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History of the life of Chinese Women : the development of Chinese feminism Johnson, Eve 1974

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A HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF CHINESE WOMEN —THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE FEMINISM by Carol Evelyn Johnson B.A., University of British Columbia, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UWERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1974 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department of by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada i ABSTRACT Ch'en Tung-yuan's History of the Life of Chinese Women, written in 1927, is the only comprehensive contemporary account of the early women's movement in China. For this reason i t has been widely used by Western scholars who have recently become interested in the origins of Chinese feminism. This thesis consists of a translation of the sections of Ch'en's History which deal with the period between 1895 and 1927, and a commentary which examines the value of Ch'en's work as a source for our understanding of women's history in China. In general, Ch'en's description of the changes in women's lives is accurate; but i t s scope is too narrow; the only women i t applies to are those of the Orthodox Confucian past and the Modern, May Fourth generation of the 19201s. The omission of working class and peasant women, and of the cultural stereotypes of the folk tra-dition, lead to a serious distortion of the nature of Chinese feminism. Only by recognizing the limitations of Ch'en's approach and researching the role of women in the popular tradition, can we achieve a more balanced picture. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION . . . • • . 1 PART I. COMMENTARY CHAPTER 1. CH'EN TUNG-YUAN AND WOMEN'S LIBERATION 5 Ch'en's Background 5 Ch'en's Intellectual Position 7 Positivism 7 Rationalism and Sexual Morality 8 Discarding Tradition and Accepting the West . . 11 Socialism and the Reorganization of the Family . 14 Nationalism Vs. Feminism 17 The Educated Elite . 19 Confusion: The Clans 21 Gaps in the Structure- 23 The Working Poor 23 Women and Industrialization 26 The Great Tradition and the Folk Tradition . . 29 2. MU LAN AND THE GIRLS—ALTERNATE STEREOTYPES . . . . 34 Swordfighters and Warriors 34 The Underworld 37 Secret Societies 38 Rebellion 41 i i i Page Banditry 43 Interpreting the Mu Lan Tradition 46 3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FEMINISM IN CHINA 49 Witke's Periodization: Feminism as a Product of the May Fourth Movement 50 The Women's Movement of 1912 52 An Alternate Interpretation 60 PART II. TRANSLATION A NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION 63 CHAPTER 1. THE LIFE OF WOMEN IN THE REFORM PERIOD 65 General Discussion 65 The Germination of the Intellectual Revolution . . 6 7 A. The First Period—before the reform movement of 1898 67 B. The Second Period—after the 1898 reforms . . . 69 The Establishment of a System for Women's Education 71 Reaction Against the Idea of Women's Rights . . 75 The Accomplishments of Girls' Schools Established by Missionary Societies . . . . 80 The First Growth of the Intellectual Revolution . . 81 A. The First Period—Before 1911 81 Women Studied Overseas 81 Women Who Sacrificed for the Revolution . . . 83 Women Who Sacrificed for Love . . . . . . . 88 i v Page B. The Second Period—After 1911 91 Enthusiastically Joining the Army 92 The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation . . . 97 Women's Education in the First Years of the Republic 100 2 THE LIFE OF CONTEMPORARY WOMEN 104 A. The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution . . 104 The First Period--Before the May Fourth Movement 104 The First Period of The New Youth 105 The Heyday of The New Youth I l l B. The Second Period—After the May Fourth Movement 121 The May Fourth Movement and Women's Liberation . 121 Liberation in Education and Its Defects . . . 125 Liberation in Professions and Its Difficulties . 134 Liberation in Marriage and Its Inadequacies . . 138 The Extreme Need for Change in Sexual Attitudes . 146 Mrs. Sanger's V i s i t to China and the Birth Control Movement 151 The Movement for P o l i t i c a l Participation and Its Theory 159 Women Under Ideal Socialism 167 3 EPILOGUE 174 Bibliography 178 Ah Sz's wife wagged her head and sighed. Then she rose to her feet and said angrily: "No wonder Ah To says that the meek and humble haven't a chance! "He's right. The world's going to turn head over heels'. "My father-in-law used to say that the Long Hairs will be coming again. I hear there are women Long Hairs too. You know, we 've got a big Long Hair 2 sword in our house ..." Mao Tun, [Shen Yen-ping jtfft ^ L "Winter Ruin*,"1 i n . Spring Silkworms and Other Stories, (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1956 (1932)), p. 77. 1 INTRODUCTION The standard treatment of "Women in China" is a Cinderella story. The Wicked Stepmother (the Confucian Tradition) in f l i c t e d endless hardships on women. Not only did they l i t e r a l l y do a l l the housekeeping, they were also responsible for maintaining the moral cleanliness of society through a severe code of chastity, applicable in practice to them alone. Suddenly, just when the c i v i l war, follow-ing the years of war with Japan, had made conditions unbearable, a fairy godmother, (the ideology of Marxism-Leninism) appeared. Prince Charming (the Chinese Communist party under the leadership of Mao Tse-tung) led Chinese women from their oppression into a new l i f e of freedom and happiness. This is in many ways a satisfying story, as a l l Cinderella stories should be; but i t is not enough. Prompted by a revitalized Western feminism, some Western scholars have begun to study the be-2 ginnings of the Chinese women's movement early in the 20th century. Here they hope to find a more accurate, i f less dramatic story, material See: Roxane Witke, Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women  in the May Fourth Era of Modern China (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1970). Janet Salaff and Judith Merkle, "Women in Revolution: The Lessons of the Soviet Union and China," Berkeley .^JournalnofySociology, Vol. XV, (1970), pp. 166-191. Marilyn Young, ed., Women in China, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 15 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1973). la 2 f o r a comparison o f Chinese and Western femin ism, and the reasons, beyond the F a i r y Godmother, f o r the amazing progress which Chinese women have made. In t h i s s e a r c h , Ch'en Tung-yuan's ( ) H i s t o r y o f the L i f e o f Chinese Women (Chung-kuo fu -n i i sheng-huo sh ih ^ I j ^ - i r % )» publ ished i n 1928, i s probably the s i n g l e most impor tan t source o f i n -3 f o r m a t i o n . Roxane Witke depends h e a v i l y on Ch'en f o r her account o f 4 the women's movement before 1919. Jane S a l a f f and J u d i t h Merkle r e l y on him almost e n t i r e l y f o r t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n on the e a r l i e r years o f the 5 women's movement, as does Chow Tse-tsung i n h i s b r i e f note on feminism c i n The May Four th Movement. I t i s easy to account f o r the p o p u l a r i t y o f Ch 'en 's H i s t o r y . In a spate o f books on the women's ques t ion ( fu -n i i w e n - t ' i kJf-hr?4M- ) publ ished a f t e r the May Fourth I n c i d e n t , i t i s unusual i n p r o v i d i n g a long and reasonably s c h o l a r l y n a r r a t i v e r a t h e r than a c o l l e c t i o n o f a r t i c l e s on the d i f f e r e n t aspects o f the p r o b l e m . 7 In a d d i t i o n , Ch'en (Shanghai: Shang-wu y i n - s h u - k u a n , 1928) . 4 For examples see W i t k e , Transformat ion o f A t t i t u d e s , pp. 24 -5 , 44-45 , 62 -64 , 68 -69 , 225. 5 S a l a f f and M e r k l e , "Women i n R e v o l u t i o n , " pp. 179-180. Chow T s e - t s u n g , The May Fourth Movement ( S t a n f o r d : S tan fo rd U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1960) , pp. 257-59, 437. 7 For examples see: Mei Sheng ( ) e d . , Co l l ec ted Discussions on the Chinese  Women's Quest ion (Chung-kuo fu -n i i w e n - t ' i t ' a o lun ch i v& MM Utfct )» . (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924-1928). T Mei Sheng, e d . , The Women's Yearbook (Fu-nu ' -n ien-chien 3 i s r e l a t i v e l y n o n p a r t i s a n . Al though he supports the N a t i o n a l i s t government, he possesses a degree o f p o l i t i c a l i m p a r t i a l i t y t h a t became i n c r e a s i n g l y ra re as the s t r u g g l e between the n a t i o n a l i s t s and the communists developed. As impor tan t a source deserves more c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n ; and should i d e a l l y be a v a i l a b l e even to those who do not read Chinese. For t h i s reason I have t r a n s l a t e d the f i n a l sec t ions o f Ch 'en 's H i s t o r y ; e s s e n t i a l l y those pages d e s c r i b i n g women's emancipat ion i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . (The book begins w i t h the s t a t u s o f women i n pre-Han t imes and g ives d e t a i l e d accounts o f how i t has changed through successive d y n a s t i e s . ) In the course o f t r a n s l a t i n g Ch 'en 's work , I became convinced t h a t a l though h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s , on the who le , r e l i a b l e , i t i s i n -complete; and f o r t h i s reason h i s general i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s m i s l e a d i n g . In an at tempt t o prov ide a more accurate p i c t u r e o f the way i n which the women's movement developed, I w i l l preface the t r a n s l a t i o n w i t h a s h o r t c r i t i q u e o f Ch'en and h i s work . Pa r t o f the c r i t i q u e w i l l be devoted t o Roxane W i t k e 1 s Trans format ion o f A t t i t u d e s Toward Women During the  May Fourth Era o f Modern China, which i s a t present the on ly impor tan t Jf ) , (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924-1926). Mei Sheng, e d . , Co l lec ted Research on the Women's Quest ion (Nli-hsing w e n - t ' i yen-chi iu ch i ^^f^Mz&&^Ji J~, (Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1928) . 1 * Hsu Tsung-tse ( i ^ - ^ ^ f ) e d . , Notes and Comments on the  Women's Quest ion (Fu-nu w e n - t ' i t s a - p ' i n g fJ]-^,^If-)» (Shanghai: Sheng-chiao t s a - c h i h she, 1931) . ' 4 scholarly study of the early women's movement. Witke in many ways accepts Ch'en's intellectual outlook, particularly his emphasis on the May Fourth Movement as the most significant force in the history of women's emancipation in China. I believe that this emphasis is misplaced. In general, I w i l l argue that the source of Ch'en's inadequacies as a historian of women's emancipation i s , paradoxically, his position as an intellectual of the May Fourth generation—the f i r s t generation of Chinese intellectuals to enthusiastically promote women's liberation. To accept Ch'en's analysis of the women's movement without examining his intellectual bias means imposing, as I would argue Witke imposes, a pre-conceived pattern on the development of the movement; and ignoring significant material which does not f i t the pattern. I w i l l not attempt, in this critique, a thorough theoretical discussion of feminism, nor an analysis of the meaning and operation of feminism in societies which differ from our own in the absence of a liberal democratic tradition. I hope merely to point out inadequacies of approaching the history of women in modern China with the outlook of a May Fourth intellectual, and to suggest areas which seem to demand further research and more serious consideration. CHAPTER 1 CH'EN TUNG-YUAN AND WOMEN'"S LIBERATION Ch'en's Background Ch'en Tung-yuan was born in 1902, a native of Hofei county in Anhwei province. He was seventeen years old in 1919; and i t is quite probable that he was already studying in the Faculty of Education at Peking National University when the May Fourth demonstrations broke out. Whether he was an actual participant or not, the May Fourth Movement had a profound effect on his thinking, as i t did on that of nearly a l l of the students of his time. After the publication of A History of the Life of Chinese  Women in 1928, Ch'en lectured at several universities in Shanghai on women's emancipation; but his greatest interest seems to have been education. He was a member of the Anhwei Provincial Education Depart-ment, held a lectureship at Anhwei University, and published three more books: The History of Education in China, Ancient Chinese Education, and Education Under the Old Examination System (as of 1936).^ Biographical information on Ch'en Tung-yuan was obtained from the Gendai Chugoku Jimmei Jiten Ol,KtlW*H)» (Tokyo: Compiled by the Asia Section, Japanese Foreign Office, 1936), p. 389, and in correspondence with Mr. T'ao Hsi-sheng (ffyjfy 7f£ ), Taiwan. 5 6 Ch'en is in many ways excellent material for a case study of the May Fourth mind. In his sympathies, a middle-class urban in-tellectual, he combined an idealization of the advanced West, and particularly the United States, with a desperate desire to see a new and strong China rise to her proper place among the powers. He had given up any hope that the Chinese tradition might be able to adapt to the modern world. Instead he placed his faith in the young intellec-tuals, who were to lead the people from the darkness of their age-old superstitions into the rational light of the modern world. Ch'en was not an intellectual leader of his time. He could offer no b r i l l i a n t solution for China's problems, nor even a synthesis of the solutions that others had proposed. Nor is his work particularly original; he relies heavily on quotations and in at least one instance, he plagiarizes. The result is a rather inconsistant piece of work, burdened with some glaring contradictions. Despite these deficiencies, several strong patterns of thought emerge which are typical not only of Ch'en, but of his whole generation. If we examine these patterns, and the ways in which they influenced Ch'en's analysis of the women's movement, perhaps we can gain greater u For example, pp. 104-122 below (the two sections on the New Youth magazine) are made up almost entirely of quotations and paraphrases with a minimum of c r i t i c a l commentary. Pages 135-36 contain a section plagiar-ized from F. Mu11er-Lyer, The History of Socia1 Deve1opment, trans. Elizabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake, (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920), pp. 223-24. For contradictions in Ch'en's work, see p. 21-22. 7 distance from the "May Fourth mind," and more freedom to reach our own conclusions. Ch'en's Intellectual Position i . Positivism With many other intellectuals of his generation, Ch'en was attracted to the popular gods of the early 20th century: progress, science, the power of reason, evolution and eugenics, and democracy. His intellectual position might best be described as a simplified nineteenth century positivism; for example, he accepted Herbert Spencer's argument that evolutionary theory could be applied to human society, apparently without Spencer's caution that evolution need not always work in a positive direction. In this way the theory of social evolution was reduced, in i t s most vulgarized form, to a blind trust in progress and a tendency to equate "modern" with "better." Another part of Ch'en's positivism was derived ultimately from Comte--his belief in the value of a rational s c i e n t i f i c examination of social institutions. The values of society and i t s moral codes should be based not on tradition or religion, but on reason backed up by the tested and systematized experience of the positive sciences. The Chinese tradition, and particularly the Confucian philosophy, was the ultimate authority for many §f China's social institutions. Ch'en believed that these were long overdue for a rigorous examination in the clear light of reason. 8 This "rationalism" although not always rigorously applied, is an important element of Ch'en's thought. Its significance can be seen clearly in his consideration of the problem of sexual morality. i i . Rationalism and Sexual Morality By late 1927, when Ch'en wrote the epilogue to his History, the Nationalist Government had removed a l l of the legal barriers to sexual equality. In Ch'en's view, only two obstacles remained to block women's emancipation in China" the hardships resulting from China's economic problems, and an outdated sexual morality embodied in clan law. For the f i r s t obstacle, he had no solution beyond a rather vague socialism. The second, however, would yield to modern, rational sexual morality as soon as the adherents of modernism spread through-out the society. The Confucian sexual code had placed enormous value on female chastity, presumably in order to ensure a true heir. Marital f i d e l -i t y was essential for women, extending from the time of their engage-ment until their death. Women whose fiances died before the marriage were encouraged to remain single for l i f e , to marry their husband's ghost, or to seek unity in death. Remarriage for widows was unthink-able, as was remarriage after the shame of a divorce. This tremendous concern for women's chastity led to extraordin-arily severe supervision. Ideally, an unmarried g i r l l e f t her family's 9 home for the f i r s t time as a bride. While she stayed with her family she remained in the inner apartments, for her chastity could be en-dangered even by a glance from a passing stranger. Elaborate rules of avoidance were observed; i t was improper for children above the age of seven to play in mixed groups, as i t was for a man and woman to touch hands while exchanging anything. Ignorant of men outside of her immediate family, the g i r l was eventually married off to a man her parents chose. Except for the arrangement of his f i r s t marriage, none of these sanctions applied to men. They were naturally free to stray outside the confines of the family home and to mix with their neighbours. No importance was placed on male chastity, a man might remarry after the death of his wife, or indeed, add concubines and secondary wives to his household at will--as long as he could afford them. Ch'en Tung-yuan abhored the obvious sexual inequality of Confucian morality, and in addition thought i t the expression of an 3 irrational view which placed too much importance on sex. Because sexual behaviour was given too much weight, the sexes were kept un-necessarily far apart, social intercourse was restricted, and the old sexual values were retained. The result was needless suffering on a vast scale. Young women who could have raised families were forced into celibacy or suicide by the death of their husbands. Arranged marriages ignored women's right 3 See below, p. 146. 10 to self-determination; while love matches often failed through the social inexperience of both partners. Without the social contact provided by coeducational schools, many educated women failed to find a mate and lost their opportunity to marry. The solution to a l l of these problems, Ch'en believed, was the adoption of a western style sexual code. Drawing from Western sexual 4 theorists of the 1890's, like Edward Carpenter, he advocated a newer and less restricted married l i f e which would allow both partners room to grow. Ch'en argued that children should be brought up from infancy with companions of the opposite sex, and that the contact should be maintained during completely co-educational schooling. He also stressed the f o l l y of attempting to repress women's sexual desires through s t r i c t supervision; and the lack of any scient i f i c basis for assuming women g to be naturally more moderate in their sexual desires than men. As a final proof of the destruction wrought by the odd sexual code, Ch'en quoted statistics from the Ministry of Justice on the murder of husbands (presumably by their wives or the wives' lovers) and repeated a gruesome story of barbaric folk punishment for adulterers. 7 Edward Carpenter (1844-1929) was an English poet, essayist and sexual theorist, at his most influential in the 1890's. His theories of modern sexual relations were popular among radical students in the May Fourth Period. See Stanley J. Kunitz, ed., British Authors of the  Nineteenth Century, (New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1936), pp. 118-19, and A Bibliography of Edward Carpenter, (Sheffield City Libraries, 1949). 5 See below, p. 89. ^ See below, p. 144. 7 See below, p. 150. 11 He believed that this brutality was caused by "the senseless maintenance of loveless relations between husband and wife" and suggested that a new sexual code would solve the problem: If she could have divorced her husband when she f e l l in love with another man, things would never have reached an atrocity of these proportions, nor would women go to the extent of murder-ing their husbands.8 Ch'en's belief in reason made him disapprove of the Confucian moral code and advocate the "freely chosen, innocent and natural g marriage" of modern Western morality. In addition, i t caused him to look with utter horror on the folk morality of the peasantry; the severity of folk punishments for adultery "only reveals the people's barbarism, brutality, and the total irrationality of their sexual attitudes." 1 0 i i i . Discarding Tradition and Welcoming the West The distance which Ch'en f e l t from the uneducated poor, and particularly the peasantry, suggested in the above quotation, is another t r a i t he shared with most of the intellectuals of his time. While students of the May Fourth generation may have sought the support of workers in demonstrations, they were in no way turning to the workers for instruction or inspiration, as another generation of students was See below, p. 150. See below, p. 147 See below, p. 150. 12 urged to do during the Cultural Revolution. If the Confucian system was to be.broken in order that a new China might flourish, then to these May 4th intellectuals, the non-Confucian tradition, the predominantly Taoist and Buddhist folk culture of the peasantry with itsnimyriad dieties and superstitions, was even less deserving of preservation, and even more certainly slated for destruction. In the place of the old culture, whether classic or folk, Chinese people would accept "modern c i v i l i z a t i o n . " 1 1 Thus the strength of the May Fourth Movement lay not only in i t s attack on Confucianism, but also in its advocacy of modern ideas. As Ch'en says: If at this time there had been only the discussions in The New  Youth, but no tendency to accept Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , of course the movement would not have achieved success J 2 The Western nation that Ch'en was most strongly influenced by was the United States; perhaps because of American 'returned students' like Hu Shih, or simply because of America's position as the youngest of the great powers. Aside from a lengthy quote from Hu Shih's "American Women," Ch'en gives a description of the modern American household 13 originally part of F. Muller-Lyer-s The History of Social Development. The paragraph begins by referring to "Western" women, but by the end i t is obvious that Ch'en is really using i t to describe the l i f e that he believes American women lead. See below, p. 123. See below, p. 123. See below, p. 135. 13 It probably would have come as more than a mild shock to the majority of American women of the late 19201s to hear that they need no longer wash clothes or preserve food, but only cook, do housework and raise children. Ch'en imagines modern conveniences like running water and electricity to be universal, and presumes an availability of kindergartens and limitation of family size that had not yet been achieved. This freedom of American women had come about, so Ch'en argued, through industrial development which led to a highly efficient division of labour. Chinese women were oppressed by a family structure that was s t i l l primitive in form and could not soon be expected to yield to a more sophisticated division of labour. As a solution, Ch'en advocated the remodelling of Chinese society along the lines suggested by European 14 socialists like Auguste Bebel and F. Muller-Lyer. In order to free women for production, the state was to provide cooking, cleaning and childcare, services which were less efficiently provided by each nuclear Ferdinand August Bebel (1840-1913) was a German Socialist and a leader of the German Social Democratic Movement. He wrote on socialism, the peasantry and the status of women; Women And Socialism was translated into English by Meta L. Stern (New York: Socialist Literature Co., 1910). (See Chamber's Biographical Dictionary, ed. J. 0. Thome, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969), p. 104). Franz Muller-Lyer, (1857-1916) was a German sociologist and philosopher, the founder of the phasedogical method in cultural history. For a translation of his work see The History of Social Development, trans, by Elisabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake^London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920). (See also Webster's Biographical Dictionary, (Springfield, Mass: G. & C. Mem am Company, 1971), p. 1070). 14 family. At the same time, the importance of women's reproductive function was to be fully recognized and protection for mothers and children built into the national economy. iv. Socialism and the Reorganization of the Family Ch'en's discussion of the problems of working women is rather short, especially in comparison to the sections on his true interest, education. Nevertheless, his conception of the problem, and i t s solution, bring up some interesting questions. Despite his insistence on economic oppression as the reason why women seek work, he totally ignores those women whose social class would 15 expose them to this oppression. Instead, he writes exclusively of women school teachers; women whose families had been able to afford an education for daughters as well as sons. While Ch'en's analysis of the problems of working women obviously does not apply to the working class, we may be mistaken i f we accept i t as an accurate evaluation of the middle-class woman's situation. His portrait of the school teacher who must take care of children, cook meals and wash clothes in addition to her teaching duties seems rather unrealistic. Even the "twenty odd dollars" which Ch'en gives as a teacher's monthly salary^ 7 was a healthy contribution to the family's economy, and with the husband's salary would easily have provided See below, pp. 134-35. See below, p. 136. See below, p. 177. 15 1 o servants to free the wife of household chores. Perhaps Ch'en's omission of the possibility of hiring servants is another reflexion of his study of European and North American socialism. Ch'en is trying to prove a point; he is advocating the replacement of the nuclear family by a collective family. The same approach is evident in Liu Pan-nung's analysis of the middle-class woman's l i f e , and his rejection of the idea that time may be saved by 19 delegating domestic work to servants. In both cases, the author goes on to suggest socialist reorgan-ization of the family as a solution. And for both authors, the projected solution is far more important than the analysis of the problem. After World War I, when "the servant problem" became an inexhaustible source of small talk for Europeans and Americans, the collective family with newly developed machines to speed housework might logically have been suggested to increase the supply of available labour. China faced no shortage of domestic labour; her problem was instead providing employment and a reasonable livelihood for her population. Women of the middle-class were not tied to their homes by lack of servants. Their problems In 1927 women workers in Canton received an average wage of $7 per month. In Shanghai cotton mills, wages for women ranged between $.36 and $1.03 per day. (Fang Fu-lan, Chinese Labour, (London: P. S. King & Son Ltd., 1931) p. 50, p. 47). 1 9 Liu Fu I'Hl , or Liu Pan-nung %\ f % (1891-1934) was a distinguished teacher, linguist and writer, and an early advocate of the pai-hua movement. See Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, edited by Howard L.'Boorman, (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 394-95. The work in which his analysis appears is "Random Thoughts on Returning South" (Nan-kuei-tsa-kan The New Youth, Vol V, no. 2 (August, 1918). , w f 16 were instead predominantly social; issues like arranged marriage and concubinage. While the new domestic systems envisaged by Ch'en and Liu have been largely realized, in the people's communes, this develop-ment came as a response to a different situation than that which faced the middle-class women of the 1920's. It is interesting that Ch'en's suggestion for a new social organization does not involve any significant changes in the way men lead their lives. His cherished "rationalism" which supports him through his attack on Confucian morality does not extend to an examination of traditional sexual roles. Instead, he sees women's liberation as a widening of women's sphere. Before a woman was only a wife and mother; under ideal conditions, her duties as wife and mother w i l l be lightened and she w i l l be able to expand into areas formerly the exclusive pre-serve of men. There is l i t t l e suggestion that domestic duties be shared, or that men might take part in traditionally female activities such as child-care. Liu Pan-nung's suggestion for social reorganization, which Ch'en quotes at length, would free from forty-two to sixty-one of every hundred women for work outside the home, but i t would not change the 20 traditional division of labour by sex. Furthermore, Ch'en is vehement in his insistence that women must 21 marry and have children. He is unwilling to submit the nuclear family to evaluation by reason; even his socialist reorganization takes the 20 See below, pp. 117-118. 21 See below, p. 17. 17 family, not the individual, as i t s basic unit. Apparently Ch'en believed that China would inevitably become a socialist nation, although the date of the transformation could not be predicted. Only under socialism could women become truly liberated and the dual oppression of domestic duties and work as "wage-slaves" 22 under the capitalist system be broken. v. Nationalism Vs. Feminism But Ch'en, no matter how sincere in his support for women's emancipation, was equally, i f not more interested in national recovery. While he protested the injustice of treating women only as daughters, 23 wives and mothers, without "independent human status" he could not accept the idea of a large group of women turning against marriage and motherhood. This was especially true for those educated girls who could pass on their enlightenment to their children. In his concern for the number of educated women who were rejecting marriage Ch'en says: Girls who have received higher education naturally are the best mothers for excellent children; i f they sacrifice this glorious role, then they cannot f u l f i l l their one and only duty to society. 2 4 This statement is surprising, coming after Ch'en's insistence on the need for completely co-educational "human education!," the impor-tance of "transcending the good wife and mother" and of having the 2 2 See below, pp. 138, 167. 2 3 See below, p. 10'7. 2 4 See below, p. 145. 18 "independence" of Hu Shin's American women. Although he softens the statement by saying that: Under a wholesome society . . . the fact that a mother has two or three children w i l l not necessarily stand in the way of her giving service to society,25 'it is clear that for Ch'en, a woman's responsibilities as the producer of a new Chinese race outweigh her right to choose a l i f e not deter-mined by her sex. It is even "a symptom of illness" for a woman to avoid marriage and dislike small children. China's progress is tied to "increasing excellence of the bodies, minds and morality of the 27 elements of society"; i f a woman is to help to build "a new nation, 28 a new society, a new family and a new race," then her "one and only duty" of producing excellent children cannot be ignored. The conflict between women's emancipation and national interest 29 has always been one of the most serious problems of world feminism. It is doubtful that Ch'en Tung-yuan could have been aware of the com-plexity of the problem. When women's emancipation was f i r s t suggested in China, the advantages to national health and to the economy seemed 25 See below, p. 145. See below, p. 145. 2 7 See below, p. 144. 2 8 See below, p. 108. 29 See Salaff and Merkle, "Women in Revolution" for a discussion of the role of national interest in the changing fortunes of Russian and Chinese feminism. 19 obvious, but by the time that Ch'en was writing, some doubts had begun to surface. The fear that educated women would not be attracted to family l i f e was obviously uppermost in Ch'en's mind. He believed that the problem would be solved by socialist domestic organization which would simultaneously free women for productive labour, release them from their household duties, and provide the most suitable care for children. Ch'en never hints at what the solution would be i f this new organization were too expensive for the state, or i f freeing women for labour would take jobs away from men. I t is interesting to speculate on how long his advocacy of women's emancipation would survive in a duel between women's interests and the interests of the state. Most of the time, the conflict was not clearly drawn. The more pressing struggle for Ch',en was the fight for national survival, in which China's old culture had to be destroyed and replaced by the modern ci v i l i z a t i o n of the West. If women could be freed from the bondage of the traditional way of l i f e , freed to make a contribution to the struggle for a new China, then so much the better. v i . The Educated Elite In fact, Ch'en makes i t clear that those who w i l l lead the Chinese people into a new way of l i f e are the educated young men and women of the middle-class. The ultimate example is of course the students of the May Fourth Period who spread the new culture through their magazines and newspapers. In the future, Ch'en hoped that educated women would "make a sacrifice for their sisters who lack wisdom and 20 morality, sick children and youth, and the pitiable people in 30 general. This would presumably include work in promoting birth control; to Margaret Sanger's suggestion that the Chinese begin their work in birth control with the poor and i l l § Ch'en adds the observa-tion that "promotion of contraception to these people always depends 31 on the young men and women of the intellectual class." Because Ch'en sees women's emancipation as essentially an intellectual movement to be promoted by the intellectual classes, he quite naturally emphasises the literary landmarks in the movement's history. While he gives l i p service to the role of social and economic forces in the development of the women's movement, i t is obvious that his interest really lies in women's education and the changing intellectual content of women's emancipation. These interests reinforce Chien's emotional commitment to the May Fourth Period as the most fr u i t f u l stage in women's history. He gives lengthy quotations from the articles in The New Youth, pointing out the increasingly advanced positions taken by their writers. To Ch'en, advances in theory are equivalent to improvement in actual con-ditions, and the events of importance in the women's movement are literary events. Thus Ch'en Tu-hsiu's article "Nineteen-Sixteen" 32 "prompted the birth of the new woman" while Liu-Pan-nung's Random See below, p. 145. See below, p. 157. See below, p. 108. 21 Thoughts on Returning South" and Hu Shih 1s "American Women" "had an 33 enormous effect on the liberation of women." The May Fourth Period, with i t s tremendous intellectual excitement and the sudden opening of higher education to women, was for Ch'en an unparalleled time of pro-gress. The young intellectuals of the middle-class, using the power of propaganda with unprecedented s k i l l and success, had brought the women's movement into intellectual maturity. All that remained was to extend and reinforce the gains they had made, and to ful l y implement their plans for sexual equality. v i i . Confusion: the Clans It is d i f f i c u l t to get a clear understanding of how much pro-gress the women's movement had made from Ch'en's book, despite his attempts in the last section to sum up i t s problems since 1919. This is partly Ch'en's responsibility, for he contradicts himself a number of times. On the question of sexual discrimination in employment, for example, he f i r s t says that: We may say that women have already won professional liberation; as long as there is work that they can do, they can be employed.34 Later, however, he complains that: more women every day are unable to find the work they seek be-cause the boundaries of the professions which have already been opened are too small.35 33 34 35 See below, p. 115. See below, p. 135. See below, p. 138. 22 He is also contradictory on the question of clan law; at one 36 point, i t has "collapsed without waiting for the blow" while later i t is only "close to bankruptcy" and Ch'en admits that "Even in death the corpse w i l l not stiffen, and remnants of thought and customs do 37 great harm." Part of Ch'en's problem in deciding on discrimination in employment and on the exact state of health of the clans, can be attributed to the extreme di f f i c u l t y of making generalizations about a nation as f u l l of contrasts as China was in the 1920's. Evaluation of the strength of the clans is further complicated by geographical and social distinctions which pre-dated the family revolution. Clans had always been stronger in rural areas, cities were not regarded as real homes, and loyal members kept their allegiance to a country clan rather than bringing the organization into the city. Clans were far stronger in the south than in the north. Finally, although clans spanned a variety of social classes, they were much more important to the scholar-gentry class than to the lower orders of society. 3 b See below, p. 125. 3 7 See below, p. 176. 3 8 The term "clan law" tsung fa ) may require some explanation. The Chinese clan was made up of a l l of the paternal relatives who venerated the common ancestor. Part of the purpose of the clan was to give extra sta b i l i t y to individual families within the clan, helping them to achieve the Confucian ideal of a joint family stretching over several generations. The genealogies compiled by the more prosperous clans contain examples of clan rules. Intended to be a code of conduct for clan members, the clan rules tried to legislate the hierarchies of generation 23 Gaps in the Structure i . The Working Poor Contradictions aside, how accurate a picture of female emanci-pation in China emerges from Ch'en's History? Can he be relied on as a contemporary observer, or do his intellectual biases seriously inter-fere with his perception of events? In his reporting of the details of the emancipation of women in China, Ch'en i s generally accurate. It is not what he includes, but what he leaves out, that damages his work. His omissions are most serious in two areas: he completely ignores working class and peasant and sex and the virtue of f i l i a l piety. Naturally they were an impedi-ment to the liberation of women, for they codified and re-inforced women's inferior position in the traditional family. The clan laws advocated, for example, the seclusion of women and the subordination of women to men at a l l points in their lives, and condemned the re-marriage of widows. In the clans with a f a i r l y strong organization, penalties for violations of the clan rules were often prescribed. These ranged from oral censure and corporal punishment, through to expulsion from the clan or being handed over to the government for punishment under the law. (So strong was the emphasis on women's obedience that except for expulsion from the clan through divorce or the re-marriage of a widow, women did not usually suffer direct punishment. The men who were res-ponsible for them received punishment from the clan for their inability to control the conduct of their subordinates). Despite these provisions for penalties, i t is unlikely that Ch'en was referring specifically to the clan rules in genealogies when he spoke of "clan laws." The real strength of the clan rules was not their (generally lenient) application, but rather the fact that they were a codified form of the prevailing mores. They showed the idealized peak that traditional institutions could reach, were imitated most closely by the gentry class and less so by the other classes. The efficacy of threat of punishment by the clan was probably slight in comparison to the effect of the internalized standards on public opinion and on women themselves. (See Hui-chen Wang Liu, The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules, [New York: J. J. Augustin, 1959]"]": 24 women, and he ignores the native feminist strain within the folk tradition. Ch'en Tung-yuan was basically of the same mind as Liu Pan-nung; neither could "bear to speak of the distress of women of very poor 39 families. . . . " Instead, they talked about, and addressed them-selves to, women of the middle class. Admittedly, the membership of the o f f i c i a l women's rights move-ment, at least after 1919, was basically urban and middle-class. Ch'en's scope is far wider than merely the suffrage movement; but he discusses a l l aspects of women's liberation solely in terms of how i t affects the educated young women of the city. Some of the distortions that result from this limitation to one social class have already been discussed.^ In addition, Ch'en's information on the increasing incidence of celibacy and on the marriage ceremony^ should be adjusted to f i t the experience of other classes. Celibacy of women outside of religious orders was not entirely new in China, but had previously been confined to those women whose work in the traditional s i l k industry had given them some economic inde-42 pendence. The spread of celibacy to women of the middle and upper classes which Ch'en views with such horror, was new, as was the gradual See below, p. 115. See above, p. 14. See below, pp. 138-143. Lang, Chinese Family, pp. 108-109. 25 43 increase in the average age of marriage. Ch'en's analysis of the causes of these two phenomena seem to be f a i r l y accurate. These causes, fear of an old-fashioned marriage and increasing opportunities for work, produced much the same effects among factory women, although probably to a lesser degree. It is important to remember, however, that apart from areas surrounding industrial centres, peasant women, the bulk of the female population, were largely unaffected. As late as 1949, when celibacy was presumably even more common, most eel bates were to be found in the new intellectual groups within Chinese society. Ch'en's description of the marriage ceremony is again, an . adequate description of the way in which those of comfortable means carried out the r i t u a l . Although the poor generally tried to follow the correct form, they did so in a far less extravagant manner, and 45 even omitted steps entirely. The ceremony could be drastically cur-tailed, for example, i f the bride was an adopted daughter-in-law, who had been taken into her husband's family as a child. The use of go-betweens and the provision of a wedding feast by the groom's family seem to be two of the essential details, although the cost of the wedding 46 feast might drive the groom's family into debt. Marion J. Levy, Jr. , The_ Family Revolution in_ Modern China, (New York: Atheneum, 1968), pp. 301-302. 4 4 Ibid., p. 307. 4 5 Ibid., p. 101. 4 6 Ibid., p. 103. 26 i i . Women and Industrialization Ch'en mentions women factory workers in passing, but he is clearly not interested in their problems; for him "working women" means professional women, schoolteachers particularly. His lack of interest in women outside of the gentry class l e f t Ch'en unaware of one of the benefits of industrialization; the growing independence and economic importance of the woman factory worker. In the traditional society there were few opportunities for women to work outside of their families. The most common occupations for women were related either to sexual l i f e or religion; they could be prostitutes, midwives, matchmakers, procuresses and nuns. Although peasant women were far from id l e , their labour was not fully used, and the tasks they 47 performed gave them l i t t l e economic power in the family. With the growth of modern industry in China, this situation began to change. Opportunities for employment, particularly in light industry, suddenly expanded. Furthermore, women worked in factories, away from the supervision of the husbands and mothers-in-law, and were paid in cash. Their wages, although low, were often higher than those 48 of men engaged in traditional occupations. Women became economic assets for the f i r s t time. In the groups of factory women interviewed by 01ga Lang between 1935 and 1937, this 4 / Olga Lang, The Chinese Family and Society, (n.p.: Archon Books, 1968, originally published by Yale University Press, 1946), p. 43. Ibid., p. 208. 27 49 new economic importance had raised the women's status in their families. Wives were given far more power in making family decisions and were 50 substantially free of subordination to their mothers-in-law. The obvious financial advantages of having a factory g i r l in the family made parents less eager to marry off their daughters and more likely to treat 51 the girls with some consideration and respect. It is true that these effects were confined to the areas around industrial centres, but the same might be said for the advances in educa-tion which Ch'en discusses in some detail. Nor does Ch'en ever mention the growth of trade unionism among women factory operatives, and their readiness to use militant tactics against their employers. In fact, early in the process of industrializa-tion, women in China were organizing and carrying out strikes of a respectable size for shorter hours and better pay. In 1922, 60 factories 52 were struck in 80 strikes, and over 30,000 women workers were involved. The business^pages of the North China Herald yield a steady stream of 49 Although Lang's survey was taken 10 years after the publication of Ch'en's book, many of her observations on the social change caused by women's new economic value are valid for the 1920's. Women had already entered the work force in significant numbers; in 1927, 58.7% of the factory workers of Shanghai were women. (Ibid., p. 103). Women workers had also demonstrated considerable militancy and solidarity by this time. (See pp. 7.%~2S\ belouo^) 50 Lang, Chinese Family, pp. 203-212. 5 1 Ibid., p. 262-269. Hsianq Chinq-yu ((*}tykT ), "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yun-tung" ( ^ /f) 3R.il-if j) ) in Mei Sheng, ed., Chung-kuo fu-nii  wen-t'i t'ao-lun chi, pp. 78-79. 28 reports on industrial unrest, particularly in the s i l k filatures of 53 Chapei. The readiness of women workers to strike was remarked on by foreign observers; George E. Sokolsky, in a special article "The Strikes of Shanghai" wrote: The women workers are in this respect, [openness to communist propaganda through poor conditions] harder to handle than the men. . . . When the causes of the strikes during the past two and one half months are analysed; i t w i l l be seen that the women workers are more discontented and more virulent in indi-cating their antagonism that [sic] the men workers.54 Hsiang Ching-yu, a revolutionary executed by the Kuomintang in 1928, was greatly impressed by the strength and s p i r i t of the women strikers. She believed that the women's labour movement was the strongest and most endowed with fighting s p i r i t of any of the women's groups; and that i f they renounced i t , the women's rights and women's 55 suffrage movements could never hope to grow. Violent demonstrations, some of a Luddite nature, seem to have been quite common in the women's labour movement. In 1926, a rumour of new machinery requiring fewer workers at the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco J J See for example: The North China Herald, August 12, 1922, p. 459, August 19, 1922, p. 532, February 3, 1923, p. 313, June 23, 1923, p. 816, June 21, 1924, p. 131September 25, 1926, p. 602, October 23, 1926, p. 151, July 3, 1926, p. 14. The above articles deal only with strikes organized by women's unions, and not strikes in which both women and men participated. It is not a complete l i s t ; in general only large strikes or strikes in which physical violence occurred are included. 5 4 The North China Herald, August 21, 1926, p. 376. Hsiang Ching-yu, "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yun-tung," p. 86. 29 Company in Shanghai caused a riot by three hundred women workers, who picked up tools and "began to lay about themselves in a manner typical 56 of the Chinese Amazon," resulting in $2000 damage. Perhaps incidents of this kind convinced Ch'en that the women's labour movement was merely a violent, unthinking outburst, incapable of constructive leader-ship. It is rather more like l y that he simply was uninterested in the women's labour movement, and put his hope for women's advancement wholly in the hands of the educated minority of women. To omit the problems and struggles of women factory workers, or for that matter, women peasants, from a discussion of the l i f e of women in China is to give a distorted picture, limited in i t s application to an extremely small part of the society. Because of this omission, the women's movement takes on the polite, non-violent character of the mainstream of Western feminism, especially as i t evolved after the First World War. Even more serious than Ch'en's fondness for the literary, middle-class manifestations of the changes in the l i f e of women was his omission of the feminist tendencies in the folk tradition. i i i . The Great Tradition and the Folk Tradition When Ch'en describes the status of women in traditional China, or the social restraints which bound them, he is almost always talking about one side of a multi-faceted situation. I t seems obvious that i t The North China Herald, September 25, 1926, p. 602. 30 is a mistake to view China's cultural past as a homogeneous whole. There are at least two separate traditions: that of the learned min-ority, the great, or classical tradition, and that of the less educated and uneducated, the folk tradition. The content of the folk tradition is again divisible into several regional traditions. In order to achieve a balanced understanding of the way women lived in traditional China, we must turn to the popular tradition that Ch'en ignores. The impressive unity of the Confucian tradition in China, both in area and over time, was achieved through the use of the classical written language. Everyone who had received an education in the classics shared a common fund of knowledge with a l l other educated men. They also shared an agnostic approach to l i f e , scornful of the ignorance and superstition of the common people, and a belief in the inherent superiority of c i v i l over military power--of the scholar over the warrior. Below the level of literacy, this unity was broken into diverse local cultures, which may, with some modification of Redfield's ideal 57 type, be called folk cultures. The " l i t t l e community" described by Redfield was smal1, distinct, homogeneous, and self-sufficient, provid-58 ing for a l l or almost a l l of the needs of the people in i t . Personal relationships, especially kinship relations, predominated, and sacred values outweighed secular values. Robert Redfield, "The Folk Society," American Journal of  Sociology, Vol. LII, (1946-47), pp. 293-308. L i t t l e Community, (Chicago: The University of 4. 5 8 Redfield, The Chicago Press, 1955), p. 31 The peasant community, in which the majority of Chinese lived, differs from this ideal type in several ways. It is less self-sufficient than the ideal type, depending on the larger community for defense and for administrative and judicial apparatus. It also tends to be more commercial and impersonal in relationships than smaller and more isolated 59 • -folk communities. Despite these differences, the degree-of inter-communication between members and the'stability of each group.was great enough to produce distinct local cultures which may be called folk cultures. Partly dependent on the classical tradition, and partly a purely local folklore, the popular traditions were a heterogeneous blend of beliefs. Some of the Confucian tradition was handed on orally, and in the process the originally rational moral and ethical system was permeated by superstitious beliefs. An even greater part of the popular culture was supplied by Taoist and Buddhist beliefs, again vulgarized. The folk pantheon was crowded with deities and semi-deities, some of them local heroes elevated to divine status after death, others members of the "immortals" of popular Taoism. Local festivals and special days for making offerings were common. In addition, the folk culture had a great number of popular heroes who were not considered to be deities; most often men of outstanding military s k i l l or great physical strength. Thus, in contrast to the classical culture, the folk tradition was r i f e with See G. William Skinner, "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China," Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24, (Nov. 1964, Feb. 1965 and May 1965), pp. 3-43, 195-228, 363-399. 32 gods and superstitions, and glorified martial prowess. When we turn to the treatment of women in the popular culture we find an even greater contrast between the classical and the folk traditions. The great tradition of Confucian society confined and restricted women at every turn, forbade them any role outside of their homes, kept them perpetual minors, and burdened them with a severe moral code. It is this tradition that Ch'en Tung-yuan is fmiliar with; he describes the l i f e of women in the families he knew, families which could afford to carry out every detail of the code of propriety. The range of acceptable roles for women in the great tradition was extremely limited and with the exception of the matriarch, was characterized by weakness and passivity. Romantic heroines, when they appeared at a l l , were delicate fragile flowers, their wan complexions verging on illness. Daughters exchanged the authority of their father for that of their husband, and ideally in old age for that of their sons. Virtue for a woman consisted basically in rendering obedience to the person to whom, at that point in her l i f e , i t was due. The education of women in such circumstances was obviously unnecessary and perhaps even dangerous; as the proverb says, "Only unskilled women are virtuous." (wu ts'ai shih te -J^^A^/tO-As i t gradually became apparent that national survival depended in part on changing the status of women, the range of roles open to women through the Confucian tradition had to be abandoned. Women who were to be educated or to become part of a modern working force would not possibly observe the traditional rules of propriety. Nor could 33 women with bound feet, confined to the family home and subjected to their mother-in-law's discipline and sometimes vicious mistreatment, be expected to produce strong healthy children for China's next genera-tion. The Western concept of sexual equality and the new roles that Western culture suggested for women undeniably had an enormous impact on the Chinese women's movement. Despite the almost total anti-feminism of the Confucian tradition, however, the new influence from the West was not the only possible source of models. China's popular tradition had a strong feminist strain and provided roles for women which seem to be, on the whole, the roles which have survived into the present. CHAPTER 2 MU LAN AND THE GIRLS—ALTERNATE STEREOTYPES Swordfighters and Warriors Any Westerner who frequents Chinese movies w i l l soon become aware of the extraordinary stereotype of the female swordfighter and knight errant (n'u hsia ). No female role in popular Western entertainment can approach the independence and physical s k i l l and courage of "the Golden Dagger" or "the Black Butterfly" and their countless cinematic variations.^ The women who make up this hardy group match or excel the s k i l l s of their male counterparts. Adept at e'hing kung ( &\ ), they leap over houses and walls. They are expert swordswomen, often supple-menting their blade with tasselled darts, and—as v i l l i a n s — w i t h whips. They exist on a basis of easy equality with swordsmen and often enter into relationships of cloying sisterly love with other swordswomen. They do not recoil from k i l l i n g , but take their part in mowing down the "thousands of extras" either by themselves, or with their comrades. It is not uncommon for a female knight-errant to rescue the hero from For plot summaries of a number of nu hsia movies, see Wolfram Eberhard, The Chinese Silver Screen, Hong Kong and Taiwanese Motion  Pictures in the 196CFs, Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol. XXLII, (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972). 34 35 phys ica l danger (by k i l l i n g w i t h dar ts a l l o f the t w e n t y - f i v e desperadoes who have surrounded him l a t e a t n i g h t on a deser ted mountain road . . . ) . As a v i l l a i n , the swordswoman is no one to i g n o r e . She may have mastered " the bloodhhand" which makes her ab le to despatch her adversar ies a t a s i n g l e b low; and u s u a l l y commands an enormous and f a i t h f u l f o l l o w i n g o f male and female r u f f i a n s . This s t r o n g , competent woman c o - e x i s t s w i t h the " f e m i n i n e " s te reo type o f d a i n t y , complete ly he lp less women, w i t h o u t any apparent c o n f l i c t . There i s no moral condemnation o f the r o l e o f swordswoman, nor any suggest ion t h a t "what she r e a l l y needs i s a n i ce husband and a couple o f k i d s . " I n f a c t , the s t a t u s o f w i f e and mother i s one t h a t the female k n i g h t seldom a t t a i n s . Romantic love i s less impor tan t than f i l i a l p i e t y , and i n any case, u s u a l l y leads to the grave. This r o l e has been popu lar f rom the beg inn ing o f the Chinese f i l m i n d u s t r y , as popular as the t r a d i t i o n a l s t o r i e s f rom which i t i s drawn. For cen tu r i es before t h a t , the female k n i g h t e r r a n t had been prominent i n dramas, b a l l a d s , s t o r y t e l l e r s ' t a l e s and h i s t o r i c a l romances, a long w i t h another s t rong female s t e r e o t y p e , the woman w a r r i o r (nu chan-shih ( irjfe^ ).3 Mu Lan ( ) i s o f course the most famous o f the woman w a r r i o r s . I n approx imate ly 500 A . D . , her a i l i n g f a t h e r was c a l l e d f o r See Jay Leyda, D i a n y i n g , An Account o f Fi1ms and the F i lm  Audience i n China, (Cambridge Mass: The M. I .T . Press , 1972). 3 James J . Y. L i u , The Chinese Knight E r r a n t (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1967). 36 military service. In order to protect him from both the rigors of military l i f e and the dangers of disobedience to the throne, she went to war in his place, impersonating him for twelve years at the front, 4 and eventually being promoted to the rank of general. The Mu Lan legend was extremely popular and was told and retold in every possible form. The women who joined the Revolutionary Army in 5 1911 saw themselves to some degree as successors of Mu Lan. That they would ca l l on her name in a proclamation designed to add recruits to the women's army suggests both the extent of her fame and the attractive-ness of her legend. How can the existence of this tradition of heroic women be related to the development of feminism? Was i t simply an escape mechan-ism by which the tedium of a quiet domestic l i f e could be evaded for a short time, or did i t actually correspond to some part of reality? How great an effect did popular stereotypes have on women's lives? In "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement," Jerome Ch'en argues that the Boxers derived their beliefs from popular novels and operas. Among the most important sources were Water Margin See Wang Fan-t 1ing Chung-hua 1i-tai fu-nu Ay-k- . [Chinese Women of Past Generations], (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1966), pp. 131-135. 5 See below, pp. 93, 95. Even as "feminine and domestic" a woman as Mme. Wu P'ei-fu admitted to being a great admirer of Mu-Lan, the Chinese Joan d'Arc." See Edna Lee Booker, "Madam Wu Pei-fu" The Weekly Review (The China  Weekly Review), July 29, 1922, p. 342. 37 and The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, books which had long been recognized as dangerous by the authorities. If the tales of heroes and supernatural powers in popular culture could be taken over so l i t e r a l l y by groups such as the Boxers, then surely we may expect that the images of women in the popular culture would have some appeal for women who were dissatisfied with the accepted female role. The example of Ch'iu Chin ( $ k ) comes to mind immediately. Although in many respects a self-consciously modern revolutionary, she was influenced by two famous knight^errants of the past, Ch'ing-k'o and Nieh-cheng, wore a short sword, and styled Q herself "Heroine of Chien Lake." The Underworld Further evidences that some women actually did live out the l i f e pattern of the female knight errant and the woman warrior may be found by looking at women's participation in secret societies, bandit groups and peasant rebellions. Because the role of women in extra-legal groups is d i f f i c u l t to research (as are the extra-legal groups themselves) there are really no satisfactory secondary sources to work from. Statements of policy toward women are rarely found and i t is Jerome Ch'en, "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement—A Morphological Study," Bulletin of the School of Oriental  and African Studies, XXIII (1960), pp. 287-308. The name of a lake near her family's home outside of Shaohsing, Chekiang. (Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries, [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971], p. 44j~! 38 necessary to depend largely on eyewitness reports from foreign and Chinese observers. The research which would give a f u l l understanding of women's role in extra-legal groups could not, within practical li m i t s , be done for this thesis. But i f i t is possible to generalize from the information that I have so far, i t would seem that extra-legal organizations provided an outlet for women who could not accept or were unable to f u l f i l l their role as females in conventional society. i . Secret Societies Secret societies were in some ways a mirror image of the orthodox Confucian state; particularly in their hierarchy of leadership and their use of kinship ties (albeit f i c t i t i o u s ) to strengthen the bonds between members. Their treatment of women was one of the great exceptions to this rule. In most societies, women could join as rank and f i l e members and could become leaders; sometimes in the society as a whole, usually in parallel women's organizations. A Yellow Turban kingdom set up in present day Szechwan in the second century A.D. granted t i t l e s and grades of advancement to women as well as men, beginning with either Sons or Daughters of the Tao (Tao-nan jjf f} or Tao-n'u < j j [ ) and working up to Father or Mother of the Tao (Tao-fu i f i£ or tao-mu $ -ffi ). 9 Approximate sexual equality and the mingling of men and women continued to be an important part of secret society l i f e . In the White Lotus Rebellion of 1796, the chief commanders of the insurgents were Howard S. Levy, "Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of Han," Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXXVI (1956), p. 223 39 Yao Chi-fu, and a woman of the surname WangJ° Puree! 1 remarks that "the mixing of men and women on an equality offended the Confucian sense of propriety more than anything else." 1 1 It was not only the Confucian sense of propriety that was offended. Father Leboucq, a Jesuit missionary in Chi hi i , reported on 12 the White Lotus Sect in 1875. He claimed that i t was the "harpies" of the White Lotus who held the f i r s t rank in the society, rousing and egging on the less courageous members; and that i f a commune were formed from the White Lotus sect, then i t would not want for "les petroleuses." According to Father Leboucq, women of the White Lotus were not admitted to office, nor were they employed by the society; mais on sait les dedommager de cette exclusion apparente en leur confiant des missions et des postes de confiance qui les consolent largement de leur obscurite o f f i c i e l l e J 3 The Green Band, founded in 1725 as an association of transport workers on the Grand Canal, at f i r s t did not admit women, but after i t s reorganization in 1901 , this rule disappeared. Women had to be admitted by women, and women could not admit men. They had their own system of organization within the Green Band. They were admitted to the Triad society (the Red Band) but could never gain admission to the inner 1 0 Victor Purcell, The Boxer Uprising, A Background Study (Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), p. 156. ^ Ibid., p. 56. P. Leboucq, "Les Societes Secretes en Chine," Etudes, Paris, Series V., Vol. 7 (November, 1875) , pp. 179-220. 1 3 Ibid., p. 207. 40 sanctum. In both organizations there were separate statutes for each sex J 4 Despite the organizational division between male and female members, women in secret societies do not seem to have been relegated to a women's auxilliary role. I f parallel organization calls forth an image of church kitchens and coffee making matrons, then the career of the following secret society member may be an antidote: Before the federation of Triad forces under Ho Lu was wiped out, another Triad army rose under the command of a savage female smuggler-gambler, Chai Ho-ku (Chai [the Lady of] Burning Temper). Imprisoned for gambling, Chai broke out of j a i l and joined Ho Liu's [sic] troops for a while. Then she became the leader of several independent Triad bands in Kuei-shan hsien. In the half-year following August 11, 1854, when her forces f i r s t took over the market town of San-tung in Kuei-shan, her troops and their a f f i l i a t e d bands were a powerful threat to the government forces in this region, attacking the Kuei-shan hsien capital twice, besdeging the prefectural capital for more than twelve days, occupying the hsien capitals of Po-lo, Tseng-ch'eng, Hp-yUan, Ho-p'ing, and Hai'feng for various periods, and dominating Tan-shui, Ma-an, Pai-mang-hua, Heng-li, and a number of other market towns. It took two years for government troops to subdue the rebellions in this region.15 From the evidence of women's participation in secret societies, i t is not surprising that they took part in the two greatest popular movements of the nineteenth century: the Taiping and the Boxer rebellions. Jean Chesneaux, Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth  and Twentieth Centuries, trans. Gillian Nettle, (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1971), p. 207. 1 5 Winston Hsieh, "Triads, Salt Smugglers, and Local Uprisings: Observations on the Social and Economic Background of the Waichow Revolu-tion of 1911," in Popular Movements and Secret Societies i n China, 1840-1950, ed. Jean Chesneax (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), p. 154. 41 i i . Rebellion Equality for women was one of the most unorthodox parts of the Taiping social program. Although sexual equality in the Taiping Tien-kuo has been attributed to Christian influence on Hung Hsiu-chuan, i t seems more likely that its source was either the egalitarian tradition of the secret societies or the legendary strength and independence of Hakka 16 women. It is true that the Taiping policies toward women were at best unevenly applied and soon completely corrupted, and that women who entered the movement after the capital was established at Nanking were economically and sexually exploited. What concerns us here, however, is the evidence of Taiping women who took on specifically military duties, and became part of the folklore of the woman warrior. Virtually a l l of the female military heroes of the Taiping were Hakka women; members, with their families, of Hung Hsiu-chuan's God-Worshippers' Society. The Hakka women had never bound their feet and did most of the farming. In consequence, they were strong, healthy and economically valuable. At the beginning of the uprising, they were organized into separate women's camps, and into women's battalions which fought in the battles against the Ch'ing forces. At least two of the women commanders were originally independent leaders, who brought their forces to join the Taiping. Not long before the Taiping rising, C. A. Curwen, "Taiping Relations With Secret Societies and With Other Rebels," in Popular Movements, ed. Jean Chesneaux, p. 66. 42 . . . two female chiefs of great valour named Kew erh [Ch'iu Erh] and Sze San [Su San-niang] each bringing about 2,000 followers, joined the army of the Godworshippers, and were received on sub-mitting to the authority of Hung and the rules of the congrega-tion . . . I 7 Three of the leading Taiping women warriors were close relatives of Hung Hsiu-chuan; his wife, his sister Hsuan-chiao, and one of his concubines. Hsuan-chiao was the commander of a women's army corps of God Worshippers known for i t s s k i l l with firearms. Unlike other Taiping women, Hsuan-chiao apparently did not actually fight, but only directed her troops. The concubine Hsiao was said to be a great acrobat and very clever on horseback, while the T'ien Wang's wife helped to break 1 o the siege of Yuan-an, leading the women into the battle. In addition, there was Hsiao San-niang, "the Woman Commander," who led several hundred women soldiers in the capture of Chen-chiang, was reputed to be a great general on horseback, and could shoot an arrow with either hand. Finally, there was Yang Erh-ku, who carried a bag of seven inch knives into battle, threw them with amazing accuracy, and styled 19 herself "the divine knife thrower." The Boxers, or the I H6:.Chuan; lalso had-lafge:numbers "of women in their ranks; or more accurately in the women's organization of the Red 1 7 Curwen, "Taiping Relations," p. 68. 1 o The T'ien Wang's father-in-law was a scholar whose study of the late Ming period led him into secret society a c t i v i t i e s . (See Vincent Y. C. Shih, The Taiping Ideology [Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967], p. 610). Perhaps a father's or husband's interest in revolutionary groups was the means by which most women were introduced to secret society l i f e . 1 9 Ibid., p. 62. 43 Lanterns (Hung Teng Chao j j f i l f c ^ M ) for girls between twelve and eighteen, and the Green Lanterns (Ch'ing Teng Chao "Tpl <•-*•» ) and Blue Lanterns (Lan Teng_ Qiao Jl^f^R ) for widows. The function and aims of the women's group were identical with those of the Boxers. The women had to undergo a period of training lasting from forty-eight days to five months. At the end of this time they would, i t was said, be able to f l y , and also to set f i r e to any object they wished to burn. Unlike the Boxers, the Lanterns had a supreme leader* called Huang Lien Sheng Mu (the Holy Mother of the Yellow Lotus). The daughter of a Grand Canal boatman, she was believed to have miraculous healing powers, as well as the ab i l i t y to undo the screws of 20 the enemies' cannons at a distance of several miles. The participation of women was a t r a i t which the Boxers shared with the White Lotus sect, and is surprising, since the Boxers believed that women were a manifestation of yin, and thus unclean; an impediment to the spirits and to the working of spells. Paradoxically, because the members of the Lanterns were women, their magic was thought to be 21 less f a l l i b l e than that of the Boxers, i i i . Banditry Women also show up in the other great activity of outlaw society, banditry. It is of course d i f f i c u l t to draw dividing lines between Purcell, The Boxer Movement, p. 238. 2 1 Jerome Ch'en, "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement, A Morphological Study," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. XXIII (1960), p. 303. 44 secret society members, bandits and peasant rebels; the same person could, as conditions changed, move from one category to another. The same is also true of the hazy distinction between bandits and troops; and female bandits could, and did, take advantage of this along with the men. In 1922, a band of several thousand robbers were sworn into the Kuangtung Army, including about 300 women. I t was reported that a l l of the women were armed with revolvers, and were quick to use them; 22 that they were, in fact, "as bad as the men." A woman bandit chief called Lan Liu-tsang or "Lan Da Jo Ba" (Big Footed Lan) seems to have taken the same path to respectibility about two years later. She was f i r s t reported as leading a large band of old soldiers in an attack on the town of "Dehlongchang" (Szechuan) 23 in June of 1922. By A p r i l , 1924, she had joined General Yang Sen s First Szechuan Army, and was described by Mr. Elly Widler, who had been held captive by the army for six months: Lan Da Jo Ba is a robust and attractive woman, 30 years of age, and of very strong character. She travels in a two man chair and is always accompanied by her daughter, aged 15, who runs alongside and is armed with a Mauser pistol.24 In the same year, another woman bandit, "Old Mrs. Djao" described by the correspondent to T.he North China Herald as "perhaps the most cruel The North China Herald, The North China Herald, The North China Herald, Feb. 11, 1922, p. 362. June 16, 1922, p. 738. April 12, 1924, p. 54. 45 leader the region has ever known," met a presumably richly deserved end. She was caught at Weihaiwei and executed at Ichoufu about June 5, 1924.25 Several women bandits were reported to be active in the country districts near Canton. Two were captured and executed in March, 1914, along with 10 men. The North China Herald reports that they "were young 26 and beautiful women, who apparently were acting as leaders of the band." There is nearly no information of the social background of women bandits. It seems logical that their families would be poor, and that they might be driven to banditry in the same way as their brothers. On the other hand, the only woman bandit described in detail by The North  China Herald was an eighteen year old graduate of a women's normal college. In 1923, she travelled to Anningchou in Yunnan, where she was to have married her fiance, a colonel under Tang Chi=yao. He was executed, how-ever, on the same morning that she arrived in camp. In her disappointment, she took to the h i l l s , and eight months later was leading a band of armed robbers in order to avenge her fiance's death. In this task she was apparently emulating the wife of a certain Yang Tien-fu who had spread devastation in revenge for her husband's death at the hands of the Ch'ing government. The North China Herald, July 12, 1924, p. 51. The North China Herald, March 28, 1914, p. 90. 46 Interpreting the Mu Lan Tradition Having examined these admittedly scattered and incomplete evidences of women's role in the folk tradition, we are better equipped to evaluate Ch'en Tung-yuan's assessment of women's emancipation in China. This is not to suggest that there are no problems in interpret-ing stereotypes of women in the popular culture. Certainly until more research is done i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to decide exactly what the connections were between this part of the tradition and the development of feminism. For example, the fact that women are more often encountered as leaders of bandit and rebel groups than as rank and f i l e members i s puzzling. It is possible that women became leaders through religious powers; and that their "femaleness" might be part of their magic. In this case there is no real escape from definition by gender, but instead an exploitation of the belief that women are inherently more closely in touch with the supernatural. On the other hand, women who managed to escape from the patterns of l i f e imposed on them by society may have had to be so strong that they would almost inevitably become leaders in any group. Another question raised by the women of the folk tradition is the effect of strong female stereotypes on the self-image of Chinese women. Western feminists have become sensitive to the sexual typing of women in children's books and the influence that negative images of women may have on children. Our traditional children's stories present 47 a never ending parade.of models for female helplessness: the frail'-and passive Sleeping Beauty, Cinderella, the sensitive princess who could feel a pea through layers of mattresses, Rapunzel, and the heroine of Rutnplestiltskin. Even Maid Marian, at least in her television incarna-tion, spent most of her time being rescued by Robin Hood. The heroes of The Water Margin (Shui Hu Chuan 7]sylf^|' ) are often compared to Robin Hood and his merry men. The theme of good men forced outside the law by evil conditions is common to both legends as, on a superficial level, are some of the characters, like Friar Tuck and the monk Lu Chih-shen (-f" i'% ). But nowhere in Robin's band was there a Hu San-niang ( i ^ f s c ) , capable of dispatching enemies on her own as well as working in concert with the other heroes of Liang Shan. The young, beautiful swordswoman, skilled in combat and well able to take care of herself, offered, in contrast to the passive heroines of the West, an exciting model for women who were trying to break out of a restrictive l i f e forced on them by traditional society. It may indeed be escapism to idolize exceptional women who have refused to play the part determined for their sex; but i t is escapism that leads to an expanded awareness of a l l women's capabilities, and therefore of one's own. Perhaps the availability of strong female stereotypes is part of the reason why Chinese women of the present day seem to have had less di f f i c u l t y in dealing with the problem of femininity than Western women, particularly with regard to occupation. While sex-typing of occupations 48 (child-care is an obvious example) is s t i l l present, Chinese women have been accepted in a wide range of jobs involving manual labour or tech-nical s k i l l s which are s t i l l unusual for women in Western society. But there are other sides to the attractiveness of the Mu Lan stereotype. Although female warriors and knights errant may have stepped outside of the prescribed behaviour for women, they did so most often for a reason which was supremely acceptable to the Confucian moral c o d e — f i l i a l piety. In the earlier tales particularly, the most common motive for taking up the sword is the protection of the father, or revenge for his death. Women seldom act in groups, and never pursue aims that would benefit women as a group, or seriously threaten the existing power relationships between the sexes. In this way the female warrior stereotype may be the equivalent of the successful black athlete or entertainer, who can be tolerated as long as he remains an exception. Despite these reservations, the available information on women in the popular culture suggests that at least on certain social and economic levels, women were less restricted in their activities than Confucian moralists believed they should be. It is by far the most serious f a i l i n g of Ch'en Tung-yuan's History that he ignores this side of the women's tradition in China; not even the Taiping Rebellion and its promotion of female emancipation attract his attention. CHAPTER 3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FEMINISM IN CHINA Ch'en's interpretation of the development of the women's move-ment was probably an adequate explanation of events up to the time i t was written, in 1926, despite its omissions. At that time China did appear to be moving in the direction of the democratic West. Her Republican system was being given new l i f e by the recent successes of the Kuomintang, the party of the Republic. Women were making advances in education and in professional l i f e , and though progress might be slow in rural areas, the large metropolises gave encouraging previews of the future. Forty-odd years on into that future, we see an entirely different pattern of development. China moved towards the socialist rather than the capitalist West, and her new system was one which was tested and matured in the "backward" countryside. Women of no education, who had probably never heard of the Nationalist laws which declared the sexes equal, and in any case had no hope of seeing these enforced, became politicized. Their contribution to the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, primarily in production, and to a lesser extent as guerrilla fighters, and as members of the People's Liberation Army was enormous. If we continue to accept Ch'en's estimation of the central position of the May Fourth period in the history of women's emancipation, in the face of later developments, then we force an a r t i f i c i a l pattern on the development of the movement. Roxane Witke's dissertation, Transformation 49 50 of Attitudes Toward Women Durjng_ the May_ Fourth Era of Modern China is an excellent modern example of this approach. Witke's Periodi'zation: Feminism as a Product of the May Fourth Movement Witke's estimation of the importance of the May Fourth period is obvious from her choice of subject. The larger part of the disserta-tion deals with the periodicals of the time and their debates on the "woman's question," although a background of traditional attitudes and an account of progress in women's emancipation are included. Like Ch'en, Witke divides the history of the women's movement into three periods, beginning with the late years of the Ch'ing dynasty. While Ch'en sees the May Fourth period as the final division, the time at which the women's movement came fully to l i f e , for Witke, i t is the centre period, dividing early efforts at emancipation from mature, post-May Fourth efforts. She writes: Three stages of the historical process of female emancipation in modern China are discernible. There was f i r s t the early re-volutionary stage when the "new woman," brought to intellectual l i f e by the beginnings of modern education, struggled f i r s t against the Manchus, and soon after against the male. The second was the May Fourth era when the "woman problem" (fu-nii wen-t'i) coalesced as a major category of public debate, and gave rise to a variety of experimental programs, including the plain people's g i r l s ' schools, which were designed to extend modern consciousness to the masses of women. The subsequent period, in which women shift from being merely the subject of liberating arguments to being the agents of their own emancipation, constitutes the third phase. 1 Berkeley, (Unpublished Ph.D. 1970). dissertation, University of California, 51 Only at this point is the term "feminism," in the sense of women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf, appropriate. 2 According to Witke, the significant change which occurred in the May Fourth period was not the recognition of the woman's question, for this had begun by the late nineteenth century; but the beginning of active pursuit of emancipation by women themselves. Earlier activity by women and youth had been directed toward national goals; now they sought their own liberation: As Mary Wright has pointed out, for the f i r s t time in Chinese history youth and women, the two most flagrantly persecuted though formally unrecognized orders of the old society, since the turn of the century began to rise as self-conscious interest groups. It is significant that their i n i t i a l agitation was for public rather than private self-serving causes. Rising on the tide of nationalism which was moving to subvert the dynasty, i t was not until the May Fourth years that youth launched a campaign to benefit themselves at the expense of the older generation, and women began concertedly to pursue their own emancipation.3 There is some dif f i c u l t y in deciding from these two quotations exactly when "feminism" in Witke's terms began. In the f i r s t , women became "the agents of their own emancipation" only after the May Fourth period, while in the second i t is during the May Fourth years that "women began concertedly to pursue their own emancipation." What does emerge clearly, however, is Witke's emphasis on the May Fourth era as "a period of heightened vibrations in the revolutionary • Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 330. * Ibid., p. 7. 52 continuum of the last century.'1.4 During this period, according to Witke, a real change occurred in the understanding of the women's question in China, as topics like free love, individualism and the con-cept of chastity were widely discussed. Out of the social and intellectual turmoil of the May Fourth years, a new concept of women and the women's question was born, a concept which led directly to the development of feminism. The May Fourth period was then, a turning point; the time at which the earlier, less-developed efforts at women's emancipation were superceded by a new, self-conscious, independent approach, by women and for women. The Women's Movement of 1912 One of the great weaknesses of this periodization is i t s i n -abi l i t y to adequately explain, within the boundaries of i t s self-imposed definition of feminism, the movement for equal rights which followed immediately on the establishment of the Republic. This movement grew 5 directly out of the various women's corps in the Republican army. The Women's Suffrage Alliance (Fu-nii ts'an-cheng t'ung-meng-hui i^-jrj^ i^lM 7!"" ), established in Nanking January 22, 1912, served as an overall coordinating organization for the various smaller groups. The long-range goals of the alliance included equal rights for men and women, Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 6. See below, pp. 97/21015 53 universal education for women, and social and familial reforms like ending the sale of women and ensuring monogamy and freely contracted marriage.^ One faction within the alliance, headed by T'ang Chun-ying % )» presented a petition on March 2, 19127 to the parliament in Nanking demanding the inclusion of a clause regulating sexual equality in the constitution. On the 19th, in response to the assembly's re-fusal to immediately act on their demands, the suffragettes marched on the assembly building. They returned for a violent demonstration on the 20th. Nowhere is there mention of male leadership, or even participa-tion, in this early suffrage movement. Nor do the women seem to be acting on behalf of anyone but themselves. In fact, in analysing the significance of the 1912 movement, Witke writes: . . . i t shows that women's aggressive self-interest in equalizing their social roles was not the result of, but the prior condition of the May Fourth Movement.^ If this is so, on what grounds can we argue that feminism occurred only after the May Fourth Movement? Witke's definition of feminism is 6 Sun T'a ( . ^ " f t i ) , "Chung-kuo fu-nii yiin-tung chih chin-pu" ( t ' ^ f . ^ i f $t -) Fu-nii-tsa-chih ( - j ^ ) . IX, Special issue on the Women's Movement, (January, 1923) pp. 249-252. 7 I have dated the petition from a North China Herald notice that: "Miss Chang Chun-yin (sic) and other amazons have demanded women's suffrage . . . " The North China Herald, March 2, 1912, p. 567. Q Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 68. 54 simply "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf" a descrip-tion which seems entirely applicable to the 1912 demonstration. Witke gives l i t t l e explanation of the difference between the two periods; the f i r s t , which includes the 1912 demonstration, is called simply "the early revolutionary period." She elaborates slightly on her reasons for counting i t as less mature, saying: The struggle for woman suffrage in China passed through two stages: the f i r s t in 1912 and the second a decade later, beginning in 1922. Differences of strategy and goal between these two periods indi-cate the greater seriousness with which the idea of female emanci-pation was taken in the early nineteen-twenties.9 Differences in strategy are readily apparent; differences in goals are rather less so. Certainly the emphasis on suffrage and legal equality were common to the two movements. The general approach to social and family reform was the same in 1922 as in 1912, though perhaps stated in a more organized way. In reference to 1912, Witke writes that: The fact that some seven years later these issues [the eleven items in the Women's Suffrage Alliance petition] were raised again as some of the most provocative topics of May Fourth debate indicates the degree of resistance to intellectual and social change which prevailed during the early years of the Republic.10 Surely i t also indicates the degree to which feminist goals re-mained the same over the ten years between 1912 and 1922. Witke, Transformation of Attitudes, p. 68. 1 0 Ibid. 55 Nor is i t entirely obvious that "differences in strategy . . . between these two periods indicate the greater seriousness with which the idea of female emancipation was taken in the early nineteen twenties." While some writers of the period would agree with Witke that the petitions and press receptions of 1922 were a more mature and effective approach,^ the assessment was not unanimous. Hsiang Ching-yu argues that in 1912 the women had good organization and leadership and a good program of action, 12 but were defeated by non-democratic conditions." She is in turn rather scornful of the polite approach of the 1922 suffragettes, saying that "they have never dared make signs of resistance to the old society out-13 side of kowtowing petitions and meek entreaties." , We cannot even be sure that there really was an overall change in feminist strategy. As late as Ap r i l , 1921, only a year before the "new" feminist movement began in Peking, women in Canton were demanding the vote in a style not far removed from that of the 1912 feminists. The North China Herald reports that: While the Provincial Assembly at Canton was discussing a b i l l for the election of d i s t r i c t magistrates, 700 women rushed in demanding See, for example, Chang Hsi-shen, ( ) who charges that the women of 1912 harmed their cause by their militant, and to his mind, irresponsible, tactics. ("Chung-kuo fu-nii ss.u-hsiang te fa-ta" M * ^ * - & & f t # i t ) in Homma Hisao ( ^ Wj-Mtf ) Ten Discussions on the Woman Question (Fu-nii wen-t'i shih-chiang -k^ j? fi\$]l 11^. J (Shanghai: Fu-nu wen-t'i yen-chiu hui, 1924), p. 262. 12 Hsiang Ching-yu, "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nu yun-tung," p. 80. 1 3 Ibid., p. 83. 56 the addition of a clause granting women the right to vote. Dis-orderly scenes ensued in which several of the suffragettes were injured and a number knocked down unconscious J 4 The demonstration was followed by a meeting and a parade the next day which over one thousand women were reported to have attended. The women who had been injured in the March 30 demonstration later f i l e d suit against the members of the assembly for damages for the injuries • A 15 received. This incident is not mentioned in Ch'en's History; instead he implies that the student movement of 1922 was the f i r s t significant i f\ instance of feminist agitation to occur after 1912. I f , in fact, i t was not, and i f intervening demonstrations were not entirely peaceful in character, then the neat division in tactics between the two periods must be abandoned, and the apparent movement towards "greater serious-ness" re-evaluated. Further Conditions for Feminism I would argue that in reserving the label "feminist" for the period after the May Fourth incident, Witke is setting up extra c r i t e r i a which are not expressed in her definition of feminism: "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf." Two of the most obvious extra c r i t e r i a are public debate and the idea of individualism. H The North China Herald, April 2, 1921, p. 11. 5 The North China Herald, April 9, 1921, p. 83. 6 See below, p. 159-60. 57 While there had been some public discussion of women's emanci-pation prior to 1916, i t was only with the establishment of the New  Youth and the flood of new periodicals which followed the May Fourth Incident that awareness of the problem spread widely in Chinese society. Individualism (jen-ke chu-i / v \ A ) was also brought into prominence during the May Fourth period. A direct adoption from Western thought, the concept of individualism was contrasted with the collective ideal of the patriarchal Chinese family and heralded as the new ethic. It supplied yet another argument against the oppression of women under the old society; the violation of their right to individual status. Public debate and concern for women's rights as individuals are prominent characteristics of the Western women's movement. While not significantly present in the 1912 Chinese women's movement, these charac-teristics were f u l l y developed by the time of the 1922 agitation for suf-frage. The movement at that time had more participants and better staying power, but even more important in terms of classification, i t re-sembled the Western feminist movement far more than had the violent out-bursts of disbanded army women in 1912. It is tempting to see the 1922 agitation as a development from 1912; as progress in strategy and move-ment towards a more rational approach which i s , comforting thought, so much like our own. To then consider the f i r s t manifestation as merely a prelude to fu l l y grown feminism (or as a freak incident brought on by the euphoria of sudden revolutionary success), because i t has l i t t l e in common with our experience of the women's movement, is to bind the idea of feminism too tightly to a particular set of historical precedents. Public debate and individualism were useful aids which furthered women's emancipation; but they do not seem to be prerequisites for women 58 "campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf." Beyond unspoken qualifications for "feminism" lies another assumption, this time concerning the nature of Chinese history. Vastly oversimplified, i t can be reduced to the syllogism: "the May Fourth Period marks the division between traditional and modern China. Femin-ism is a modern idea, therefore feminism in China must appear after the May Fourth Movement." It is certainly true that feminism, in the sense of women seek-ing equal pol i t i c a l rights, is as modern in China as the idea of pol i t i c a l rights i t s e l f . The f i r s t time at which these rights became theoretically available, and feminism in this sense theoretically possible, however, was 1912, not 1919. The fact that women began immediately to agitate for suffrage may indicate more than just the degree to which the Western concepts of democracy and female equality had influenced Chinese intellectuals. It should, perhaps make us consider the question of cultural predisposition towards the acceptance of certain ideas. Per-haps a term such as "pre-feminist" would be useful to describe those aspects of traditional Chinese culture which furthered the eventual acceptance of female equality. I have obviously oversimplified the argument for the May Fourth era as the dividing point between traditional and modern China. Research into language reform and the changing intellectual climate in general has made us aware that the May Fourth period was the culmination, rather than the beginning of enormous changes in Chinese society and thought. 1 7 See for example, Michael Gasster, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911, (Seattle and London: University of Washington 59 Al l of the concerns of the May Fourth period: nationalism, youth, women, language reform and cultural revolution, had previously existed and gone through separate stages of growth. Although in the revolution-ary atmosphere of the May Fourth period they interacted and were in-fluenced by one another, their relationship at this time should not blind us to the fact of their previous, less closely related development. During the May Fourth era, feminism was bolstered by a new emphasis on individual rights and an all-out attack on the traditional family, while awareness of the problems of women was spread by modern magazines. But May Fourth feminism grew on a solid base, one that had been established with the women revolutionaries of 1911, who in turn, had available to them a native feminist tradition as well as the example of Western feminists. . The May Fourth period was an exciting and impor-tant era in the development of Chinese feminism, one in which new aspects of the women's question were brought into prominence. It was a period of ideological enrichment in which discussions on the family, free love, the marriage system, chastity, and related problems widened public aware-ness of the social implications of women's equality. It was not,how-ever, a transition period from immature to mature feminism, not i f feminism is "women campaigning and lobbying on their own behalf." It is even possible that the May Fourth period was a diversion of feminism in China from it s original sources of energy. If we are to Press, 1969). Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries, Radical  Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911^ (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971). 60 understand the women's movement as a whole, including the changes that have occurred since Ch'en wrote his History, we need a new interpretation, one which does not revolve around the literary excitement of the May Fourth period. Perhaps the best place to begin is with the images of women we find in the popular culture, and the evidence that some women actually lived these images. Once we are aware of the "pre-feminist" tendencies in the traditional culture we may be able to suggest a sig-nificantly different pattern of development. An Alternate Interpretation It may be that the women's movement is best explained in three stages: the f i r s t being a period of interaction between newly introduced ideas of republicanism and sexual equality and the feminist strains of the popular culture. This period ended with the women's attack on the assembly in 1912 and the participation of many of the feminists in the "second revolution" of 1913. The action which women took at this time, joining the Republican army and resorting almost immediately to violence in their attempt to win the vote, was directly influenced by the cul-tural stereotypes of the woman warrior and knight. Increasing disillusionment with the pol i t i c a l revolution and recognition of the need for intellectual change began the second phase of the women's movement. At this point, women's emancipation became much more intellectually fashionable, and ultimately became a symbol for the need for radical reform. During the May Fourth period, women's emancipation was taken out of the hands of women and carefully analysed 61 by male intellectuals who adopted ideas from Western theorists like Ellen Key and Edward Carpenter. A new surge of feminist agitation began, this time adopting the rather milder methods of the English and American suffragettes. Finally, as the hope for po l i t i c a l progress under warlord govern-ments died away, and the lines between the Communists and Nationalists hardened, the women's movement returned to its roots. Enriched, certainly, by the debates of the May Fourth Period, but despairing of finding either freedom from opporession or "individual human status" without revolution, feminists turned to the role that women had always played in extra-legal groups. In the Chinese Communist Party they re-lived the l i f e of bandit and rebel women, supported, for the f i r s t time since the Taiping, by an of f i c i a l policy of sexual equality. In addition, the party's success in mobilizing women for resistance work might be partly explained by its s k i l l f u l use of the image of women as revolutionary fighters in i t s propaganda. Some examples, now enshrined in every medium from revolu-tionary ballet to comic books, are: The White Haired G i r l , the Red Women's Detachment, and the Red Lantern Brigade. This interpretation is tenuous and w i l l remain so until more research on the women's movement is done. In the meantime, i t is necessary Ellen Key, (1849-1926) was a Swedish feminist. Her theories on free love, (particularly the idea that mutual love was the only moral basis for marriage), and on the importance of motherhood, were widely discussed during the May Fourth period. Who Was_ Who, A Companion to "Who's Who" containing the biographies of those who Died During the Period 1916-1928, (London: A. & C. Black Ltd., 1929), p. 503. 62 for a l l who would study the movement to recognize the shortcomings of the interpretation put forward in A History of the Life of Chinese Women. Ch'en Tung-yuan's book can be useful as long as i t is realized that i t is a partial explanation of female emancipation in China before 1930. A satisfactory explanation w i l l only be achieved when we take into consideration the material that Ch'en ignores, particularly the feminist heritage in China's popular culture. A Note on the Translation The work which follows is not a formal or highly annotated trans-lation. This i s , in part, due to the nature of the text; Ch'en writes in colloquial Chinese which does not demand detailed philological ex-planation. It is also a reflexion of my purpose in translating the History; that i s , to make available the most important source on the early women's movement in China. The History of the Life of Chinese Women is not a triumph of modern Chinese literature, but an interesting social document. My aim has been to produce a translation in colloquial English, with as few forays into side questions as possible. Annotation has therefore been limited to brief explanations of names and terms unfamiliar to Western readers. In conflicts between l i t e r a l translation and smooth English I have tried to favour the latter. For example, the phrase Hsien mu  liang ch'i ( fj^f-f^-jt- ) has been translated as "good wife and mother" rather than the more accurate "virtuous mother and good wife." A more important example of a sacrifice of l i t e r a l translation to comfortable English usage is my alteration of Ch'en's metaphor for the intellectual revolution in China--"the new tide" (hsin ch'ao $fjy§f{ ). When Ch'en was writing, "the new tide" was a conventional expression, close to cliche, stripped of any strong visual imagery by continuous use. Therefore i t was not incongruous for him to divide! the history of the women's movement into the "embryonic" (chieh t'ai $j| jja ) period of the new tide, the "immature" or "larval" ( l i t e r a l l y "wriggling 63 64 like worms" ch'un tung j j ! . ^ ) period of the new tide, and the period of the "birth" (tan sheng ) of the new tide. In English the metaphors are hopelessly scrambled, and there are no tidal terms to substitute which adequately convey the sense of Ch'en's (three periods. In addition, our image of tides is inseparable from the idea of ebb and flow; the tide never remains f u l l , but begins to wane almost immediately. I do not believe that Ch'en intended to convey an impression of endless mutability; rather he saw history in terms of continuous progress toward a more enlightened future. For these reasons I have used "intellectual revolution" in place of "new tide," and have substituted "the germination," "the f i r s t growth," and "the flowering" of the intellectual Revolution for "embryonic," "larval" and "birth." The second period suffers most in the change, for Ch'en's use of ch'un tung suggests vigorous but undirected movement, a shade of meaning which is lost in "the f i r s t growth." The early pages of the translation have been edited. I begin my translation with Ch'en's ninth chapter, "The Life of Women in the Reform Period," and give in f u l l his "General Discussion" and the introductory paragraph of the f i r s t section of this chapter, ("Before the Reform Move-ment of 1898"). The rest of the section is not included. The translation resumes with the introduction to the next section, omits the following section devoted to a revolutionary tract in favour of women's emancipa-tion, and is complete from then on, except for an appended chart of women mentioned in Chinese history up to the Manchu dynasty. Brief descriptions of the missing material are given in the body of the translation. A HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF CHINESE WOMEN CHAPTER 1 THE LIFE OF WOMEN IN THE REFORM PERIOD General Discussion Although i t is widely known that the l i f e of Chinese women in the recent past is quite different from that of former times, few realize that the women's movement in China has a history of more than thirty years. These thirty-odd years, moreover, should be divided into three stages during which today's conditions gradually evolved. Al-though the American and European influence had already entered China following the Treaty of Nanking signed after the Opium War (1842), the beginning of genuine reform was the period following the Sino-Japanese war. In 1894, China and Japan went to war over Korea, and China's armed forces were crushingly defeated by Japan. When, in March of the next year, Li Hung-chang, f i l l e d with feelings of disgrace and resent-ment, went to Japan and agreed to the twenty-one articles of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, China's international status immediately collapsed. This at last caught the attention of some Chinese, and the shock waves of their efforts to plan for strength engulfed the whole country; f i n a l l y people came to realize the value of Western culture. The l i f e of women also followed this tendency toward change. I call the period from this 65 66 time until just before the 1911 Revolution "The Period of Germination of the Intellectual Revolution." Before the 1911 Revolution, the activities of the revolutionary movement were carried out with great intensity, and everywhere there were women participating in the movement. After the Revolution, in the f i r s t two years of the Republic, women enthusiastically joined the army, and ardently participated in p o l i t i c s ; at f i r s t glance i t seemed a glorious page in the movement for women's rights. Practically speaking, however, at this time the Intellectual Revolution s t i l l lacked a coherent system of thought and had only recognized i t s potential but was not yet ready to exploit i t . The apparent freedom of women at this time was made possible only by the current situation; therefore I call this "The Period of the First Growth of the Intellectual Revolution." The smouldering coals of the movement for women's revolution fin a l l y burst into flame in January of 1916 when Ch'en Tu-hsiu ( fjjN$)4" ) in The New Youth magazine (Hsin Ch'ing-nien 1^-^-4 ) published an essay entitled "1916." He recommended that young women should rise from their status of being controlled to being in a position of control, and was the f i r s t to say that the Confucian theory of the Three Principles^ ought to be destroyed. After this time there were repeated discussions of the woman question in The New Youth. The more the f i r e burned, the hotter i t ^ The san Kang are the three "net ropes," the three basic relationships of human society. They are: the relationship between a ruler and his minister, a father and his son and a husband and his wife. See Yen Shih-hu's fitH'k annotation to P&an Ku 1% 1^1 , Ch'ien Han Shu -ffa in the Ssu pu pei yao Jj^ (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1936), Chuan 85, p. 15. 67 became, until in 1919 the May Fourth Movement burst like a single shell, exploding everywhere in the country. The movement to liberate women spread simultaneously a l l over China. Since that time, through academic discussion and practical experience, the l i f e of Chinese women has fina l l y reached i t s present state. It is now ten years since the pub-lication of Ch'en Tu-hsiu's essay "1916." These ten years I call "The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution." I deal with the two periods "Germination" and "First Growth" under the chapter "The Reform Period." "The Period of the Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution" belongs to a different section, and is discussed in the chapter "The Life of Contemporary Women." The Germination of the Intellectual Revolution A. First Period—Before the Reform Movement of 1898 In the period between the Sino-Japanese war and the Hundred Days of Reform, there were two movements concerned with the l i f e of women: the anti-footbinding movement and the movement to extend the system for women's education. Neither of these concerns was new, but i t was only at this time that they took on the qualities of a movement and attracted the attention of a good many people. After the agreement to open five commercial ports under the Treaty of Nanking (1842), foreigners in China enthusiastically evangelized and established schools. By this time a missionary society had established a private g i r l s ' school, and foreigners 68 were ridiculing the custom of binding feet.*" The two following sections are omitted: The Anti-footbinding Movement The Movement to Extend Women's Education The first section is made up of a quotation from Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's ( ^Mjt& ) Pien-fa tung-I 4f' ijj^  fj^  (Suggestions for Reform) condemning footbinding as an inhumane custom and an impediment to women's education, and Liang's rules for an experimental anti-foot binding society. The second section begins by pointing out the shortcomings of girls' schools established by missionary societies; that is, their pre-ference for proselytizing instead of educating, and their willingness to comply with the restrictions that Chinese society had traditionally placed on women. The rules of the Chinkiang girls ' private school are given at 3 length to support this assertion. Next, Ch'en notes that, after the Sino-Japanese War, progressives like Liang Ch'i'ch'ao had begun to .call for women's education. He again quotes from Liang's Pien-fa tung-i giving arguments in favour of estab-lishing girls' schools. It seems probable that the school referred to here was that established by Miss Aldersey, a missionary for the English "Society for Promoting Female Education in the East." Margaret Burton in The Education  of Women in China says: "when, after the treaty of 1842, five ports were fi n a l l y opened to foreigners, she at once went to Ningpo. . . . There in 1844 she established the f i r s t school for girls in a l l China. . . ." (New York: Fleming H. Revel 1 Company, 1911), p. 35. 3 The school was established by the Methodist Episcopal Mission. (Samuel Couling, Encyclopedia Sinica, (Taipei: Ch'eng wen Publishing Com-pany, 1967 (1917)), p. 363. 69 Liang's fundamental eoncevn was strengthening the nation. Ee argues in the quotations given that until women are educated to sup-port themselves they will always be parasites, an intolerable drain on the economy of China. Furthermore, the education of women will create good, competent mothers, who will care for, and in part educate, China's next generation. The quality of this generation can, according to Liang, determine China's future. B. The Second Period—After the 1898 Reforms Historical perspective should not be used to judge an event as fortunate or unfortunate. When we look at the reasons for the failure of the 1898 Reform Movement, a l l we can do is trace back to the social environment at that time, which did not allow the movement to succeed. From another viewpoint, however, the defeat of the 1898 Reforms was a great loss to the government of China and the state structure, and a heavy blow to those seeking changes in the l i f e of women. The Reform Movement faded like a short-lived flower. The aims of anti-footbinding societies were not realized, and no system of women's education was established. The Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi, who was representative of those who did not recognize the hardships of women, then gave her support to the Boxer Rebellion. In 1901, when the Allied Armies occupied Peking, she fled, taking the Kuang Hsu Emperor with her. In September of the next year, peace treaties were established and the al l i e d armies slowly with-drew. The imperial court did not dare to return from Si an until January 1902. The of f i c i a l s had then been without a prince for two years. 70 The Empress Dowager's heart was like a ravening beast, and she was not concerned for the good of the country. But after she had suffered this blow she was reprimanded by good o f f i c i a l s within the court, and of f i c i a l s outside sent memorials to the emperor. Thus, in outward appearance at least, she could not refuse to plan for reform. Another strong incentive for governmental reform was the revolu-tionary thought which sprang up spontaneously among the people. The revolutionary party published many pamphlets; one very radical book con-cerning the women's reform movement was The Women's B e l l , (Nu-chieh chung & )  by "^eedom lover" Chin I, ) published in 1903.4 The following section, "The Promotion of Women's Rights in The  Women's Bell, (consisting of quotations from The Women's Bell and Ch'en Tung-yuan's comments on the quotations) is omitted. In the excerpts from his book, Chin I argues that men and women are essentially equal, but that women are made subservient by their lack of education. Be sees bound feet, the style of women's clothing, superstition and the traditional restrictions on women as the four great impediments to the achievement of equality. Be also lists the rights that women should have, including the right to an education, the right to own property, 4 Chin I, or Chin Sung ts'en , was the translator of Kamayama Sentaro's Kinsei museifu shugi which appeared in 1904 as Wu  cheng-fu chu-i (Anarchism). See Martin Bernal, "The Triumph of Anarchism over Marxism, 1906-1907," in China in Revolution: The First PHase, 1900-1913, ed. Mary C. Wright, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968, p. 117. 71 freedom of movement, social contact, and freedom of marriage. Chin I separates women into three groups, according to their educational and social advantages: those who can change the social climate, those who can free themselves, but are unable to free others, and those who are trapped in the old society. He urges women, especially those in the first group, to get involved in the revolution and shoulder the res-ponsibilities that their relative enlightenment has placed upon them. i . The Establishment of a System for Women's Education In 1901, two years before the publication of The Women's Be l l , the government ordered that private colleges should be turned into govern-ment schools. All colleges would be changed according to their location: those situated in a provincial capital would become middle schools, and those in chou and hsien would become primary schools. Finally, the Peking Normal School was established. The government did not even bother to consider women's schools. At that time, however, privately established g i r l s ' schools sprang up everywhere like bamboo shoots after the spring rain. (The Shanghai Patriotic Girls' School was founded in the winter of 1902 by Ts'ai Chieh-min ^ ) and others). 5 Outside of the capital there were quite a number of of f i c i a l s at a l l levels petitioning for the establishment of women's education. The government opened a Bureau of Education in 1905, and ruled that women's schools would be regarded as part of family education. In Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei ( i ^ - o ^ l z ). 72 this year, an o f f i c i a l school system was established, and women's educa-tion began to come under the control of the Bureau of Education. In the f i r s t month of 1907, the Bureau of Education fixed thirty-six regulations for women's normal schools, and twenty-six regulations for women's primary schools, f i n a l l y giving women's education a position within the educational system. The f i r s t article of the statement of general principles in the establishment of women's normal schools said: In women's normal schools, our basic purpose is to train teachers for g i r l s ' primary schools and also to lecture on methods to pro-tect and nourish young children in the hope of benefiting the family livelihood and being of advantage to family education. Thus, aside from producing teachers, the purpose was s t i l l that of train-ing women to further family education. At this time, too, the standard of "good wives and mothers" was formally declared. The f i r s t rule in "The Essentials in Women's Normal School Education" said: In China, female virtue has been exalted from one age to another. The Way of being a woman, a wife and a mother can be found in the classics and the histories; the works of the ancient scholars give the details clearly. Today, when teaching women normal school students, from time to time we must encourage them to cultivate a l l the womanly virtues: modesty, serenity, obedience, virtue, com-passion, purity, uprightness and frugality, in the hope that they w i l l not turn their backs on the ethical teachings of China's past, and the virtues customarily esteemed in women. A l l bizarre talk of letting loose, and freedom, (Original note: from not maintaining separation between men and women, to choosing one's own mate and speaking at assemblies on poli t i c a l matters) we must rigorously reject and throw out, holding fast to tradition. (Original note: Among China's men there are those who regard women as too base, or do not treat them f a i r l y . This is an evil custom, and we must concentrate, in men's education, on rectifying and improving this. As for women, we must emphasize obedience to mother, father and husband.) 73 In this statement, the emphasis on the Way of being a woman, wife and mother, and the promotion of the three obediences,5 was carried to an extreme. The school rules of a l l g i r l s ' schools were comprised of the eight big characters; modest, serene, obedient, virtuous, compassion-ate, pure, upright and frugal. Women's education at this time was merely a repetition, in a different form, of the accumulated views of over two thousand years, without even the slightest new significance. There is no need to quote the passages on women's. normal school education which follow this as they are a l l similar to these words on "good wives and mothers." However, in the section dealing with the aim of each course in the curriculum, there is one clause explaining the way in which the course on moral values should be taught: Al l ethics textbooks must base themselves on the classics, gathering together the finest parts of Biographies of Women, Pro- hibitions for Women, Advice to Women, the Women's Classic on F i l i a l  Piety, Rules for the Household, Advice for the Women's Quarters, Rules for the Women's Apartments, Mr. Wen's Advice to Mothers, A Compilation of the Classics of Women's Education, Standards Be- queathed to Women, Girls' Education, Education for Ladies, and other such books, as well as those Western Books on ethics for women which are not contrary to China's customary teachings. In writing text-books we should extract the essence from these works and blend them together; and, moreover, grade them in order of d i f f i c u l t y , and add explanatory illustrations in order that they be easily understood. When this regulation was decidedron, much effort was put into the project of making anthologies from books on women's education from The san ts'ung ^ / U ^ , or three obediences; the obedience of a woman to her father, until married, her husband unti1 widowed, and to her son until her death. See Ta Tai l i - c h i j^jjL \ty ifj (n.p., Kuang ya shu-chu, 1899), chuan 13, 11. * 74 Han times to the present. After the regulations had been made public, in Peking and in the large cities of each province, numerous women's normal schools were established. The medical school outside Chien Gate at Pachiao, Liuliching was reorganized as the Peking Women's Normal School. It had not been open long when something happened that attracted the attention of the Bureau of Education, which then dispatched an order to a l l g i r l s ' schools: RecentlyEwe have heard that students from a l l of the gi r l s ' schools are going to the charitable society at the g i r l s ' school established at Li u l i Yao and are selling handicraft articles there in order to contribute to the society's funds. Moreover they are holding concerts of singing and dancing. On reading the Peking  Women's Daily,1 we see advertisements placed by the society, and furthermore, there is talk of holding a circus. When one examines the raising of funds to help alleviate disasters, one sees that, in essence, i t is a noble action; we should bow to public opinion in this. These girls who sel l their handicrafts are comparable to the virtuous beauties of ancient times who pawned their hairpins and earrings and sold their books and paintings in order to help raise money; they are not second in virtue. But in this society, the programmes of dancing and singing go on for days and days—this really f l i e s in the face of China's customs. Furthermore, i t necessitates great neglect of schoolwork. If, beyond this, they hold a circus, and add to the confusion, this Bureau w i l l not tolerate i t . Today, women's education is in the early stages of growth. Those enthusiasts who want to extend education ought to co-oper-ate and face d i f f i c u l t i e s together, and not give people a pretext 7 ^ Pei-ching nii-pao '}k t-^t l l i . (The Peking Women's Daily) was founded in 1905 and ran for at least 2 years. It published transcript matter from the Peking Gazettes, news of women's schools and organiza-tions and articles promoting women's education. The financial backing for the paper was probably supplied by the Empress Dowager; in any case the paper is unusual among women's papers in advocating staunch nation-alism on a basis of Manchu-Han solidarity and loyalty to the throne. (Charlotte L. Beahan, "The Women's Press in China Prior to the Revolution of 1911," (draft of a paper prepared for a conference on "Women in Chinese Society," San Francisco, June 11-15, 1973), pp. 32-37). 75 for gossip and for causing obstructions. Now this department wishes to explain clearly i t s exhortations to each student: when contributing handicrafts in order to raise re l i e f funds, you should, as much as is possible, send others out to deliver them, and not go to the society in person. Attending society meetings and singing and dancing is even more inappropriate social conduct. Holding a circus in the midst of a l l this shows further lack of respect for the Way of being a student. Because the Capital City is the foremost d i s t r i c t , every woman student must recite the classics and listen fully to teachings on propriety [as an example to other d i s t r i c t s ] . This Bureau takes as i t s responsibility a l l of the schools in the country. We wish to impress upon everyone who establishes a school that they must make each woman student understand the pro-found way in which this Bureau respects women students, and the great pains i t takes in protecting women's schools. Twenty years have passed since a l l of this happened, and we can see how t r i v i a l i t was. But the Bureau of Education blew up the incident vout of a l l proportion, to the point where i t seems almost ridiculous. i i . Reaction Against the Idea of Women's Rights Support for the idea of women's rights, expressed in works such as The Woman's B e l l , began to attract a great deal of attention at this time, and a group of "defenders of the way" rose in opposition. The Ministry of Education's adoption of the good wife and mother as the educational standard cannot really be considered very conservative. On the other hand, at the end of the commentary on ethics in The School of  Dialects ( ^ " i t ^ ' l T ), which we see from the preface was written by Ch'en Tseng-shou ( f f . ' f ^ ), is a section bitterly attacking those who advocate women's rights, saying: There are some petty husbands, blind to the great principle that man rules outside the home, who cast aside this sacred responsi-b i l i t y , and call out for women's rights. They won't be satisfied 76 until women rule outside the home. To do this is to take a serious and far-reaching duty and entrust i t to someone who can only worry about immediate interests. To do so not knowing that i t shouldn't be done is unwise. If i t is a case of taking these weak creatures and entrusting to them this d i f f i c u l t and vast mission, knowing their i n a b i l i t y , like letting a monkey climb a tree and ignoring the consequences, then this is inhumane. If a man is unable to carry out his righteous duty to pre-serve l i f e , and yet would seek protection in the hands of women, then he is shameless. Those who would promote this doctrine w i l l cause men to cast aside their sacred responsibility of ruling outside, and so the affairs of the country w i l l f a l l into ruin; and the women to neglect their sacred duty of ruling inside, and the Way of the home w i l l also be laid waste,, Hard and soft w i l l lose their virtue, and the way of men w i l l be perverted, inner and outer transposed, and propriety and righteousness destroyed. Heaven and earth w i l l be shut off from one another, principles w i l l change to chaos; as in the f i r s t six of the k'un diagram, "when there is hoarfrost under-foot, solid ice is not far off," to six at the top, "dragons battling in the meadow, their flowing blood is black and yellow." How can a gentleman of broad wisdom have foresight to see this and not tremble with fear?8 Even today this kind of thinking cannot be avoided, and so i t is worthy of our attention. Whenever an intellectual revolution develops, i t w i l l be opposed by a group of conservatives. Out of this The second diagram of The I Ching is k'un, the receptive (earth, female). It is the complement of ch'ien, the creative (heaven, male). The two are interdependent but not equal, for the receptive is only productive of good when i t is led by the creative. If i t tries to become equal with the creative, i t becomes e v i l . When Ch'en Tseng-shou quotes the text "when there is hoarfrost underfoot, solid ice is not far off," he is warning that signs of decay, like hoarfrost signalling the coming of winter (death), are present, and w i l l go on increasing unless measures are taken to stop them. The "dragons battling in the meadow" are the male and female principles at war in a struggle which w i l l end in defeat for the female principle, but with injury to both. For a f u l l explanation of the texts see Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, translated by Cary F. Baynes, (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey) 1970 (1950) pp. 10-15. 77 situation w i l l evolve a compromise faction, the largest group in any society, which is able to gain power. A l l of the regulations for g i r l s ' schools decided on by the Ministry of Education were the result of compromise. In 1905, Lai Chen-huan ( jfj[ jfc % ) of Shun-te ( ) published a book called Collected Evidence in Favour of Women's Education (Ch'iian nli hsUeh chi cheng, ^ -k-^ ^ P't )• F r o m t n e author's preface we read that in 1897 he had advocated an anti-footbinding society, and in 1903 had promoted women's education in his home village. His thought, however, was extremely corrupt; the book at the most recorded earlier people's praise for admirable conduct, which coincided with the stipulations in the Ministry of Education's self-cultivation course in Women's Normal Schools. He also printed a book for the enlightenment of the common people called A Few Words on Women's Education (Nu-hsiieh szu-wu yen ho pien -k<*f <® X ~t 4^4) ). Although i t was a l l the same old line of "the Way of reverence and f i l i a l piety," "respect for the husband," and "honouring her domestic function," he repeatedly said that he took the promotion of women's education as his personal mission and s t i l l regarded himself as a man of the times. In 1909, the Peking I Shen Company lithographed a popular tract called Domestic Models for Women (Nu'-tzu chia-t'ing mu-fan -k\'>Yk i%k%U ). It is said that the Chen Kuo-kung's ( 4 & @ \ "A ) wife, Su-wan-kua-erh shih ch'ien nien (jf^jL^V^ Jify-fy ) was the editor. 9 I have not been able to identify this woman, but i t seems pro-bable that she was a Manchu, and the characters given are a transliteration 78 This also was a repetition of the old formulas for women's education, but i t s t i l l received a great welcome. In the appendix there is an article called "The Right Path of Womanly Virtue." It says: Home and family were established with the most ancient principles. A l l men seek wives who w i l l regard the rearing of children and keeping the house as their purpose; the woman serves the man and regards rearing children and keeping house as the root of her being. But in the demoralized customs of the modern world, women look on marriage as a means to obtain honour, i f the clothes and financial resources are a l i t t l e less than sufficient, then she rouses her resentment and becomes insatiable. Coveting the dowry of others, she resents her husband's poverty. Who would have thought that a wealthy and noble l i f e is accumulated from virtue and caused by human heartedness, as in the ancient saying, "great fortunes come from fate, small fortunes from diligence?" Since she is a woman she should take up the broom and dustpan, operate the well and the mortar, taking the bitter and sweet together. Even ancient and modern kings, vassals, generals and ministers, have their periods of prosperity and decline. How much more so for a woman. If they don't concentrate on diligently accumulat-ing virtue, how can they hope to enjoy good fortune for long? After a woman has married, these are her duties: 1. to treat her husband's parents with f i l i a l piety, to serve them with her labour. 2. to aid her husband in respecting his brothers, in order to create honest and true friendship and love. 3. to rear children for her husband and continue the ancestral ha l l . 4. to aid her husband in cultivating virtue so that he may be an outstanding man. 5. to instruct the children for her husband so they bring honour to the family. 6. to help her husband to acquire property to avoid f a l l i n g into poverty. The above six items are necessary for a woman to establish herself in l i f e . of her name. In any case, the t i t l e Chen Kuo-kung was a Ch'ing dynasty t i t l e ofsthess'eventh rank reserved for members of the royal family. See Li tai chih kuan piao )§K t l L ( P e k i n 9 : Chung-hua shu-chu, 1965), p. 201. 79 Not only are the Ministry of Education regulations and the popular texts conservative, when we look at the t i t l e s of essays at women's schools at that time, we realize that women's education was equally conservative. The great majority of the essays written in g i r l s ' schools at that time were: --On Post Hsia Marriage and the Consort Chiang of the Chou --Dynasty Bringing About Dynastic Restoration --On the Classic handed down by Fu Sheng's daughter,H and Pan Chao's continuation of the History of the Han.'^ —On Meng Mu and Le Yang's wife breaking the shuttle' 3 --Discussion on Nu Wa's patching the sky!4 --Discussion on the necessity of respectfulness and self-denial and not disobeying one's husband and sons. --Plan for giving up jewelry and establishing banks. —Thoughts after reading the ballad of Mu Lan. 15 (Consult Essay Models from Lung Chiang ,Girls' School, printed in 1910. (Lung Chiang Nu-Hsiieh wen-fan -jfiji.-k ff l b ) Chiang Hou was the consort of Prince Hsiian of the Chou dynasty in the ninth century B.C. She reprimanded her husband for his irresponsible behaviour, causing him to reform. Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, (Taipei: Literature House Ltd., 1965 (1898)), p. 132. ^ Fu Sheng iK't concealed a copy of the Shang Shu (The Canons of Yao and Shun) at the time of the destruction of the classics in the Chin dynasty (221-209 B.C.). His daughter learned the book from him and passed i t on when Fu Sheng grew old, and his speech became garbled. See Ch'ien Han Shu, chuan 88, p. 9. 12 Pan Chaoft^S was the sister of the Han historian Pan Ku . He died before he was able to finish his history of the early Han; she completed i t for him. See Hou Han Shu f O ^ l f i n Ssu pu pei  yao, chuan 114, 3-8. Meng Mu the mother of Mencius, was considered to be the most virtuous of mothers. She was a widow and supported herself and her child by weaving. In order to reprimand him for his negligence in his studies she s l i t the unfinished weaving on her loom from top to bottom. See Liu K1 a j -. - ^ Kuang Li eh nu chuan ffa$'\-jt4fy 80 They are a l l in the same vein, never rising above this level. But i t is not even necessary to v i s i t the inside of the school. If we look at the couplets inscribed on the pil l a r s of g i r l s ' schools of that time, we can see the essential meaning of their education. The couplets at Lung Chiang Girls' School were: Confucius and Mencius are resources for the education of a mother. The classic of Fu' and Pan's history have significance for a l l . A sagely mother can do the work of fostering and guiding. A fledgling daughter knows how to sing the song of the republic. Women's education at this time was a l l like this, reformed on the surface but conservative in essence. i i i . The Accomplishments of Girls' Schools Established by Missionary Societies Girls' schools established by Chinese were s t i l l rare in the f i r s t five years after the Bureau of Education's statement on regula-tions for g i r l s ' schools. The schools established by foreigners had (n.p., 1884), Chuan 19 , 1 . 7. Lo Yang went away to study, but returned after one year. When his wife asked the reason for his return he said that he had come back to see her. She then cut her weaving in order to show him that like the weaving on her loom, his studies, once abandoned, could never be completed. See the Hou Han Shu, chuan 114, 1 . 8. 1 4 Nu Wa* , a legendary figure, the sister and successor of Fu Hsi . When Kung Kung-^-J^ rebelled and broke one of the eight columns supporting heaven, she repaired the breach by melting down stones. See E.T.C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, (New York: The Julian Press, Inc., 1961J, pp. 334-335. See above, pp. " 3 5 - 3 6and note 4 , p. 36. 81 already accomplished a great deal. The American Young J. Allen in the tenth collection of A Comprehensive Examination of the Life of Women  in All Lands (translation published in 1903) gives statistics for g i r l students of missionary society schools :^ Type of School Colleges Theological Colleges Higher and Middle Schools Technical Schools Medical Schools and Service Hospitals Kindergartens Primary Schools Total No. of Schools 12 66 166 7 30 6 Total No. of Students 1,814 1,315 6,393 191 251 194 no details 10,158 Women Students 96 543 3,509 96 32 male and female students e s t i -mated equal at 97 4,373 The First Growth of the Intellectual Revolution A. The First Period—Before the 1911 Revolution i. Women Who Studied Overseas The Ch'ing court began sending students overseas very early; by 1872, they had already sent students to the United States, and later Young J. Allen, or Lin Lo-chih #4f-& was a Georgia Missionary who l e f t the United States for China in 1859. He presented a copy of Women in A l l Lands to the Empress Dowager, "who graciously acknowledged it,"--according to The North China Herald, February 21, 1925, p. 305. 82 continuously sent people abroad. Government policy on overseas students was formally set down in 1894. In Kiangsu, as early as 1883, women were allowed to s i t for the examination given to determine which students should be sent abroad; three women were selected, becoming qualified for government support for overseas students. But there were already several women studying abroad. In Complete  Works of the Ice-Drinkers' Studio 1 7 there is an essay written in 1896 called "The Diary of Miss K'ang of Kiangsi'." Miss K'ang A i - t e , u was twenty-five years old at this time, and had already returned to China after graduating from Michigan University in the United States. According to the account, Miss K'ang became an orphan in her infancy, and travelled to America at the age of nine with an American woman, Gertrude Howe. In 19 1880, while in America, Miss K ang was a schoolmate of Miss Shih Mei-yu; The author is Liang Ch'i'ch'ao. Levenson notes: "His [Liang's] own work began to appear in a more permanent form; in 1902-1903, to fac i l i t a t e distribution in China, Liang made a selection of articles and lessons written for the Ch'ing'i pao and Ta-t'ung hsueh-hsiao and pub-lished them in Tokyo under the t i t l e Yin-ping shih ch'uan-chi (Complete Works of the Ice-Drinkers' Studio). Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i'ch'ao  and the Mind of Modern China, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967"T7"p. 68. 1 g Ida Kahn (1873-1930), who later became a prominent physician, was adopted as an infant by Gertrude Howe of the Methodist Mission at Kiukiang. She made her f i r s t trip to the United States with Gertrude Howe in 1882, returning to China in 1884. It was on the second t r i p , in 1892, that she studied with Mary Stone at the University of Michigan Medical School, not, as Ch'en states, in 1880. See Howard L. Boorman, (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of Republican China. (New York: Columbia Univer-sity Press, 1967). Vol. 2, pp. 225T226. According to Boorman, Ida Kahn's Chinese name was K'ang Ch'eng ( ) rather than K'ang Ai-te )• 1 9 Shih Mei-yu {& j £ ), or Mary Stone, (1873-1954), trained as a physician in America and was best known for her work as superinten-dent of the Elizabeth Skelton Danforth Hospital at Kiukiang. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 3, pp. 128-130. 83 they should be considered the earliest women returned students from America. But K'ang Yu-wei's daughter, T'uug-pi ( ( 8 | 4^ ) went to India by herself to v i s i t her father when she was nineteen years old. A poem she wrote says: "I am China's f i r s t woman scholar to come from the West." This is in reference to India. Japan's proximity to Chekiang and Kiangsu makes i t probable that after the 1898 Reforms, numerous women from these provinces went there to study. Returned students from Japan were the majority of the participants in the actual revolution. i i . Women Who Sacrificed for the Revolution After the Boxer rebellion, the revolutionary movement was f i t f u l in i t s development. Many women participated in the movement at this time. In A New History of Chinese Women (Shen-chou nu-tzu hsin shih $-v[4rl %JC ), published by the China Bookshop in 1913, Hsu T'ien-hsiao [ { ^ ^ ^ ) quotes a portion of a certain gentleman's notes: In midwinter of 1901, I returned home to China from Kyoto with several Japanese friends, aboard the Genkai Maru, and then travelled over the country, with the exception of Korea and Manchuria. One day, near twilight, we were about to lodge at an inn, when we met with a woman, pretty and elegant in appear-ance and simply dressed. The cold moonbeams congealed; the wintry mountain wrinkled blue-green. Accompanied by an old nurse and a maidservant, she hurriedly set out for the north. I was intrigued by a l l of this. On entering the inn, I saw several poems jotted on the wall; the ink was not yet dry on the ele-gantly written characters. The f i r s t poem said: I was originally a bright pearl and had self-respect, Incense from the golden urn gently hugged the king-fisher robe. For whom did I throw away the land of my native village? A limitless expanse of white snow. 84 The second poem read: My rosy cheeks in the bright mirror fade with time. The cold wind, like scissors, cuts my icy flesh. Grieving, again I take the Elm Pass Road' Everywhere the wind flutters the five-coloured flags. (Author's note: this refers to the variegated colours of the flags of foreign nations and definitely not to the five coloured national flag adopted after the Republic was established). The third poem read: There is no way to waken this country's people Streams of pure tears she wiped away with her red handkerchief. I 'could willingly get used to the insults of other races But how could I ever live with injustice from men. There was s t i l l another poem, but the characters were so freely written that I could not make them out. Ah! Who was this person? I asked the landlord, but he didn't have the slightest idea. In the end, did this woman really exist? Or was she only an ideal in the minds of the revolutionaries of the time? From this account alone, i t is very d i f f i c u l t to decide. Before 1911, however, a great many women died for the Revolution. Twelve years before the Republic, at the time of the Boxer up-rising, T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang plotted an uprising at Hankow, but the affair was divulged and T'ang was k i l l e d . 2 0 Miss Chou Fu-chen, ( if] ifo 4, ) 2 0 T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang ( ) \ $ <f> ) was a Hunanese reformer, and a follower of K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao. He arranged for his own 85 Miss Mao Chih-hsiang ( H 4 ) and Hiss Liu Hui-fang ) were also martyred at this time. They were the earliest women to sacrifice their lives for the revolution. Five years before the Revolution, Hsu Hsi-lin shot the governor of Anhwei province, En-ming, ( ) at Anking. 2 1 After the up-rising was defeated, the Ch'ing court ordered each province to seize and deal with the remaining members of the group. Hsu's cousin, Miss Ch'iu Chin, ( fas Iff, ) had beforehand set up association offices in Cheng and Hsien Chu districts of Shaohsing, (Chekiang province) with Chu Shao-22 23 k'ang, Wang Chi-fa and others. After the plot fa i l e d , she was seized student group (the Tzu-li hui or "Independence Society") to join with the central Yangtze branches of the ancient Ko-lao hui (Brothers and Elders Society) for a rising at Hankow in 1900--only to be discovered, seized, and executed." John K. Fairbank £t. aj_., East Asia, The Modern  Transformation. (Boston: Houghton Mi f f l i n Company, 1965) p. 636. Hsu Hsi-lin ) was born in 1873 in Tung-pu village, near Shaohsing. He was interested in Western learning and spent a short time in Japan where he became involved with the revolu-tionaries living there. He was taken on as an assistant by the Manchu En-ming (j§.f>e ) when the latter was appointed Governor of Anhwei in 1906, and given charge of the police academy in Anking. From this position, Hsu attempted to lead an uprising which was spectacular in i t s lack of organization and common sense. The uprising was to be supported by several secret societies and Ch'iu Chin's group at Ta T!,ung School, but coordination was poor and Hsu had been executed before the others realized that the revolt was underway. See Mary Rankin, Early  Chinese Revolutionaries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971) for a f u l l account. 2 2 Chu Shao-k'ang ( i t J& ) was the founder, in 1900, of the P'ing-Yang Society, a secret society with i t s greatest strength in Cheng hsien of Shaohsing prefecture. He worked closely with the revolu-tionaries in the area until 1907, and held several military posts after the 1911 Revolution. Ibid., p. 139. Wang Chin-fa ( ) was the chief assistant of Chu Shao-k'ang. A military graduate under the old system, he became more 86 at Shaohsing and executed at Hs'uant'ingk'ou. The attention of the people was strongly aroused at this incident. Ch'iu Chin, also called Hsiian Ch'ing ( l | f ^ f ) or Ching Hsiung ( ~i£%fi ) was a native of Shanyin hsien, Chekiang province. She 23 admired heros such as Ching-k'o and Nieh-cheng, and called herself the 25 Heroine of Chien Lake." At nineteen she was married to a member of the Wang clan of Hunan, and had one son and one daughter. After the Boxer 26 2 7 Rebellion, she studied in Japan, organized an "Encompassing Love Society" and planned with her comrades for the revolution. After she returned to China (1906) while teaching at the Shaohsing Ming-tao Girls' School, she 28 established the Chinese Women's Journal, strongly advocating male and closely identified with the revolutionaries than with secret societies after 1907, and was assassinated after the Revolution. Ibid., p. 135. 2 4 Ch'ing-k'o ( * ' l P \ ) and Nieh-cheng { jfa ) were "assassin-retainers." Ch'ing-k'o attempted the assassination of the Chin prince who later became the "First Emperor." Nieh Cheng was a Chou dynasty hero who assassinated Hsieh Lei, a minister of the Han state. Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 156, 597. 25 See above, p. 37, note 8. In 1904, Ch'iu attended the normal school of the Aoyama Girls' Vocational School in Tokyo. Rankin, Early Revolutionaries, p. 41. 27 Ch iu seems to have revived the Encompassing Love Society rather than actually creating i t . A group by the same name promoting women's rights and education had been formed earlier, but existed in name only when i t was revived by Ch'iu. Rankin, Early Revolutionaries, n. 99, p.a254. 2 8 Ch'en calls this the Nu pao, ( ~& ) or Women's Journal, but the covers reproduced in Ch' iu Chin shih chi ( -£01 ) (Shanghai: 1958) bear the t i t l e Chung-kuc~nu pao ( t f l U ^ ? ^ ). Rankin describes the journal as "directed particularly at women students with the idea of subsequently establishing a woman's association. The 87 female equality. This was China's f i r s t women's newspaper. When Ch'iu was seized, in 1907, the investigator forced her to write a confession. At f i r s t Ch'iu wrote only a few words in English, but the investigator did not understand i t and ordered her to use Chinese. She then wrote one character, "autumn." She was again interrogated and added several more characters, saying: "The autumn rain and the autumn 30 wind w i l l make me die of sorrow." She was then executed. In the spring of 1911 a righteous uprising at Canton was defeated, 31 and government guards k i l l e d seventy-two people. After the uprising, the government again thoroughly searched out the participants. Two women, Wu Yen-niang ( ^ 'K^h ) and Wu Ch'i-niang, ( X -&$C ) were ki l l e d as a result. In the last few days before the 1911 Revolution, the government found and seized military weapons at Wuchang,,and on October 9 seized and paper was written in a simple style and avoided overly erudite subjects. The aim was to exhort women to study and be active outside the home." Rankin, Early Revo!utionaries, n. 8, p. 255. 29 At least two important women's papers preceded Ch'iu Chin's Chung-kuo nu-pao. The f i r s t was the Nu-pao ( |M, ) '(Women's Journal j published by Ch'en Chieh-fen~( ) the daughter of the publisher of the Su-pao, Ch'en Fan ( ffcjfej ). The primary concern of the paper was women's education as a means of strengthening the nation. See also p. 74 above, note 7 for information on the Peking  Women's Daily, f i r s t published in 1905. (Roswell Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1912, (Taipei: Ching-wen Publishing Company, 1926), p. 115, and Charlotte Beahan, "The Women's Press in China," i b i d . , pp. 8-16). 3 0 The character is the same as that for her surname ( $K ) . The story of the poem is probably apocryphal--see Rankin, Early Revolution- aries , p. 187--but was of great value as propaganda. This was the "Canton Revolution" or Huang Hua Kang Uprising of April 26, 1911. 88 k i l l e d some party members. Woman party member Lung Yiin-lan (^tjik^{ ) was also captured at this time. In the afternoon of the next day, the revolution broke out in Wuchang. i i i . Women Who Sacrificed for Love In the period before the 1911 Revolution, yet another topic, aside from that of women who participated in the revolution, is worthy of discussion. That i s , those women who tried out new patterns in love. That freedom to marry was an important issue in the mind of the society at that time can be seen by the fact that freedom to choose one's mate was regarded as deviant and uncivilized, and prohibitions against i t were clearly written into g i r l s ' school rules. It is not that there are no love stories in China's past--love affairs had developed even under the strictest supervision—but the majority were of an un-natural, clandestine nature. Consequently, there was in the Chinese concept of love between men and women an unconscious idea that i t was an indecent and ugly thing. This attitude was extremely harmful to the development of new patterns in sexual relationships. Think, on what was the Chinese concept of love between the sexes based? The earliest stories are of "Sang Chien on the River 32 33 34 p'u, and "Chance Meeting at East Gate." UWen ch'un s elopement and 3 2 Sang Chien on the River P'u ( f ^ J ^  ) was a notorious place for profligacy.' 1 The phrase was used in the Li Chi ( if iLi ) [Book of Rites] and the Han Shu ( ?£~f ) [Book of the Han]. See Huang Yen-kai, A Dictionary of Chinese Idiomatic Phrases, (Hong Kong: The Eton Press, 1964), p. 791. 33 I was unable to find any classical reference for Chance Meeting 89 35 Miss Chia's present of incense to her lover were things which happened in the Han and Chin dynasties. Again, in the T'ang dynasty there was 36 the tradition of "Waiting for the Moon in the West Chamber." These stories were very popular. Historically, this type of thing was common but these few famous affairs were especially well known. Reader, how did later people regard this type of thing? " I l l i c i t intercourse is the certain result of romances between men and women"—this was the attitude of a l l later people! Surely, i f i l l i c i t intercourse is immoral, this type of immorality is only nurtured by taking excessive precautions! But ten or twenty years ago, how many people would have reasoned to this point? As the author of the b r i l l i a n t tract,""The Women's Bell":says: The rays of light of the mind Every day tortuously seek to extend themselves. If they cannot reach out to this, Then they w i l l reach out to that. Why would such a passionate and emotional g i r l be locked up year after year? Desiring proper social contacts and being denied them, once at East Gate (chieh-hou tung-men ). From the context i t seems obvious that i t refers to a story of an i l l i c i t love affair. Chuo Wen-chun ( J i t ) was a woman of the second century B.C. who was so charmed by Sze-ma Hsiangrju;s"lute musict'that sherelpped with him. See the Ch'ien Han Shu, chuan 57:1, 1.2. 3 5 Miss Chia Wu, ( 'f f ), a Chin dynasty beauty, saw Shou Tzu-yung, and made him a present of incense, in other words, made the f i r s t advances. See Chung-kuo jen-ming ta tz'u-tien, (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1922), p. I, 328. 3 6 Hsi-hsiang chi ( & ) , a T'ang dynasty love story which was expanded into a play in the Yuan dynasty. It has been translated into English as The Romance of the Western Chamber, by S. I. Hsiung, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968). 90 she is given the opportunity, she finds i t even easier to have secret sexual relations. Society refuses to recognize that this is i t s own fault, and furthermore ridicules from the side and whips from behind. This is really too unreasonable. Then there are the so-called romantic scholars who could be for-giving towards the affairs of men and women; such incidents appear in many poems and songs. In the era of Ch'ien Lung (1736-1795), in Jenho hsien of Chekiang province, a g i r l of the Kao clan had sexual relations with her neighbour, a certain Mr. Ho, without her parent's knowledge. Later on, when Miss Kao was about to be married, she sent Ho away from her one day, and then hung herself from a beam. When Ho returned, he was greatly grieved; and took the rope and strangled himself. The two families abhorred this lack of propriety, and did not want to prepare the corpses for burial, but the d i s t r i c t magistrate, Master T'ang, at his own expense, bought coffins and buried them together. Moreover, he ordered the women scholars of the city to compose poetry to be chanted for them. (Some of the poems by Sun Yun-hsuan are found in The Women  Disciples of Suiyuan (Sui-yuan nu-ti-tzu shih-hsuan f ^ l l ] " ^ |" £ *|-$t )• Although this can be considered forgiveness, the idea that " I l l i c i t intercourse is the certain result of romances between men and women" was 3 7 Sun Yun-hsuan ( II- ' T ) was a woman poet of the Ch'ing period, a disciple of Yuan Mei, ( % i t ) (1716-1798) the poet and owner of the "Garden of Contentment" (sui-yuan). Yuan broke with Confucian tradition by accepting women as pupils and publishing their poetry. See Arthur W. Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 1644-1912, (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1943-1944J7 p. 955-957, Vol. 2. 91 never completely eradicated from the mind of the Chinese people. After the 1898 year of Reform, thinking about rights for women had become very advanced. In large cities like Shanghai, there were many women students, and social contacts between men and women were becoming more free. Naturally, love affairs developed in this environ-ment. At the Patriotic Girls' School, there was a student called Wu Ch'i-te ( -1:4 f& ) who f e l l in love with Jao Fu-t'ing A ) (also called K'o-ch'uan, "°T$$, ), a student at the Shanghai Public School. They decided to marry, but at the time of the marriage, someone said that Miss Wu was guilty of improper conduct. The rites of marriage consequently could not be performed. Wu saw that Jao doubted her, and realizing that there was no way to prove her innocence, she drank poison and died. She may be considered the f i r s t woman to be sacrificed in the cause of the new patterns in sexual relationships. Jao FuH'ing was one of the seventy-two martyrs of Huang Hua Kang. It is said that he devoted himself to the revolution in order to pay back his debt to Miss Wu. (See the f i r s t 6-7 pages of the supplement to A New History of Chinese Women.) B. The Second Period—After the 1911 Revolution At the sound of a great cannon blast in the afternoon of October tenth, 1911, the huge edifice of several thousand years of despotism began to crumble. Women, who had been oppressed for over two thousand years, took advantage of this opportunity to change their lives. The spring thunder woke a dragon which had been hibernating for so long that perhaps his eyes were dazed by the flash. Therefore, the contemporary women's rights movement did not succeed; but the experiment was a valuable part of women's history. 92 i. Enthusiastically Joining the Army Once the revolutionary army had occupied the three cities of Wuchang, i t s greatest need was for soldiers. On October 14th, a proclamation was sent out to summon a revolutionary army. Miss Wu Shu-ch'ing ( ) wrote to Li Yuan-hung [^JLiv'A ) saying that she wanted to join the army to devote her l i f e to service. Since the army was a l l male, Li thought that i t would be d i f f i c u l t to place her, and so politely refused. Shu-ch'ing, however, argued forcefully that there should be no discrimination between men and women; furthermore, draw-ing on the history of our country's soldiers, she talked with enormous courage. Li then ordered the levy of a separate women's army, with Shu-ch'ing in charge of i t . As soon as the proclamation was sent out, hundreds of people came to enlist. (See the supplement to A New History of Chinese  Women). Several women's army brigades were established at this time; Ch'iu Chin's pupil, sister Yin Jui-chih ( ), organized a Chekiang Women's Army (Chekiang nii-tzu chiin y^j-jX-^r ^ ) which participated in the battle of Hangchow. She also bombed the Provincial Governor's yamen, want-38 ing to k i l l the Manchu Kuei Fu in order to avenge her teacher. Hsin Su-chen ( ^ l|, J[ ) and others organized a Women's National Army, (Nii kuo-min chun t^rllJtV.^  )» a Women's Suicide Squad"1 (Nii-tzu chueh-ssu tui&#M$f>) and a Women's Assassination Squad (Nii-tzu an-sha tui &§~ P?K ) which were used to defend Wuchang, and also took part in the Nanking-Hankow 3 8 Kuei Fu ( Hlk ) was the Prefect of Shaohsing who was in charge of the capture and interrogation of Ch'iu Chin. 93 offensive. Shen Ching-yin ( y'fc^f^ ) and others raised a women's army at Shanghai. Aside from these, the most famous of the other brigades were the Women's Northern Expedition Brigade (Nii-tzu pei-fa tui ^ r ^ ^ t A ^ ) the Women's Military Regiment (Nu'-tzu chiin-shih t'uan <J- % f if] ) and the United Women's Military D r i l l Squad (T'ung meng nii-tzu ching-wu lien-hsi tui «i ^ If we look at their proclamations we can understand how unwill-ing they were to be in a secondary position to men. Take, for example, this statement of the Women's Northern Expedition Brigade: In my humble opinion, China, an ancient country, was master of East Asia. The heavenly power having arisen, extraordinary women came forth in every generation; the female s p i r i t giving birth and nourishing, heroic women were born in every age. Thus Fu H s i 3 9 laid the foundation, but had to depend on the help of Nu Wa;40 Hsuan Wang, when his reign became despotic, was helped by the virtue of Chiang Hou.41 Before the three dynasties, there was no lack of gemlike and pure women; until after the two Han dynasties there were many turbanned heroines. Mu Lan42 enlisted in the army in the place of her father. She was brave and strong. Madame Liang 4 3 helped her husband destroy the enemy, beating Fu Hsi ( ) whose traditional dates are B.C. 2953-2838, was the f i r s t of the five emperors of the legendary period. He is said to have taught the Chinese people basic s k i l l s , like hunting, fishing, and cooking, and to have introduced the calendar and regulated the marriage contract. See Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 234. 40 See above, p. 80, note 14. 41 See above, p. 89, note 10. 42 See above, pp. 35-36 and note 4, p. 36. 4 3 Madame Liang, (Liang Hung-yii ^ £• ), was the wife of Liang Shih-chung, a Sung dynasty general. In his battle against the Chin at Hant'ientang, she took part, encouraging the soldiers and urging them on. As a result, the Chin were not able to cross the river. Chung-kuo jen- ming ta tz'u-tien, p. 988. 94 loudly on the drum. By these examples we know that there are great people in the eastern chambers; not a l l are as weak as Yao Niang.44 If the Southern Sung had not advocated appeasement of the Chin bandits, how could they have been so violent? But the ancients did not rise to the occasion, only fretting and worrying in vain. In a time of many d i f f i c u l t i e s , how can one s i t back and watch? Ever since Yao45 established the borders, for four thousand years the Chinese race has maintained i t s e l f . But then Manchurian slaves entered the pass. In two hundred years this barbarian foe had not been pacified. They butchered Yangchou and Chiating, and the remaining sorrows of ten thousand families have not yet been forgotten; they were harsh in taxation; how could nine generations of deep hatred be endured? Beyond this there were traitors work-ing for the government; they wanted to please the Manchus, and tried to be close to people in high positions in order to gain power, inviting the odium of the Han race. Thus, when the monarch established a government, public indignation was already deep. Why was i t necessary to wait for the government to confiscate unlawful goods46 before the righteous army arose? Therefore once the Hupeh army erupted, the territories of Yij47 united with them; the barbarian fortunes came to an end; what could Yuan48 do to help? Only in the southeast had the revolution succeeded; but i t must be known that as for the one corner of the north-west, i t was unfortunately lost. Sleeping with weapons as a pillow, waiting for dawn, the heroic males had already presented their Yao Niang ( 'T ) the concubine of Li Yu, whose rule ended in A.D. 975. She bound her feet for dancing; some writers suggest that this was the origin of foot-binding. See Wang Fan-t'ing ( £ ) Chung-hua l i - tai fu-n'u, pp. 131-135. 4 5 Yao ( *h ) is said to have died B.C. 2258. A legendary emperor who abdicated his throne after a long reign (traditionally e s t i -mated at 70 or 98 years), in favour of Shun. The names Yao and Shun together evoke China's Golden Age. See Giles, Chinese Biographical  Dictionary, p. 921. 46 Perhaps a reference to the government's seizure of weapons prepared for the rebellion on October 9, 1911. 4 7 Yu or Ta Yu ( ^ 4 ) was the legendary successor of Shun and the f i r s t emperor of the Hsia dynasty. His death is traditionally dated B.C. 2197. E.T.C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (New York: The Julian Press, Inc., 1961), p. 597. AO f j Yuan Shih-k'ai ( % ^ ) who at that time had been appointed Governor General of Hu-Kwang in charge of suppressing the rebellion. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol IV, p. 83. 95 giant strategies; they are buying saddles to join the army, and al l sisters should now express their righteous anger. Don't you know of France's shepherd g i r l , who vigorously repelled the English soldiers, or the beauties in the palace of Wu who studied martial arts, and whose valour could swallow up the state of Ch'ii? From this we know that when they are willing to sacrifice every-thing, young girls are not second to bearded men; when they avail themselves of a shield for glory, the people of a great country do not make light of women. Then pour out the contents of your trousseau trunks and collect together military expenses. Sweep the caves and clear the courts; let us get rid of this barbarian cruelty. Then, when we see the revolution succeed, we can pre-sent Mu Lan's work as finished; and when the republican position is secure, we can soothe Chinisssplrit. This truly is the glory of the Han race, not just the good fortune of women compatriots! This statement was copied over and over by different people, and every-one recited i t . The delight in novelty of the Chinese masses, who had long been forced to submit to corrupt conditions, caused them to react with astonishment and admiration. This is very natural. But the praise of the general public was of absolutely no use to the women themselves. Moreover, people who were somewhat conventional thought that this sort of thing was just a game, and cri t i c i s e d them on many points. In reality, the women's rights movement in the f i r s t few years of the republic was not defeated by the fact that women's army corps were not formally established, nor was i t defeated by the failure to obtain the right of pol i t i c a l participation. Rather, i t was defeated because, being startled by the magnitude of what was happening, women did not have a penetrating grasp of the situation; they were defeated because they did not eliminate the male habit of not taking women seriously. The women's armies of this time did have shortcomings. Miss Chang Chu-chun, ( ) one of the new women of the older genera-tion, a doctor, and the subject of a biography by Liang Ch'i-ch'ao in 96 Hsin-min ts'ung-pao, wrote an essay, "Women's Organized Army Corps" (Nii-tzu tsu-chih chiin-tui ^ 4*J -* t$ % fy. ) expressing some frank opinions: From antiquity the warning has been handed down of the disaster of weapons and the danger of war. . . . As for the women's armies formed today, they can choose qualified people. Speaking from a physical standpoint, however, they s t i l l f a l l far behind men. . . . Even i f the women put special effort into doing their duties, at the time when the two armies are fighting, I fear that this army w i l l not be able to k i l l the enemy efficiently. And i f [the men's army] is to protect our women's army, I fear they w i l l not have time. Although Chang Chu-chun was opposed to women organizing army brigades, she was willing to act as head of the Shanghai Red Cross Society. After the uprising at Wuhan, a l l of the hospitals of Shanghai and Nanking organized a Red Cross Society, and recommended that Chang 50 Chu-chun be i t s head. On October 23, Chang Chu-chun led the f i r s t group to Hankow, and on November 13, continued with a second group to Chinkiang. The Hsin-min ts-unggpao ( "fC ) (New People Periodical) began publication between 1900 and 1903. Levenson writes: "Liang's f i r s t concern in these years was his new fortnightly journal, the Hsin-min ts'ung-pao . . . published in Yokohama. Each number con-tained about forty pages of creative writing, commentary on current events, and dissertations on many facets of the problem of Chinese cul-ture, i t s past and its future." Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, p. 68. 50 I have not been able to find any corroboration for Ch'en's account of the formation of the Red Cross. The North China Herald, on October 28, 1911, ran an article announcing the departure of a Red Cross party for the front. According to this account, "The party is under the charge of Dr. Cox, who w i l l be assisted by Dr. Olesen, Dr. Bennett, Dr. B. Y. Wong, and Dr. C. S. Yang and twenty-five students with three Chinese and three Japanese nurses." p. 205. Nor have I been able to find any reference to the second group organized in Shanghai. 97 After sending out this group, the people of Shanghai organized a second Red Cross Corps. Some of the women who helped in the creation of the second corps were: Madame Chang Shan-fu ( J-Hjf-||f ), Madame Ho Hui-p'ei ( J{0\ ), Madame Sun Ai-jen, (f ^ | \%\~ ), Madame Su Li-shang ( ^ ), Madame Feng Yang-shan ( l!$UfM ), Miss Ho Yung-hsi ( 'rf*£ih ) » M l' s s K ' u n g Ch'ing-ping ( )» Miss T' ienSSsu-p'ing ( \3 % ^ ), Miss Chiang T'ung-sfoih ( ^ c^-dr ), and Miss Ch'u Chih-cheng ( |f ^ | P ). Their accomplishments were even greater than those of the women's army units. i i . The Movement for Politi c a l Participation Women's army corps had not long been in existence when the Ministry of War of the Nanking Provisional Government dismissed them; offering only alternative service as nurses in the hygiene corps. More-over, each province was later ordered not to raise any new women's armies. Women's army corps at this time were treading on thin ice, which was being melted away by the spring sun; but out of them grew the movement for pol i t i c a l participation. When the republic was established and women's army corps were f i r s t organized, there were already people who advocated and struggled for pol i t i c a l rights. There were others who changed dir-ection and took part in the movement for pol i t i c a l participation only after the dispersal of the women's army units. Thus, the China Women's Pol i t i c a l Participation Alliance (Shen-chou nii-chieh ts'an-cheng t'ung-meng-hui 2>f <&> \ ^ \j?£, f'.fj ^ .=); and the Women's Union (Nii-tze:.t'ung-'meng-hui" '/.sj ^  ^ ) was the reorganized United Women's Military D r i l l Corps. Aside from these, there were also the 98 Shanghai Women's Pol i t i c a l Participation Comrades Association (Shanghai nii-tze ts'an-cheng tung-meng hui Jz & <r \^\ x%_ )> the Women's Re-inforcement Association (Nu-tze hou-yiian hui ^ <J- ^ i§C 1f )» the Women's Republican Association, (Nu-tze kung-ho hui jt ^n^~ ), the Association for the Support of Equal Rights for Men and Women (Nan-n'u p'ing ch'uan wei ch'ih hui % -br ^ $(i ^| ), the Women's National Association, etc. (Nu kuo-min hui ^ H i l A j ' ^ )• When the Nanking parliament was formulating the provisional con-stitution, Miss T'ang Ch'Un-ying ), with twenty other people, presented a petition demanding that a clause regulating equality of the sexes be included in the provisional constitution. In brief, i t said: . . . Thus China has been restored to light, despotism has been changed to republicanism. The revolution in government was f i r s t to be achieved, the social revolution w i l l rise later. If we wish to stop the tragedy of the social revolution, we must f i r s t seek social equality, i f we wish to seek social equality, we must f i r s t seek equality between the sexes; i f we want to find equality between the sexes, i t is absolutely necessary to extend to women the right of pol i t i c a l participation. . . . We request that in the actual text of the constitution i t be stated clearly that re-gardless of sex, a l l w i l l be legally equal, and a l l w i l l have the right to vote and to be elected. Of i t this is not clearly stipu-lated, we ask that a speech be made to the people of this country, concerning the question of male and female equality. In addition, we request a formally published o f f i c i a l dispatch so that women wi l l have documentary proofs of their right of po l i t i c a l p a r t i c i -pation. In the provisional constitution promulgated by the parliament on March 11 of that year, there was, however, no regulation assuring equality of the sexes. A group of suffragists was extremely angered by this, and, on March 19, T'ang Ch'iin-ying and others from the Women's Poli t i c a l Participation Alliance presented a brief to President Sun Yat-sen 99 strongly denouncing the fact that there was no clause on male and female equality in the provisional constitution. They demanded that the president advocate a revision of the constitution under the pro-visions of the f i f t y - f i f t h a r t i c l e . In the second part, "Citizens," under the f i f t h a r t i c l e , " A l l citizens of the Chinese Republic are equal," the clause below that, "Regardless of race, class or religion" should be altered to include sex as well as race, class, and religion. In order to placate the suffragists without actually doing anything, the members of the assembly agreed to table the March nineteenth petition for women's po l i t i c a l participation for discussion. After in-vestigation, they decided to hand the matter over to the formally con-stituted parliament for i t s decision. The women, however, were not satisfied, and that day a vehement argument developed with the members of the assembly. The next day the suffragists called together many comrades, and burst into the assembly. They broke some of the windows in the building and kicked down the police guards who had been called out. Once the news of this incident had been published, the whole country was startled, regarding i t as an unpredented, fantastic occurrence. The foreigners were also amazed. After the mediation of the President, a promise was made to pro-pose a revision of the constitution to the legislature. Only then did the situation improve. (See Chang, ed., "The Development of the Thought of Chinese Women," in Ten Discussions of the Women's Question, pp. 238-259). See above, p. 55, note 11. 100 Once peace was restored, the women's movement for p o l i t i c a l participation was like a waterfall flowing towards level ground; after making several whirlpools, i t was not able to again raise the wind and the waves. The surprise attack on the legislature on March 20 revealed the shortcomings of the women's rights movement in the ten odd years since the reform period. It was shallow, lacked actual strength and was un-thorough. The contribution of the suffragists, however, is that at the least, they made everyone realize that China's women would never again be as docile as they had been in the past. This incident has an historical value in the l i f e of Chinese women which cannot be obliterated. At the same time, there was a group working for gradual progress— The Women's Republican Co-operative Progressive Association, (Nu-chieh kung-ho hsieh chin hui -tyr & ~& -fcn ^ ), with Madame Wu T'ing-fang ( Madame Chang Ch'ing-chiang ( ^ J L I f K ) a n d others as leaders. They advocated f i r s t founding a women's legal and poli t i c a l school and publishing a women's republican daily newspaper in order to prepare for po l i t i c a l participation, then waiting until their p o l i t i c a l knowledge and qualifications were complete before again putting p o l i t i c a l participation into effect. Their program was comparatively peaceful, but they too had no real power. iv. Women's Education in the First Few Years of the Republic After the establishment of the republic, both the educational system and the curriculum were reorganized; but there was comparatively l i t t l e affecting women's education in this change. Boys' and gi r l s ' schools were s t i l l separate. In government primary schools girls studied needlework more than boys did, and the higher levels of gi r l s ' primary 101 schools offered a course in Home Economics. However, middle schools for women were now established; before there had only been women's normal schools. Aside from those subjects studied in boys' middle schools, g i r l s ' middle schools added courses in home economics, garden-ing and needlework. The course in mathematics could omit trigonometry. Handicrafts consisted primarily of such things as embroidery, crochet, and flower arranging, and physical exercise replaced the military d r i l l class. Women's normal schools took as their aim the training of elementary school and kindergarten teachers; their differences in curriculum from men's normal schools are similar to the differences between men's and women's middle schools. Women were prohibited from entering universities, and in 1916 no higher schools for women yet existed. The education of women at this time always took as its highest standard the "good wife and mother." Not only was the system regulated in this way, but the professors' course guidelines and the materials were also geared toward this standard. The rate of growth of the number of gi r l students, however, was actually changed by the Republic. Male students a l l cut off their queues, and female students unbound their feet. Most parents had already lost their fear that they would not be able to marry off their daughters unless their feet were bound. There were, however, quite a few mothers who s t i l l were confused and worried, and could not help but want to go to work on their daughters' feet, s t i l l rising early every morning to wrap and wrap them. Speaking only in terms of the increase in the number of women compared to the increase in male students; we know, according to the 102 f i r s t five charts of educational statistics issued by the Department of Education, that: Date Male Students Female Students 1912 2,792,257 141,130 1913 3,476,242 166,964 1914 3,898,065 177,273 1915 4,113,302 180,949 1916 3,801,730 172,724 Happjily, the rate of increase in the numbers of male and of female students in the f i r s t four years is very similar. In 1916, the rates suddenly f e l l , as a result of the conditions caused by the Hung 52 Hsien monarchy. An interesting comparison can be made here by considering the number of women students in 1916 republic and determining what increase there had been over the women students of fifteen years before. At that time, women's schools established by Chinese were very rare; the majority of China's women students attended schools built by missionaries, which were already drawing up sta t i s t i c s . (See the f i r s t chapter of The  Achievements of Missionary Society Girls' Schools (Chiao-hui-pang te nu-shu ch'eng-chi 4&% 1$ % ) ) . The details of the lower grades and kindergartens are not made clear in these s t a t i s t i c s , but the number of women students, when both the higher and primary grades are considered, did not exceed 4,373. In 1916, referring specifically to women students in 5 2 Hung Hsien ( %- ) was the t i t l e adopted by Yuan Shih-k'ai. With the restoration of the Imperial system, many people may have expected the return of the examination system, and therefore may have doubted the value of modern education, and removed their children from modern schools. 103 high schools established by Chinese, the number had risen to 8,005 students. As for basic education, there were 164,718 female students (in both higher and lower level elementary grades). This is more than forty times as many female students as there had been fifteen years before. What a startling number this i s ! From this point we can conclusively say that many of the people of the Chinese Republic already were awakened to the necessity of education for women. CHAPTER 2 THE LIFE OF CONTEMPORARY WOMEN A. The Flowering of the Intellectual Revolution i . The First Period—Before the May Fourth Movement An intellectual revolution must be part of the trend of the times; then, as soon as someone actively promotes i t , i t w i l l rise up spontaneously like s t i r r i n g waves. The ab i l i t i e s of those who promote i t are also formed by the times; their talents are borrowed so that the revolution may begin. Everyone who discusses China's modern "new culture" must give credit to the May Fourth Movement, and i t is obvious that when we speak of the May Fourth Movement, we must again acknowledge the role of The  New Youth magazine. But The New Youth magazine's advocacy of the new culture also followed the tendency of the time. If we understand this principle, then i t is easy to understand how the intellectual revolution came into f u l l flower. The l i f e of Chinese women had begun to change in the twenty years between the Si no-Japanese War of 1895 and 1914. In these twenty years, there had been rapid progress; the criterion for women had changed from "stupidity is a virtue" to the "good wife and mother," from l i f e inside the women's quarters, to a l i f e of studying in schools. How-ever, only after The New Youth promoted i t did a l i f e of independent status for women really materialize. Furthermore, the May Fourth 104 105 Movement was a crucial point in this development. i i . The First Period of The New Youth Ch'en Tu-hsiu ( f£ i$j % ) established The New Youth Magazine at the same time that Yuan Shih-k'ai was attempting to become emperor. After Yuan accepted the Twenty-One Demands of Japan, the Ch'ou-an Hui 1 beat the drum of constitutional monarchy until i t s sounds shook the heavens. The Chinese people, especially the young, were confused about these affairs. Ch'en Tu-hsiu f e l t that those who should personally shoulder the task of innovation in China must be young people, and for that reason, he wanted to bring about a transformation in the thought of youth. The f i r s t issue contained a letter to him from Wang Y,ung-kung ( i Jjfa x~ ), in which the latter hoped that Ch'en would discuss the problem of state structure, and educate the people. In his reply he said: A l l of the reasons which the gentlemen of the Ch'ou-an Hui hold for changes in the state structure are unsatisfactory. You, honourable s i r , wish this magazine to refute them. Although we would wish to refute them, we take as the natural duty of this magazine the remolding of the thought of the young and instruction of the young in moral cultivation; criticism of the present government is not its aim. The Ch'ou-an Hui ( ^ 3- % ) or Society of Planning for Peace and Stability was founded'in August 1915, by Yang Tu ( ^ ), one of Yuan Shih-k'ai's advisors. Under the guise of a study group with a special interest in comparing the relative merits of monarchism and republicanism, the Ch'ou-an Hui tried to drum up support for the estab-lishment of a new dynasty with YUan as emperor. See Jerome Ch'en, YUan Shih-k'ai, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), pp. 172-78. 106 Is i t possible that his thinking really bore no relationship to the po l i t i c a l darkness of that time? No. He was absolutely opposed to this p o l i t i c a l darkness. He says: If the thinking of the citizens does not yet have a basic aware-ness, then there is truly no reason for c r i t i c i z i n g the govern-ment. The tendency of governing in the past few years has always been to abide by China's laws and the teachings of her f i r s t kings; suffering criticism in order to protect the national essence. To govern is extremely d i f f i c u l t . Do you think that the ambitions of neighbouring states should warn the people? The citizens of my country are not willing to involve themselves in poli t i c s . The Japanese ultimatum [the Twenty-one Demands] was not enough to warn them; how could an essay in this magazine? This quotation adequately shows that he was greatly pained by the government and by the thinking of the people; he turned to reforming the thought of youth only after struggling in vain to find a solution. Can we not say that he was moved by the trend of the times? In the f i r s t four issues of The New Youth, there was no new contribution to the l i f e of women. Finally, in an article entitled "Nineteen-sixteen" which appeared in the f i f t h number, Chen Tu-hsiu formally advocated that women should not remain in a subservient posi-tion, and that they should not be accessories to other people. This essay appeared in January of 1916; i t was written when Yuan Shih-k'ai's attempt to become emperor was underway. '(YiianClssuedi1 orders that he bereeogniizedrasaemperor on December 20, 1915). Deeply regretting the conditions of the time, Ch'en Tu-hsiu hoped that in 1916 China would undergo a gigantic change; hear his anguished cries: The citizens 6« our country ought to have special feelings for this year of 1916 and unprecedented hopes. From the beginning 107 of history until 1916, in p o l i t i c s , society, morality and scholar-ship, even the Yangtze River could not wash away a l l the crimes which have been committed and the humiliations which have been suffered. At this time of abolishing the old and establishing the new we ought to repent from the beginning and undergo self-improve-ment. The year of 1915-1916 is a gaping chasm in history. From creation until 1915 everything is ancient history—past events up to 1916 are dead, the ewents after 1916 are alive. We must f i r s t renew our efforts for a new human status, a new nation, a new society, a new family, a new people. Only when the nation is re-newed w i l l we be worthy to deal with enlightened peoples and have the qualifications to dwell in this, corner of the earth. Youth must cherish this hope, must praiseyouth and not age; youth must seize this hope, i t must k i l l old age and rejuvenate youth. The youth of 1915 must k i l l themselves and bring forth the youth of 1916. This f i r s t declaration of The New Youth Magazine's support for the New Culture Movement, was also the f i r s t writing of modern China's New Culture Movement. We can see how strongly they hoped for the innova-tions of youth: What w i l l be the guidelines for the thought and action of the youth of 1916? First, to take on the status of conquerors and not the status of the conquered. In a l l of mankind, the male is the conqueror, the female is the conquered; the white races are the conquerors, the non-white races are the conquered. Those who pride themselves on being the young men and women of 1916 must wash out with iron and blood this disgrace which permeates the whole body. Second, to have respect for the status of individual indepen-dence and self-determination; to refuse to be an accessory to others. The Confucianist's theory of the three bonds is the source of a l l morality and p o l i t i c s : the bond of ruler and subject makes the people accessory of the ruler, without the status of independent self-determination; the bond of parents and children makes the children the accessories of the parents, without the status of independent self-determination; the bond of husband and wife makes the wife the accessory of the husband, without the status of independent self-determination. It is this theory of the three bonds which leads everyone to be a subject, a child, a wife, without seeing that there is an independent human status. These bonds and the precious and golden moral sayings--loyalty, 108 f i l i a l piety and chastity, are not a self-determined morality of putting oneself in another's place, but are a slave morality of those who are the possessions of others. A l l human acts take the self as the centre; apart from this self and i t s loss, there is nothing worth tail king about. Once those who follow slave morality lose this self, they receive a l l praise and blame as the accessory of another. May those who pride themselves on being the youth of 1916 struggle to escape from the position of being an accessory and recover an independent and self-determined status. This was the f i r s t bombshell of the new Culture Movement, aimed at destroying slave morality and establishing a new nation, a new society, a new family and a new race. This essay also prompted the birth of the new woman, and, furthermore, had a profound meaning and value not only in the history of the l i f e of women, but also in the history of Chinese culture. But 1916 was, in the end, a year of reverses for China; the waves of the imperial restoration had hardly subsided, when the dense fog of venerating Confucius rolled in. The Constitutional Assembly wanted to make Confucian morality the national religion. Such re-actionary thinking aroused argument throughout the country. Ch'en Tu-hsiu wrote an essay called "The Constitution and Confucianism," (Hsien fa yu k'ung-chiao. H - ^ ^ ^ L .$£ ) (11:3) c r i t i c i z i n g this matter. The next issue of The New Youth (.11:4) carried an essay called "Con-fucian Morality and Modern Life" (K'ung tzu chih tao yu hsien-tsai sheng-huo). In i t , Ch'en argues that, although the theories of the three bonds and the five relationships were not invented by Confucius, other people have used him in this connection. Therefore, i f we want to dig out slave morality, we must destroy the Confucian i d o l ; how then 109 could we adopt Confucianism as the state religion? In "Confucian Morality and Modern Life" (K'ung-tzu chih tao-yii hsien-tsai sheng-huo cjti^- Z - A J L ^ i^fc^jfu. )» n e condemns, .the; Confucian Way as inappropriate for today's world. Several points in the essay are related to the l i f e of women: In a l l modern constitutional states, whether monarchies or repub-l i c s , there are po l i t i c a l parties. Those who engage in p o l i t i c a l activities cannot help but express a s p i r i t of individual inde-pendence, each one going his own way. The son need not necessarily agree with the father, nor the wife with her husband. When people follow the Confucianists' teachings of f i l i a l piety, of obedience, of not changing from the father's way even three years after his death, and of a wife obeying her father and husband, and fina l l y her son, how can they choose their own poli t i c a l party? The movement for women's po l i t i c a l participation is also a part of today's c i v i l i z a t i o n . For those who follow the Confucian teachings that "To be a woman is to submit," "A wife's words should not go beyond her quarters," and "Women do not speak of affairs outside the home," how can the idea of women participating in politics be anything but nonsense? As for the l i f e of widows in the West,, some remain single out of love for their old husbands, and some prefer a single l i f e ; there is no question there of the chastity of widowhood. When women remarry they are never despised by society. In Chinese moral teaching, there is the concept of "When the husband dies there is no remarriage." If man has two masters, or a woman two husbands, i t is considered by a l l as a loss of virtue and a disgrace. Further-more, propriety prohibits widows from crying at night, and prohibits other people from befriending the son of a widow. For the sake of the family reputation, people force their daughters-in-law to re-main widows. This involuntary moral integrity creates a miserable l i f e . Year in and year out, many competent women in their prime, are made to lead physically and spiritually abnormal lives. This is the g i f t bestowed by Confucian morality. In today's c i v i l i z e d society, social intercourse between men and women is the rule. Some even say that because women have a tender nature, they can control men's crudeness, and thus are necessary in public and private gatherings. It is not considered improper even for strangers to s i t together and dance together once the host has introduced them. The Confucian teachings say: "Men and women should not s i t together," "Brothers and sisters-in-law should not be in contact," "Once she has married and l e f t home, brothers should not share a seat with her, nor eat from the same dishes," "If men and women have not engaged a matchmaker then they should not know each other's names, i f they have not exchanged 110 engagement gifts then they should not be in contact and should not show affection," "Women must cover their faces when they go out." Such etiquette is not only inconsistent with the way of l i f e in modern Western Society; i t cannot even be practiced in today's China. Western women make their own l i v i n g , they work in a l l pro-fessions, from lawyers, teachers and doctors to shop-girls. And the Confucian Way says "men and women should not touch hands when exchanging anything," "men do not speak of household matters, women do not speak of outside matters, only in religious sacrifices do they use the same utensils," "A married woman must obey." This is because the husband is taken as the standard of the wife, women are of course supported by their husbands and do not need an in-dependent livelihood. A married woman does not know her husband's parents before the marriage, she has only affection toward them and no obligation. In the West the majority of parents and child-ren do not live together, the daughter-in-law has no obligation to serve her parents-in-law. But the Confucian ways says: "Cautious and respectful, from morning to night she does not disobey a command," "Wifely obedience is due to the parents-in-law," "A wife should serve her husband's parents as she would serve her own parents," "the orders of parents and parents-in-law must not be disob'eyedr'6r-disrespected'.'" "If a man is fond of his wife but his parents are not pleased with her, then she should be divorced." "Unless the wife is told to go to her room she would not dare to retire, i f a woman has an errand to do, then large or small, she must ask permission from her parents-in-law." Tfiis is reason why the tragedy of the evil mother-in-law and the persecuted daughter-in-law are a part of Chinese society. In this paragraph we can see that he advocated women's pol i t i c a l participation, the remarriage of widows, the extension of social inter-course, economic independence, and the small household system. A l l of these are forbidden by Confucian morality, but were promoted by Ch'en with a l l his strength. Again, in the next issue (11:5) in reply to K'ung Chao-ming's ( ^(_, 14 ) letter, dealing with Ch'en's destruc-tion of the basic principles of Confucianism, he said: If Confucianism and Confucian morality are not completely destroyed, there w i l l be no way to save China's government, morality, ethics, social customs, and scholarly thought. I l l The same issue also carried Hu Shih's ( |/f|, ) "Tentative Proposals for Literary Reform (Wen-hsush kai-liang ch'u-i ^ $ t^k )• Everyone acknowledges the role of The New Youth in the literary revolution; but few realize that this proposal followed dis-cussions on the problems of women. Ch'en Tu-hsiu's "On Literary Revolu-tion" (Wen-hsueh ke-ming; lun - ^ ^ j j T ^ f ^ - ) and Wu Mii's ( | y | ) "On the Clan System as the Basis of Despotism" (Chia-tsu chih-tu wei chuan-chih chu-i chih ken-chii rlun %i ^L.$3 % ]\ '1 % ^~ •kk.iJj^t%D ) b o t n appeared in the next issue (11:6) published in February, 1916. Those who were working on The New Youth were well aware of the intimate relationship of the women's problem and the clan .system to social problems, and for that reason they encouraged discussions of the women's problem. i i i . The Heyday of The New Youth T'ao Meng-ho ( 4* ) wrote an essay called "The Problem of Women (PNii tzu wen-t'i A J j i j ^ ) in T;he New Youth for January, 1918 (IV:1). He used his viewpoint as a sociologist to point out the reasons why European and American social phenomena had prompted the woman question to become a new social problem. These reasons are: economic development, educational and professional development, and intellectual development. Taking Europe and America as a precedent, he changed the way people thought about the woman question and made them aware that the women's movement was the new world tide which could not and should not be resisted. He was well aware that China's economy, her professions, and her thinking were far inferior to those of Europe and America, and 112 also that under Chinese social restraint women had no opportunity to ini t i a t e any kind of effort. He supposed, however, that the rapid transportation and communication of today's society would spread economic, professional and intellectual development everywhere. Thus, that which appeared yesterday in American and European society w i l l appear in Chinese society today; the European and American woman question was, without doubt, on the point of appearing in China. What he said was most astute, and today, eight years later, i t has already been largely confirmed. Four months after T'ao Meng-ho's ar t i c l e , The New Youth published Chou Tso-jen's ( ^ ^ ^ ) translation of Yosano Akiko's {M$iff Btfg 3- ) essay "On Chastity (Chen-ts'ao Hun ! # ife ) (IV:5) 2 2 She did not regard chastity as morality, and this new viewpoint startled the people of that time. Yosano argued that a morality which sees chastity as something that only women have to maintain, is an enormous flaw in human l i f e . We cannot possibly believe in this hypocritical old morality. She f e l t that a moral code ought to be something which everyone could maintain and practice; one group of people being made to suffer the un-happiness and injustice of hypocritical oppression by another group of people, is not the new morality we have demanded. But what is the present social situation? She says: 2 Yosano Akiko {M0¥fa% 2r ) 1878-1941) was born in Sakai, Osaka Prefecture. She was famous as a poet for the freshness of style of her work, and the freedom and unconventionality of her ideas. She has not survived as a poet. The Japan Biographical Encyclopedia and Who's Who (2nd ed; Tokyo: The Japan Biographical Research Department, 1961), p. 1,922. 113 For a man there is no spontaneous demand for the morality of chastity, and no social restraint. As long as a married woman stays with her husband, even i f there is absolutely no sympathetic affection between them, then she is a chaste woman. Society demands only this kind of chastity from women. Even after love and sexual intercourse have been broken off, causing her to suffer great un-happiness, i f she s t i l l lives with her husband for scores of years, managing the house and raising the children, then she w i l l be praised by a l l as a chaste woman. Again, even i f she gives her love to another, as long as she has sexual intercourse only with her husband, she w i l l be praised by a l l as a chaste woman. Ex-amples of this kind are truly numerous. Once the mask of the old morality was stripped off, the move-ment very easily captured the minds of the young. But w i l l this society of the new man have absolutely no place for chastity? Yosano Akiko says: "I do not consider chastity as morality, i t is only a taste, a belief, a kind of fastidiousness." Because i t is a taste, a belief or fastidiousness, i t does not force i t s e l f on others. Without being under any moral restraint, a person can cherish his chastity completely spon-taneously, in the same way as a love for art or scholarship. Yosano also compares chastity to wealth; having i t oneself is wonderful, but whether others have i t or not is of no great importance. This attitude destroyed the old viewpoint of the past two thousand years; when infused into the minds of youth, i t exerted an enormous influence. Later, Hu Shih published an essay "The Question of Chastity," (Chen-ts'ao wen-t'i the same as those of Yosano Akiko. They a l l started with the one-sided demand that only women should preserve chastity, and worked at "smashing 114 the withered and pulling down the decayed," frequently pointing out the absurdities of the Chinese concept of chastity. Later they stimu-lated Lan Chih-hsien's ( %. *L ) discussion, which was published in The New Youth for April of 1919 (VI:4). 3 By that time The New Youth had already created an uproar throughout China. Lan Chih-hsien was the chief editor of The National Daily (kuo-mi,n j i h pao <ij & ); his essay had f i r s t been published in that newspaper, where i t aroused the attention of the people of Peking. The time was now ripe for the changes advocated by The New Youth. Shortly after this, the May Fourth Movement began and, with the help of the pol i t i c a l movement, the new thought advocated by The New Youth engulfed the entire country. The area in which The New Youth was most constructive was not its discussions on the problem of chastity, but rather i t s pointing out of specific absurdities in the l i f e of women and its tendency to guide the liberation of women. Hu Shih's s k i l l in using concrete methods of pointing out problems was the reason for his great success, whether in lectures or in essays. The New Youth issued a special number on Ibsen (IV:6), in which the specific examples of Ibsen's dramas were used to point out problems. Hu Shih explained that the household of which Ibsen wrote had four great vices: 9 9 d f 3 Lan Chih-hsien's article is "Chen-ts'ao wen-t'i," ( K <^ Mm ) (The Problem of Chastity), pp. 398-405. In i t he argues that the traditional concept of chastity is wrong because i t is one-sided. But importing Western ideas of sexual morality and trying to base marriage on romantic love alone is equally mistaken. Instead he suggests marriages based on spiritual love and an appreciation of the marriage partner's personal integrity. Chastity should s t i l l be an essential moral quality, but should be demanded from men as well as women. 115 The f i r s t is i t s selfishness; the second i t s dependent, slavish nature, the third i t s hypocritical morality and the fourth i t s timidity and lack of courage. He further argued that this is an actual reflection of the Chinese family. Hu Shih then pointed out that the ideas of Ibsen's dramas were good medicine for China's i l l s ; this argument was well re-ceived. Later, Hu Shih himself wrote a come'dy, The Life-long Affair, (Chung-shengta shih ffi *i A f ) in which T'ien Ya-mei, who had not won her demand for freedom of marriage, ran away with her lover. This play was actually simpler and more forceful than Ibsen's dramas. When this manuscript was published in March, 1919, the play could not be per-formed because no woman student would dare to take the part of T'ien. After the May Fourth Movement, however, performances of The Life-long  Affair at g i r l s ' schools were not in the least unusual. Prior to the May Fourth Movement, there were two more articles in The New Youth which had an enormous effect on the liberation of women. One of these was Liu Pan-nung's ( %'\ ^  JK ) "Random Thoughts on Returning South," (Nan kuei tsa kan ) published in August, 1918 (V:2). In the essay, he enumerated the sufferings of Chinese women through the mode of leisurely conversations with his wife: Of a l l humanity, Chinese women suffer most. I cannot bear to speak of the distress of women of very poor families, who worry about their evening meal while they eat their breakfast. Women from rich and noble families, wearing their short pants and s i l k stockings, going everyday to Yang-ch1ing-ho and Lao-pao-ch'eng to have their jewelry taken care of, to Ta-lun and T'ien-ch'eng to buy fabrics, suppose themselves to be very happy. In reality, they are more miserable than the old beggar women in the streets. But I have no wish now to discuss these "gilded parasites." I would simply 116 like to talk to you middle class women, who need not worry about your next meal, and have from thirty or f i f t y to one or two hundred dollars a month in income, and can plan how to spend i t . You do not seem to suffer too much. But you are human beings; i f we judge you by the status which human beings ought to have, you are extremely miserable. In the f i r s t place, before you have married, your parents do not teach you to read: after you are ten years old, however, they frantically look for a profitable match. Human beings ought to be knowledgeable, but your parents won't allow you to gain any know-ledge. Human beings have the right to dispose of their own bodies, but your parents decide this for you. This is the method of raising piglets—raise them any which way, and when they have grown up, then thoughtlessly grab them and throw them out of the sty. Secondly, after you have married, because you are not knowledge-able, you w i l l have to take "stupidity" for "virtue;" because you cannot stand on your own, you must mouth the "three obediences;" because you w i l l die of hunger i f you f a l l out of favour with your man, you must mouth the "four virtues;" you must be "virtuous and wise" and "a good wife and mother." In reality, the saying that only an untalented woman is virtuous is the placard of a human pig. The "three obediences" only mean, after a l l , that the master of the household changes three times. The "four virtues," "virtue and wisdom" and "a good wife and mother" are only euphemisms for "long-term prostitution," and in reality are just the same as the stories published in cheap newspapers: "Her room is clean and she is a perfect hostess," and "clever in conversation, she pleases host and guest alike." This was an extremely profound criticism. Let us see what he says of women's daily l i f e : I w i l l calculate your daily work: you get up at seven in the morn-ing, comb your hair, cook breakfast, step outside to buy food, supervise the children's meal, dress the older ones and prepare school bags for them, and later take them to school. By the time this is done, i t is already nine o'clock. After nine o'clock you must wash the breakfast dishes, take out the ashes and cull the vegetables (often five cash of green vegetables and ten cash of bean sprouts. To cull them takes one or two hours.) You wash the fish and slice the meat, and suddenly its already eleven o'clock. You are instantly in a hurry, boiling rice and cooking food, con-tinuously busy until twelve o'clock. Once you have eaten and washed your face i t is about one o'clock, and you look to see what clothes need to be washed, then soak them in hot water. Washing clothes by hand is time-consuming--a pair of stockings takes approximately ten 117 minutes, a short gown approximately twenty minutes. By the time a few pieces of clothing are washed i t is already dusk, and even i f i t isn't, you are tired and have to rest, but only until six o'clock, when again you must prepare dinner and again wash the dishes. In the evening you make shoes for the children and mend clothing. Any remaining time is f i l l e d by flipping through the Daily Accounts book, and using characters that are half-wrong and half-right, recording one or two accounts of pocket money. At ten o'clock, urged on by yawns, you w i l l hurry along to bed. Women of middle class households really do live this kind of l i f e . Even today's women, who are already liberated, and have had a higher education, s t i l l live this way once they marry and have children. They truly suffer—the only improvement is that they do not mistake characters when writing accounts. But is i t possible that they are unable to hire servants? Liu says: Even i f there is a slave g i r l and a maid helping in the house, you w i l l at most only be able to decrease your work load by one-third. If you are tied down by a nursing child, then your work is doubled. What do you have to show for i t ? He believes that to change Chinese society and rescue Chinese women, the present "life-pattern" of Chinese women must be destroyed. How can i t be destroyed? In the case of the f i r s t abuse he mentioned, the reverse must happen. Parents must carry out the responsibility of educating their daughters, but have no right to interfere in marriage and no duty to bear marriage expenses. Before the second abuse can be corrected, however, society must be reorganized. Reorganized in what way? He says: Let us take the street I live on as an example. There are approx-imately f i f t y families living on the street. Estimating on the 118 basis of two adult women per family, there is a total of one hundred women. These one hundred useful persons live today accord-ing to the standard "life-pattern;" naturally they die without having accomplished anything. If We,iicou'l:d| unite the f i f t y families, then: 1) A nursery could be established, to bring up a l l under the age of five who live on the street. (According to the Chinese way of calculating age'^tr This ..would requ.i re._ approximate ly^ten people, or at most fifteen. 2) A kindergarten could be established, to educate a l l of the children between five and seven years of age. This would require approximately five people, or at most eight. Children older than seven years would enter public school; there would be a public school for every three or four streets, but this need not be taken into account here. 3) A boarding house could be established, to supply meals to a l l of the families. This would require approximately seven people, or at most ten. 4) A laundry could be established which would wash each family's clothes, requiring approximately six people, or at most eight. 5) A tailoring shop (which would also mend old clothes) could be established which would take care of each family's clothes. This would require approximately ten people, or at mosttstwetve. 6) From four to eight public maids could be hired to take care of cleaning and hygiene in each house, as well as errands like shopping and mailing letters. According to these calculations, only forty-two, or at most sixty-one women would be needed to maintain family l i f e for these f i f t y families; i f we subtract them from the total of one hundred, then we have fifty^etghti-jorj-.at'.Jhetleasttthifty-nine"pedple l e f t over. If these fifty-eight people could a l l go into society and work, then China's social enterprises would not be in their present ghastly state. (By social enterprises I mean jobs such as primary school teachers, nurses in hospitals, sales clerks and secretaries. I disapprove of women's pol i t i c a l participation--! don't even approve of men participating in government). Even these forty-two people who work on this street have discharged their duty to society and escaped from the disgrace of "long-term prostitution." What he advocated is exactly the same as the ideal social organ-ization of later socialists., Now, eight years later, i t is s t i l l an ideal. The ideal has not yet been realized, but the seed has been planted in A child is one year old at birth and becomes two years old at the lunar New Year. 119 the minds of the young. Another important essay, published in September, 1918 (V:3) was Hu Shih's "American Women," (Mei-kuo te fu-jen \ ^0 ^ *\ ^ ) the manuscript of a lecture given at the Peking Women's Normal School. Right from the start he used concrete methods to express his viewpoint, saying: Last winter, my friend, Mr. T'ao Meng-ho, asked me to dinner. One foreign guest was an American g i r l , representing several news-paper offices as a special investigator to Russia. At the same dinner there was an English couple and two Chinese couples,, in this "pot-pourri o f Chinese and Westerners and men and women" I made some comparative observations. L i t t l e distinction could be seen in learning or wisdom between the two Chinese wives, the English wife, and the American woman. But somehow I ultimately f e l t that the American woman was different. I asked myself, in what way does she differ from them? From what I could see, this point o f difference rested on a basic difference in their philos-ophies o f l i f e . The philosophy of the three married women was one o f being "a good wife and mother." The American woman's was a philosophy "transcending the good wife and mother." At dinner I judged that she was probably not more than about thirty, but she had a mature manner and a hardy s p i r i t . In each word and action she seemed toeexpressjthis^"philosophy'of.^transcending_the good., wife and mother." She might as well have said: "Being a good wife and mother has never been a bad thing. But I am a dignified individual; there are many responsibili-ties I should discharge and there is much work I can do. Why must I necessarily be a good wife and mother for others, and consider that this is the only way to discharge my natural duty, and do my work?" This, then is the l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother." I looked at- this^womaniwhohhaaa'traveledc-severaT-.tho'usand miles alone, unafraid of hard work and danger, in order to reach the chaos o f Russia, and investigate the actual conditions o f the post revolutionary c i v i l war. This s p i r i t is a manifestation o f the l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother," i t is also a manifestation of the s p i r i t o f American women. What a f t e r - a l l , is this l i f e philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother?" Hu Shih explains further: 120 The philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother" i s , in other words, the concept of "independence." I certainly do not claim that no American woman considers i t worthwhile to be a good wife and mother, nor do I claim that a l l of them want to investi-gate conditions in Russia. I do say, however, that from my observations, American women, whatever their circumstances or pro-fession, whether they are married or single, generally preserve an "independent" mind. The woman of other countries generally take "the good wife and mother" as their goal, while American women generally take "independence" as their goal. The meaning of "inde-pendence" is the development of individual a b i l i t i e s ; the ab i l i t y to not depend on others, to have an independent l i f e for oneself and to work for society oneself. The attitude handed down from ancient China assumed that "women manage the kitchen," and "man rules outside the household, woman rules inside the household." A wife called her husband "the outer master," while a husband called his wife "the servant inside." These kinds of distinctions are unacceptable to today's American women. Ttiey think that men and women are "human beings" who should a l l work to make a free and independent "human" l i f e , with no distinction between "inner" and "outer." Later he gives several examples of American women moving towards this aim, and several times makes detailed comparisons with the faults in the aims of Chinese women. Finally he speaks of his hopes for China's women: If our Chinese sisters can use this independent s p i r i t to correct our dependent nature, i f they can take this "philosophy of trans-cending the good wife and mother," and improve the concept of "the good wife and mother," then they can bring some fresh air into the world of Chinese women, and make China produce a few women who can be truly independent. The s p i r i t of independence is contagious. In the future, this trend to independence w i l l be as contagious as the microbes of the plague, the more i t is transmitted the further i t w i l l spread, until gradually i t w i l l create countless independent men and women, each seeing themselves as dignified individuals with duties to perform and work to do. Once there are a number of these independent men and women, they w i l l , of course, breate a good society. The good society w i l l be absolutely unlike that which to-day's men and women, mutually dependent and unable to stand alone, are able to create. Therefore, I say that this s p i r i t of indepen-dence, although i t at f i r s t appears to be completely selfish individualism, in reality, is one of the necessary conditions for 121 a good society. This, then, is my modest hope in pointing out this problem. The effect of Hu Shih 1s essay was enormous. We can see that he is advocating the philosophy of "transcending the good wife and mother." This philosophy is very similar to the "feminism" later i, o \55 advocated by Chang Hsi-shen ( J ^ 3 ^ £ # s ). The above essays may be considered as The New Youth's contribution to raising the "woman question." B. The Second Period—After the May Fourth Movement i . The May Fourth Movement and Women's Liberation At the time of the European war, there was a great change in China's economic conditions. Because of the war, each Western country had to temporarily reduce or halt i t s Eastern trade. Chinese indus-t r i a l i s t s took advantage of this to extend the movement for industrial-ization, and during these years, countless cotton mills and factories were established everywhere in China. The collapse of handicraft in-dustries, however, did not start at this time. As soon as foreign nations were allowed free trade, the Chinese handicraft industries were doomed and the people's economic livelihood was already in distress. Even then, the phenomenon of "sitting and waiting for death" could gradually be discerned. The people in general, however, could not be made to understand that the development of industrialization could cause social change. This was because the 1ives of the great majority of See above, p. 55, note ilil'*. 122 people were s t i l l far removed from the conditions of social industrial-ization, even though they were already indirectly suffering from the oppression of Western industrial development. At the time of the European war, capitalists established many factories, because they be-lieved that i t was an opportune enterprise. The poor people entered the factories because there they could evade hunger and cold. Social conditions, directly or indirectly, sustained very great changes. Only then did the entire nation feel the relationship between industrial development and society, and become willing to accept modern Western ci v i l i z a t i o n . This then, is the background of the New Culture Movement. When the European war came to an end, the Chinese supposed that this was an opportunity to strengthen themselves, and were f u l l of hope that at the peace conference they would achieve victory without having worked for i t . Who could foresee that in the end, the news would be inauspicious? The source of this catastrophe was misinterpretation by petty bandits. This was the reason for the development of the May Fourth g Movement. Although the May Fourth Movement sprang from immediate circum-stances, i f i t was to be maintained and given strength and meaning, then The'Xhinese had hoped that after the German defeat in 1918, the German territories in China would be returned. Japan had occupied Kiaochow, the leased German territory, in 1914, and eventually occupied most of Shantung province. At the Versailles Peace Conference, secret treaties be-tween Japan and the Great Powers were revealed, in which the Powers had promised to support Japan's claim to German territories in Shantung. In addition, the Japanese argued that China's acceptance of the Twenty-one Demands in 1915, and the agreements made in 1918 in connection with a loan from Japan i f o r the construction of two railroads in Shantung gave Japan a legal right to the territory. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Move- ment, pp. 84-94. The term "petty bandits" seems to refer to the warlords whoicontrol led China at this time. 123 i t would need the help of an ideology, for a movement must rely on continuous effort for success•. At the same time, those who took a broad view of this p o l i t i c a l movement, f e l t that solving the po l i t i c a l question alone was an impossibility, for China had problems on al l sides; the economic problem, the industrial problem, the social problem, the ethical problem . . . and a l l of these were related to the pol i t i c a l problem. The problems were as d i f f i c u l t to unravel as the strands of a spider's web, but they could a l l be traced back to one source, which was ultimately a cultural problem. The realization that China was part of the modern world made i t necessary to accept modern c i v i l i z a t i o n . The reforms advocated by The New Youth Magazine were valid, and so the young people of the May Fourth Period made every effort to achieve them, to destroy the old ethical relationships and accept the new culture. If at this time there had been only the discussions in The New Youth, but no tendency to accept Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , of course the movement would not have achieved success. The tools of the May Fourth Movement were "organization" and "propaganda."7 The cries of a minority without organization w i l l certainly be unable to arouse the attention of the people. In the May Fourth Period, unity of organization sprang from unity in accepting the new thought. Because the new thought set no boundaries between men and women, the May 7 The Chinese use of "propaganda" (hsu'an ch'uan % ^ ), does not have the negative connotations that we associate with the word in English, but simply means an effort or movement to spread particular doctrines or information, or the doctrines or ideas spread through pro-paganda. 124 Fourth Movement was a good opportunity to press for more freedom of social contact. Propaganda must have content, for a cry without content is un-pleasant to those who hear i t . Since the May Fourth Movement took as its aims the destruction of the old ethical relationships and the absorption of the new culture, the propaganda of the movement naturally made every effort to start from these aspects. During the May Fourth period, there were very few places which lacked a movement publication; every province and every county had a student organization, and every student organization wanted to put out a publication, whether i t be lead type, lithograph or mimeograph. And, when we look at each publication, aside from news of the movement, i t is f u l l of talks on "the revolution in ideas," "opening up of social contacts," "liberation of women," "freedom in love," and "educational equality." At the very least, the minds of the young people writing these discussions, accepted in some way the molding of these thoughts, and again, when they wrote the manus-cripts, they had at least to read numerous magazines. Thus, the ideas advocated in The New Youth spread spontaneously over the whole country. Once i t enters the mind, thought can be mischievous. Although there are in the world ideas which might be realized only after ten or one hundred years, the ideas closely concerned with oneself, that can be put into immediate operation, are the ones that people are eager to try out. The ideas promoted in the May Fourth Period were a l l "good medicine to save the age," especially this question of "women's libera-tion" (fu-nii chieh fang $L ). Everyone f e l t i t to be urgent; 125 moreover, action on i t was feasible, and so, in the May Fourth Period, women began to achieve liberation. Something that we must not forget, is the transformation of economic conditions. China's self-managed industry was originally a pagoda built on the sand, without the slightest b it of foundation. After the European war, the foreign economic invasion poured into China like a tidal wave. In the face of this force, our old system could no longer function, women could no longer go on peacefully and securely living their parasitic lives within the home. With economic conditions being in such s t r a i t s , jobs being so hard to get, and the cost of living rising, i t was d i f f i c u l t for a man to support his wife and children so that they did not cry out from hunger. For this reason, women had to enter society and look for work. Those who had some foresight then quickly allowed women to study, in order to prepare to hold a job. The ideal of a man always staying in his home community was also destroyed by the di f f i c u l t y of finding work. Because of the economic situation, inherited property was often not enough to provide a l i v i n g , and a l l the brothers of a house-hold had to plan their own livelihood. At this time the power of clan law collapsed without waiting for the blow. The convenience of communi-cations, however, also had a great influence. Once the concept of ancestral law had been destroyed, a great oppressive stone was l i f t e d from women's backs. This is an important change which furthers the liberation of women. i i . Liberation in Education and its Defects The f i r s t harbinger of women's liberation after the May Fourth Movement was educational liberation. To raise the status of women i t is 126 necessary to have equality in men's and women's education. In order to achieve educational equality, that i s , a "human education" for a l l without regard to sex; male and female education should not be segregated. In 1911, the Department of Education called a central educational confer-ence to discuss methods of co-education and decided that i t was permissable in the lower grades of primary school. When the Ministry of Education was established, in the f i r s t year of the Republic, a widely circulated statement of aims mentioned co-education in the f i r s t grades of primary school. In 1915 i t was further decided that in the co-educational higher level primary schools there must be separate classes for men and women. From this i t is apparent that the educational methods decided upon in co-educational primary schools were only for the convenience of educa-tional administration. In small places where they could not erect a gi r l s ' primary school,girl students could enter separate classes in boys schools. This measure was born of necessity; the Department of Educa-tion definitely did not want boys and girls to receive the same kind of education. Because the society of the time also strongly disapproved of this method, i t was pointless to have a regulation allowing co-education. Primary schools only truly became co-educational after the May Fourth Movement. In 1920 there were boys' primary schools containing girls and g i r l s ' primary schools containing boys almost everywhere in the country. Before the May Fourth Movement, there were absolutely no higher level women's schools run by Chinese. Of those established by missionary societies, Peking had Hsieh Ho Women's University, Nanking had Ginling Women's University, and Fuchow had Southern School--these were the most 127 famous places for Chinese girls to get a higher education. In 1917, the Peking Women's Normal School (Pei-ching nii-tzu shih-fan & xtr 3 - | C J ) established a special course in teaching national language and literature, and in the next year further established technical courses in drawing and handicrafts. Although there were plans for re-organizing higher normal school education, these were never completely carried out. The May Fourth Incident took place during the school term of 1919. In the autumn of that year, three women students, Wang Lan. ( ± $j ),.:Hsi Chen ( I I ) and Teng Ch'un-lan ( ffAM ) demanded that Peking University l i f t i t s prohibition on women students. At that time the entrance examinations had already been held so they could only be allowed to audit courses. In a l l there were nine women students who either qualified in the entrance exams or were allowed to audit courses. At a combined party of the men's and women's schools of Yenching Univer-Q s i t y , Ts'ai Chien-min gave a humorous lecture on the l i f t i n g of the pro-hibition against women at Peking University. He said: In the past there have often been people asking, "When w i l l the universities l i f t their prohibitions against women students?" I can only reply, "Originally there was no prohibition against women students. There is not a university in Europe or America which does not accept women students. In the regulations for universities set by our national Ministry of Education there is absolutely no rule that only men students can be accepted. In the past, however, women middle school graduates never came to demand entrance, and we naturally had no reason to advertise for women students. If women students came to s i t for the examinations Ts'aflj Yuan-p'ei. 128 when the entrance examinations were announced, we would of course allow them to. If the results of the exam were up to the standard, we would of course allow them to enter preparatory classes. Since there was no prohibition to begin with, today we cannot l i f t i t . (Yen Hsing Lu, page 415-416). From our point of view his speech is ridiculous, but i t was able to gagethe Ministry of Education and resist the aims of the opposi-9 tion. It was not long before the Nanking Higher Normal School also started admitting women students. The Peking Women's Higher Normal School was also completely established in the next year. Except for specialized professions such as communication and transportation and tax affairs, there is co-education today in a l l the universities in the country. There are s t i l l , however, two universities which teach only women students. (Tsing Hua at present has no women students, but I hear that i t w i l l soon advertise for women students)-According to the investigation of the China Society for Educa-tional Progress, during 1922, there were already 665 women students receiving higher level education in China, aside from those studying at missionary schools (which were not counted). This was an achievement of the May Fourth Movement. The distribution of these 665 students was: 3 In this speech, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, then the Chancellor of Peking National University, solved the whole problem of legal obstruction to women's higher education by pointing out that women had never been explic-i t l y prohibited from attending universities. In the past, co-education had been so unthinkable that there had been no need to formally bar women students. Once the oversight had been pointed out there could be no further excuse to deny women higher education; and in the face of rising demands for women's education and the examples of European and American co-education systems i t was impossible for conservatives to enact regu-lations prohibiting women students. 129 National Schools Peking University 11 Peking Normal University 15 Peking University of Law and Poli t i c a l Science 7 Peking Agricultural University 4 Peking Women's Higher Normal University 236 Peking Industrial Technical School 8 Peking Medical Technical School 14 Peking School of Art 30 Nanking Southeastern University 44 Shanghai Commercial University 13 Wuchang Higher Normal School 19 Canton Higher Normal School 19 Provincial Schools Tientsin Hopeh University 13 Fukien Amoy University 4 Wuchang School of Foreign Languages 7 Canton University of Law and Pol i t i c a l Science 13 Yunan Eastern Continental University 8 Private Schools Peking China University 14 Peking People's University 12 Peking Hsin Hua University 4 Tientsin Nankai University 23 Shanghai Southern University 4 Shanghai School of Art 52 Shanghai Chinese Public School 3 Kiangsi Yuchang School of Law 6 Wuchang Chinese University 35 Changsha Self Study University 3 Changsha Tatsai School of Law 3 Changsha Ch'iin-Chih Law School 12 Kwangchow Lingnan University 27 This was the situation in 1922; by now of course, i t has improved even more. The opportunity for Chinese women to o f f i c i a l l y enter university and receive a higher education dates from the May Fourth Movement as I have clearly explained above. Why then was the Peking Women's Normal 130 School formally changed in 1920 to the Higher Normal School?^ 0 The idea of changing Peking Women's Normal to Women's Higher Normal School was brought up before the May Fourth Movement. At that time i t was necessary to establish a women's higher normal school because there was nowhere for students who had graduated from women's elementary normal to proceed to a higher school. Today there is no need for specially established schools for women's higher education. Theoretically speak-ing, women must receive the same human education as men, and in practice, the curriculum of women's higher normal schools and women's universities is the same as that of other universities. We have, however, two national women's universities, which point up the defects in women's education by giving shelter to women students when they are not able to enter other universities, and thereby, foster-ing the laziness of students in women's schools. The flowering of the intellectual revolution almost ten years ago, has not yet been able to correct this attitude of the past three thousand years which ranked women's abi l i t y below men's. The liberation of women in education is s t i l l not complete in this respect. Students at an elementary normal school had completed seven years of elementary education; four years of lower elementary school, from seven to eleven years of age, and three years of higher elementary school, from eleven to fourteen years of age. At fourteen, they entered elementary normal, and graduated at nineteen, qualified to teach in elementary schools. Higher normal school followed the completion of four years of high school or four years of elementary normal school. At the end of the four year course, students were qualified to teach in high schools. Lin Paotchin, L''instruction Feminine En Chine (Apres la Revolution de  1911), Paris: Librairie Geuthner, 1926, p. 18. 131 Because the schools which were set up during the reform period set the "good wife and mother" as their aim, they f i r s t put women's education under the laws for domestic education, and only later brought i t under the Ministry of Schools. The goal of women's normal school at the time was "to give women a primary education and to teach methods of rearing infants, in hopes of assisting the family livelihood and benefit-ing the home." Half of this aim was acknowledged in the f i r s t years of the Republic; the goal was said to be "the education of primary school teachers and kindergarten governesses." There was no mention of anything concerning the home, for at that time there were already doubts about the principle of "good wives and mothers." Furthermore, the creation of women's middle schools was undertaken in the hope that women would have the opportunity to receive a higher education and thereby escape the confines of the role of good wife and mother. But in the end, they couldn't say that women's middle school education should be identical to men's. As a result, there were more home management, sewing, and related courses than in the curriculum at men's middle schools. This inadvertently created an inconsistency in the system, and made the aim of women's education confused and lacking in direction. Should the aim of educating women ultimately be the same as that of educating men? Should i t be the production of good wives and mothers, or should i t transcend good wives and mothers? If the aim should be the same as that of men's education, what is the point of women studying more home management, and sewing courses? If good wives and mothers are to be the educational standard, can they be produced by the study of needlework? 132 China's new education was originally conceived on the style of the old examination system. All that counted was that a person would have certain qualifications after passing through school grades, and would be able to lay his hands on a position in the c i v i l service (school teachers qualify as a kind of c i v i l servant). No one gave any thought to whether or not education was relevant to the student's l i f e . Although there was great concern for the management of schools, the effect on the l i f e of the students was, as before, very slight. Since the goal of women's education was so unclear, the whole question could only float in the great sea of the old l i f e , rocked by the new intellectual tide, high with one wave and low with the next, passing through i t s vague and undefined existence. Today's women's schools completely evade their responsibilities. They ignore a l l questions of whether or not their students should marry, or whether, after having married they should take up the responsibility of home management and child rearing. Instead, in accordance with these far from perfect ministry regulations, they cram the student's brains with courses and text books. When these great questions develop in a student's l i f e , she must rely on her environment to provide a solution, and has no choice but to struggle in the cross currents of the conflict between new and old. The knowledge which school has given her is of no advantage. What an enormous defect this i s ! The prevailing situation is such that almost everyone w i l l admit that education for a woman is nothing more than an ornament. A woman who has an education has out-grown her own home but cannot take a place in another. (That is to say, 133 she does not have the a b i l i t y to manage a household). What a tragic result this i s ! In higher level education i t is unnecessary to separate men and women, but there are two universities in China which do separate them. From the beginning, middle school education was segregated, a l -though there is no difference in teaching methods and teaching aims. Is this not a contradiction? In my opinion, the purpose of higher level education is to shape special talents; what sexual distinctions are there in special talents? Even without mentioning the positive advantages of co-educa-tion i t is obvious that men and women should be studying together, since the directing purpose is the same, and the teaching materials used are again the same. As for girls with middle school education, I believe that whether they are going on to further schooling or w i l l be finding work, they should be given an education for the special needs of women, apart from courses connected with the school system. Although the idea that "women rule within the house" is completely unsuitable for contemporary society, no one advocates totally obliterating women's native a b i l i t i e s and spiritual endowment, their interests, affection and beauty, and causing masculinity to be the ultimate standard of l i f e . Certainly no feminist would want to demand the elimination of the responsibility, glory and pain of motherhood. For this reason, women ought to have their own female education aside from the "human" education they receive. If women of the new era suppose that i t is a l l right not to study home 134 management and related areas, then they make the same mistake as those who earlier took simply the good wife and mother as their aim. Ellen Key divided mother's education into three courses: The f i r s t course consists of the study of principles of national economics, home management, personal hygiene and aesthe-ti c s . Although this course does not include actual practice, i t communicates to young women the f i r s t principles of domestic science. The second course consists of hygiene, psychology and theories concerning the education of healthy children and children with various kinds of handicaps. The third course consists of physiological and psychological theories which young girls should know before or after becoming a mother, as well as the basic principles of eugenics. (Ten Dis- cussions on Women p. 146).11 Although a l l modern women believe in the philosophy of "trans-cending the good wife and mother," they should s t i l l acquire the common knowledge of the good wife and mother. To say that those women who miss out on motherhood, or do not know how to be a woman, are best able to transcend the role of a good wife and mother is a delusion and cannot be believed. Educators, especially women's educators, ought to care-fully consider this problem and find a means of solving i t . The solution advocated by Ellen Key may be worth consulting. i i i . Liberation in Professions and i t s Difficulties Although the entry of women into factories began before the May Fourth Movement, i t was only after May Fourth that boys' schools employed women teachers. Today, teaching has already become the most See above, p. 55, note 11. 135 common profession for women. Aside from this, there are some women working in commerce; often in the great metropolises such as Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, and Canton, there are businesses run by women. We may say that women have already won professional liberation; as long as there is work that they can do, they can be employed. So far there has not been discrimination because of sex, nor do men consider working women as outsiders. Women who participate in professions today, do not do so because they no longer have responsibilities as housewives, nor is i t because they have no children to raise. Why must they go into society seeking work? The answer is economic oppression! In the West, because industrial products are inexpensive, the domestic economy is diminished, and the work of the home has become extremely slight. The housework which women had to do in the past, such as grinding grain, making hemp and yarn, weaving cloth, washing clothes, bleaching linen, brewing wine, making soap, candles, and various kinds of f r u i t juices and herbal beverages for medicinal use, soaking f r u i t s , preserving food, making clothes, baking bread, carrying water, feeding pigs, and raising chickens, is now no longer necessary because of the expansion of co-operation in labour. The only tasks which the modern western housewife has to do are cooking, housework and raising children. Even these few duties have been greatly alleviated by running water, gas stoves, electric lights, gas lights, central heating, and other modern conveniences, as well as schools and kindergartens. In addition, the burden of childrearing is lightened not only by kindergartens and schools, but also by the popular "two child system." Today there is no 136 need for constant labour, and those who have ab i l i t y are therefore not willing to be cramped in the small sphere of the home, but want to have a profession. This goes without saying, naturally, for those who must make their own living because of economic oppression. No matter what her situation, however, the American working woman is more fortunate by 12 far than the Chinese woman of today who is looking for a job. What is the condition of working women in China today? A woman teacher has twenty or thirty hours of classes a week. When she goes home, she s t i l l has to take care of children, cook meals, wash clothes, and in the evening correct papers and prepare classes. If she has any spare time, then she would s t i l l plan on knitting and making shoes and stockings for the children. Even i f there is a maid, there are several tasks which she must do personally. How bitter a l i f e this i s ! But thiiis is the normal situation. If the woman becomes pregnant, then she has to worry about her health. Most of the time she takes tem-porary leave from work, has the child, and then, not having regained the greater part of her energy, she becomes tired of her work. Married women, therefore, generally do not hold a job for long. Because of this two things happen: This paragraph was originally part of Mu'ller-Lyer's explana-tion of the.development of the women's movement. (See F. Muller-llyer, The History of Social Development, trans. Elizabeth Coote Lake and H. A. Lake, London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1920, pp. 223-224). Ch'en later cites a Commercial Press translation by T'ao ( f&) ) which was probably his source for this section (p. 168). It is interesting that the original version applies to Western Europe, while Ch'en, by the end of the paragraph refers specifically to America. This is indicative of both the popularity of the American example at the time and of Ch'en's tendency to exaggerate the uniformity of material progress in America. 137 1) Some unmarried working girls see marriage as something to be feared. In order to earn a living outside of marriage they have to sacrifice their treasured youth, and later on they often lose the oppor-tunity to marry. In the Chinese intellectual class today there are a great number of women who endure the suffering of late marriage or even of not marrying at a l l . 2) Since late marriage is so d i f f i c u l t , most unmarried women cannot help but see work as something unpleasant. They recover their old concepts, think that being a housewife is their only natural work, and frantically look for a man with property to marry. If economic pressure forces them to work for a time, they feel that this work is only aimless drifting in a vast sea, that one morning they w i l l sail into the port of marriage, and w i l l immediately cast aside their hated professional work. For these reasons, women are s t i l l not able to stand on their own feet. Although the majority of liberated women who f a l l in love and marry feel that they have destroyed a l l the old restrictions completely; in fact, the institution of marriage has s t i l l not improved. None of them realize that after being married a short time they w i l l find that they s t i l l have not achieved liberation and s t i l l require the protection of a man. The yoke of the past several thousand years is s t i l l fastened round their necks. Why do Chinese women suffer these d i f f i c u l t i e s in working? The reason is that our family structure is s t i l l primitive in form. House-hold labour has not yet been simplified, and greater division of labour 138 is s t i l l not possible. It is imperative, therefore, that we have a new organization. Until this re-organization, women w i l l , on the one hand, be bound by domestic shackles, and on the other, become slaves to wages. Under these two layers of oppression, women's problems are even more severe than men's. Even so, more women every day are unable to find the work they seek because the boundaries of the professions which have already been opened are too small. Their grievance cannot be exaggerated. What form w i l l the new organization take? Liu Pan-nung has already dis-cussed this in KRandom Thoughts on Returning South." We w i l l take up this subject again in the eighth section of this chapter. iv. Liberation in Marriage and it s Inadequacies After the May Fourth Movement, the concept of freedom of marriage seemed to have become universal in the intellectual class. Most people already believed that a marriage without love was immoral. Pure love matches, however, had s t i l l only been tried by a minority. Even i f a man and woman hadcdecided between themselves to get married, they s t i l l had to ask for the agreement of their families, and then engage a matchmaker to handle various procedures, like matching the characters of the time of birth, in order to formalize the engagement. This procedure can be taken for granted in those marriages which were decided entirely by the family. The formalities of marriage are almost the same as those of the Sung dynasty. They are: 1. Requesting horoscopes/ The father and older brother ask someone to be an intermediary to propose the match to the girl's family. If the g i r l ' s family agrees, 139 then the girl's horoscope is sent to the man's home. 2. Making Enquiries If the horoscopes are compatible, then each side must make enquiries about the circumstances and character of the other's home; i f the enquiries do not give enough information, then they are continued through divination. This step, of course, is not necessary i f there has been agreement from the beginning. 3. Engagement If the enquiries produce agreement, and divination is auspicious, then a lucky day is chosen for the engagement ceremony. On this day the man's household sends to the girl's household: jewelry, (called the six g i f t s , they may be a l l gold, half gold, or silver coins may be substituted, while some people use none of these) then tea, f r u i t and ceremonial cards, (the two cards used are "sending greetings" and "seek-ing assent") and other gifts to f i l l the tray. The girl's family receives them and returns ceremonial cards ("sending greetings," "eight Characters" (of the horoscope) and "card of assent"), as well as happy cakes, etc. 4. Publicizing the date If the man's family wants to go ahead with the marriage, i t must f i r s t choose an auspicious day by divination, and again engage match-makers to inform the gir l ' s family of the date. If the girl's family agrees, then they can begin; i f not, they must choose another date. 5. Sending of the Betrothal Presents Ten or twelve days before the wedding the man's family has to send presents to the girl's family—this is called the sending of 140 betrothal presents. First the girl's family says which articles are necessary: jewelry, clothes, wedding clothes and silver coins, etc. The man's family sends the gifts on the chosen day; the gir l ' s family accepts them, and then gives the bridegroom a ceremonial hat and shoes, and some happy cakes. 6. The Trousseau One day before the wedding, the trousseau that the girl's family has collected for her must be„sent to'therman's:-home. The size of the trousseau is determined by the wealth or poverty of the bride's family: there are those with four trunks and eight boxes, those with two trunks and four boxes, and those consisting only of several boxes. In addition, there are tables and stools, and copper and china utensils. These utensils are, for the most part, only for show and not for practical use. Traditional women believed that their trousseau bound them to either glory or infamy, and therefore wanted the outside appearance to be especially good. Even modern educated women cannot escape from this attitude. Frequently g i r l students work hard as school teachers after graduation, but do not use the money they earn to help support the family, for their only aim is to increase their dowry. 7. Fetching the Bride On the day of the wedding, the man's family sends a bridal sedan chair or a carriage to the gir l ' s family to receive the bride. The bridegroom also goes to the girl's house at this time. This procedure is called "taking a wife." Formerly i t s purpose was that of meeting the wife in person for the f i r s t time. When the sedan chair arrives at the 141 brides's home, the girl's family must demand some money—this is called "fees to doorkeepers." If too l i t t l e money is given, then the sedan chair is not allowed to enter. Once the chair has entered, the bride, dressed in her wedding gown, with a veil of red s i l k , is helped into i t by her younger brother. The mother and daughter are now about to separate; they must weep bit t e r l y , for i f they didn't, they would be ridiculed. There i s , moreover, a superstition to the effect that, i f there is tremendously noisy wailing then the bridegroom's home w i l l prosper in the future. It is d i f f i c u l t for an educated women to know how to deal with this situation. 8. Marriage An exact time must be selected for the marriage; i t is unlucky to be later than this selected time. The sedan chair returns to the man's home, the bridegroom puts on his ceremonial clothes, a female attendant draws the bride from the sedan chair to stand with the bride-groom, and then ties them together with a long green scarf. The marriage candles are -lighted,, music is played, and the master of ceremonies announces the steps for the ceremony. The couple make four deep bows to the north and south, being led a l l the time by the female attendant, exactly like puppets. When the bowing is finished, they must be taken to their room by close friends who carry the wedding candles. Those who carry the candles are at the front of the procession, the bride and groom at the rear. Mischief makers dawdle at each step and won't go forward, so that even i f i t is only two rooms away, they w i l l walk for ten minutes, as an excuse to make the bride suffer. When they fi n a l l y 142 get to the room, the two of them are made to s i t on the edge of the bed together and sacrifices are made to the ancestors. Next there is the introduction ceremony, beginning with the father and mother, then in order from senior and junior uncles to older and younger brothers and sisters and other close relatives. When the ceremony is finished, the elders are formally presented to the bride, and she in turn must meet the younger generation. This kind of ceremony is s t i l l commonly used. Liberated people, by comparison, simplify some of the procedures a little--they do not use wedding candles or bow to the ancestral tablets, but substitute a sort of " c i v i l i z e d wedding," (wen-ming chieh-hun jC.^fvStd^f' ), "exchang-ing rings and getting a marriage certificate, while the rest of the ceremony remains much as before. This certainly is not a thorough liber-wedding ceremony, most of which are held in the great metropolises, for they are not easy to arrange in one's home village. There are very few marriages of complete freedom which do away with a l l red tape. Generally this happens only i f a l l family connections have been severed. In fact, only the organization of clan law hampers the breakdown of the Chinese marriage system. Once clan law is destroyed, the old marriage system w i l l naturally change, and w i l l be easier to oppose than the Western marriage system which is bolstered by religion. We spoke above of the old marriage ceremony, which is s t i l l more or less preserved today, with the exception that marriage must be based on love. Because the majority of people recognize this, parents are not ation. There is also the "banquet style" (Yen-hui shih 143 as obstinate as before about their son's or daughter's marriage. Two diametrically opposed social phenomena have resulted from this: extreme ease of marriage, and extreme di f f i c u l t y of marriage. In cases of extreme ease of marriage, the couple often meet in a public park, a theatre, an assembly hall or other such place. Once they come into contact they f a l l in love, and shortly after are united in marriage. This sequence of events unfolds everywhere, but is especially common in the large metropolises. The couple believe that they are in love, and put a l l their efforts towards the goal of getting married; there is naturally no room for investigating the other's suit-a b i l i t y as a mate. This is nothing but the hurried search for an outlet for passion of which Carpenter speaks, driven on by the desire of the 13 two sexes. What a grave danger this i s ! Not only when couples get to know each other by themselves, but even when they are introduced by friends and then quickly f a l l in love, the same kind of carelessness'occurs. How-ever, since i t i s easier to find out about the opposite partner from friends, the latter arrangement is preferable. What then is extreme d i f f i c u l t y of marriage? One reason for the gradually developing d i f f i c u l t y in getting married is the realization by the working g i r l s , of whom we spoke in the last chapter, that marriage is a dangerous road. Those Chinese girls who have received higher educa-tion are also having d i f f i c u l t i e s in getting married. They lose the f i r s t bloom of their youth when studying at university, and, when they put on the cap of a Bachelor of Arts, their former attraction and fascina-tion for men is gone. Who could foresee that university education would 13 See above, p. 10, note 4. 144 make them unconsciously adopt a haughty attitude, often despising men? They suppose that relations between men and women are a spiritual com-panionship, a union of interests and opinions which develops human potentiality. For them i t is better, i f no good opportunities for marriage occur, to devote their lives to a profession, thus achieving economic freedom and freedom of action. The above two phenomena, extreme ease of marriage and extreme di f f i c u l t y of marriage, should not exist in a wholesome society. It is obvious that a careless marriage easily produces unhappy results. Extreme dif f i c u l t y in getting married, or failure to marry at a l l , is also a misfortune. Human nature makes marriage necessary for both men and women. If a man has a profession or receives a higher education, his right to marry is unharmed. Why then does a woman who holds a job or gets a high level of education sacrifice her right to marry? There is no sc i e n t i f i c foundation for the argument that i t is a l l right for women not to marry because their sexual desires are naturally more moderate than men's. Sexual morality is determined by social organization. We may ask whether the expression of female sexual desires would s t i l l be as mild as i t is now, i f women had the same freedom as men. Today's superficial modera-tion is entirely the result of excessive repression. Social progress is dependent on the increasing excellence of the bodies, minds and morality of the elements of society. The superior element is created by a good inheritance from a superior mother and father, a good home l i f e and a complete education. Girls who have received a higher education naturally are the best mothers for excellent children; 145 i f they sacrifice this glorious role, then they cannot f u l f i l l their one and only duty to society. We certainly hope that girls who have received higher education w i l l , with their male counterparts, serve society, and make sacrifices for their sisters who lack wisdom and morality, sick children and youths and pitiable people in general. Under a wholesome system, however, the fact that a mother has two or three children w i l l not necessarily stand in the way of her giving service to society. Naturally those "masculine women" who feel that there'is no happiness in marriage, and even dislike small children (this in i t s e l f is a symptom of illness) can choose not to bear and rear children. The fact that the majority think that celibacy is appealing because they suffer from today's social restraints i s , however, a symptom of disease in present day society. We must find a way to treat this symptom. Aside from changing the social structure to free women from having to slave in the home, and making children's education less painful for g i r l s , the method of treatment is to ease social contact. This is an urgent matter for China, for i f social contact was truly open, truly easy, then the fault of careless marriage could be corrected, and the problem of d i f f i -culty in getting married diminished. In American co-educational univer-s i t i e s , the marriage rate of g i r l students is somewhat higher than that of students of gi r l s ' schools, because there are more opportunities for social intercourse with male students. Even up to the present day, there has never been free social intercourse between men and women in China, and an old attitude of coquettishness persists. This truly is an enormous drawback. 146 v. The Extreme Need for Change in Sexual Attitudes Social intercourse has not been liberated because sexual a t t i -tudes have not been reformed. Although the majority of people in China already realize that marriage requires love between those who are in-volved, they s t i l l worry too much about sexual misbehaviour, and the two sexes are made to keep very far apart. Isn't the abuse arising as a result of this attitude greater than the abuse produced by freedom of social contact? When too much importance is placed on sexual behaviour and men and women are kept too far apart, the male sex can see in women only objects for pleasure. Thus a woman seems to be nothing but a barn-yard hen raised by a man. Although he can slaughter her at his wish, once he lets his guard down she may become a fowl in someone else's pot seduced by a chicken snatbher's handful of grain. Are stories of i l l i c i t and treacherous intercourse rare in China's past? The cause of the widespread corruption developing in China now--careless marriages, e t c . — also lies in the past. Although the ideas of the past two thousand and more years, that "boys and girls are not seated together after they are seven years old" and "there should be no contact between boys and g i r l s , " seem, at f i r s t glance, to have already disintegrated, their ghosts as before work mischief in the minds of China's people. It goes without saying that d i f f i c u l t y in getting married is caused by the restriction of social intercourse. When people are together there is nothing that they cannot understand. People do not despise others because the others are despicable, but because they do not know them completely. Greater knowledge of other persons brings greater 147 understanding. In this l i f e where each must struggle, i t is necessary that we replace misunderstanding with sympathy. Girls who embrace celibacy in this society often do so only because they cannot find their ideal mates. Society w i l l certainly pity them. Few realize that, out of ignorance, they despise a l l men--how can those who have not known any men chose their ideal mate? For this reason, true social liberation would also greatly ease the problem of di f f i c u l t y in getting married. If we want to give young girls a deep and thorough understanding of relations with the opposite sex, and the abili t y to distinguish clearly the most important aspects of male-female relationships, then our most urgent work at present is to make them fu l l y accustomed to the opposite sex from the start. Our former sexual morality demanded the maintenance of chastity only from women; i f a man loved another woman i t was not important, but a woman's in f i d e l i t y brought lifelong misfortune. These concepts are s t i l l preserved at the present time. People do not realize that a married man should not keep his wife in a stranglehold, lest relations between man and wife become insipid. When husband and wife allow each other distance and freedom of action, i t binds them in absolute sympathy. This freely chosen, innocent and natural marriage is a l l the more attractive because of its freedom. Through the extension of the boundaries of l i f e , marriage is made richer in content, i t s v i t a l i t y increaseses, and in a certain sense i t becomes 14 indestructable. Carpenter advocates this in Love's Coming of Age, and (London: Methuen and Co., 1896). 148 i t is strongly praised by Homma Hisao. (See Chang's translation of 15 Ten Lectures on the Woman Question, page 44). He who travels the farthest away from home longs for his native land the most. The prosperity of home need not be greater than the places to which he has travelled, but as a result of exceptional longing, his viewpoint broadens and the scope of his mind grows, because he can now see the beauties of his native place. After the extension of social intercourse, when the boundaries of l i f e are enlarged, relations between husband and wife w i l l be easier and more forgiving because of an expanded vision and a broader mind. The old-fashioned husband kept too close a watch on his wife. She not only had no freedom after marriage, but even when she was a gir l her l i f e could never be called free. Never having known freedom, her l i f e is eternally dry, monotonous and boring. Marriage to this kind of woman gives you only an acquiescent slave; your l i f e together cannot be v i t a l , and you face only bordom and monotony. Even in the new, half-liberated society, however, the majority of women who have made a love-match s t i l l do not enjoy the taste of real freedom. This is the poison l e f t behind from an old sickness: supervising women too closely, not even allowing them to have an appetite for social contact and placing too much emphasis on slave-like chastity. What are the fine results of the old society's excessive emphasis on a one-sided sexual morality, and i t s harsh supervision of the female See above, p. 55, note IT. 149 sex? According to the records of the Ministry of Justice, in the five month period between May and September of 1914, over forty per cent of the criminals for whom the Ministry of Justice approved the carrying out of the death sentence, had k i l l e d a legal husband, (the indicted person being a man) or had k i l l e d their own husband, (the indicted per-son being a woman), (see table below). This fact alone proclaims the bankruptcy of the old system and the ineffectiveness of the law! By this I mean that the law's majesty cannot frighten the common people, nor make them refrain from crime. Note: Statistics on the approval of the Ministry of Justice for the carrying out of death sentences of criminals. (From The  Communique of the Ministry of Justice, nos. 19, 20, 21). Month May June July August September Total No. of persons executed for the murder of a husband 0 19 9 2 A 37 Percentage--40.6 Total no. of persons executed 9 34 22 7 J9 91 Among the Chinese folk, there have always been extremely in-humane punishments for adulterers; punishments which the law often tacitly allowed, and did not treat as crimes. But adultery has in no way diminished because of this. In today's view i t only reveals the people's barbarism, brutality, and the total irrationality of their 150 sexual attitudes. For example, the National Daily (Min-kuo jih-pao & \$\ t] ) for August 7th, 1913, carried a news story of this type: In Chiukiang, a few days ago, a plank with someone on i t was suddenly seen, floating in the rapid current of the river. The ferry service quickly sent out a l i f e boat to fish the person out of the water. When they could see closely, there was a live young woman on her back on the plank. The upper half of her body was naked, and on the lower half there were only a pair of unlined trousers. Her hands and feet had been nailed down securely with iron nails so that she could not move. Between her legs had been placed a man's head blurred with fresh blood, and there was a sign saying, "Any man who saves this woman is a thief, any woman who saves her is a whore." The people in the rescue boat, seeing these strange things, then disregarded her entirely. The woman said, "Please turn this plank over so that I may die quickly." The driver of the rescue boat, without making further enquiries, sailed back and told people the things he had seen. Everyone agreed that this must be a case of murder because of adultery, but they thought they should fish her out of the water and t e l l the government office so i t could be thoroughly investigated. Later, because the plank drifted down the river, they were unable to save her, and did not know where i t had drifted to. (Quoted from Chou Chien-jen, ( ^ ) "Change in Sexual Morality," Min Te When the senseless maintenance of loveless relations between husband and wife can result in this kind of brutality, who can argue that there is s t i l l value in preserving China's old moral code? If this woman could have divorced her husband when she f e l l in love with another man, things would never have reached an atrocity of these pro-portions, nor would women go to the extent of murdering their husbands. Chastity is no less esteemed today than i t was in the past, and remains a basic impediment to freedom of social intercourse and ease of divorce. For a man, divorce brings a new l i f e ; for a woman i t s t i l l proclaims a death sentence. Even i f she is economically independent, opportunities for re-marriage are s t i l l very rare. Many advocate that 151 men who are already married should, for this reason, forgive their mate and try hard to create love. If the woman is unhappy in her marriage, then she should struggle with a l l her might against the power of the old society, and demand a divorce in order to destroy its out-dated social ideas. I agree with this, and moreover hope that a l l divorced women wil l find i t easy to remarry. When divorced women are more numerous, outdated ideas of sexuality w i l l lose their strength, and w i l l be com-pletely destroyed as soon as divorcees are no longer regarded as some-thing, outrageous. Today, many of those who!"-have, alrea'dyi^become'engaged: regret the engagement. For the most part they are men who do not wish to marry the woman their parents have selected for them. A woman who encounters this situation ought to strongely urge her parents to cancel the agreement with the man's family, or she w i l l have a loveless marriage, a situation even more unsatisfying than remaining single for the time being. In a word, i f the concept of chastity is not destroyed, i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to change sexual attitudes, widows w i l l s t i l l find i t d i f f i c u l t to remarry, and divorces w i l l s t i l l be d i f f i c u l t to obtain. These are the mortal wounds which make i t impossible for a woman to stand on her own. vi . Mrs. Sanger's V i s i t to China and the Birth Control Movement China is well known as a country of numerous progeny, but even in the Han dynasty i t oftenehappened that poor people did not raise their children. For the past two thousand years, abortions and the drowning 152 of g i r l babies have been common social phenomena. Although China had no scienti f i c birth control methods, i t is obvious that in actuality, economic oppression forced people to practice birth control. The Chinese people had no natural desire for large families. These clumsy methods, however, harmed the mother's health time and time again, or else generated acts of atrocity and murder--it is simply too p i t i f u l that these things should happen. Therefore, abortion is subject to legal interference, and public spirited men strongly attacked the drowning of g i r l babies. Wang Chi ( £ \ ) of the Han dynasty, and Yen Chih-t'ui ( jff. z. ^ % ) of the Northern and Southern dynasties, are represen-1 c tatives of this kind of person. In Lin Shu's New Music Bureau of  Fukien, written at the end of the Ch'ing dynasty, there is a poem called "Unfeeling Water," about the drowning of g i r l infants: Who says that water has no feelings? If i t had no feelings how could i t make these broken-hearted sounds? Who says that water has no feelings? It has feelings and insists on drowning newborn babes. A g i r l costs money in the beginning How can one know that she w i l l bring honour to the house? The placenta is s t i l l connected to the navel and f u l l of blood, The s p i r i t pass is close before her eyes. The father is worrying to himself about food, He is pained that there are no family holdings to leave to his sons. 1 6 Lin Shu ( i i & \ ) (1852-1924) (New Music Bureau of Fukien M * t |<f ^  ). The f i r s t major Chinese translator of Western f i c t i o n ; he proposed reforms including the education of women and the abolition of foot-binding. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. pp. 382-86. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 306. 153 If on top of this he has to buy wedding gowns, When can he afford to find wives for them? For mother there are other worries, Her milk accumulates painfully morning after morning. She sits on her bed sewing shoes and socks, She combs her hair at the mirror. Rather than having to put up with a big expense in the future, Why not make the move in advance? A single candle burns in the sour wind. A bowl of clear water as pure as the heart, This water was hardly for washing the baby, Seven parts foam and three parts blood. The parents' minds are at last at ease, Now they w i l l no longer be faced with these d i f f i c u l t i e s . It's too bad that the child had no voice, The l i t t l e soul w i l l not ask her mother, "Mother, when you were a baby daughter, who raised you? Perhaps you'd say that feeding and clothing me would stand in the way of your sons, But I would only beg for l i f e . I would be willing to suffer poverty. Who could have guessed you to be so deaf, blind and stupid? A l l you can think of to say is that bearing sons is good. In k i l l i n g girls and leaving boys you plan for your own benefit. Perhaps you should f i r s t look up to Heaven!" Female infants are no less human than male infants. Why then refuse them the right to live? But the bigotry of society and economic oppression cause this kind of thing; people cannot change even i f you use the terrifying power of Heaven to frighten them. Extreme poverty has grown even more prevalent in the last few years, the l i f e of the people is more d i f f i c u l t , and l i f e is increasingly devalued. In these dark social conditions, how can there be a decrease in incidents of abortion and drowning? Scientific birth control is really an"urgent need in ' China. 154 Mrs. Margaret Sanger, an American, is the most forceful advocate of birth control, or family planning, in the world today. Mrs. Sanger was born in Corning, New York, in 1883. 17 She worked as a nurse for fourteen years, seeing women in poor homes burdened with too many child-ren. Their l i f e was often d i f f i c u l t , and many died from abortions. Because of this, Mrs. Sanger became aware of the necessity for birth control, and published a small pamphlet called The Woman Rebel, giving 18 information about contraception, and mailed i t to the slums. The American Federal Government and New York City Hall considered this pamphlet an obscene publication and accused her of a criminal act. According to the clearly prescribed law, a l l who had sent i t and received i t should be sentenced to a five thousand dollar fine and five years in prison. This a f f a i r , however, received a great deal of attention from the world's people. The famous Englishmen H.G£. Wells and Edward Carptenter sent a The date of Margaret Sanger's birth was actually 1879. 1883 was the year of birth of her sister, Ethel. Emily Taft Douglas, Margaret  Sanger: Pioneer of the Future, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970, p. 5. 1 o The Woman Rebel was actually a magazine, not a pamphlet. Eight issues were published, beginning in March 1914. The magazine discussed family limitation in general, outlining the benefits of small families and the sorry results of having too many children, but never published specific information on birth control. In spite of this restraint, Mrs. Sanger was indicted on nine counts for alleged violations of the federal statutes, and would have been liable for forty-five years in prison had she been found guilty. Ch'en seems to be confusing The Woman Rebel with a small pamphlet called Family Limitation which Mrs. Sanger wrote shortly after being indicted for sending The Woman Rebel through the mails. This pamphlet did give specific birth control information. Douglas, pp. 48-56. 155 letter to American President Wilson, saying that Mrs. Sanger's action was entirely moral, and that the pamphlet should not be regarded as an 19 obscene publication. After a detailed investigation, she was found 20 innocent. As a result of this incident, one can actually say that the American government had already tac i t l y acknowledged the birth con-trol movement. Later Mrs. Sanger, together with her sister Mrs. E. Byrne, established a birth control institute in the slums of New York, and was seized and imprisoned. Mrs. Byrne went on a hunger strike in prison, arousing great sympathy from the women of New York, who assembled many supporters to present a petition. Again a special committee was sent to investigate, and again they declared that no crime had been committed. From this time, the problem of birth control received a great deal of attention. The Birth Control Association sponsored by Mrs. Sanger already has over twenty chapters, and publishes a magazine called Birth Control  Review. Birth control institutes are gradually being established in every European country. On her way to London to attend an International Conference on Birth Control, to be held in July of 1922, Mrs. Sanger made a detour ^ The open letter to President Wilson originated with Dr. Marie Stopes. She had obtained the signatures of nine of England's most famous authors. Douglas mentions William Archer, Arnold Bennet, Gilbert Murray and H. G. Wells. Douglas, p. 90. 20 There was actually no detailed investigation. The government decided not to prosecute, Feb. 18, 1916. Ibid., p. 92. 156 through the East. In March of that year, she l e f t the United States for Japan. The Japanese government at f i r s t refused to allow her to go ashore, and later restrained her from spreading information about 21 contraceptive methods. She l e f t Japan for China in the middle of April. After Mrs. Sanger arrived in Peking, she gave a lecture at Peking University translated by Hu Shih as "Birth Control, What and How?" Great crowds heard the lecture at that time, and after the manuscript of the speech was published, people were even more interested. Some saw i t as timely rain, and others thought i t was an intriguing idea. Mrs. Sanger must ultimately be considered the f i r s t to come and destroy the a l l pervasive atmosphere of secrecy about sex in Chinese society. Had there ever been anyone, at any time in China's past, who made a speech in front of the public on the topic of sexual intercourse? As well as planting the seeds of birth control the f i r s t time she spoke, she also established a good attitude, making Chinese aware that in matters of sexuality, i t is after a l l , worthwhile to use scienti f i c methods of discussion! The principle of birth control is to prevent the union of sperm and egg, and thus avoid pregnancy. Although the methods are simple, the ultimate goal is the solution of a far reaching problem. The great English economist, Mai thus, said that i f the people of the world continue to multiply at the same rate as at present, the population must double each Mrs. Sanger was allowed to land in Japan on the condition that she would not lecture publicly about birth control. Douglas, p. 166. 157 twenty-five years. This kind of increase is a geometrical progression, but even with the greatest effort, the increase in the world's production can only be an arithmetical progression. Mankind simply is in danger of extinction. "Malthusianism" is the use of various methods to restrict population growth. "Neo-Malthusianism" advocates the use of scientific methods of contraception to replace other inhumane methods of-restricting the population. "Birth control," therefore, receives a great deal of attention, and is called by some "restricting the birth of children." The calamity of over-population is present everywhere in China today; the need for birth control is urgent. After Mrs. Sanger came to China, people in both Peking and Shanghai organized groups to do research on contraception, a project which regrettably went underground soon after. Certainly the methods used at present are not entirely convenient, but continued promotion and research are necessary. Mrs. Sanger also advised that we begin with our poor, our invalids and our lower levels of society, but the promotion of contraception to these people always depends on the young men and women of the intellectual class. Even without mentioning the fact that restricting the population would make the country rich and powerful, and the society wholesome, we can s t i l l point out several personal advantages to the practice of birth control: 1. Birth control allows a mother to give birth only to children she wants. If her health is poor, or i f she is overworked, then she can lighten her share of di f f i c u l t y by not bearing children. 2. Birth control w i l l preserve the husband's love for her. Be-cause the time between births w i l l be longer, the husband and wife w i l l 158 be financially better off and their love w i l l become deeper. 3. Because the poor people lack knowledge, many children do not receive a wholesome upbringing. If they are lucky enough to grow up, they are only able to perform manual labour, or, because they have had to bring themselves up since childhood, they become simpletons, never having one happy day in their whole lives. 4. Birth control can prevent the passing on of illness from parents to their offspring. 5. Young people w i l l be free to marry early and use birth con-trol until their economic situation is capable of supporting the birth and rearing of a child. Prostitution and other forms of illegitimate intercourse can in this way be avoided. 6. Birth control can prevent the burden of too many children, thus creating peaceful and harmonious homes, and giving men and women the opportunity of developing freely. Because the advantages mentioned above affect the happiness of women's entire lives, they really ought to take an active role in the question of birth control. It would be best i f women did research them-selves, advocated contraception themselves, implemented i t themselves, and kept themselves mutually informed. It is not necessary that birth control methods be taught as one of the school courses for women, (although there are already numerous birth control institutes in Europe and America, and even i f birth control were recognized as a course in women's education, there would be no harm in i t ) . But educated women should consider ignorance of birth control a 159 disgrace! Going a step further, we can say that in today's China, we need, at the least, a woman like Mrs. Sanger, giving earnest and sincere advice, and working with the s p i r i t of a martyr for the happiness of her sisters! Unrestricted population growth is the worst sin. We have been told that to be without progeny is the worst s i n , but this concept, the product of clan law, is already dead. What has the birth control move-ment to fear? The previous birth control research organizations in Shanghai and Peking were initiated by men, and as they failed, i t is not worthwhile looking at their example. In the future there must be organ-izations initiated by women. v i i . The Movement for Po l i t i c a l Participation and i t s Theory Is i t possible that once i t was defeated in the f i r s t year of the Republic, the movement for women's pol i t i c a l participation dissipated in the fire and smoke? Not so. After the May Fourth period, women had the opportunity to get a higher education. At once the women's world produced some able people, and they, of course, having sharpened themselves, were eager to try their hands on this problem. Governmental collapse gradually became apparent after 1921. There were strong demands for regional self-government, and everyone was hoping for a good government to come and solve the nation's problems. The scholarly community cried loudly for 22 this "good government!'sm. Women university students found this On May 13, 1922, a group of intellectual leaders, including Hu Shih and Li Ta-chao, published a declaration entitled "Our Po l i t i c a l 160 atmosphere contagious; they f e l t that an opportunity had arrived which they should develop. As a result, the movement for po l i t i c a l participa-tion rose up a second time. During the summer vacation of 1922, Wan P'u ( ), a woman student at Peking National University, and women students Chou Huan. ( J*] )> Shih Shu-ch'ing ( & ) and others from the Institute of Law and Government, formed a liaison with students of the Women's Higher Normal School and began a movement for p o l i t i c a l participation. They held a preparatory meeting at the Institute of Law and Government on July 25th. Since there was disagreement, they s p l i t into two groups: Wan, Chou and others organized the Society for the Advancement of Women's Pol i t i c a l Participation (Nii-tzu ts'an-cheng hsieh-chin hui ^-^$0^ llk^T ) and those from the Women's Higher Normal School organized the Women's Rights Alliance (Nii-tzu yiin-tung t' ung-meng-hui ~k i^lM'^ 2^  % ). The new movement for political participation differed in method from that of the f i r s t year of the Republic; at that time i t was violent, this time i t was non-violent. However, the founding meeting of the Society for the Advancement of Pol i t i c a l Participation encountered police inter-ference and had no alternative but to become a lecture group with the intention of demanding women's participation in national politics after the formal opening of the National Assembly. In their declaration they Proposals" calling for the reform of warlord government and the creation of a "good government" which would combine efforts to improve the welfare of the nation with guarantees of individual liberty. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement, p. 240-241. 161 stated their aims: 1. To overthrow the constitution which was established exclusively for men, in order to demand protection of the rights of women. 2. lo destroy the inheritance rights which consider only male heirs, in order to achieve economic independence. 3. To destroy the educational system which is only concerned with managing the home, in order to achieve educational equality. Looking at this carefully, the f i r s t two items must be gained through changes in legislation, but the third item is not really necessary. There were no unequal regulations in the educational system established by the Republic. If the training at gi r l s ' schools was not the equal of that at boys' schools, this is the fault of current attitudes, not the fault of the system. Let me put aside my criticism and repeat their forthright slogan: We demand women's right to po l i t i c a l participation! The aims of the Women's Rights Alliance were more comprehensive than those of the Society for the Advancement of Po l i t i c a l Participa-tion. On the 13th of August, they gave a tea party at which they enter-tained press and academic circles, and gained their warm approval and praise. After a founding meeting on the 23rd, they held a series of public lectures and published a special report on the movement for women's rights. They were said to have three hundred members. Their proclamation stated seven principles: 1. All national educational organizations should be open to women. 2. Men and women should enjoy equally the constitutional rights of ci t i zens. 162 3. In c i v i l law, the relationship between husband and wife, the relationships between parents and children, inheritance rights, property rights, rights of action, etc. should a l l be greatly revised, according to the principle of male and female equality. 4. A marriage law based on sexual equality should be instituted. 5. Regulations concerning "the age of consent" and the consideration of those who take concubines as bigamists should be added to the criminal code. 6. Public prostitution, the sale of servant g i r l s , and the binding of women's feet should be prohibited. 7. Laws should be formulated to protect women workers in accordance with the principles of "equal pay for equal work" and "the pro-tection of mothers." China's men and women have never enjoyed equal rights under the law. Women's conduct is restricted. As the ninth article of the Draft  of the Civ i l Law says: On reaching maturity, one simultaneously achieves power of discrim-ination and the abili t y to act, however, wives are not in this category. Again, in the same law, the sixth and seventh articles say: In those matters which are not common household affairs, the wife must obtain her husband's permission. Thus, in the relationship of husband and wife, the woman is not independent by law. Women's hopes in regard to inheritance rights are extremely slight. If she has parents, a l l this goes without saying. If she does not have parents, then the property w i l l go to the oldest male in the family. If there are no sons and no male heirs, then the property must be handed down in a set sequence of inheritors, namely: 163 1) husband or wife 2) the lineal ascendant 3) an elder or younger brother of the family 4) the family head 5) a daughter of the family (Civil Law, Article 1,468) Since the daughter's status in the order of heirs is so low, she clearly has l i t t l e hope of inheriting property. Again, men and women are not equal in law on the question of divorce. The law recognizes the taking of concubines. The "age of consent" is nowhere regulated in Chinese criminal law, although i f a g i r l under ten years old has inter-course, we ordinarily regard this as rape. The idea of the "age of consent" is that i f a g i r l has intercourse with a man before reaching the legal age of consent, then no matter what the circumstances, she cannot be assumed to have given consent. The man must be considered to have seduced her and must suffer the punishment set by criminal law. Since no "age of consent" has been fixed in China, its maintenance is entirely dependent on popular sentiment, and thus i t cannot give young girls true protection. Trade in human beings and the business of keeping brothels hold women's stature in contempt and go against humanitarian!'sin. Moreover, there is not, in the laws of any country, the determination and methodology to thoroughly root out these two practices. In China, women's professions are s t i l l not absolutely free, and the narrow choice of professions is gradually becoming insupportable. Even when women do the same work as men i t is d i f f i c u l t for them to get the same wages. Further-more, the rearing of children does not have suitable protection. From the above types of unequal treatment we can see that i t is necessary that women demand pol i t i c a l participation. Even i f men are not 164 completely s e l f i s h , there are some areas which they either forget, or they neglect. These things forgiven, I do not know how long we would have to wait i f we had to depend solely on men to bring sexual equality: this is the basis of the suffrage movement. The suffrage movement is only a means, i t s end is the women's rights movement. After woman's suffrage has been put into effect, the rights of women can be extended. What effect w i l l this have on society, on the nation, on women themselves, on men, and on the world? Let us look: 1. The effect of women's suffrage on women's thought An elective system has a function of poli t i c a l education. After women have attained suffrage, they w i l l pay more attention to pol i t i c a l questions than in the past, in this way widening their viewpoint, in-creasing their knowledge, and heightening their powers of judgment. 2. The effect of women's suffrage on home l i f e Those who are opposed to women's rights assume that after women's suffrage is achieved, home l i f e must be greatly affected. They do not realize that unless a woman accepts the responsibility of being a p o l i t i -cian, the carrying out of elective duties is simple, and need not hinder the performance of domestic responsibilities. Again, some people fear that conflicts in the p o l i t i c a l views of husband and wife w i l l lead to separation over their differences. They do not realize that i f both men and women had poli t i c a l viewpoints, these viewpoints would have to be largely in agreement at the time of marriage. Because of this the relation-ship between husband and wife can, on the contrary be strengthened. 165 3. The influence of women's suffrage on women's rights After the achievement of pol i t i c a l rights, women's professional sphere w i l l be wider, they w i l l be able to f i l l a l l kinds of o f f i c i a l positions in Justice and State Administration, and w i l l find i t much easier to make a living. At that time there w i l l also be a few jobs in which the principle of "equal pay for equal work" can be put into effect. 4. Women's suffrage and the protection of women's rights and status After the achievement of suffrage, the property rights of married women can be made equal to those of men, so parents w i l l have no need to be stingy in educating g i r l s . Pregnant women and widows can be given special help, and a high "age of consent" can be set. 5. Women's suffrage and i t s contribution to the protection of children Feminists recognize that children's education, children's hygiene, the r e l i e f of poor children's distress, and problems of children'.s morality must wait for the achievement of women's suffrage before we can begin to find a statisfactory solution, for these problems are a l l closely related to women, and women's disposition and ab i l i t i e s can best help to thoroughly solve them. 6. Women's suffrage and the correction of men's vices A man's vices do not affect only himself; they indirectly harm his wife. Women who are demanding suffrage strongly advocate the pro-hibition of such things as prostitution, alcohol, gambling and opium. 166 7. Women's suffrage and its contribution to governmental morality Feminists assume that women are morally purer than men. If women enter p o l i t i c s , then they can sweep out corruption and improve the people's po l i t i c a l morality. This must be decided, however, on the basis of the level of men's poli t i c a l morality in each local area. If men's political morality were totally degraded, women might not necessar-i l y be able to maintain their purity in this base environment. 8. Women's suffrage and i t s contribution to world peace All those concerned with the future of mankind and with humani-tarianism place enormous hope in women. They assume that women far excel men in pacifist mentality, and that i f women's suffrage is allowed, perhaps mankind's wars can be eliminated. (The above viewpoints are from Wang Shih-chieh ( £.^t^ ), Research on Women's Suffrage (Nii-tzu ts'an-cheng chih yen-chiu fr%f-&£. z- * j ), (University of .'Peking, Publications Division.) The items outlined above are the theory behind the demand for women's suffrage. Although the movement far political participation has twice been defeated, women's po l i t i c a l participation must one day materialize i f China s t i l l wants to adopt the parliamentary system. Moreover, this day is not very far off. The earliest Kwangtung provisional provincial assembly provided limited electoral rights for women and a l l together chose ten women assembly members from one hundred and sixty famous women elected from the people. A few years ago, Hunan's provincial constitution 167 stipulated sexual equality, and Miss Wang Chang-kuo ( ) was 23 elected as a member of the assembly. Furthermore, Miss Ho Hsiang-nmg is the head of the Department of Industry in the latest Nationalist govern-ment. A l l of this proves that China's women have the a b i l i t y to take part in government, and that the po l i t i c a l stage can include women. Women's poli t i c a l participation i s , of course, a voluntary expression of a l l women and certainly does not limit i t s hopes to merely creating a number of women politicians. If those women who are fighting for po l i t i c a l participation do not use governmental positions for their own advancement, then their female comrades can trust them for the creation of their future happiness. v i i i . Women Under Ideal Socialism How could the l i f e of Chinese women ever be free or happy under the present dual oppression? In their struggle for a free l i f e , many people make every effort to support the birth of new systems and new organizations. Oxygen cannot be allowed to encounter f i r e , therefore the entrance and spread of socialism in China was met with undue alarm, 2 3 Ho Hsiang-ning ( /|£ ), 1880-1972. The wife of Liao Chung-k'ai, Ho was the f i r s t woman to join the T'ung-meng-hui. She took part in the First National Congress of the Kuomintang, i n January, 1924, with Soong Ching-ling and Ch'en Pi-chun (Mme. Wang Ching-wei) and was appointed director of the women's department of the party. She was elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang in January, 19,26,. There is no mention of Ho as head of the Department of Industry ( M 4- ) in Boorman, or in the Gendai Chugoku Jimmei J i t e n / After the KMT/CCP s p l i t of 1927, she resigned her posts in the Kuomintang and moved to Hong Kong. She helped to found the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee in 1948, and was Chairman of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission, 1949-1959. See Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, pp. 67-68, and Gendai  Chugoku Jimmei Jiten, p. 114. 168 and, although there are very few Chinese socialists, socialist thought is extremely widespread. We certainly cannot predict the time at which socialism w i l l be realized in China, but even then, perhaps i t is not necessary that everyone in the country w i l l be socialist. Women's lives have already changed to some degree in the past ten years. In retrospect, i t seems that in the last three thousand years, women have leapt out of seventeen of the eighteen layers of hell. Once they have completed this last layer, they can ascend into paradise. This paradise is l i f e under socialism. We spoke previously of women seeking work, hindered by the home and without independence. This is caused by the primitive form of domestic organization which does not meet the needs of working women. A new kind of organization is absolutely necessary.y Women working outside the home is the certain result of social evolution. We cannot oppose i t s realization and must think of ways to relieve the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the transitional period, thereby hastening the appearance of the new organi-zation. Liu Pan-nung has spoken briefly about this new system in The  New Youth magazine (V:2). It is worth speaking of in detail again today. In his book The History of Social Development, the great German sociologist Muller-Lyer speaks of how cumbersome the old domestic system i s , and how simple and convenient the new: Our homes have until now been like small businesses, with extremely fragmented direction. In sixty small households, there must be sixty women to manage domestic affairs, to go to the market to buy goods, to light the fires of sixty stoves, to adjust several hundreds of small cooking pots of food and wash countless utensils. More-over, because machines are s t i l l not suitable for use in these small 169 businesses, they must use tiresome hand labour. If they were in a combined household, one tenth of the women would be sufficient to handle this kind of work, and moreover handle i t better, more economically and less laboriously. If sixty small households united into one organic body, established a common kitchen and hired a cook, i t would be possible to produce more d i f f i c u l t dishes with more numerous processes, and with the least possible waste. Each household would be linked to this common kitchen by an elevator, and no matter what time people ordered the food and beverages they wanted i t would be prepared. In this greater domestic organization, labour-saving machines could be used. These machines have already been invented, but have not been adopted for use. A dishwasher can clean several hundred plates and pots in a few minutes; central heating can save the trouble of transporting coal; a vacuum cleaner can sweep up the household dust; and boot brushing machines, gas lights, electric lights, hot and cold running water, steam cleaners etc., can lighten a l l of women's hard and bitter duties over which they are so depressed at present. (See T'ao's translation, Commercial Press edition, p. 238). Muller-Lyer speaks in detail of the outstanding advantages of the new organization. The work of today's women in the small household is not only more laborious than this new system, but the loss to the nation in labour and material resources, calculated from an economic viewpoint, surely would amount to millions of dollars each day. The socialist family organization of the future is the same as that outlined above. Meta Stern Lilienthal, in Women of the Future says: In the future, there w i l l be no need for the women of twenty houses to prepare food in the kitchens of each home. They w i l l hire from society three or four men or women, and organize a kitchen and dining hall in a central place, using the best and most efficient methods to cook for these twenty households. The cooks w i l l a l l be specialists, having undergone suitable train-ing, like a physician, because they have a very important relation to the health of a society. The social status of cooks in the future w i l l be different from that of today's cooks. Unlike to-day's cook who is only a household slave, they w i l l a l l be well-educated people, and w i l l be public servants. (Ch'en's translation, Tientsin; Women's Daily Press Publishing Company edition, p. 24). 170 When cooking is socialized in this way, the remaining work like washing, ironing, sewing and sweeping can a l l be socialized. Since domestic work w i l l be completely moved into society and done by special-i s t s , the home of the future w i l l naturally become the sweetest place, and the most conducive to happiness. Women wi l l then have the maximum time to take part in society's work, and the opportunity to fully develop their free individuality. Because women of the future w i l l a l l go out into society to work, and w i l l receive ample wages, they w i l l be completely economically in-dependent, and w i l l not need to enter marriages of long-term prostitu-tion for food and clothing. Their work w i l l not be that of wage slaves, for the factories of that time w i l l be suitably healthy places, and people w i l l go and do a short period of labour voluntarily each day for amusement. The pay for this labour w i l l give women a secure and happy l i f e . The women of the future w i l l know marriage only as a love of free volition, the action of choosing a perfect companion. It w i l l have absolutely no other function. In the future, men and women who love each other w i l l not be prevented^from marrying because of economic hindrances. The women w i l l not have to wonder, "Is this man able to pro-vide for me?" because she w i l l provide for herself. The man w i l l have no need to worry about whether or not the woman can cook, (unless her profession is cooking), because he can eat in the public dining halls. With economic barriers eliminated, the body and the soul healthy, and knowledge sufficient, the conditions of l i f e w i l l naturally improve. Men 171 and women wi l l a l l have the opportunity to o f f i c i a l l y marry, and i t is unlikely that there w i l l be people thirty and forty years old who have remained single. Socialism holds that the marriage ceremony is not worth a cent. Men and women who marry in the future w i l l only need a legal declaration, and perhaps w i l l not want any ceremony. But people nowadays are very suspicious of this idea, supposing that these conditions make the develop-ment of marital chaos certain--eyen to the point of a man not knowing who his next day's wife w i l l be and children not being able to find out who their natural parents are. This idea is really only an il l u s i o n . There is no love that is not free; a l l that socialism advocates is the elimination of a r t i f i c i a l and unnecessary hindrances, so that the people concerned have the greatest right of free choice and no outside interfer-ence. If freedom of love is suspect, we must consider whether or not ci v i l i z e d mankind is promiscuous by nature. There are people today who have made a happy love match. Is the maintenance of their marriage com-pletely dependent upon national law and social morality? Do they want to abruptly renounce yesterday's loved one and seek a new lover for today? When you get down to the bottom of i t , does everyone, or do the majority of people, like a l i f e of insecurity, and are they willing to casually desert their loved ones? If you, reader, or your friends, have ever had a beloved companion, you can certainly test this. Your mutual love does not change because of changes in the law, and is solid irrespective of outside interference. It i s , therefore, not necessary to fear the abolish-ment of the marriage ceremony; i t w i l l do no harm to keep i t but we must make i t absolutely free. 172 After marriage, when a child is born, problems are bound to develop. The people in general suppose that "public childcare" cannot bring good results and are very suspicious of i t . In fact, socialist women do not surrender their child rearing responsibilities to others. Under socialism, pregnant women w i l l stop their work i f they are in poor health. From the time that the child is born until the time i t stops nursing, a l l mothers w i l l quit their work in society, and leave their professions to be mothers. The state w i l l not decrease their wages in the slightest. When the child is a l i t t l e older, the mother can take him to a nursery when she goes out to work, just as at present slightly older children are taken to kindergarten. The curriculum of these model nurseries is the deepest foundation of school education. Because a l l of the equipment must be the most suitable for children, and each teach-ing method must be able to withstand thorough research, the nurseries w i l l be even more beneficial for children than the most ideal of homes. The period that the child w i l l spend at the nursery each day w i l l be exact-ly the same as the period his mother spends at the factory, not exceeding five or six hours. When the mother has finished work, she can pi;ck her child up at the nursery and take him home. The governesses in nurseries w i l l , of course, have a very special-ized nursery school training, but a l l other women w i l l have s k i l l s in child-care. The socialist state w i l l have instruction and practice on a large scale in teaching methods and responsibilities toward children. Each woman must master chi 1 d-care—the study of children w i l l become a compulsory subject in women's education. Because a child in this way w i l l 173 be assured of good care from the moment of his birth, the same at home as in a nursery, the infant mortality rate w i l l be very low. Not only w i l l the infant mortality rate drop, but children's a b i l i t i e s w i l l be developed much more than they are at present, because young men and women w i l l a l l have received an education in how to be parents. While women ought to have the practical knowledge of "good wives and mothers," men should also study the knowledge of "good husbands and fathers." These terms w i l l not be used in the future, but, the meaning is really the same. Therefore, a l l parents w i l l know how to make the children of the future intelligent and healthy. A young wife w i l l feel that the hardships of raising a child are the most important and most sacred of a mother's duties. She w i l l , moreover, have the learn-ing and the interest to be equal to this work. Since women wi l l have the maximum opportunity to freely develop their individuality, and motherhood w i l l receive the maximum protection, thorough and deep liberation of women w i l l have been achieved. Not only w i l l women ascend from hell into paradise, but men, and in fact a l l of humanity, can rise dtnto paradise. The evolution of the l i f e of Chinese women is now headed in this direction. CHAPTER 3 EPILOGUE When I came to Shanghai this time, the type for this book had just been set. I was able to personally proofread i t , and moreover to make added revisions from Mr Hu's corrections which were of greatest interest to me. Last winter, when I finished writing the manuscript of this book, the National Revolutionary Army had just taken Hupeh and Kiangsi provinces and I l e f t Peking under "the white sun and blue sky."1 That is now one year ago. In this one year, changes in the l i f e of women have been truly enormous. Under the leadership of the Kuomintang, the women's movement has made great strides. When I f i r s t went to Hankow and saw the women students in the Central Military and Pol i t i c a l School, or other cadre schools, with weapons and military uniforms, without powder or paint, like Mu Lan or ••2 Liang Yu come back to l i f e , I f e l t boundless admiration for them, but I could not escape from certain doubts. Although the traditional trappings of femininity are not the real l i f e demanded by real women, how can the 1 The Nationalist flag. 2 Ch'in Liang-yii ( %r^%. h ) was the wife of the Ming dynasty general Ma Ch'ien-ch'eng ( „| i - t ). A large woman, expert in horse-manship, she always dressed in men's clothing. After her husband's death she led his troops against rebel forces. Chung-kuo jen-ming ta  tz'ugtien, p. 827. 174 175 obliteration of the female sex, and the adoption of a bold, swaggering walk so that people on the road cannot t e l l male from female, be the highest c r i t e r i a for women's l i f e ? At the same time I congratulated myself on being able to see this kind of thing, otherwise, I would have written a History of the Life of Women in vain. I had not dreamt that Chinese women would so soon advance this far. But there was l i t t l e good in later news. At the most the women in the army corps did some political work and at times they were actually a hindrance to the army's movements. Conservatives made a pretext of this to c r i t i c i z e the movement. By the time of the Kuomintang-Communist s p l i t , the Wuchang Central Military and Pol i t i c a l school was dispersed, and those women students who followed the fourth unit of the second army to Kiangsi were dispersed in Chiukiang. Having suffered this blow, they had to, as before, act the part of women. But this was only a momentary phenomenon; the seeds which they had scattered in the two fields of women's liberation and the opening of social intercourse were truly numerous. The Kuomintang sets forth clearly and in detail women's legal, 3 educational and economic equality in i t s platform. Therefore, absolute J The Women's Department of the Kuomintang was headed by Ho Hsiang-ning from 1924 to 1927, covering the period of the Northern campaign of which Ch'en writes. The most important arm of the women's department was the Women's Union, founded in 1925. In KMT held villages, the union tried to implement the principle of sexual equality that the party endorsed, usually by giving women support in family disputes. Their efforts to gain divorces for women who were mistreated by their husbands met with strong opposition from the peasants' unions, whose members saw their wives as property they could not afford to lose. In the conservative 176 freedom of marriage and divorce, the recognition of inheritance rights, the l i f t i n g of the prohibition against women from various organizations have a l l been realized in sequence. There are organizations such as women's associations everywhere, working for the protection of women's interests. The advantages to women of Kuomintang government are enor-mous. But true happiness must ultimately be created by women themselves. In today's China, both men and women s t i l l suffer from economic oppression combined with the oppression of clan law. Because economic conditions worsen daily and transportation and communication become daily more convenient, the system of clan law is close to bankruptcy. But even in death the corpse w i l l not s t i f f e n , and remnants of thought and customs do great harm. Of course women suffer even more because for them there is also sexual oppression. From the viewpoint of historical evolution, a l l periods are transitional periods. I do not pray that Chinese women w i l l someday reach the other shore, I only pray that their l i f e w i l l be daily more pro-gressive, more beautiful and happier! reaction;; which followed Chiang K'ai-shek's suppression of the Communist Party, the women's unions were destroyed and many of their members were tortured and ki l l e d . It is interesting the Ch'en makes no mention of the violence with which the women's movement was suppressed after the KMT/CCP s p l i t , and in fact, suggests that the movement was s t i l l making progress. Whether this was the result of fear of censorship, ignorance of the actual situation, or committment to the KMT government is d i f f i c u l t to determine. See "Ho Hsiang-ning" in Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, pp. 67-68. Paul Blanshard, "Women of New China Loose their Age-old Shackles," China Weekly Review, December 12, 1927, pp. 72, 74. For a l i s t of the regulations adopted by the Women's Movement Committee of the Hupeh Provincial Kuomintang Union, see J. B. P., "Chinese Women Take their Place in the Struggle for Freedom," China Weekly Review, May 21, 1927, pp. 312-314. 177 But I cannot bear to see either the prostitutes of the "Green Lotus Pavillion" and the hostesses of the "Goddess World," or the women teachers who embrace celibacy for the sake of a salary of twenty odd dollars. And then there is the ultimate human tragedy of those surrounded by the power of clan law; young women who even now are accepting the ideal of chastity and the belief that widows must not remarry. These are the two grave problems in women's l i f e at present. Shanghai, December 1, 1927 Bibliography Because the study of feminism in early 20th century China is a relatively underdeveloped f i e l d with l i t t l e bibliographical informa-tion available, I have included in this bibliography not only works cited in the footnotes, but also those sources which gave useful back-ground information on the women's movement. I have briefly annotated the Chinese language sources, except those whose use is obvious from their inclusion in the footnotes. Western Language Sources I. Books: Ayscough, Florence. Chinese Women, Yesterday and Today. London: Jonathon Cape, 1938. Britton, Roswell S. The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1912. Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, 1966 (1933). Burton, Margaret. The Education of Women in China. New York: Fleming H. Revel 1 Company, 1911. Ch'en, Jerome. Yuan Shih-k'ai, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972. Chesneaux, Jean. The Chinese Labour Movement, 1919-1927. Translated by H. M. Wright. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968. , ed. Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China, 1840-1950. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972. 178 179 Chesneaux, Jean. Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Translated by Gillian Nettle. London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1971. Eberhard, Wolfram. The Chinese Silver Screen, Hong Kong and Taiwanese Motion Pictures in the 1960's. Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol. XXIII. Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972. . Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1970. Fang, Fu r lan . Chinese Labour. London: P. S. King & Son Ltd., 1931. Gasster, Michael. Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911. Seattle,and London: University of Washington Press, 1969. Geddes, W. R. Peasant Life in Communist China. New York: The Society for Applied Anthropology, 1963. Hamberg, Rev. Theodore. The Visions of Hung-Siu-Tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969 (1854). Hutchinson, Paul. China's Real Revolution. New York: Missionary Educa-tion ..Movement of the United States and Canada, 1924. Lang, Olga. Chinese Family and Society. Archon Books, 1968 (1946). Levy, J r . , Marion J. The Family Revolution in Modern China. New York: Atheneum, 1968. Leyda, Jay. Dianying, An Account of Fi1ms and the Film Audience in China. Cambridge, Mass: The M.I.T. Press, 1972. Lin Paotchin. L'instruction Feminine En Chine (Apres la Revolution de 1911). Paris: Librairie Geuthner, 1926. 180 Liu, Hui-chen Wang. The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules. New York: J. J. Augustin Incorporated, 1959. Purcell, Victor. The Boxer Uprising, A Background Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963. Rankin, Mary Backus.. Early Chinese Revolutionaries, Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971. Redfield, Robert. The L i t t l e Community. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955. Rinden, Robert and Roxane Witke. The Red Flag Waves: A Guide to the Hung-ch'i p'iao-^p'iao Collection. Center for China Studies, China Research Monographs no. 3. University of California, Berkeley, 1968. Rowbotham?.Sheila.. Women, Resistance and Revolution. London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1972. Shih, Vincent Y. C. The Taiping Ideology. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967. Sidel, Ruth. Women and Child Care in China. New York: H i l l and Wang, 1972. Snow, Helen Foster. The Chinese Communists, Sketches and Autobiographies  of the Old Guard. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972. . Women in Modern China. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1967. Wakeman, J r . , Frederic. Strangers at the Gate, Social Disorder in South  China, 1839-1861. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Wolf, Margery. Women and the Family in Rural Taiwan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972. 181 II. Articles: Diamond, Norma. "The Status of Women in Taiwan: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back." Women in China. Edited by Marilyn B. Young. Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 15. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, the University of Michigan, 1973. Davin, Delia. "Women in the Liberated Areas." Women in China. Leith, Suzette. "Chinese Women in the Early Communist Movement." Women in China. Bernal, Martin. "The Triumph of Anarchism over Marxism, 1906-1907." China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913. Edited by Mary C. Wright. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968. Ch'en, Jerome. "The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement--A Morphological Study." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XXIII (1960), 287-308. "China's feminist'Movement:MI Current Scene, Vol. 9, no. 1 (Jan. 7, 1971), 18-19. Leboucq, P. "Les Societes Secretes en Chine." Etudes, Series V, Vol. 7, (Nov. 1875), 197-220. Levy, Howard S. "Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of the Han." Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vol. 76 (1956), 214-227. O'Neill, W. "Feminism as a Radical Ideology." Dissent, Explorations  in the History of American Radicalism. Edited by Alfred Young. Delkalb: Northern I l l i n o i s University Press, 1968. Redfield, Robert. "The Folk Society." American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LII (1946-47), 293-308. 182 "Resolutions on the Women's Movement." Documents on Communism, National- ism and Soviet Advisors in China, 1918-1927. Edited by C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956. "Resolutions on the Women's Movement." Sixth CCP Congress, Moscow, 1928. Chinese Studies in History, Vol. 4, 229-240. Ruhlmann, Robert. "Traditional Heroes in Chinese Popular Fiction." The Confucian Persuasion. Edited by Arthur Wright. Stanford: Stanford: University Press, 1960. Salaff, Janet W., and Judith Merkle. "Women in Revolution: The Lessons of the Soviet Union and China." Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol. XV, (1970), 166-191. Skinner, G. William. "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China." Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24 (November 1964, February 1965, and May 1965), pp. 3-43, 195-228, 363-399. Teng Ying-Ch'ao. "Report on the Present Course and Tasks of the Chinese Women's Movement." Chinese Studies in History, Vol. 5, no. 2-3, (1972), 77-87. T'ien, Ju-k'ang. "Female Labour in a Cotton M i l l / " China Enters the  Machine Age. Edited and translated by Fei Hsiao-tung and Francis L. K. Hsu. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1944. Tseng, Pao-swen. "The Chinese Woman Past and Present." Symposium on  Chinese Culture. Edited by Sophia H. Chen Zen. Shanghai: China Institute of Pacific Relations, 1931. Witke, Roxane. "Woman as Politicians in China of the 1920s." Women in China. 183 III. Newspapers: The North China Herald (Shanghai), January 1895-December 1930. The China Weekly Review (Shanghai), January 1919-December 1930. esp. Blanshard, Paul. "Women of New China Loose Their Age-old Shackles." December 1927. Booker, Edna Lee. "Madame Wu Pei-fu." July 29, 1922. J.B.P. "Chinese Women Take Their Place in the Struggle for Freedom." May 21, 1927. IV. Unpublished Materials: Beahan, Charlotte L. "The Women's Press in China Prior to the Revolution of 1911." Draft of a paper prepared for a conference on "Women in Chinese Society." San Francisco, June 11-15, 1973. Sponsored by the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. Pan Yuh-cheng. The Position of Women in T' ai-p' ing T',ien-kuo. Unpub-lished Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1971. Witke, Roxane H. Transformation of Attitudes Toward Women During the  May Fourth Era of Modern China. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1970. Chinese Language Sources I. Books: Chao Feng-chieh '-IL . Chung-kuo fu-n'u tsai fa-lu shang chih ti-wei ^ -ttr h. }i i.HMi(The Legal Status of Chinese Women). Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1928. A history of women's legal status with a short section on post 1911 changes. ' 184 Ch1 en Tung-yuan P J |t7£ . Chung-kuo fu-nii sheng-huo shih *f esi^ x£r 1 ^ (A History of the Life of Chinese Women). Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1928. Hsu Tsung-tse l?t%^ > ed. Fu-nii wen-t'i tsa-p'ing Uj. %\l vfy (Notes and Comments on the Women's Question). Shanghai: Sheng-chiao tsa-chih she, 1931. A collection of articles concerned with the social aspects of women's liberation: in marriage, morals, education. Mei Sheng Jfy ± ed. Chung-kuo fu-nii wen-t'i t'ao-lun chi ^ ^ ffi •$! f<[ fj$~ |[ (Collected Discussions on the Chinese Women's Question). Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924-1928. A collection of articles primarily concerned with the problems of education, chastity, freedom of marriage and struggles against the old style family. Mei Sheng 4^ ^£ ed. Nu-hsing wen-t'i yen-chiu chi ^ ^ J ; (Collected Research on the Women's Question). Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1928. A later collection, essentially concerned with the same problems as Chung-kuo fu-nii wen-t'i t'ao-lun chi. P'i I-shu )K.^K% Chung-kuo fu-nii yun-tung ^ i j | "f^ (The Chinese Women's Movement). Taipei: Fu-lien hua kan she, 1973. The author sees the women's movement as a product of modern nationalism, and emphasises the role of the T'ung-meng-hui and Kuomintang. II. Articles: ^ Chang Hsi-shen "Chung-kuo fu-nii szu-hsiang vteyfa-ta." l U tf^^Si^ ( T h e Development of thought of Chinese 185 Women). Fu-nu wen-t'i shih-chianq r#r f^] 1^ \ f j | (Ten Discussions on the Woman Question). By Homma Hisao, Shanghai: Fu-nii wen-t'i yen-chiu hui, 1924. Hsiang Chin-yu \£) j "Chung-kuo chih-shih fu-nii te san p'ai." * f i f l h tfi-&fy rtr 3. y(K ( T n , r ? e e G r o « P s o f W o m e n i n China). Fu-nii nien-chien $^ -fr ;|^. (Women's Yearbook). Edited by Mei Sheng ^ , Shanghai: Hsin-wen-hua shu-she, 1924. . "Chung-kuo tsui-chin fu-nii yiin-tung." ^ t ^ ^ i ^ t y ^ -ir \i ^ e Contemporary Women's Movement in China). Fu-nii ,nien-chien. . "Shanghai nii-ch'uan yiin-tung chin-hou ying chu-i te san chien shih." V. y\ tfi ^llfHi t & | (Three Things the Shanghai Women's Rights Movement Should Concentrate O n ^ F r o m t r N o w 0n> Fu-nii nien-chien. Sun T'a J^t "Chung-kuo f u - n i i yiin-tung chih chin-pu."  Kf l$[ 0j -&r i f ^ 1?^ z . (Progress in the Chinese Women's Move-ment). Fu-nii tsa-chih ^ ^ (The Ladies Journal) Vol IX, (January, 1923). Wu Yu-chang Jp "Chung-kuo f u - n i i tsai wu szu yun-tung-chung tsou-shang-le tzu-chi chieh-fang te tao-lu" ^ |^ df^ -jt ~f±. d~. ^ i|f^ ^ i ^ J 6 If 4 ^ -- (During the May Fourth movement,"Chinese women begin to'stand on theifccown feet.)' Fu-nu yiin- tung wen-hsien - ^ r ^  ^^^.(iArchTvescon'the'women's movement. Hong K6ngc!iHsin-min-chuheh'u-pan-she, 1949. Arguing from economic determinism, Wu Yu-chang sees the develop-ment o f Chinese industry during the f i r s t world war as the material basis for the women's movement o f the May Fourth period. 

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