work l i k e washing, ironing, sewing and sweeping can a l l be socialized.  Since  domestic work w i l l be completely moved into society and done by speciali s t s , the home of the future w i l l naturally become the sweetest place, and the most conducive to happiness.  Women w i l l then have the maximum  time to take part in society's work, and the opportunity to f u l l y develop their free individuality. Because women of the future w i l l a l l go out into society to work, and w i l l receive ample wages, they w i l l be completely economically i n dependent, and w i l l not need to enter marriages of long-term prostitution for food and clothing. Their work w i l l not be that of wage slaves, for the factories of that time w i l l be suitably healthy places, and people w i l l go and do a short period of labour voluntarily each day for amusement. The pay for this labour w i l l give women a secure and happy l i f e . The women of the future w i l l know marriage only as a love of free v o l i t i o n , the action of choosing a perfect companion. have absolutely no other function.  It will  In the future, men and women who  love each other w i l l not be prevented^from marrying because of economic hindrances.  The women w i l l not have to wonder, "Is this man able to pro-  vide for me?" because she w i l l provide for herself. The man w i l l have no need to worry about whether or not the woman can cook, (unless her profession is cooking), because he can eat in the public dining halls. With economic barriers eliminated, the body and the soul healthy, and knowledge s u f f i c i e n t , the conditions of l i f e w i l l naturally improve. Men  171  and women w i l l a l l have the opportunity to o f f i c i a l l y marry, and i t i s unlikely that there w i l l be people thirty and forty years old who have remained single. Socialism holds that the marriage ceremony is not worth a cent. Men and women who marry in the future w i l l only need a legal declaration, and perhaps w i l l not want any ceremony. But people nowadays are very suspicious of this idea, supposing that these conditions make the development of marital chaos certain--eyen to the point of a man not knowing who his next day's wife w i l l be and children not being able to find out who their natural parents are.  This idea i s really only an i l l u s i o n .  There is no love that i s not free; a l l that socialism advocates i s the elimination of a r t i f i c i a l and unnecessary hindrances, so that the people concerned have the greatest right of free choice and no outside interference.  I f freedom of love is suspect, we must consider whether or not  c i v i l i z e d mankind is promiscuous by nature. have made a happy love match.  There are people today who  Is the maintenance of their marriage com-  pletely dependent upon national law and social morality?  Do they want  to abruptly renounce yesterday's loved one and seek a new lover for today? When you get down to the bottom of i t , does everyone, or do the majority of people, like a l i f e of insecurity, and are they w i l l i n g to casually desert their loved ones?  I f you, reader, or your friends, have ever had  a beloved companion, you can certainly test this.  Your mutual love does  not change because of changes i n the law, and is s o l i d irrespective of outside interference.  I t i s , therefore, not necessary to fear the abolish-  ment of the marriage ceremony; i t w i l l do no harm to keep i t but we must make i t absolutely free.  172 After marriage, when a child i s born, problems are bound to develop.  The people in general suppose that "public childcare" cannot  bring good results and are very suspicious of i t .  In fact, s o c i a l i s t  women do not surrender their child rearing responsibilities to others. Under socialism, pregnant women w i l l stop their work i f they are in poor health. From the time that the child is born until the time i t stops nursing, a l l mothers w i l l quit their work in society, and leave their professions to be mothers. The state w i l l not decrease their wages in the slightest.  When the child i s a l i t t l e older, the mother can take  him to a nursery when she goes out to work, just as at present s l i g h t l y older children are taken to kindergarten. The curriculum of these model nurseries is the deepest foundation of school education.  Because a l l  of the equipment must be the most suitable for children, and each teaching method must be able to withstand thorough research, the nurseries w i l l be even more beneficial for children than the most ideal of homes. The period that the child w i l l spend at the nursery each day w i l l be exactly the same as the period his mother spends at the factory, not exceeding five or six hours.  When the mother has finished work, she can pi;ck her  child up at the nursery and take him home. The governesses in nurseries w i l l , of course, have a very specialized nursery school training, but a l l other women w i l l have s k i l l s i n child-care.  The s o c i a l i s t state w i l l have instruction and practice on a  large scale in teaching methods and responsibilities toward children. Each woman must master chi 1 d-care—the study of children w i l l become a compulsory subject in women's education.  Because a child in this way w i l l  173  be assured of good care from the moment of his b i r t h , the same at home as in a nursery, the infant mortality rate w i l l be very low. Not only w i l l the infant mortality rate drop, but children's a b i l i t i e s w i l l be developed much more than they are at present, because young men and women w i l l a l l have received an education in how to be parents.  While women ought to have the practical knowledge of "good  wives and mothers," men should also study the knowledge of "good husbands and fathers." These terms w i l l not be used in the future, but, the meaning i s really the same. Therefore, a l l parents w i l l know how to make the children of the future i n t e l l i g e n t and healthy.  A young wife  w i l l feel that the hardships of raising a child are the most important and most sacred of a mother's duties. She w i l l , moreover, have the learning and the interest to be equal to this work. Since women w i l l have the maximum opportunity to freely develop their individuality, and motherhood w i l l receive the maximum protection, thorough and deep liberation of women w i l l have been achieved.  Not only  w i l l women ascend from hell into paradise, but men, and in fact a l l of humanity, can rise dtnto paradise.  The evolution of the l i f e of Chinese  women i s now headed i n this direction.  CHAPTER 3 EPILOGUE When I came to Shanghai this time, the type for this book had just been set.  I was able to personally proofread i t , and moreover to  make added revisions from Mr Hu's corrections which were of greatest interest to me. Last winter, when I finished writing the manuscript of this book, the National Revolutionary Army had just taken Hupeh and Kiangsi provinces and I l e f t Peking under "the white sun and blue sky." is now one year ago.  1  That  In this one year, changes i n the l i f e of women  have been truly enormous.  Under the leadership of the Kuomintang, the  women's movement has made great strides. When I f i r s t went to Hankow and saw the women students i n the Central Military and P o l i t i c a l School, or other cadre schools, with weapons and military uniforms, without powder or paint, like Mu Lan or ••2 Liang Yu come back to l i f e , I f e l t boundless admiration for them, but I could not escape from certain doubts.  Although the traditional trappings  of femininity are not the real l i f e demanded by real women, how can the 1  The Nationalist flag.  Ch'in Liang-yii ( %r^%. h ) was the wife of the Ming dynasty general Ma Ch'ien-ch'eng ( „| i t ). A large woman, expert in horsemanship, she always dressed in men's clothing. After her husband's death she led his troops against rebel forces. Chung-kuo jen-ming ta tz'ugtien, p. 827. 2  -  174  175 obliteration of the female sex, and the adoption of a bold, swaggering walk so that people on the road cannot t e l l male from female, be the highest c r i t e r i a for women's l i f e ?  At the same time I congratulated  myself on being able to see this kind of thing, otherwise, I would have written a History of the Life of Women in vain.  I had not dreamt that  Chinese women would so soon advance this far. But there was l i t t l e good in later news. At the most the women in the army corps did some p o l i t i c a l work and at times they were actually a hindrance to the army's movements. Conservatives made a pretext of this to c r i t i c i z e the movement. By the time of the Kuomintang-Communist s p l i t , the Wuchang Central Military and P o l i t i c a l school was dispersed, and those women students who followed the fourth unit of the second army to Kiangsi were dispersed in Chiukiang.  Having suffered this blow, they  had to, as before, act the part of women. But this was only a momentary phenomenon; the seeds which they had scattered in the two fields of women's liberation and the opening of social intercourse were truly numerous. The Kuomintang sets forth clearly and in detail women's legal, 3  educational and economic equality in i t s platform.  Therefore, absolute  The Women's Department of the Kuomintang was headed by Ho Hsiang-ning from 1924 to 1927, covering the period of the Northern campaign of which Ch'en writes. The most important arm of the women's department was the Women's Union, founded in 1925. In KMT held villages, the union tried to implement the principle of sexual equality that the party endorsed, usually by giving women support in family disputes. Their efforts to gain divorces for women who were mistreated by their husbands met with strong opposition from the peasants' unions, whose members saw their wives as property they could not afford to lose. In the conservative J  176 freedom of marriage and divorce, the recognition of inheritance rights, the l i f t i n g of the prohibition against women from various organizations have a l l been realized i n sequence.  There are organizations such as  women's associations everywhere, working for the protection of women's interests.  The advantages to women of Kuomintang government are enor-  mous. But true happiness must ultimately be created by women themselves. In today's China, both men and women s t i l l suffer from economic oppression combined with the oppression of clan law.  Because economic  conditions worsen daily and transportation and communication become daily more convenient, the system of clan law i s close to bankruptcy. But even in death the corpse w i l l not s t i f f e n , and remnants of thought and customs do great harm. Of course women suffer even more because for them there i s also sexual oppression. From the viewpoint of historical evolution, a l l periods are transitional periods.  I do not pray that Chinese women w i l l someday reach  the other shore, I only pray that their l i f e w i l l be daily more progressive, more beautiful and happier!  reaction;; which followed Chiang K'ai-shek's suppression of the Communist Party, the women's unions were destroyed and many of their members were tortured and k i l l e d . I t i s interesting the Ch'en makes no mention of the violence with which the women's movement was suppressed after the KMT/CCP s p l i t , and in fact, suggests that the movement was s t i l l making progress. Whether this was the result of fear of censorship, ignorance of the actual situation, or committment to the KMT government i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. See "Ho Hsiang-ning" in Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, pp. 6768. Paul Blanshard, "Women of New China Loose their Age-old Shackles," China Weekly Review, December 12, 1927, pp. 72, 74. For a l i s t of the regulations adopted by the Women's Movement Committee of the Hupeh Provincial Kuomintang Union, see J. B. P., "Chinese Women Take their Place in the Struggle for Freedom," China Weekly Review, May 21, 1927, pp. 312-314.  177 But I cannot bear to see either the prostitutes of the "Green Lotus Pavillion" and the hostesses of the "Goddess World," or the women teachers who embrace celibacy for the sake of a salary of twenty odd dollars.  And then there i s the ultimate human tragedy of those surrounded  by the power of clan law; young women who even now are accepting the ideal of chastity and the belief that widows must not remarry.  These are the  two grave problems in women's l i f e at present. Shanghai, December 1, 1927  Bibliography Because the study of feminism i n early 20th century China i s a relatively underdeveloped f i e l d with l i t t l e bibliographical information available, I have included i n this bibliography not only works cited i n the footnotes, but also those sources which gave useful background information on the women's movement.  I have briefly annotated  the Chinese language sources, except those whose use i s obvious from their inclusion i n the footnotes. Western Language Sources I.  Books:  Ayscough, Florence. Chinese Women, Yesterday and Today. London: Jonathon Cape, 1938. Britton, Roswell S. The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1912.  Taipei:  Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, 1966 (1933). Burton, Margaret.  The Education of Women i n China.  New York: Fleming  H. Revel 1 Company, 1911. Ch'en, Jerome. Yuan Shih-k'ai,  Stanford: Stanford University Press,  1972. Chesneaux, Jean.  The Chinese Labour Movement, 1919-1927. Translated  by H. M. Wright.  Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968.  , ed. Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China, 18401950.  Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972. 178  179 Chesneaux, Jean.  Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth and  Twentieth Centuries.  Translated by G i l l i a n Nettle. London:  Heinemann Educational Books, 1971. Eberhard, Wolfram. The Chinese Silver Screen, Hong Kong and Taiwanese Motion Pictures in the 1960's. Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol. XXIII. .  Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972.  Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays.  Mouton & Co., Fang, F u r l a n .  The Hague:  1970.  Chinese Labour.  Gasster, Michael.  London: P. S. King & Son Ltd., 1931.  Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911.  Seattle,and London: University of Washington Press, 1969. Geddes, W. R.  Peasant Life in Communist China.  New York: The Society  for Applied Anthropology, 1963. Hamberg, Rev. Theodore.  The Visions of Hung-Siu-Tshuen, and Origin of  the Kwang-si Insurrection. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969 (1854). Hutchinson, Paul.  China's Real Revolution.  New York: Missionary Educa-  tion ..Movement of the United States and Canada, 1924. Lang, Olga.  Chinese Family and Society.  Levy, J r . , Marion J.  Archon Books, 1968  The Family Revolution in Modern China.  (1946). New York:  Atheneum, 1968. Leyda, Jay.  Dianying, An Account of Fi1ms and the Film Audience in China.  Cambridge, Mass: The M.I.T. Press, 1972. Lin Paotchin.  L'instruction Feminine En Chine (Apres l a Revolution de  1911). Paris: Librairie Geuthner, 1926.  180 Liu, Hui-chen Wang. The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules. New York: J. J. Augustin Incorporated, 1959. Purcell, Victor.  The Boxer Uprising, A Background Study.  Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1963. Rankin, Mary Backus.. Early Chinese Revolutionaries, Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971. Redfield, Robert.  The L i t t l e Community. Chicago: The University of  Chicago Press, 1955. Rinden, Robert and Roxane Witke.  The Red Flag Waves: A Guide to the  Hung-ch'i p'iao-^p'iao Collection.  Center for China Studies, China  Research Monographs no. 3. University of California, Berkeley, 1968. Rowbotham?.Sheila..  Women, Resistance and Revolution.  London: Allen  Lane, The Penguin Press, 1972. Shih, Vincent Y. C. The Taiping Ideology. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967. S i d e l , Ruth.  Women and Child Care in China. New York: H i l l and Wang,  1972. Snow, Helen Foster.  The Chinese Communists, Sketches and Autobiographies  of the Old Guard. .  Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972.  Women in Modern China.  Wakeman, J r . , Frederic.  The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1967.  Strangers at the Gate, Social Disorder in South  China, 1839-1861. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Wolf, Margery.  Women and the Family i n Rural Taiwan.  University Press, 1972.  Stanford: Stanford  181 II.  Articles:  Diamond, Norma. "The Status of Women i n Taiwan: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back."  Women in China.  Edited by Marilyn B. Young.  Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 15.  Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese  Studies, the University of Michigan,  1973.  Davin, Delia. "Women in the Liberated Areas." Leith, Suzette.  Michigan  Women in China.  "Chinese Women in the Early Communist Movement."  Women in China. Bernal, Martin.  "The Triumph of Anarchism over Marxism, 1906-1907."  China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913. Edited by Mary C. Wright. Ch'en, Jerome.  New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968. "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement--  A Morphological Study."  Bulletin of the School of Oriental and  African Studies, XXIII (1960), 287-308. "China's feminist'Movement:  MI  Current Scene, Vol. 9, no. 1 (Jan. 7, 1971),  18-19. Leboucq, P. "Les Societes Secretes en Chine."  Etudes, Series V, Vol. 7,  (Nov. 1875), 197-220. Levy, Howard S. the Han."  "Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of Journal of the American Oriental Society.  Vol. 76 (1956),  214-227. O'Neill, W.  "Feminism as a Radical Ideology."  in the History of American Radicalism.  Dissent, Explorations  Edited by Alfred Young.  Delkalb: Northern I l l i n o i s University Press, 1968. Redfield, Robert. "The Folk Society." Vol. LII (1946-47), 293-308.  American Journal of Sociology,  182 "Resolutions on the Women's Movement."  Documents on Communism, National-  ism and Soviet Advisors in China, 1918-1927. Edited by C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How.  New York: Columbia University Press,  1956. "Resolutions on the Women's Movement." Sixth CCP Congress, Moscow, 1928. Chinese Studies in History, Vol. 4, 229-240. Ruhlmann, Robert.  "Traditional Heroes in Chinese Popular Fiction." The  Confucian Persuasion.  Edited by Arthur Wright.  Stanford: Stanford:  University Press, 1960. Salaff, Janet W., and Judith Merkle. of the Soviet Union and China."  "Women in Revolution: The Lessons Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol.  XV, (1970), 166-191. Skinner, G. William.  "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China."  Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24 (November 1964, February 1965, and May 1965), pp. 3-43, 195-228, 363-399. Teng Ying-Ch'ao.  "Report on the Present Course and Tasks of the Chinese  Women's Movement."  Chinese Studies in History, Vol. 5, no. 2-3,  (1972), 77-87. T'ien, Ju-k'ang.  "Female Labour in a Cotton M i l l / "  Machine Age. L. K. Hsu.  China Enters the  Edited and translated by Fei Hsiao-tung and Francis Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1944.  Tseng, Pao-swen.  "The Chinese Woman Past and Present."  Chinese Culture.  Edited by Sophia H. Chen Zen.  Symposium on  Shanghai: China  Institute of Pacific Relations, 1931. Witke, Roxane. "Woman as Politicians in China of the 1920s." China.  Women in  183 III.  Newspapers:  The North China Herald (Shanghai), January 1895-December 1930. The China Weekly Review (Shanghai), January 1919-December 1930. esp. Blanshard, Paul. Shackles."  "Women of New China Loose Their Age-old  December 1927.  Booker, Edna Lee. J.B.P.  July 29, 1922.  "Chinese Women Take Their Place in the Struggle for  Freedom." IV.  "Madame Wu Pei-fu."  May 21, 1927.  Unpublished Materials:  Beahan, Charlotte L. of 1911."  "The Women's Press in China Prior to the Revolution  Draft of a paper prepared for a conference on "Women in  Chinese Society."  San Francisco, June 11-15, 1973.  Sponsored by  the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. Pan Yuh-cheng.  The Position of Women i n T' ai-p' ing T',ien-kuo.  Unpub-  lished Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1971. Witke, Roxane H. Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women During the May Fourth Era of Modern China.  Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,  University of California, Berkeley, 1970. Chinese Language Sources I.  Books:  Chao Feng-chieh ti-wei  ^  '-IL  . Chung-kuo fu-n'u tsai fa-lu shang chih -ttr h.  }i i . H M i ( T h e Legal Status of  Chinese Women). Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1928. A history of women's legal status with a short section on post 1911 changes.  ' 184 P J |t7£ . Chung-kuo fu-nii sheng-huo shih  Ch en Tung-yuan 1  x£r 1  ^  (A History of the Life of Chinese Women).  *f esi^ Shanghai:  Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1928. Hsu Tsung-tse  l?t%^  > ed. Fu-nii wen-t'i tsa-p'ing  Uj. %\l vfy (Notes and Comments on the Women's Question). Shanghai: Sheng-chiao tsa-chih she, 1931. A collection of articles concerned with the social aspects of women's liberation: i n marriage, morals, education. Mei Sheng  Jfy ±  ed. Chung-kuo fu-nii wen-t'i t'ao-lun chi ^  ffi •$! f<[ fj$~ | [ Question).  ^  (Collected Discussions on the Chinese Women's  Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924-1928.  A collection of articles primarily concerned with the problems of education, chastity, freedom of marriage and struggles against the old style family. Mei Sheng  4^ ^£  ed. Nu-hsing wen-t'i yen-chiu chi  ^ ^ J ;  (Collected Research on the Women's Question).  Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1928. A later collection, essentially concerned with the same problems as Chung-kuo fu-nii wen-t'i t'ao-lun c h i . P'i I-shu  )K.^K%  Chung-kuo fu-nii yun-tung  ^  i j | "f^  (The Chinese Women's Movement). Taipei: Fu-lien hua kan she, 1973. The author sees the women's movement as a product of modern nationalism, and emphasises the role of the T'ung-meng-hui and Kuomintang. II.  Articles:  ^  Chang Hsi-shen lU  "Chung-kuo fu-nii szu-hsiang vteyfa-ta." tf^^Si^  (  T h e  Development of thought of Chinese  185 r#r f^] ^1  Women). Fu-nu wen-t'i shih-chianq  f j |  \  (Ten Discussions on the Woman Question). By Homma Hisao, Shanghai: Fu-nii wen-t'i yen-chiu hui, 1924. Hsiang Chin-yu *f  ifl  China).  \£) j  "Chung-kuo chih-shih fu-nii te san p'ai."  h tfi-&fy  Fu-nii nien-chien  Edited by Mei Sheng .  3.  rtr  ^  $^  y(K  -fr  ;  ( T n , r ? e e  |^.  G r o  «P  s  o f  W  o  m  \i  ^  n  i n  (Women's Yearbook).  , Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924.  "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yiin-tung." ^ t ^ ^ i ^ t y ^ e  e  Contemporary Women's Movement in China).  -ir  Fu-nii  ,nien-chien. .  "Shanghai nii-ch'uan yiin-tung chin-hou ying chu-i te san  chien shih."  ^llfHi  tfi  V. y\  t&  |  (Three Things the Shanghai Women's Rights Movement Should Concentrate On^FromtrNow  Sun T'a  0n> Fu-nii nien-chien.  J^t  "Chung-kuo f u - n i i yiin-tung chih chin-pu."  0j -&r i f ^ 1?^ z . ment).  f l$[  K  (Progress in the Chinese Women's Move-  Fu-nii tsa-chih  ^  ^  (The Ladies Journal)  Vol IX, (January, 1923). Wu Yu-chang  Jp  "Chung-kuo f u - n i i tsai wu szu yun-tung-chung  tsou-shang-le tzu-chi chieh-fang te tao-lu" i|f^  ^ i  ^ J 6  If  4  ^  ^ |^ df^ -jt  ~f±. d~. ^  -- (During the May Fourth  movement,"Chinese women begin to'stand on theifccown feet.)' Fu-nu yiintung wen-hsien  - ^ r^  ^^^.(iArchTvescon'the'women's movement.  Hong K6ngc!iHsin-min-chuheh'u-pan-she,  1949.  Arguing from economic determinism, Wu Yu-chang sees the development o f Chinese industry during the f i r s t world war as the material basis for the women's movement o f the May Fourth period.  


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